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The Persian presence in the Islamic world

The thirteenth volume based on the Giorgio Levi Della Vida conference
series at UCLA assesses the role played by the Iranian peoples in the devel-
opment and consolidation of Islamic civilization. In his key chapter, Ehsan
Yarshater casts fresh light on that role, challenging the view that, after reach-
ing a climax in Baghdad in the ninth century, Islamic culture entered a period
of stagnation and decline. In fact, he maintains, a new and remarkably cre-
ative phase began in Khurasan and Transoxania, symbolized by the adoption
of Persian as the medium of literary expression. Persian literary and intellec-
tual paradigms and a mystical world-view spread from Anatolia to India. By
the mid-sixteenth century, they were being supported and cultivated in the
three empires that encompassed the greater part of the Islamic world: the
Ottoman, the Safavid, and the Mughal. Professor Yarshater also challenges
some traditional assumptions and recent claims about the "Islamization of
Persia" or "Persianization of Islam."
In the chapters which follow, six distinguished scholars consider the his-
torical, cultural, and religious aspects of the Persian presence in Islamic

Richard G. Hovannisian is Professor of History and tbe Holder of the
Armenian Educational Foundation Chair in Armenian History at the Uni-
versity of California, Los Angeles.
Georges Sabagh is Professsor of Sociology at the University of California,
Los Angeles.

Gustave E. von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies Gustave E. von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies
University of California, Los Angeles University of California, Los Angeles

The Persian presence in the Islamic world

May 10--12, 1991


Reverend G. C. Anawati, O. P., Dominican Institute. Cairo
Amin Banani, University of California, Los Angeles
Franz Rosenthal, Yale University
Georges Sabagh, University of California. Los Angeles The Giorgio Levi Della Vida Medal of the Gustave E. von Grunebaum
Bertold Spuler, University of Hamburg Center for Near Eastern Studies, University of California, Los
Andreas Tietze, University of Vienna
Speros Vryonis, Jr., New York University Angeles, is awarded biennially to an outstanding scholar whose work
t Andre Miquel, Col/ege de France has significantly and lastingly advanced the study of Islamic civiliza-
Recipient of the Twelfth Giorgio Levi Della Vida Award tion. The scholar is selected by a committee appointed by the chan-
in Islamic Studies cellor of the University of California, Los Angeles, meeting under the
chairmanship of the director of the Gustave E. von Grunebaum
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS Center for Near Eastern Studies.
The award carries with it a bronze medal and a prize of money,
Issued under the auspices of the
Gustave E. von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies,
together with the obligation to present in person a formal lecture as
University of California, Los Angeles part of a conference at the University of California, Los Angeles. The
recipient of the award chooses the theme of the conference and selects
I. Logic in Classical Islamic Culture, edited by G. E. von Grunebaum (1970) the other participants. The proceedings of each conference are pub-
2. Theology and Law in Islam, edited by G. E. von Grunebaum (1971) lished in a special series, of which this volume is the thirteenth.
3. ArabIc Poetry: Theory and Development, edited by G. E. von
Grunebaum (1973) The first award was made in May 1967 to Professor Robert
4. Islam and Cultural Change in the Middle Ages, edited by Speros Brunschvig of the Sorbonne. Subsequent recipients have been
Vryonis. Jr. (1975) Professors Joseph Schacht of Columbia University (1969), Francesco
5. Individualism and Conformity in Classical Islam, edited by Amin Gabrieli of the University of Rome (1971), Gustave E. von
Banani and Speros Vryonis. Jr. (1977)
Grunebaum of the University of California, Los Angeles (1973, post-
6. Society and the Sexes in Medieval Islam, edited by Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid
Marsot (1979) humously), Shlomo Dov Goitein of Princeton University (\975),
7. Islamic Studies: A Tradition and its Problems, edited by Malcolm H. Franz Rosenthal of Yale University (1977), Albert Hourani of the
Kerr (1980) University of Oxford (1979), w. Montgomery Watt of the University
8. Islam's Understanding ofItself, edited by Richard G. Hovannisian and of Edinburgh (1981), Fazlur Rahman of the University of Chicago
Speros Vryonis. Jr. (J 983)
(1983), Charles Issawi of Princeton University (1985), Annemarie
9. Ethics in Islam, edited by Richard G Hovannisian (1985)
10. The Modem Economic and Social History of the Middle East in its
Schimmel of Harvard University (1987), Andre Miquel of the College
World Context, edited by Georges Sabagh (1989) de France (1989), and Ehsan Yarshater of Columbia University
II. Poetry and Mysticism in Islam: The Heritage of Riiml, edited by Amin (1991).
Banani. Richard G. Hovannisian. and Georges Sabagh (1994)
12. The Thousand and One Nights in Arabic Literature and Society, edited
by Richard G Hovannisian and Georges Sabagh (1997)

Los Angeles and GEORGESSABAGH University of California. Los Angeles gCAMBRIDGE ~ UNIVERSITY PRESS . HOVANNISIAN Unil'ersity of California.The Persian presence in the Islamic world EDITED BY RICHARD G.

P486 1997 126 303. Middle East-Civilization- Congresses.dc21 96-49582 CIP GEORGE SALIBA ISBN 0521 591856 hardback 3 The West-Eastern Divan: the influence of Persian poetry in East and West ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL 147 4 Ideas of time in Persian mysticism GERHARD BOWERING 172 5 Persian miniatures: illustrations or paintings OLEG GRABAR 199 6 The Persian contribution to Islamic historiography in the pre-Mongol period C. Melbourne 3166. United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS CONTENTS The Edinburgh Building. Series: 2 Persian scientists in the Islamic world: astronomy from Giorgio Levi Della Vida conferences. Australia © 1998 by the Regents of the University of Califomi a This book is in copyright. III.PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE The Pitt Building. Oak leigh. no reproduction of any part may take place without page viii the written permission of Cambridge University Press. Ehsan Typeset in Monotype Times 10 on 12pt [sEl Yarshater A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library GEORGES SABAGH xi Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data Introduction The Persian presence in the Islamic world I edited AMIN BANANI by Richard G. 13th conference. Richard G. p. lran-Civilization-Congresses. Hovannisian and Georges Sabagh. 13) The Persian presence in the Islamic world ISBN 0521591856 (hb) EHSAN YARSHATER 4 1. 2. NY 10011-4211. Maragha to Samarqand DS266. List of illustrations Preface ix First published 1998 Acknowledgments x Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press. EDMUND BOSWORTH 218 7 The influence of Persian language and literature among the Turks GERHARD DOERFER 237 Index 250 vii . Cambridge CB2 IRP.48'217671055 . Cambridge CB2 2RU. . USA 10 Stamford Road. Sabagh. United Kingdom 40 West 20th Street. Trumpington Street.(Giorgio Levi Della Vida conferences. Cambridge Presentation of award to thirteenth recipient. New York. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements. II. cm. Georges. Hovannisian. I.

a fairly large number of citations.022l (courtesy Arthur M. Arthur M. Washington." British the Persian share in the development of Arabic adab and wisdom lit- Library add. to 18113. 3 "Humay and Humayun battling. 18113." British Library add. 18b scholarly opinion. Sackler Gallery. fol. c. or the actual contributions of scholars such as Abu Ma 'shar 5 "Bihzad found by Humay and Azar. I have deliberately Kirmani. of Balk or Avicenna. drawn on the writings of many scholars who have addressed the fol. or Omar Khayyam remain 18113. fo1. Diwan. however. adab Farsi 908. or RazI. British Library add.C. dated 1488-89. as such. I hope. 7 "Nomadic encampment from Shah Tahmasp's Quintet References are generally given in short titles. Hence. 1539-43.3b outside the scope of my chapter. by Mis Sayyid 'Ali.. dated 1396. Arabic translations from Middle Persian. Harvard publication details will be found in the Bibliography at the end of the University Art Museums 1958. 4 "Humay and Humayun feasting in a garden. I have not sought to cover Persian contributions." British Library my own view of the subject. but a more comprehensive picture of the add. that I have 6 'The unwelcome guest at a mosque. 26a Persia in the Islamic world.fo1." British Library add." Sa'di. 23a Islamic civilization. (courtesy Harvard University Art Museums) Ehsan Yarshater 8 "A school scene. ILLUSTRATIONS PREFACE Plates between pages 72 and 73 In elaborating and amplifying the paper that I read at the conference "Humay at the court of the Faghfur of China. addressed the major issues concerning the function and place of National Library. or BIrunI. 18113. fo1. Thus. Sackler Museum) Figures 1 Ptolemy'S Model for the superior planets 131 2 'Un. 40b erature.l1's Lemma 133 3 'Urql's Model for the motion of the superior planets superimposed over that of Ptolemy 135 4 The Tusf Couple 136 5 Qushjf's modification of Ptolemy's Model for Mercury 143 viii . full titles and other of Nizami".75 (Gift John Goelet) chapter." possibly by Mis Sayyid 'Ali. fol. S86." Khwaju on the Persian Presence in the Islamic World. 12a (by permission of the British Library) various aspects of the question so as to give at the same time not only 2 "Humay at the gate of Humayun's castle. D. 18113. Bustan. Cairo.

Richard Hovannisian. all its shortcomings remain mine. Los Angeles. it is particularly appropriate that we at the I am indebted to Professor Franz Rosenthal.D. but not least. Gerhard Doerfer. I am grateful to and Cultures from 1968 to 1973. Professor Yarshater received a doc- chapter. honor one of the most eminent read the greater part of my chapter and from whose erudition and contributors to and interpreters of Iranian history. Professor Yarshater has been the single record my thanks to my colleagues Professors C. and Persian Litera/LIre. literature. and bibliographical conversance I have benefited. xi . von Grunebaum Center for Near Professor Ehsan Yarshater is the distinguished recipient of the thir- Eastern Studies for graciously bestowing on me the Giorgio Levi teenth prestigious Giorgio Levi Della Vida Award in Islamic Studies. Della Vida Medal for Islamic Studies in 1991. for their encouragement and support. the United States. Director of Columbia's Center for Iranian Studies. this culture. the Per~ian Heritage Series. He chaired the Department of Middle Eastern Languages for compiling the index. Edmund Bosworth. he was appointed. Jr. the Persian Studies Series. does not associate him in any way with the ideas expressed in my A native of Hamadan. who kindly agreed to University of California. Highlights of Persian Art (with Richard Ettinghausen). volume 3 of the Cambridge Historr of' Iran. I should like also to For more than thirty years. I am thankful to Dina Amin for her languages at the University of Tehran. and George a prodigious scholar of great intellectual standing in his field. Georges Sabagh. and since 1966 has served as Professors Amin Banani. of the Encyclopaedia Iranica and as organizer and editor of the annotated translations of Tabari's monumental Histor\'. The many other publica- tions that he has authored or edited include A Grammar of SOLithem Tati Dia/ects. Presentation of award to thirteenth recipient. and to Farshad Mamudi University. /ran Faces the Seventies. He is also the founding editor of the Persian Text Series. I should like to thank also torate from the University of Tehran in 1947 and a Ph. Professor Yarshater stands at the top of a broad field of research that spans Iranian studies from the pre-Islamic period across the entire Islamic era. and he is Gerhard Bowering. ACKNOWLEDG MENTS EHSAN YARSHATER GEORGESSABAGH University oj California. Saliba for agreeing to present papers at the conference on "The Considering that Los Angeles has the largest Iranian community in Persian Presence in the Islamic World" organized by the Center. in 1974. Among his many achievements are his ongoing efforts as editor and founder. and Columbia Lectures on Iranian Studies. Oleg Grabar. and Speros Vryonis. After teaching pre-Islamic Iranian which were not easily accessible. Needless to say. from the Professor Ahmad Ashraf for helping me secure a number of books University of London in 1960. Los Angeles I am grateful to the Gustave E. editorial assistance and to Samara Zwanger and Jorge Coronado for Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies at Columbia their care in the typing of the manuscript. most creative force in Iranian studies in the Western world. Last. in 1961. Iran.

After receiving a doctorate in classical Persian litera- ture of the Islamic period from the University of Tehran. The crowning edifice of Ehsan Yarshater's labors is the prodigious production of the Encyclopaedia Iranica. art. Yarshater obtained another doctorate from the University of London in classi- cal philology and pre-Islamic studies under Professor W. xii Georges Sabagh The theme of the conference." reflects Professor Yarshater's view that a comprehensive Introduction understanding of Islamic culture and its brilliance requires the study of Persian lIterature. The others include C. B. His prolific publications. the Persian Heritage Series. Gerhard Biiwering of Yale University. and the contemporary Persian Literature Series. Henning. In the thirty-year-Iong history of the distinguished recipients of the Giorgio Levi Della Vida Award no one has more clearly deserved the honor than Professor Ehsan Yarshater. his incisive and elegant scholarship continues to enrich the field. Professor Yarshater invited a number of distinguished scholars to address with him the many facets of this theme ranging from poetry. This traditional learning with its thorough emphasis on Arabic and Persian primary sources combined with a critical. and George Saliba of Columbia University. institutionalization and dissem- ination of knowledge in all fields related to Iranian studies include the founding and editorship of the journal Rahnama-ye Ketab. on the criterion of dominat- ing his broad field of scholarship. ethical wisdom. professionalization. and astronomy. the estab- lishment and directorship of the Foundation for Translation and Publication of Books. myslIclsm. membership of the editorial boards of the Corpus inscriptorum Iranicarum. Gerhard Doerfer of Giittingen University. by far the single most . and language to painting. 'The Persian Presence in the Islamic World. the creation and editorship of the Persian Text Series. Edmund Bosworth of the University of Manchester. and mystical thought. systematization. The Cambridge History of Iran (general edi- torship of the third volume of which stands as a signal monument to his scholarship). Annemarie Schimmel and Oleg Grabar. Ranging in competence across the entire spectrum of Iranian studies from classical philology to con- temporary literature. analytic Western training is what sets Ehsan Yarshater apart from his contemporaries. include pioneer and original contributions on such diverse topics as the decline of classical Persian poetry in the fifteenth century and the origins of the Mazdakite movement in the Sassanian era. are themselves recipients of the Giorgio Levi Della Vida Award in Islamic AMIN BANANI Studies. Two of these scholars. ranging over the entire span of Iranian civilization. His tireless and pioneering efforts on behalf of the organization. and the Tabari Translation Project. historiography.

and modern chauvinistic perceptions have been racialist and imperialist context. the tendency shifted to attribute It is against this disturbing background that the present volume the formative elements in the dynamic Muslim civilization to neigh. made outstanding contributions to the knowledge preservation and appreciation of that gift. influences bode ill for the recognition. Drawing upon the most competent drive to highlight the role of ancient Greece in the formation of expertise of scholars in the world. So far as Persia was concerned. Just as romanticized philhellenism fed the taken anywhere at any time." or "Aryan Purity" are always accompanied century. Persia and her presence in the world of these debates are easily and banefully misinterpreted." "Turkism. or even the deadly virus of modern chauvinism invades and infects so much as much as about India or China. that was the substance of the Shu'ubiyya debate has been depicted as Western scholarship now gives the promise of outgrowing its national antagonism. fair appraisal. Turks. At a time when cross-currents of adverse upon Persia and India. Persia. of ancient and pre-Islamic Iran." act of daring. our notions of cultural develop- of our scholarly pursuits. that "If we knew as much about the teenth biennial Giorgio Levi Della Vida conference. the Encyclopaedia lranica is the Islamic civilization. The ebb and flow of underlying ideological currents in Western ori- ness. and even sur. The early cul. At a time when culture of ancient Iran as about ancient Egypt or Babylonia. and much scholarship is con- ism. with commendable fair. thought to Islamic philosophy and science became the primary focus . Few European Islamists paid attention to the world of Islam and tensions. Hyperbolic claims of ethnic supremacy paraded late eighteenth century and continuing into the mid twentieth as "Arabism. Whether by overt cultural policies or by covert finan- imperialist hegemony over the globe. 2 AminBanani Introduction 3 significant scholarly enterprise in the realm of Iranian studies under. and chauvinist will find in it comfort for his exaggerated and ahistorical India. has been filtered through overt or unconscious layers of reli. make-up of Islamic civilization. this encyclopedia lays the groundwork for the systematic notwithstanding. The contributions of Greek Islamic civilization. culture were identified and studied. and free of unwarranted ethnocentric bias is a mark of integrity. In this perspective Islam was cial inducements such partisan tendencies are even promoted in some first excoriated as an inferior false faith. stands as a model of scholarly integrity and objectivity. To do so with scrupulous care. Western scholarly focus upon the Middle East. a more pernicious late nineteenth-century most substantive work of Middle Eastern scholarship ever under. attitudes in the Middle East still casts an ominous shadow. primarily those of Greece. and through it.the superiority of the Aryan race . ~)f European orientalists. but the regrettable reflection of those projected back into anachronistic contexts. The romantic European philhellenism of the nineteenth views. by thinly veiled animosity toward neighbors and depreciation of their gious polemics and/or racist supremacy created to justify European cultural merit. As the sources of Islamic American and European academies. Under the impact of twentieth-century nationalism beyond the Arab lands. racialist motivations civilization. Thus. to seek a forum and gather a group offellow ment in Asia would probably be widely different from what they are scholars to discuss 'The Persian Presence in the Islamic World" is an at present. entalism had its backlash against the prominence of Persia in the For nearly the entire span ofIslamic history the synergy of the inte. to the world of humanity. entered into the lives of Muslim communities from the Indian sub. No Persian boring and older civilizations. wonderful book Sino-lranica. beginning in the taminated by them. a romantic championing of the Arab "noble savage" became the continent to the Iberian peninsula have given rise to dynamic debates vogue. But all readers will gain a finer appreciation of the quality of century which identified Greece as the source of Western genius gave the offerings which the Persians have brought to the banquet of a strong impetus to this tendency. Still scholars could bemoan the fact. and Persians reflect the ludicrous by the inherent preconceptions and assumptions of modern oriental.helped to focus taken in the United States. The enormous boldness of Ehsan Yarshater in undertaking the as the anthropologist Berthold Laufer did in the introduction to his Encyclopaedia lranica is reflected in his choice of theme for the thir. European idea . Islamic culture became a double victim of European racialist tenden- tural clash of Arab tribal vanity and Persian bureaucratic snobbery cies and the subsequent neglect of Arabist and Islamist orientalists. notions of racial purity and superiority. Prevailing The tendentious misreadings of earlier ages have been exacerbated attitudes among Arabs. Concurrently with the spread of grative Islamic religion and the diverse cultural components that European imperialist penetration of north Africa and western Asia. in the late nineteenth and early vival of much that is the gift ofIranian culture to the legacy of human twentieth centuries Western scholarship.

In addressing this task I face a dilemma. 541T. the sciences. I On the rapid and spectacular growth of Islamic civilization see F. "Persia and the Arabs:' Legacy ophy and the natural sciences. Firsgthe richness their lore and learning. In the tenth century or a little later. Mussulman CullUre. For the continuation of ancient Middle Eastern patterns and of Islam. 72. Achieving the proper balance is Persian and Byzantine empires. The Arab element provided the faith. I shall attempt to present here a inspired by a fervent faith and charismatic leadership. In crumbling Persian empire and much of the Byzantine territory as the process I hope to offer much-needed correction to some common well. E. 63-65. 45. 60-88. the common language. Fa)r ai-Islam. administrative and fiscal organization. thought about the consensus on the Persian share in Islamic civiliza- Arabic.' The classical phase of Islamic civilization began at Medina. pp. 3 Secoria)t has frequently and the theocratic leadership. 98-124. paradigms of civilization in Islam see I. 1 tions. Amln. ence of Persian officials and administrators. Lapidus. G. Within a short span of time the Muslims gave rise to a new. 24\. S(udies on Ihe Cil'ili=a1ian HislOriography. the of failing to do justice to my subject. pp. Islam. most of which were incorporated into early Islamic civi- the Arab. 10. Greek belles-lettres and religious ~ of Persia. myths and legends. and the Hellenistic. pp. Stagnation led to decline. See also von Kremer. 164-228. W. 28. 20. 59-60.sand the direct influ- as well. R. Islamic Societies. H. ) See below. political theory and practice. and reached its apogee in Baghdad in the ninth century. and their cultural of pre-Islamic Persian experience was recognized: the religious tradi- traditions. nificance of their conversion to Islam see R. when the two superpowers of the seventh century. of a vast and expanding empire in which the conquered populations While I was preparing my presentation for the conference. however. Gibb. and the ground was prepared for the Columbia University immolation of the caliphate and the devastation of the greater part of the Muslim Middle East by pagan Mongol hordes in the thirteenth century. pp. was nourished in Damascus. encompassing religious thought. Bartold). Rosenthal. Islam was born at an opportune bution of other peoples. and the abuses of royal and sacerdotal powers and so often projected on to the past.. V. and an official language. administrative models. A.--' 2 For a general survey of the role that Persians played in the Islamic world and the sig· ted chiefly by Syriac-speaking people. to which the conquered peoples contributed frequently been'discussed and written about since. von Grunebaum. 73tI. The fall of Baghdad in 1258 marked not only the death knell To the memory of A\lmad Tafazzoll (1937~1997) of the Abbasid caliphate but also the end of an era. "classi- cal" Islamic civilization began to lose its inner strength and cohesive- EHSAN YARSHATER ness. state- The different contributions that were synthesized in Islamic civi. 271T. craft. and morals and manners. pp. I. tion that emerged toward the end of the nineteent~ntury and has dynamic civilization. and manners and court lization have been closely studied and much debated. when the strains of the present are war. The Arabs. Three stand out: etiquette. heavy taxes. The Persian presence in the Islamic world 5 beliefs played no part in the Islamic world. and regional pride has tended to had become paralyzed by their inner contradictions. Pu(w'I-Isliim. Barthold (V. transmit. literature. ethical wisdom. The Persian presence in the Islamic world was more varied. color academic debate. A. . The Hellenistic component. had been exhausted by protracted all the more difficult in these times. pp. yet in attempting to avoid bias I run the risk moment. Slrei/dige. however. 12. the task before me is to elucidate and characterize the share of the Persians and Persian tra- I General: scholarly opinion in the East and West ditions in the formation and development of Islamic civilization. was confined mainly to philos. Amln. xixf. pp. p. "The 4 . Underscoring the sig- The prevailing view of the development of Islamic civilization has nificance of the Persian element may appear to minimize the contri- been a relatively simple one. overran the judicious assessment of the Persian presence in the Islamic world. Assuming that this general outline is valid. pp. their political experience. I became united by a universal religion. 70. The victorious Arab armies suddenly found themselves masters assumptions. historical accounts. 8. The Persian component 1 . the Persian. Nevertheless. though there were others lization through the translation of Persian work. A. Levy.

"heretjc"~ see H. Thousand and One Nights)6 And in their boastful expressions of satisfied were Iranian populations. moral laxity. Schaeder. Muslim Studies. and also some of the Arab tribes who had settled in one of their own 7 The Shu'ubtmovement (or rather. as well as of leading scholars and men of Sasanid emperors and Buzurgmihr. 6. and the references cited there. H. Amin. 70 for a fuller citation. 6 On Persian mores serving as models for elaborate fun and amusement and pteasure- With the transfer of the center of the Empire to the East. 996. 17b. 101fT. the famous musician. they matched a bad habit of some Arab braggarts with or central Asia. :(llUlik. Sourdel. in an anti-Shu'ubi mood. 191-94. I. Cf. I. Islam. M. istration. tion of Persian men of letters. Hodgson.crime." Mahdi and al-HiidJ. jahiz's strictures. S See GoJdziher. W. exuberance attributable. 288-93." pp." pp. who represented the hegemony of the responsible as well for a good deal of loose living. Pers. 91-93. pp. Khurasan. words. musicians. nowhere stronger than backbone of Umayyad power naturally did not help the Umayyad in Persia 8 And if it is true that the Abbasids emulated the Sassanian cause. p. which spirit of dogmatism and intolerance from the Sassanians. Furthermore. I. 274-9J. 8. the chapter On the Shu'flbiyya. and fiscal officers. secre. "who swagger round and exalt the wisdom of the taries. whether living in Iraq. and of revelry. p. were. particularly pp.9 their gravity of the Islamic empire toward the eastern caliphallands. Certainly. the non-Arab converts and their physicians. 134-35. B. Iran in frilhislamischer Zeit. The very adoption of the term :imlfq for particularly rich in Persian cultural life. G. p. see A. p. Bosworth. Furthermore. 280. J. n. G. involvement of Ibrahim Maw~iIi (742-804). B. 127fT. ~ "lslamisme et parsisme:' p. and cultural sophisticated outlooks and7dvanced methods of the native elites. EP. p. gen- In the early Abbasid period the great majority of viziers. I. Muslim Stlldies. in no small measure. The incorpora. E. despite the splendid formed the cultural complexion of Islamic society. racial pride. points to Persian inspiration «Mid. was dis. The exhaustion of the Syrian forces that served as the non-Arabs over Arabs. 193.43. the Muslims relied on the I11mviilT. as Goldziher notes. Le Vizirat 'abbaside. mathematicians. for a discus- 4 EF. I. 111-12. they are said to have been in 750 CE of the Umayyads. Spuler. sion of the term). and below. tion of their large populations into the Muslim community trans.4 7 See Goldziher. . 182.i~.. which sought to prove the superiority of fighting men. lrallische Beilriige. grammari- omy Islam had to borrow from their rich traditions. The transfer of the capital from Damascus to Baghdad soon monarchy in fusing together political and religious authority in the after the fall of the Umayyads represented a shift of the center of person of the caliph. philosophers. I. Goldziher.. Persian influences became stronger and stronger. A"':-'7 This traditional outline will no doubt occasion a number of reser- third aspect of this traditional view is the notion of the profound vations. p. on the power of the Barmakids. the ruthless persecution of consensus that it was under the Abbasid caliphs that the Persians heretics and the zindiqs (mostly Manichaeans) under al-Mahdt achieved ascendancy in government and in cultural life. pp. See also 1. to the vital participa- that. Literary History. pp. pp.. Kiliib Age of Islam." p. and that in doing ans. Islamic Socielies. geographers. J. in caliphal bouts Sasanid Persian models were followed in the court and the government. The Golden paraphrase.45. 21. Particularly dis. and the adah of Ibn al-MuqafYa< over that of the Prophet and the caliphs. stemming in large measure from the conurbation of Baghdad . erally of Persi~~ extraction. Browne. especially pp. and Arab tribal aristocracy. "The Social Significance of the Shu'iibiyya. 147IT. 31. pp. Lapidus. and Sources of Islamic Civilization. III. they inherited as well. nor does Iranian territories (including much of Transoxania). cr. who took the lead in the intellectual life of Islam. pp. This process of Persian is at ion continued during the reigns of al. and so. especially pp. sexual deviation. S. c. "The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature. 62fT. astronomers. Flick. rhetoric) of the Khurasan and were disaffected over the loss of their privileges as eighth and ninth centuries. 493: Persians began to play an increasingly important part in both political and "The vocabulary of urban lowlife . "Central Asia. dhamm al-kllt/ab. see E. theologians. it has been often remarked. See Jal). in order to meet this challenge and maintain its doctrinal auton. Cf. Venture of Gibb. was mainly the result of dissatisfaction indulgence in la dolce vita (mirrored so graphically in the tales of A among eastern Muslims. (I 6 / Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 7 been declared that conquering Islam was challenged by the more tinguished by intellectual advances. particularly dualists professing Islam." p. 108fT. both Arab and non-Arab. In the words S On the share of Persians in various branches ofleaming and also in Islamic admin- of Bernard Lewis. among other things. begging. 496. both gifts of Arabia. and even over that of the Qur'an:' to quote Bosworth's letters. literary innovations. 145-46. D. it is only fair to mention that. was. It does not give sufficient weight to the importance of the social and political consequences of the gradual Islamization of vast Islamic faith and the Arabic language. 5 descendants. pU~/a'I-Islqm. 204. Spuler. as the early Abbasid period has been labeled. of Persian stock. against the secretaries. the destruction of seeking excesses. and the Arab aristocratic monopoly of high office. Muslim Studies. the fall achievements of men of Persian descent. it do justice to the political and theocratic leadership of the Arabs. I. as far as we know." pp. the chapter on 'Arab and <Ajam. "The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature. I. a spirit that were populated chiefly by Persians. it was a matter of manifested itself in. and the firm establishment in p.

. and then produced a literature in Arabic that combined Persian Khaldun's History one may perhaps conclude that in his mind. epistolary the founders of grammar were Sibawayh and. Kulwrgeschichtliclu: Strei/=l1ge. however.were Persians: the firs! is true. critically sifted the traditions of the Prophet. Cairo ed. Then they would produce works of literature. The parentheses are Rosenthal's." p. F. "Most of the Scholars in translators who served as major transmitters of Persian traditions to Islam have been Non-Arabs (Persians). What they produced was not an exact translation of the Persian speech. These Persians who were Arabicized and what follows that by <ajam Ibn Khaldiin meant the Iranians of the former Sassanian the Arabs who had a share of Persian culture filled the world in this Abbasid empire. p. biography. being merged masters of the systemization of Arabic grammar. n. 13 His comments on the mixture of Arabic and Persian cultures atic scholarly works. In his translation nourishment that they could not find in Arabic. advantage the new religious movement of Islam by imparting to it an intellectual phy. after him. the great savants who founded the prin- but in the intellectual domain she soon began to assert the supremacy to which the ciples of jurisprudence. the Persians would (reach it and) take it. Take from what is generally called the commentators of the Koranic texts. the specialists who selected and in that great Muhammadan Empire which stretched from Gibraltar to the Jaxartes. the truth of the following statement by the Prophet becomes apparent: "If scholarship hung suspended from the highest during this period are worth quoting further: part of heaven.. from Persian models. even Arabic grammar. Thus. acknowledged. "II Among the examples he cites is the fact that Amin has also expounded on the areas in which Persian domina- tion was clearly visible: narrative and wisdom literature. AmIn devoted a chapter in the first volume of his teenth-century Arab historian and social scientist. who. p. lexicogra.the eighth century . 1206. life. poetry. al-Farisi" and az. Cf. Cf. thereby becoming cultivated and refined in their minds and non-Arab teachers. 69f. A. and its founder was an Arab." Under this heading Ibn Islam. and a systematic order. I. I.: ing the Arab conquest reads almost as a paraphrase ofJbn Khaldiln: «Polltically. medicine.. tradition. \0 scholarship. where the debt of Arabs to Persians in government and social institutions is of Islamic sciences during the first two or three hundred years immediately follow. After mentioning the many entitled. Even the forms of state organization were largely adapted 13 Cf. and gion. 313. developed a plan for a comprehensive history of have subscribed to this outline. their thoughts. letters AJ:!mad Amln. and entertainment and (Persians) engaged in the task of preserving knowledge and writing system- music. p. Wiet. . pp. 543. G. Browne's conunent on the share of the Persians in the development p. most Muslim scholars both Persian into Arabic]. with few exceptions. Kittib al-tlij attributed to ja~q. because sedentary from it and has its impress and follows its footsteps. From the title of Ibn them. III. Rosenthal. the distinguished Egyptian cultural historian and man of ing divergent views in general. Rosenthal. scholarship in religious and other disciplines. 204." and the best part is gone. a number of eminent Islamic scholars in all periods l:Iami"d al-'Abbiidi". When a tered both Persian and Arabic. the work contributed by Persians. together with Taha l:Iusayn and 'Abd al- \~» Nevertheless. III. others. he writes: Khaldun states: But there is another fact no less important [than translation direct from It is a remarkable fact that. Therefore they devoted them- Rosenthal explains the tenn "non~Arabs": "In Arabic linguistic usage. 311. This is so in spite of the fact that Islam is an Arabic reli. Only the non-Arabs broad patronage of learning and free debate. in practice 'ajam came to be synonomous withfilrs (Persian). a discipline. those who distinguished themselves in theology as well as ability and subtlety of her people entilled her. Ibn Khaldun. it is cle~r from content with Arabic eloquence . Muslim Studies. and then a new literature sciences. They devoted themselves to the reading of scholar is of Arab origin. Thus. and that is that there were a number of people who mas- in the religious and in the intellectual sciences have been non-Arabs. p. theology. and found in it 10 AI-Muqaddima. which is not called European literature but has resulted that the 'ajam "were most versed in those things. (\. 8 Ehsan Yarsllater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 9 (775-85) and the coercive imposition of Mu'tazilite doctrines under In modern times this evaluation has been repeated by. 'ajam were mainly eastern non-Arabs. selves to books in Persian and kept studying and focusing their attention on Arabs designated by the term ajam were primarily Persians. in the same way that today Ibn Khaldun explained this state of affairs on the grounds that crafts. and suppression by the Abbasids of threaten. the nOD. style. p.. among al-Ma'mun (813-33). "L'Empire neo-sassanide des Abbassides. G. J1 Ibid. French or English or German culture is cultivated. and professions are cultivated only by sedentary peoples and is produced in Arabic. 27tT. All of them were of non-Arab (Persian) descent. We also see a number of Arabs who learned Persian.." Literary History. 311. von Kremer. Zajjaj. 179) culture had been firmly rooted among them from the time of the Persian Empire. in Franz Rosenthal's translation. E. p. from exegesis. the Persian genius had utilized to its Arabian science. On this (za<lith see Goldziher. Persia ceased for a while to enjoy a separate national existence. Islamic civilization. tr. it "Nearly all the scholars of this period . In the cited section.. history."12 Many Persians thus mastered Persian and Arabic and cultivated the two cul- tures . 112." pp. philosophy. era with learning and wisdom (!Iikma) and poetry and prose in which the 11 Tr. 23. the celebrated four. included in the last Dulla'I-Islam (The Midmorning of Islam) to the infusion of Persian chapter of the introduction (al-Muqaddima) to his History a section ~uliure during the early Abbasid period. he is non-Arab in language and upbringing and has Persian writings. social customs. but derived from it and was born of it.

phTwiihoutth~ impetusthat the Arab men of letters received from Persia flown. p. What'the Persians brought first." in (lJ-Diriisiit al-adabiyya. 156: "But Arab ayyam) entering the Arab corpus of adab and combining with the history of the most important conversion of all was that or the Persians. The ancient Persian dynasties had occupied. Mul:tammadi. see F. as Tarif Khalidi points out in a chapter on Mussulmall Cult lire. accord- ing to Mas'udi. at this period was that it had prevailed over Persian and conquered it." Cf. the first Persian presence on literary style under the Abbasids: impetus that should allow a more profound intellectual life to develop. Brinner. It is the immediate and continuing contact with Sassanian civilization that Nicholson in A Literary History of the Arabs on the effects of the gave the Arabs. are without a trace of it [i. not only for the development of Islamic civilization. Tabari. The first Persian dynasty they showed admiration. (p. who reflected the same view: "We know that men of 18 Historiography. 50) cessor to the Persian . "Persia and the Arabs. aJ-/fikma al- Arabic. Tabar! writes: institutionalized the monarchic principle and perfected the art of govern- After the Persians no nation except for them has a continuous. A. III. elegance of diction. or the sequence of their rulers16 and not in Persian. "Ayin-nama wa'l-maqati' al-baqiya minha fi'l-ma~dir 15 For the impact of Arabic literature on the emerging New Persian literature. 4. Their poets. it was they and not the biblical prophets to form the pre-Islamic history of the Muslims. J. p. and which led them to research and preserve the historical memories of into Arabian poetry was a lively and graceful fancy. al-'arabiyya. and so forth wrote in Arabic. 90-91. tioned there. pp.. but also for Arab historiography: AmIn's last remark echoes in some measure a comment by R. 179-81. 6&-67. passim. Venture of Islam. Burd and Abu Nuwas. I. P. 10 Ehsall Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world II Persian element was clearly evident . A.. the most temperate of the seven geographical zones into Persian history was the only history._~~yal makes itself heard. This was both history. Mul:mmmadi. when Persians filled the persist. These historians were though. according to the M ussulmans. I. For example. p. Muslim historians of the ninth and tenth centuries. It is primarily in this sphere that the Persians excelled. The lind even when they did we cannot determine the sequence of events in their productions of the Persian mind were superior." pp. Dozy. (p. "eloquence" remained for all times struck by the long and rich Persian heritage and some even regarded Muslim the prinCipal characteristic of Arab literature.e.. 70. "Andarz in Pre-Islamic Persia. partic. and their authors. such as Ibn Qutaiba. For further references. 2-3: M. R. but they appeared in Arabic history. pp. it is impossible to attain knowledge of their !6 Taban. and a rich store of ideas. the Russian orientalist W Barthold similarly Muslim scholars' conception of ancient nations: observes: Of all ancient histories. and other studies men. Persian history was perhaps the most familiar to Side by side with the older masters of form there appeared poets with ideas. and illafthere would have been no Arab historiogra- Bashshar b.. the Arabs who lent solidity ([ermete) and strength to Islam. S. 133. further Barthold. Mussulmull CU/lure." pp. that an unmistakably new note chen Literatllr. I It is not until after the enthronement of the Abbasids. beside biblical and their own which the earth is divided. This is because the Persian kings continued in unbroken succession theoretical and practical excellence. like Annals of the Persi. As for the rest of the wisdom which sustained that greatness-I' nations. such as Bashshar. for instance. depth their nation. which the Arabs knew well and extensively. the nation of our prophet Muhammad . Gabrieli. ornate style seen in al-Mutanabbrs poetry]. in the thesis that I have formulated earlier and is accepted chief offices at court and when a goodly number of poets and eminent men by Brockelmann in his History of Arabic Literature (Geschichte der arabis- of learning had Persian blood in their veins. see Miskawayh. p. pp. On Persian history (unlike the 14 Dulw'I-Js/am. "Literary Tendencies. Histoire de l'islamisme.. Shaked. 454-55.ans. II. confined (redllit) as they were to their mere poetry. I. 97f. W. tr. 14 tial. al-Tarjanw ularly poetry. They had therefore been recognized by the other histories. 290)15 Even some Muslim historians considered Islamic history an exten- Discussing Abbasid civilization in his succinct and perceptive sion of Persian history. and "ideas" the distinctive trait history as an extension of Persian history and the Muslim empire as a suc- of the Persian." khalida. One of the good fortunes of Arabic history since they did not have continuous rule in ancient or modern times.. 15-16. for their preeminence in government from the days of Jayumart until they vanished with the coming of the best stemmed from the greatness of their empire as well as from the political nation. The works Persian origin were the chief representatives of Mussulman statesmanship and of earlier Islamic historians and adab writers abound in quotations of the wisdom culture even at the period when the sole literary language of the Islamic world was of Sassanian rulers and sages.t' and tenderness of feeling. . C[ Levy. except for the Persians. M. 11 "Islamisme et parsisme:' p." pp. p. wa'l-naql 'all al-fiirisiyya. and for which ancient natio~s as preeminent in glory and power. the high. The earliest Arabic-writing poets of Iranian descent. 353. Cf. their men ofletters such as Goldziher considered the impetus provided by the Persians essen- Ibn Muqaffa'. unbroken ment.. 1. History. see Hodgson.. 314) that Arab histori0J\l:"I'bY has its rootsin the.

And the caliphs. "Persia and the Arabs. I. "Persia and the Arabs. pp. Literary History. Browne's chapter on the Golden Age of Islam. Ignaz Goldziher. power through descent from 'Abbas. 27 social and moral conception oflife from its seeds. p. where he refers to the views of these authors with lated to our topic. had already for a long while been in the course of preparation. I. 299fT. Reinhart Dozy. they had only to under the Umayyads or earlier.24 only in Persians. Kennedy: History. 26 The national Arab character of the Islamic state declined with the beginning The most important administrative institution adopted from of the Abbasid rule and foreign elements came to the fore. and the previous chapter." EIr.23 to impede that access to their chiefs which Arabs claimed as a right". not to name the other elements. the emphasis placed on the strong presence of Persian elements in the Abbasid period and their contribution to the devel- At a deeper level. con- cerning the vizier KhaJid b. 12 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 13 The pivotal role that the Persians played during the early Abbasid as noted earlier.a change hastened by the scholarly tendencies introduced from the East. transferred their own religious tra. p. and conveying the caliph's commands to provincial and others." pp. tr. especially those of Khurasan. 4. 'Ali al-Mi~ri as saying about the caliph al-Man~Or: "He was the first had long roots in the ancient Near East. 20 See E." presiding over the courts of law. '''Abbasid Cahen. Levy. XXIX." p. "L'Empire neo-sassanide des Abbassides. Arabs. as caliph who employed his mall'iili and his pages (ghilmiillahu) to carry out the public Bosworth notes. in fact. C. 24 Although the immediate model for the Abbasid caliphs was most probably 2J Muslim Studies. pp. and practicing Nauriiz (Persian New Year feast) became complete when the Abbasids. William Muir: "With the rise of Persian influence ." p." Islamic institution helped by the Persian tradition. Muruj. B. 25 The Similar judgments were expressed by Gerlof van Vloten." p. 69. there opened an era of culture. gathering von Kremer. H. Social Structure. Cf. 63-64. 335. The most distinguished per. p. who owed their elevation to the customs and ceremonies show the extent to which Arab rule was per- Persians. to the Sassanian concept of rulers who combined era in the development of Islamic culture has been pointed out by secular sovereignty with guardianship of the faith. an uncle of the Prophet. "Abbasid Caliphate. 21 See Levy. Alfred barfd system of postal service for communicating rapidly. ascended the throne. Spuler. even in civil cases. a man learned in religious sciences and sonages at court were consequently Persians. system of governmental departments. 90. The Caliphate. opment of Abbasid polity does not mean that such contributions ity to secular function and zealously proclaiming themselves protec. B. Mas'iidi. of the conquered over the victors. were absent or minimal under the Umayyads or Orthodox Caliphs. conforming. pp. according to Reuben Levy. par. wearing lux- The ascendancy of the Persians. Caliphate. by joining religious author. a result the leadership of the Arabs disappeared and their ranks vanished. who quotes Sas~anian theocratic monarchy. G. 19 Histoire de I'islamisme. that is to say. brings into focus the signifi- agents is another Sassanian practice adopted by the Abbasid admin- cance of the advent of the Abbasids for the Persian elements in Islam: istration in both Iraq and Persia. we should not lose sight of the fact that the practice Mu/." pp. toleration. as 16 Ibid. 91a. Of the older generation of Western schol. it urious Persian attire. 59-<i0. it may be a genuine narrative . it is in fact important to bear them in mind for the generous quotations from most of them." p.22 Legitimizing many historians of Islam. Pellat. Although the system began ditions from their original environment into the new circles. for details of barid operation see Levy. . except in the Arabian peninsula. who came after him from his descendants followed suit. "seclud- ars who have addressed the question. for instance. . "Iran: The Persistent Heritage. 432. appears to be. The institution of the q[uif. Carl Brockelmann. p. 204). The 21 Cf. On the other hand.lammad b. pp. In fact. 228-29 (the passage tr.20 Goldziher. Vladimir Barthold. They were rather al-Man~iir and reached its peak under the Barmacids during the more fitted for this than were the original Arab elements who inwardly rejected Islam and who had not been prepared by their past to create a higher caliphate of al-Rashld. however. and scientific research. the Abbasid caliphs. ed. practice of oral tradition was also giving place to recorded statement and historical 23 R. 3446. II. Barmak's influence and the caliph al-Man~iir's reference to his partiality for the Persians. cf. "Points de vue. were. it was developed and expanded under transfer their inherited religious sense into Islamic idiom. a calque on the Zoroastrian mobad. was the dfwan. IIIII. These princes made it a rule to put their trust meated with the Persian spirit and the culture of kingship. cf. the noted ing themselves from the common gaze. in Literary History. II Persian presence among the Arabs prior to Islam I 691f. Although Perso-Arab relations prior to Islam may appear unre- 251 If. 67-68. numerous guards and chamberlains." Cf. by E. 69 and Bosworth. 68-<i9. Cf. . Wiet. functions and used them in his important affairs. 67. and gave them the lead over the 15 In "Persia and the Arabs. pp. p. I. the mall'iili. 2I However. Browne. intelligence. Tabari. The Persian Sassanian Persia in the Abbasid state. employing as well curtains and Dutch Arabist.. is representative: other paraphernalia. the Persian presence among the Arabs goes back to pre- Islamic times. tors of the faith and upholders of orthodoxy. 320." pp.

pp. 19. time of the Prophet. p. 1. pp. Aramaeans. Old Pewlm.72. p. pp. 182.iv.9 mentions that Arabs served in the army of Darius and Xerxes. For Islamic society for his army in the desert 34 According to Herodotus II1. 3. empire. above all.32 When Cambyses was on his way his pioneering and richly documented essay "Dura and Problems of to conquer Egypt. and syriens offerts ci M. literary norms. Les Inscriptions. before settling in Syria. 105.15 (for other occurrences see Kent. "Le Roi Sassanide Narses. p. Mohammed. I. 40 Ibid. 258(. cities. 36 While sharing some of the Hellenistic traditions inherited from the Seleucid era. lIllI. Rome and the Arabs. Ghirshman. on the Muslim world. pp. 148tf.. Vll. 167tf. otherwise . Seston. Persian relations with the Arabs may be traced at least to costumes. pp. C( Darius' satrapy Arabiiya. the first king of the Lakhmids of Under the Arsacids I:fira. . Persian." pp. Cf Rostovtzetf. XII.4. Iraq.. Cyrus the Great reportedly subdued and incor. 227-34. pp. pp. however. I. 138. in archaeological excavations. Serving as literally "ignorance") contains a number of words borrowed from defensive strongholds of the Parthian empire or as buffers between Persian. Caravan Ciril!s. and J. III. 193tf. pp. Most of the frontier cities were also sus on Perso-Arab relations in pre-Islamic times and their effects on trade centers and served as commercial links between Persia the Muslim world. les arabes. 152. see Tabari.v. I. decorations. attest to the progressive Iranian cultural porated Arabs into his army and founded an Arabian satrapy 31 after impact on Palmyra. Seston.. surmises that they were probably the Ibn Qutaiba reports the existence of Zoroastrianism (majusiyya) Arabs living in the northern Syrian desert. p. Edessa. 28 And 'Amr ibn 'AdI. the Arabic tongue. Hellenistic. 260f. desert fringes of the Fertile Crescent began to prosper. and dwelt there doctrine of revelation on Mul)ammad and the ~anifs see T. cf. a province of the Roman 35 For penetration of the Arabs into Mesopotamia and their mode of life there see M. argues that in addition Shahid. Behistiin inscription. 266f. headgear.). A'liiq. In he captured Babylon in 539 BCE. 157-304. B. the chief frankincense to Darius' treasury as tribute (this is mentioned also by repository of Arab traditions. or 1. 119tf.. G. 346. pp. 621. See also R. col. in particular pp. Dio Chrysostom influences . uncovered Achaemenian times. Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century. Segal. apud L Shahid. p... For the important role that Arabs 33 Herodotus III.14. et Ie manicheisme. Dioclhian etla tetrarchie. religious prac.30." in Midanges trade between Palmyra in Syria on the Roman side and Edessa. with whom their political sympathy generally lay. apud Seston.. Rome and the Arabs. 3O§See below. Ethiopian. and Rome. Rostovtzetf. Cyropaedia Li. 7. pp. (Lecoq. will hardly be irrelevant. pp.97. following Herodotus). as a result. Caravall Cities. see pp. There were still " It should be remembered. 33-34. Manichaeans) betaking themselves from al- !:flra to Mecca see Ibn Rusta.. p. Nisibis.whether Aramaic.86-87. 3. 9 (1934).5. 112. 112. 36 See M.that had been received by Arabs before the conquest. therefore. 29-30. 240tf.37 they came increasingly under the influence of the Parthians. of the Achaemenid empire paid each year a thousand talents of tices. 256. 214ff. 238. vi. a sphere of Persian influence. c( H. p. 1. 499. he was helped by a king of the Arabs in northern Parthian Art. II. even though it was a vassal kingdom of Rome.35 and others. cf. For possible influence of the Manichaean the Ghassanids passed through I:\ira. pp. 29 And according to a Tradition cited by Ibn Sa'Id 30 there were After the Arsacids (247 BCE-224 CE) gained control of Mesopotamia Mazdakites in Mecca. 110. 14 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 15 appreciation of the influences that Persia exerted in pre-Islamic Arabia. Rostovtzeff shows the close cultural affinity of Dura and Palmyra and the "Oriental" character of their art."39 M. he appointed Megabyzus its satrap: Cyropaedia VIII. and. 293ff. on 29 See W. these entities often had mixed populations of were ultimately derived from Persian religions (see below). 19f. 9. On Dura's art and the Parthian influences J2 According to Xenophon. 38 Under the Achaemenids The Parthian names of some of their rulers (see below). 28.. An excur. 7ff. Morony. Schaeder. a number of vassal principalities. n. Shahid. 252-53.33 and Xerxes hired camel-mounted Arabs to procure water Arabia and. the Arabs inherited much of the pre-Islamic lore and customs. Gnomon. Syrian in favor of an Iranian-inspired art. 40 He 28 Ma'iirif. Rene Dussaud (Paris. see W. index).. 1939). 341. Vll. p.. and it is claimed that some of the notions of Islamic faith Rome and Persia.16. col. Andrae. . 39 "Dura. on it see ibid. was a protector of the Manichaeans after Mani's crucifixion.e. and they were recognized as such during the from the Seleucids in 140 BCE. particularly pp. that all the Parthian domains had earlier been Manichaeans in Syria among the Arabs in the eighth century) whose execution and part of the Achaemenian empire and their local art and culture had already been the destruction of whose books were ordered by the caliph al-Mahdi in the course exposed to Iranian influence for more than two centuries before Alexander's con~ ofhisjoumey to Syria in AH 1631780 CE. quest. 37 See Segal. These traditions carried with them also Pliny the Elder. and architectural features. 217. The Koran and the poetry of the jiihiliyya (by and city states on the eastern borders of the Parthian empire and the which the Muslims refer to the "dark ages" of Arabia before Islam. 152. He rejects Franz Cumont's characterization of their art as Graeeo- 31 Xenophon. Shahid in his 166. For the zindiqs (i. among the tribes of TamIm and of Manichaeism (zandaqa) among the Quraysh. Pauly-Wissowa. played in the propagation of Manichaeism in Egypt.80. n. and L Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century. their art. Edessa. Adiabene. Arabs. 214ff. " Herodotus VII. 271.

