Koinon Communism and the Fate of the Self (1939-1940) by Martin Heidegger Introduction and translation of Alberto

Nicolás González Varela http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=86465 INTRODUCTION Stalin-Marx-Heidegger Alberto Nicolás González Varela by way of introduction "I expected of National S ocialism a spiritual renewal of all life, a reconciliation of the class struggle and the salvation of Western existence of the danger of Communism in ...", and confessed a private letter written in 1948 the most important philosopher of the twentieth century, Martin Heidegger, another philosopher, disciple and his form er aide, Herbert Marcuse. All his analytic of existence led to expect a renewal of the German spirit of Adolf Hitler's hands. Can a vulgar act of political comm itment to become a philosophical gesture? Undoubtedly. It has been discussed at length and intensity of the philosopher's personal commitment or if it is only n atural drift of his own philosophy. The Fall-Heidegger, the archiremanido debate about his relationship with Hitler and National Socialism, has become an endles s debate since 1945. Arguably the strange idea, as do the Heideggerian French (A ubenque) and German sacred writers (as Pöggeler), Heidegger's work was not even mediately, no germ of practical philosophy or political philosophy and pure, how ever, within the different stages of evolution, his magnum Denkweg officer, was always a professional philosopher politically engaged with the situation of thei r time within the parameters of academics in the Weimar era. Heidegger's relatio nship with the historical world would be reduced to purely corporate interests F reiburg local university and little else. The pedestrian policy slurred, "no goo d for politics" as he candidly confessed his former lover, Hanna Arendt, in cont rast to magnify Messkirch teacher to think Being locked millennium. With this op eration, hermeneutics, very sophisticated indeed, its most abstract philosophica l works would be impregnated with demonstrations and positions on the political (the heideggeriannes can not delete your texts and proclamations) of the world b ut this spurious logic of his work would be essentially peripheral to Kern, pure to the core of his thinking. The proximity, including lexical, the ideological universe Völkisch Nationalbolschewismus movement or German would rather refer to the fundamental guidelines that Heidegger gave to their attempt to "pierce" in history which occurred since the publication of Sein und Zeit, but a kind of ent anglement. Heidegger, like Thales, for clearly see the light of Being in the lan d would have fallen well Weimar policy. It just would have gotten into commitmen ts which the philosopher "meat-and-bone" dragged the philosopher "guardian-of-be ing." The philosophical work of Heidegger would thus by definition apolitical, a nd it is this apolitical visceral negative making it responsible for the series of political missteps human Heidegger, too human, whose ideas and vision of the world in 1933 are due to the psychology of frustration, resentment geography or provincial or anything (I follow the hermeneutics of innocence Aubenque, Derrida , Lacoue-Labarthe and Palmier,). The synthesis of all the arguments would be mor e or less as follows: in their confusion by re-find the true destiny of the West , in a time of deep personal crisis, where he was going out the Theologe Christl icher Heidegger and coinciding with the collapse of the republic Weimar, Prof. p etty bourgeois poor provinces, the rise of National Socialism "came upon him" wi thout blushing as the sacred writer hipercontextualiza Pöggeler Otto. For all hi s political myopia, the ontology of Heidegger, in their essential questions, it would have passed unscathed the "Sea of Sargasso "National experience, including hidden energy would have to make a fier ce critic since 1934, which demonstrates, in the negative, which existed in nuce in the philosophy of Heidegger is a real possibility" use "policy (which contra dicts all his own premises of Heidegger). But the central ideas of his philosoph y would not have been nick-ante or ex post 1933, would not have been the essenti al cause or efficient, the psychological weaknesses of the "ataraxia" man Martin Heidegger, one of the thousands of Germans confused and drawn into the politica