. Henning. Schlumberger's equal empha- SIS on the Greek element.. linking its predominantly Greek elements and. Supp!. however." pp. and supports Rostovtzeff's thesis. in "Dura. 295f. originally a Babylonian town on were the sovereigns of Mesopotamia for more than two hundred the Middle Euphrates. 5fI. 45 See N. It could be seen not and became part of the Roman defense system of the eastern fron- only in Palmyrene art outside the political borders of the Arsacids. Adiabene. A "Recherches sur les 'Res gestae divi Saporis. Parthians. Jewish. 1053. A considerable number of architectural Colledge. 1027-54. p. which in its essentials continues the Hatra. broke its resistance. Mahmoud of the Franco-Syrian excava- Iranian an. Hopkins. for classical sources.. Maricq and E." pp. "Dura. 174. cols. in Parthian defensive and commercial center on one of the silk routes which Crassus. 823--49. From the testimony of Semitic. 35-37. 1030. 41 The Parthians. p. "Dura. pp. rose again." p. 165. 53 For Shapur's account of this campaign see W. Thus Was born a truly Graeco. emphasizes the Greek element Christian temples as well as the parchments. "Dura. 598-93. therefore. 149-69. ParthimlS 50 For literature on Dura." pp. G. M. Nisibis. Greek." "Parthian Art. Schlumberger. be noted. Political History of Parthia.. Bivar. "Res gestae divi Saporis". they considered them. N. B. 162. 48 Brief accounts of these centers may Achaemenian legacy. 52 Debevoise. whose prosperity coincided with grew and their influence intensified after their resounding victory the rise of the Parthians in Mesopotamia. lost his life and the Roman army to Syria. pp. 36. Franco-Syrian Mission. Maricq. 12-24. Leriche. 238ff. is typical of the Parthian border cities." p." p. 78. cf. and in GraeeD-Iranian art more than Rostovtzeff does. who uncovered. cf." pp. 593-94. 29. "Parthian Art. 589-93 and D. which necessarily had to adapt itself to the tastes and needs of the them. pp.. 12. C. 47 Ibid. sculptures. 43 Rostovtzeff. thrive and prosper. cr. and D. Cf. VII. and decorations have been 41 "Dura. Debevoise. Achaemenian survivals with Neo-Iranian [i. Actually 265 years." pp. Kllltllrbegegnllng. and Persians came into contact with Aramaic and Arab elements in to react on art. Leriche. p. I and IV. 197 on the Greek inhabitants of the region being commercial significance of Dura on account of lack of evidence. Parthiansand Sassanians.49-51. pp. . the Roman consul. A Political History of Parrliia. thus putting an end to its existence. "Parthian Art.e. but soon returned to Parthian possession by Augustus to them further increased their prestige and reinforced and remained so until 165." pp. In a balanced appraisal 4-8 In most other cities of Mesopotamia such as Assur and Ctesiphon the population he writes: "This great political change [i. Ghirshman. was refounded as a military colony by years. Its history and their art exhibit Greek features. Honigmann. 87. R. 195. N. p. Henri Seyrig. and Charax Spasinou. 48fI. pp. pp. however. 1979.44 Their confidence of Mesopotamia. " "Dura.e. 52 It was briefly occupied from 115 to 117 by the Romans was humiliated. Edessa. should be con." 51 Rostovtzetf.. 242. deported its population. pp." pp. It fell to the Parthians selves successors to the Achaemenids more than anything else 43 and about 113 BCE in the course of their dispossessing the Seleucids gradually shed many of their Hellenistic traits. 40-54. "Notes on the Great Inscription of Sapiir I. withstand the Sassanian Shapur I's but also further north in the art of Anatolia. VII. "Dura. Among these cities were Dura-Europas. The Discovery of Dllra-ElIropos. 96fT. 589ff. tiers. he points out. 205. 1940." pp. however. "Dura. Dura (or Doura). "The Great Inscription and D. Dura. rather than about 280 BCE as indicated by RostovtzefT. see P. 49 According to P. Excavations were carried out in Dura by French and American teams in 1920-22 and 1930-37 respectively.'2 a period that afforded great prosperity to the region. Frye. "The Political History of Parthia under the Arsacids. 66. and is independent of Greek art. A. in Ell'. inscriptions. and brought to Mesopotamia made the cities on their western borders. director with A.. pp.. Schlumberger. and Sassanians. 115fT. VII. new masters for whom alone by now it was meant. 177-328." pp. It could not. MacKenzie. 16 Ehsan Yal'shatel' The Persian presence in the Islamic world 17 concludes that Parthian art. and even as far away as attack in 256 in the course of his campaign against the eastern India and China 47 Their tolerant rule and the relative peace that they Roman provinces 53 He besieged it. in both iconography and style. sidered the main model and source of inspiration for Mesopotamian and Palmyrene art and architecture. when it was taken by Avidius Cassius their impact 46 Their influence was widespread. Widengren." pp. if we are right. "Dura. A Political History of Parrhia. especially pp. It never whether commercial centers or defensive forts. A. However. mural paintings. A. papyri. 45 Their defeat of Antony and the concessions made during Trajan's offensive." Dura thrived as a over the Romans at the battle of Carrhae (Harran) in 53 BCE. where the Graeco-Bactrian alternative name of Europos in commemoration of the native city dynasty had ruled and had practiced Greek art. chaps. Henning. tions of Dura since 1987. and Leriche. "Dura. Debevoise. remains. and from 1986 by the Parthians alld SassGnians."· For a summary of events see R. the Parthian domination) could not fail was mixed. 189-90. 46 RostovtzefT. Parthian] elements now appearing. in 303 BCE49 and given the began in a Hellenistic environment. a general of Seleucus I Nicator. New Haven: Yale University Press. Ghirshman." in Syria. C. 5o Like Palmyra. 124-27. p. of Sapiir I. 266f. 293fI. assimilated to the oriental population." pp. Leriche. "The Political History of Iran under the Sassanians. see Watzinger in Pauly~Wissowa." p. n. They Nicanor. 1048. 270f. discounts the 44 See ibid. 202. 202. their coins in Macedonia of the founder of the Seleucid dynasty. see his "Armes et costumes irani- ennes de Palmyre." in Ell'. applicable mainly to architecture.

See A. The main features Edessa gained autonomy under their loose sovereignty as a small he recognized were "frontality. 3." pp. N. B. Constantinople. 60 meager faces and wide languid eyes (helping the effect of spirituality). "Edessa. "A New who takes into account the excavations and researches subsequent to Rostovtzeff's Parthian Inscription. pp. 265.85. and decora- Islamic art of Syria and Palestine. whose members bore Nabataean." pp.. "Dura·Europos. 1050. one-dimen." pp. 12." in Elr.came increasingly under the Parthian influence Osrhoene 57 (from Iranian Xusrav). The culture was mixed: Syrian.. S. I. p. 1062-67. however. "Parthian Art. who seem to have lived peacefully together under the in the plain ofI:Iarran. Honigmann under "Orfa. It was practically Hellenistic frame. Segal. but its art and culture . 200. It was in occupying Edessa that Trajan received the title of verism. Thus Parthian art may be said to have had an indirect impact on the noxa&irj).became of the Nestorian Church. N. is flying gallop. lhe origin of some of these features. III. Henning. There is. " Lieu. flatness of forms. 36." in Elr. Caravan Cities. and along with it. in the loop of the Euphrates on the route from Parthians' liberal rule. p. When Nisibis was taken by the Persians in 363. ed ." whereby all figures in painting and kingdom allied to the Parthians and began to shed some of its sculpture are portrayed full face and in frontal representation. 59 Romans generally regarded the people of Edessa as Arab. Rostovtzeff. Edessa (local name Orhay. Arab. "Abgar. pp. naxwa&ir. Bivar and S. p. 46." in Elr. 63 See Segal. which was influenced by Byzantine tions. p." pp. W B. Lieu. patriarch of been discussed by other historians of Iranian and Near Eastern art. " A list of these kings is given by 1. the title of the highest office and early Byzantine period in these regions. 56 These features affected early Byzantine and Christian art by Christianity came to Edessa in about 150. 60 Tacitus XII. linearity. The Synagogue: The Middle Iranian Texts. the eponymous founder feeling and were completely foreign to the Greeks and the Semites . The Persian Church was and Leriche. Simplification was the leading phenomenon of Parthian art in Mesopotamia. 552-97.203. Archaic devices like frontality and the sought residence in Edessa. Segal. B. 87tI. These features have often 6/ See Segal. the defining features of Parthian art. When the Arsacids extended their power to Mesopotamia. III. pp. "Dura ii: Inscriptions. Glassaire des inscriptions pehlevies et parthes (with bibliography). Perkins. As Rostovtzeff notes: became the most important bishopric in Mesopotamia. except perhaps frontality. cols." p. not "Mother of God.14.which strongly appealed to the nomadic artistic of the Persians.58 Refounded as a military strong- and were stimulated by it.g. names. "The Inscriptions at Dura-Europas and its Art (1938). " horses. p. 54 it is clear that the city had a mixed population of Semites Edessa. but there is agreement 61 See Segal. I. The Parthian and Middle Persian Inscriptions of Dura-Europas. Ghirshman. Ar. "Abgar. B. 56 See "Dura. under "Orfa". 210-13. spirituality. 299) holder next to the king [parth. see. w." in EJi. and Iranian . Parthamaspat. 61 The church and literary language was for a while leading features of the artistic compositions of the Near East and Syriac." in Elr. 211. nilhadril (Parth. 1062b. 18 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 19 graffiti. Shlmbar. St. 174-75. a host of refugees. The Art of Dura-Europas (1973). A. 1. 236tI.. . mostly Christians. p. the detailed article by E. 203." He was banished for heresy. Henning. Henning. after the Macedonian Rostovtzeff attempted to describe. B. Segal. The never disappeared completely from its artistic horizon. Vl2. in Reallexikonfiir Anlike. spiritualization." in Elr. Iranian. B. simplification. I. elaborate headgear. Meyer in Pauly-Wissowa. art under the Umayyads.. "Mitteliranisch. ("Dura. Shaked. R. pasilgrfw]. Mackenzie. pp. and Parthian Greek art). in Elr. Segal. "Mother of Christ. 'wr~Y." which supported Nestorius. Ph. I. e.63 and by men's costumes. Parthians and Sassanians. Fradat). p. B. "Abgar. pp. Edessa: The Blessed City." p. H. Nestorius. It was ruled from 132 BCE to 242 CE by the Arab looking the beholder in the eyes. 256. VIII. coterminous on the west and north with the Roman province of Greek. 589-93. neglect of the body (in contrast to Abgar dynasty. was built Iranized). 211a and in E. spirituality. al- (including Arabs). 174. and the city gradually virtue of their currency in Syria and Anatolia. VIII. Ephraim (Ephrem). Lieu. 30. '~bgar. Edessa. "Edessa. Honigmann in EJi. "Dura. Pliny the Elder. C." in Elr. 197f. cols. Linearity. Gignoux. particularly "Arabicus. modern Urfa in Turkey). N. 593-94 (with bibliography). p. a very ancient settlement. Greeks.a synthesis of native. "The that they characterize Parthian art. from Dura. Hellenistic features. it was renamed Edessa. Frye. 212b. pp. Kirsten 54 For Parthian and Middle Persian inscriptions and other writings see D.62 the in Syria and Mesopotamia and greatly influenced the art of the late Roman titles of the officials (such as pasgribii. 41f." p." pp. Paqor. believed that Mary should be called. Monuments and Inscriptions of Tang-i Sarvak. 174-75.283-317. 124. and Macedonians (generally Semitized or Ruha'. Naturalis his/on" Y." p. 258. n. 1. and painstaking ethnographic realism took firm roots of some of its kings (Fradasht. strong Iranian cultural influence is evidenced by the Parthian names sionalism. and Roman. " Rostovtzeff. no solid agreement on Nestorian." but Schlumberger. 215. hold by Seleucus I. Edessa. pp. W. 55 The administration of the city continued its southern Anatolia to northern Mesopotamia. 1933-37. which probably were taken over from the ancient Syro-Hittite thought to have founded the famous seminary known as "The School art by the early Iranians . and the "flying gallop" in depicting animals. B. D. Caravan Cities. Geiger. 151. mainly on the basis of finds capital. One of them." p. " On Edessa's history see Ed. Parth.

46. 938. Shapur (indignant at her ingratitude and Babylvnia. "Hatra. p. was transferred. 596. C. Babylonia. pp. which could no longer tolerate impact in Hatra may be gauged by the Iranian names of some of its Byzantine persecutions. rulers. in Elr I. I. Sturm in Pauly-Wissowa. ." p. us Villes de i'etat iranien." pp. and ery of the king's daughter. Pigulevskaja. Aramaic inscription found in its ruins in 195)74 confirmed the Arab however. 275-78. Marquart (Markwart). I. Pellat. it surrendered to the Arsacids. II. al-J:Ia<. Die Araber in der 64 Procopius. Edessa. the establishment of the Nestorian Church in Persia in 424. along with the growth of Christianity advancing Arab army..31. Ibn Qutaiba. 32 (1955). D. it remained almost exclusively in Persian hands. Hatra (Ar. a caravan city in northern now Nusaybin in Turkey. ical sphere. the object lesson in the transience of earthly prosperity. Die Ostgren:e." p. pp. 118. 7o Artabanus II took refuge with Izales after being ousted der of the city is widely recorded by Muslim authors.20. Altheim and R. "Iran and the Arabs. p. cf. Jews in tail of a horse set to a gallop." pp. the victory was achieved by Shapur as a result of the treach- 68 For classical sources see Debevoise. 595. repeatedly changed hands during the Perso-Roman and The preponderance of Arabic names among the rulers noted in an Perso-Byzantine wars65 From about the middle of the fourth century. Bosworth. Nisibis. 41. southwest of Mosi!. 119-20. A. XVIIII.4ff. 244-51. col& 2516-23. For a while the Romans garrisoned it against the land of the former Assyrian empire. 714-57 . 75 The Parthian Nestorian academy of Edessa. 52-56. 1-4. IV. Iranisches Namenbuch. itude. I. cols. Suspicion was. 16. Ghllrar. but which much of their blood was spilt by the legions. 596. 9. like most frontier cities between Rome and Iraq. pp.1-9. Les Villesde /'i:tat iranien. pp. as a result Shapur I (240-70) conquered. IV. 18. 7&-88. 65 For a survey of the history of Nisibis in pre-Islamic times and classical and Syriac 593f. 78 by a rival. ix. 558'-{)0. 4. index. Honigmann. Na~ThIn).. Sellwood in Elr. and the surren- Monobazus. Ill. When. 'Uyun.9-10. pp. xxvi. I. «'Slina-Jaru-ka. 75 "Hatra. See Tabar! 112. I 57'-{)2. index. as had his father." p. and J. 246-305. 172. Eriinsahr. Syria. "Iran and the Arabs. made them suspect. the character of the city assumed earlier by Hertzfeld. pp. in Elr I. plates 50. 11. I65f. I. who became enamored of Shapur and betrayed index. pp. fearing a similar betrayal against himself) ordered her killed by tying her hair to the 70 For the Jewish rulers of Adiabene and its Jewish population see Neusner. it was besieged by the Persians. but repeatedly changed hands between Sassanians and Nisibis. tr. coming increasingly under Roman and then staunchly opposed Trajan's invasion of Mesopotamia. Adontz. 1833-35. 19. pp. as was their destroyed it in the course of his campaigns against Roman eastern wont. P. 64 In 609. pp. Sassanian rigidity and restrictions. pp. J. in contrast to 73 See T. . Adiabene. p. Mllruj. Edessa was drawn into the Persian polit. Perser lind Araber.. Persian Wars II. in grat- 71 See Pigulevskaja. under Sassanian auspices. but Sassanian period (224-651 CE). For some centuries after Islam Edessa retained in both. 5-27. A. 20 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 21 With Shapur I's conquest." p. Sellwood. like that of Armenia. pp. Nisibis (Ar. Herzfeld." p. Arsacid king in 224.>aizan b. Neusner. Justi. n. 72 Sellwood. Jews in pampered she had been by her father. Parthians. p. Mas'iid!. 1407-11. 77 Bosworth. and references see E. Henning. See N. In 639. Amida (Diyarbakr)." 67 On Amida see Ammianus Marcellinus. "Iran and the Arabs. Honigmann in El'.'>72 In the resisted surrender. "Iran and the Arabs. the loyalty of Adiabene toward the was recaptured by HeracJius in 628. the city on condition that he marry her. pp. situed east of the Tigris in the heart. Armenia. ed. he realized how 69 On Parthian loose and lenient suzerainty cf. pp. 283. Colledge.2. 73 Persia. however. and Pauly-Wissowa. and Bosworth. I. 655--76. 66 In 639. it fell to Khusrau II Parwez. however. 61-78. Persian Wars Lvii. "enemy conquering"). and index. and Izales helped him regain his throne. E. 68 The Parthians.. came to prominence with the Sassanians. after marrying Mu'awiya. 74 Bosworth. sacked.7l "a cause for Byzantine influence. In 544. The tol. and Adiabene were among their most vigorous allies and their Western rivals. Segal. 8271f. A Political History of Parthia. the defeat of the king of Hatra. us Villes de i'etat iranien. Nisibis surrendered to Muslim Arabs. The fate of Hatra "became famous in Arabic lore as an manage their own affairs and follow their own religion 69 Izales. removed after a sizable Christian population. in upper Mesopotamia and Hatra. The first ruler who calls himself a king (Maika dhf 'Arabh.1-5. pp. as did "king of the Arabs") has the Parthian name vlg '§ (Vologases=Valaxs.20."77 A legend about king of Adiabene (36--60 CE). F. 33ff. Neusner. was such that the Jews of Edessa. 458b. alten Welt. At least three other rulers have the typical Parthian royal between Persia and Byzantium and had suffered greatly as a resultY name Sanatruk. "Hatra de Sanatrauk. 78 According to the legend. increased Izales's privileges and extended his domain. Artabanus. Tha'alibi. III. 76 Hatra remained a Parthian feudatory and pros- pered as a commercial city until the Sassanians did away with the last Adiabene. cols. adopted Judaism. N6ldeke. Pigulevskaja. Maricq. 282-83. JelVs in Babylonia. 76 See F. On the influence of Parthian art on the art of Hatra see above. pp. exerted their power on their vassals lightly and allowed them to provinces. 492..23. In 489. Garsoian. Pauly-Wissowa VIII2. which had also been a bone of contention Balash). 475a. 61-78. 665. 611f. to Nisibis. p. NaQlra. I.. pp. and Parthian occupation of Mesopotamia. 15f. N. erance of the Parthians toward other religions. 12ff. Stiehl. Procopius. was a chief center of Parthian influence. "Mitteliranisch.

the pomp of the Persian nobility did not fail to elicit the admiration originally a Seleucid city19 reportedly founded by Alexander. the luxuries of the royal household. as did the with the Persians in the minority. See also Humbach and Skjrerve. " Kroger. pp. several members of his dynasty. and helped maintain the 79 Pauly-Wissowa. 78-85. see I. 643a. 31 Iff. Bul)tun (d. pp. n. 31b. 1038-39. 897) has an entire qlJ. "Iran and the see Morony. and in Arabic chronicles. Tam. was refounded after the Parthians gained Mesopotamia. Persian presence in Mesopotamia and in the Arab world in general Many Arab poets. 147-50. 315. Elr. p.312-49. rarafa. "Characene and Charax. 172. Ta'rikh. pp.81 Maysan) remained fairly autonomous under the Arsacids for three HIra ros. col.e Rider. Goldziher. 14. HIra was the meeting place of Persian. 10-11. 10. 53-{. 50f. n. 23-24. V. Nu'man. the Arab Hyspaosines. . 54. under "al-l:IaQr. and of the Arab chieftains and tributaries who visited the capita1. 86 located in the lower Mesopotamian plain near the head of the Persian New cities were founded or refounded in Iraq or became promi- Gulf.84 Its population was mainly Aramaic. It is also the subject of Byzantium and their Ghassanid clients.. Iraq. 46. I. Dynaslie der Labn. IV. 91 Hormizd IV is reported to have given Nu'man III a crown (ta]) worth 60. almost Christian al-A'sha." pp. 90 The Foreign Vocabulary of Ihe Quran. p. One such city of particular founder. p. 89 "The Christian poet 'AdI b.den. p. 981. pp. king of Mesan. which the Under the Sassanians majority of the town's people (called 'ibM. p. and Boswortb. 446-80. Debevoise. 363-{. Die devoted to the description oftbe Aiwan (see below. interpretation of the Sassanian policy in Mesopotamia. 888-99.fida 38. Rothstein. 94-121." Elr. Pellat. "lived long at this court.91 spread far and wide and is reflected its majestic audience hall). Hatra.i3 in rapid succession. 86 Cf. W. Greeks in Baclria and India." pp. one of Hans Christian Andersen's tales. But the to the advent of Islam among the Arab cities. until ArdashIr. I. R. Ch." pp. 88. W. p. An Arab city and a principality in central Iraq.8S Nonetheless." writes Arthur Jeffery. V. Pellat in EE. 88 Only the last of the Lakhmids. 609. adopted Christianity openly. " A list of them is given in Camb. 11112. Charax Spasinou (Ar. cols. p. 151-55." p. 45). 70ff. "devotees" in the sources) With the advent of the energetic and hard-driving Sassanians had gradually adopted and which the Sassanians supported after 424. when Dura. 53. several cities. provided auxiliary troops in the wars against attributed to ArdashIr and Shapur II and has many variants. A Polilical History of Parlhia. 84 See E. and 1." p." p. no. A. and Arab. 80 Its nent as a result of Sass ani an support. I. "Hyspaosines of Charax. (224-651) and their policy of increasing centralization. and still others declined in importance. See also Neusner. when the Nestorian Church gained recognition by Bahram V as the ship of border cities and principalities with Persia changed. Arabic of the Islamic period HIra. 11111. p. 2122.81 as do importance was . Noldeke. VI. 317-43. 594. to fame and prosperity as a caravan city and commercial centuries. and their poems are full of Persian case for Persian civilization and a source of Persian influence. Zeid. Ctesiphon continued to and f. Kroger in Mas'iidi. among them A'sha. Arab.5. 251. l:Iarnza I!fahani. Karkh Maysan). who presents a Marxist dirhams. and Byzantine cultures. pp. Hisl. 168. III. "Lakhmids. Some Persian Church (even though Lakhmid kings remained pagan almost cities like Hatra and Dura were destroyed. pp. for references. repaired to the Lakhmid court in search of serve as the capital and developed into a metropolis consisting of patrons and praised the kings of . kept the spice route safe. "Iran and the Arabs. MUTlij. Araber in der allen Well. 8. and works of adab. 744--71. pp. bears an Iranian name. the relation. "Monnaies de Characene. particularly in the Arabian 80 See 1. 10 I b--32. Connecting Iraq and Persia with Roman Syria. and Palmyra fell it a Persian province. Ibn al-Athir (index). 241-57. pp.\:fira. 51. 1102-19. who received their crowns splendid royal palaces (including the impressive Aiwan of Kisra with from the Sassanian monarchs. Altheim and Stiehl. pp. pp. see TabaIi 112. A. Persian sphere of influence in Arabia. "La Princesse sur la feuille de myrte. 128. Bellinger. Syrian. 87 On I:ITra's geographical extent and its administration from the sixth century onward 8J See Bellinger. of Iran. DinawaIi. Christensen. Jews in 92 See Tabari 1/2.\:fira had no rival for the more than three centuries prior Charax were annexed. Hansman. 821-22. for different proposed etymologies of the name. p. Suppl. I. 218. 22 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 23 Charax Spasinou. 1018. Les Vil/es de fetat iraniell. 119-23." p.. " Bosworth. anthologies.\:fira. 447a. p. L'lran. 54-55. ed.000 " Cf. others like Amida and to the end). Paikuli. pp. "Hyspaosines of Charax. 103b--75. VI. made ~enter during Sassanian times. was maintained with even stronger emphasis. pp. 85()-{i3. ai-Akhbiir ai-!ilVai. 22. the latter was represented chiefly by Nestorian Christianity. Honigmann in Pauly-Wissowa.7. 230."9O The fame of the Lakhmid kings. pp." The legend is also Arabian peninsula. "Islamisme et parsisme. II. Babylonia. see ibid.lassan ibn Thabit. Nabigha. G. G.82 The vassal kingdom ofCharacene or Mesene (Middle Persian Meshun." in EJ1. Its words. LabId. on Adurfarnbay.221. Arabs. Shahid. 92 They guarded Persia's eastern frontiers against the nomadic pressure from inside the Christensen. Perser und Araber. in Elr. the founder of the Sassanian dynasty. Pigulevskaja. watched over Persian mercantile interests. it served as a show.

165. Dynastie der LalJmfden. Dynastie der La!Jmiden. and incessant rivalries. 855 wonders of the world. Byzantium and the Arabs ill the Fifth Cemury. by Mundhir III. n. xvii. Sidney Smith." Pers. Khusrau I appointed Mun<lhir III ibn an opportunity for the Sassanians to intervene in its affairs and Ma' aI-Sarna' over a vast area that included BaQrain. 604f[. 46. 90lfl~ (Perser und Araber." p. 958. p. 101 Perser wid Araber.e.. par& 233. 133) and secured the throne of the probable. ]f2. 144). "Iran and the Arabs. n. 3) is hardly tenable." pp. 853. who doubts the report on account of Yazdgird's peaceful relations with Byzantium. "Vber das Vizirat. e. A century later Mundhir (III?) raided as far as Palestine and possibly even Yemen. 83. p. 1060 and Maqdisi. says that the palace was one of the thirty son. Mundhir had the backing of his Sassanian overlord. 50--87 Nuwas. p. and extended as far west as Ta'if and the rest of the J:I. Khawarnaq. Andreas. Lakbmid vassal Nu'miin (I. raided the Ghassanid territory in 410 with Yemenite Jews. Dynastie der Labrniden.I-13. Altheim and Stiehl. cf. Shahid. who championed the cause of national independence." p. Dynastie der La[ill/iden. do sar). M. the Yemenite leader who had embraced Judaism whereas I. (lowe this reference to my coUeague Dr. As Irfan ('umma! min qiba! a!-furs).larnza I~fahanl. Sourdel. Altheim and R. and the resistance of the 442. however. which originated the Abbasid office of the vizier. and the Yamama. states that Nu<man b. who now seems to -rr-) Andreas attributed the building of the palace or castle to no later than 100 CE favor "Oriens" (i. Perser und extend their political control to south Arabia. 24 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 25 littoral of the Persian Gulf93 As vassals of the Sassanian kings Persian culture spread to the rest of the Arabian peninsula. ed. 238. pp. had apparently been encouraged in his anti-Christian policy Egypt. "Iran and the Arabs. called for by the cial and cultural highway. See also F. EI'." f. p. as does Rothstein. 132." there. 79. pp. 'oo Ghassanids in the f. could not have been pleased with the expansion of Byzantine influ- 97 Bosworth. 634b." p. development of the Arabic script and of written Arabic.. fore meaning "bestowing good protection" or "having a nice roof. 3. vizierate was adopted by the kings ofJ:ITra from the Sassanians under the name rid/. p. 634a. *huvarnak<hu. the Sassanians and of their material culture. pp. 141fT. Shahid. Himyarite kingdom and its Arabian paganism. MUrUj. and below. for a criticism of this view. "97 Intimate relations with Persia98 made f. Sham) as the cradle of Arabic script. Perser und Araber. the king off. a few years 98 Arabic and Persian chronicles relate (see. 128. 8M Diimghiini). 599. According to Procopius. 144-45. a con- temporary of Yazdgird I (r. Noldeke's suggestion of a possible Arabic or Aramaic derivation '0' See Bosworth. p. D.lijaz. thereby countering the influence of the demands of an organised and stable urban life in al-i:fira. Abyssinian Monophysite Christians. For the titles bestowed on Nu'miin's '02 Bosworth. Tabari Ii2. white" in view of their armor) and Dausar ("two-headed.g. pp. 135f. 42.. Dynastie der Labmiden. p. 430. is treated in more detail. political intrigues. M. "Iran and the Arabs. 94 Rothstein. according to F. the Lakhmids' "fruitful association with Persia is the backing of the Persian army and a contingent of Persian soldiers reflected in the various forms of their military. 100 EP. pp. Bad'. two cavalry regiments called ShahbK' ("shining all helped to create an unstable situation beset by confessional strife. 6 and Massignon. 62. f~ . S. The decline of the old Araber. Dynastie der Labmlden. 410. the most important was undoubtedly the Yathrib (the later Medina) via the recognized f.) that Yazdgird I before 531 the king of Abyssinia. p. n. I.e. V. pp. 75-83.llra-Mecca commer. the future Bahram V. p. Mundhir. pp. besides f. Finanzgeschichte. pp." p. 600f. IV. Vizirat." See Rothstein. pp. I. "Iran and the Arabs. pp. "99 And as he notes further: exercised commercial and political control sometimes as far away as For almost three centuries. "good. On linguistic grounds (wrn.lijaz.xx. p. pp. provides a list of the Lakhmid rulers and their regnal dates with the dates of the corresponding Sassanian kings. Cr. is a Middle Persian word. p." and *varna-ka from the root var. Byzantium and the Arabs ill the Fifth Century. and Tabari 112. pp. 1133b. "Iran and the Arabs. p.. 85. The sequence and chronol. V. 361--62. brought up at the court of his . Persian military assistance. 24fT. 27fT. Rothstein. concluded that the office of III. however. 399-421). Imru'l-Qays. VII. al-i:fira stood almost alone as a metropolis radi- Mecca and Yathrib in the f. In the sixth century. protect. d. who supervised the building of Khawarnaq. PeUat. p." Monophysites. the pressure from Die Araber in der Alten Welt. and of all the ele- Byzantium. and social life stationed in f. Persian Wars I. "to cover. see Tabar! 112. pp. see Procopius I. who Khawarnaq for the Sassanian crown prince. <Vman. p. p. "Events in Arabia. basing himself on an indirect quote from Jal}i+. 605. Rothstein. pp. 41. after 418 CE) who had a palace built called al- Justinian and wanting to defend his Christian coreligionists. Byzantium alld the Arabs in the Fifth Century.llra 95 Through Lakhmid mediation.llra a center from which The Yemen. who was himself a pagan although ogy of Lakhmid rulers is not always clear in the sources and much confusion occurs the Christian subjects were Nestorian and at odds with Abyssinian in relating these rulers to their Sassanian sovereigns. See also Bosworth. Islamic Arabia. p. i.200. 131(. Rothstein. Persia "attempted to exert its influence in Mecca and ments of culture that mattered. was the Persian conquest of the Yemen. Another source of Persian presence in pre- 93 See Shahid. Another report in Taban. Dynastie der La/}mlden. 634a. Stiehl." pp. Maqrizi. I. Smith in "Events in Arabia.llra. EI'. who for a discussion of the names and the sequence of the Lakhmids in different sources. See. 850r. where the exercise of influence on Yathrib ence in Arabia. For other references see Khi!a!. Mahdavi and N6ldeke. 102 One may surmise that in his encouragement ofDhii p. see also Mas'iidi. p. V. See Noldeke.llra." p. KlJi{a{.instead of the later t' Shahid. " EI'. urged by the Roman emperor had his son and crown prince. I (Rothstein. C. p. the troubled conditions in that country provided 96 According to a report in Tabar! 1/2.ijaz. Dhii Nuwas. 598. 95 Bosworth. Enger. Rothstein. . political. 24--25.94 they derived their power essentially from Shahid notes. 96 As part of its struggle with ating higher forms of culture to the Arabs of the Peninsula. See N6ldeke.. 240. finds it ("Tahawwada.

according to Procopius. Wahriz. pp. 126. 946-52). Persian Wars Lxx.Iijaz. . n.. 958.. 4. 106 Khusrau sent a force lO7 headed by a The I. particularly after the rise of Islam and the collapse of the . relates that and the shores of the Aral Lake. e.. 431-41. p. but he himself was killed in the course of a retaliatory attempt. careful reading of the available sources leaves no doubt as to the As N61deke notes. however. Tanb.h. The puppet- The Persian presence in the Islamic world the throne of the Yemen as a Persian tributary. The measure was taken on the advice of the religious leader (mobadiin moball). 2S2ff. 113 - ally provided a nationalist reaction. I. known as Abnii'(Sons). invaded south Arabia. p. after negotiating in vain with the Ghassanids (Tabar! lIll. 606. 260.Iijaz. - lOS On Wahriz see N6ldeke. to the Yemen. Then he exhorted his soldiers. 135. in detailed notes to his over south Arabia. EP. Persia and Byzantium. Perser und A raber. by commercial interests and a desire ships. Perser und Araber. he ordered his ships an<l the extra clothes of his men burned and all remaining food to be thrown into the sea. The conflict between the great powers. p..." pp. see. repairs to the dam of Ma 'rib.'09 Saif unleashed his wrath upon the defeated Abyssinians and had many of them killed. cf. p. but the exegetes and historians identify him the history of the l. III See ibid. p. and the Ghassanid court. 138.. . Taban IlIl.. it consisted of 800 men. Wahriz is a title. 1]]9 A narrative in epic mode.. p. p. led by Saif ibn Dhi Yazan. 191. 223. n. n. partly because of the paucity of reliable documents of - -- for the detail of his career. which is echoed in the Koran. I:ITra. III. quoted from Ibn lsl)aq in Taban IlII. all prisoners marked for execution (political prisoners or Mazdakites?). proved unpopular and could not suppress the revolt against him. 954. however.. 120. as an invasion of Mecca by "the people of the elephant" (a~hiib al-fil) with the intention of descendants. The members of the Persian garrison that was left did. (The Meccans were allegedly taken by surprise when elephants appeared at the head of south Arabian forces. 113 "Islamisme et parsisme. Beeston. its dependencies. iiimasb. sura 105. Persia. Badhan is the Arabization of Badham. a as the leader of a~"tib al-fil. he points out. . governor of the Yemen. lOS The Koran does not mention Abraha.13). through their vassals. Biidhiin (or Biidhiim). however. 102b. saying that there was no way back: they had to win or die. approached Khusrau I Aniishirviin with help from the Lakhmid ruler 'Amr ibn Hind and managed to overcome the king's initial reluctance to intervene.08 to expel the Abyssinians. n. the Lakhmid kingdom. 104 Ibid. --- 26 Ehsan Yarshater were being persecuted by Yemenite pagans and Jews. apart from material gains." when Wahriz realized the relative smallness of his force compared to that ofMasriiq 107 According to Ibn !sl)aq's version of the story. 223. and fought valiantly.g. The Sassanians attempted to extend their control. and the eastern coasts of the peninsula.. His place was taken by Abraha (seemingly an Abys- sinian form of Abraham). Yemen in succession. two sank on the way and six landed on the shores of the Yemen. Narsi b. Byzantium. 2. p. the Yemen.)'OS The unpopUlarity of the Ethiopian garrison in the Yemen eventu- for transmitting Persian notions and ideas to the Arabs. after his victory. Nonetheless."° the last but one. !:farnza Iefabani. 27 --- king." pp. 110 III !:farnza I!fahani. it is less so in the case of the l. probably this expedition to the north to meet the Lakhmid army Sassanian power. Mecca. Khusrau's motive for interven- - 106 tion. p.. not a personal name. continued as a distinct group for some time after Islam 1l2 and must have served as a channel -- destroying the Ka 'ba. pp. who argued that if they lost it would be a good riddance. 4. The Abyssinians were crushed and Saif ibn Dhi Yazan installed on 103 Noldeke. They pledged to fight to the last drop of their blood. which henceforth --- --- In an inscription that commemorates the completion of the became a Persian dependency. 237. ibn Abraha. He appointed Wahriz. and if they won the benefits would accrue to the king. p. Perser und Araber. According to Noldeke. and the Yemen is well documented and evident. Persian penetration into Arabia was not con- fined. to counter Byzantine influence. see Marquart. 2. however. attack and defeat the Ma'add tribe in central Arabia behind in the Yemen were gradually assimilated by the Arabs of the which was controlled by the Lakhmid 'Amr ibn Mundhir IlL 104 It is region. See Smith. Khusrau sent Wahriz back with four thousand men to finish the Abyssinians once and for all and secure the country. 23-24. killing many Abyssinians and taking a huge number of prisoners. as Goldziher notes.'OJ originally a slave of a Byzantine mer- chant. must have been to weaken Byzantine influence in Sassanian attempt at the political domination of the region and the Yemen and disrupt its trade with Byzantium by establishing political control its occasional success. who. "had repercussions in the remotest regions such as Italy. p. and installed a vassal in his place.Iijiiz itself in pre-Islamic periods. (I @ . lists their names. p. n. Abraha claims that he received envoys Eight Persian governors from Wahriz to Diidawayh (Diid6e) ruled from Ethiopia. but he cautiously did no contemporary with MuJ:!ammad and entered into an agreement with more than pretend to do so (Procopius. Their . as Khurrazadh b. "Events in Arabia. apart - nobleman. Perser und A raber. His personal name is given by Mas'ildi.Iijaz. as far as the l. however. when they were cut ofT from their homeland. Such attempts were motivated.'11 was - Justinian encouraged him to invade I:ITra.. He the Prophet. and !:farnza Iefahani. Taban III I . p. They sailed in eight from general imperial ambitions. Whereas the Persian presence in I:ITra. 136. Theodore Niildeke. and Yathrib (later Medina) in particular. p.. Eransahr. killed its king.

4. and therefore were granted fiefs as a 8:26. ISO). Finanzgeschichte.) II. 116 M. Tradition cited by Ibn Khurdadhbih and "attests the continuity of Kister. Iraq. reward. return from 'Uka? shows not only the commercial interests of l:fira. The report finds Qays ai-Bad an adopted the division of the troops of Kisrii for his own support in a Tradition quoted by YaqiH (Buldiin. conscious of their Sassanian monarchs granted some fiefs to the rulers of l:fira. IV. 141-43. 1905).). "AI-i:fira. until 'Amr b. "Mazdakism. who rivalry. Ibn Sa'id reports that fighting often broke among other major constituents of the Muslim community) before out between Jews and Aws and Khazraj.000 dirhams in taxes from the fief that was 119 The report is doubted by Caskel and Hirschberg (see Kister. 14~ 7. p. 150ff." p. 117 On Mazdakism see N61deke. 166). Thus. Klima. E. Nu'man. Ibn Khurdiidhbih l:fira used intertribal conflicts to further their own interests and main- records a Tradition l18 according to which the marzubiin al-biidiya tain their control. 146). "The Social Doctrine of Mazdak. "AI-i:fira. 155. although in his Naswat al- tarab Ibn Sa'id gives important details about the continuity of If I have lingered somewhat on the Perso-Arab relations prior to Sassanian control of Medina even after the Jewish domination had Islam." Arabica. and by also Morony.115 had drawn on both Islamic and non-Islamic sources a satirical poem by the father of J:lassan b. Kister. Finanzgeschichte. Kister concludes that the people of the peninsula were appre. Christensen. 169. and through them with the rest of Arabia. A. impose this faith on the Arabs ofNajd Kister. J:larith al-KindI. and Ma'add and other tribes to attack the tribe of Banii 'Amir after their when Islam appeared. p. in the J:lijaz.e. who had refused to follow suit. Klima. "AI-i:fira. "AI-i:fira. collected 100. it is because what happened among the Arabs (as well as ended (pp. 1. (especially Syriac and Byzantine) to elucidate the relations between which confirms the authenticity of the story. 145. 154 for references) about Nu'man's instigation of the and Tihama. giving them names which remained in use until the end of the seems that the practice was connected with the domination of the kingdom of l:fira (p. O. liS Dynastie der Labmfden (1899). 149. 991-1024. Imru'l- king of J:lIra) appointed a tax-collector on Medina. p. His findings may be summarized as further information from Ibn J:labTh. A Tradition recorded by the thirteenth-century author Ibn cooperation or obedience of other tribes. to whom Nu'man entrusted his caravan Mecca: When Qubadh embraced the faith of Mazdak and deposed in 'Ukii?:. Masiilik. who shows a clear line of divi- follows: sion in his al-Muhabbar between the tribes whose chiefs cooperated On the basis of Traditions and the comments on the Koranic verse with Persia or its' vassal HIra. and was Gustav Rothstein. On the granting of fiefs to Arab tribal chiefs see considered sound by Altheim and Stiehl. furnishes additional data on the century" (p. the king of l:fira. Beitriige zur Geschichte des Mazdakismus. ("the governor of the desert region.. Ibn Sa'id quotes l:fira. but granted to him by the Persian king. 152. people who and as a result Persia. p. In Mecca some adopted Mazdakism (tazandaqa). Mazdak. ~bn KalbI." p. O. there was still a group of people who were rec. 121 Edited by Bevan (Leiden. but also the way that the kings of refrained from adopting this faith (pp. Persian presence in the J:lijaz by drawing particularly on Traditions On the political impact of Sassanian Persia on Arabia we have «zadfths) and Koranic exegeses. "AI-J:lIra: Some Notes on its Relations Persian control over Medina during the second part of the 6th with Arabia. hensive about the power of Persia and Byzantium. and wary of Persia's effort to gain control over the J:lijaz (pp. ognized as former Mazdakites. and those who ~hose a policy of independence (p. pp. in an erudite article. pp. reflects the commercial link between J:lIra and the J:lijaz. its longer roots among the Arabs should be taken 141fT. Further. 120 A story in al-Naqii'idI21 Sa'id reports an interesting attempt by Persia to cast its power over about Qurra ibn Hubayra. 149). 404." pp. pp. 116 Further contributions can be found in Altheim and Stiehl. Le Regne du roi Kawiidh el Ie communisme mazdakite. \17 There were." pp." i. the Lakhmid king. It also conforms to the Persia and l:fira. however. apud Kister. into account." p. and It is worth observing that the animus that the Arabs exhibited 45~7. 143-44. Hniiba entered the rise of Islam has a direct bearing on the development of Islamic civilization. a representative of the vassal According to the detailed account given by Abu'I-Baqii'. Yarshater. and M. 28 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 29 translation of the Sassanian section of TabarI's History. Thabit against this 'Amr. Shaki. and Ibn Athir (see his successor." 120 According to Abu'I-Baqii' in his Maniiqib (apud Kister. so that the Persian presence in the Islamic world 114 Perser und Araber (1879). 144£). n. he demanded that Another story reported in BaladhurI. pp. Jews over the tribes of Aws and Khazraj. 128: Kister. p. Perser und Araber. 146f. . may be appreciated. were to use the revenue both to pay their expenses and to win the 134--44). 460)I19 It troops. 154-55. in his monograph on the Lakhmid dynasty of appointed by him the ruler (mallakahu) of Medina. 114 and then the court of Nu'man ibn Mundhir. the ruler ofJ:fira. IS (1968).