l turmoil of the meteoric rise of the NSDAP, as Pierre Aubenque piously reminds us.€At the end of this manipulation interpretative ontology recognizes that actu ally parked in the vicinity of the policy, namely: Heidegger himself "urbanize" the province of being by shifting categories of Sein und Zeit to the political f ield, but all this was done without undergo "elective affinities" without being their "support" to the NS-Staat reason to suspect or gather within it "prejudice s" of political empiricism. In short, it would not be possible to find any firm starting point for troubleshooting an agenda of practical philosophy in 1933, no t even a criterion used to guide practice or consider making a political decisio n resolved, according Aubenque . Only granted the opportunity to ask, in the pol itical dimension, using the issue of Technik, so Heidegger's thinking could conv erge elliptically with the burning issues of world history, but their relationsh ip is inessential to her and the kingdom policy. The obvious conclusion is that it is impossible that the ontology could "guide" or assist in the political deci sion making Martin Heidegger mortal between dark and confusing political tendenc ies of Germany in the 20s, and less in an "ideological criticism. " With no poss ibility of finding an outline of practical philosophy in the philosophy of Heide gger, even dormant, it is unlikely that the year 1933, Jahre der Entscheidung, t he year of decision as Spengler baptized, has been linked primarily to Kern, the core of their Denkweg. This rigorous and authoritarian conception of unity does not work and author, where the truth content of a philosophical corpus need not necessarily reflect the mentality and ethics of the philosopher's life, thought and historical world (excision denying Heidegger himself!) exacerbates and deep ens the autonomy so "weak" philosophy, that any behavior or action in the field of politics, per se contemptible and relegated to mere biographical note, you ca n not throw any cone shadow on his magnum opus, or be used as a via regia for ne w interpretive readings. Said dryly: Unable to discredit, to make the connection between politics and philosophy, ontology, or any other, putting the light with matters that are, by definition, "external" as it is resolved in a political de cision. At best it is recognized that Heidegger had to "distort" the famous and inflation sudden inflammation of the word Geist in the study of Derrida, philoso phy to pre-1933 with the universe being updated lexicon of NSDAP. This distortio n was produced by absorbed elements of the worldview of his time, and both the b ond with respect to National Socialism as the metaphysical gesture would be refe rred to rhetorical means of expression or Weltanschauung nihilistic ideology of mandarins or "apolitical" in the German university. All this fantastic process, which ultimately leads to an inconsistency in terminology, a "settling of accoun ts verbal" (Derrida) which ends in 1935 with the lesson Introduction to Metaphys ics, will end in a withdrawal of his short political commitment and the starting point Widerstand geistig fantastic, the "spiritual resistance" against the NS-S taat, as named his son Hermann. At this point in the history of criticism and ex egesis these brilliant pieces are obsolete and ridiculous sophistry. And is the work in the desert and upstream of the Chilean philosopher Victor Farias and Hugo Ott Fribourg historian. Admittedly, it was thanks to the uneven pathbreaking book Farias, Heidegger and Nazism, which incorporated and ma de massive revelations strict local historian Hugo Ott who until then had only a ppeared in magazines published institutional and local newsletters Freiburg and therefore inaccessible to the lay reader. It would work through his tireless arc hivist, for the first time since 1945, in the Fall-Heidegger, the number of fact s, data and information as it would upset. This resulted in the character of the dedication and total political commitment to the NSDAP Heidegger first (before January 1933), and the NS-Staat then be transformed into an incontrovertible fac t, indisputable premise for any serious debate. The incomplete source of data on the period 1930-1945 in the life of Heidegger, often planned, permitted, before cutting epistemological Ott in 1983, both hagiography and the same Heidegger He idegger,€laundry a decent save to his professional reputation and close any atte mpt to interconnect its philosophy with National policy for almost 30 years. The defense of von Meister Meßkirch only repeated, with personal variations, Filler s, distortions and omissions small fee established by Heidegger in an interview

published by Der Spiegel in 1976. It is from Ott, and thank their broad dissemin ation via Farias, that the debate about the commitment and depth of the relation ship between Heidegger and the Nazi party, has made its way the most important p hilosophical question: how and how much is involved the ontology in political de cision determined by National. In fact, this thesis is a series of interlinked i ssues: can extend this support unconditional NS-Staat, as philosophical act, to primal thought of Heidegger, including his magnum opus Being and Time truncated? , "Was indeed Heidegger The philosophy of the late-Kehre, a critic of National S ocialism or just distanced himself from the NSDAP by an idealization philosophic al world view Blut und Boden?, can one speak of a geistig Widerstand, a spiritua l resistance to nationalism since philosophical positions after 1935 as they try to assert their hagiographers?, is there a "thread of Ariadne", coherent and lo gical, between Being and Time, the NSDAP and Heidegger's version of National völ kisch vision? Overcoming Marx: a failed company A great philosopher Heidegger an d Lukács also witnessed first-time, in the 60s said that "we strongly believe no fool in terms of objectivity (whatever aspect of the issue from the subjective side and philological) to say that Heidegger's Being and Time is only one of imp osing dimensions polemic against the Marxist concept of fetishism and the philos ophical and social consequences that flow from it. "A thesis would not enjoy muc h support among heideggeriannes. Do you really controversial Heidegger was conce rned with Marx? That Heidegger's practical philosophy was developed on a soil nu trient Reaktion anti-modernist and anti-Marxism, is something that at this point no one is in question. In an interview with A. Lampe, in the context of the com mittee that France undertook épuration against all those senior officials of Nat ional Socialism in Freiburg on 25 July 1945, Heidegger said, under oath, that "s upport for National Socialism was the only and supreme ability to prevent the sp read of communism in Germany ...". It quoted his confession to Marcuse, already very early in 1934 had written about Heidegger's radical anti-liberalism and the substrate of "heroic realism" of his existential philosophy. To any careful rea der is clearly its conception in Being and Time (1927) of Americanism and Bolshe vism as Ich-Zeit, time of self, as opposed to the Community time us, Wir-Zeit, which had opened in his Volksgemeinschaft Nazism, racial-popular c ommunity faced with the liberal or the state Gesellschaft total Bolshevist is al so the plain meaning of the dictatorship of "shall" in paragraph # 27 of the sam e work. There are also two mysterious terms, without specifying the author, refe rring to the Marxist theory of alienation and reification of consciousness. Unli ke the first when the analytic of Dasein (being-there) from other approaches to facticity. It is in the first section, first chapter entitled "The exhibition of the work of a preparatory analysis of Dasein." Distinguishes his philosophy of existentialism of Max Scheler, and Dilthey's life philosophy, philosophy of scho lastic tradition and last place of one that reflects on "the reification of cons ciousness" (Veredinglichung des Bewusstseins). Heidegger does not mention copyri ght, but the reference is clear to any careful reader: it is the commodity fetis hism that Marx developed in his early writings and in the chapter of Das Kapital dedicated to the goods and ending with Warenfetischismus. The second signal wit h reference to Marx is a most important place of Being and Time on the last page , in its conclusion that announces the second part of the book ever written. The most important work again with Heidegger concludes by discussing a theory that does not mention the author and repeats the words in quotes (quote) "the reifica tion of consciousness." The places where we see the theory of fetishism and reif ication indicate that for Heidegger "that" theory, Marxism is a central issue in their debate.€Heidegger certainly suggests an alternative conception of praxis that of Marx, the famous Sorge (Priest), curiously Augustinian root! But this is sue takes us away from this introduction. We have another contact Heidegger, Mar x, this time in 1932. In the course of that year on Plato's dialogue Theaetetus, reconstructing his philosophy of history "oblivion of Being", Heidegger traces the vast chronology of this decline (in the style of Nietzsche) through Christia nity, the rationalism of Descartes , the Enlightenment, Hegel and his dialectic and ends in Marx himself. Explicitly proposes a Überwindung des Marxismus, an ov