p. one may through post-exilic Judaism. 282f. 161-63). Dynastie der Laorn/den." pp. mention T.17. and Ed. particular on Judaism. given in May 1997 at the University of California. A. G. and Zoroastrian ideas. views and confirmed Henning's stance~ as has I. Kellens (Leroll inaugurale. "Iran and the Arabs. For Iranian borrowings from Greece. Cf. H. including C. and the ticularly in the course of the sixth century." in From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam. 599f. and 48fT. gious systems. With extensive and varied contacts between Arabs and Persians. Schaeder. an ardent defender of Bosworth. ~ Vocabulary of the Qlmm. the future resurrection of the body. places him in the Bronze Age. battles. Cf. it is hardly surprising that Christians in contrast to idolators in the Koran 22. consisting of soldiers of the Persian army who were assigned such a fashion that they lose their original coloring and strike one as to one year's tour of duty. whereas the Persian elements can be more clearly distin- the tax burdens imposed by them on a number of Arab tribes. Goldziher. (126 Persia religiosa. the idea of a God clouded by the dualism of below. These doctrines he suggested a date from the tum of the first millennium to about 900 (De Zoroasrre (} A-Julli. and references given there. with preference given to 1200 (the Zoroastrian influences: latest presentation of her arguments is found in her Zoruastrianism [1992. however. found a strong following subsequent to Henning's acceptance and advocacy of it in his influ- will have to cross. pp. see the Magi could not be a source of religious teaching as were the surrounding reli- Shaked. Bosworth. 159-79). L. par.24). They were the real force behind the Lakhmids both makes. T. 24fT. par- Heaven and Hell. "Paymiin: An Iranian Idea. he mentions the Magi (al-majus). p. see Boyce's "Zoroastrian 125 Some elements. 1-26]). pp. the bridge between heaven and hell that the resurrected bodies which follows the Zoroastrian tradition of 258 years prior to Alexander. Shaked. as well as some Contributions. and below. pp. p. the Old Testament itself aiding and controlling them. through bor- (Muslim Studies. In fact. '23 To quote Mary Boyce. Harut and Marut. G. see by the idea of absolute monotheism. Gnoli has given a good Zoroaster was thus the first to teach the doctrines of an individual judgment. O." pp. and through it on Christianity. practices. The Foreigll Iranian traditions on Islam and the Arabs has been discussed by. between 1500 and 1100. Los Angeles. E. Christianity and Islam. and the killings that resulted confirm local customs. C. pp. Kister guished in Islamic Traditions (the hadith). he has modified his 122 Rothstein. I. it does not appear that Mul)ammad had had direct contact with a living III In the Koran and the ~adith and early Arabic works community practicing an Iranian religion. and again in De Zoroastre Mani (1985. tion. Among these. however. the general Last a ticularly pp. ential Zoroaster: Witchdoctor or Politician? (1951. They are believed to have resulted either challenged by a number of scholars who joined some earlier scholars. some of which has passed to Islam. The pervasive force of his belief in the unity of God fresh soldiers. seems to have been at least partly due rowings by Judaism.). Gray. 217ff. '25 The uncompro- Rothstein gives a description of the military forces of the Lakhmids. one of them. but recently in his Yarshater lecture series on Zoroaster and his time. 361-490. such elements cannot from the imposition of taxes on reluctant tribes (pp. 30 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 31 toward the Persians after the conquest. in the words of Alessandro Bausani. A number of his. deal of attention to this question in his Zoroaster's Time and Homeland (1980. among others. Andrae. The influence exerted by words borrowed from Iranian. pp. pp. mising and austere monotheism of the Prophet MUQammad has consisting of four divisions and different elements. Goldziher's remark: "For this man. molded even adaptations of Judeo-Christian concepts and terms in lI'adii'i'. Boyce. pp. 351T. 37fT. whose article "Approaches to Zoroaster's Gathas" vehemently 123 For a detailed discussion of Zoroastrian influences in the Hellenistic world and in refuses other theories. and ideas. for instance. Meyer. 133-38. Burrow ("The Proto-Indoaryans"). W Eilers. identifying the instances. 29)'24 to Persian domination through the agency of the Lakhmid kings and However. The seventh to sixth centuries BCE. pp. 126 Furthermore. 165-68. . 1. and S. College de France. Henning's opinions. Sabeans. 98-102). Shahbazi ("The 'Traditional whose development is thought to have been influenced by Date of Zoroaster' Explained"). Wesendonk. E. by putting the date of the Prophet earlier. 124 The date of Zoroaster has special relevance here. and the cata. Inostranzev. A. Blochet. but this date was later strophic end of the world. p.). H. Originally Judgment. 22). "AI-I:fira. after which term they were replaced by freshly conceived. C. see JetTery. . Among these are the eschatological notions of resurrec. Parsi and Persian scholars tend to opt for the earlier dates. M. Humbach (The GatMs. so well studied by Goldziher were to become familiar articles of faith to much of mankind. which he took to be degenerate forms of dill !briihTm (the religion of and references given there. Kister. and life everlasting for the reunited soul and body. generally between 1100 and 800 BeE. and to a lesser extent Christianity. (Zoroastrians. verse 2. 38). H. along with Jews. Sh.). Duchesne-Guillemin. a chief proponent of J. millenarian and Messianic beliefs. Widengren. dominated as he was Bausani. from the direct contact between the Arabs and Persia or more often Bartholomae. Koran and Iranian religious texts or ideas may have resulted from the torians of religion have addressed the question. always be established with precision in the Koran. Nonetheless it is clear that Zoroastrianism belonged to MUQammad's religious horizon. 144." pp. 96. which often reflect or illustrates a number of quarrels. Abraham)" C'Islamisme et parsisme. 122 seem almost "polytheistic" in comparison. can be pinpointed. G." p. anum ber ofIslamic concepts and practices should have been adopted We must also allow that some of the coincidences between the from or influenced by the tenets oflranian religions. 1. Gershevich.

comprehensive article "Islamisme et Parsisme" (1901). D. meritorious recitation or chanting of Islam from Zoroastrian gahs (Chants populaires des Afghans. see Ph. Goitein. 144f. Shaked. that is. pp. W. ~ The first serious attempt to address the question of Iranian influ. 18-20. leltext from Saddar-i nat). and Christianity admit of having been borrowed directly from the Persians" (p. "that it is in Iranian Mazdaism that the Koran chanted during the mourning periods for the happiness of the origin of the legend of the ascension of the prophet Mul)ammad to heaven. p. W. which c--- which the Prophet is said to have made his ascent. 130 He strengthens his thesis by arguing that unbelievers and heretics. Vfdevdiid V. "Iranian Theme~" in ® "It is generally recognized. WIraz. "De I'infiuence de la religion mazdeenne sur les croyances des from (using) the same cup as a man of ditTerent religion (jud-diin). described in his inscriptions.131 Mazda. 15. "the day of the ass- the head of legitimate kings (p. J28 Islam" (p. See further S.1 could (especially the Book of Enoch) and partly directlyl@jthe harsh view not be other than the heavenly journeys in Iranian tradition. Koran beside Persian ideas that had spread through the intermediaries of Judaism 130 There is considerable literature 00 the subject. Hinz. and yet not as a day of rest. the mount with the body of a donkey and a human face on counterpart of the Jewish Sabbath." pp. p. see Bausaoi. religious prescriptions con. 7). of which of the kiifirs or unbelievers and counting them as ritually unclean l34 the best-known example is that of Arda VIriiz and his visit to heaven (this is less compatible. are not lacking. 38: "It is necessary to make an effort soas 10 abstain 131 In an earlier article. 145-46 for his reservation on this point." pp. is a foreign term conforms better to the Zoroastrian beliefthat creation was realized in derived from Middle Persian biirak (Pers.. "Ard. he remarks." pp. 1899) concluded. . Livre d'ArdJ Viniz. Persia religiosa. "mount. for instance. "Until now. modeled on the Zoroastrian practice. p. A History 132 Italic in the original. "Iranian Themes. designating Friday as a Buraq. n. eschatological elements. holy texts. elements of the religious development of Islam. but kept in force among the Shi'ites (pp." in ( _~3-:)He Dotes that verse 9. 9). 117-26. II. embly. of Zoroastrianism." used in six stages. trans- and exegetes with regard to the Prophet's ascent into heaven on the mitted partly through the mediation of Judaism and Christianity basis of the rather laconic and ambiguous Koranic verse 17. For a survey of these works see E. see. 212-13). who mentions the adoption of the times of the canonical prayers in Vfdbdad and its commentaries.r." pp. furnishes a Zoroastrian paral- Nomag. 75-129. p. 356f. Gignoux. 261)." is mitigated in Sunnite Elr. 19). 127 element. II: Among the Persian influences that he attributes to the time of the L'Ascension au ciel du prophet Mohammed" in two parts (Revue de emergence ofIslam. soul of the departed.and his "journey through paradise and hell are to be sought" (p. which are our chief source for Sassanian he wrote. after it sources. "that the eschatological elements of the From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam. MUQ-ammad and other prophets as well as Jesus~ apostles had its origin in the "royal S." p." pp.. that the source of the legend as developed by Traditionalists had been fixed at three times a day. "innama'l mushrikiina najisun . "Some musulmana (Eng. especially the Koran. particularly with respect to the uncleanliness of 543-65. 25-26). 23. the human corpse. the Persian Islamic times. 145. 1. Persia religiosa. n. 132 Exercised under the two forms of borrowing and reaction. even though their contents generally go back to pre. D. n. who glory" (x . cerning ritual purity. and legal texts. who in his article "Etudes sur I'histoire religieuse de I'Iran. which was conceived as tongues of flame descending on tried to derive yawm al-jum 'a from Hebrew yom hakkenisa. with the Judeo-Christian notion and hell 129 . For a similar journey by the weighing of the good and evil deeds in scales (mfziin) at the Day the Zoroastrian priest. however. Le Zoroastrians for the remission of the sins of the deceased or the living. p. Le Livre d'Arda Viraz. "less attention has been paid to one of the most important Zoroastrianism. Skjrerve.a legend which served also as the ultimate prototype for of polytheism and unbelief than with the Zoroastrian attitude toward Dante's Divina commedia. and E Vahman. 4). For the latest transla.g. pp. treated so prominently in the Avestan text of 128 Earlier sporadic references to such borrowings. I. 37). it has been a decisive influence on the formation of the character of ence on Islam was by the noted French orientalist Edgar Blochet. West. after examining all relevant daily canonical prayers. see P. 269-306. O. p." . Darmesteter. /_. "The Origin and Nature of Muslim Friday Worship. Gignoux. and the Shi'ite practice of having the 129 "It follows therefore. Kirdlr. For Zoroaster's vision of his Lord. Cf. de Menasce. Ardii Jt7riiz Iranian Themes in Islamic Literature. "Kirdir's Vision: Translation and Analysis." (1898). Shaked. 22). 135 Blochet's article was followed by Goldziher'searnest and more Goldziher draws attention also to a number of developments and practices that show Persian influence and are reflected in Traditions 127 See Bausani. he includes the following: the prescription of five I'Histoire des Religions. Islam and the Divine Comedy apud Vahman. 185." peuples tures." he writes. ISO. comparable to the same practice among the tions of the Middle Persian text which contains the legend. see M. Ph. biira). Boyce. 39. with bibliography. ?- "Pahlavi Literature. arana-. 118tT." Blochet concludes. 144. farrah)." pp. cf. and Gignoux. 29. but was not followed by a period of inactivity for Ahura somewhat similar contexts (pp. tr.28. pp. 32 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 33 reverse process of the effect of Islam on Zoroastrian ninth-tenth. "Zoroastrian Literature. and J. "Dantes persische Vorliiufer. Blochet had averred that the halo seen around the head of 135 See Shaked. These are." century books. e. and Miguel Asix y Palacio~ La escatologia interpretation. Arda Wiriiz Niimag.

.8)138 . 30[. p. the angels additional cases of borrowing related to pre-Islamic Arabia. see Mole. Gray shows awareness of the existence of to prove his remarks. p.35). The Persian presence in the Islamic world Ghazalfs al-Durra al-flikhira. 467--69 on the ritual. See M. the bridge to be temples.). fire- -- ment of the soul by weighing its actions in a balance. the two traditions of the USe of the toothbrush-(. stress- logical beliefs and Islamic ones as they are expressed in the Koran or in popular Islam... ! Mihragan festivals and their respective ceremonies (pp.). ." p. \5. 15fT. Basing himself as far as devoted a chapter each to. but in spite of the almost passionate tone of his some of the above ideas also in Christianity (p. during the first cen- --- Zoroastrianism. opposition and negative reaction he cites the attitude toward the dog. 40. for that one is a devil. however. Inostrancev in his Sasanidskie Et'udy. quite clear evidence of close affinity between Iranian and Islamic ideas so as to IJ' He shows (p." p. 156.13. but he who assists with the ceremonies until the deceased is i Denkart about the birth of Zoroaster. Tafazzoli. 136 as well as recourse to certain formulaic numbers in Zoroastrian writing on the fate of departing souls and the final judg- both religions. however. each of which weighs as much as Mount U~ud (p. 14). numerical yardsticks to J :'".a revealing detail.12. Islam was concerned largely on the works of Wolffl40 and Ruling. 142 In some respects. Muhammedanische Eschacologie (Leipzig. 179). VII.g. I. punishment in hell or reward in paradise. 81 ff. Gray also briefly compares the notion of a savior in both faiths a sacred animal in Mazdaism.l41 1 Iff. shayast 10. 1872). raised.. - '38 Shaked provides further references to Zoroastrian texts ("Iranian Themes. But there are elements in the Islamic Prophet commanded us to kill dogs.). and Nauriiz and Gray drew a detailed list of parallels between Zoroastrian eschato.56.58--60. treatment of eschatological events that derive quite clearly from Iran.. whereas in the Zoroastrian faith aU souls are dlnik. pp. among others. 'Beware [only] the black. but does not article. pp.ra.. which occurs in both Zoroastrianism and lslam recommended for certain acts as especially efficacious (p. Legende. without. draw attention. judg. I. etc. Tor Andrae drew attention to the similarity of the events which occurred in conjunc- '36 E. including bodily resurrection. it seems.68. 1885]). pp. (8) that dogs were not considered unclean at the time of the Prophet suggest probable dependence is eschatology. mentioning pp.). 1895). Datistan i punishment are eternal. Verwandtschaft der jiidisch- eyes. 30f. 1Of.lliS. war techniques and weapons (pp. which has two dots over its two 143 Gray notes at the end of his article Balken's book. saying. Fars in particular.. He drew particularly on turies ofIslam (ibid." p.that his concern himself with channels of transmission. Among th-e influences through eventually purified and admitted to the blissful renovated world (p. IJ7 E. the number 33. .1l7 the inordinate number of Traditions on the merits ment (pp.~akfc()nsiderecl a-virt-uous act also are divergent. which in their tum were also attention to the following passage in Ja~~'s Ketiib al-~zayawiin. Shaked ("Iranian Themes. pp." " .). '44 For the legends of Zoroaster's birth. 144: "One fairly large topic on which there is n. . 185). In his Die Person Muhammads (1917). 127. Boyce. Shaked. He does who record men's deeds or question the soul of the deceased. 42-44. 115. He later prohibited us from killing them. 59fT. t43 thesis is only a hypothesis (p. 142 Cf. Past and Goldziher furnishes references to both Islamic and Iranian sources Present [New York. which bears striking resemblance to 35 measure them. specifying any one's deeds in the form of a beautiful or abominable figure. Elr. 139 Darmesteter had treated earlier in detail (The Mahdi. Ill. the Tradition quoted from the Prophet (Usd al-ghaba. but wide for the virtuous. stressed the importance of studying Sassanian civilization in order to A year later in 1902 Louis Gray's article "Zoroastrian Elements in understand better the Sassanians' effect on Islamic culture and Mul:1ammedan Eschatology" appeared.- 34 Ehsan Yarshater of Judgment and the use of quantitative.20.. -------~~~~~~~~~~~~~~------. Islamic eschatology derived a good and were even allowed in the mosque. 117. in which the corpse is exposed to a dog. 177f). 180).. 46ff. a topic that Islam. 174: "The dependent. he reminds the reader .'" The description is that of the dogs used by christlichen mit der parsischen EschalOiogie (G6ttingen. published in 1909. 148) draws I deal of material from Jewish and Christian sources. 4f. Sassanian literature (pp. 144 as relevant. but ending as ritually unclean in (sosyant in Zoroastrianism. 29) and not the last word on the issues K. 1902). p.cautious scholar that he is . personification of r ing their effect on the Islamic society of earlier centuries with liberal quotations from Arabic sources. on the relationship Zoroastrians in the sag-did ritual. pp. mahdl in Islam. 149. on Iranian antecedent. t44 In his later work on buried merits two. 38. and Amiizigiir and 14' Beitrage zur Eschacologie des Islam (Leipzig. Us!. --- performs the canonical prayers for the dead before the stretcher merits one carat tion with the birth of the Prophet oflslam and those recounted in the (q"iriiO (of reward).) that continued to exist for several centuries after Islam crossed which is as thin as a hair or sharp as a razor's edge for sinners and have been described by Muslim geographers and travelers (pp.) He also stresses the continued existence oflarge Zoroastrian com- and an intermediate station between the two (hamestagan in munities in Persian provinces. 12). a'rafin Islam. to pre-Islamic monuments (palaces. I 58ff. dark (baMm) [dog]. of Judeo-Christian and Zoroastrian eschatology. one major difference being that in Islam reward and among the Zoroastrians (Shayast n-. 172) that whoever i. "Iranian Themes. however.g.

. 5. . 17-18.. p. whose coming would be announced by a star (pp.). however. 392).his!Tlonog@1LILThe­ pactonISiarr. the Apostle of God. Muhammad. 38 of the translation) 147 on the choice made by the Am5sha Sp5ntas (pp. and Syria and advocates the theory that many of the Gnostic concepts and motifs. 'asKe<(]. 8-9) has a counterpart mission. 172 the LorfJ as~s the children of Adam: "Am the Middle East and its manifestation in an apostle or' human I not your Lo'rd?. hell.. 147 References given in the text are Bausani's. revealer. nor does religions. uniting them to their spiritual source p. 72. who in numbering the Koranic verses the concept of the receiving of the heavenly tablets and a vision of follows Flugel's edilion. Widengren under. is so typ- Koranic description of Mu~ammad as rasUl AllZih. or the apostle ascends p. Religionen Irans (1965) Widengren states: "It is from Iran that who merely appeared so to them. 146 Bausani notes that Nallino. Op Compl...r~i. and as Zoroaster was taken by Vohu Manah to the Vohu Manah and the Apostle oLQQ<L(124)Jl~~I1lored the (pp. but there is nothing "curious" Christian traditions (p. . a proceed all eschatology and all apocalypse. As the Judeo-Christian traditions "do nOl birth of the savior. ()rientation of the concept. 37 of the text. ~p5. Menok zxrat49. "messengers. action between the peoples of the Middle East and cultural Alessandro Bausani took a fresh look at the question of Iranian im- exchange between them isCJe~~~~. Associated with this ascent is also about it. 67ff. one from Bzmdahishn. 'source familiar with the Iranian ide~:=:'. Manichaeism). 60ff. that in the passages that Bausani refers to there is no exemplified in Islam by the Prophet's journey to the presence of mention of "hurling" stars at demons. 41 of the text. 96) are in name some distant monograph. 3. which works 'and a passage from AyZitkZir zJZimZispzk (ed.) and know of an angel who is the higher ego of the Prophet. 206ff. 7-9. "'Yes. this is a special trait in Iranian religions. have their origin in Iranian religions (Le.nameIY. 92 of the translation). but God took him up to himself. Anatolia.. th_c. p. GnQstic. especially apocalyptic Book (1950). 135-47) a number of cases where. we testify. and they have attained great significance later" (p. 73). aggression and facing Ahriman or securing immortal bliss at the end." was further elaborated by Widengren in a subsequent . and His Ascension echoes. Mithraism. He lists ____Gr. 140). he concludes. 205).)n. Messina. Mazdaism. led by the archangel Gabriel. and AyZitkZir i JZimZispzk." whereas would be awaited by the Magi. comparable to the unity of Zitman and brZihman in the or Holy Immortals when asked by Ahura Mazda who was their lord Upanishads (p.. i\m. 213. 21-22.). prophet or apostle: either the celestial Ego descends in some way to (c) The Koranic allusion to shooting stars being hurled at the the apostle revealing God's message and investing him with his demons (Koran 15. for an Iranist. various aspects of Parthian influence in Mesopotamia. Bausani believes that "the essence of the Koranic passage The old concept of an apostle or a "messenger" underlying the lies precisely in the concept of primordial choice which . it follows.148 to heaven to meet his God and to be initiated in divine secrets.clSsTbility ~ sages. He distinguished two kinds of divulging divine secrets to a . Bausani claims.the . stands Vohu Manah to be the universal mind or soul."1:6 He quotes two pas- . 112f... 8).sha"spa!rtas. including the ence of Ahura Mazda. 214) in a Mazdean concept (cf. (b) Harut and Marut (Koran 2. he saw "definite traces of Manichaean teaching" in the (pp. on the "choice" made' by man's ~-that-theManichaean anctGrlOsiic'noiion'':.andthl:-p. but that some stars are designated to bar the demons from entering the gates they protect (Menok i xrat). p."Theys~y. but that it must have been taken from a Jewish claims of several Persian heresiarchs of the eighth century to be . II. periods-and' of "resurrectlOn of bodies are speCIfically Iranian Among the scholars who have devoted much research to inter. as well as the "[cally Iranian" (p. defined the verse as "a curious that this pattern of ascension has its original context in Iranian Koranic passage for which no scholar has thus far indicated a source".145 In a more sweeping conclusion at the end of Die Koranic notion (4.and itsdevelopment in his Persia religiosa (1959). 36 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 37 Mu~ammad. .). 67. 37. and his being entrusted (pariks) in the form of the planets are fought off by six (good) slars (Ayatkilr i with revelations from al-law& al-malzfo~ or the Guarded Tablet Jilmiispik). both having antecedents in Iranian religions. The ascent is 148 It should be noted.._c:()nception of a cosmic soul or divine principle in the traditions of (a) In the Koran 7.hel1as detected Iranian influence: ~. and master. and Zoroaster's meeting with Vohu Manah. for whom it has a familiar ring (pp. 145 This thesis is elaborated in Widengren's Ascension of the Apostle and the Heavenly as found in Jewish and Christian writing.of the doctrine espoused by the Manichaeans (pp. also inside individuals. dogmas. 206.. _ . from where it has been brought into Jewish and Blachere in his commentary on the Koran (1944-51). 7ravashi or preexisting spirit to go into the corporeal world when ciple developed out of an ancient Iranian doctrine.. The doctrine.156) that the Jews neither killed nor crucified Jesus. as seen in Mani's meeting with his "Twin" (pp. filtered through '~om:ple~ sources: of the two Zoroastrian (1955).y 'Ahura Mazda \0 choose between either remaining free from encounter of Zoroaster with Vohu Manah (p..-Haurvatat anl:!. and seven demonesses his Lord. 138-39).'. In his Iranisch-semilische Kulturbegegnzmg (1960) he explores the literature.fthe cosrrllcdiyine prin.

tioii~'an-d 'If water was not available. Apart from "heavenly maidens" (~iirrs). sprahmag.fuf These notions were probably passed on to Islam. (I) the earth ejecting its hidden treasures vast body of the ~adith. 'Midrashic lexts~ which absorbed much of Iranian ideas~. far more abundantly in the passage in the Bundahishn). s. nating-wh-ile standing up (2.c. s. col& 1498-50 for the passages. which has a counterpart in Menok T 149 Cf. -~x.~~-------~ --.g. are to be found in very similar forms in Manichaeism. sweet basil". 152 1I1l.\(ground among the Manichae. Talmudic loanword 'spr".'49 I -~-. _sidered Ahrimanic creatures by Zoroastrians)._ 64--:66_ (on accouo( of silkj>. maintains that it is generally through Manichaean text. Midrashic literature. Buddhist Sogdian 'sprym'k. 142). is akin to the doctrine (g) The unusual reference in the Koran 6.t:iIlg _ap~~u"tof worllls. and the torment that the angels sipar-yom. Islam and Christian Theology notion occurs in the Book of Enoch (see Slavic Book of Enoch. 11. spram.Jtyvere cO~P9~~d Denkart (see Denkart III. 14-25. (j)J:iirrs. 19-20) and the argument in the Pahlavi bookS. . ~nd Christian them . 38 to the community of declared by Mani. Thus diffused. Bausani main- ----Eiitance. and "the eighty maiden angels" who. "breath of life and plenty" the fladith of the legend of the Prophet's ascension from.'a!16. Zurvan. p. chap.a. v. 73. Gnostic~Manichaean se~ts of the Arab limes. by ablu- (e) Koran's reference to God's color (2. Zurvan. post-exilic Jewish ~ources such as the power to fashion'..2iltspram 34: "When those creatures did not yet exist.oYpros-tratlons-in. one of the most "a fragrant breeze and a scent like that of sweet basi1'50 come to meet important dogmas of the Koran. tions through the sequence of the prophets. come tQ. for origin in the si dosh or the three nights' torment of the Zoroastrian etymology and cognates. Parth.rypha. precedent for these doctrines other than the Bible). 39).v.fOr"they-." Koran 33.ammad's declaration of his being th~ animals may reflect the Mazdean belief that every community of "seal of the prophet" (.Canonrcarprayers were prece_ded.l!& although a company withtl1.'. ~aspalgy. pp. 145. Zaehner. Other Koranic concepts associated by Bausani with an Iranian 116 mentions a singular trinity consisting of God the FatherLMary. . 1 . "Iranian Themes..v. rau~ and t ManlCha:ean-infiuence appears to have had wider dimensions. for the relevant -.dentified people's deeds are weighed. pp. The Koran 5. Kho/anese Dictionary. 89. - 379. (Pickthall). III. 1. [1945]. 473. Sweetman.naturally to be found.. 1. ~sani points out. as in Islam. the successive divine reve~ the righteous in heaven" (p. He. Most translators of the Koran render rau~l wa rai~all texts.- (f) The blessed will have.-.--. explaining rai~lan in a footnote as -. "repose and rest" (Arberry). with sal!d. 178.JL§. 29. 1399). quoted by Islam. B 15-17. Shaked.-. all_ str()ilgl). and (m) "fathers being -igrunst wearing silk garments. Thad tained. .381). 377-98..a~f of the text and p. too. 143--44). he rai!ziln in heaven. 9 and Zariltusht Nilma. according to Koran 56. p..C9n- ing (color in the sense of mode. F. cf. 476).r Witions'verY-Similar _to those foun!nn _typical liifaillicrGk'G.Z51 A similar Mani'sclaim (but see 1. Among the instances are the prohibition (cf. and cf.d the persed it is easier to recompose them" (text and translation in R. pp.138) recalls a passage in the .meet deceased jJious Jlersons and comfort late ~ncretistic legends. in his view.inplrn:~~fMazdearid~ena. 10 [1940]. Zaehner. that is._ yyhicE. . p. p. or heavenly maidens who keep . spiritual shape of God). e.aE~. Air.~inthis faith. Vispered 1. saw a distant Iranian influence in the development iII somewhat freely.aJ1i!lJl_col!~epts_ p.-m. p. -. 278. (i) and Jesus. -~ther. the (female) Holy Spirit ~~eir Moths!L. and Bundahishn. with references. M 21-24.- "sweet-smelling plants"). flower. Iranian elements are world (see Messina in Orientalia [1935]. 348 of the translation. Islamic tayammum. See H. style.'ffitam al-nabiyyln.()gdian ~usani. like Widengren. "an evening breeze and fragrance" (Bell). through two channels: one. . rh~1ithe(z:qkilt). which recalls a passage in Menok r xrat 7 in which continues. "a fragrant herb. 152 Cf. 57. Manual." p. = 38 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 39 (d) The very close similarity between the Koranic argument separated from their sons" (Messina. _Semitic precedent cannot be excluded. inflict on the dead in their tombs ('adhilb al-qabr). to animals and things has its own ratu (master or leader). =aispersed (e. p. W.(k) the leveling of themountains at the end of the reached Arabia (pp.9usJcLZa[ijtusht Nilma.have h<id a bac. Rosenberg. 343 'Esting.aJ1 a. 273-74) . as is Mul). and can<!l1i<oal_pr<iyers.9L~iYi. [1943--46].g. who does not see the necessity of any source as 58. New Persian siparlJam. Messina in Orientalia (1935]. Zaehner. 40).. Koran 99. Wh. "rest and fra- grance" (Palmer). "rest and satisfaction" (Yusuf Ali. 27. Qnostically orieI1_teA!l1_atlI:.cordingJQ. which cannot be traced to any Christian sect. who confirms the likelihood of the borrow. BSOAs~ll ~c. BSOAS. but seems to eschatological descriptions and details such as the scales in which . G. and now that they have been and are dis.' .ed.e [ig!li~. VzdevdM 13). which has its "flower"._a1l19ng_tl1~lli!!. and Bailey. C.all elements of the against tll0sewllO-deny ·tile resurrection of the flesh after it lias been vivid fantasy that Iranians developed for the finalJrashikart. Yasna 13. '51 See Bartholomae. disapproval of uri- 150 The Middle Persian word is spra(/i)m. background or origin include (h) the number of the daily prayers. S.. pp. Nyberg. cf. 270).

pp. ture to their Iranian origins and has elaborated and honed some sions. setlled before Shahriim Hediiyati. a (Jamshed). Duchesne-Guillemin is less sanguine. i'invato psrstu). but through the mediation of Aramaic-Syriac and Hebiew In "From Iran to Islam: Notes on some Themes in Transmission" (pp.). which is similar to an (p. the shepherd king of Iranian myths.QL further number of Iranian concepts and expressions in Arabic litera- Iranian terms in the Koranic vocabulary leads to the same conclu. almost certainly by way of Muslim leg. Ehsall Yal'shatel' The Persian presence in the Islamic world 41 the slight and purely symbolic-visionary Koranic passage~17. p. 541.-symboli-.s (p. as Duchesne-Guillemin convincingly argues. 32). whereas. 3. p. Duchesne-Guillemin argues. to Dante" (p. and 208. upon closer et trompette d'Israffi: de la cosmogonie mazdeenne a l'eschatologie look "one sometimes notices unacknowledged indebtedness to musulmane" (1979).154 (p. considers the Iranian The meaning of Avestan sujJra-) which occurs in Vfdew/cit 2. 4. $ur occurs ten times in the Koran and has no allegedly pre-Islamic Arabic poem. 547 for the argument against trusting the occurrence of flir in an into his trumpet (~ur). 33-34. finds the Gnostic belief Following the footsteps of Widengren closely in his general in the management of the world by an evil deity incompatible with Christianity and JUdaism.. pp. and from there. 40 . and numbered VI to XII with original page numbers. however.lam" to ather tniditions cannot be attributed sim"'ply to . the Koran its essential id~ but also its particular lal!guage. and Kama wa Dimna. and the bridge of individual escha. he devoted part of his discussion to Ibn al-Muqaffa'. They were never directly derived from any Iranian language others mentiori£dby"earlie'r scholars. See also his ascertained the meaning independently. ]56 and R. p. particularly pp. sur-nay. Islam . 1. Bausani concludes that two facts are clear: firsJ~_\he debt Zoroastrianism. however. about the Iranian endary sources. a collection of fables of Indian origin. at the origin of the Islamic belief that resurrecton will be announced by IsriHil blowing 155 See ibid. "Cor de Yima impression of originality. summons the seeds large part of which is found also in Miskawayh's Jiiw/diin Xrad (al- offuture men to the shelter (vara) that he has built for good creatures lfikma al-khiilida) in the section devoted to the wisdom of the Persians against the predicted deadly storm by his blowing a horn (suj1ra. or on the final victory of good.!aghir." Collected Studies.-_ _ -. surnii) 1-18 and reflected in mi)iij literature. ]53 In a later contribution. some of which have created the at the end of time as al-~irii!... had not been I S4 element one of several Eastern oncs that contributed to the genesis of Gnosticism. Koran the figure is a male one). Religion. second. 1-15. and 6 for bibliographical delail. however. see La Guillemin. "one of Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin in his La Religion de /'Iran ancient the most prominent and generally recognized bearers of Iranian liter- (1962) adds. the same page). He also tology (Av. 15tI.argues in !2k-Beligl(J/'len of rising I.!.l55 sujJra. an outstanding scholar of Gnosticism. also Middle Persian sTil. Zaehner.146-47). 267tT. nn. Near placed'on the inte~iril victory ofevil. Shaked's focus of attention. 4). The Book of Al'dii Vlriie: pre." the personification of its deeds. is the important The myth lies. of which Iranian--'!lliL Gnostic doctrine proceeds from the1i~!Land o\Ve'!s.."~ _ aUlobiographical paper "A Relrospeclive View" (1977). ]58 Shaul Shaked has traced a Middle Eastern religions than we are apt to believe.. (1984)..oJrjllLuQLonly__ . he adds yet another case of transposition: Yima Sassanian sources" (p. a precursor of the Shah-niima. horn. 32. Eastern Gnostic-Syncretistic material. two correspondences to ary traditionin Ishlm. idea in Islam (although according to most commentators of the among them the 10stKhwaday-niimag. n. and A~mad Tafazzoli recently see his The Gnostic Religion. as he himself points out. suruy "antler. m Hans Jonas." who "had an avowed interest in transferring Bausani's catalogue: the Mazdean belief in the soul's "meeting with to Islam what he deemed to be of most interest in his native culture" the maiden. Pers. but must be attributed to particularj"ormL eitherpess-imism or optimism. lS7 Widengren. 359.. see Duchesne~Guillemin. C. il II . itself contains a great deal of material which still carries th-.}ra'!. 356) ttat the conception of Jhe worlg. 156 For a brief survey of the controversy over the origin of Gnosticism see Duchesne- In For Islamic sources. he continues. there are a few other examples on basis of Gnosticism than Widengren and Bausani are. according to Shaked.Q1Qred. I and 2. certain Arabic derivation. which Duchesne-Guillemin quotes from Arthur Jeffrey. provides. an Iranian instance of the legend "which reached both formally and semantically. 30 and 38. n. and 360. Manichaean notions formed the basic Iran is _c. 145. an origin for it sents. -. La Religioll. a serious student of Zoroastrianism. "58)The articles are now republished in From Zoroastrian frail (0 Islam.(seen also in Pers. "Cor de Virna. 3. One such case is his al-Adab al-. .. transposed in Islam to the final judgment wrote a number of treatises of his own. 52. 32). This he did by translating a number of Middle Persian works. a Yariarum surii(n).. Cf. The stuQx. Mehrdiid Bahar. however. In a series of admirabieartiCies'-on-thepassage of ideas and tradi- flavor of gnosis and reveals a far wider knowledge of the earlier tions from Sassanian Iran to Islam. pp. depending on whether the emphasis is of Christianity and Judaism that were deeply imbued witl). nn.

21-22 for details of publication). one that accord- ~u<!ici<l!. p. al-mas'alata wa'l-istimii'a.YT~eongovernmentpoliciande>:ercise of !Jower in mil. For instance. precepts. "A Turning Point. "for the sake of one's soul.. Shaked discussed some symbols of power or items of lUXUry briefly the origin of Islamic waqf. rllwiin riiy in Arabic). For Zoroastrian pious foundations see M. p. tr. in a similar division ~--and al-sf~a(S. 23). the most basic tenet of Zoroastrian ethics. and sayings that passed from Among the prominent Sassanian notions is the interdependence of Sassanian Iran to Islam. 23.t_~w~ have been influenced by it (p.Jhe two terms al-maiala andL style. 231-32).Among other parallel terms are the well-known Zoroastrian three two kinds of Wisdom seen in the sayings discussed by.-J. ~IE1~~Llwma1L<!£ti0!~~~atJ:. Boyce. _~i<!e~~_nstituting "a turning !Joint in the his!ory of the Muslim 226)i!Istmguishes I~P_I!lQ§. the second Abbasid caliph. 38-40. Of the many ideas. 150fT. the notion that whoever performs a good or government and religion. literature not necessarily from Middle Persian but from Greek mander of the Faithful . He explores the ramifications of the (Shaked.161 163 The origin of Islamic waqf has been discussed by other scholars as well. 42 Ehsan Yarshaler The Persian presence in the Islamic world 43 political treatise Kiliib ai-saMba that Ibn al-Muqaffa' addressed to al. stool (kllrsi). 120) in the same order that they are found in central to the religious thought of Sassanian Iran but going back to Iranian works. Shakedconcludes thati. Shaked. rendered as ai-ray. throne (sarfr). p. which obviously underlie Avesta (Middle Persian iisn xrad and g8§8sriid xrad. 160 /wmpllrsagfh and niy(jIdiirfh (ShatecLp35 and n 8) their Sassanian model (pp." pp. and actio~ GhaziilI. 1II12. and the terms den and xral." see also Perikhanian in 11.'aql. --. p." fja!liiba. p. each of which represented a different aspect of ature. 3-25 (see Shaked.iicin d~.ervedly con. HiS!. It is rendered in Arabic by i'tidal. In "Paymiin: An Iranian Idea in Contact with Greek Thought and .:dfiscajmatt~rs. 33). as well as some other such recipes or prescriptions. some instances show derivation from Iran (pp.. D. G. acquired wisdom (aql al-masmii' or mula 'aUam). among them C. p. 29-34. he finds the origin of the -. to Den~art VI. among others. in a somewhat jocular virtues in Sassanian moralliterature. iii:gtOa passage in the Denkart IV ~. Gabrieli in EP.Mamiir.. . 229ff. thought. Although the idea of the mean may have entered Arabic of praise that Ibn al-Muqaffa' addressed to the caliph. 37). 117). Bivar. combines with his knowledge questioning sources. Further. and S. conscience. _ 10 Sassanian tradition. al-qawl. and listening" ("fa-inna amIr al-mu'minIna .respectively. Shaked traces a metaphorical recipe. the following phrase in the words qa~d. Zoroastrian phrase pad rllwiin I xves riiy. same as that of Arabic din. In Arabic literature though the original meaning of den in Middle Persian. D. Cahen. Religion and Intelligence (even xralll.!!l~es.. seems to echo the notion In yet another article. Goitein. which S. and maintained to this day by the Shi'ites missions into Islam" (1990). 161 On literary evidence for Sassanian seals see A. that is. Itcorresponds to the Aristotelian notion of the mean-it-nd may-- Muqaffa"~_id~as and proposils. 86). and A. religion. 159 For a description and evaluation of this treatise see F. pp. Madan. "The Pious Foundations of the Zoroastrians. p. "Problema proisxofdenija vakfa" (1973). Sassanian tradition" (p. and kllnisn in Middle Persian.. 32). "Truly the com. pp.and gaoso-sriita xra/U.-aJ'. of lrall. "the sum of "it has gained the ultimate stamp of approval by being attributed to man's spiritual attributes." pp. 162 and this leads him to discuss (1986). but~!!Iike __Qol!~il1' who assume<!~jgilli!li!yJor Ibn'OIj~!lyfrom_a110he~~2~s and cul- _state". 226).159 with_jJold and remarkably Islam" (1987).0l!!~ (1987).. "Quelques reflexions sur Ie waqf ancien. Shaked explored the notion of "the right measure" or interesiin~1ld.aba. H. nn. and finally the four seals attributed He points out other reflections of Sassanian ideas in Arabic liter- to 'All b." In the article "From Iran to Islam: On Some Symbols of Royalty" and their reflection in Islamic literature. yajma'u ma'a 'ilmihi summary. iqti~iid. "borrowed undoubtedly from the 162 See nn. Avestan iisna Ibn al-Muqaffa"s ai-din and al. p. which parallels Sassanian endow- adopted from Sassanian Persia: cushions (namiiriq and wasii'id in ments for one's own soul or someone else's (pad rllwiin. 664f.-one of the j)':. so common a feature of Zoroastrian piety (pp.163 were offered to Sassanian kings. III. pp. 25-29). pp. 20-22 in the article for references. innate wisdom ('aql al-ma!bii' or 'aql al-gharlzi) and gOl~>i. "A Facetious Recipe and the Two Wisdoms" of hampllrsag]fl or ~(msulting ~ith wise peQpje." was not quite the 'Air' (p. "religion. AbI Tiilib. such as the equation of anger with a devil in the words of Abu the king's sovereign power. 429.:. Comb. speech. 160 E 45c in Shaked's edition." with which it coalesced). of the mysticallawzlnaj or folUdaj attributed to the famous Sufi istimii' being perfect renderings of the Middle Persiiill_ terms in Dhu'I-Nun. expressed in various ways and most clearly evil deed does it to himself is an instance that Shaked documents in his in the 'Ahd Ardanr or the Testament of Ardaslr and advocated by Ibn article '''For the Sake of the Soul': A Zoroastrian Idea in Trans- al-Muqaffa' in a/-Sa(liiba. 884b Perikhanian. Western Asiatic Seals. paymiin. quince as one of the presents that Middle Persian).

bridges. does not mention the continue. is instructive: "One should see with 165 For a Zoroastrian text on' the dissimulation of faith. however. where other sayings in a similar vein are to be found con- Persian palaces. 828-45): "man sa'ii ra'ii wa man lazama'l-maniim ra'ii'l- tological events that derive quite clearly from Iran. 1290a. statues." which KasrawT. But there are elements in the Islamic treatment of escha.'---------' -. Ibn Khaldun's observation 1b4 Shaked cites other similar hadUhs.) known" (The Muqaddimah. the celebration of Persian festivals.e language most hateful to 167 See Ibn J:lawqal. 2):164 Some Shi'ite tenets. 44 Elisall Yarshaler J The Persian presence in the Islamic world 45 r Muslim to Sahriim al-MarwazT. wTnadh" ("He who walks grazes. quest l67 (and some are extant to this day). ~iI1gj!lJitude toward_th~kersjan languaEe is reflected in the ~atilth ("Iranian Th-emes. 33b: 1. where he says: and p. for a description of such monuments. An aspect of the Persian presence in the Islamic world was that the Iqlidc7' I 99f. a highly meritorious and so numerous in Arabic literature that it would take volumes to act in Zoroastrianism. pp. which translates the Zoroastrian idea It should be noted that Shaked expresses reservations about Ph. The more one reads in the vast repository of in sight. 159-63).. Persian". 116ff. Tiihir (r.. and other monuments of Sass ani an Persia and of earlier times brate them will find themselves on the day of Resurrection in were still standing and visible for centuries after the Islamic con- company with the impious") (p. Iranian antecedents. EF. sculptured cerning the celebration of Nauruz and Mihrajiin.. Those who cele- scenes. The story of how he asked YaQya b. I.d. Shaked observes: allels. 40. on brief written comment that IbrahTm BaihaqT cites from 'Abd-Alliih b. Rosenthal. -. Kilab.liim.>p: 149). 275. he who adheres to sleep sees that Iran may be regarded as a natural source to comparable Islamic dreams"). mentioned by many scholars. a curious paintings that adorned it. (p. 166 ideas unless there is good reason to suppose differently" (p. The editor has khoradh instead of charadJl. p. F. towers. pointing ing of Iranian elements into Islam. . that the same phenomenon is found ment of Persian (architecture). tr.. As Shaked pointed out. but there is a large number of fire-temples in it" (p. seem to have Zoroastrianantecedents. He also refers to Goldziher's "Das Prinzip des ta~iyya He could not do so for all his trouble. one's own eyes the Reception Hall of Khosraw (iwall Kisra). 897) wrote an entire urinating while standing and against walking with one shoe (in Middle qa~fda describing a palace of Chosroes I Anusharwiin and the figural Persian ew-mog dll'iirisn. 150f. 145). and the opposite:~Perslan'is tb. 150. Islamic eschatology derived a good deal of material from Jewish One may add to the list that Shaked has compiled the tawqf' or and Christian sources.1gh' conceding that a similar formula was current also among both'ZoroaStrians and Manichaeans ("Iranian Themes.. God" (Gignoux el al. iike conceali~g O'lle'S faith irL "The fire-temples in Fars are more than I can count or remember. the face of danger (taqiyya). p. n. is reported as saying: 'Beware of the be regarded as reflecting or continuing older Iranian ideas" (p. har ki khuspadh khiif and further "The flow of ideas from Iran to Islam is such. 272f." p. pp. 168 See also the reference given by Pellat. according to BaihaqT. Masii/ik. see Pahlm'i revayal. 168 but emphatic injunction in both traditions (pp. Eludes Jpig-." pp. like Goldziher and Niildeke to antecedent Jewish and Christian par- logical elements. Ahiidithmukhtiira.. as in MUQammadi. and I~(akhri. Instances of borrowing or influence from Persia is not confined to Shaked notes among negative reactions of Islam to Iranian tradi- the above.. rural district (rasta'l).. n. 213·26. 151f. "Iranian themes are so ubiquitous tions the following prohibitions: killing of frogs. staying in a house where Persian luxuries are encompass the subject . but then was not able to im Islam. about iWiill (Aiwiill) Kisrii. as there is no city. "running around with one shoe"). Bul).). 149.. p." ZDMC.plIiques. also among the Mandeans. p.Cn. 166 A/-Ma~asjn wa'/-masiiwl. Gignoux's hypothesis that besmala (bismi'lIc7IIi'I-ralimiini'l-rahlm) was I have already mentioned some of the content of this article. they served as a source of Among the Persian influences he points to the prohibition against emulation and artistic inspiration. pp. 310. Ar-Rashid intended to tear it down and destroy it. I between Iranian and Islamic ideas so as to suggest probable dependence is eschatology. 143). which in their turn were also dependent.-Z. Farhang. As to the adaptation of eschato.. "Iranian Themes. which. when H~ is pleas<:. the He reveafSHis message in Arabic.H~ reyeJ!ls itilJ correct reading. that powerful achieve- (Shaked notes. the same palace. that regarded xdm or Wrath as a chief demon (pp. Khfllid for advice in that affair is well Zoroastrian parallel. mode of prayer of the Persians (raliinat al-a'iijim)' (Ibn Taymiyya. it seems. He began the work. 144) al). however. For instance'''Whe~Qod is ang!)'.. 34). I. where modeled on the Middle Persian pad "iim f yazdii[l~ 'by the name of it amplifies or refines points made by other scholars on the borrow. recognized as one of Anusharwiin's: "har ki rawadh charadh. for example. One fairly large topic on which there is quite clear evidence of close affinity 152-54). pp. particularly God" (reference is made to DhahabI. or region. 60 (1906). p. fire-temples. 165 118). 23:~~~1 the abundant fire-temples in Fars.turT (d. with references). '''Vmar. I am grateful to my colleague Manuchehr Kasheff for this reference. even'ihc)1. and praying in Persian Arabic literature the more one comes across further elements that may manners. 356).

according to semantic categories. particularly pp. Brill. Henning recognized as a somewhat free translation of a book containing a known number of Iranian words that entered into Arabic prior to Islam. I. Marwan's monetary reform of 696-99 to the expectation roused by historical circumstances. of Iran. with Arabic loanwords. It is an interesting fact. 55. _Urdu). 'Abd ai-Ragman BadawT published in Cairo a work of Miskawayh. Henning '" See Jeffery. 365. the . pp. From the foregoing brief survey two points clearly emerge: the first is that in spite of centuries of proximity.~ (n:>rn Semiti£_v9cabulary. . "Every one knows that as a result of the Islamization of Iran." p. liter.b. n.'" tr. and illustrative tales and fables in the works of adab does not CCLu. al- ljikma al-khiilida or Jaw/dan khirad. j 10ft) ature. including that of the Khwadday-namag or Among the major clues to Persian presence is the considerable 'Book of Lords. Widengren.Choksy. The Muqaddimalz. On Hazar Afsan see Mas'iidl. which W B.. were the early Persian& Then the Ashkanian kings. The Foreign Vocabulary of the QlIran. p. who provides a list of such words 1416 and the thorough article "Alflayla wa laylah" by Pellat.. p." a precursor of the Shahnama. 15. VI (Leiden: E. Conflict ani Cooperation. W. Hebrew.!73 able number of words from Iranian 174 (as did late Babylonian. C. . including those of Iranian origin. the Sassanian- took to distinguish foreign loans in Arabic. Middle Aramaic see S. 365ff. on the surface it hardly measures up 47 ---- issued with some alterations by local Arab governors and some Umayyad caliphs!70 in what are known as Arab-Sassanian coins. Muruj. I. Of the Arab lexicographers. 363: "Thus saith Mu~ammad ibn Is~aq [al- Nadlml: The first people to collect stories.. The first book to be ("]ranisches Lehngut im arabischen Lexikon. Although 'Abd ai-Malik b. ibid. and Syriac is really impressive)" Die Religjonen Irans. Marwan and at least 37 governors in /~ "It is truly astonishing. in Camb.!7! ence." writes G. B. so that a caref~Td~tect[Ve-se~rchJSn~eded to exposethe facts of- The inclusion of much Persian historical tradition. 256--59. 46 Ehsan Yarshater Of the Sassanian products. who under- 170 See G. took notice of this (literature]. wisdom. The paucity of Arab written !~~. as far as the remotest recesses of its dialects. pp. par. 173 "Ein Arabische Version mittelpersischer Wdseheitschriften. Pellat..~re\y~ Aramaic (in general). and Arabic have borrowed a remark- -- Sassanian andarz collection and wise sayings. 479-83. Hist. they refined and giving side of the neighbouring peoples with respect to language matters" elaborated it. 33 Iff.175 but it cannot be said to Rosenthal in Ibn Khaldiin. p. Persian is shot through. have been yet completed. p. The Siisiinian kings in their time adding ~J_~ be found ~~ !r~ni<!I! J<!J1guages. c! -v need elaboration. Abu Man~ur JawallqT type coin with kufic inscription and without figural representation was minted in (d. tion to the fact that. some of which appear also in the Koran. Greenfield in £lr. "that so few authors have paid atten- more than 30 mints. which means 'a thousand Old Aramaic see 1.." in W B. 357. in £Ir. commercial relations. Acta Iranica. 259--.. have. • . pp. IV. For Iranian loanwords in written with this content was the book Hazar A/san. see the earliest commentators on the Koran.. -this-presence. for Iranian loanwords in stories. In 1952. pp. has long been undertaken by both Muslim and Western scholars. pp. 564.vhereas the number. and the controversy over their existence. Sassanian-type coins with or tradition. most Turkic languages. and periods of political control over parts of the Arabian peninsula. Syriac. . the third dynasty of Persian monarchs. composing what was similar to it in content. 54011145) made a collection of some seven hundred words of -- the name of Mu'awiya and 'Abd ai-Malik b. Hommages et Opera Minora. .t!!~_Arab conquest of Sassanian -- ------ without figural representation continued to circulate in some provinces (notably Tabaristan) and to inspire monetary designs in --works make it hard to measure the extent ofthePersran cUlturafjlres-- central Asia and elsewhere. from Middle Persian. 1977).Achaemenid Elamite. and later. Fihrist. They achieved currency through early translations by Ibn al-Muqaffa' and others. Much less known to us is the fact that Persia was for a long time -- i ii to it and extending it.. Hist. vol. ed. that whereas pre-Islamic Iranian languages are all pract(~lI1JyJr. Dodge.Rre-Isla~c times and the total disappearance afte~. p. Shaked. 203) . Deuxieme Serie. !69 apart from being imitated and The Persian presence in the Islamic world Persian cultural presence in the I:Iijaz at the time of the emergence of Islam is rather veiled and subtle. II. 2-14 for a brief review of the • treatment of the foreign words of the Koran by Muslim exegetes and lexicographers Selected Papers II. as a result of its political domination and cultural superiority. The study of the foreign words of the Koran. some of them being written as though animals were speaking. 324fT. silver coins continued in circulation long after the demise of the dynasty. The Arabs translated it into the Arabic language and then. Ibn Nadlm's remark. pp. Miles. II. however. Gobi in Camb.efore the Muslim conquest there are almost no Semitic words 172 Cf. of Iran. 831-35.!" Most of the original translations IV Iranian loanwords in Arabic /c~~ . The second is that the Iranian presence is no less real for being latent and for being overshadowed by the obvious affinity of Islam with Judeo-Christian -- introduced purely epigraphic coins. on the when masters of literary style and eloquence became interested.. IJIII. been lost (one major exception being the KalJ/a wa Dimna). before Islam. 1.2I~Jo!. Eilers similarly notes. pp. as Widengren observes and Eilers reiterates. (See Y.. According to him. pp. 713. The first to apply themselves to the task were -- --- 169 Muslims interpreted the likeness of fire altars on Sassanian coins as fortresses.of Iranian word~ in_ flt. 171 For a description of the features of Sassanian coins and their widespread influence see R. Aramaic. devoting books to them and safeguard- ing them in libraries. Armenian.