ercoming of Marxism as a system of thought and ideological doctrine, quoting ver batim first paragraphs of The Poverty of Philosophy (1845) edition of Landshut / Meyer. Beyond its reflection on the platonische Ideenlehere, Heidegger remarks: "Theory of Ideas, budget for Marxism and the theory of ideologies. 'World View' as an ideology, abstraction, superstructure or social relations of production. Overcoming "Marxism?" (GA, 34, p. 325). Marx appears hidden in Heidegger's polit ical speeches between 1933 and 1938: work, highlight Heidegger, under National S ocialism is no more production of surplus value (Mehrwert) but the name of any w ell-ordered action, born and originated from the responsibility of citizens, soc ial groups and the German state and, thus, serves the Volksgemeinschaft, racial community-popular. The Arbeiter, the worker is just as Marx thought, a mere obje ct of exploitation, nor a kind of class of underprivileged who are collected by the class struggle, but the figure, the Gestalt jüngeriana domain to continually ties and unites all the comrades of race, Volksgenossen, the great will of the state (speech of June 30, 1933, The University in the new Reich.) The examples m ultiply. These years also working in the Archiv Heidegger Nietzsche, the task wa s a critical edition of manuscripts on the Will to Power, receiving the Kritik t o Modernism, the Enlightenment, liberalism and socialism. Marx (and Hegel) conti nue to appear throughout the '30s: a seminar on Hegel's philosophy of state, Heg el, über den Staat, which states that "the philosophy of Hegel on the state ... is so critical right now indirect than direct, ie in one direction and positive and negative. So Karl Marx returns the negative sense. In other words: we can no t understand the nineteenth-century liberalism without Hegelian thought not unde rstand the state. "(GA 36/37, p. 15) In the same seminar Heidegger discusses Marx's critique of the Foundations of He gel's Philosophy of Law, a text almost unknown juvenile at the time. The truth i s that Marx (and of course Hegel and dialectics), but absent is an author, not t o mention, is as essential polemos development and its importance increases as w e approach the year 1933. It may be noted at this point, that knowledge of Marx that has the Heidegger of the '30s is defective and the second or third hand, so criticism graze the problem even more "value-work." This decaf and little under stood Marx was a common refrain among intellectuals of the New Right and the ide ologues of the NSDAP, even to the philosophers of the likes of Dilthey, Scheler, Rickert, Simmel and Sombart. And Jung had defined the new concept of Arbeit in his book of the work. Domain and Figure (1932) as read by Heidegger (and to whic h he devoted an entire seminar) had nothing to do either with Marx or with econo mic theories "Manchester school." Heidegger used the irregular youth edition of the manuscripts, published in two volumes in the same year by two Social Democra ts, and J. Siegfried Landshut P. Mayer, entitled Karl Marx, Der Historische Mate rialismus. Die Fruhschriften. The issue was contemporary to that published in Ru ssian and in German by the IME (Marx & Engels Institute) in Moscow led by Ryazan ov, although incomplete and critical apparatus, was the dissemination of a Marx unknown. Curiously, this edition was completely burned during the burning of boo ks, "with non-German spirit," the Bücherverbrennung in May 1933, one in the Stad ion at the University of Freiburg, Heidegger against the rectory. The paradoxes of history that Marx did reappear in the life of Heidegger, this time as a media spectacle. The same issue of youth texts appear in a second interview with Germ an public TV station ZDF in 1969, where Heidegger€still haunted by his unfinishe d Überwindung Marx read to your interviewer Theses on Feuerbach XI to try, seaso n, specify a task aborted. Koinon: the text presents the unpublished text is ver y different, the only known in which Heidegger is faced immediately with Communi sm (tout court embodied by the USSR of Stalin) and mediately to Marx. The text a ppears in Volume 69 of the so-called complete edition, which was first made publ ic on the previously unpublished "History of Being," Die Geschichte des Seyns. 1 ) Die Geschichte des Seyns (1938-1940), 2) koinon. Aus der Geschichte des Seyns (1939-1940), some manuscripts for private lessons or reflections. They are crypt ic jargon and neologisms created expressly for the same Heidegger. The years are critical, the volume occupied from 1938 to 1940. Heidegger, as in all his class es and texts inserted or taken as an example of his thinking in political-histor