H. "evil existence").IS3 I have already men- __ n~ed sch~I~_. compares with duzakh. which were available to him in Cairo" (p. "rose.r. IS2 readiness to see an Iranian origin for borrowed Arabic words. the methodological weaknesses ofthe his al-Mu'arrab. "minister. In his from a variety of texts and dictionaries. notablyi. Schmitt in EJr. (!}. p.mad Khaffijl (d. Wilhelm Eilers. pp. warda. is by M. for including scientific terms.)'iforsl dar <arabi. 89-108. al-Jtqon.abulis in antiquis Araburn carminibus el in Corano peregrinis (Leiden. 71 and nn. Arabic foreign words. studies. Arthur Jeffery. A. which contains a chapter on (Mainz and Wiesbaden.000 tion of~ Qur'an or the life of Muhammad until an exhaustive study words in his lexicon of Persian words in Arabic l84 by culling them has been made of the vocabulary of the Qur'an" (introduction). listing over 1. 1S5 A. 181 This derivation of wazfr.<Jf:_~()ranic.words." from Vocabulary of the Quran (1938) to provideanup:to---date-Hsting of all Iranian (see above. 178-85 on foreign vocabulary of the Koran. 182 As an appendix to his Kulturbegegnung. for a good list of references on the Koran and its vocab.but the advantage over 1990 adds some comparative material from Arabic sources. p. 1659) repeated the undertaking in his Iranian vocabulary in Arabic since the publication of Jeffery's book. 179-98). in which he points out some of 149-57. 138. the local patois). 57-75). A. 1974). 1213-28.178 In 1908. A. need not have gone al-Alfo. philological d5_~c~ssions. But Jeffery himself gives credence to Widengren's criticism that "In this very useful book the treatment of Iranian loanwords is perhaps 180 Widengren's remarks seek generally to refine Jeffery's philological discussions of the least satisfactory &ection"179 by admitting that "In the case of ref. Among these are barzakh. 424-25 and BiD-Bibliographies de J 34 savants. Rev. the author. 1886). with. One of the works that was apparently not available to Jeffery was H.. studies made considerable-contrlbutionsto this field in a number of sical Arabic. sought in his The Foreign tioned Duchesne-Guillemin's derivation of ~ur. I76 and Shihiib Additions and corrections have been made to the study of the ai-DIn Al). sundus.600 words and through Aramaic into Arabic. primarily an Arabist. See from philological discussions on account of his admitted unfamiliarity with ancient Raghib Isfahani. Studien fiber die persischen Fremdworter im klassischen publiC~jons. 1976). 264. See 176 A critical edition ofthis useful book was published by A~mad Mu~ammad Shakir R. He had earlier pub. in 1942 with a preface by 'Adb al-Wahhab 'Azzam. "Das Iranische Lehngut im ara- Arabisch. ~_such-. 48 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 49 non-Arab origin . 177 Serious studies in the West of the on the Prophet's ascension ISO (pp. His work. Sinn und Herkunft der Planetennamen (Munich. to bear. says facilities. 256-59. who consider it alaI! form of w. with additions and comprehensive indexes (1988).:t\Voartic::les. for his other works. pp. 263. foreign vocabulary in Arabic and in the Koran made considerable "a barrier or partition" <barz+ax'. both Semitic and Iranian words and determine more precisely the dialectal forms erences to Iranian sources. discusses the sound changes. pp. was published in G6ttingen. erences given for each loan. for clarifying the proba- 178 Die aramiiischen Fremdworter im Arabischen (Leiden. 40) . with citation of sources. generally refrains 177 See also Suyii\l. who has brought together over 2. suffers somewhat from his lack of ation was varda and not varta lSI Widengren also compiled a list of familiarity with Old and Middle Iranian. account ofIranian loanwords in Arabic. "trumpet. Dawiidi. for lack of library involved rather than adding new cases of borrowing. p. Nonetheless his dictionary is very useful for citing ref- ulary by its editor~. A later edition by F. Shifii' al-ghalif by using al-Mu'arrab and other sources and adding notably by Widengren in an appendix to his monograph cited earlier more words of /oreign origin. Mufradiit. . now was borrowed "doubtless direct from the Middle Persian. Uber einige Berufsnamen und Tite!" (1962) and rather than furnishing a list of the loanwords. a versatile scholar in the field of Semitic-Iranian In 1919. however.. . has been compelled to limit himself to the few texts. and also from too great a the Iranian loanwords in the Mandean dialect of Aramaic.. Iranische Ortsnamenstudien (1987) and Der Name Demawend (a collection of several articles published origi- nally in Archiv Orientalni. Vlll. ~miim-Shushtarl. . vii). pp. "to carry." is now abandoned by somewhat antiquated.P Muhammad. pp. 208. 'Abd al-Ra~lm in 18S The Persian rendering of words can be trusted in this work . He rightly The fullest compilation to date of Arabic borrowings from Iranian remarked that "Little further advance -can be made in our interpreta. and for his restrained approach in assigning Persian origins to 1880). Iranian or Semitic languages. the "Iranisches Lehngut im Arabischen" (1968). useful as it is.mostly Persian ." from Iranian viCir which Jeffery. Addi Sherr's compilation . Iranian elements in Imperial Aramaic (pp. 184 Farhang-i ~'ii:::hahii. ble Khiiii origin of some loanwords (his being from Khiizistan and familiar with lished De v9&-. most scholars. "high existence" (which he progress during the final decades of the l800s." See below. silk" <Parthian sundus (negating connection with Akkadian sudinnul AddI Sherr published in Beirut his study of Persian loans in Arabic in sadinnu). "hell" <duzax'. as the early Middle Persian pronunci- names. index offoreign words that are discussed in the book the Iranian ones Tafazzoli's article in the Encyclopaedia iranica. Geographische Namengebung in und UI1I Iran. Siddiqi's useful study of the Persian vocabulary in clas. according to him. a brief are most numerous next to the Syriac-Aramaic and Hebrew group. Schaeder's Iranische Beitriige (1930). "fine Fraenkel's work on Aramaic loanwords in Arabic. exemplified in S.. focusing on sound changes bischen Lexikon. the Apostle of God." which. p. pp. 183 Of note are also his Die ~'erg!eichen-semasio!ogische Methode in der Orientalistik. al-jiirisiyya al-mu'arraba.

sin ")." and barba[...and perhaps to synopsis.. pI. ptkr. dasllVar. words like laj "crown" (MP liig).lly noteworthy are terms relating to Paradise and the delights there for the elect: firdaus "Paradise" itself « Avestan pairidaeza. abiibfl (Koran 105. ography." nay."fiiludafi. bel." as in Paradise (perhaps < MP rod ". pargiir).' pI.l1r~"). b.. 179-85). NPers. NPers. namiiriq "cushions" (Parthian /lamr. Koran 23. Bosworth. "elevated existence". of abila. al-Na<. iSlabraq "silk brocade" (MP slabrag < slabr "thick. notably origins. diinag. apadiina-). when Mul. diishin "gift. order" (MPers. dldbiin). as expected. categorizes the loanwords into semantic fields. Etym%g. peyk). chang). and semantic difficulties and the absence of the word in an intermediary language make the hypothesis unlikely. "a sweet made of flour and honey." OPers. who told (NPers." pI. Syriac." hence "creat. jarmiin. 186 This is also what Jeffery.jihris/jihrist. diing). Add. . baydaq.Jahiiris.jitkar.iit. dast). leader" (MPers." p. pI.. sentry" (MPers. jrasang)." and hence "soft and flabby likejalUdhaj" (MPers. Mar' al-Qais and in several pre-Islamic and mukha<. debiig. see eanj (Pel's. OPers. payg. "vescicle. "queen in chess" by the dwellers in Paradise.. in the poetry of A'sa. says on the = = = ". 102. A few examples will quoted. dugiih. 189 Some Persian enthusiasts have suggested Pers. = Aramaic.). Middle Eastern languages-. -- "chain mail" « *dirih < OP drada-. 25." to be understood by rayfin abiibil.. "pistachio" (MPers..>ammad wished to impress his fol.. on which the saved will loll. dlbii). and rauda "well-watered (MPers. "pawn in chess" (MPers. *39 and Vullers. . NPers.. aJljLdi.. NPers. Parthian. 50 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 51 ... the Apostle oj God.. "guard. al-J:Iiirith.. *pahrist). 215. 3). In their complicated passage to Arabic. "administration or its departments. senger" (MPers.Jramiin. 55. strong"). p. minister" (MPers. NP ziri"). MPer& Middle Persian. OPers. biil. they went through many changes so that it is survey of Arabo-Persian relations before Islam I have already sometimes difficult to recognize them as Iranian. they also came from other languages. aspast). "vestibule" (MPers. remarks that "Persian words tended to be borrowed by t1W illustrate the above points: 188 Arabsior objects and concepts which their own desert 'arabiyya. dlviin). according to (MPers. payiidag). . dastur). "chicken pox. Sherr points to some possible Kurdish Persian. however.!LQI dahliz).. often through Aramaic or 187 . "army. *barzax'. chancellery. 43f. who. pistag).. 610).fiilUdhaj. also Avestan zriioo-. -- ~otfh also' mentions some of the other words borrowed 'from bayiidiq.Jrazen). dustur. But e~p~. -. New = authority of Horn.furiinaq. 185). Parthian. ciirgiih). jarkiih (names of musical modes. "silk brocade" (MPers. dalVashin (Aram. dast. Arabic). Jadan. jarziin. pI. "palace." from the assumed -. such as 'ifrlC "demon" (early MP ajrftan. cf. jisfiiraj. dalViiniq. ". a lVanafiag. smallpox" (but not -----cIeSPite its famed richness. aJdan (Syriac 'pdn'. ahila murghan. barzakh. sculpture. stories of the Persian heroes Rustam and Isfandiyar and distracted the "clover.. "plain" (MPers. . As to the nature of the Iranian words that entered Arabic in pre. Old Persian. polUdag). Ibn Qutaiba. NPers. was fond of using Persian words in his poetry.fustuq/fustaq. mes- from the Iraqi milieu). bI/). account book of moral figures and concepts.crime. OPers. lacked. but the phonological Persian. Harzandl bol. "one-sixth of a drachm" (MPers. Lexicol/. the splendours and luxury of Persian court life were proverbial in early parlVanag).): (MPers.e." Widengren.". NPers. "sweetmeat" (MPers.he not infrequently had recourse to Persian terms. sikiih. for "relief. Clearly. religious and ethical terms" ("Iran and the Arabs." pI. aII:ea(jy in~he al-Namiini i.. dihliz. for cultural and. NPers. "pair of compasses" counter the influence of his rival in Mecca. Parth. "spade" Thus we find. Ill!!'f the treasury. patikara. "rule. jaramln. pespiirag). sigiih. "garden" Persian (ibid. "parasang. = Syriac.Jarmiin). MP zreh. worn four Roman miles" (MPers.~iil'tion~f *diisna-). "harp. dlbiij. "register. In the Qur'iin we find some Persian words denoting theolos!£. and as they were being adapted to the sound system and mor- Islamic or early Islamic times. for example. Aram. The Foreign Vocabulary (~r the Quran. dsn '. banajshaj. and provides a bibli. "courier. 189 ayiiraj. - . for the controversy over this extent. jiejie.iniih ". and even from Old Persian or Median. word. meadow or garden. pI. viz. Arm. NPers. danaq. and NPers. Prophet's audience . lowers by describing the joys in store for the righteous .lute. passing into Greek and most dawiilVln (M and NPers. daydhabiin. "flute.. 20. banfia). index" (MPers. MP iiIridan "to create. from whose excellent phology of Arabic. daydab. and lmam-Shiishtari draws attention to some Khiizl provenance (see n. bostiin). "violet" (MPers. dllViin. I. dayiidiba. NPers. to a lesser abilat as in Jeffery)": see Jeffery.farsakh. MP and NP nann "soft"). 181 The identification of the Iranian dialect from which a word was borrowed into Arabic loans from Iranian did not all come from Middle or New Arabic is still far from satisfactory. It is not surprising that it was from the Persians that the Arabs obtained . "a number of words for musical instruments borrowed from Persian: barrier or partition" (MPers.fayj. pp. (Iubb "earthen Arabia. Syr. collected poems of a single poet.186 andjuniih "crime" « lakMP and NP gUllah < earlier MP ". bustiin.-ana-'probably via the ChrisiiansoC Iraqjoto "decree.lram poets.jirjiir/jirkiir. lucerne" (M and NPers. ayiirag. = Armenian. pI. 55. pl. "helper"). dukiih. Muhammad. "a purgative" (MPers.iver. "idol" (Aram.

cf.). iismiingiin). "to provide for. and "trousers"). kurbag. "district. p. 'mihtaragiin. -jim. ciidar). "outer Foreign Vocabulary oj the Quran. Muhammad. "army" (also jUlldiyya. shawbaq. "cither. "caravan" (MPers. gnz. shawd- Sassanian kings" (Syriac. "cold" (MPers. qabj. rukh. Parth. see Jeffery. 527. catrang). tambur. dome. cupola" (M and NPers. "shop. tavern" (MPers. miswiik. "substance. rizq. "Iranisches Lehngut im arabischen Lexicon. 168 for references). magus. marg. "meat stew with vinegar" Zoroastrians" (OPers. flrag). "lute" (MPers. siwiik. marzubiin. tabar). jawhar. n. wasii'id (Syr. The pi. cabag. celebration" (parth." cf. kandaq. warehouse"). pi. sha{ranj "chess" (MPers. 'tiig. 51 and 16. julfaq. marj. Aram. "falcon. "lead. sriidag. "hut"). Widengren. kabiig). village" (MPers. jurbuzlqurbuz. tin" (parth. kaz). table" (MPers. namraqlnumruq.ja~~. musk). "musk" (MPers. pan" (MPers. Mandean srd'q'. siihdiinag). MPers. cunning" (NPers. rastiig. Xusrav). NPers. "cistern" cf. xwardig "food"). rowsan). "buffalo" (MPers. "cushion" (NPers. "calf" (MPers. NPers. labar. (parth. 81. "carrot" (NPers. mazag)." MPers. angustbiin). JawalIqI. 'carm-miig. fag. and see Tafazzoli. NPers. "sly. tayhuj. service. "thimble" (MPers. gazellag)." p. "the name of several "fish-hook" (NPers. mahrajiinlmihrajiin. *gailJiipati-. the Apostle oj God.ffl. also jurmiiq. khiwiinlkhuwiin. jahbadh. e. cark. MPers. nebr. 'arCfc. and service. In later Arabic the pI. "Iran and the Arabs. arzlZ. *ciihreg. 232a. the Quran. "golden". mawzaj. narm "soft"). (parth. shiihiinaj. shawiibiq. It is an old loan. jewel" (MPers. kabk). bTmiiristiin). pp. "apprentice" (MPers. 164. "sky blue" (NPers. "gypsum" (M and NPers. NPers. via Syr. xwiin). 52 Ehsall Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 53 vessel" (MPers. p. "tray. pavilion" (MPers. ~ard. moat" sarmuja. marv). xumb). NPers. "clay"). namiiriq. *iibreg. "rolling pin" (MPers. jawz. "the magi. and NPers. 74. samalljull. sariiwi! is used with the meaning of 190 According to Morony. "festival. "veil" (MPers. and Jeffery. "mon. gurbuz). "sal ammoniac" (NPers." razaqa. niimajlniimaq. mustaq. nawshiidirlnushiidir. 105. MPers. sag. miiristiin. broth" (MPers. "a 193 Sirba/ is used in pre· Islamic poetry in the sense of "shirt" or "shirt of mail" (see Jeffery. "livelihood. Widengren. (MPers. eychanger" (MPers. ra~ii~. tehag). "frying tal" (MPers. 11. gullbad). 15. see also ward). mag. ju/l. 84. carx. "hall. "glue" (MPers. ibrTq. "warehouse" from the assumed 192 See Ibn Qutaiba. kajiz). "stone" + gil. and MPers. cf. 'tadarg? cf. "water jug" (MPers. niimag). *Ciihreg). 168). sargen). Muhammad. srb'I'. siriis. p. 149. Parth. Syr. -yall).jullbadh and qubba. ~arm. pI. cf.193 sirjfn. qorbajlkulbaj. muza). "sesame oil" (MPers. canopy. "rose. tast). The Foreign Vocabulary oj the Quran. Kisra. and besiegers. "silk" (MPers. see "coriander" (MPers. 611). jazar. ajlliid. 'sikbiig). who gives further references. see Eilers. and NPers. 189. "garment. *ganza_). wisiida. -gall. "shoe" (MPers. qafsh. bounty. wann. NPers. "shoe" (MPers. sfraj. qayrawiin. sast). gund). cf. sard). NPers. coat of mail" (Syr. "crown" (parth. sha~~. ~aqr." MPers. p. "margrave" (MPers. Arm. shiijird.l9fJ kanz. gaz). Widengren. "mulberry" writing" (MPers. OPers. sirbiil. al-Mu'arrab. pi. p. "color" (parth. the Apostle of God. razTg through Syriac. 'sres. "lamp" muv). hasiigird. (Parthian cariig. Muhammad. the Apostle oj God. ~ikr/j. tut. gul. scrape". korbajl har. muq. "rook in chess" (MPers. and NPers. 178). the Apostle of God. "mortar" (MPers. siriij. garment" (MPers. tadar( v). nisiidur). in the Koran measure" (MPers. suriidiq. 35. kushtubiin. kulba. jUllud. "to rub. p. "hospi." p. rawsan. Shaked.191 ~iirjlshiiriiq. carm). qazz. (MPers. p. pp. 153. sawiibik. it appears that it originally designated a series "breeches. tiibag). sirls'). pandora" (MPers. misk. cf. jundlqund.g. riij. and NPers. see Eilers. 194 liibaq." tajallllud. khurdiq. Kwsrw. {astlta~~. Iraq. pi. "walnut sweetmeat" (MPers. leather" (MPers. 191 See Widengren. gahr). tadharv). Muhammad. "testicle" (MPers. "dung" (MPers. "partridge" (MPers. . tadrujltadhruj. "partridge" (MPers. rustiiqlrusdiiqlruzdiiq. NPers. "letter. "hide. OPers. 'sawiik "pheasant" (parth. "boot" (MPers. 83 in the sense of "garment". NPers. Arm. "Lehngut. "tent. "a kind of shawbak. arCfc. mug. rOfn "light. ciiriig). "treasure" (Aram. MPers.I92 sikbiijlsakbiij. The Foreign Vocabulary oj the Quran. NPers. "Iranian Themes. NPers. jUlld. which conforms to of trenches dug to protect the boundary between J:llra and the Arabian najd. it was the meaning of salviir in NPers. but need not be through Aramaic also the name given to the ditch dug by MuJ:!ammad. ju'dhar." p. vln). (MPers. "wand"). "enlistment. "military siigird). flower" (MPers. 14. 142-43). kiirviin). t/jiin. 590. "bagpipe" (MPers. salviir. NPers. "meadow" sirwiil. 211). 167 for bibliography. sij. "performing military hawk" (MPers. jawiimTs. "shoe" (MPers. to provide nourishment" (from gaC). p. *gehbad. qabii. pi. samanjun. 192-93.4. Adab al-kiitib. "tooth-brush" (MPers. zar-gallag. *kalldag). gund). trousers" (Bosworth. giilVmeS). reportedly on the advice of or Syriac. "vault. majiis. rustii). p. ~ahr/j. tut). and Mandean t'g'). gazar)." p. MPers. *mustag). "cistern" (MPers. "sky blue. p. azure. from sudan. "bowl" (MPers. mgwS'. tanbur)." cf. kafi). "window" (MPers. "store." NPers. gadar). rux). pI. "leather shoe"). gisnTz). jiimus. "lump of baked clay" (Koran. 178 under ibrTq). jawzTllajlq. wemiiristiin. cf. "the autumn festival of Mithra"). cary). pi. MPers. marzbiin). qajiz. "ditch. "hemp seed" (MPers." tajllTd. and NPers. "axe" (MPers. srg'). "walnut" MPers. in Aramaic srbl' means "mantle" (Jeffery. anbiir (= MPers. The Foreign Vocabulary of (MPers. qashnfz. Salman al-firisiyy (Salman the Persian) to protect Medina against the Meccan 194 See Jeffery. p. namr "meek.

pp. the yield from his estate amounted to 84. Lapidus points out. "gift" (see above). Under the Umayyads. 188. Miqdad. p. and the first translations of Persian The Arabs who conquered Persian cities. Levy. greater knowledge of Persian culture. "to record. "to write a book" ing Islamization of the Persians and their entry into wila' or clientage (from namaq. 19' See Tafauoli. In Iraq the Sassanian pattern of administrative organization. zig). realgar" (Aram. had them to govern and to manage fiscal matters. Then one of the Persian governors (maraziba) present told TafazzolI. As shown earlier. taja. "to be crowned" (from taj. zarnikh.000 slaves. Hormazan. was divided. the Apostle of God. the life of the Muslims and divide the booty among them. "orpiment.2oo and the germ of d/wan or the system of government Some verbs: dawwana. 68. zanjabfi. zij. Ibn Tiqtaqa reports that built residences in Ba~ra. Then he suggested that 'Umar should institute a din'an (ul- 198 See A. dashana. p. "reddish wine" cent garments kept arriving. zaraqa. As I.. And 'Abd al-Ral)man b. but points to the concern themselves felt in Umayyad times.)197 The report is no doubt spurious. see know how.). including many daughters of Persian And as he notes further: nobility (a~rar). zargon. (Islamic Societies." from dashin. Mas'lidi reports that Zubair b. military. 199. former governor of Ahwaz who was a captive in 19' AI-akhbiir al-{iwiil. the fourfold but more particularly Medina. "golden"). A!Jkiim al-sul{iiniyya. "golden"). Elymologie. In Syria Persian culture and way oflife. namaqa. Munya had accumulated. .. *upa-sata-. Persian influences made Arabs. 63tf. Mi~r (Fus\at). zay. Klifa. 256-59. Abi Waqqas. p. Laufer. OPers. cf. Fajr al·lsliim. "gold". par& 1578-82) of the possessions that 'Uthmiin b. "builder's string" (MPers. particularly al-Mada'in political documents were made. whose version of the MPers form J have given here. Sa'd b. and had garnered in the fifteenth year of his caliphate 'Umar saw that the victories had 1. p." from mohr. Dlnawarl reports that the Arabs took so much booty at the adopted by Arab administrators. see n.000 sheep. to register" (from d/wan. Za}). but the host of captives tion. Tall. and R.000 dinars or more.195 ziq/j. 54 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 55 bsadhya < OPers. Sino-Iranica. were adopted. daranya-. "to give.000 camels and 195 See Hom.. diture. MawardI records a somewhat different version: 'Umar was orga- . precious jewels. To administer conquered territories they had to resort ----- Companions had collected in the course of Islamic conquests may be taken from to Persian expertise. correspondence." pp.. 'Affiin. In the region of Caliph Hisham (724-43) among the Arabs caused by the impact of numerous Persian captives. Zaid b. see above). "ginger" (MPers. The system consequently became a major above). 'Abd al·Ra1)man b. pp. administration. 'Awf. above)." and indeed they Within the court milieus there were literary and cultural alternatives to Islam took part in the battle of ~iffin (i. It is said that the caliph 'Umar used to say "I take refuge with God from the daughters of Jilawlii'. The widely accepted view of the Persian presence in the Islamic world The parallels between the measures taken by 'Abd aI-Malik and al-Wali'd and With the conquest. and Ya'ia b. the Arabs were not and Egypt the whole adminstration apparatus including revenue administra- unfamiliar with the Persians prior to Islam. zargon. where all income and expen- "astronomical table" (MPers. 53. Al-Fakhrf. they caused civil war among the and Arabism. aspect of Muslim administration for many centuries. 129. silver. Muhammad. p. Thabit. zig). but did not zrnyk < Median *zaranyaka-.. and Widengren. as well as recipients of gifts (ala) were registered. and Alexandria. 191). 77).000 dinars. Thabit left behind had to be chopped by axe& Tal!)a's daily revenue from Iraq alone amounted to 1. Medina asked how the Caliph would know if some men evaded the duty and sand male and female slaves. 62) battle of Jilawla' as never before. remained behind. see departments took root. Zubair. 'Awwam. "Some Symbols of increased and that loads of gold.e. Persian court procedures were adopted. to the idea. nizing an expedition. see its history. Amin. they retained the dehqans or the landed gentry to help Zubair b. p. "zircon" (MPers. and its statecraft became available to the Muslims. The ingots of gold and silver that Zaid b. for instance. 'Vmar took singijJfr). In keeping with the recruitment of the late Umayyad and 'Abbasid political elites from all parts of the empire. 198 While eliminating the top echelon of Sassanian Mas'lid!s report (Muriij.Ja. Elr. p. as well as cultural traits and artis- tic motifs. 85tf. were faced with a sophisticated system of administration and revenue collection about which they had little or 199 A measure of the amount of booty that the notables among the Prophet's no experience. zaj. see above). zarqun." p.. II. taken in the course of Arab victories flooded not only Arab camps. 200 10. and even the form of chancery documents was Byzantine in origin . 'Awfpossessed 1. "to be blue. "alum" (NPers. him about the Persian practice of d/wan. mahhara. 'Awwam had one thou. 196 Borrowings from Persia also increased." azraq "blue" (from zarqun. (ibid) (Ctesiphon-Seleucia). male and female. see Shaked. from which war booty was to be division of finance. "seal" (= MPers. and magnifi- Royalty. 199 He thought the time had come to ease (MPers. With the increas- "to seal." relationships with the Arabs. "crown. zarjun. 233a). the Arabs became more closely acquainted with the practices of the Byzantine and Sassanian empires are striking. for a fuller list of examples. "Persia and the Arabs.. and chancellery services. many Sassanian administrative measures.

'" Bulletin d'Eludes Orientales." Brockelmann (GAL S.. Brinner points out: finest expression and much of the subsequent art in Muslim lands is due to The second lengthy resiila still extant is his "epistle to the secretaries. Kitiib 1I1-liij. Tajarib.. al-Qii<. ~al-i 'Abd Alliih Ibn Ml/qafJa '. Shaul Shaked. fore turned toward Iraq and the East. sees in his rasii'j[ some- thing closer to translations or Pahlavi political rhetoric. Beeston. p. 154-55). 31ff. Latham. realize that it was just during Wafayiit. 1. A. IV. The strong emphasis on the Iranian element may come as a surprise. This shift went beyond a mere politi. edited. ical juncture in the development of the Arabic literary language at which the first full impact 203 From Byzantium to Sassanian Iran and the Islamic World. and secretarial practices. including architecture. 80 [1967J. (E1r. Gibb Zoroastrian iran CO Islam. however. 378 (and the sources mentioned in the footnote). 27. 20S On <Abd al-I:J. chap. de Blois. "The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature. {H. particularly pp.-. and studied by Il)san 'Abbas: 'Abdal-Hamid ibn Ya~ya (1988) (I am cial and personal orientations naturally led to identifications with the indebted to Prof. in fact Umayyad and predate the epistles of<Abd al-J:lamid. military tech. 32). I.. pp. that the sixteen epistles Said Amir Arjomand. "Some Themes in Transmission. Sourdel. 82-85. and "profuse and varied Iranian elements" purportedly exchanged between Aristotle and Alexander. 154-55.. though. for example. 30-33). and court ceremonies. 55f. R) Gibb states flatly that this work was clearly inspired by the tradition of No aspect of the Persian tradition was perhaps as culturally sig. Bllldan. Shaked." pp. 72-83. p. Beginnings of Arabic Prose Literature. see p. 3. Latham. "La Biographie d'Ibn al-Muqaffa' d'apres les sources anciennes"." Le Museon. 131." in From D. C[ Europe. GAL. 1. F.." pp.. Ibn Khallihan. ofroreign influences was felt"." pp. Here the integration of Byzantine with Iranian elements finds its cerning his models and the tradition he was follOwing. 164. about Sassanian traditions.{)4. Arab. p." in which special empha- the catalytic effect of this combination. 630 sis is placed on the various fields or learning a secretary should master in order to carry out his task properly. 41. pp. Wm. and we know that Walid the secretaries by Jahi~'s time. 487-91. to the East Roman Empire. had failed." pp. 89) that '''Abd~al-l:Iamid extracted rrom the Persian tongue the modes style by 'Abd al-l:IamId b. I. We should. Brinner. citing the same author's Keliib al-~enii'alayn. R. 203 His concluding comments on corpus of fictional literature that goes back ultimately to Pseudo·Caliisthenes. 204 Or by Abu'l 'Ala' Salim. Latham ("The '''Religion and sovereignty are twins' in Ibn al-Muqatfa<>s theory of government". lected. cal reorientation and seems to have affected the whole mental outlook of the pp. however." an identification plainly reflected in the Throne Hall Khirbat al. music. tary to Hisham. 23. Elf.l al-kutub al-mansuba suwa or the Persian ceremonial hat (pp.. medicine. pp. 222 and 223. pp. S I. Gibb in EI'. and forming part of that adopted in the building of the palace. J. 111.. astronomy. I. pp. as W. 105). and particularly the capital at Constantinople. 69ff." See also 'Abbas Iqbal. Hist. and W.. which greatly influenced the development of Richard Ettinghausen has discussed at length in his seminal essay on Islamic administration as well as caliphal court etiquette and Arabic the Umayyad palace of Khirba! al-Mafjar the various themes. According to S. Tha'alibi is considered the original author of the fre- the reign of Hisham that the Arab government grasped that the various quently cited epigram: "epistolary style began with <Abd al-I:Jamid and ended with efforts to conquer the heartland of the Byzantine Empire in Anatolia and Ibn al-'Amid [the Buyid vizier]" (Tha'iilibi. "Ibn al-Muqaffa< quince.202 kUlIiib or secretaries. patterned silk (p. Ettinghausen refers to a large number of 207 The original writings of Ibn al-MuqafTa' are published by Kurd 'Ali in Rasa 'if 01- primary and secondary sources concerning the Umayyad adoption of Persian bulaghii'. p. Ill. 194. Iqd. botany. Abd-ai-J:lamid thus stands at the crit- 201 "Persia and the Arabs. pp. nn. I. Ibn al-Nadim. This change in the caliphs' offi. 146fI. Bllf:O)"S Ars(ii!afisa. "Ebn al-MoqafTa"'. a Persian maw/a of Sassanian sympathies and knowledgeable Bosworth. Df. Miskawayh. F. Wu." pp. coinage. 11. motifs. 292-317. pp. 135211933--34. p. There is. L. 205 who trans- fields. the fruit depicted in a central position is in Studies 011 the Ch'i1ization of Islam. decorative designs. van Ess. crown (p." pp. 105.. nificant under the Umayyads as the creation of the Arabic epistolary Cairo. 56 Ehsan Yarshaler Reuben Levy has discussed borrowings from Persia in various J The Persian presence in the Islamic world 57 Hisham and chief secretary to Marwan b. ferred Sassanian professional traditions to Arabic. "Le Systeme ethique d'lbn al-MuqafTa'. commissioned an Arabic translation of a sidered "the founder of Arabic prose" and his epistles having become textbooks for Persian illustrated history of all the Sassanian kings. Yatfmat al-dallf. 1-172. Charles-Dominique. p.iin al-ma''s authentication of'Abd al- J:lamid's epistles: "Early Islamic State Letters" (1992). 206 See. D. p. in which the Umayyads had established a successor state Yatimal al-dahr. a fruit that used to be offered to Sassanian kings on festive occasions. Franz Rosenthal for the last two references). tentatively supported by J. 48-77. ering that the building was erected in a territory with a longstanding 16(). 395/1005. it there. Tha'alibi. 164fI. 66. pp. M ui:lammad). 154--64). and transposed them into the Arabic tongue. Fihrisl. III. chemistry). "Na~ra jadida fi ba'<. pharmacology. Lit. '''Abd Allah Ibn al-MuqafTa' and the 'Abbasid Revolution. p.amid and his place in Arabic letters see Ibn al-Faqih. the quotation is from p. The corpus of<Abd al-J:lamid's writing has been col- ibn Yazid used Persian idiomatic expressions. Jahshiyari." pp. A. 202 "Persian Science. dassique. 63---65. Grignaschi's argument ("Les 'Ras~ril "Some Fragments of the Mu'iim4at al-Qur'all. 'Abd al-lfamid. with extensive bibliography. p. 223 on 'Abd aI-Hamid being consistently con- caliphs. 45-66. For a discussion of the authenticity of some of the works customs. the Sassanian secretariat. For the latest studies on <Abd al-J:lamid see A. p. 'Abbas. Hisham. 19 [1967J and "Le Roman epistolaire VOJ'age to India and the Origin of the Book of Kamal! Wll Dimllal!. 20t Cyril Elgood has outlined of Arabic literary prose by Ibn al-Muqaffa'207 Persian contributions in the Islamic period in different branches of 'Abd al-l:IamId and ibn al-Muqaffa' both belonged to the class of science (mathematics. are such borrowings are worth quoting. 151-63. no. Ibn 'Abd Rabbih. IS and 17. justifying the statement by 'Askan(d. 51. whether he had direct access to Persian works. H. lSI. 112) 21ff. (Pseudo-?) Jahi~. Yai:lya al-Katib204 (secretary to caliph or secretarial composition .ara'. and Early 'Abbasid Prose. consid. and the taj or l'lbn al-MuqafTa'. pp. (pp. D. Byzantine tradition. where he expresses doubt as to "Kura.9.206 and the creation nique. Sharl. items of clothing. Camb. pp. D. 32). cf." a . 39-43.. including the use of the qalan- attributed to him see Il)san 'Abbas. no doubt con~ Mafjar. the predecessor and teacher of'Abd al-!:Iamid and secre- P.. jf we accept M.

Cf. mostly arabized and islamized bringing down the Umayyad caliphate and installing the Abbasids Persians. Lassner. 112. G. m Lassner. the horizon of set forth by Moshe Sharon 219 in the latter's doctoral dissertation 220 Islam expanded through fruitful synthesis of the classical and oriental her- (updated and amplified as Black Banners/rom the East. 21' See Lassner.212 that the Abbasid revolution was in simple terms. which E.217 It has also been ardently the Arabs. certain standing Islamic historians. Lassner. p." with its antecedents in the Persian tions in Arab guise.. On the other hand. p. echoing Goldziher. 'Abbiisid Rule. Gerlof van Vloten'll and Julius Persian concepts in administration (tadbfr) and in polite society and litera." pp. 122fT. ushering in a new era of Islamic civilization. pp. tr. period.>aw' jadid" (1957). p. pp. the the consensus on the role of Persians. Dennett's doctoral dissertation. 'Abbiisid Rule. nn. 131fT. (Black Banners. notes that the transfer of power than a religious nature. Muslim Studies. pp."222 according to which the Abbasid dynasty was "the culmination of a long struggle between the 'Arab Kingdom' of In almost all instances these statements refer to the first two cen- the Umayyads and the conquered population of a shattered Iranian turies of Abbasid rule. particularly pp.19) "orthodox doctrine. "Marwan ibn Muhammad: The able strength. pp. Weir. 63. 249-52.135. books of counsel. however. who in itage and Islamic thought after the gates were thrown open to allow for the creative participation of non-Arabs in the now heterogeneous society in tum followed an early lead by David Ayalon. I. 221 Sharon. and below. Goldziher." p. and 155ff. p. p. 6-7. 4. "An actual specialized class of officials came into being. For a judicious discussion of the conlent of these and the works 208 See Ja\li~.276. 'Abbiisid Rule. C. Islamic Revolution. 120. 7. 34 on "Allyat ha-' Abbaslrn la-shil!on" (1970).. and Tabi'at al-da'wa al. 214 This view was supported in its essence by 'Abd al-'Azlz Duri. '''Abbasid Da'wa. argues that in the early decades of Abbasid rule "Persianization" by M. Society. Cf.'abbiisiyya sumed. I. 116ff. resurgence of the conquered Persians against their victors and that One illustration of this assimilation is the subsequently developing literary the Abbasid caliphate was essentially a restoration of Persian tradi- genre of "mirrors for princes. 91-92. 'Umar. Browne characterizes by "the ascendancy of Persian influence. A.. 1939). 254. ture (adab) gradually became part of the common fabric of Islamic culture. 2JO Literary History. Shaban. see Humphreys. for with the advent of the defended by Jacob Lassner.218 who follows to a large extent the views Abbasids the whole nature of Islam was revolutionized . and side de 749 a936. 99ff. of kiitib). The formative and trend-setting secretaries of the The revisionist view late Umayyad and early Abbasid periods were generally of Persian stock and had a decidedly Persian orientation. pp. pp. 58 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 59 prose literature. 40-48. notes that 217 'Abbasid Revolution (1970). Rasii'il. 91) The revisionist approach appears to have been initiated by D. the Golden Age ofIslam. p.' plur. where he argued that the Abbasid revolution was of a political rather Moshe Sharon. 221 which the Arab element very quickly lost its predominance. Islamic History. 260. p. referred to below. in fostering and leading that revolution. 12-14. and Humphreys. "The 'Abbasid descent. 75fT." See also ibid. (1970). or rather of Khurasanians. p. These authors generally react negatively to what had become p. Dawla. 70 and n. p. tions that such conditions were considered unnatural. 'Abbiisid Rule." 2lS "!.. the birth of Islam being the tirst . Dennett's thesis is summarized by F. Institutions. n. pp. thus played a decisive role. 348. 138. "210 2lJ In De Opkomst der Abbasiden in Chorasan (I 890) and "Recherches sur la domina- tion arabe" (1894).."209 As Bosworth Khurasanians and the significance of Abu Muslim and other Persians remarks.. 13-16. who also took an influential part in the field of culture and and shaping their polity. Islamic History. 558. and was rooted in Arab tribal strife. They play down the role of the native formed a counterpoise to the doctors of the Law.. 1983). 'os To quote Claude Of late a number of authors have raised doubts about the validity of Cahen. al-Da\m al. most of them being mawiill and Persians. 3ff. particularly pp. the social position and political power of the mawiilf Passing of the Umayyad Caliphate" (Harvard Uni~ersity. Black Banners. in which from the Umayyads to the Abbasids Arabs. G. cf. a. 96-100.216 and M. They particularly call into question aspects of the traditional view propounded by two out- Through the expanding class of secretaries (kul/ab). xiiiff. (Elr.. Sharon. It should be noted. and yet there are but few indica. 212 In Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz (1902). . "" "Economy. 232. See also AmIn. "Amongst the many viziers at the height of'Abbasid rule there is hardly one of Arab 218 'Abbiisid Rule. p. 132-36. increased dramatically. pp. that Dominique Sourdel.'abbiisiyya.213 andarzniimas. in kuttiib ('scribes. I. 64IT. and the development of bureaucracy did not reach the level that was once pre· '" Abbasid Caliphate. p. -- 220 Persian secretaries. rather than Persians. p. With the Abbasid revolution the Persian impact gained consider.. I. p. many of whom were imbued with the lore of the older Sassanian dab/ran or secretaries. in Le Vizirat abba· 21. Wellhausen. M.215 deserves to be regarded as the second major turning point in the history of Fiiriiq 'Omar. l}u~a'I-Islam. 532. on the strong and increasing impact of the Persians during the early Abbasid 213 Ibid.

for a different approach to the question.. that the strength of the Arab muqiilila."223 and the Abbasid state "was essentially a new Iranian contains a partisan account of the Abbasid call (da'wa). 232 For an account of "Akhbar. In this way he The chief documentary basis for the revisionist view is an anony. See Sharon. 156.231 which Sharon has provided in his Black Banners the most detailed and has relatively recently come to light. p. 32-35 and Sharon. who had been co-opted by the Umayyad admin. xxxiv. and tified by Sharon as the Kitiib al. On the other Abbasids because they held a broader interpretation of Islam thall hand. can be found in Humphreys. 236. khulafli' by P. Black Bonners. the formulation and conduct of policy and settled in Khurasan.39. and the Ibid. Another anonymous work. Black Banners. pp. 233f. and ganda movement: the initial Shi'ite ideological orientation. His conclusions must. 58. for a summary account of the "revi- 224 sionist" view. For an abridgement of al-Akhbiir. and short time available to Abii Muslim before the uprising was not suf- Qalnaba ibn ShabIb. empire. '''Abbasid Da'wa.230 possibly of the ninth century. 'All ibn Judayr al-KirmanI. "Dhikr bani'l- to their origins and were dissatisfied with the loss of their privileges 'Abbas wa sabab ~uhiirihim" ("Report on the Descendants of 'Abbas as fighting men (muqatila) and at being subordinated to the landown. other recently published sources see Humphreys. p. with some variations. however. Most important. and development as well as its military organization and Islam. the second part of it is devoted best researched account of the background of the Abbasid propa- to the history of the House of 'Abbas until they came to power. cf. Abbasid Caliphate. 578--83. Khurasan. p." p. B. A. 60 Ehsan Yarshater I The Persian presence in the Islamic world 61 empire. 240. "224 The revisionists argue instead. Sharon argues from the content of "Akhbar al-'Abbas" that the notably SUlayman al-Khuza'I. Place in Islamic Historiography. . Abbasi" Caliphate. 'Abbasid Revolution. Cf. 23 Iff. See Sharon."234 one by Elton Daniej235 and the other by Patricia discussion in '''Abbasid Dow/a. 112f. 276. xv. m IJMES. n. 34). he could find such men among the Arab muqalila. however. 65ff.'Abbasi mentioned in the wrikh-i Qumm. 223 backgrounds of the participants in the preparatory stages of the Ibid.237. Shaban. with critical comments. p. pp. 236. and the absence of new ideas. 236 Daniel points to the methodological weakness of the book. Referring to Sharon's underlying conviction "that from 227 For a breakdown of the ranking participants. Black Banners. pp. thousands of excellent fight- mous manuscript. Race and Slavery. Shaban. see Daniel. pp. Islamic Histor. albeit one dressed in the formal attire of a Persianized structure.232 a number of ranking Arab aides and political agents (nuqabaj. 248. 16--18. that Marv was not the source but its contradictions. da'wa.<Abbas wa w~iadihl (Beirut.226 still retained an attachment from Alid to Abbasid. 1971) and tentatively iden. be weighed. p. pp. 1. I'i:." pp. pp. 231-38. m Sharon.siyya wafihi akhhcir 1I1. nn. p. Khurasan. Khurasan. pp. and its historiographical sig- 228 Omar.228 and that although mawafi did participate in the he first convinced the Yemenite faction of the dissatisfied Arab tribes Abbasid administration. and the Cause of their Appearance"). see Sharon. Muttalibi under the title Akhbtlr al-dawla al. Sharon.." a critique of its content. 23' The date is proposed by Duri and accepted by Sharon. pp. 65ff." p. pp. 15. Daniel. pp. 235. Black Banners. though Persianized and Shi'ite origin of Abbasid propaganda in Khurasan and its shift later Persophone to a considerable degree."233 'Abbas and his Progeny"). xxxviii-xl. pp.57-58. p. For 'abMi. ''The Anonymous 'History of the Abbasid Family' and its 229 Omar. advanced by Shaban. and Sharon. and Elton Daniel. Lassner lists major secondary literature pertinent to this ligent reviews. Humphreys urges. 123. He correctly chal- the focus of the revolution and that disaffection toward the ruling elements (Arab lenges Sharon's claim that the leadership of the da'wa rested with governing officials in league with Persian landed gentry) was broad-based: "It is impossible to accept the notion. "Akhbar al-'Abbas wa waladihI" ("Accounts of ers. 145. Dun and A. confirms the derivation of the Abbasid da'wa from early istration. 234 Islamic His/ory. 63f and n. 51. 14. <Abbasid Revolution. The revisionists emphasize that Abii Muslim was advised by Shi'ism. which was engaged in continuous feuding with coordination of political efforts were in the hands of Arabs. and an analysis of their names. to join his cause. in 1975.229 the northern Arab tribes (Mudar). it mentions the the revolt against the Umayyads developed primarily among the Arab names of many political agents and missionaries who participated in tribes settled in Khurasan. 2114 (1989). more particularly those at Marv and the the clandestine stage of the da 'wa. "was able to attract to his cause. nificance see Daniel. argues convincingly. 134--36. Khurasan. rather than a mixture of Arabs and mawafi largely Abbasid rebels was derived from the Arab colonists in the Marv oasis" (p. as Stephen An account of the controversy.. 'A. Lewis. '''Abbasid Da'wa. I. discovered by Qasim Samarrai ing Persian gentry. Crone. accordingly the Umayyads. 191ff. en bloc. discovered and published as Ta'rikh al- 230 Published by 'A. 'Abbiisid Rule. homogenized according to Sharon himself by the Iranian milieu of 226 See pp. 104ff. in the light of "two severe but exoeptionally intel- Islamic History. 134--36.227 that most Arabs of Khurasan favored the ficient to train the Persian villagers as fighting men. I (1987)." pp. that the use made of the Arab tribes settled in Khurasan. Black Banners. Lassner. pp. the clan- destine operation of Abbasid agents in Iraq and Khurasan. pp. Black Banners. Gryaznevich in 1967. it elucidates the villages around it 225 These settlers. p. p. Black Banners. Black Ballllers. m Sharon.v. 419-34. 234--36. 236 BSOAS. its origins.

121). went 23J See also below. ations in Kufa and Khurasan. Tabar! quotes I and the 'Abbasid Revolution. (1976) by M.D. characterizes Islamic History. We learn that the propaganda which worked in league with it" (p. 19b. far away from the center of Umayyad power. boosting their local pride and welding them into a unified army bent A." pp. empha. and Humphreys mation. 255. while at the native inhabitants of the province and its settled Arabs." Daniel points out hand and grievances against the Umayyads' abuse of power and their that "It is this presupposition. positions as fighting men and were now fiscally subject to Persian It is now evident that Abu Muslim. dogmatism is not so well-founded as he imagines. pp. n. I have already mentioned the began with great prudence and patience. which felt themselves the call for a return to the pristine Islam of the Prophet's time and a aggrieved by the Umayyad regime and the native Iranian aristocracy total reorientation of the Islamic ethos. an ardent sup- porter of the first approach. 63ff. We also learn how the Abbasids cleverly stepped into the product of mere racial tension between Arabs and Persians in shoes of the Alid leaders of the da'wa. 237 (naqTbs) and propagandists (dii'is). never of popular mass movements. that seems to alleged cynical indifference to the spirit or the letter of religion on the underlie his insistence on the decisive role of Arab muqiitila in the other. 122: "Both Omar beyond racial and fractional grievances. that the identity of the imam was The newly discovered works no doubt shed a welcome light on the carefully kept secret. and had found an outlet in supporting all the groups in Khurasan. p. Amir Arjomand." pp. lay stress on the religious aspect of the movement and point out the process and identifying themselves with the social. 62 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 63 the days of the Umayyads to the present. Shaban bases his interpretation of Islamic history primarily on economic What facilitated the work of Abu Muslim was that most of the factors. dislodging them and usurping Khurasan. and the events that led to the revolution. '''Abd Allah Ibn al-Muqaffa' Khurasan against the Umayyad caliph was Persian. The second is the position southern Arab tribes settled in Khurasan. 314. Shaban as "rather idiosyncratic and not altogether on combating the Umayyads and bringing about a radical transfor- rehable 10 Its documentation" ('Abbiisid Rule. xxiii-xxv and Black Ballllers. 119). pp. however. rather than the evidence. was the outcome of a general dissatisfaction among both their place. pp. Lewis in EF.50. 9ff. by the same time disparaging the Alid claims and undermining their now half Persianized. on the other hand. Abbasid revolution" (p. he emphasized the local and and Shaban seem to use their evidence rather selectively. and that there. 336. carefully planned and carried out in all its detail.-10. call was rooted in the Shi'ite claim to the succession of the Prophet fore political change among Muslims is invariably the work of small and exploited the Muslims' affection for his descendants on the one military elites. the charismatic leader who brought some three decades of hidden activity to fruition. and that the revolutionary among Muslims have rested on military power alone. 126. E. Humphreys notes.. and that the direction of the da 'wa was aiion of the participants. all political formations bureaucrats in charge of tax-collection. Islamic History: A Frameworkfor Inquiry economic hardships suffered by Persians and Arabs alike under the (1991)." Even Lassner. deSCribes 1t as "full of dogmatic but ill-documented assertions" (ls/amic History. and that the term dacwa was intended to invoke the similarity between the Abbasid call agrarian conditions of the province. economic. Cahen. I. the secret organization in charge of it. that Islamic historical literature. many of them acquiring the Persian language in p. p. and Shaban's assertive geographical unity of the revolutionary partisans as Khurasanians. Daniel. It can also be realized that the treatment of non-Arab converts. drawing on many Arab notables and appointing them as agents I. in Islamic History. except from the highest leadership of the oper- nature of the da'lVa. 19ff. 750. See also S. 90-91) among others. that two strands can be distinguished among the revisionists: Umayyad rule had helped both groups to join cause against the ruling "One insists that the Abbasid da\va was aimed exclusively at dissident dynasty. 6). 15ff. Political and Social History of Khurasan and by C. A. had made them susceptible to seditious instigations. who had lost some of their earlier privileged position. commands given in Persian to Abbasid soldiers in Egypt pursuing the . 583). 318. native population. while the other argues that it was a mass movement of assumed a religious coloring. II. consistently minimizing the religious motivation behind the events of the Arab settlers in Khurasan by this time had been assimilated to the Abbasid revolution. particularly in Marv and taken by Elton Daniel in his solid and methodologically prudent the villages around it. in "Points de vue.. without ignoring f the religious dimension. however defined. There are clear indications in the and that of the Prophet. a New Interpretation. 26. particularly the peasants and the urban poor as underprivileged Humphreys observes in his admirable survey and analysis of believers. pp." pp. sources that the language spoken in the army that moved out from sizes sociopoJitical and economic factors prevailing in Khurasan. first among the disappointed major exponents of the first approach. leaving nothing to One can see now that the Abbasid revolution. Bosworth (Elr. rather than being a chance. and Sharon in "'Abbasid Da'wa. in Khurasan. p. with well-planned measures at self-legitimization. the affili. and that the widespread grievances in Khurasan had Arab factions.

" p. sons of free men! [yli abnii' a~rlir. 245 tlers to local Khurasanians was the fiscal and administrative policy of According to Tabarl (III/I. p. it also tended to in writing it. The speech is quoted. but omits structure and many of the Sassanian traditions in the region. Lassner. 40-41 (pp. p. p. possibly on account of the latter's tribal affiliation and the former's fighters. pp. another factor which the reference to the forebears. p. 444) the caliph al-Man~ur recom- the Umayyads which could be traced back to the early Arab conquest mended to his son and heir. Khurasan. 344. These forces chance to regain their land from "the race of God's apostle" who had from eastern Persia were ethnically mixed. the caliphs decided to adopt the established system and leave it in the hands of the dehqiins or landowning gentry. a small band of the latter's soldiers are pursued by Khurasanian i. and conquered central and western Abbasid caliphs. when at some point one of them shouts in Persian "Leave !: V. 4. the army that marched out from Khurasan was imbued with Khurasanian army that under the command ofQa~\aba b.m. for they are your '" E. the Persianization of the Arabs of blend Arabs and Persians." pp. where he lists numerous other sources for van- mockingly by his adversary "Oh. when his army was Bosworth. 'Abblisid Rule. p." p. who were now sharing the same fiscal Khurasan is confirmed in other sources. apparently a ations of this order. The Abbasid leader Ibrahim these dogs! "243 ~ ai-Imam is reported by Tabarl 1113. 12. Bal'ami gives a shortened version of it. 16. "244 pretending to be a "Magian" (tasabbaha bi'/-majiis). Iranian free men]! They are only barbarian and Arab scum. 4-5. 387. which in The Persian character of the Khurasanian army and its language turn helped blur racial differences. which continued long after the general of Abu Muslim. under whom they utter destruction by shaving his beard. Iraq. (11111. Dahid ylijuvlinaglin. Cf. pp. n. p. IIIIl. pp. Faced with the complexity of financial operations and "bring them close to you and cherish them. 239 Manliqib. Qa~\aba addressed them for some eighty years. partly verbatim from Tabari. p. Lassner. 448). p. 'Abblisid Rule. reminding them of the sovereignty of their be the military support of the regime from their bases in the heartland of the forebears over Khurasan. at times exaggerated. tying a kustaj to his waist and rejoiced in the designation of abnii' al-dawla. 240 burdens. p. manded Abu Muslim to kill every speaker of Arabic in Khurasan. B.242 In Iraq during It is relevant in this respect to note also the distrust of and some- the attack of Qa~\aba on Ibn Hubayra." According to another report. 2004-2005." 246 See n. 25. Sharon. Furthermore.. pp. the Khurasanian guards or jond of the caliphs were to with a rousing speech. 213-14. m Akhbiir al. p. p. attacked and pursued Na~r b. the Umayyad governor of times sheer animosity of the early Abbasid caliphs toward the Arabs.g. 74. 'the like of whom had not been gathered by any caliph before "give! give!" See pp. cf. 51. is further confirmed by several indications in the account of the Thus. Sayyar.'Abbas. '" '''Abbasid Caliphate. Khurasan. that he look after his mawiili ofIraq and Persia. VII. 94.56 of Muhannli ed. Sharon. Khurasan. ShabTh. Spuler makes an interesting remark that in II. closeness and intimacy with the mawlili." p. Their identification with the interests of the Abbasid line in Jurjan and carry the news of the Umayyad army's the new state was fully recognized by the 'Abbasids. While this situation made for grievances on think that his statements in this treatise are. 64 Ehsan Yarshater last Umayyad caliph. It remained loyal to the Umayyad governor of Khurasan. 172). 9Ob.246 Further. to preserve their privileges. 46. awed in Jurjan by the number of the enemy.jw'nkuth'n in the Cairo ed. 67. 276. 16. 122tT. II. '''Abblisid Da'wa. who recognized its special ties to them. p. 14-15. 66f. pp. For instance. adding that now God had given them a caliphate.. 260 for other reports and for al-Ma'miin's attitude toward the Persians from 243 Taban lIUI. according to which Qal)\aba's army was called 245 See Daniel. considering his purpose the part of the once highly privileged Arab fighters. al-Mahdi. also than in other parts of the country and thus were able to preserve the admtnIstrative by Ibn Athir V. lIUI. pp. the Persian battle command expression dehii-deh Mahdi.. esp. support in adversity if it befalls you.13. Marwan 238 Ja~i~ emphasizes in his treatise on the virtues of Turks the homogenizing effect of geography and cites as an example the disappearance of differences between Arabs and r The Persian presence in the Islamic world and collection of taxes in the former Sassanian territories. a a strong sense of esprit de corps. 112. ("Iran: The Persistent Heritage. 1027. 441-42 does not make sense and must aI-Mansur stated in his testament that he had gathered mawiili for al- be a corruption ofjuviinagiin). according to yet another report in Tabarl 240 See Levy in "Persia and Ihe Arabs. . from which class the Sassanian 65 the native inhabitants of Khurasan and Transoxania. to have<:OID- One of the main factors that advanced the assimilation of Arab set. n. while the old Arab tribal levies fell into disuse.239 Although I bureaucrats were drawn. the Umayyads were crushed and wiped out. For some other sources see Daniel. 1937. "Sons of the Dynasty. helped in absorbing Arab settlers and subjecting them to local Persian bureaucrats n.). embraced Isla. Iraq. rendering of lizlidiin. Khurasan the upper classes. many Arabs married Persian women. xxxii. Cf. 50. for other indications of the character of the Khurasanian army. Black Banners. "Give it to them. . p.241 A tribesman manages to get through place of origin rather than to race. As noted by Persia and Iraq for the Abbasids. and "Khurasanian" referred to abandoned justice and piety.. 331. Daniel. in Elr. sOOI~er 241 Taban IU3. boys!" (as in the Leiden ed.

66 Ellsan Yarsllater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 67
(III/I, p. 531), which is discussed at great length by Lassner,247 al- force; even the Arabs in the army "spoke Persian among them-
MahdIwas warned by his paternal great-uncle 'Abd al-~amad against selves. "250
excessive intimacy with malViilf. The contemporary appraisal is notably reflected in the statement
It should be noted further that the composition of the of JaJ:ii~ (770-868), a confirmed anti-Shu'ubI, who says that the
Khurasanian army is one thing; the consequences of its triumph is Umayyad dynasty was called an Arab and the Abbasid dynasty an
another. The collapse of the Umayyads ushered in a radical new atti- 'Ajam or Khorasanian state (dalVla)251 "'Ajam," in opposition to
tude toward the eastern malViill and opened the floodgate to active "Khorasanian," precludes any interpretation of the latter but Persian.
Persian participation in all functions of the Islamic state. The This is now confirmed by no less an eminent and reliable scholar than
Abbasids, installed as the heads of both temporal structures and reli- BIronI, who, while discussing the claims of some Persian nationalists
gious establishments, embraced a broader concept of Islam which who had pinned their hopes on the Buyids to restore Persian rule,
offered non-Arabs full opportunity to serve the new order and to ...:, . says, al-Athar, p. 213, "That is what people used to promise each other
prove their worth. And Persians made the most of it. In the words of regarding the restoration of the rule to the Persians, although the
Wadad al-QiiQI: doings of the Buwaihi family were not like those of the ancient kings.
I do not know why they preferred the Dailamite dynasty, whilst the
They [the secretaries] were mainly Persian by origin, and they believed they
were competent civil servants; but above all, they were powerful government fact of the transitus into a fiery Trigonon is the most evident proof
figures who were quite secure in their positions. Indeed, the persophile secre- indicative of the Abbaside dynasty, who are a Khurasani, an eastern
taries were perhaps never as mighty as they were in the first decades of dynasty" (tr. Sachau, p. 197). The fact that BlrunI does not mean the
'Abbasid rule. 2. ' Arabs of Khurasan is abundantly clear from the context, which is
about the renovation of the Magian religion and Persian sovereignty;
They undertook major administrative, fiscal, and military responsi-
BIronI thought that the Abbasids better fitted the predictions of the
bilities. If the Umayyads were elitists in favor of the Arabs, the early
Persian ultra-nationalists than the Buyids. 252 This view must have
Abbasids may be called elitists in favor of the Persians.
derived from the fact that Persians were identified as the main
The position that Persians held in the caliphal court and provin-
champions of the Abbasid cause and the chief architects of the over-
cial administration reached its peak under ai-RashId (r. 786-809),
throw of the Umayyads; it also reflects their dominant position in
when the famous Barmacids assumed the vizierate and for seventeen
the affairs of the early Abbasid state. If Khurasan was the place
years stood firmly at the helm of the Islamic government. Their fall
where the revolutionary army originated, and if the currency of the
in 803 did not, however, adversely affect the prominence of Persians
Persian language in the Khurasanian army were not sufficient to
in caliphal administration. This prominence continued through the
justify JaJ:i~'s statement, the fact that the three undisputed leaders of
reigns of al-Ma'miin and al-Mu'ta~im, ending when al-Mutawakkil
the cause, Bukayr b. Mahan,253 Abu Salama Khallal,254 and Abu
(r. 847-61) began to rely on Turkish guards. 249
As mentioned above, newly discovered sources do not support 2" Lassoer, 'Abbiisid Rule, p. 122; see also p. 134.
the racial dichotomy in the Abbasid revolution that might be under- 2S1 "Wa Iau inna dawlatahum 'ajamiyya khurasaniyya wa dawlata banI marwan <ara~
biyya, wa fi ajniid shiimiyya." Bayiin, III, p. 366; cf. Goldziher, Muslim Sludies, I,
stood from some writings of earlier historians of Islam in the West;
the sources demonstrate more extensive Arab involvement in the

252 Read al-Siimiiniyya, p. 213, line 6 from bottom for al-Siisiiniyya (which does not
Abbasid cause and the Khurasanian army. Nonetheless, one should make sense), according to a note by S. H. Taqizadeh, who quoted from a MS of al-
AthiiT that was in the possession of Prince 'Allqoli Wrza Qajar.
not gloss over the fact that in the contemporary assessment, the 2S3 Of Sijistiini (SIstanI) origin; see EF, I, pp. 1292-93; cf., however, 'Abbas Zaryiib in
Khurasanian army was considered as Persian. The army later Elr lII, p. 352, who calls him Margh.,1 (from Marv).
settled largely in the l;Iarbiyya suburb of Baghdad and formed the 254 A Kufan maw/a of means, married to Bukayr b. Mahan's daughter, l:lamama (see

TabarI, 1lI3, pp. 1916, 1949; IIUI, pp. 16, 211T., 581T.; Ya'qubI, 11, pp. 383,413,418,
backbone and battle-ready core of the early Abbasid military 422; DInawarI, al-Akhbiir al-li»'iil, p. 336; JahshiyiirI, WII:arii'. pp. 831T; Ibn
Khallikiin, 11, no. 201 (pp. 195-97), tr. I, pp. 467-68; Yaqut, Buldiin, 11, p. 294; for
'Abbiisid Rule, pp. 911f.; see also Daniel, Khurasan, pp. 46, 54, 70, n. 154.
247 other sources see Sourdel, Le Viziral 'abbaside de 749 ti 936, I, p. 65, n. 1. As after
248"Early Islamic State Letters," p. 238. the victory of the Khurasanian army Abu Salama was olTering the caliphate con-
'" Cf. Sourdel in Camb. Hisl. of Islam, I, p. 116. ditionally to likely candidates, including a descendant of 'Ali (no doubt with Abu



68 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 69
Muslim, were Persian is surely sufficient to associate the thrust of the increase of their participation in the affairs of the Islamic state after
revolution with the mawiilffrom the East. 255 the success of the revolution is concerned.
Nor should we minimize, much less ignore, the anti-Arab and pro- As for van Vloten and Well hausen, who have been particularly
mawalf sentiments that crystallized in Shu 'ubiyya rhetoric and gave singled out for revisionist criticism because of their ground-breaking
expression to non-Arab Muslims' resentment at the Arab discrimi- views,258 I share Humphreys's sober and more balanced view. He
nation against them, particularly under the Umayyads. A Tradition draws attention to the fact that van Vloten's account is more nuanced
attributed to the Prophet ofIslam is revealing: "The ruin of the Arabs than is often supposed:
will come when the sons and daughters of Persia grow to
manhood."256 "The Tradition," Bernard Lewis notes, "is certainly For example he does not posit a crude racial interpretation of the revolt in
Khurasan, but a socio-political one: it was less a question of Persians against
spurious, but like many such spurious traditions it reflects, very accu-
Arabs than of oppressed subjects (mostly Iranian) against the ruling class
rately, the issues and concerns of the time. "257
(mostly Arab). (Islamic History, p. 17)
To give enthusiastic prominence to a new discovery is understand-
able, especially if it seems to support one's general view of Islamic civ- And he offers the following comment on Wellhausen:
ilization, the purity of its origin, and its organic and indigenous Ifvan Vloten was the pioneer in this subject, the imam is without doubt Julius
development. Yet, I doubt that the content of Akhbiir al- 'Abbas or Wellhausen. Das arabische Reich remains even after ninety years one of the
other recently recovered sources of lesser importance alters in a sig- sovereign achievements of Western Orientalism. Wellhausen was the first to
nificant way the general picture that we gain from the reports of the grasp the whole socio-political milieu within which the Abbasid Revolution
major Islamic historians of the period, such as BaliidhurI, TabarI, occurred, and he reconstructed this milieu with a richness of detail never
Ya 'qubI, and Mas'udI, insofar as the position of the Persians and the since attained. (p. 17)
And after devoting a thoughtful chapter in his Islamic History to a
Muslim's concordance: see Taban IIU1, p. 27; Ya'qubi, II, p. 418; Ibn al-Athir, Y, survey of the literature on the Abbasid revolution, Humphreys con-
pp. 314--15; Jahshiyan, Wuzara', pp. 86-87; Sourdel, Le vizirat 'abbaside de 749 Ii
936, I, p. 68), and considering the strong hand he took in running the alfairs of the cludes, "All this speaks very highly of the persuasiveness and dura-
Abbasid state during the early months of al-Saffii\l's caliphate (see Sourdel) it bility of the basic interpretive framework devised by van Vloten and
would be difficult to imagine that he did not also have a say in the formulation of Wellhausen" (p. 127).259
the Abbasid polity. See also Jal)i+, Manaqib, p. 14 on the services of Abu Salama
and Abu Muslim. The "revisionists" themselves stress the fact that the net result of
255 For the enormous power wielded by Abu Muslim before his murder, see Daniel, the Abbasid revolution was a decline of the Arab element and its
Khurasan, pp. 781f., and Lassner, 'Abbiisid Rule, pp. 60-62. Caben in "Points de ceding place to non-Arab mawiilf. Discussing a key military strategy
vue" alluded to the possibility that Abu Muslim may have been born to an Arab
father and a Persian mother, but this is hardly tenable; he was a maw/ii and was of Abii Muslim, who replaced the earlier tribal affiliations in the
regarded as a Persian (even though there was some ambiguity about his place of diwan register for military benefits and pensions by the towns and vil-
birth and parentage), or else partisan authors of the Abbasid era and the anti- lages from where the soldiers came, Sharon, for instance, remarks:
Shu'ubis would not have hesitated to emphasize his Arab lineage. For a brief review
of the works on Abu Muslim, see Humphrey's Islamic History, pp. 123-24. The By altering the law for the registration in the army roll, Abu Muslim enabled
ambiguity of his origin and birth place or his status as a slave has been discussed non-Arabs to enlist in the army on the same status as the Arabs. This was a
by most revisionist authors; see notably Sharon, Black Banners, pp. 203-208, and
Lassner, Islamic Revolution, pp. 99ff. For the claim of his Turkish origin see Islam revolutionary act, which later bore decisive and far-reaching historical con-
Ansiklopedisi under Ebu Muslim, and Omar CUmar), Tabf'at al-daiva, p. 89. Cf. sequences ... The Arabs were gradually dropped from the diwiin and their
R. N. Frye "The Role of Abu Muslim in the 'Abbasid Revolution" (1947), p. 28, places were taken by Iranians and later on by Turks ... Thus the da 'wa,
and S. Moscati, Studi su Abu Muslim, I, 3231f. although initiated and fostered mainly by Arabs ... [and] although it installed
256 'Ata' aI-DIn 'Afial-Muttaqi,Konzol- 'ummiil, VI,pp. 214--J5, apudLewis, Race and
Slavery, p. 39.
251 Ibid. Typical of such sentiments among Persian nationallsts are the jibes against the
258 See above, p. 54.
Arabs that Abu I:fayyan Tawl)idi quotes in his Kitab al-imta' wa'l-mu'iinasa, pp. 78f. 259 Shaban has complained that scholars like W. Montgomery Watt, C. Cahen, B.
and reprimands their author, [Abu 'Abd Allah Mul)ammadJ, the Samanid vizier Lewis, and C. E. Bosworth continue to rely on the "erroneous conclusions" of van
and scholar Jayhani (cited and translated by Lewis, Race and Slavery, pp. 141, Vloten and Wellhausen «Abbiisid Revolution, p, xiii) - an interesting commentary
144--45). See Kitab al-imtas, p. 78, n. II, and ~ara, ra rikh-i adebiyyat, I, p. 350 on on the "new consensus," which 1. Lassnerclaims ('Abbasid Rule, p. 4) has developed
Tayhiini. against their views!

70 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 71

an Arab dynasty in power, nevertheless paved the way to the decline of Arabs ilmndation of his learning, religious knowledge as his escutcheon, or the
as an active element in the Islamic state. ("Abbasid Da'wa," p. xxxvi) study of traditions as the cornerstone of his education. If by any chance you
"ome across one quoting passages from the Koran or the sunna, his jaws seem
The gravitation of the caliphate toward the East after the Abbasid
to stick as he utters the words, and his saliva does not flow smoothly. Should
revolution, the preponderance of Persian viziers, advisers, secretaries,
and fiscal officers in the early Abbasid administration, and the abun-
one of them choose to devote himself to hadith research, and take to quoting
the jurists, his colleagues find him tireso~e and perverted: they accuse him of
dance of Persian authors, poets, and musicians in contemporary cul-
tural life can hardly be denied 260 The training and interests of the
depravity and professional incompetence in attempting to go against nature
and pursue a branch of learning for which he was not intended.'61
secretarial class, or the bureaucrats, which dominated court adminis-
Barthold's remarks on the Abbasid viziers address the same point:
tration, were focused on Sassanian traditions. Jiihiz in his treatise on
the censure of the secretaries (Kitiib dhamm akhiiiq al-kuttiib, pp. The well-balanced administrative system of the Sasanids, which was regarded
191-94) has an eloquent, sardonic passage in which he draws a vivid by the Arabs as the highest example of wise statecraft, served as their model.
picture of Abbasid secretaries, the "intellectuals" of their time, and Their wazirs (this office also in its bureaucratic sense was created by the
their clearly Persian orientation and their disdain of Arab traditions Abbasids) who, from the time of the Caliph Mansur, had belonged to the
and literary virtues: famous Persian family of the Barmakids, considered themselves the direct
successors of Buzurjmihr and other semi-mythological statesmen of the
Once your novice scribe has sat down in the seat of power, taken his place in Sasanid epoch. (Turkistan, p. 197)262
the council of the caliphate, arranged a wicker screen to separate himself
[from the common herd] and placed his inkstand in front of him, once he The institution of the vizierate has been largely associated with the
knows by heart the more spectacular cliches by way of rhetoric and the more Sassanian administrative practice. A number of scholars have even
elegant rudiments by way of science, and has learnt the maxims of assumed that the word wazir derived from a Middle Persian word viCir
Buzurgmihr, the testament of Ardashir, the epistles of'Abd ai-Hamid and the or vitir (decision, judgment, a legal document reflecting a deci-

adab ofIbn al-Muqatfa', and taken the Book of Mazdak as the' fountainhead sion).263
of his learning and the Kallia wa-Dimna collection [of tales] as the secret trea- Several scholars, however, including V. V. Barthold, M.
sury of his wisdom, he sees himself as the great Fariiq in matters of adminis- Sprengling, S. D. Goitein, and D. Sourde1, have reacted to such a
tration, as Ibn 'Abbas in exegesis, as Mu'adh b. Jabal in knowledge of the derivation or even the idea of a Persian model by pointing out that
lawful and the unlawful, as 'AIT b. Abi Talib in the fearless delivery of judge- the word is a genuine Arabic word used in the Koran and also by
ments and sentences ... His first task is to attack the composition of the
Mu1;lamrnad's contemporary poets in the sense of "aid, assistanL"264
Koran and denounce its inconsistencies. Next he demonstrates his brilliance !"
by controverting the historical facts transmitted by tradition and impugning ; ,"

the traditionists. If anyone in his presence acknowledges the pre-eminence of 261 Abridged tr. by C. Pellat, Life and Works of Jii~i" tr. from French by D. M. Hawke,
the Companions of the Prophet he pulls a grimace, and turns his back when pp. 274f. Cf. H. A. R. Gibb's assessment: "The secretaries ... learned by heart the
their merits are extolled ... And then he straight away interrupts the conver- epistles of Abd ai-Hamid, the manual of protocol (adab) ofIbn al-Muqaffa, and If
they needed more they sought from other Persian works. Their thought was ori-
sation to speak of the policies of Ardashlr Papagan, the administration of ented exclusively towards the ancient culture of the Sasanid court; what guidance
Aniishirwan, and the admirable way the country was run under the Sasanians for the execution of their duty could they expect to get from the Bedouins and the
. . . The proof of these people's behaviour lies in the fact that no scribe has traditions of desert Arabia?" ("Social Significance of the Shu'iibiyya," pp. 63-64) .

ever been known to take the Koran as his bedside reading, exegesis as the ", Cf. Mas'iidl, Muruj, pars S77IT.; Tanbih, p. 105, Taban VI, p. 353, Sa'ld Andulusl,
p. 62, and T. Khalidi, Islamic Historiography, pp. 91f., on the alleged superiority of
the Persians in statecraft and politics, administration of justice, harmony between
260 For the institutionalization by al-Man~iir and al-Mahdi of the use of mawalf in religion and the state, foundation of cities, levying of fair taxes, attending to the
Abbasid administration, see Taban, nVI, pp. 414, 444, 448, 531. For praise that prosperity of agriculture, and the upkeep of qaniits, roads, and frontier lines.
Ibn al-Muqaffa< heaps on the Khurasanians and their virtues see his Risiilafi'l- 263 See J. Darmesteter, Etudes iraniennes, 1, p. 58, n. 3; A. Christensen, L'Empire des
~a~iiba, a "manual" of government which he wrote under al-Man1iir, pp. 347f. For sassanides, pp. 33, 56; cf. A. Christensen, L'lran, p. 133; F. Babinger, EI', IV, pp.
the report about the caliph al-Ma>miin's preference for the Persians of Khurasan 1196, s.v. wazir; cf. T. N6ldeke, Perser IIl1d Araber, pp. 53, n. I and 444, n. 3.
(al- 'ajam min ahl Khuriisiin) over all manner of Arabs, see Tabarlllll2, p. 1142. Cf. 264 V. V. Bartold (w. Barthold), "Die persische Shu'ubija," pp. 257-61: M. Sprengling,
Ibn Tayfiir, p. 89, and Lassner, 'Abbiisid Rule, pp. 107ff. Cf. also W. al-Qii<jl, "Early "From Persian to Arabic," pp. 331-36; S. D. Goitein, "The Origin of the Vizierate,"
Islamic State Letters." p. 238, commenting on the secretaries of the early Abbasid pp. 168-75: D. Sourdel, Le Vizirat 'abbaside de 749 Ii 936, I, pp. 41-{i1, who pro-
era. vides a thorough review of the controversy_

Lazard. in "Iran: The Persistent Heritage. "The Persian Renaissance and the Rise of Persian Language and Literature. as the vehicles of Persian influence.. 18. 267 It was the awareness of this situation among the Abbasid authors that gave the Sassanians the wide- spread reputation of having excelled in the art of government and of having been distinguished among other nations by proficiency in tadbir and siyosa (planning and management) of their realm. court etiquette. p. The seventeen years of the supremacy ofYa!:tyii b. "The Abbasid Caliphate. I. for which they were famous. 67) that the Abbasid us Cf. " 261 B." and R. their occupation of the vizierate for several successive generations. The institution's beginning and its flourishing period coincide with the rise of the Persian mawiiIT. See G. Balkh was a strong center of Iranian culture.. particularly the Sassanian kings among them"). See also Jiil. Barthold in Ell. for an account of their administrative and fiscal measures. Their having descended from a noble Buddhist family of Balkh hardly resulted in less familiarity with or sympathy for Iranian traditions. I. 174. however. Mottahedeh. as evidenced by the preeminence of poets and authors from Balkh who brought about the Persian cultural renaissance of the ninth and tenth centuries. 68-71. Jahshiyiin. he draws a number of parallels between the Abbasids and the Sassanians and emphasizes.26s It appears that it was also through the awareness among the early Abbasid authors of the fact that the Abbasids were following Persian models and their belief that these caliphs were helped to power by the 'ajam of Khurasan (see above.265 whose profession in later Umayyad courts had drawn much inspiration from the Sassanian practice and style (see above. dress and headgear. the "guild" of the secre- taries and the managers of the diwiins. Cf. Barthold. with their pro- clivity for Persian ways. evolved into Abbasid viziers. 17fT. ed.Iusn al-siyiisa wa jiidat al-tadbir Iii siyyama mulUk banT sasan min-hum" ("The greatest virtue of the Persian kings. the word and the institution. 62: "wa a'~m fa~ii'il muliik aI-furs allall ishtaharii bi-hii l. "Die persische Su'iibija. 268 Typical is the statement of1jiii'id Andulusi in Tabaqiit al-umam. apart from the office of vizier. and E. p. coun- terparts of Sassanian dapfrs. Khiilid the Barmakid and his sons Fagl and Ja'far under Hiirlin ai-RashId from 786 to 803." pp. 67." pp. and festivals. under "Barmakids. 72 Ehsan Yarshater One should differentiate. 83. p. 266 See above." p. Plate I "Humay at the court of the Faghfur of China" ning. 56ff. . Les Premiers Poetes. owed a great deal to Sassanian practice. whether it grew out of the office of the secretaries (kiitibs). who names 'Abd al-J:lamid wazfr of Marwiin II. is of the opinion that the Islamic conception of state in the first centuries of its existence adapted itself to Iranian views in Persia itself and elsewhere. p. was the aptness of administration and excellence of plan. Spuler. or was a reinvention of the early Abbasids. who maintains that the Umayyad kiitibs. See W. 171ff. Harlin. pp. Yarshater. p. pp.).266 increased the impact of Sassanian tradi- tions at the caliphal court and largely shaped the function and practice of the vizierate. The latter. n.I~. Maniiqib. and the adoption of many Persian administrative measures. 260.

Plate 3 "Humay and Humayun battling" Plate 2 "Humay at the gate of Humayun's castle" .

Plate 5 "Bihzad found by Humay and Azar" Plate 4 "Humay and Humayun feasting in a garden" J .

--- -- I... ---- . -- .--- -- -- -- r -- --- Plate 6 "The unwelcome guest at a mosque" Plate 7 "Nomadic encampment" -- - ... t -- '-" i -- -....

p. the sociopolitical framework was based on Islam. 565-77. History of the Arabs. Spuler. p. who suggested the Sassanian tradition as the basis of the institution in spite of the Arabic etymology ofwa=ir. 99). and even suggests a possible way whereby the offices of a secretary (dapir) and judge (viCir{kar]) could have merged to provide a basis for the office of the wazzr: P." pp. 2 (first ed" 1907. but the Persian influence as the substratum of the function of the Abbasid vizier was fairly probable. however. and with the readjustment of Islamic developments to the demographic. for three reasons. 41-61. I. as well as a judicious review of the controversy.270 It is against this early Abbasid period that the presumed stagna- tion and decline of Islamic civilization in subsequent centuries are :. A. p. R. Thus the ascension of the Abbasids to the throne was concomitant with the rise of the mawiili (the great majority of them Persian) to Jlositions of power and influence. p. 270 Such considerations should not. "The Origin of the Vizierate. their works in Arabic must be considered as part of Arabic literature. First. M. Second. Nicholson. 168-69 and C. 159) and some of the "revisionist" students of the Abbasid rev- olution (see above. they were conducive to the advent <lethe Golden Age oflslam. pp. I writers. L'Iran. The fashioning of the institution of vizierate through Persian influence and inspiration has been subscribed to by. Christensen. Among those who minimize the influence of an Iranian model or inspiration. is presented by D. Unit)' and VarietJ'. Le Viziral 'abbaside de 749 a 936. during this phase Arabic was the dominant language of the Islamic world and the repository of the major cultural manifestations of the Islamic peoples. and scholars originated and what their background or mother tongue may have been. its effective leadership remained for at least two and a half centuries with Arab caliphs. one may mention von Grunebaum (Mediel'al Islam. 180." p. who makes it clear that the Middle Persian l'iCir was never used in the sense of any office holder. p. geographical. pp. ed . obscure the fact thal in its first phase Islamic civilization was primarily an Arab civilization. and apart from those already mentioned. and cultural realities of the Muslim population. as a Persian and "hurasanian state 269 The development of the Abbasid institution of the vizierate under I he influence of the Sassanian administrative system was both an . And third (and no doubt this is the rnost important reason). pp. and lJ. "Iran: The Persistent Heritage.. Le Vdral 'abbaside de 749 <i 936. Anatolian or ct::ntral Asian Turkic writers belong to Persian literature. 43). C. t Plate 8 "A school scene" . 358fT. A fair assessment of the origin of both the word wazir and the corresponding institution.: B. p. K. considered the vizier's position to duplicate that of the Sassanian wuzurg framiidhiir. who. A. 256 and o. "From Persian to Arabic:' pp. ''The Body Politics. No matter where the poets.. 133. The Persian presence in the Islamic world 73 "diphate was known.\Spect of the prevalence of the Persian models and an instrument of ~()nsolidating the influence.). 146. 58ff. Cahen. 67. A Literary History of the Arabs. who considers the office of secretaries and viziers in the Islamic state "an exact copy of the Iranian model" (see Goitein.'J See above. apart from Goilein. following Christensen. aplld Sourdel. 173. pp. Cahen in von Grunebaum. for a criticism of this stand). Sprengling. Hitti." p. Enger (see above. J. among others. an Arabian religion. as at a later dale works written in Persian by Indian. 331-36. SOUldel. n. in the words of Jati~.

Ill. the phase that has given us the outstanding examples of Persian renaissance Ira Lapidus writes: Islamic art and architecture. Classical Islam. 17. pp. however. had indeed arisen in the eastern lands of Islam. 197. As a matter of fact. or Arabic. including the art of miniature painting. Hodgson ranks the Safavid era "from Behzad the - 274 beginnings of its decline. whereas the Italian Renaissance meanwhile. 187). of lrall. Persian Muslim civiliza- marked the beginning of a new and forceful civilization in the West that has given tion grew up in the Mongol dominions. p. But followers that is. see also Barthold. of a concentration on the earlier centuries of Islam and partly of a rel- who followed the Samanids. too." according to which Islamic civiliza. is of the opinion that both the Ziyerds and Buyids. 1450] to Mulla Sadra the philosopher (d. 186. but I must point out that there is a major dif- ference between the two. partly He points out. A. the -- tures of Middle Eastern regimes (p. p. 277 Not until -- sary emphasis: "It is usual to attribute to the XIth century the highest point to which Mussulman culture has ever attained as well as the Venture of Islum." p. of course. and Revolt. spreading in all directions. For efforts in this respect. who de facto brought to an end the power of the prehensive vision is not hampered by linguistic limitations or narrow caliphs for a hundred and ten years (945. For the first time the religion and culture of Islam became available in a language other than Arabic. For a less sanguine view see T. Minorsky. entire breadth of Islamic civilization is taken into account and a com- The Buyids.274 tion is generally equated with Arabic culture and the supposed By the tenth century a new culture. grounded in the Persian lan- decline of Islamic civilization in the eleventh century or earlier with guage and traditions. ment with Iraq and the caliphal politics somewhat distracted their been lost on the more careful historians of the Muslim world. we find a creative ferment in the arts 27J 273 Mussulman CU/lure.276 although their involve- dations. a ative lack of proficiency with languages other than Arabic. R. to decline soon afterward. But the notions of "stagnation" and "decline" in Islam are The Persian presence in the Islamic world and in related aspects of life which hears many striking analogies to contem- 75 ---- ---- predicated on what Marshall Hodgson. p. "Iran: Opposition. When. mystical philosophy. p. See von Grunebaum. though perhaps without the neces- the focus of creative vitality within Islamic civilization. continued during a few "Persianate flowering. who calls the works of the Persian renaissance "the basis of a second great cultural unit within the IImma Mu~ammadiyya. p. -- century.273 276 V. who pre- --- that were growing up on either side [of Persia} in Anatolia and the Balkans. Persian culture molded the intellectual life of the new Islamic empires 215 For the unity of these regions see Muqaddasi. philosophic and lit- It is important to distinguish clearly between the first. Barthold wrote in 1918. the decline of that culture which is expressed in Arabic. Like the Abbasids. The flowering of Persian art in the fine arts. Turkistan. which he styles the Iranic. phases ofIslamic civilization. 141). and literature. Seistan. porary life in Renaissance Italy. legal. and its evolution is possible. helped advance the regional interests. that under the Ghaznavids (eleventh century). 95. Venture of Islam. Bukhara emerged as the center of a new The Persian phase of Islamic civilization Persian-Islamic literature and art as Arabic religious. 372. Martyrdom. Sufism. Gibb equally remarks of post-Abbasid Occident (Venture of Islam. and erary ideas were recast into Persian. p." he Toynbee had reason for setting off the Later Middle Period as the creative age of a whole new civilization.y. In Iran in the fifteenth writes. Mohammedanism. progress in many of the painter [d. too. p. p. who points out the subordination of Transoxania to Khurasan. which liquidated the Arab rule and organized Persia on bases antithetical to Islamic orthodox.275 from where it was ---- of this approach miss the significance of a second phase ofIslamic civ. It too excelled in architecture and the rise to civil society and has not lost its vigor yet. and especially in its latter part. a revived and in some respects brilliant. and a centralized administration became the defining fea- Islamicists have failed to grasp this distinction. assisted Iranian self-awareness: "it seems to me. and Transoxania. ------ 74 Ehsan Yarshater measured. whose reign constituted an "Iranian intermezzo" between Hodgson elaborated on the same phenomenon: rule of the Arabs and the Turks. Of the Samanids (tenth century) and the ilization. "then. p. or Persian. spiritually it was rooted in Safavid period would be more apUy compared to a swan song. IV." - - . In the tenth century. 88.I 055). 260. p. 68-71. 1640)" as a Golden Age and a --- branches of cultural life. in any case in Persia. The exuberance of Persian art in the sixteenth century is developments (in spite of his "persistent anti-Iranian bias"272): the last phase of a flourishing artistic movement that was destined. together with Persian society itself. 188. 49). sents arguments for treating them together. 584f. This point has not. 40. I. and in India. (Islamic Societies. IV. a different appreciation of Islamic culture. 272 Humphreys. that the Buyid age. teenth century. pp. For the next seven centuries Persian culture was instance." and he compares it to the Italian Renaissance in the centuries more. and R. Islamic History. its foun- Persian consciousness in a number ofways. 141) - -- the second. Khorasan. Hist. Mottahedeh in Comb. 271 Nagel in Elr. A~san al-taqiisim. many slave army. was of primary importance for the forma- tion of national consciousness of the Persians" (p. II. As a result."271 H. the Samanids were also patrons of a fabulously creative Islamic culture. patronage of Perso-Islamic culture. and which issued in the new life of the six- called a "philological approach.

281 Is not art a major component and a significant criterion of Persian civilization that flourished in Mughal India in the sixteenth culture? Are not the poetry of FirdausI (tenth-eleventh century). Nor over the power in their state. pp.. or were they tenth century that the greatest literary geniuses of Persia and the most rather the fruits of a new creativity within Islam? Hodgson time and outstanding representatives of its ethos were producing their work. 213. 443. or calligraphy. the mystic Ibn 'Arabi (d. imparts no impression of stagnation. by extension. pp. carry a new overall cultural orientation within Islamdom. The literary courts of the Saljuqs of Maw~il and Anatolia.' the Our reservations about an Arabocentric approach to Islamic thirteenth century in Persia.e. Persian became. theological probing. whose literature was based on In such circumstances it would be vain to look for any large developments of the Persian tradition . indeed. . Were all these to the vigor and imperial designs of the West. in an After commenting on the political condition of the Arabs and their increasingly large part of Islamdom. They remained as Bedouins in the desert. as boasted such luminaries as Avicenna. 1505) may be counted among them.. the history of this period can we discern either of the two elements which are and eloquence and the development of Arabic poetry into a cos- most productive of literary greatness: the quickening influence of a higher mopolitan literature also belonged to that period. below. 2nd ed. '" See Bosworth in EIr I. with its rich art and architecture. Ibn Khaldiin's comment on the regression of the Arab nation after The small but culturally radiant court of the Khwarazmshah the fall of the Abbasid caliphate in the thirteenth century is revealing: "they forgot Ma'miin II in the early eleventh century in Transoxania. Turkish. . and savage as they had been before . pp. 78f.g. 442-43) arts of the book in general. The rise of the Arabic language was rapidly extinguished by the Persian . Ni~mI (twelfth century). the philosopher Ibn Rushd (d. 1442). I. wholly imitation and compilation.486.278 again emphasizes the Persian phase. Formation oj Islamic Art. invaded the realm of scholarship with increasing effect. nowbere in Arabic prose literature with its rich vocabulary. tr. century. the biogra. the brilliant historian Ibn Khaldiin (d. 1198). 293-304)280 inal and illuminating thought .. or that no nation has ever exercised such 18' Cf. p.we cannot point to any new departure. models for generations of Indian. literature. Abii Sahl MasIl. culture or the inspiration of a free and vigorous national life. of natural science and philosophy. any fruitful ideas. A. 76 Ehsan Yarshaler The Persian presence in the Islamic world 77 the eighteenth century did it in turn become exhausted and succumb and mystical works. writing in Persian or in their native tongues? torian Maqrlzl (d. A Literary History oj the Arabs. Naturally there were exceptions. 1240). tations of Persian literary gifts? Have they not provided inspiring 279 A Literary His/ory of the Arabs. the his. Gradually a third "classical" tongue emerged. painting.. must also be taken into account. "Persianate" . ceramics. (Literary whether architecture.. Turkish and central Asian poets pher Ibn Khallikan (d. long after the culture are not based solely on the resulting inattention to the Persian "Golden Age" had passed. "279 even.. and the literary scholar Suyii!l (d... governmental power passed altogether out of their hands. it even widespread loss of independence after the Mongol invasion. But the arts. or in part. 762--64. Anatolia. Classical Islam. pp. the historian Ibn Khaldun and the mystic Sha 'nini traditions. Rosenthal.. the Islamic lands took place from the second half of the eleventh splendor of Ottoman art and architecture at its height. BIriinI.282 which political leadership and returned to their deserts . (Venture oj Islam. 1282). resonant cadences. for their prime literary inspiration. but with one or two con. We may call all these cultural spicuous exceptions . 150. and in EF. (sweeping) royal authority as had their race" (The Muqaddimah. RiimI (thirteenth century). or zone. p.JI. ofIslamic culture: at a time when Arabic Islamic culture had passed its prime and The rise of Persian had more than purely literary consequences: it served to entered a relatively undistinguished phase. When the caliphate disappeared and was wiped out. p.. once again. Most Arabs do not even know that they possessed royal authority in the past. ignorant of does the splendid court of MaJ:tmiid of Ghazna in the eleventh royal authority and political leadership. and the Indo.307-308). Henceforth while Nicholson characterizes as "a melancholy conclusion to a glorious Arabic held its own as the primary language of the religious disciplines and history. historiography. the language of polite culture. 372-73. and India. 307. They became.. Non-Arabs took Abii Man~iir Tha'alibI. It was to form the Nicholson remarks: chief model for the rise of still other languages to the literary level. von Grunebaum.. 1065ff. IV. Most of the more local languages of high culture literature and culture worthy to rank with those of the past. pp... Learned men abound . largely. 2nd ed. century. II. and since the Mongol invasion I am afraid we must say that instead of advancing farther along the old path he [the Arab] No doubt the first centuries ofIslam were distinguished by a spirit was being forced back by the inevitable pressure of events . This is an age of that later emerged among Muslims likewise depended upon Persian. of inquiry. did not reach their zenith until afte. 1406). p. 28J Grabar. carried in Persian or reflecting Persian inspiration. Sa'di (thirteenth century). and intellectual vitality. any trace of orig. and J:Iafil: (fourteenth century) the most brilliant manifes- '71 See pp. the History oj the Arabs. a period that R.. The major developments in the art of the scene. and moreover. It was indeed after the achievements manifestations of a deteriorating culture.