ical events directly related to the development of the III ° Reich or admired fi gures such as Hitler or Mussolini. Many of them are related and can only be unde rstood with previous work, of course Being and Time (1927), Introduction to Meta physics (1935), the nazi Beiträge zur Philosophie (Vom Ereignis) (1936-1938) and its various texts on Nietzsche. In his text of 1937, Nietzsche: Der Wille zur M acht als Kunst, Heidegger says that "it takes a deep knowledge and a seriousness that reaches the bottom of things in order to understand what Nietzsche has bee n designated as 'Nihilism' (Nihilismus .) For Nietzsche, Christianity is as nihi listic as Bolshevism and, therefore, that the simplest Socialism "(GA 43, p. 3031) As Heidegger puts as causes of forgetfulness of Being to Platonism, Christia nity, liberalism, socialism , Marxism and communism. In his text communism is ju st one more development which continues and completes the "roll of Power." Bolshevism in its Stalinist variant is grafted onto an article, a commodity expo rted from West to East Slavic-Asian, and she has smuggled into his Machenschaft Asia, the "machines" central to his later philosophy. At one level of meaning re fers to the ability of possession of the real in order to dominate and make it p art of our subjective ends, the realm of liberal bourgeois calculation and usefu lness. With koinon (literally from the Greek: "what is common") does not underst and Heidegger neutral sense of human community, but the group of communism, the whole of a "human body" (GA 69, p.206). So communism is in Heideggerian hermeneu tics understood as the true and proper apex of the plot and the abandonment of B eing There is also a "metaphysical identity between the authoritarian state and the state parliament, because the two are at the scene of the deployment of powe r "(Ibid, p. 189) Although it seems incredible to Heidegger as British classical liberal state is the same, in essence, a republic based on the soviets! The mos t unusual is the philosophy of Heidegger aggiornamiento to Hitler's foreign poli cy: it is in these years that the III ° Reich prepares his attack on Poland and looking for a friendship treaty with the USSR. To the astonishment of the world' s two mortal ideological enemies sign a nonaggression pact. Will the infamous Mo lotovRibbentrop agreement was signed on August 23, 1939, shortly before the star t of World War II. The understanding, as the historian Kershaw, meant "that had removed the danger of encirclement of a war on two fronts for Germany." Only the n can it be understood that Heidegger "legitimized" in his philosophy of history of Stalinism to be noted a "difference" in favor of the USSR: "Bolshevism Engli sh (sic) is the most dangerous" because his mask kept hidden parliamentary polit ics the very essence of power. Stalinism would be more honest and clear from the logic of the Geschichte des Seyns. And even Heidegger picks up a pair of concep ts already used in his essay On the Origin of the work of art (1935-1936): Welt (World) and Erde (Earth). Now attributed geopolitical content in perfect harmony with the new friends of this: "The history of the Earth (Erde) of the future is kept in the essence of the 'rusidad'. The history of the World (Welt) is assign ed to the meditation of the Germans. "(Ibid., p. 108). A perfect and philosophic al counterpart of the handshake between Hitler and Stalin on the eve of the outb reak of World War II. As Hitler said in 1939 "the question of Bolshevism is the time of secondary importance. We hurry and eat flies now as Diablo."Y" rusidad ' of the substance is a prognosis that will be implemented in June 1941. These tex ts written on the edge of the largest massacre of humanity are particularly inst ructive and reactionary weaknesses of Heideggerian thought: the theoretical diff iculty of tackling the problem of human sociability, the tendency to advocacy of catastrophism and death, the interpretation Modernity as a decadent game of pow er, the justification of elitism and authoritarianism. All lights philosophicalpolitical and epistemological paradigms that are already in Being and Time, in t exts on art and technology and their re interpretation of Nietzsche. (NGV) "Koinon" (1939/1940) Communism and the Fate of Being by Martin Heidegger metaphysics Password completeness of the modern age is histo rically essential to obtain the power of the 'community' (Kommunismus) in the co nstitution of Being in the era of total meaninglessness. The character of 'meani ngless' is understood here as meaning the concept of thought in my book Sein und

Zeit (1927). In this view, the sense (Sinn) is the projective area of the proje ction of the Being of truth (Warheit), and in turn can be understood as true lib eration (Freigabe) unveiling of Being in the clarity (Lichtung) the deployment o f Essentially, in the course of her stay up late. In this is essentially a rejec tion, that is the signal clearing of Being (Wink des Seyns). By this signal is c ollected in the gift of being itself as unique. No correspondence with the Board (Seiendem) can transport it to the language. The term 'non-sense' (Sinn-lose) m eans to be without truth: staying away from the clarity (Lichtung) of Being The complete lack of sense with the fact that this continues to remain absent in the unknowability and with it the Being forgotten disappears into oblivion. 