" p.. Nor do the nations that partake of a common culture exhibit equal strength in all areas. may not claim to customs. of purely artistic and literary accomplishments. Calligraphy. of Umayyad. do not necessarily flourish and decline at the same time. and as "influencing" it . is regarded as native and ancestral to the civilization that later rival tbe Italians in painting and sculpture. 182. Cf. between the classical taste of the philological school of the Arabs on the earliest innovations in ceramics in Iraq and northwestem Iran. p.286 the developments of architecture and music in France are not con. Those who think that by the eleventh century Islam bad left i its creative pbase behind and was entering an era of cultural quies- cence and slackness neglect the new upsurge of Perso-Islamic culture. 4(}-4L . see Febreveri. revealed its true dimensions in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- It is particularly important to recognize the prominence of Persian art in the Islamic world. Ettmghausen. 9-10. and continued to reach summit after summit until if rather we should look at the problems posed. the in which everything carried in Arabic.). Persian Islam side by side and on equal terms with an Arab Islam. p. It would therefore during the first centuries of Moslem rule. Venture of Islam. But the most forcible critique has been presented by Hodgson. p. until. 181. with his usual perceptiveness. the Saljuq period. 213. by an overlay the fourteenth century. and architecture in :. on the other hand. pp. are regarded as "foreign" to it. a period marked by much turbu- I oflslam. cf.wan."287 The same issue lurks behind H. For instance. 137.. . See also Spuler. On PersIa as the cradle of the cleavage between the two schools was itself a reflection. 284 be implausible to speak of "progress" and "decline" as blanket char- acterizations of a society's artistic and intellectual creativity. while materials in Syriac.. pro- duced in the mainstream of cultural development under the earlier Muslim As to the Iranian world. a major Persian art form. Persian poetry reached a high point in the rulers and leading directly to central features in the urban life of the civiliza- tenth and eleventh centuries. who temporaneous. bloodshed. Like a soaring fountain that reaches its apogee it II. Gibb's reference to the con- 213 Formalu. 1389). on the great changes that charactenze Isl~c art appeanng from the middle of the eleventh century onwards. 115) and points to the survival of the Classical/slam. p." p. 208. and destruction. 1021) and tion. and decorative motifs from Pe~ia to oth~r regions in the tradition" in the late Umayyad and early Abbasid period: Islamic world. lence. Persian painting. 213. 88. 32. Von Grunebaum. 116f. on the the predilection of the secretaries and bureaucrats for the spread of stucco. This prominence is so striking that Oleg turies and even later. century. The shikasteh (broken or cursive) style of Persian penmanship characterized by lyrical curves. 285 for lization as a whole declined from about the eleventh century are in they reached their peak in a period marked by destructive raids and fact the result of confusing the decline of that phase or aspect of this widespread carnage wrought by Timur and the Turkmens in the wake civilization that was expressed in Arabic and was centered in the seats of the even more devastating Mongol invasion... began to show real creativity only after the twelfth century and reached a peak in the which was already maturing in the Persian-speaking eastern regions fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The flowering of The obvious contradictions inherent in assuming that Islamic civi- the arts and letters was not necessarily bound to political events. notable figures. A. with the development of the elegant nasta '/iq Grabar thinks one should seek an explanation for it: 2S3 style. In terms It must be noted that some branches of Persian art. ''Art and Architecture. On the muqamas having been invented in northwestem Iran. see p. an external Islamic metalwork and the continuation of the Sassanian tradition. 165 on the rise of "a aiwan (iK''. and the rise of poetry. Abbasid. pp. and fascinating twists The later importance of Iran in Moslem culture and specially in Islamic art is so great as almost to demand some sort of hypothesis about what happened and turns appeared only in the eighteenth century.n) architectural features in madrasas (pp. who have excelled in music and poetry. it might even be said ing. What a dif- farrukhi (d. particularly paint. began to develop only after the twelfth century and reached their that the second phase ofIslamic culture was superior to the first. then began to decline. The Persian presence in the Islamic world 79 78 Ehsan Yarshater 'I".W. p. and Fatimid powers with the decline of It is also helpful to remember that the different aspects of a culture Islamic civilization. though not without yet producing some decline. 721. 37. culmination in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. p. music. tried to rectify this one-sided approach to Islamic cultural history. I." of Islamic Arl. expressed itself largely in Arabic. 11 '1!'". 1038). including pre-Islamic pagan Bedouin Germans. R. dI::scribed this approach as one Great Britain does not follow parallel curves. "Central Asia. when it reached its highest point in the work Arabic "borrowing" upon Iranian and Syriac "survivals. manifest!tic)Q of the division which was to be found in all aspects of the social "Interaction and Integration in Islamic Art. Cf. 213. for instance. with its shining constellation of poets. Cf." who notes the contmuatlOn and the impact of Sassanian art in the Islamic art (p. Formation of Islamic ATt. pp." 21' See Grahar. R. with poets like Firdausi (d. dancing lines. p. represent a cultural ofl:I~ (d. the .

The sedentary culture of the Persians was transrerred to the Arab Umayyads and 'Abbasids . (Classical menid empire. above. 290 to the Arab tradition and the Islamic values. I.289 "" In this respect an observation by Ibn Khaldiin is worth noting: "Sedentary culture was always transferred from the preceding dynasty to the later ooe. . "Iran: The and one exceeds them all. 77. to the Daylam. three are Arabic 291 A Study of History. especially during most of the Sassanian period (224-651 prevailed. Gibb's conclusion fails to be applicable altogether to the of the long <::cnturies that followed the breakup of the Achaemenid second phase of Islamic culture. p. and the function of the Abbasid caliphate a "reinte- Islam. but he does introduce a point of view and an interpretive Pointing to the gradual acceptance of the long-established Persian scheme that changes the entire perspective on the Islamic history of cultural heritage into Islam. but the whole <:ultural orientation of the new Islamic society - cultural traditions. p. that of atiab. p. 173. Thrks. and took pleasure in finding new forms of refined love motifs of a sentimental "platonic" stamp. particularly lan- <:ulture in which the Perso-Aramaean contributions would be subordinated guage. the Aniishirvani ones are medicine. The issue at stake was no superficial matter of literary modes and of Arab life and culture "influenced" chiefly by Iranian and Syriac fashions. chess. E. Ma'miin is quoted to have said to the caliph on the nature of adah: "The arts of tr. and to the Tatars in the two 'Iraqs. "In fact the union of the territories under the Abbasid regime [was) a reunion. particularly the range and function of Persian and Already by this time [the ninth century]. As Persia and the eastern Roman provinces. resoun:es of "Iranian" and "Syriac" societies and in the end con- ference between the fuqaha and the kuuab corresponds to the two forms of tributed to the 'collapse of both. when conflict between Persia and Byzantium was almost con- here: tinuous. A new civilization is not created in a4ay. 351. (Studies on the Civilization of In looking at Islamic civilization from a broader point of view. or a civilizations with an overlay of Arab traditions. 87) gration" or "resumption" of Achaemenid society. to the Saljnq 28. sucoessively.. Their unification again under the I: education which were soon to come into conllict: the Arabic-grammatical style which <:oncerned itself both with the study of Writ and with the bedouin banner of Islam rechanneled their energies into more positive activ- ity and fruitful cooperation and resulted in the spectacular civiliza- tradition . and it is not too much to say that it was primarily impulses from Persia which lute-playing. 495).especially its classical poetry. Cf. Rosenthal. C." p. Toynbee argued that these two Gibb concludes that eventually the second prevailed. but certainly societies first came together in the Persian empire of the Achae- not without first adopting and absorbing much of the Persian tradi- menids (559-330 BeE). drew regarded the Abbasid caliphate as a reincarnation of the Achae- primarily from Iranian legendary history. 80 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 81 and intellectual life of the age. when Islamized Iranian traditions empire. as far as the Arabic phase in the early Abbasid era is respectively. mathematics. moulded the very characteristic and influential genre of Arabic literature and but the one which exceeds them all in value is the retelling of stories and evening thereby provided a channel of entry for many of the older Persian political conversations which people indulge in at their convivial gatherings" (p. who traced its origin to "Iranian" and "Syriac" societies." he Montgomery Watt. we can discern a distinct Persian Syriac traditions within it. and polo. Islam. p. The Sbabrajaru [belonging to Persian nobility] arts are Persistent Heritage. 28B Formative Period of Islamic Thought. Many of his assertions are speculative and not subject to studies made Arabic a fitting instrument for a great culture. and ethical concepts into Islamic civilization as a whole. This continual conflict could not but waste the energies and The dichotomy of mentalities which can legitimately be illustrated in the dif. p. Cf. I. and hlstoncal knowledge. A Persian secretary of ai." The Muqaddimah. or. Von Grunebaum's remark about Arabic style is relevant CE). they became rivals and antagonists again during most concerned. 65-66) Hodgson took his cue from Arnold Toynbee. pp. Toynbee thus inspired style which. and the Persian. refined culture are ten: three are Shabrajaru. "The Persian Impact on Arabic Literature. genealogy. 169.291 observed: "The final outcome owes much to those scholars who Toynbee's theories have been both greatly admired and severely reproduced Persian material in Arabic and who by their philological criticized. Spuler. and equestrian skill. a similar view expressed by B. the Arabic ones are poetry.(or Indo-Persian) tion that flourished in the early Abbasid period. 9. wrote. three are AniisbirviinI. and A radical revision of the long-cherished view to which Hodgson the conllict between the Arab tradition and the Persian tradition went down referred raises the question whether Abbasid civilization was a phase to the roots. to the Turks in Egypt. The unification of the two parts of what he imprint on an important sector of Arabic prose literature. cultivating an elegant contemporary town Arabic. 485. tions and skills. a phase of Iranian and Syriac whether it was to become a re-embodiment of the old Perso-Aramaean culture into which the Arabic and Islamic elements would be absorbed. that of the 'Abbiisids was transferred."288 proof. quoting the latter part of this passage. Bosworth writes: the Middle East. on the contrary." p..

Hodgson. and in the heyday of the Mughal. their glorious past long after they were conquered.. was no doubt rooted in Persia. as fully is worth quoting in more detail: successful as it may seem. and Biibak Khurramdin. (A Study of of Baghdad in the mid thirteenth century. New Persian was being patronized as the language of litterae hwnaniores by ern plains of India as far as the Bay of Bengal. . and nostalgia led to a ical destiny it had been to provide one universal state for Orthodox series of religio-political movements and revolts. its widest. Sadighi. the models. the Muslim "successor-states" which had been carved. The creative impulse was. Persian spread far and wide. world depends on the point of view taken. Sunbiidh. The Arabic zone comprised Syria. and India. Zarrlnkiib. p. For this vast cul- the New Persian language was indebted to the arms of Turkish- reared in the lranic tradition and therefore - ·"".293 for example.porlbythe spell of the New Persian literature. Venture of [slam..294 This huge region. the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm. The integration was not. 82 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 83 called the "Irano-Syriac society. Y. Mouvements.. 59ff.. Persian and Arabic zones within the Muslim world.I. itself in a series of movements and uprisings.'h. and Persian concepts. He produced some remarkable syntheses. by the capable but wily caliph al-Man~iir proved a severe blow to their hopes of gratitude and recompense. nor as enduring. pp. Ttirikh-i mardwn-i iran. "a great pride in form in mighty works of art . gained a currency as a lingua franca. images." which was later divided again into of a more extensive cultural area. 296 A scholar who adopted it. Whereas the peoples of the Iranic world. . I. which had been fashioned into lit- "the Persians retained. while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its which came into its own culturally and politically only af~the fall rea1m that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers. I. Civilization on the Iranian plateau and in the Basin of the Oxus and the The Iranic zone extended from the Sea of Marmara to the basins of Jaxartes. Thrkish dynasts became cultivated patrons of Persian arts and letters and introduced them to Anatolia. which had been erected out of the wreckage of the Western I. College de France. iVestenlWttion. inal domain of the New Persian language in the homelands of the Iranic ate sources. The Abbasid revolution. Toynbee distinguished an "Iramc" and an '~ic" zone. across the The resulting tension between the two major components of S011th··EasteJrD Europe and South-Western Asia from the Ottoman Islamic culture and the restiveness among the Persians manifested of Buda. Toynbee's assessment of the role of the Persian and for obvious reasons. vast corpus of Persian poetry and prose was produced in those school (seventeenth century). Egypt. Amin.295 A at least with regard to the Persian mystical philosophy of Shihiib al- Din Suhrawardi and his followers. 486ff.. the New Persian language. pp. Safavid.D. annexed. the vehicle of cultural expression Whether in this vast "Iranic zone" we are dealing with the Persian was the Persian language. Safawi. Professor of Arabic and Islamic philos- ophy at the Sorbonne and successor to Louis Massignon at the 292 Muslim Studies. if rather 293 For details of these movements see G. where despite large Thrkish and Indian populations. 32. p. As a literary medium. nearly always based Christendom in the shape of the Ottoman Empire and another for the Hindu on a millenarian vision. to the orig- In his attempt to trace present-day Islamic society to its immedi. 514-15) - into the Ottoman. presence in the Islamic world or the presence of Islam in the Iranian and north Africa. however. 1565. before it began to succumb to the process of western part of the empire had been proud to assume Arab identity. injured pride. proved far less satisfactory than anticipated. 296 Venture of [slam. as mentioned earlier. Persian literature was in fact the product not of Persia alone Shi'ism. out of the of the slaughtered Hindu Empire of Yijayanagar. and Mughal empires. the philosophy of the Isfahan .. on which the Persians had pinned their hopes and the success of which they considered partly their own. cf. considers the latter perspective. and finally to the founding oflocal Persian dynasties. H. I. A Study of History. pp. and much of Imami and Isma'ili regions. as well as the later Shu'ubi Iranic construction on Orthodox Christian and on Hindu ground were duly movement. the Thrldsh areas of Transoxania. For a brief survey see 'A. and Ottoman regimes the Oxus and Jaxartes rivers and through Afghanistan to the north." in the words of Goldziher. p. J?uh'llsliim. Hodgson. 175-76. was Henry Corbin. after the of the Deccanese Muslim princes at Talikota in A. 29' Cf.. Abu Muslim. . 135. pp. A Kingdom of Hungary after the Ottoman victory at Mohacz in A. led by Bihiifaridh. its range in this role extended.. was eventually articulated History. in accordance with their builders' own cultural affinities. II. whose military and polit- combination of disillusionment. without a break. about the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of ously the traditions of this past. where Arabic was predominant. World in the shape of the Timurid Mughal Raj. 68. particularly in Khurasan and Transoxania. l.D. "292 Era. The murder of their hero. and guarded zeal. and styles more successful under the Abbasids than under the Achaemenids. These two universal states of Muqanna'.

A.h"lle." . All such survivals could be made manifest with the help of is to Persia that the origins of Sufi orders in the Indian subcontinent. xiv. 515) and of whom H. pp. all of Persian stock." considering that such from ancient times to the nineteenth century. Shayegan see EIr. 1273). and interpretation of. hermeneutics (ta'wil. Ibn al-'Arab\(d. c. and this thanks to hermeneutics (ta 'wU). On Sufi orders founded by Persians. Jiimi ~ithin the ~slamic community.297 He saw basic Iranian concepts re-emerging or Persia. v. and M. In assessing the work of Suhrawardi. 5Ifr.niz<.300 It was also in Persia that out- standing mystical poems by Sanii'i (d. Again it losophy. 299 He sums up the argument presented in the first two volumes ing Sufi thought. (IY. Gabrieli. the resources of philosophy (lJikmat al-ishriiq) as manifested in the works of writers accessible to him through Islamic spirituality. pp. II. (d. 91-94. on the grounds that he Work of Henry Corbin. and Iranian angelology Prophet as commentary on. 1971-72).. pp. Goethe to Hegel. cf. 857)." the motif of the Mathnawi of Jaliil al-Din ar-Riimi had replaced the Tradition of the iumrere de gloire (xorrah. if we dismiss some of Hodgson's Tendencies in Recent Research". It is character- from Suhrawardi down to Mullii Sadrii of Shiriiz (d. however. 1234-35) had not a drop of Persian and his followers. whose Mathnawf Browne ranked a whole. before and after Islam. from Persian piTS or masters. See also on the development of Sufism." wrote I'. the esoteric and hermeneutic aspects of lWelver Imamism. 8Ifr. 168). Gibb said: "For many Persians and Turks. 621-22. Classical Islam. p. sometimes appear surprised. For a descriptive Comb. 84 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 85 speculative and at times too imaginative." pp. 85-91. I. he wrote: Persian culture in other Islamic lands 297 For a judicious critique of Corbin's work see H.n. 100. adequate representation. Literary History. literally. d. and all the great minds of the West from littl~ studied until now in the West that experts on ancient Iran. 909). if not irritated. 12tT. 3ot primary")." he writes. v. blood in their veins. which bears the subtitle De l'Iran mazdeen aIran shf'te and which includes an anthology of texts In this context we may recall the close association of Persia with a in support of his thesis. who sought to approach this aspect of Muslim spirituality.Iiisibi (d. p. We must strongly refute. 100. IV. xv." p. pp. the notion ofSufism as "the seven books (published in four volumes. It must be borne in mind. who elaborates on with the names of J:lasan aI-B~ri (d. p. 861). of Islam. expanding. Above all there were mng a totality (ensemble). that Persia wise) with its characteristic esotericism and recourse to hermeneu. 1150). In order to sucoeed in poets. (forthcoming). the philosophy of light and darkness. VIII s. See also von Grunebaum. Browne. 23. and 12511:." Terre celeste. "restoring to origins or to the Asia Minor. 1721) were written. and Ibn al-Fariq. the Iranian world has formed from the begin_ (d. x. the illuminationist philosophy of Suhrawardi 1240-41). 215 on Sufi orders practically all being derived egories. actu- ISts In Muslim philosophy as such. Avestan Xvarnah). one should probably renounce some of our habitual cat. the religious and as immanent in Shi'ite imamology and implied in Persian mystic phi_ ethical teachings of the Koran" (Mohammedanism. 298 Gnostic outlook that gave rise to one of the characteristic traits of Corbin's understanding of Iranian religious philosophy was Islam: Sufi mysticism. Venture of Isiom. and Junaid (d. pp. 'At~iir ({!. see Arherry. p. pp. aI-MuI. Caspar. "whether Shi"ite or not. G. and Persian Shi'ite thought (Imami or other. 131. account of this work by D. has been so glory of a luxuriant poetic bloom . and Turkistan are to be traced. II. See also A. the characteristic traits and vocation of which will not be made clear unless one considers the Iranian spiritual world as forming the poems of Riimi (d.. as well as special. ally took as their guides not the Arabic ascetics or doctors but the great Persian when one reveals a connection unexpected in the agenda . and intricately wedded to poetry.) celeste et corps de resurrection (1960). the Corbin saw the Zoroastrian "philosophy of light. 1640) and the metaphysic oflight identifies the primordial source of this [light] the Zoroastrian theosophy designates as xvamah or "the light of mystic philosophers of Qajar Persia. 1311:. ''The Study of Islam: The Even if we choose to discount Toynbee's views. 1221). "gave the Muslim mysticism the 291 "The philosophy of Iranian Islam.. Algar. p. i) "among the great poems of all time" (Literary History. unmistakably took the lead in developing. 4.. It was in Persia that Sufi mysticism was intimately thus: . to bring back home the rather continuing in Shi'ite Islam and in "oriental" or illuminationist c. p. p. 728). Orientalism and the Study of Isiomic Philosophy. Mahdi. as manifested in influential mystics as Dhu'I-Niin of Egypt (d. p.6911:. together with further elaborated in his main work. 419. En Islam iranien. I. in which he reaction of Aryan mind against a Semitic religion imposed upon it by set out to prove the continuity of philosophical concepts in Persia force" or "an essentially Persian product. R. in 299 En Islam iranu. "whose main phases can be connected primarily Amir-MOCZZl~s Early Shi'ism. and Bedil (Bidil. of diverse elements in works themselves clearly express his purpose: to receive the wisdom of Islamic thought. and propagat- tics.d magi.. xviii-xix. Hist. xvii. lOll "The Persian genius alone. iv. 10811:. "Muslim Mysticism: was not primarily a historian ofislam. 1492)." "Literary Tendencies.. This is the thrust of his Terre {II. a work in E. Zoroastrian beliefs. 30' See Hodgson.

The group of Turkish Islamic his method. p. ance and to follow whatever fashion might prevail there. The highly Persianized attained a very considerable degree of culture. 1. observing that. but the in which they had already accepted Islam. Classical Islam... this therefore was success than ever attended the Hohenzollern militaristic King Frederick the Great's of necessity Persian as the Seljuqs knew no other. see Spuler. The redoubtable Ottoman mil- supreme. and merely an unimportant accident. p. Nevii'j at the court of the TunUids)." wrote F. 14. p. imitation ofth. Rapidly the Seljuq Turks Persian as spoken in India.: "[rhe Islamized TUrkish literature] from its first efforts . Daftary. owe their literary education. we have seen the importance of what Persia brought to the literary patrimony of Islfun. pp. Venture oj Islam. author of the standard to write what is little else than Persian poetry in Turkish words. 101. pp. 101f. p. p. strictly so called. that for centuries Ottoman poetry continued to reflect as in a glass the several J06 Cf. 486. (p. II. According to him (I. iz. p.. (Ibid. Toynbee. which carne into being as a result Anatolia but also in the Chaghatai of Turkistan 306 and later in Urdu of the Western impact.. Persian." "Literary Tendencies. Gabrieli. The Philosophy oJ Mul/a Sadra. but in the sphere of science and lit. 10) poetic efforts in French. they went to them to learn what to think and in what way to think." pp. On the spread and influence of Persian at the "appropriated the entire Persian literary system down to its minute Mughal court V." pp. 303 So the first Ottoman poets. and if we consider some of phases through which that of Persia passed ." see von Grunebaum. whose name has not consciously their aim. as so often happened. 472. On the penetration of the culture of Bukhara and Samarqand in eastern ernment." p. while it became the rule with the Turkish poets to look ever Persia-ward for guid. acter as a courtly. SIS: "The new Persian language and litera- Ottomans] . taking on its char- 302 For a judicious critique of Corbin's work see Algar's "The study of Islam" and A. Mongols. W. intent not merely on acquiring Gabrieli. add nothing to their model that is new in either spirit or form. when some hundred and fifty years later Sulayman's son [the leader of the 303 Cf. 692. of national feeling in poetry they dreamed not. Indian tongue. Turkestan. for the step thus taken at the outset developed into a practice." pp. "Three ethnic groups.. 29. the Turks very early in Muslim India. 86 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 87 challenging opmlOns as too radical. poetry was to them one and indivisible. In practical matters. ornate style of Persian in Turkish. It is to the Seljuqs with whom they were thus fused. p. J04 Literary History. tional language during the Safavid era and the language of culture and poetry in . that the itarist Sultan Selim the Grim amused his leisure by writing Persian verse with better Ottomans. see F. But such was A Literary History of Ottoman Poetry in six volumes. Gibb. see Hodgson." By the thirteenth century former tongue in the course of time dropped out of use. Fazlur Rahman. (Akbar. on Persian as the interna- and F..302 we can hardly and their successors through many a generation. from the fourteenth century to about The Persian model in poetry and in what Gibb called "the Persian the middle of the nineteenth. they [the Ottomans] found that ture were staples in the intellectual education of the Ich-oghlans who were the corps although Seljuq Turkish was the everyday speech of the people. erature they went to school with the Persian. "Turkish the Turks were not content with learning from the Persians how to express Literature. 683-88.. 47. 150. when. tutorage. 7). A. was often almost identical in vocabulary with adopted the culture of their civilized subjects. became the recognized official and literary language. p. I. 8)'°7 So. Corbin's assertions idiosyncratic and too speculative. penetrated into Asia Minor. thinking his thought and feeling literatures. while the latter the Saljuqs had. Smith writes: detail. during which time Persian influence was mystic-philosophic system"305 was followed not only in the Turkish of dominant. "Literary Tendencies. and that in the same unquestioning and wholehearted fashion Both TurIci and Persian were spoken at his [Emperor Akbar's] court.. "underwent the religious and cultural influence of Islam through Persia as intermediary: the Hindus. 211-12. and the Osmali.. V. strove with all their strength entertain such reservations about E. while retaining the grammatical structure of an pushed their conquest westward. Algar for furnishing me with these references). 29>'-94. p. while Persian literature and Persian culture reigned influence of this Persian mental background naturally persisted among the adult lights and leaders in the Ottoman court and camp. Venture oj Islam. and Persian poetry being their model of literary inspiration. Gibb classifies Ottoman poetry between the Old School. or the camp language. primarily the Chaghata. "La Mystique musulmane: recherches et tendances.. and TUrks . leaned directly upon Iranian models . I. I. on their imitation of Iranian culture Gibb goes further still. 271-89 (I am Chaghatai literature (which culminates at the end of the fifteenth century with thankful to Prof. the Saljuqs] which developed gradually as a convenient instrument of communication had overrun Persia. indeed. the Gibb Memorial Series. the Barbarian conquerors between natives and foreigners. thanks entirely to Persian form of [western] Hindi known by the name of Urdu." On the TUrks being the "cultural representatives ofIran.. On the Persian impact on all three Turkic dialects and the j I :1 thought. depends much more closely on his feelings. Persian was d"lite among the neophytes in the Ottoman Piidishiih's Slave-Household. The same is true for the whole Caspar. 307 See Hodgson." Early Shi'ism. conventional. The Isma 7rls. but on entering into his spirit. "Central Asia. in the affairs of everyday life and in the business of gov. they preferred their own ideas. 307." p. the language in which it was written lived on in an important series of publications of Arabic. these liter- to teach them.. in the words of the same author. and Amir-Moezzi.. And in this school they continued so long as there was a master the Persian model than Persian literature had ever depended on Arabic. p. A Study oj History. 3-4. ever carrying with them Persian culture . 13)304 Turkish texts. and imitative art. 33. II. and the the language of the court. and the Modern School. Thus it comes about lOS Literary History. atures. About the middle of the eleventh century they [that is.

Ghurids (1000--1215) and more particularly the Delhi sultans (1206-1555). 82ff. pp.). deviations from Safavid orthodoxy . More typical have been scholars of the British. The buildings and NichQlson. concepts of Bengal. battles.. to whom this quotation tend to minimize the significance of Arab elements in the foundation belongs. settling at last. A. the mausoleum of Arjumand racial claims and theories (as first propounded by the Comte de Biinii Begam. II." 309 H. refers to their best known one: depreciate the importance of non-Arab factors. Hist. with only occasional. the western part of the Islamic world. E. when "in the Punjab and at Delhi and Agra Persian tile archi. observe that. particularly of What are we to <:onclude from this briefsurvey of the Persian pres- the seventeenth century.------_ . Camb. there are in the raj Mai). G. ence in the Islamic world? Before I present my summation I may tecture. we might say that the first phase was more intellectual. "Indian or Safavid Style?." pp. .aI) at Agra. Arberry. animals. as well as authors who Persian fashion. languid spirit oflater Mughal art. providing paradigms Because of its origins and subsequent history. portraits and ence of the Iranian zone. It is a work Gobineau in the nineteenth century) and to their Semitic counter- of finest Safavid taste. like Arab society before it. lOS form of Sufism. it also drew inspiration from Hindu subjects and century Iranian society itself began to weaken and decline. some of whom I have quoted or referred to.' 88 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 89 The Persian influence in India began with the Ghaznavid gardens of Aurangzeb's time at Lahore. From the last decades of the seventeenth other motifs of Persian art. "PCf"Sia and India. were without exception attracted to Persian literature and produced their major works in this the eastern half of the Islamic world. A. I may quote one of the latest authors.. Yarshater. pp. 24-28. thus coming indirectly under the influ- depicted court and hunting scenes. R..310 pro- landscapes. 700. Foran. "In the Panjab University Qf Cambridge from 1902 to 1969. Paintings were used to illustrate both Persian and Hindu literary works. "Long Fall. on "unrestrained borrowing from Persian" in Urdu prose and poetry. the second more artistic.. and Sind this Persian style continued to prevail. Niir-Jahan's niece. for Also Persian monuments served as models of much of Indian dreams of past glory.. 281-304. and A. and calligraphy. in PersiOJl Literature. and German schools. VII. and were produced by ducing derivative art and jaded poetry and indulging in a debased artists of both religious backgrounds.. 458. If we were to characterize the two phases of Islamic (E1T. which have already been men- Mahmud's conquest in the subcontinent. by illumination.699. however. 695-97. Storey. is the Islamic scholarship has remained as a rule immune both to the Aryan raj Mai).. modern times.. While Persia was in the process of generating and exporting its own Similarly.. until it was superseded by Western notions and values in kingship and government. the most brilliant period of Mughal archi. JlO See Browne. pp. the second more contem- Mughal painting and calligraphy in India. p. the sultanate provided for three and a quarter centuries a unique opportunity for the continual transmission for thought. species of Islamic culture. the second Among many who have pointed to Persian art as the basis for more mystical. see Aziz Ahmad. See also pp. above. and a philo- to India of a broad range of cultural manifestations emanating from the sophical outlook for a vast region stretching from Anatolia to . C." Legacy of Persia. the eighteenth century. was drifting and soon became a pos- which emphasized line and form rather than color. 249-88. 1.. flowers. (ibid. IV. III. of Islam."309 H. p. ephemeral attempts at resusci- tation or revivals. Dutch. music and architecture. artistic models. the first more theological. Except for the use ofthe most immaculate Makrana parts. the mainstream of The most famous monument representing this Persian taste. the first more inquisitive. but it took on specifically Mughal qualities then exhausted and debilitated. Goetz.. despite the exaggerations of some Persian authors who tecture flourished anew. Browne. French.aI only a few other It is interesting to note that four outstanding scholars who held in . "" Islamic (RaU+ll-yi Momtiiz Mai). p.. Ira Lapidus: plative. Indian painting was derived from Persian ways of figure drawing. architecture of the Islamic period at different times. Literary History. and of her husband Shiihjahiin. It accelerated under the tioned. customs and manners. including the MahabhaTata and the Ramayana. p. repertoires of imagery. ! Persian plateau: language and literature. religious organization. 112) succession the Sir Thomas Adams Professorship of Arabic at the As to the ensuing period. As Gavin Hambly notes: Thus the most vibrant and productive culture in the Islamic world for about six centuries was the Persian. after enumerating a large number of monuments built in and development of Islamic civilization. preserve the Persian type" (ibid.. ed.. marble which translates the gay and gaudy Persian taste into the dreamy. Browne. 242) civilization. While Mughal painting session of the Ottoman state.. Goetz.

artists. "Influence. founder of the l:Ianafi school of religious law. the celebrated physician Summation and philosopher. It is perhaps not 965. 145. and ShahrastanI (d. 446.). The Persian intellectual elite dedicated itself to Islam and torians like BaJadhurl (d. '" See Spuler. see Mas'udi. 5--164.318 Bad!' aI-Zaman HamadhanI. see 313 The Epic of the Kings: Shiih-nturuJ.321 ZamakhsharI (d.319 Avicenna (Ibn $Ina. 769. pp. 148.. tuality. "The number of Persians writing Arabic in those centuries was extraordinarily large. be noted. 1111). 278-79. Gabrieli. and Abu Zayd Islamic world matched the unifying effect of the religion brought from Arabia. a brief account of the contribution of Persian scientists in Islamic times see Elgood. ences of the past should serve as a lesson and guide for human conduct. pp. Hist. "Persian Science." p.320 and the theologians tary defeat proved liberating for the Persians. Storey: Persian Literature: A Bia-bibliographical Survey. the National Epic of Persia by Ferdowsi. his- energies. indeed requires. the Herodotus to Arabic and helped to shape. who mentions his soun:es. 83. published as a preface to his torians. of lalalu'dd/n (8 vols. Tabarl322 (d. the literary scholar To sum up. of Islamic history. 322 See Franz Rosenthal's magisterial essay on Tabad's life and work. and diffuse a cos. c. His translation of the Koran may be con. Mystical Poems of lWmJ (2 vols. p. I. 321 Generally considered the greatest theologian oflslam: see Spuler. whose work introduced this science to Europe. Persian scholars who wrote in Arabic. astronomer. 1037). under individual scholars. ElT."316 in its traditions. mathematician. Watt. an abridged prose realize the quality and extent of the Persian contribution. 48H8 for his bibliography and more detail). c. he Arberry: Classical Persian Literature and (Ir. I. and something profound in its mysticism and spiri. 925). "has sometimes been acclaimed in both East and West the greatest Muslim after (For a more detailed listing of Arberry's numerous works on. for instance. for Islam was a collective and coop. I. the most influential philoso- almost to the status of a pagan creed. most of them Persian. Aberry's autobiographical sketch.) 323 On this "Persian nationalist philosopher" and historian who believed that experi- 112 The second edition of The Sociology of Islam." pp. for his influence on philos- 311 To wit. and discoverer of algebra. 767). It gave new impetus to their creative I~takhrI (tenth century). and translations from.). I. from the oppressive social and religious constraints that had pre. In one respect. M. the collapse of the Sassanian empire." Camb. the most outstanding polymath produced in the Islamic grace. "Introduction. them Iranian.. sidered by some his outstanding achievement. Although no other element in the Qutaiba (d. III. p. and who has left us. 320 See the series of articles on him in Elr. The language fell from literary after 1050). I. Rosenthal.II. I 14ff. Venture of Islam. were drawn to Persian studies because they from Persia. in Camb. particu- of Islam. History. see van Riet. but it had sever:il preoedents." Anawati. 153. 596. ibid. geographer. IV. perhaps with some exaggeration. Hist.. For a more detailed listing of earlier Persian his- . indigenous Persian culture received a severe blow with and the inventor of the maqiima genre of writing (d. but also profitable to single out scholars. 14. that 311 "8 "One of the most eminent physicians. BIriinI (d. pp. 756). 1158)." W. the majority of Mystical Poems of lWmi.314 KhwarazmI (d. see Elr. vailed in late Sassanian times. and Ibn al-FaqTh (early tenth century). 292-317. 90 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 91 field. 104--10. . MuI:tammad. "Ibn al-MuqafTa'. p. 923). mili. in "Science. who no longer suffered Ghazall (d. tended to weaken or obliterate local and national distinctions. 66-110. 1030). and social and political reflecting a good deal of truth. Nicholson: J'he MathniJw/ pp. In the first phase there were such luminaries as Ibn al- found a pervasive beauty in its poetry and art. pher of Islam and an encyclopedic genius. d. Many leaders were brought up in an Islamic milieu that Scientific Biography. II. perhaps the greatest clinical doctor ofIslam.317 Rhazes (Abu Bakr RiizI. Gardet. d. "Impact. p. There were also geographers like Ibn Khurdadhbih (d. it would not be an exaggeration to say that Persians lIS Hodgson.. Muriij. Spuler writes. lists prominent figures of Arabic adab up to took the lead in developing Islamic civilization. but not exclusively. pp. Historiography. like many other ouly to remind ourselves of some of the leading figures who came Arabists and Islamicists. see ~afii. ix-xiii. p. whereas his translation of 400 ghaza/s of Riinii had almost none. Persian literature. an alluring character Muqaffa' (d." ibid. 315 To 1950. p. author of The Social Structure the Persian element and its contribution to Islamic culture. 911). 1008). I Nevertheless the topic of this chapter justifies. "one of the creators of Arabic literary prose. 8-14. 895). Abu l:Ianifa DInawarl (d.323 polymaths like Ibn mopolitan Islamic civilization. among other works. 892). of Islam." p." pp. Abu l:Ianifa (d.3Il One might add Reuben Levy. Browne: A Literary History of Persia (4 vols. See. consolidate. 887).l1l These scholars. during its Arab phase. 1143). 316 F. however.). Tiirikh-i adabiyyiit.312 who was appointed professor of Persian at Cambridge in larly. I. The Faith and Practice of al-Ghazali.) and Persian R£'Iolution (see ophy and science in Europe. "Religion and Culture. pp. For erative venture in which diverse elements and traditions were com. for more detailed accounts see Dictionary of bined. we have translation of the Shiihniimeh." p. L. For a detailed account of the on the basis of their ethnicity. 122. pp. and the so-<:alled 'Arabic literature' was largely leaders who contributed to the genesis or growth of Islamic culture the work of Persians. 847). and the ancient Zoroastrian faith of the country was degraded world. of Islam." and Weisser. and Miskawayh (d.

437-{i7. 804) and his son nlllipP. pp. Goldziher is no doubt right in not agreeing totally with Beijing. Tiirikh-i ." pp. and his belief in the superiority of Sassanian scientific tradi· m Persia had a busy trade with Chinese ports and owned and operated many ships for tion..asibi. to a man. On the derivation of Arab music from Persian music. monographs on individual Sufi& Bio-bibliographical information about those who '" Ibn Ba!!ula. Ironically.327 Junayd.>uha'i Isllim.471-78. Tiirrkh. and $a11i. Abu'l J:lasan Muslim of Nishapiir. C. studies concerned with the knowledge of the Arabic language" (Muslim Studies. M.lid's Persian tr.. (Gesammelte Abhandlungen. Iqbal. 591.329 .330 as does the fact has been identified as a line from a lyric by Sa'di. Hourani. and Abu Zayd Balkhi Traditions{~adith) were. 1020). 14. 994). II. Persian missionary activity in China in Islamic times has not been ment that 'of the Muslims who achieved anything in scholarship nODe was a Semite' researched in depth . p.328 The considerable role that Persian Sufis Persian community and their influence (then on the wane) in played in spreading Islam among the Turkic peoples in Central Asia Siamese administration. the famous fourteenth-century Arab traveler. p. The number of Persian terms used by Chinese . 92 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 93 Balkhi (d.lOS). Cf. The journey and the visit are described (d. to the throne. '" These were Mul)ammad b. 289-90. XVI..ammad. '" See Pingree. "A very . GAL. the sacking of Kwangchou (Canton) by pe- ." p. see Gardet. The History of the T'ang farhang-i iriin. see Abu'l Faraj hfahiini. IV. Bayazid Bi~tami {d. Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical Survey. Beckingham. their character. their learning. such geniuses that. Safina-yi Suiaimtinf132 by Ibrahim ibn Mul). the purpose. and M. Abu Dawiid Sijistlini. I. 875). I." namiiz-i blimdiid "the morning prayer.." He records a song which was repeated several times on the order of namliz-i pfshfn "the forenoon prayer. when he writes: "It would be superfluous to mention looked at notices posted in the main mosque in Shian. 135 Furthermore. p. I:Iallaj Phra Narai to the Shah.331 Persian trade and missionary activities in the Far East It is illuminating and symbolic of the Persian share in Islamic culture that the authors of the six canonical Sunnite collections of . n. There is an abundance of literature on Persian Sufi mystiC& including a number of sse and To-shih (Arabs) together in 758 and their going back to sea (p.ine:s. "Religion and Culture. Mystical Dimensions. attests to the widespread the son of a high official. at least their development and maturity to they would not succeed in doing them justice. Brockehnann. The Mu'tazilite movement.. confined to China. 62. the d. 610'. I. p. far too to the envoy. reports that during his visit to China he was entertained in the course Muslims for ritual and worship. and Isma'jJi stock. and Nasii'i. his '" Translated by John O'Kane as The Ship of Sulaimiin. the &anle year they [Po-ssel are mentioned along with Brahmans and Malayans as 321 On his lineage and cultural background see M. if all humanity and the jinns (thaqalayn) joined in their praise some of the most significant schools of Islamic thought owed. .. &v. apud von Kremer.407. p. in Kilk. Kulturgeschichtliche Streifz"ge.324 scientists like Albumasar (Abu Ma'shar Balkhl. Sezgin. who was of Persian dominated intellectual discourse in the ninth century. 74.ll. pp. See G. See n. of the affairs numerous to mention.. 8." p. I. The point will be evident to anyone who has Lagarde's exaggerated view. Ibn Maja of Qazvin. An emissary by the Safavid Shah Isl). 29." biing-i of a banquet by musicians who sang in Chinese. 303 and n. and the fall from favor of a previous Persian min- Islam in China owes much more to Persian Muslim preachers than is Ibn BaHiita. Morris Rossabi. which (next to Jlil. "Religion and Culture. and Indonesia. and considerably behind the non-Arabs in the specifically religious studies and in the Kim Ho-Dong on Perso-Chinese relations during the Islamic perinds in Maw~i1i (d. or index. Browne. the secre- and a host of other mystical writers and poets in Persian. Voyages. 4-{i. but extended to Indochina. Tinnidhi... 60 (13731l 995). Kalabadhi (d. if not and eulogy and spread their virtues. icology owe to non-Arab& Even if we do not entirely accept Paul de Lagarde's state- '" Ibid. of Persian stock. who was fond of Persian songs. and in Aghiini. on his significance." pp. such as libdast "ablution.000 Muslims. 98. p. i adiJbiyyiit." p.-'A. I. see AnUn. 182.. Storey. in Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Mul)ammadi-Malayiri. Isma'il of Bukhara. Persian nationalism. Muwal. 183. always their foundations. 21-27. the chief Islamic city in Han the many names whose very sound is evidence of the debt Arabic grammar and lex- China. Gardet "Religion and Culture. Iranians] is found in the island of Hainan in 748. Abu !:Iayyiin Taw\lldI considers Jiil)iz. 63). V. and Persian. pp. are credited with written work may be obtained from Brockehnann. 1074). pp. Sulami (d. even the best defender of Arabic culture and opponent of the Shu'iibis thinkers of Persian extraction. see Gardet. .. among others. 301 above.. MuI)... The song activity of Persian missionaries among the Chinese. 431-38.326 I (r. their part in having brought King Phra and in the subcontinent and part of Indo-China is well known... p. 13. 79f. pp. Persia. 850).e. Isenbike Togan. namiiz "call to prayer. F. p.a task which calls for scholarly attention. 598 and Schimmel. AbU !:lamIa Dinawari. GAS. &VV. report& according to the same source." ibid.. 577. it can certainly be said that the Arabs lagged Rogers. See the interview with Zeng Yan-Sheng.4). 934). See however 1..liz) was the historian and litterateur Ibn Qulayba. Nicholson. 1666-94) visited Thailand and its Persian rommunity In the domain of mystical writings alone there were such figures as 1685 in response to a friendly letter from the enlightened Siamese I:Iasan Ba~ri. Qushayri (d. GAL. 922). Tiirikh u owners of vessels on the river at Canton. p. the well-known that the great majority of Muslim manuscripts found in China are thirteenth-century Persian poet. 886)." etc. Liu Ymgsheng and Peter Jackson. 'A. and their works. Professor of Persian at the University of adiJbiyyiit. and $afli. which claims some 60. normally realized. Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean. large village of Po-sse{i. who gives an account. Arabic.325 and musicians like Ibrahim Maw~iIi (d. p. & vv. A Literary History of "Ebn Ba!!ula. 334 Persian. A Literary History of the Arabs. "Shi'r-i Sa'di dar Chin.

crystals whose inner structure contradict their external shape. p. For the contribution of the Isma'ilis to Islamic thought and some prominent Persian Isma'ilis see W. Miskiib. as a religion of of the Samanids in the tenth century.. l4O Other instances have been there" (Religious Trends. pp. ·"Ayyan. II. "Persia and the Arab. and Daftary." writes the Shj'ites may have had a precedent in pre-Islamic mourn- Wilferd Madelung. Religious . For instance. see von Grunebaum.Iusayn. however. 234ff. The ninth and tenth centuries may be considered fonDS." p. are embedded crystals of a mineral. which are chanted. For various aspects of these plays. and deal with the martyrdom ofShi'ite imams and saints. stiffen. that type of thinking is best represented -- In a rock-stratum. c( a"rdet "Religion and Culture. water filters in. Society. "Economy. and the crystals are gradually washed out so that in due Miskawayh" (Historiography.." a term borrowed from geology by Oswald the political theories of the extremist Slah. 29ff. ing.. stones ~ the Golden Age of Shi'ite writing. Considering the part of Persians in developing Islamic civilization. Ta'=ieh. 93). as an example of historical the educated. probably from the late introduction of Islam. 84--85). explode the mountain. affiliations on mawiili have tended to obscure. probably extended far beyond the active adherents of "pseudomorphosis. of Is/am. p. Corbin (see above. it is among the Persians that Imami must fill up the spaces that they find available.. 122). for the "light" out of which the - . 338 The bulk of them are in verse. most often we must be guided by circum.189-9O) and arguing the legitimacy of their faith. (The Decline of the West. "was born in Persia and initially spread from for the martyrdom ofSiyiivash. even Chelkowski.. Clefts and cracks by the Tajiirib al-umam of the Persian nationalist philosopher occur. had J. a link discussed at length by H. 30ff. Classical Islam.). "Ta'zieh. roots in Sassanian Iran.." stantial evidence.. Imams and lmpeccables (ma ~iims) are created. 175). 8f(). particularly depths of their inner beings into molds that were not theirs but that had been imposed on them as a consequence of military defeat and -- l. The Ismii7lis. pp. The literary quality of the verses is low. 339 I have surmised that mourning rituals "The Isma'ili movement in its historically recognizable form. Kulaynl.341 of the intellectual development in the tenth century of Shi'ite think. Thus there arise distorted Shi'ism flourished. the creative --- . pp. Such an assumption would have been by no means justified had the Persians failed to realize a "renaissance" in the tenth century and to generate --- - areas." p. even though Because nearly all Sassanian written works have disappeared. Ear/y Shi'ism.336 course only their hollow mould remains. pp.. who was the first to draw attention to the continuation of the pre-Islamic myth in an Islamic guise. both Imami and farhang." pp. and Shaikh ~adiiq were compiling Shi'ite Traditions alogists call this phenomenon Pseudomorphosis. we within the framework of Islam. Amir-Moezzi. of one kind presenting the appearance of stones of another kind. Spuler briefly refers to the link between the concept ofthe lranian x'arnah (jarra) and the divine light that the Shi'ites believe dwells in the Imams ("Iran: the Persistent Heritage. Nevertheless. 82ff. as Franz Rosenthal remarks: "The intellectual development of it is even possible from the Persian point of view to classify the the tenth century led to the triumph of a type of thinking which found Arabic-language phase of Islamic civilization in Persia. III. They ~ -- among the Arabs. Vemur. It grew to become the embodiment [mcmtiioned earlier (pp. '4l B. YarshaCer. Claude Cahen was inclined to con- clude that/uluwwa and 'ayyiiri. 94 Ehsan Yarshaler The Persian presence in the Islamic world 95 theology. p. They are not dissimilar to medieval passion plays in the West and are performed both in urban centers and by itinerant groups in rural the adoption of a new religion and a foreign language. II. Trend. But these are not free to do so in their own special forms. and crystallize out in it has become increasingly evident that Shi'ism had its beginnings their turn. the third imam. in which a number of data are brought to bear on his claim that Isma<ili.. accounts of early historical events were Arabicized and largely confined to what . See also Sh. a distinct cultural agenda based on their own traditions.ll7 It may be mentioned in passing that Persia was the only country For example. 93-105. Sag-i Siyiivash. 159. on Buyids as patrons of Arabization (ta'rib) of Persian appelations and the bestowal of Arabic names and culture. when the NawbakhtIs. The miner- Ibn Biibawayh. see Hodgson. 530 and in Elr." p." pp.342 cannot clearly substantiate all theories on the adoption of Sassanian '" See Cahen. are cases in point. p. p. Then come volcanic outbursts which Contrary to an earlier view ascribing the rise of Shi'ism to Persia. 342 Pseudomorphosis may in fact be considered the theme of Mul)ammadfs Tiirikh u m On the Buyid era being the flourishing period ofShi'ite thought. Persians channeled what welled up from the Safavid period. under traditions by the Shi'ites. p. see contribution of the Persians in the nurturing of Islamic civilization (pp. molten masses pour in. 144. see also Levy. 37.16 See Hodgson. which was widely spread in the tenth. E. 212ff.. 88-95. In the series of great Spengler: Muslim world histories. p. pp. Institutions.. Venture of Islam. 84--88. we might say that for two hundred years after the that produced popular passion plays (ta'ziya). 36--37. II. except in obvious cases. and his family and followers at Karbalii'. cf. ethical and religious codes of conduct and affiliation that flourished in medieval Persia and Anatolia. 586. before the rise its most characteristic expression in Ismil'ilism but.