'Being' (Sein) is now worth not only as the universal word problem not as empty and as universal, but the prominence without perplexity Ente (Seiendes). This is manife sted and affirmed in the claim to be without any further possible and therefore planned and calculable. Thereby offering the entity (Seiendes) obtained by force in Man the exclusive privilege of doing. What unstoppable unlimited opening pro duces a spell on humanity, under which the Entity is everything when it is feasi ble. 'Being' (Sein), abandonment of the Self (Seinsverlassenheit) - completeness of the lack of meaning. When the lack of sense is true, the 'Values' (Werte) (l ife and cultural values) are proclaimed as the highest order and shape of the en d of Man. The 'Values' (Werte) are always hidden translation only without the tr uth of Being a mere title, which is considered valuable and calculable in the on e area of what is feasible to do. And doing valuable the revaluation of all valu es (Umwertung aller Werte), and no matter which way they can act, is the final r epudiation in the complete lack of sense. Coming from outside the multi-value fo rm of thought (Wertgedankens) confirms the ongoing delivery of Ente in the aband onment of Being A Values without power (machtlossen Werte) corresponds impotence in the representation of values. This favors the breaking of the Power (Macht) the Ente Essence deploys its feasibility. The essence of the Entity is dissolved in pure mechanization (Machenschaft), and so through it reaches the Ente unlimi ted power and the abandonment of Being Part Ente begins his 'domain' (Herrschaft ) hidden. This is not derived from that power of the machine, which, however, de rives from the hidden history of Being (Seyns). The "machines" (Machenschaft) al one can arise only under the command of himself and find something definitive. W here the lack of sense (Sinnlosigkeit) amounts to Power (Macht), and precisely t hrough the man as calculating and captivating Subjektum of their calculation and that of all things, the elimination of all sense-that is, the question of truth of Being (Seyns) or its resonance in the Entice (Seiendheit) and its projection , must be replaced by what still remains acceptable as an adequate substitution for a given count (Rechnen) and just take into account the 'values '. The 'Value ' (Wert) is the translation (Übersetzung) of the Truth of the Essence (Wahrheit des Wesens) in quantitative and gigantic, the prevalence of 'Thinking of Value' (Wertgedankens) confirms the resignation of Ente applied in the calculation. The 'community' (Kommunismus) i s not, intended from the standpoint of thought,€in fact we all have to work, ear n, eat and have fun in equal measure, but rather in the fact that all modes of b ehavior (Verhaltungsweise) and all forms of attitude (Haltungsformen) all are in the same link under the unconditional power (Macht unbedingte) from a few unnam ed (ungenannter Weniger). Lack of Decision (Entscheidunglosigkeit), the disrupti on of increased possibility of making a decision and any decision-taking becomes the air we all breathe fairly. This become common, this is done one and all as if it were, that the industry comes stabilized the dealer the same, large estate s come dissolved, eliminated the monasteries, that all knowledge is becoming fal sifies 'Intelligentsia' (Intelligenz) and this in turn serves to find jobs and i n turn is 'Reality' specialization 'friends' (Spezi) that the production of a 'p ublic opinion' (Öffentliche Meinung) the so-called 'people' (Volk) to through ne wspapers and radio pointing to a continuing apparent form, that basically no one takes seriously except the powerful and they even just as an instrument of powe r (Machtmittel) among others, all this may appear, from the point of view of the horizon of the property and the bourgeois attitude so far, appears as the true

and own loss and as Destruction. Only this nationalization of the 'society' (Ges ellschaft) in the state means little, to the extent that the State has become a mere instrument subordinate to the single party, the party itself, in turn, the instrument of the Soviets and the the field of action of a few. It is logical th at they remain few and many unnamed nominees (Stalin and his active public envir onment) that are tolerated back in return only as figureheads. (NB: on Russia (w e know little), even when we know more, but no more sapere). With 'only a few' ( nur Weninger) means not only a very small number quite unlike the countless many who are excluded from the process of Power (Machtbesitz). The 'only a few' prac tice a particular manner of collection of any way to get power in the sheer lack of respect for the unconditional proceed. Only the 'few' know the property of b eing unlimited and security in the most tawdry of the deployment of Power (Macht entfaltung). This approach is determined metaphysically, encouraged and instigat ed exclusively by the abandonment of any Entity on the part of Being, as such un knowable. Only through these 'few' is secured so unconditional and complete unde rstanding that the 'Welfare' (Wohlfahrt) - participation in the progress of Cult ure (Kultur der Fortschritt), elimination of classes and professions, equality b etween rulers and 'governed' (Regierer) are just a front for the 'People' (Volk) - in front of which is happy and who does not look down on what exactly is the Power of the 'few' (die Macht der Weniger .) Now once again: is not that these ' few' are the wielders of power, but is its Decisional (Entschlossenheit) that ke eps all the intangible parts preeminence of Total Power (Macht vollständig) of t he institution concerning any attempt to Vision (Ensicht) and autonomous activit y of the Will (Willensvollzüge) of the unique and groups. The Despotism of the ' few' (Weniger der Despotismus) has lost its ground (Grund) to the personal greed of power of 'subjects' (Subjekt) individual, but these, in turn, unknowingly, a re used as mere bearers (Träger ) and 'lieutenants' (Statthalter) domain of the unconditioned Pure Power (Macht reign) with the sole aim of making the branch is established in their own institutions and thus ensure the appearance of the tru ly real. Who speaks here of 'materialism' (Materialismus) shows that in reality only fragments remain true to the doctrine of either the 'People' dropped on him . This "Materialism" is "spiritual" (geistig) in the highest sense of the term i n a decisive way in which they can recognize the completion of the Essenza, the spiritual essence of Western metaph ysics (from abendländisch metaphysischen Geistwesens). Vladimir Lenin was not cl ear. And that is why the so-called "danger" (Gefahr) of Communism not only about economic and social consequences, but about the fact that their spiritual essen ce, its essence as Spirit is not recognized and mutual confrontation is placed a t a level that ensures all its dominance and its irresistible fascination. (NB: If it sounds like Communism could be halted and reversed). The historical power of Communism and its true essence (NB: its spiritual essence prevents the decisi on) as oligarchic power of the Soviets (oligarchischer Sowjetmacht) is the most simple and imperative counterproof against alleged Nietzschean theory of "impote nce" of the "spirit "of the uses of Nietzsche. The "Struggle" (NB: the fight as: 1) to a level that is not your own (?); 2) It is absolutely crucially, what it means to struggle, in which the "justification" as the power is such makes unnec essary such a thing) of the Christian Church, for example, against Bolshevism (B olschewismus) will not get anything, because they are unable to recognize the sp iritual essence of Bolsheviks, because they themselves are at the service of a " spiritual" and essentially preventing Christianity definitely make any day a cha llenge against this "enemy of Bolshevism World" (Weltfeid Bolschewismus) and hav e a critical application that is essentially different and that he eradicated fr om its foundation (Grund). Especially in a "struggle" (Kampf) that degenerates a lways exclusively in simulated combat and any final agreement must awaken the kn owledge of him in his unconditional pure power domain (Ermächtigung), which is s ent from within the other as their origin and support of its essence. This is th e "engineer" (Machenschaft), the word with which one must consider an essential decision in Western history of Being (abendländischen Geschichte des Seyns). Thi s thinking (Denken) reaches a position infinitely closer to the "Reality" (Wirkl

chkeit) of the events of our times that any "Tasks" petty bourgeois (kleinbürger liche Art des 'Einsatz'). It is a false premise, without a doubt, that at some p oint this thought (Denken) is transformed into a representation and an opinion ( Vorstellen und Meinen) that can be practiced by anyone. By contrast only one thi ng is needed: knowledge (Wissen) of the inevitable multiplicity of essentially d ifferent ways in which they must act to overcome history of Communism (geschitli che Überwindung des Kommunismus). The most tenacious and stubborn impediment to generate this kind of knowledge is misconceived and nameless expectation of an i mminent return to conditions pre-communist bourgeois. This expectation is fed co ntinuously from seductive erroneous view that the "public" (Öffentliche) appears as the only real, while it is only the shadow (Schatten), which is necessary an d beyond which can not be skipped, But back to the story that unfolds its essenc e as History of Being (Geschichte des