. The work of developing it fell to movement. '" Cf. 166[[: Levy. more urious palaces. pp. as we The Shiihniimeh articulated this deep-rooted sense of a distinct tradi- have seen. and resis- together first under the Achaemenids and had cooperated in the tance to the obliteration of these traditions. paying only nominal allegiance to scenes of the desert. 426-27 on Central '" For the debt of early Persian literature to Arabic literature see Gabrieli. the Persians finally carne into their own and returned elements were evoked in the preambles to odes in praise of patrons. 37-38). wrote narrative mathnawls. even the Saljuqs. The Arabs shattered all the political." p. rooted in Sassanian traditions but adapted to the Tahirids were established as governors of Khurasan. ballads and odes were to be sung ployment. see also Daniel. 48 I ff. pp. changes of hues and shapes with the changes of the seasons. to modes of expression more congenial to their spirit. and social bar. The orientation basic to bureaucratic entanglement and endowed with courage and fighting this culture was already manifest in Firdausfs Shiihniimeh. and in the forefront. pp. Then they began to fade away as cre. a universal language." pp. "Points de vue. 573-74. With or chanted to the accompaniment of lyre. Andalusians. itselflargely shaped on addition. it was geared to the courtly atmosphere of lux- to the caliphs.341 universal religion." pp. as B. "Iran: the Persistent Heritage. 169-70. Syria. See Lapidus. Persians. myth and legendary history. Mesopotamians. indeed. Narrative epics were also composed happened to the Arab inhabitants or tribes in the conquered lands (pp. free as it was from the fetters of aged ghazals. "Chigiinegi-yi intiqiil. I. pp. and with Turkey by de Planhol. us oped by the Samanids continued in its basic form in Persia and central Asia well Nationsdu Prophete. and splendor at banquets. "Persia and the Arabs. Their literary exalting their bravery. Amin. Spuler has pointed out ("Iran: the Persistent Such works typified the literature patronized by the Samanids in Heritage. religious. movements before and after the murder of Abii Muslim. the tenth century. Islamic Societies. Turks. Persian terri. 343 tion and crystallized national sentiments that had remained vague. Indians. exhibit such strong roots building of a large empire. 97[[. 344 From the early ninth century. triumphs in battle.. Having played their part in developing and enriching Islamic civi. Egyptians. an epic vigor. clouds. produced lyric Arabia served as a catalyst. 176). 346 See Mu~ammadl. though potent. the formative period of Persian literatU1'e after the attempted to trace their origins to pre-Islamic Iranian kings and not to Islamic saints or the Prophet (the Safavids being an exception). focusing their attention chiefly on the creation a new social order. Equipped with a new faith and their cultural identity. The administrative model devel. albeit mostly within the Islamic orbit. and effective political leader. the challenging religious ship for two or three centuries." pp. Usually these this restoration. as Toynbee pointed out. the Persians rose from the ashes of their past with and development of a new mode ofIslamic culture with deep roots in fresh vigor and began a new phase of their cultural history. Iranian consciousness. Arameans (Syriac speakers). J48 In contrast tories assumed defaclo independence. Khurasan. viol. or rather the reem. rain and structure that had been developed by the Samanids on the basis of snow. into the nineteenth century. who. based on the revival. In no other part of Eastern peoples. 345 or more often a youth.346 of Persian as the medium of literary expression. were typical of this poetry. 96 Ehsan Yarshaler The Persian presence in the Islamic world 97 It must be recognized that in the formation ofIslamic civilization men revived the epic genre. 66f. In time it became a paradigm for Persian patriotism lization during its Arabic phase. Du/tii'/Is/lim. had come the Islamic world did attachment to national traditions. 33[[ 34' Cf. energy that sought expression." Tendencies. They were governed sometimes by Iranian rulers. as well as joyous descriptions of wine and its liberating effects vitality and creative energy. 344 It is interesting to note. munificence. skilled in the arts of music and companion- Political autonomy heralded the rise of a culture of unprecedented ship. 34'See the comparison made in this respect with Egypt. Formalil'e Period of Islamic Thoughl.). Cahen. Songs. On about the exploits of ancient heroes within a framework of Persian the inconclusiveness of attributing Arab ethnicity to people bearing Arab names. and finally the emergence of semi-autonomous and peoples who had enjoyed longer and more advanced traditions of autonomous local dynasties in Persia all testify to an inner dynamic culture: Syrians. Arabic scheme of meters and rhyme. 233-37. 168ff. more particularly in Khurasan and Transoxania. and composed rubiiis in abundance. a concept of beauty emanating from an idealized maiden. pp. the Sassanian model. the Persians then began to recover and a major focus of national identity. "Literary Asia. or lute. The Arabs gave the nascent civilization a as in Persia." pp. that in Islamic Persia most of the ruling houses. but always according to a cultural and administrative the softer manifestations of nature: flowers and trees. poem of Iranian legend and history that was both the symptom and riers that had stood in the way of fruitful cooperation among Middle the instrument of growing national self-awareness. when the A new poetry. fighting prowess. pp. the Shu'iib'i ative directors of that civilization. II. In both local traditions and the Abbasid pattern. This poetry was characterized by a genuine delight in often by Turks. Watt. and Iraq by Spuler. began to blossom. and Elwell-Sutton in Elr. Numerous revolts under the earlier caliphs.

and refined the fickleness of fate and the inability of man to change or challenge instance of Persian lyric poetry encompassing a description of rap- his destiny. Important not only for the history ofIran. As a result. the imposition by Turkish rulers of Persia (the definitive decline in the seventeenth century. and his mind was tures oflove. the appearance of Persian literature from the ninth century was all reached new heights of excellence. found many masters in the seventeenth century and contin- toward organized religion. painting and calligraphy. This mode of lyric poetry.. . continent as well as in Ottoman Anatolia and Central Asia even Persian culture was soon equally manifest in a pervasive apprecia.a constant theme of Persian lyrics. ofthis period (twelfth to fourteenth centuries). Gabrieli notes. however. The Persian presence in the Islamic world 99 98 Ehsan Yarshater Islamic conquest. poets. on the one hand. Saljuqs. exaltation of wine and intoxication. The rapid and splendid blooming of this second Islamic literature is inter. within the parameters of the Islamic faith there developed a new outlook lines often provided gems of brilliantly conceived.. as well also in Mughal India. The lover/poet partook of the incomparable ease. which thus reaffirmed its national Arab-Islamic phase is manifested not only in art and literature but • individuality. the ghazal embodying the ambivalence profound emotion. with whom Persian . was less eloquent. spirit of dogmatic assertions. single . metalwork. Mysticism. New schools of art also began to develop. balanced. nevertheless.--.. ceramics. classics. philosophical reflections and contemplative by disdain for worldly pleasures thus permeated Persian lyric poetry musings. the heightens the effect of his ghazals by his satirical wit and his constant growing adoption of Ash'arite theology and an accelerated shift to a ridicule of religious hypocrisy and worldly pseudo-Sufism. which had mode reached its full flowering in the Safavid period in Persia and been nourished by the devotional piety of some earlier Sufis. spreading to India. and the Turkic regions of Central Asia as far as Sinkiang. a general mode of thought. adoration of beauty. Under the Timurids Ghaznavids.. language and motifs and the more accessible images of earlier ture or the decorative arts. . for a moment of union of RumI (d. and others) of a narrower the repertoire of poetic imagery was expanded by the introduction orthodoxy stimulated the Persian poets to seek an outlet in a more tolerant. 1282). and vivacity of his ghazals contin- wine in order to find at least momentary respite from the cares of the ued to celebrate the traditional ideals of human beauty and the joys world . 1289). 1389). even melancholy. less formal. There was. evolved into nor as elegantly musical as those of earlier periods. if sometimes far- fetched. poetry reached its highest point. including his hope of heaven. whether in poetry or painting. called the Indian . characterized by a blend of doctrinal tolerance and mild skepticism style. As palaces. This literary . exemplified by Ghazali (d. commenting on the difference.. Khwarazmshahs. A combination together with wise counsel and moral precepts imbued with mild mys- of serene submission to the will of God and a detachment nourished tical sentiments." p. Although the ghazals were neither as lucid !iii as by lingering traces of pre-Islamic Gnostic traditions.. but also for the whole Muslim civilization also in historiography and in the conception of historical events. The prevailing feeling of delight in terrestrial pleasures gradu. drawn to the emancipating power of the spiritual life. favoring devotional renunciation of ter. for it breaks for the first time the close bond between Arabism and . poetic ideas.. enriching Persian poetry and providing guage. Anatolia.~. and. An unsurpassed master of irony. Naturally the dominant themes and imagery did not remain static but were gradually modified by medieval Persian not only from a literary point of view. at least linguistically. he Beginning in about the eleventh century. and opens new possibilities of spiritual affirmation to non-Arabic Muslim peoples. The most accomplished.. The distinction of Perso-Islamic culture from the norms of the . The Persian language. and textiles F. one more period of development before a on the other. and increasingly spiritual and pantheistic view of motifs drawn from daily experience. elegance. As the idealized beloved became more distant and abstract. 97) ally evolved into a more contemplative. the lover became more wretched. and their lan. mood. he suffered a sense of abandonment. which approached colloquial usage. Humphreys. The mosques and became the prevailing language of literature and administration. As the poet brooded on and pains of love. Sa'dI (d. prepared to between mundane and divine love was fully developed in the poems yield everything.. but also from the social and reli- one.. after the Persian poets chose to return to the "purer" traditional tion of beauty and elegance. embodied in mystical approach. remarks: . an alternative to the rigidity of the formal ShaTla. 1111). yet inspiring By the thirteenth century... in with the beloved or even for a kind word. ("Literary Tendencies. of the world. architec. ued among the poets of the Mughal court and elsewhere in the sub- restrial concerns and embracing the mystical love of the divine. including subtle similes between concrete phenomena and abstract ideas.. 1273) and IraqI (d.. is found in the poems ofl:l~ (d.

Ghiyiithal-DInJamsbid KiishiinI(d.leaders like Abu'l-I:fasan Kharaqiini (d. of We might attribute this dramatic coherence to an effort by Persian historians the Islamic world. 1131). Muslim Studies. 589-90. Fakhr aI-Din Razi (d. 1291). 91-93 above. 1286 or Isiam. p. 41111 020) and his successors to the events and persons be blamed for the courses they choose or appear to choose. On Persians achieving distinction in all branches of learning. 1536). on the historian Bayhaqi.35o one may cite poets like Nii~ir-i Khusrau (d. or the credit side. rather than presenting a series of discrete events. c. Abu'l Faql MaybudI (twelfth century). it is only fair to make sure that we do not to apply the plot-lines and characterizations which they found in the epic the debit side. c. 170. too. pp. This state of affairs has prompted the in itself attests to the brilliance of its culture: apart from those already remark that the Persians never became truly Muslim at heart. Najm al-Din Kubrii (d. 1075). Khayr (d. "!qbal's Persian Poetry. 57tf. it created a barrier of creed in the very center of '49 Islamic History. Mir Diimiid (d. Toward a Theory. 1060). 12\0). 'Attar (d. in that it was cut off from its close neighbor and pp. recent events in Persia and the revival masters of literary creation. 1. the better Persian woodworkers. r 100 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 101 We should not think of the difference between the two [the Arabic and RazI (d. convert his domain to Shi'ism at the beginning of the sixteenth exegetes like Abu Bakr SurabiidI (eleventh century). 1437). but at present such statements can only be been a hotbed of dissension and sectarianism surpassed only speculation. historians like BayhaqI (d. This split appears to have contributed to the rela- Humphreys singles out as a representative of Persian historiography at its best. c. if indeed societies poetry of FirdausI {d. 35(}-58. 1273). philosophers like Shihab ai-Din Persian historiography of the Middle Period] as merely linguistic. and Shah Ni'mat-Allah Wali (d. its psychological peroeptive- ness. 1144). toward Islam. Najm ai-Din RazI(d. d. and Iskander Beg Turkmiin (d. 'Abd-Alliih We may also take note of a common criticism by Sunni authors An~arI(d. M ustawfi (d. '" Iraq. Persian historians draw far more heavily than their Arabic-writing (d. Mir counterparts on the themes of neo-Sassanian culture. 1536) and RiQii beginning. Culture. RashId al. focused on the positive achievements. To a great luhrawardHd. 1634). 13 I 8). as its Middle Eastern heritage would lead us to 1627). may encourage 1325). ]55 Louis Gardet. twentieth centuries. expect. and its being a mine of social infonnation on the time. p. 42. and ~adr ai-Din Shirazi extent each language enshrines a specific cultural tradition almost from the Sadrii. in di9Cussing the conunentari~s on the Koran. limits himselfactuaI\ytofour scholars. conceived as an Arab religion. Persians. III. and bookbinders of writers seem more interested in contriving a fully integrated narrative than talent submerged in the customary anonymity of artistic crafts- do their Arabic counterparts.351 Sii'ib (d. ambivalence of many modem educated. 109. Persia could be blamed. painters like Bihziid (d. He was inspired by Riimi and wrote his best poetry in Persian." accepted as authorities. Arberry. mentioned. tive cultural barrenness of Central Asia between the sixteenth and lSI On this poet see A. pp. digms and narrative patterns of their accounts. I. even in tbe ]504 For an account of the scientific contributions of these three scholars see Dictionary science of Arab genealogies (ansah). esp. and Bay<jiiwI (d. c. the religious mindset. 1132). 1077). and prayers. 129-130. s. 1771). 175. but to form the underlying conceptual para- {d_ 1615). 1089). Na~rr al. 1640). Formative Period of Islamic Thought. 1283). See also Waldman. not only for rhetorical ornament or exemplary tales. 1033). 923). 1669) and iqbiil of Lahore (d. Let us not forget. Nevertheless. 1631). that the exaltation of religious feelings Din TusI(d. calligraphers like 'All Riqa 'AbbasI (d." in Aspects of Islamic CMlization. pp. JuvaynI (d.354Sufi reaches an exoeptionally high level in some Persian mystical poetry . 105. 1938). in "Religion and ." pp. see Hodgson. and a host of architects. of Scientific Biography. Persian population has been and remains profoundly committed to Din (d. . ''who were to become '" On Iskandar's 'Aiam-iirii and "its judicious accuracy. though of different sensibilities and of fundamentalist rhetoric may serve as a sobering reminder that the styles. 1049). 1349). nationalist-minded Khayyiim (d.355 a profundity that no other seditious or sectarian movement had suc- ceeded in achieving. 'All b. that the coercive measures adopted by the Safavid Shah Isma'il to 1256).56 See Watt. they portray (to follow Aristotle's lan- guage) a single action. giassmakers. '" fqbaI was an Urdu-speaker and an ardent proponent of Muslim solidarity and cul- the source of much of its culture. Nifiimi (d. where Arabs. whom the Islamic world. metalworkers. 134tf. 1427). Kufa in particular. and The roster of great figures who emerged during the Persian phase elements356 mingled.353 mathematician-astronomers like 'Umar Khayyiim. 422-27. 3S" See pp. "The Art of Hafiz. 1191). at least on the surface level. and the broad interest it manifests in the ramification of the events it traces.186. vv. a unified story leading up to clear dramatic resolution. for which filled their own writings. see Goldziher. cf. Likewise." pp. 1203).352 all great this assumption. 1274). 1221). Persia. Abu Sa"id Abi'l. That is. Venture Of Zamakhsharl (d. pp. 'Imad ai-Din century contributed to a religious schism within the body of Islam of Shahfiir-(eleventh ~ntury). Amir Khusrau of Delhi (d. 'Uthmiin HujwirI (d. and DarvIsh (d. as well as from the main body tural renovation. See Annemarie Schizmnel." they are all of Iranian extraction: Tabarl (d.

of course. within the limited range of possibilities. IV. Goldziher in EF. The BabI movement in turn gave rise to the Baha'I faith. also quotes some good reports about his com- of Jamal-al-Dln's thought. -- -- .357 Although the Safavid state warded off °1'lJ1lfi(Ju~:n Persians are not the only candidates for this happy combi- Ottoman attacks. C[ V.361 -- modern thinkers as both unbecoming and detracting from urgent tasks at hand. and to advocate pan-Islamism. and religious directions -- --- (now quoted more often in jest than seriously). In the seventeenth century the philosophical deprecating comments on supposed Persian cowardice. a rather disorganized and poorly referenced compila. Kasravi. What. the third imam) by poth Reza Shah and the Islamic Republic authorities )S9 "Hunar nazd-i Iranian ast u bas. for the intolerance of in a second-hand bookshop! The jesting attribution of the mar- the Abbasid caliphs. J60 James Morrier's Haji Baba purports to illustrate some of the characteristic ways native of Asadabad in the Hamadan province in western Persia." pp. duplicity. 41 £>"19. the tendency to see. tion of quotations mostly from foreign writers. c[ the biting satires by lraj (d. Persian survival vis-a. Toynbee. the conspiratorial hand of some reconciliation and unity within the Islamic world. p. . an ardent reformist executed by the order of Mll+"ifar ai-Din Shah in July 1896." pp. Toynbee. the rapacity of its clergy. Gibb. 175. rulers (Seiz maktiib. M. Nonethe- acter.!:>jiib. was considerable. p.) of Imam J:lusayn and the Mongol invasion of Persia to the We may also mention here the tendency to excessive mourning for the Shi'ite martyrs. Hourani. the A Study of History." that is. emotionalism. pp." pp.mad of ~sa (d. paints a bleak picture of Persian society in the Qajar period. and Revolt. already mentioned. can be said about the presence of Persia in the modern weeping.. pp. 3S8 Manifestations include not only the ta 'ziya plays. 1826) founded in the eigh- See Spuler. - 317 teenth and early nineteenth century a new school ofShi'ite thought. 468-70.. for Shaikhi school. this is also quoted by the followers of which can now be found in most parts of the world. defeated Uzbek inroads. Muslim community? One indubitable fact. 392. and beating their foreheads. (See above.28. to utterly self. tous presence of the West throughout the Islamic world has severely Many people. diminished the impact of any single component of this world. and processions of believers fla. Persian national unity and a Persian nation.Americans) in all modern and current events.ons of the British is meant by a few nonbelievers to under- the absurdity of this mode of thinking. who points out the importance of the Safavids. is an example of the Persians writing '62 See Nikki Keddie. have written on the Persian char. "Algani. anti-Sufi policy of the Safavids. there is one trait that has developed so strongly almost inadvertently. 307. Publication of the hook earned the author the displeasure of ardent -- rance. His impact on Islamic coun- --- tries. Lapidus. p. is that the ubiqui- gellating and otherwise wounding themselves in frenzies of penance. and finally achieved.. 2£>. a '58 See A. particularly since the mid nineteenth century.-vis the Ottomans and the Uzbeks. suspiciousness. Martyrdom. p. but also rawlja-khwiini. school ofIsfahan. he was the first influential modern thinker and activist to call attention to the ills of Muslim society and its weaknesses vis-a-vis the Western powers. patriots. "virtues are confined to Persians"3s9 less. from the rise of Reza and the unforgiving attitude of many modern Persian intellectuals Shah to the advent of Khomeyni. that it state. "Iran: Opposition. who adds his own detailed criticism. ed. In the political sphere we may mention Jamal ai-DIn AfghanI. cf. superstition. Jamalziideh's Khulqiyyiit-i mii iriiniyiin (The . Islamic Societies. VI. assessments range from exaggerated self-glorification. pp. 1925) in his Divan. 393[. pp.macllinati. nation of virtues.360 paid proper attention. Shngari. 177. See an excellent treatment of this "conspiracy theory" by Ai)mad Ashraf. and the despotic oppression of its nationalists and the Persian government. Mlrzii Aqa Khan Kirmiinl. literary History. 138-47. of the Islamic society. Mohammedanism. as suifering from igno. see Mu!:>ammad Qazvini's evaluation dispensation. 12(. "Central Asia. 481-86.. and lack of industry. epito- mized in a hemistich by Firdausi. 173. nonetheless. 194fT. to which Henry Corbin and some of his students have servility. Minorsky.).. I have already agent (mostly the British and now increasingly the alluded to the boastful pride and Shu'iibi sentiments of early Persians . For a rigorous criticism of The latter eventually broke away from Islam and declared a new divine the fanatical. Persia may claim recogni- tion for its impact on the political. pp. . History. intellectual. produced its major figure.202. that is. among them. 62if. Character of Us Persians). which opened the way for the reformist Babi movement. activitie" and influence. 362 -- and manners of the Persians in the early Qajar period. then. for details with a vengeance about their blemishes and moral failure. M. which has been criticized by many reformers and '. -- in a letter cited by Browne. or even the dismissal of an errand toward the Arab conquest. I. Influenced by him. in an attempt to balance the content. pp. pp. particularly Egypt and Persia. chanting of the passions of The Persian presence in the modern Muslim world --- --- the Shi'ite martyrs before audiences who respond with lamentation. II. Shaikh Al). ~adr ai-Din Shirazi:. 426. modeled on the attitude of Sassani an monarchs. the legacy of its extremism and an abusive attitude toward most be called a "national ailment. I. in E1r.. although Jamalzadeh. C[ also the prohibition of qamazani (wounding oneself on the forehead and skull and shedding one's blood in mouming for J:iusayn. 102 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 103 of the Muslim community. including Persians. with of the leading figures of early Islam has proved a stumbling-block to suspicion of the obvious.

evoking the image of a brave and energetic youth whose heroic ven- the United States in particular. venation? As Islamic countries share many basic problems. I cannot refrain from attempted to modernize Persian society in alignment with the West. a period ofliberal whether or not Persia will once more regain its cultural independence democracy ensued.mad Shah. another culture. and Tatar invaders from the North-East. however. the oil that we end with a word about the future. Persia may not be credited with 'Abbas. from benign neglect to autocratic paternalism to old. The demise of Mo~addiq's government in 1953 heralded the recent revolution. The regime misread the aspirations tures won him fame and fortune. 1988. "I do not think about Yiddish. a period of absolutism under Mol}. including Egypt and Libya. logic the first Middle Eastern statesman to nationalize. 538--80. for now we know sionate anti-imperialist nationalism had an unmistakable impact on will not work. It is too soon to predict forced by the Allied powers to abdicate in 1941. and to raise the banner of opposition against economic a remark by Roman lakobson. and who wrote itself as a client of the United States and subservient to its interests. into the Hellenistic orbit. when he could find solace religious radicalism and a fundamentalist rule of perceived Shi'ite only in the remembrance of his past. A fourth manifested itself during of approaches to solving its problems and putting its house in order. Ai). 104 Ehsan Yarshater The Persian presence in the Islamic world 105 Mul:lammad Mu~addiq was another seminal figure whose pas. . we may say that no efforts have been wasted. "Na?rajadfda Ii ba'<. despite many vicissitudes. exquisite lines on beauty and wisdom. and the transience of life. political constitutionalism was intro. No doubt that was one of the idealistic aims of oil industry. though iron-fisted. the Islamic radicalism following the 1979 Persian rev. rest of the Old World. Eventually he reached an age Western-oriented classes were swept aside and the way opened for of failing strength and declining powers. other Middle Eastern countries. 'Ab<! al-lfamid b. but it soon deteriorated into near anarchy under proves that the essence of the culture had not been lost. culminating in MO$addiq's nationalization of the and distinctiveness. who then matured and mellowed of the people. tried. and offended national pride by presenting into a more thoughtful and contemplative individual.I al-kutub al-mansiiba \'Ibn al-MuqalTa'. say in brief that Persian society. of the Persian way of life and culture after each period of eclipse duced in 1905-12.ammad Reza Shah. Bibliography of works cited and abbreviations sions among other Islamic societies. Aman: Dar al-shuruq. At times it even looked as north Africa but even in some Asian republics that were formerly part had abdicated its distinctive character and was being absorbed of the Soviet Union. lives in the shadow of Western civilization and autocracy to pacify and modernize Persia rapidly. in At a time when all manner of cures to the abiding ills of the Pf€~-Mledian times under Mesopotamian and Elamite suzerainty. durability. Persia. but it cannot be accused of not having rasii'i! Siilim Abi'I. who took over the state effectively in 1921 and was pro. the last Qajar king (r. 52 (1977). about with the conquest of Alexander. long centuries when Persia was overrun and ruled by Turkic. in 1950. Reza Khan (later Indeed. like the daimed Shah in 1925. At present. But who can deny hope for reju- orthodoxy. After the slumbering indifference that characterized most of the Mongol. Islamic lands. He reportedly for other Middle Eastern nationalist leaders. main features of Persian cultural history. Persia too has adopted a number to the Arab Muslim armies. one may speculate. pp. has been one of the Reza Shah). Na~ir. including Jamal 'Abd al. and a third when Persia suc- ism have been and are being tried. the celebrated linguist. in which the privileged and the of separation. I~siin. I worry. who Whatever the future may have in store.'Alii'. To paraphrase the remark of the great inventor Thomas Edison. and aspi- rations. only veiled. when Persia fashioned liberalism to half-baked socialism to aggressive national. I am tempted to industry. After he was under the domination of Western technology. He served in many ways as the model what he thought about the future of Yiddish. The reemergence Qajar period (1779-1921). any movement in any Muslim nation that offers even a partial or tentative response to these problems is bound to have repercus. practiced progressive. the pleasures oflove. Ya~yii al-Kiitib wa mii tabqii min rasa 'ilihi wa success in its experiments. in the course of its long olution has exerted an influence not only in the Middle East and has shown enormous adaptability. 1909-25). who was exploitation by imperial powers." ReVile de when confronted with yet another failure after ninety-nine experi." In a more serious vein. hopes. He was that we have considered the past and the present. the pains The result was the revolution of 1979. I'Academie Arabe de Damas. Finally. One such phase occurred.

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Edinburgh: Edinburgh Zarrinkiib. Ehsan. The Disintegration of Civilizations." Cahiers d'histoire mondiale (under the aus- Taqizadeh. and Serjeant. Brill. ed. al-Ta'rikh. Brill. 1988. 1951. Tafatloll (Tafa<. and tr. 1921. J. R. Tehran: Kitabkhana-yi TahurI. Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift 1955: 1. Leiden: E. 1960. Mul)ammad Marghani. Ta'rikh al-rusulwa'l-mulUk. "Mazdakism. Zaryab. Yarshater. Albany. Cambridge: Cambridge UniverSity 1930. Ya'qubI. Wilson. pp.. M. V. vol. B. 1953.. repro with Iran (q. S.lil). Latham." in Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. I. W W.. Ohio: Ohio State Young. ed.

Jan al-BIrunI (d. astronomy from Maragha to Samarqand There is no doubt that such scientists must have added the delightful color of their background to the social life in Baghdad. Second. even linguistic borders. \037) and others. tural domain.. The background of Arabic astronomy Zakarlya al-RazI (d. 932). Before considering the distinctive features of Persian astronomy. I . presumably meaning the his. GEORGE SALIBA it is still difficult to group such texts under a thematic structure in Columbia University which one could point to such scientific texts and say that there was an indigenous Persian scientific production which was independent of the contemporary Arabic production. 1274)." I find it that there is some sense in talking about "The Persian Presence in the very difficult to isolate the Persian elements in the general scientific Islamic World" with special reference to astronomy. Given the general theme of the conference on which this volume is Yet. This is also true of Avicenna (d. 1048) who wrote this point. Think. despite the fact that one could arguably find an increasing number of Persian texts in later times in various scientific disciplines. The difficulty stems from when we use the term "Persian" in its linguistic sense. which were established well within the Persian linguistic cul- tion. founded in 1259. In addi. founded around 1420 in Samarqand. and Abu al-Wafii' al-BiizjanI (d. Musa al-Khwarazmf (fl. where the lan- 2 ." To illustrate clopedic scientists as Abu al-Ray1.. I will torians. Persian scientists in the Islamic world: guage of their milieu and of their writings was definitely Arabic." For if this term is used linguistically. In other instances. which were written in Arabic. but no one would dispute that the scientific culture of Baghdad in which they worked was definitely an Arabic culture. in -. and very little in Persian. having developed along the lines of one or more of the four main 126 . That is not an easily achievable task when astronomy were either inspired by original Arabic works or were we remember that medieval Islamic society was probably one of the simple translations of such works. it is then pos- the use of the term "Persian. in modem Uzbekistan. we shall soon II' shall embark on an endless pursuit to try to determine the genealogy see that the major trends which we shall refer to as trends in Persian of each medieval scientist. I will focus on the activities in two famous medieval obser- almost exclusively in Arabic.. 997). namely "The Persian Presence in the Islamic World. both places were quite different in substance. must establish the general framework of the preceding and contem.Jammad b. vatories. and cannot be moved from one city to another. one can argue that they were either translated Introduction from Arabic or were in large part inspired by Arabic. we would have to speak of only some observatories the directions of astronomical research undertaken at aspects of his scientific works and leave out the others. If. we shall also note that • most thorough melting pots of all times where families intermarried these major trends in Persian astronomy can only be understood quite freely across ethnic and class barriers. and Ulugh Beg's observatory. I will argue that production of the medieval Islamic world. as with the equally famous eclectic writer also argue that despite the patrimonial relationship between these two Na?Ir al-Dfn al-Tusf (d. he explicitly states in his most authoritative work on pharmacol. in the remaining part of this chapter I will defend the position based. Arabic astronomy can be perceived as who were then well within the Persian sphere of linguistic domain. - Persian scientists in the Islamic world 127 and yet produced their scientific work in Baghdad. and Like its Greek counterpart. on the other hand. II' then the history of Persian science will become totally chaotic. if at all. 830). Finally. to name only three who obviously hailed from what is now Persia. for example. ogy that he preferred to use Arabic for scientific discourse and to leave northwest modem Iran. thereby crossing geographical and adequately appreciated on their own. Mu1. namely the Maragha observatory. and we porary Arabic astronomy for two main reasons: First. sible to distinguish important directions in the development of astro- then it will be absurd to speak of the production of such famous ency. the term "Persian" is used as an ethnic term. Whatever Persian texts one finds in such groups.Jammad b. nomical research that can be referred to as "Persian. of such scientists as Mu1. which was Persian to the poets and the story tellers. and very frequently against the general background of Arabic astronomy.

Reprint corp. 127-33. 7 and 3 For the astronomical works of Thlibit Ibn Qurrli. 88-94. 997). In fact. namely Claudius Ptolemaeus (fl. 1987). in which one raised and answered questions regarding the trigonometric techniques. Qurra (d. 1000) and others. Finally. 150). Saliba. "Translation and Transl2to~ sophistication and detail over a variety of subjects. and can best be translated as "cos- tary. 1 This book was translated into Latin by Johannes Hispalensis under the title ." unpublished Ph. and are best rep- Islamic. bodies. a -domain Then there was the model of Ptolemy's Planetary Hypotheses." In such texts. which was later arabized as Zij. perceived by jections among other things. thus using it as a topic of commen. called sharlJ.g. in which one discussed the observational basis of theoreti. overlapped greatly with that of the Almagest. 1989}. passim. subject prior to Islamic times. New York: Johnson (1956). 8 (London: Luzac. before and during Islamic medieval times. There was the tradition represented by the model of Ptolemy's resulting from the motions of these physical spheres. or treated individual theoretical problems raised by the mography. almost all carrying in their tion of theoretical mathematical projections.·' Planisphaerium. The term Hay'a ("configuration." either inspired by the Almagest. Die Mathematiker und Astronomical Tables. as in the case of l:Iabash and Battlin'. See Suter. 1984. there was the tradition of the Tetrabihlos. see F. In this regard I can mention the works of Habash al. talJrlr. This tradition Almagest. were critically Almagest. Christopher Anagnostakis. or produced extensive conveniently translated by Ramsey Wright as Elements 0/ Astrology. in order to account for the various motions of the planets as c. 886) Kitiib al-Madkhal i1ii 'lim AlJkiim al-Nujiim des Arabischen Schrifllums. pp.2 and dealt with and at times solved with most admirable ingenuity. and gave some directions for the practical astronomi. Pahlevi. and the like. S. e. Sezgin. which brought the whole field of they were reworked by Theon of Alexandria (second half of the fourth trigonometry to a much higher order of sophistication than that of century). This tradition was revived I during Islamic times and on became the main subject-matter of a new type of astronomical continued throughout the Middle Ages to produce works that were texts called Hay'a texts. p. See. the various works of Thabit b. There are references to the Almagest in some Synac sources. which were represented by books written by which one attempted to represent the celestial spheres as physical the most famous Greek astronomer. pp. "shape") is not of Greek origin. I am here thinking of the various commentaries on the the Ptolemaic Almagest and the Planetary Hypothesis. 29. Biriinl's equally famous book al-Tafhlm li-Awii'i1 $inii'at al-Tanjlm. 1978). See. dealt with in the Almagest. talkhl~. al-Nairlzl(d. (Introductory Book to the Science of the Decrees of the Stars). . This I:Iasib (c. G. VI (Leiden: Brill. The Islamic counterpart of this tradition was represented in a I As far as ] know. ta/slr.6 Ptolemy'S Planisphaerium.D.. 1900. AbU al-Wafii' tradition was mainly represented by the hundreds of texts written al-Buzjanl (d. Ibn 'Iraq (c. In fact there is evidence that no translations of the Amages~ stood to mean the science of astronomy. Kennedy. 1934). 128 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 129 astronomical traditions. 4 The whole tradi. And because of this cal astronomy. 4 Each of these authors wrote a commentary on the Almagest. see Regis Morelon. overlapping the early attempts to combine the two traditions pro- cal applications such as the determination of planetary positions for duced during Islamic times serious theoretical problems which later specific times. or Sanskrit sources that dealt with variety of texts dealing with 'i1m alJkiim al-nujum (science of the this. rooted in such works as titles the Pahlavi term Zik( Ig). Die Mathematiker. "The Arabic Version of Ptolemy's In(roductorium majus or Liber introductorius major in magisterio sdentiae astrorum. in which very elaborate tables were produced for the sole the Almagest. 8 treatises dealing with the trigonometric subjects.S and which will not be discussed in this Ptolemy himself as the natural complement to the astronomical chapter. thinking of the various works on trigonometry. dissertation. 929). influence of the planets and the stars on the sublunar region. 850). as works on the Qibla determination. For further identifications 6 See the general survey of such ryes in E. resented by such texts as the well-known work of Abu Ma'shar al- 2 For a discussion of the available manuscripts of such works. dealing with the theory of astrolabe pro. but those references could indicate the Greek text rather than the decrees of the stars) in contradistinction to 'i1m al-hay'a. such as the early There was also the tradition of the Ptolemaic Handy Tables. 90 I) and his generation as we shall soon see. Geschichte Balkhi (d. 1972). purpose of computing the planetary positions for any given time. the most original work done in medieval Arabic which dealt with specific topics raised in the Almagest. or. for example." in Dictionary of the Middle Ages. which were embodied in both Almagest. i~/iilJ. 2 Astronomen der Araber und lhre Werke (Leipzig: Teubner. then under- nonextant Syriac texts. 92213). produced z/jes in which they used the new trigonometry rather than the one used in the Almagest. also contributed in its own way to the rise of sophisticated sciences. Yale. in which was then and has continued to be identified with that of astrol- ogy." "form. 3 I am also astronomy was to be found in these Hay 'a texts. the problems. "A Survey of Islamic and a more complete list of their works see Heinrich Suter. al-Battanl (c." Transactions of the American Philosophical Society.. 46. XII (New York: Scribner. there are no Syriac. The alJkiim texts ranged in were ever made into Syriac. lEuvres d'as- tronomie (Paris: Belles Lettres.

12 and began to be 9 For a description of the contents of these texts and their stylization in later times. .'Alam of Ibn al-Haytham (d. From this perspective. namely the tradition which repre- sented the planetary motions as motions of solid spheres and the tra- dition of the Almagest. is impossible. 10 I do not know of any Greek works similar to the Arabic Hay'a texts or containing sphere of the deferent is supposed to move uniformly around the equant representations of the celestial spheres once as physic". 260-75. the authors of these texts had to face a very subtle problem. Livingston. Because they attempted to combine two Greek traditions. point 0. these are the texts in which one attempted to represent the actual physical universe by mathematical models that could be used to predict the behavior of such a universe. 850). 1038). pp.. which is different from its center T. "Ibn Kathir al-Farghani. giving dimensions of such spheres and the relationships they hold to one another. Fig. Note that in this model the AstronomicaIUteratu. They also contained a description of the celestial phenomena as observed from the earth. 10 The Arabic tradition of the new Hay'a texts began with such early works as the Jawiimi' 'lIm al-Nujfim of Ibn KathIr al-Farghani (c. Jawami' '11m al-Nujiim. 12 For Ibn al-Haytham's Hay'al al." Sitzungsberichle der Physicalisch-Medicinischen Socieliil zu Erlongen. drawn as solid spheres.. these texts tended to be descrip- tive and theoretical in nature. Elemenla ASlronomica (Amsterdam: Jacob Golius. hence leading to detailed treatments of spherical astronomy and its sister discipline spherical trigonometry. pp. Put differently.e.Aufbau der Welt nach Ibn al-Haitiim. 9 On the whole. "Ober den. see K. For a solid sphere this motion matical circles all in the same context as one usually finds in the Arabic counterparts..1 bodies and once as mathe. i. 144£. I Ptolemy'S Model for the superior planets. They did not concern themselves with the mundane mechanical problem of computing the actual position of the planets at a specific time.1' for example. one can safely say that this tradition was a genuine Arabic creation.. Rather they dealt with the theory behind the planetary motions. they included a description of the spheres producing the planetary motions. 17 (1973). "Mali'r aI-Din al-Tiisfs al-Tadhkira: A Category of Islamic and as circles which represent solid spheres. where one attempted to use the actual observations in order to produce predictive mathematical models on the basis of which one could compute the positions of the planets for any required time.'Alam. Kohl.. 1990). continued with such works as Hay'at al. Persian scientists in the Islamic world 131 130 George Saliba Development of the Hay'a texts As we have just seen. 54-55 (1922-23). see J. where such issues as the qibla determination are best answered. the Hay'a texts essentially dealt with the over- lapping areas represented by the Almagest and the Planetary Hypotheses traditions. 1669). and the more recent edition by Zvi Langerman (New York: Garland Press."" Centaurus. This problem was one of harmonizing the physical Greek universe of the solid spheres with the mathematical description of that universe as represented in the mathematical models of the Almagest.

then line late as 1316. Din al-TusI himself. the Risiilah-i Persian astronomical handbook. at least one of those such a project. gathering the engineers and the astronomers required for discussion of the Hay 'a texts. 'Ura. But most importantly for our to do so. astronomers. after 1247.Tab~irafi 'Ilm ai-Hay 'a of Abu Bakr al-KharaqI D G D G ti ~ ~ (1138)13 and the various Hay 'a texts of his successors. 116f. was also written at this time. for here the same dynasty which brought the legendary devastation to of the Ptolemaic physical and mathematical astronomy that were Baghdiid in 1258 and was very much maligned in contemporary and later Mamluk mentioned above. in prin. and Renaissance astronomy. guarantee the observatory's continued functioning was the text. will always be The activities leading to the establishment of the observatory are parallel to line AB. IS few.. and establishing the endowment that would. Mu'lniye. and specifically to Copernican Shukr al-MaghribI (d. the Maragha period covers the D G D G period of intellectual history extending from the last years of Abbasid Baghdad till the middle of the fourteenth century. pp. It is in this short tract that TuS! developed a histories was the one which allowed the most extensive astronomical institution to be founded. who had evidently already acquired some fame in order to short Persian tract called Dhayl-i Mu'lnzye {or J:lall-i Mushkiliit-i Mu'lnzye). the persons involved in this enterprise were brought omy. during the course of which he proposes a new mathematical together from widespread quarters. Die Mathematiker. theorem to later astronomical works. whether internally or externally. in which he attempted to solve some of the more impor- \3 Suter. 73-87. Aydm.16 to name only a be restated here. just one year after the sack of Baghdad by the E ti Z B A 7 L 7 E B A Fig. At some later date. see the excellent study of Sayth. 14 It is ironic how political and intellectual history do not always follow the same peri. 2 'Ur<!fs Lemma. (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi. has been treated elsewhere. Yal)ya ibn Ab! al. securing per- mission and finances from the Ilkhanid monarch Hulagii (1256-65) qualify them for such an undertaking. Tus! authored another right. which we shall discuss momentarily. 132 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 133 standardized with al. and was thus responsible for one of the most important f10werings of astronomical intellectual production. The Hay'a texts during the Mariigha period E B Z 1 A E B A For the purposes of this discussion. Saliba. we note that the person associated with the idea of establishing an observatory. 1266) of Damascus. BD. describe equal Mongols. Of course. the most dramatic astronomical activity which took place during this time was the establishment of the Maragha observatory. which was founded in 1259.: A Thirteenth-Century Reform of Ptolemaic Astronomy (Beirut: Markaz The Observatory in Islam and its Place in the General History of the Observatory Diriisiit al-Wahda al-'Arablya. First. by none other than N~!r al- duced at the Maragha observatory. pp. In it. 191ff. 1283). 15 GO. and need not ous Jamal ai-Din (Cha-Ma-Lu-Ting) from China?. pp. the Zij-i ilkhanz. In it Tus! simply followed the other basic Arabic Third. If any two equal lines AG. 17 Now edited by George Saliba. which was pro. and the mysteri. The Astronomical Works of Mu' ayyad ai-Din al- IS For the life and duration of this observatory. as far as we can tell. l' G. Others are meutioned by name in the introduction to TusI's The first Persian Hay'a text that we know of. 1 (1984). originally from Spain. 1960). most of these people who were invited to come to Maragha texts on' the subject and p~oduced an elementary expose of Ptolemaic by N~Ir ai-Din al-Tus! were distinguished astronomers in their own astronomy. The sources record the names of theorem that I have dubbed the 'Urg! Lemma." Zeitschrift /iir Gesehichte der 1. very significant in and of themselves. namely 'UrgI. 'UrgI undertakes a general review of Ptolemaic astron- Second. tant theoretical astronomical problems regarding the harmonization odization. 187-222. See ibid. The importance of this Mu'ayyad ai-Din al-'Urg! (d. called simply Kitiib al-Hay'ap before coming to Maragha in famous Na~Ir ai-DIn al-TusI mentioned earlier. . 1259. 1990). "A~abic Astronomy and Copernicus. 14 The observatory may have continued to function until as angles with respect to line AB. pp. Arabisch-Islamisehen Wissensehaften. had already produced such an Arabic ciple. which joins the extremities of the two said lines.