Seyns). It is not an escape from the subst ance of political reality in the "spiritual" (geistig), but rather that the poli tical thinking in the foundation (Grund) of its unlimited power reaches essence of the regions in which the "spirit" as the domain of metaphysics (Herrschaftfor m der Metaphysik) and becomes overcome by itself. And only where reigns the "spi rit" is effective as a picture that is in front and ahead of the opinion (Meinun g) of the roots of the spiritual in the "bodily" (Leiblichen) and acquires its o wn account, comprehensibility and the possible validity of an ideological profes sion of faith (Glaubensbekenntnisses). However, the "communism" (Kommunismus) is not merely a state form (bloße Staatsform), or only one type of political world view (Weltanschauung politischen), but the metaphysical constitution (Verfassung metaphysische) in which modern humanity (Neuzeit Menschentum) not only ends and meets the Modern (Neuzeit), but begins its final phase. Accustomed to run this "life" (Leben) in the search for recognized activities (welfare, and promotion o f Culture) and covered by the mantle protection of a salvation which is thought ("Eternal Happiness"), the man, now i n the security that comes slowly and appears as a time become bankrupt and witho ut foundation, falls into a confusion pendulum that allows either party try sear ching with my eyes on the "Purpose" (Ziel) that must be overcome at this time an d must rush to self-identity, when growing the skills and the pleasure of bodily life really is not maintained but the unconditioned extension of these "Purpose " (Ziel) to the entire human body (Menschenmasse) pleased and healthy, cultured, industrialized, technocratic, continually re-announces the increase of these vi tal interests, when the European peoples but in their wills are unable to avert war€either the claim of "interest" (interest) owned or exclusively for some time to ensure the achievement of the satisfaction of these "interests", or now forc ed achieving necessarily pressing on the essence of interest, with the correspon ding War Mass (Massenkrieges), arranged in the unconditioned, and all confirm th at everywhere in modern humans is in the now, that is the metaphysically given E nte (metaphysisich bestimmte Seiendes). The worsening confusion in the Ente (Sei endes) can not grasp what's next, the fact that the flight of the Self (Seyn) de termines the History (Geschichte) in its essence (Wesen). This opens the way for a state, ensuring full and complete life cycle of interest, but it makes it gro w in the inconceivable state of uncertainty of a decision (Entscheidung). The th reat of a human being from that which is the domain of an unconditioned own safe handling of all measures of protection and defense, the threat is presaged inex orably while rejecting his appearance (Schein) contains the notice of what the m odern man, which calculates and govern until the end of metaphysics, can not eve r be able to learn. This is never available, not because she is too far beyond t heir usual areas, but because the ad is so close (nahe) that the man who thinks in the safety (sicherung) should already have continually missed this proximity to hidden essence (verborgenen Wessen) ... The "communism" (Kommunismus) is the metaphysical constitution of the People (metaphysische Verfassung der Völker) in the final stage of completion of Modernity (Neuzeit), which is given and the fa ct that in the beginning Modernity itself must put its essence, although it does so hidden, in power (Macht). From a policy perspective this happens in the hist ory of modernity in the English state (englisch Staaten). This state, thought ab

out its essence apart from existing forms of government, social or religious bel ief, is the same thing (dasselbe) that the state (Staat) in the Union of Soviet Republics (Sowjetrepubliken), with only a huge difference in the appearance of c ounterfeit morality and education of people who make everything safe and unneces sary show of force, while Consciousness "modern" (neuzeitliche Bewusstsein) with more security needs, although no claim of Happiness Pueblo (Völkerbeglückung), is masked itself in the very essence of power. The bourgeois-Christian form of " Bolshevism" English (bürgerlich-christliche englische Form des "Bolschewismus") is the most dangerous. Without their annihilation (Vernichtung) Modernity contin ue maintained. (NB: or at least delayed its completion). "(Translation: Nicolás González Varela) (The translated text of the home pages 199-211 of the 1998 Germ an edition, Die Geschichte des Seyns 69. 1. Seyns Die Geschichte des (1938-1940) / 2. koinon. Aus der Geschichte des Seyns (1939), edited by P. Trawny, 1998, XI I, 230p, Vittorio Klostermann, Frankfurt am Main.)