From Deferent to Equant: A Volume of Studies in the like to underscore that those Hay'a texts.) the first statement of this theorem was proposed in the Arabic Ta/:Irir and was later enshrined for later generations of astronomers in the Persian astronomer who discussed these problems in any depth in Arabic Tadhkira. F. Kennedy. which were written in History of Science in the Ancient and Medieval Near East in Honor of E. "The Two Versions of the Tiis! Couple. 365-378. I should Springer. with center N. then by 'Ur<. I should like to stress these the same direction. (1966). 3 'Ur4rs Model for the motion of the superior planets superimposed ----- -- over that of Ptolemy. one should also Arabic Sciences and Philosophy (1991). F. in Persian had to write on the same problems in his Tadhkira in a ulated first in Persian. G. Saliba. 21 Fig. "The Role of the Almagest Commentaries in Medieval Arabic Astronomy: A Preliminary Survey of Tiisfs Redaction of further in later times." the equant. 37 (1987). were at this stage very rare. Appendix VI.lfs Lemma point 0 at the circumference of circumstances at this point for two main reasons: First." in David King and George Saliba. Cosmography in the "Tadhkira" of were purely theoretical problems. but placing a small epicyclet. pp 329-56. 1987). eds. Ragep. Recherches sur I'histoire de i'aslronomie ancienne (Paris: Gauthier. J. 1993). and for its use in later astronomical works. E. including Copernicus. With the discovery of'Ur<. now called the Tus! Couple. 1893). "Los Spheres celestes selon Nasir-Eddin AttUsi. Second. 134 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 135 theorem." now published as rusrs Memoir on Astronomy (New York: actual observational activity of any observatory. and G. 20 See Ragep. composed in 1247." Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences. Kennedy." ISIS. Curiously enough. pp. were to use had been secured. they were either translations of Arabic texts or were definitely 3-20. and by Maragha observatory. at the circumference of the sai? certainly before this observatory had become operational or had deferent. 337-61. and had very little to do with the N~Ir ai-Din a1. I do not know of any other the Almagest Commentaries'. Therefore. Saliba and E. Copernicus uses the same technique as 'Ur4I and m 19 For a discussion of this theorem. "The Spherical Case of the Tus! Couple. and were both proposed in the new Hay'a texts just mentioned. pp. in the Hall. 19 which was first proposed in a E preliminary fashion in Tust's earlier Arabic work Ta~rfr al-Majisrf. indeed limited to the unique Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. Kennedy. Carra de's Lemma and Tust's Couple all the mathematical tools that all later astronomers. Incidentally. S. Finally. the famous al-Tadhkirafi al-Hay'a 20 (written in 1261). in that of'Ur4! all spheres move uniformly around axes that pass through their respective centers. vol. S. S. These two math- ematical breakthroughs indeed constituted the most original phase of Arabic astronomy. and then the Tadhkira. within a few years. with 'Ur<. in which he com- bined the information found in the Persian Muinfye and Dhayl. together with other subjects not covered before. Ragep. TUS! composed another more sophisticated Arabic Hay'a work. It should be remembered. and allowing it to move at the same speed as the deferent and m -- yielded any observational results." in mediocre popularized versions of the same. but as I have mentioned elsewhere ("The Role of more elaborate format and in Arabic.Tiis!. pp. Persian. . note that the same author who wrote on such theoretical problems 21 I am not forgetting that the full theorem of the TUs!Couple seems to have been artic. pp. in Paul Tannery. They did not develo~ much Sciences. and continued to be so treated even when they were used and discussed by astronomers who could have otherwise written in's Kitiib ai-Hay 'a. "Late Medieval Planetary Theory. Persian. however. In contrast to Ptolemy's model. By taking a new deferent with center K. Memoir. 500 (New York: Academy of example of Tusfs as far as we can tell. and by All of this creativity took place just before the establishment of the allowing it to move at the same speed as the Ptolemaic deferent. or within the first years of its founding. 285-91. J. the theoretical foundation of the new Arabic astronomy was set on a very firm basis. see. I should like the small epicyclet will be brought very close to the epicyclic center Z as - to point out the fact that the problems treated in such Hay'a texts designated by Ptolemy. that both break- throughs were first articulated in Arabic. Whatever Persian Hay 'a texts one finds In later Ptolemy's Almagest.. years. Tust's Ta~rfr. for the same model of the superior planets to account for the same problem of example. B.

however. the common ISIS.. and V. al. or commentaries on Tusls Tadhkira which have yet to be studied for their original contributions. the most distinguised student of TusI. 23 G. 428-32. 227-35. I (1991). 18 (1987). "Late Medieval Planetary Theory. U~iil. ai-Sharif al-JurjiinI (1413). 48 (1957). 0 note that Copernicus uses the same lettering to prove the same theorem in " I have completed a critical edition of the major work oflbn al-Shii\ir.67-99. 365-78. fi /a. G. that they all wrote in Arabic. such as Ya\.25 Authors such as JaghminI (1221). . "The Solar and Lunar The remaining participants in the activities of the Mariigha Theory of Ibn al-Shii\ar. pp." ISIS. Rohert. 1995). be substantiated at this time because this work (2) (1) has not yet been critically studied by modem historians of Islamic science. Geometric Models to Numerical Tables. 1347)24 and Ibn al-Shiitir of Damascus (4) (3) {d. important Persian work. • 136 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 137 the same time or before. See Kennedy. Abu ai-Fat\:! al- Shirwani (d. and the pp. passim. Kennedy. and Qutb ai-Din al-ShIriizI(d. To return to the Hay 'a texts. was written in Arabic by Ya\:!yii ibn Abi al-Shukr al-Maghribi. l311). 388-401. which were written 26 Suter. pp. pp. 53 (1962). Information about the contents of this work. Damascus (d. was tbe famous Persian Zij-i ilkhiini mentioned earlier. Roherts." Journalfor the History of Astronomy. Kennedy. Saliba. 1375)." ISIS." ISIS. Abbiid." 57 (1966). 22 There was no such activity in As for the other production at the Mariigha observatory. treated in the Hay'a texts. V. "The Astronomical Tradition of Mariigha: A Historical Survey and Prospects for Future Research. pp. which became the standard work for later gen- erations of practicing astronomers. however. Nihiiyat ai-SUi the De revolutionibus. the most . pp.lyii ibn AbI al-Shukr pp. 22 None of these elaborate works of Shirazi has been published. 1375). Saliba. who wrote on anything similar to the problems Theory of Ibn al-Shii!ir: Latitudes of the Planets. "The Planetary observatory. pp. "The Planetary Theory of Ibn al-Shii!ir: Reduction of the al-Maghribi. S. however. 50 (1959). Fig. The results recorded in it are claimed to have been due to the observations conducted at the Maragha observatory. Saliba.r~II. It is important to note. 208-19. but several studies have either extracted the information from them or mentioned them in passing. F. 57 (1966). 35-43. 1453)26 and others have either written elementary treatises similar to Kharaqls Tab~ira. These are the works of $adr al-Sharfa of Bukhiira (c." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy. namely V. which is now being prepared for translation and commentary and eventual publication. 4 The riisT Couple. 492-99: E. B 3-18. S. the only Persian astronomical work which was produced at the Mariigha observatory was Tiisls Zij-i ilkhiini. and mentioned several other Arabic works. point H will oscillate back and forth along diameter AB. pp. 23 There- fore. 1300). had already been the subject of several articles. "Planetary Theory". It is interesting to 24 A\lmad DaUiil. N4iim ai-Din al- Nisaburi (c. G." small sphere moves in the opposite direction by an angle 2a. 74 (1983). The only other zij which has so far been identified and was indeed based on observations collected at the Mariigha observatory.just mentioned. This claim cannot. "The Original Source of QU!b aI-Din al- Shirazi's Planetary Model. as far as we can now tell. two other such works in Arabic have come to light from the fourteenth century. An Islamic Response to vreek Astronomy (Leiden: Brill. E." lournalfor the History of Arabic Science. "An Observational Notebook of a Thirteenth-Century Astronomer. Rohert. ShIrazi wrote more than one Arabic text on the subject. all wrote in Arabic as well. As the big sphere moves by an angle a. "The Planetary Theory of Ibn al-Shii!ir. "Theory and Observation in Islamic Astromony: the Work of Ibn al-Shii\ir of In fact. and G. Saliba." ISIS. Die Mathematiker. 3 (1979).

south of modern-day Tehran. 60. . A. The main persons associated with this observatory omy.-75. 174. In fact.. 7-8. at the same time. 143617) from Kiishan. " See Ragep. al- astronomers who could have written in Persian. 30 It was Mu'addilli-I-Masir (A Treatise Regarding the Solution of the Problem -- also.. under similar circumstances. and Islamic times with the production of the Zij ash-Shahrayiir. and may have also brought demonstrate with great certainty that the theorem of the Tiisi Couple a commentary on TiisT's Tadhkira. mathematical tools used by all succeeding generations of serious Kashi. Storey. in Zubdah-i Hay 'a were either too elementary to be commented upon or Arabic. except that 27 Autobiographical reports of people like Al. Die Mathematiker. Yiidniimeh (Tehran. who must have brought with him his com- times as wel1. Hamid Dabashi of Columbia University for the reference to TaqIziideh's biography. which is no longer extant. that continued to be written well into the similar output at Samarqand which could parallel the works of Qu\b sixteenth century and beyond. Ulugh Beg himself. of varying lengths. south- the dominant astronomical textbooks in the traditional school cur." 178f. 1958). This observation Risiilah al-Fat~iya.. fact there is a continuous Arabic tradition of commentaries on the For when it came to the production of Hay'a texts there was no Tadhkira. with the Samarqand observatory. an Arabic school. Sut~r. between 1436 and 1446) from Bursa. Here too. 1349/1971). which was obviously written after his association cannot be underscored enough at this point. superseded by the more sophisticated works of the same authors. were also gathered from various localities: Ghiyiith ai-Din al-Kashi --- The first Persian astronomical trend seems to have begun in pre- (d. 28 As has already been stated. 31 which was stated and proved in it. modern scholars can now mentary on the Mulakhkhas of Jaghmini. 29 In This is where the similarities with the Maragha observatory end. Kashi also produced his own Zij-i Khiiqiini in Persian. together with 'UrQi's Lemma As at the Maragha observatory the main activity at the embedded in 'Urqi's work mentioned above.33 is an elementary expose of The Samarqand observatory Ptolemaic astronomy. pp. a Ulugh Beg. as well as those pro- events leading to the establishment of Ulugh Beg's observatory and duced during the period separating the two. 32 Qiish:JTs other Arabic treatise. pp. 31 32 Suter. it was first written in Pahlavi and was later translated into Arabic reveal that such Hay'a texts as Jaghminfs and Tashrf~ al-Afliik of al-'AmiII were included in the regular madrasa curriculum as late as the early part of the twentieth century. even when it included of the Equant [of Mercury])." pp. the at the two most famous medieval observatories./Jari. p. (1451-S1) at the occasion of his conquest ofIraq. 290. See. Persian Literalure. 34 Not much is known about this work. Die Mathematiker.Tu~fa al-Shiihiya.27 Tiisi's Tadhkira was albeit a more elementary one than 'Urc. also seems to have come to Samarqand with his own Hay'a text.lT's Hay 'a. 161-203. 3 (1993). As in Maragha. have all cooperated to produce the Persian Zij-i Sulliinf GUrgiini of The few other Persian texts such as the Ikhtiyiiriit-i Mu. became the standard Samarqand observatory was to produce a zij like the IlkhiinI Zij. aI-Din aI-Shirazi and his colleagues at Maragha. what we now refer to as the Mariigha school was can be pointed out as fitting in this category is a very short Arabic -- indeed the most creative school of Arabic astronomy. books continued to be used until modern times. there is enough evidence to indicate that these text. The only text that To summarize. and maybe 'Alii' aI-Din al-Qiishji may astronomers up to and including Copernicus himself. (London: Luzac. and Suter. - -. This treatise is now critically edited and translated by me in Arabic Sciences and Philosophy. 1323/1945). 64. 59. Zandegiinf (Tehran. 3() Saliba. This is at least true the subject of various commentaries and recensio~s during medieval in the case of Qiic. producing the treatise by 'Alii' ai-Din al-Qiishji called Risiilah fi Jfall Ishkiil al- two most important mathematical theorems just mentioned. one of the astronomers riculum. pp. east of modern-day Istanbul. and Hasan Taqlziideb. 146ff. and Tiisi's he still wrote his mathematical masterpiece. II. Memoir. we can now attempt to -- the activities conducted during the life of the observatory were very draw some conclusions regarding the main trends in Persian astron- similar in nature.?a. pp. "Survey. Die Mathematiker.unad Kisravi. i )) This treatise was written for the Ottoman sultan Muhammad the Conqueror -.lizadeh. pp. -- --- Conclusion The next major astronomical activity came during the early part of Having surveyed very quickly the main astronomical works produced the fifteenth century. )4 Kennedy. 138 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 139 It is also important to note that such Arabic Hay'a texts became QaQizadeh al-Riim! (d. but Persian version of Shirazi's Arabic al. p. I am grateful to my colleague Prof. " C. "The Astronomical Tradition of Maragha. MiftiilJ al-Jfisiib.

r fi ai-hay 'a. namely Qa<. but to attend to the criticism of Ptolemaic astronomy and to its theoreti- various elaborate references to it can be found in several other Arabic cal modification. which looks like the Arabic Hay'a texts. The only access the Persian reader would have had to the dis- varying quality and detail.. if any.lammad Diriiyat al-Afliik. Storey.37 the objections that could be raised against it would have been through Kifoyat al-ta'/fm. and Zij-i would resolve the difficult issue of planetary latitude." 42 Ibid. the more original part of Tiisf's work. 1449) we find the following. AbI al-Khayr al-Riizi (c. 164). 48. 1147) by ~hir al-J:laqq al. we note that NasIr al. 44 The only other text dealing with the theoretical mentioned above. 42 But he did not Sul!iinf Giirgiinf of Ulugh Beg (c.. 1311).Tadhkira in 1261. which was " Ibid. As was stated above. as is evident from the Taqrfb al. firmed and before it could be accepted as a contribution to the Hay'a tradition. thorny issues of Greek astronomy at a later period. written around 1304. 37 See Storey. the Zijes. He even went as guished works as the Zij-i ilkiinf ofNa~Ir ai-Din al-TiisI(c. as far as I can tell. there is the elementary text. 1169). Arabic work Nihiiyat al-Idriik. however. namely that which own student Qutb ai-DIn ai-ShIrazI as an abridgement of his own dealt with the Almagest and its derivatives. 4J In fact Qli4lzlidah produced only a conunentary on the elementary mulakhkha. The period between the two observatories did not product any more Ta~rir (Simplification of the Reduction) by al-Muhandis b. Here we think of the second version of BIriinf's Therefore. production published in the contemporary or earlier Arabic Hay'a after it had been already completed in Arabic. . Only QiiQiziidah and QiishJI produced one Hay'a text each.. the Persian reader who did not read Tajhfm. The contents of that text. which seems to Arabic would not have had access to the most original astronomical have been rendered into Persian by the author himself around 1030. far as to propose at least the one preliminary theorem in which he i Khiiqiinf of JamshId b. See Storey. Persian Literature. 8. which was itself produced by Tiisfs Of the third type of astronomical literature. 1240). Lutfalliih Persian Hay'a texts. ever quoted Shirazi's Persian Ikhtiyiiriit. pp. The non-Arabic reader Ghaznawr. p. 41 See Saliba. 140 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 141 sometime during the eighth century. Abl TaJib al-Munajjim al-Tabrlzl in 1090. which dealt with the problems relating to the model and 1254. 42-43. and Qushjiproduced an equally elementary Hay'a text called al-Fat~rya. 39 Ibid. the apparent paucity of the fourth type of astronomical literature. apparently this author's only Persian work. of sources. mentary. until he wrote his Arabic text The second trend in Persian astronomical literature dealt directly of al. See " Ibid. When we review the works of the astronomers (I 747). tents ofTusf's own later Arabic text al. Zij. cussion regarding the theoretical foundation of Greek astronomy and Munajjimfn of Shiih Mardiin b. p. Risiilah-i foundation of Greek astronomy is the very short treatise of QiishJI Muinfya. sometime after 1247. 44. very few in Arabic in 1247.Tadhkira. attributed by Storey to Klishi. 35 After a hiatus of several centuries this Zij tradition was later J:lal/-i Mushkiliit-i Muinfya. pp. p.lizadah al-Riimi. Persian Literature. Admittedly. are quite elementary when compared to the con. 'Umar al-Jaghmini (l22I)(Suter. really do so.39 MUfaffarf. 178). while a Durrat al-Tilj of his student Qutb aI-Din al-Shiriizi (d.38 and Jawiimi'a~kiim al-nujiim of~ahir ai-Din aI-Baihaqr had to wait more than fifty years for the Persian text of Ikhtiyiiriit {d. To judge by the DIn's Ta~rfr al-Majisti (Redaction of the Almagest) was first written quotations of later astronomers. and was later incorporated in the Persian work astronomers. "The Role of the Almagest Commentaries. 37. the brief and inadequate text of Tiisfs J:lall. was written in the appendix to the Muiniya.41 TiisI had already resumed. p. written by Na~Ir ai-Din al-TusI sometime between 1235 mentioned above. Persian up to the eighteenth century. 36I am thinking here of the translation of Kushylir's al-Zij al-Jiimi' into Persian by 44 The treatise Mukhtasar dar 'IIIII-i Hay'at. QiishJI and Ulugh Beg himself (d.. engaged in the Samarqand observatory. The great number did in fact quote his Arabic Nihiiyat. later translated into Persian (Suter. that he would take up those later by various original Persian Zijes culminating in such distin. p. 'Umar b. to my knowledge. Other Persian texts. in a comprehensive fashion. 72-73. '" Ibid. p. the part in which he attempts Mul)anunad b. 1082). tions of Greek astronomy usually taken up by the Arabic Hay'a texts as far as we can tell. include such works as Rawdat al. first through translations of Arabic Zijes into Persian. Die Mathematiker.36 and promised in his Arabic work.46. but both namely that which dealt with the criticism of the theoretical founda. pp. This translation is also lost. which was written by the thirteenth-century astronomer Mal)miid b. ~inii'at al-tanjim (c.4{l . is frag- Mu/. Ghiyiith ai-Din KashI (c. the Ta~rir. 1430). 43 Kashi and Ulugh Beg wrote no such books. The most remarkable observation that can be made at this point is KashI. Die Mathematiker. which was indeed same work continued to be paraphrased and commented upon in one of the most elaborate Arabic Hay 'a texts written in 1281. and needs to he studied more thoroughly before the attribution is con- Persian Literature. with astrology. 1420). were written in Arabic.

American Oriental Society. = Therefore point D will look as if it is moving unifonnly around point N." Journal for the History of Astronomy. and lets it move at the same speed as the deferent. Memoir. = -- -- (1977). 2 (1978). Saliba. "The Double Argument Lunar Tables of Cyriacus. pp. with center N. 41-46." AI-Ab~th. 53-{j5. similar to that found in his Risa/ahfi lJalllshkiil al·Mu 'addilli-I-Masir. 7 (1976). and that is as much as an astrologer would need. "Solar and Lunar Tables in Early Islamic Astronomy. pp. D. In fact the difference between the two points is intentionally exaggerated here for purposes of clarity. None of Shlriizl's works is yet published. and the Zij-f Sul{iinf Gilrgiinf. and the many commentaries and emendations asso- ciated with them. and line GD EN). But from the surviving manuscripts we know that he has written extensively on the subject of reforming Greek astronomy deferent he places a small epicycle. "A Double-Argument Table for the Lunar Equation Attributed to Ibn Y'unus." Centaurus. that is. 5 Qushji's modification of Ptolemy's Model for Mercury. 69-70. See Kennedy. 48 Having plotted these trends in Persian astronomy. point G. pp.) and the equally voluminous 01- Tuhfah al-Shiihiya. I half the speed of the first and in the opposite direction. . _ _ _ _ Ptolemy as the direct observations which were produced by medieval instru. One imagines that the prac- titioners of astrological computations were requiring the production of these ever updated Zljes. 108-13.." . 59-1! I.. and in the same direction. Kennedy. Qiishjrs other Persian treatise.I1. I 26-1!).45 Compare that with the much more impressive production of the members of the Mariigha observatory on the same subject. . 32 above. one could safely say that the interest of the Persian astronomers was more in the practical direction. Qush]1 allows the center of his . whose eccentricity is equal to one and a half times sophisticated astronomers/astrologers. "Planetary Theory. and angle MHN MBD ISO° . 26 (1967). -- - . these Zljes were much more than adequate for that purpose. at the circumference of the second epicycle would then be brought very close to the Ptolemaic center of the epicycle C. thus making point G look as if it is moving uniformly around point E. with center B. For various referenoes to such a trend in Islamic astronomy. G. 22-32. and they must have satisfied themselves with the results that they could derive from them. and letting it move at --- Masudic Canon. radius e/2 = NH. if one only required the position of the planets at a specific time. 129-46. and thus answer the relevant question about the peculiar sense in which we can speak about the distinguishing feature of Persian astronomy. King. Mark Tichenor. 47 Ragep. Salam. Risalah·i dar Hay'a. Saliba. After establishing the major trend of magisterial Zlj production with the Zlj-i jlkhiinf. and by taking a deferent whose eccentricity is equal to one half the Ptolemaic eccentricity. pp. ___ ." Journalfor the History of Arabic Science. 49 the Ptolemaic eccentricity. which was shared with the contemporary Fig. In fact. namely the works of Mu'ayyad ai-DIn al-'Un.5 See n. G. line GE can be proven to be always = = parallel to line DN (angle END NDG ISOo-a.. both in Arahic. the required Ptolemaic Equant. pp. the direction associated with the realm of astrological predictions. pp. because BD NH." Journal of Near EAstern Studies. in the opposite direction. "Late Medieval Two-Argument Tables for Planetary Longitudes. S. Kenned}' and H. "Al·Iruiinl's by using 'Ur4fs Lemma he determines that line DN will always be parallel = = to line BH." Journiii 'oj-ihe . "The Planetary Tables ofCyriacus. for that was the main area in which these Zljes were used. see E. we can now ask the bigger question regarding the conditions which led to this kind of production. S. pp. "Computational Techniques in a Set of Late Medieval Astronomical Tables. 2 (1974). By using 'UreWs Lemma once more. By taking a Arabic tradition. 240 fols.46 Tusl himself.47 and Qu(b ai-DIn al-ShlrazI. G. He then allows the translation of his Arahic al-Risa/ah al-Fat~iya and contains no original material deferent itself to move around its own center H. 87 (1967).." Journalfor the History of Arabic Science. At the circumference of his 46 Saliba. and which would confirm their use by the less director.. if not more so. at twice the speed of the director.•• Qushji ments.2a . is apparently a deferent H to move around a small circle with center N. Zlj-i Khiiqiinf. pp. By placing another identical epicycle around point D. Now -- in his Nihiiyat al-idriik fi dirayat al-afJiik (c. There was also a tendency to simplify the use of these Zijes by doctoring up the tables. The Astronomical Works of cUrifj." 24 (1971). 142 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 143 of the planet Mercury only. _. esp. E. they were just as accurate. Saliba. namely 2a.

p. as represented by the Hay'a texts. gious and otherwise. such theoretical discussions could take place. as is so evident from the three times a week. As for their being written in Arabic.Tadhkira." . 52 commentary on Tiisfs Tadhkira. was given in Arabic. apparently indicates a social omy was that Persian astronomy dealt more with astrological com. a text like that of texts. where he would listen to the students reading various commentaries on Tiisfs Tadhkira. They have just seen. 205. astronomy. ests of the religious class. that the general character of Persian This schism between the two types of writings. no such vigorous activity Nisabiirfs text. themselves with the Arabic texts coming to them from the Persian agogical procedures are also confirmed in Kashfs letters to his domain. "A Letter of JamshId al-KashI to his father: Seientific Research at a may have encouraged miqiit literature but may not have fostered Fifteenth Century Court. Since it has been stated that Tiisfs Tadhkira was prob. while those who thought theoretical issues. But there they were con- On the basis of this fragmentary and very limited evidence. and would interrupt them at critical points to ask was taking place in the Arabic-speaking areas during this period. in principle. where the students were studying Nisabiiri's above. This does not power saw themselves as serving their patron as astrologers. esp. He goes on to describe the actual says that much of Qa<:iiziidah in his letter to his father mentioned conduct of the class. 29 (1960). 52 See Kennedy. and in the presence of Ulugh Beg himself.1I1I1I1I1I1I1I1I1I1I~1I1I""i'~. this reflect their temperament and their preference for observational is not surprising. for it is this same religious class which continued to education seems to have been reserved for the school system. Kashl Ulugh Beg school in Samarqand. If we continue to use the earlier categorization of practical presence {)fthe professor. the author states that he was a student of Qa<:iiziidah at the system. and did not author much of their own after the thirteenth father. The general trend therefore written during the reign of Ulugh Beg by Fatl) Allah al-Shirwani (c. S. the natural enemies of the classical astro. we shall have to say that the Arabic-speaking to teach the text as was done by Qa<:iazadah in this instance. It does mean that whenever they did.I-Shabarani . and then add comments of his own to their responses. Kennedy. In the same cal astronomy. they wrote of themselves as custodians of the intellectual tradition continued to and spoke about these issues in Arabic.~. therefore. remarks confirm once more the commonly held opinion that Ulugh namely those which are usually designated as mfqiil (time-keeping) literature. even among those who wrote only Persian Zfjes such as Ulugh the Tadhkira is totally useless in that regard.bI Yazid . a commentary on Tiisfs Tadhkira. "A Letter. cleavage as well. who would grant permission to his students versus impractical. 5I Such astronomers were mainly producing a different kind of practical texts. that part of their surprising either. 50 This discussion was obviously conducted in Arabic in the century. to reason to assert that those who studied that text were. Such ped. under the professorship of On the other hand. populate the school system. pp. and mean that Persian astronomers did not interest themselves in these hence they required the production of Zfjes. the Hay'a texts and astronomy distinguishing it from the contemporary Arabic astron. In view of the traditional Beg. and with impractical men who dealt only with theory. one can {iucted in Arabic. They obviously thought that it was a great sign of learning to be well logical doctrines. in a preliminary fashion. it stands mathematical sciences by Ulugh Beg himself. and the more empirical astrological aspect of that science. for the curriculum was mainly geared to the inter. clearly reveals the association of these Hay'a texts with the school 1440). " See Shar~ al. that there was an interest in the Hay 'a very far removed from astrological computations. the more astrologically oriented Zfjes. ~ay. where use Arabic for educational purposes up to this very day. as we Beg himself was an accomplished astronomer in his own right. where the sophisticated education. Damat Ibrahim 847. by Fatl.~ 144 George Saliba Persian scientists in the Islamic world 145 As for the Hay 'a texts. it is interesting to note that although theoreti- Qa<:iiziidah. reli- In a relatively unstudied text. them for spontaneous responses to the subtle difficulties raised in the Astronomers in the Arabic-speaking areas seem to have satisfied text. seems to have been text a reference is made to Ulugh Beg's visits to the school twice or pursued with vigor in the Persian domain.I-Shirwani. Allah ibn . They also seem to have had a different school system which 50 E. 191-213. which were mainly written in Arabic. There is no doubt. It seems that those close to the court and to political putations and less with theoretical astronomical issues. The fact that they did not write such texts themselves may simply curriculum of the madrasah and the traditional class of students." Orwn/alia. treatise on the equant of Mercury that he was personally taught the ably the most common textbook in the traditional madrasah. However. this is not informed on the theoretical issues too. Siileymeniye Library. they seem to have remained within the circles of the also confirm the remark made by Qiishji in the introduction to his educated class.

The centerpiece in this new Persian Divan is a scene in which Iqbal makes his two spiritual guides meet in paradise. 1963. much more work needs to Harvard University be done on the curriculum of medieval schools in the whole Islamic world. is the one relating to the actual position of pher of Muslim India." his book is the Faust. It was his answer to Goethe's West-Os/ficher Divan. despite the fact that political figures and practicing astrologers preferred the Persian ZIjes which they patronized. from Adam love. this work of Goethe was barely noticed in the Muslim world. ed. 1 a note- book jotted down in 1910. see Annemarie Schinunel. well versed in German and an ardent admirer of Goethe. For other remarks about Goethe's importance in Iqbal's work. which obviously continued to be perceived as the language of science as it was by B1runI. no. Payiim-i moshriq (Lahore: Ashraf. in which Iqbal saw "humanity individualized" and which seemed to him "nothing short - -- -- of divine workmanship. Iqbal. The most significant result that one In 1923. the poetry of J:liifi? Published in 1819. became dominant ---- during the nineteenth century." as Jiimi wrote concerning Mauliinii and his -- Mathnavi. which he summarized by quoting Mauliinii's verse from the Mathnavi: From Satan intellect. Stray Reflections. however. Ahmad & Sons. for each of them "has a book but is not a prophet. 330-31.146 George Saliba research in the Hay'a theoretical texts. it is remarkable too that these issues were handled within the Persian school system. the two colonial powers. 1989). repro Lahore: Iqbal Academy. Javid Iqbal (Labore: Gh. however.ammad Iqbal (1877-1938). published a collection of Persian poems called theoretical astronomy within the school curricula of the Islamic Payiim-i mashriq. pp. All these reaction to the first German translation of Persian poetry and. in par- issues should be pursued elsewhere and at another time. and on the complex relationship the astrologers had with the political power at Persian courts. ticular. 1923). Gabriel's Wing (Leiden: Brill. was the German poet's ---- world which were followed by the very learned religious men who were far from the mundane demands of political power. The Message of the East. The West-Eastern Divan: the influence of To return to the theoretical astronomical issues in the Persian Persian poetry in East and West domain. 147 . This line of argument is tan- gential to our main topic and should be pursued somewhere else." as he says in his Stray Reflections. 1961). 3 . Mauliinii RumI from the East. which seem to have been handled by impractical men only. where the literary influences from France and Britain. Mui). which.tammad Iqbal. 40. which also reflects the special status of Arabic. the leading poet-philoso- hopes to achieve. p. deemed it fitting to write a poetical reply to the West-Ostficher Divan and thus to create an East-Western Divan based to a certain extent upon the model of the German work. 246. 2 Mul. As for Goethe.2 -- 1 Mul)anunad Iqbal. and Goethe from the West. In ANNE MARIE SCHIMMEL order to substantiate these claims further. He felt that the two poets shared one leading idea. "the sage of the West who was fascinated by the charms of Persia. in turn.

n. It was this city where HujwlrI (d. "Islamic Literatures in India. and months of the year. His ~absiyyat. the leading saint of the music-loving Chishti famous shahriishub and one of the rare applications of the Indian Order. although. History of Sanais poem on the occasion of his collection of Mas\id's poetry is in Divan-i Indian Literature (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1973). 1131). i. 3 in Uchh . at the very beginning of the appreciation of Persian poetry in the Minhaj as-Siraj (d. to be interred next to the majestic then settling in Damascus. II. up both of his spiritual guides the principle that was central in his own to the Urdu !zabsiyyiit of Faiz Ahmad Faiz. not only the author of delightful lyrical poems. fortress of Ney. 1260) stands out. 1071) erature during the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries despite wrote his Kashf al-malyub. Mahdavi Damghani (Tehran: Bastan. and in particu- . on the other hand. and Multan by the newly rising dynasty of the "Slave Kings" led to i Shams during Goethe's lifetime). Bausani. p. ironically. living. in Patiala in 1253. "India's parrot. 4 'All ibn 'Othman al·Julliibi al-Hujwir1. and whose verse was admired by no less a Persian master than AnwarI. philosophy and poetry. 134111962)." in Jan Gonda.. Diviin. Mudarris R~vi(Tehran: Ibn-e Slna._. contain a Ni~amuddln Auliya. Among the historians..). syn. during RiimI's last years. ed. in Konya and Tokat and life and where he died in 1938. M. about the very poetry which inspired and delighted Goethe. tr. II. The time is written in Persian and rightly famed for its lucid exposition of the marked by the presence of the versatile Amir Khusrau. set the model for numerous other prison poems com. 711-30. Multan for twenty-five years resulted in an output of superbly beauti- nings of the Muslim conquest ofnorthwestern India under MaJ:!miid ful mystical love songs. 4 Shortly afterwards the first Hind. the Miihhii-yiforsl. as does Fakhruddin 'IraqI West. in Urdu)(2 vols. 1060. Rashid Yashmi (Tehran: Payroz.6 which were collected by his contemporary Sana'!." and Turk Allah. . "God's Turk. Abu'l-Faraj Runi. lar the contribution of Jan Marek. tained all forms and kinds of literary works7 The conquest of Goethe was not very fond of Maulana (a fact that Iqbal rightly iden. was made the capital of the Ghaznavid empire's environment of Ibn 'Arabfs followers. and in particular in Germany. the predominant role of dynamic. His seven kings of Delhi.d. among the mystical poets... the first theoretical work on Sufism ever the constant political upheavals and changes of dynasties. Although Amir Khusrau is credited with some Hindi verses biirahmiisa genre in Persian. < - 148 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 149 Thus. the transfer to Delhi of a good number of literati who had found made some scathing remarks about f:Iafi~ and his "seductive charm. Kashf al-mahjiib." He was born major Indo-Persian poets appeared .Abii'I-Faraj RiinI (d. 1958).. but also a master of epic Lahore. some of ) Shaikh Mul)ammad Ata. the !u!l-yi major themes of Sufi theory and ritual. the Indo-Muslim philosopher-poet discovered in the work of posed in the course of the following centuries in the subcontinent.." as E. Iqbal himself. 1-4). son of a Turkish officer and an Indian mother. less others who settled in the various parts of tbe subcontinent from writing poet of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. ed. he continued his work after returning to the of Ghazna. Berthels calls it. the city in which Iqbal spent the better part of his Near East. 7 Jan Rypka. a literary activity in Persian developed which con- The scene in paradise is a delightful invention.lqbiilniima (a collection ofIqba\'s letters. pp. History of Iranian Literalllre (Dordrecht: Reidel.e. "Persian Literature in India. He was buried close to his spiritual master. c. no. prison poems written in the his lyrical poetry with its "powdered style. the spiritual encounter between Goethe and RiimI in the work of Qubacha's vizier. however." pp. 1911. south of India. who had dedicated his Lubab al-albab to Yet. Nicholson (London: Luzac and Leiden: Brill. Mas'iid ibn Sa'd-i Salman (d. poems.5 died in 1325 after a long and eventful life that spanned the reigns of and. AmIr Khusrau was. even more important. his stay at the Suhrawardi dargah in The tradition in which Iqbal grew up goes back to the very begin. 1091). 133911 960). which are recited in qawwiilIs to this day. Lahore. Reynold A.. seems to foreshadow the elegance of Molla JamI. .including 'AuIT. Accademia. ed. Alessandro Hakim Saniit.. E. while Goethe stands Lahore and Delhi to Bengal and the Deccan. where he was to die in 1289 in the spiritual Badshahi mosque. 134811969). Diviin. Annernarie Schimmel. Khorasan and northwest India to the southern Punjab by Chingiz tified in his Urdu introduction to the Payiim-i Mashriq as resulting Khan's hordes and the ensuing annexation to Delhi of Upper Sind from the lack of adequate translations of the Mathnavl or the Dlviin. With the power of the Muslims expanding toward the east and thesizing love as opposed to pure analytical intellect. Storia delle lelleratllre del Pakistan (Milan: Nuov. II. a poem on the twelve and riddles (paheliyiins) he wrote almost exclusively in Persian. These scholars and literati constituted the first of the leading modernist philosopher of Muslim India is remarkable for many groups of immigrant Persian writers to be followed by count- various reasons: Iqbal can be considered the last great Persian. many reprints). 1968). 6 Mas'ud ibn Sa'd-i Salman. Indian province in 1026 and soon afterwards turned into a center of Delhi developed into the most important seat of learning and lit- Islamic learning and poetry.' shelter from the Mongol threat at the court of the governor Qubacha that is. ed.

the very titles mentaries and was known in Bengal as early as the end of the fifteenth of many of the later Indo-Persian epics allude to the titles ofN~amfs century not only to Muslims but also to the Hindus. Rabindranath Tagore. Ahmad Ali Ahmad. in our century... not to boasts of descending from Afrasiyab. not only did it inspire poets Bukhara to Mughal India. The works of Mlr 'All and other leading (though not as many as did Ni+aIDI~s romances).Iai4.." Ph. . poets wrote on Sassui Punhun or Hir Ranjha. Qalandar ofPanipat visited Anatoli~ in the early days of the fourteenth continent. the Mughal empire where Persian poetry and art call their sons after the heroes of the Shahnama. chap. in fact. and his own mathnavls are strongly influenced by Riimfs style model for Indo-Muslim poets. 2. Mathnavfhii-yi Hir Riinjhii (Karachi: Sindhi Adabi Board. 9 life and culture.. IS About Mlr 'All see Stuart Cary Welch el al. ISO Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan lSI poetry. For the relations between Persian calligraphers and Indian patrons see Annemarie Schimmel. as did a number of poets and scholars. that formed Indo-Muslim lished. - 1957). For MTr Ma<sfim Namfs Khamsa see Schimmel. who were of Turkish descent. hands of Hindu craftsmen" applied the Persian calligrapher's elegant tion: Akbar's court poet Faiti dealt with Nal Daman. for a Hindu his- epics. the But irwas Mt only the poetry and the extensive historiography in author of the Haft Asuman. 14 Adabiyiit-i jiirslmi'n Hindiiiin ka !Ii~~a (Delhi. a compendium of the seven current epic Persian. forget his contributions to Persian epistolography in his IJaz-i Maulana Riimi's work became known in the subcontinent during khusral'i. and one can be certain that any epic whose title ends with oar. 1312). belonged to the spiritual staple phers from Iran arrived to work at Indian courts. 1987). and it might food of Indo-Muslim poets. 12 The Malhnavl was to permeate all levels of poetry and not by the traditional names of the Persian meters such as mutaqarib literature both in the high Indo-Persian literature and in that of the or hazaj musaddas. 8 the lifetime of Maulana's son Sultan Valad (d. 8 For a survey of pUblications on Amir Khusrau see Schimmel. for whom Farhad represents the cheated member of the to India. Calligraphy and Islamic Culture (New York: New York University Press. 1984). Persian poet ofthe nineteenth century.D. 42. while Sindhi and Panjabi what later stage. The Emperors' Album (New York: /I Iqbal. 1963). remained alive for centuries among educated Nizami's Makhzan al-asrar. in the sixteenth century. unfortunately. The Slave Kings of amazingly high prices during the Mughal period." p. 32-36. but rather to speak of "the meter of Majniin regional languages. the touching lines onto the hard stone of a mosque or a mausoleum. Muslim Bengali Literalure (Karachi: Pakistan Publications.up Baiqara's death in 1506. It sparked off an immense number of com- Lay!a" or "the meter of Khusrau ShInn. calligraphers from Herat. lo Figures and names which lost its central role as the Timurid capital after l. wherever a Muslim government was found. 16-19. as was the case in Bidar (Deccan) that "the miracle-working thematic frame by introducing the loving couples of Indian folk tradi. chapter by Annemarie Schimmel. 9 of India. Tadhkira-yi Haft Asman (Calcutta. who in later times would enlarge their happen. but its characters representatives of this elegant style were highly admired and fetched permeate the whole of Indo-Muslim culture. by 'Indo-Persian authors were known to Ahmad Ali Ahmad. Payiim-i mashriq. With the language came calligraphy. for Bii 'All It seems that he was the first to imitate Ni~ami's Khamsa in the sub. "The Calligraphy Turkish leftist poet Nazim Hikmet. the knowledge of Persian poetry. dis& University of Karachi. . 1942). and soon this priceless collection of poetry became a century. repro Tehran. IJ M. 15 -- Delhi in the thirteenth century. 1873. which had become the official language of administration meters of which. For the participation of Hindus in Persian literature see Syed Abdullah. often illuminated. Mirza Asadullah Ghalib (I 797-1 869). I I Equally son brought a considerable number of his father's album pages from widely known was Firdiisi's Shahnama. and Poetry in the Kevorkian Album. "Islamic Literatures of India. The tragic fate of Farhad has also inspired the Metropolitan Museum. - . as the use of the names among the Muslim elite continued: the leading tion of Nizaml's Khamsa but composing. Enamul Haq. No fewer than seventy-eight of such epics Hindus.. epic poem~ dealing with recent political and social events. torian complained about that time that even "the holy brahmin recites such as Amlr Khusrau's Marla' al-anvar or Jahanglr Hashimi's (d. and Mlr 'Ali Haravi's working class who is deprived of his wages by the king." Furthermore. 14 At a some- Sanskrit love story ofNala and Damayanti.Iusain from Ni~ami's epics were used as symbols through the centuries . including. It was customary to call epic meters and content. only the first volume has been pub. p. for the first time. is written in imitation and with the meter of ticular Riiml and l. and calligra- Ni~ami's epics. the Mathnavi. in par- 1539) Ma"har al-athar. 236."13 Incidentally. not only concentrating (as did so many writers) on an imita. and several masters of nasla 'lfq style moved to Iqbal. 10 Hafeez Hoshyarpuri. "Islamic Literatures p. would It was.. 1975. 35. 1957). "Shar~·i a~viil u athar-i fiirsi-i Shaikh Sharaf-addin Abu teenth century allusions to the scenes of this great Iranian epic as well 'All Qalandar Panipati." pp." especially pp. and up to the nine- 12 l:iiifi~ SiijidAllah Tatnimi.

reflect spiritual and worldly events. . Tadhkirat-i shu'ara'-i Kashmir. was Kashmir.Bayram Khan (d. mystical writers composed their treatises. for the Persian ruler Tabmasp had and. These maljil?at Humayiin's return an increasing number of poets. ed. The Memoirs of Babur were translated into poetical tradition. sweet ki tarikhi ahammiyat (The Historical Importance of the malrU+iit). at that point. 1906-24. and establish the Mughal rule firmly in India. a translation that became a call themselves. Harrassowitz. The Hundred Lellers (New York: Paulist Press. and ligraphers became increasingly important. Girdhar I. "Turk and Hindu. abandoned his interest in poetry and painting after his "sincere repen- nary people who came to ask the masters for help or consolation. 1966). 220fT. called "the -likewise poetically minded . In the years following thus set an example for many generations to come.mad SirhindI (d. 1967-{." in Speros Vryonis Jr. are University Press.. 1561). often unexpected. calligraphers. Babur (r. repro 1972). 1420--70). They expressed their hopes in many verses. Tikku. Sharafuddln Manen.. handsome rewards. The Sufis also wrote numerous letters. pp. with biographies of more Change in the Middle Ages. Karachi: Iqbal Academy. Naik. To be sure. and many contemporaries. than 104 poets. IV. and cal. a Poetical Image and '" For tadhkiras in India see Schimmel. ed.21 Akbar's generalissimo and son of the masters. who translated the 1526-30). wrote his autobiography in Turki. 1328). Malfo. was eulogized by no fewer (5 vols. Another center of literature. Islam and Cultural a typical example is Mu~ammad Ghauthls Gulzar-i abriir. includ." pp.such as the Hundred Letters of empires. early sixteenth centuries . 1971). who owned a splendid library in I. the imam rabbiini. 107-26. namely the Ottoman and the Safavid Persian of their letters of spiritual guidance .Im.Im (1556-1627). A History of Persian Language and 18 Paul Jackson. saints. 1971). 'Abdu'r-Ra~im Khiin-i-khiiniin and his Literary Circle J9 Yohanan Friedmann. remained the idiom spoken or at least understood up to the nine- through translations. 51. III. India. 1624) . in fact .not a very elegant Persian. who looked out for wealthy patrons to whom Al). the main interest of the intellectual elite rule of Biidshiih (r. the founder of the House ofTimur. and Turki kind of bestseller not only in India and Iran but also in Turkey and. Translations of the letters of Sirhindi. For the topic of the available in Turkish and Urdu.a time in which the classical forms. or Mughal empire. Fourth Levi deUa Vida Conference (Wiesbaden: than SOO saints. The artists felt that India would be a good place to They thus complement the official historiographical works. names like that of Z:ia'uddln NakhshabI. and allow us precious insights into the life and routine of mystical leaders miniaturists arrived from Iran. 1380 in Bihar)\& or of the Naqshbandi leader America" . Sayyid l:Iusatnuddin Rlishdi which about a hundred people worked. Mul)ammad A~I~h. That does not mean that poetry" . and the Persian . flourished from the days of J::Iasan SijzI (d. {d. "Islamic Literatures of India. mainly from Gujarat. and in an almost uninterrupted stream they came to the usually do not deal with such "lowly" people and their problems. 1965). it does not seem surprising that the Khankhiinan 'Abdur Rai). as the Mughals liked to TUI/nama from Sanskrit into Persian.. as 'Abdul BaqI NihawandI.e. 255.16 Numerous minor poets continued the centered upon Persian. which settle. Literature at the Mughal Court (Allahabad: Indian Press. pp. 19 they could devote their panegyrics and from whom they could expect Tadhkira-writing. its Application to Historical Fact. tance" in 1543. Shaykh AIJmad Sirhindi: An Outline of his Thought and a (Ahmedabad: Gujarat University Press. ed.. A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. " For the Khankhanan see M. in Europe.on the contrary. could say "the SharafuddIn Manen (d. while slightly and slowly there were no Persian authors between the late fourteenth and the changing color. tells us- 17 KhaIrq Al)rnad N~mi. 2o Thus you better leave your "black fortune" { the Khankhiinan genre of maljiqat. 1350). Yet. Abdul Ghani. Chhotubhai R. was the dreamland . teenth century in the courtly circles ofMughal India and other dynas- ing translations from the Sanskrit.ll what Hermann EtM has wittily called "the Indian summer of Persian In view of the influx of poets to India. 1980).of the poets. misfortune] The Mughal period was of special importance for the development of in lran. 152 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 153 reached their apogee in the subcontinent. Persiiln Poetry in Kashmir (Berkeley: University of California Press. collections of biographies of poets. J::Iasan was the first to lead emperor Humiiyiin back from his Persian exile and help him to note down the sayings of the Sufi master N~iimuddIn Auliyii. p. Study of his Image in the Eyes of Posterity (Montreal and London: McGill 22 Edward Granville Browne. Tiilib-i Amulfs words translate their feelings very well: able chronicles from all corners of the subcontinent left us interesting Nobody brought a Hindu to India - accounts of those who lived in or visited their respective provinces. his biographer. repro 1953 and often). which was probably the most splendid among its with their customs. especially during the ties of Turkish origin. who was able Sa'dI of India" because of his limpid. 1975). at the same time. "black" Hindu see Annemarie Schimmel. glimpses into the everyday worries of the ordi.8).17 the sayings and accounts of the daily life of Sufi 'Abdur Rai). one should not forget and sometimes weird cancelli were introduced. Malik Ram (Delhi. 1929.. acquired an unusual power as new. and authors of such valu. Arshi Presentation vol.

New Series VB (1958). 1698). The term A large number of Mughal poets joined the Mughals in their shikast." in =wischen Millelaller und Nezeei!. 1979). 14. "Classical Urdu Literature from the Beginnings to Iqbal. sabk-i famous painting of the Emperor Jahiingir sitting on an hour glass 26 - hindi. and generally followed the classical Persian models. such as 'UrIT Shirazi (d. 28 Urdu had developed in the Deccani kingdoms. where their influence is felt in own state of mind .will not the velvet." in Ulrich Haarmann and Peter Bachmann. 'Nam I Aftib. Na~ir! (d. instead of lying in sweet the Ottoman Divan edebiyati of the seventeenth century. 1627). Paintings of Ihe Sullans and Emperors of India (New Delhi: poesia persiana. with Maulana Rumi.. 123-261. Seek a difficult meaning. his compatriots would Indian style grew differently from the Iranian tradition proper. items like the hour glass . and just laugh at it and despise this un-Persian Persian. wake up at the complaint of the nightingale and stare at the Ottoman poetry had developed as it were under the wings of Persian poet with a thousand frightened eyes? Chinese seladon and craquel6 poetry. the increasing complexity of the sabk-i hindi along with the crumbling of the Mughal empire. Jami. Alessandro Bausani. . 2S Annemarie Schimmel." AIVaS. Firishta wrote his Gulziir-i becomes ubiquitous in the Persian and Indo-Persian world. M. Wiesbaden: Steiner. pp. and while classical poets loved to describe Amull (d. 1612). 24 One encounters a tendency to use strange grammatical and reuniting poetic forms . 24 Wilhelm Heinz. ed. at the same autumn day in the Kashmir valley. 154 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 155 and although the Khankhanan's own Persian verses are not great lit. but it is. there are verses of such deep forms such as infinitives in the plural. VIIl (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. pI. and the verses are filled with shifting sand dunes or important sources of inspiration. about whom a refugee from Iran. about the same time that bespectacled calligraphers or painters appear erature. And while the reader used to the classical simplicity of Sa'di or the crystal-like Bedil's fame reached Mghanistan and central Asia. 1591). Der "Indische Stil" in der persisdzen Didztung (Wiesbaden: Steiner. "Gedanken zu zwei Portrats des Moghulherrschers Sih " Mirzii Bedil. or are considered as f1ightly as a footprint in water. long spoken by the and material life in Mughal India: fine arts and poetry explain each people and sometimes at court. and the verses of Kallm (d. 545-61. Die islamische Welt 2& Annemarie Schimmel. and bring a far fetched word! However. Ibriihfm for the art-loving Sultan Ibrahim 'Adilshah II of Bijapur. shikasta. or Talib-i belong to the new themes. History of Indian Literalure. Kulliyiil (4 vols. as it were. at some later splendidly shown in the The names of the masters of the developing Indian style. C. they are at least sweet and charming. B. and especially the political The sabk-i hindi also has an increasing tendency to incorporate new turmoil after Aurangzeb's death in 1707 seemed to require another images and topoi. written by Persian authors in the Deccan. which reflect recent developments in the cultural form of literature. 1721)27 whom Zuhuri composed highly sophisticated poetry and prose.. have become an integral part of the literary history silk and damask and used them as poetical images. Sanyal. smoke. and the accomplishments of'UrIT and Faiziin Akbar's days poets show a special interest in velvet. 1974). where his work verses of I:Iaf1+ will now find a tendency for disrupted parts of a whole continues to be regarded as an inexhaustible source of inspiration.and yet. for The greatest masters of the late sabk-i hindi are Bedil (d. and N~IrI is the spokesman for melancholia and dark-glowing longing that the patient reader (and most poets of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when he tells patient he has to be!) will always be amply recompensed by finding his colleagues: true poetic pearls. also relevant to calligraphy because the broken style. ed. Festschrift fUr Hans Robert Roemer (Beirut and Jan Gonda. 1975).. Hidayat Husain (3 vol~. and so the Urdu language. "broken. Kabul: Ministry of Education. 1650) and state of the human heart and. case of epic poetry. Equally colorful is the poetry time. and Na~ir 'All SirhindI (d. for classical slumber.25 For the first time one reads about spectacles (at of the poets. 1962-65). comparable to the irreal Deccani style of painting and the tulip-like 'Ali I:Iazln. 1910-31). which serves to symbolize their were discussed as far away as Turkey. For the Bedil's prose and Na~ir 'Airs poetry to Iran. and 'Urfi as some of its most porcelain appear.. Delightful lyrics were written in a mixture of Calcutta. eds. the breakdown of the Ghani Kashmir! combine the strong hues and melancholy of a late whole political and social fabric of Muslim India. "Contributo a una definizione del 'stilo indiano' della 26 Richard Ettinghausen. pp. was considered worthy of the interest other. 1961). especially in the 2-' 'Abdul Baqi Nihilwandl. wrote in 1730 to his compatriots that if he would send minarets and domes of Deccani mosques and mausoleums. the sabk-i hindi of Persia. 23 in miniatures). the to be used and for the harmonious balance of themes to be Iranians still shake their heads at his extravagant way of breaking up destroyed. . Mo'Qthir-i ro(zimi." seems particularly fitting to describe the broken Kashmiri summer resorts.

)l known to almost every Muslim in the subcontinent. Iqbal's ghazals sometimes insert Aurangzeb's daughters." 29 C. but even the most recent and progressive It also has to be said that Ghalib. This attitude resem- have understood his message if it had been couched in a completely bles that of earlier writers.? as seductive and therefore dangerous has poetry was not fully appreciated by the elite . which reveal all the subtlety of his artistic poets of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries properly. 1869). most of his qa~fdas and quite a number of his Persian ghazals are J<) Iqbal. 239: The quotation is from Khaqanj. from Persian with a sprinkling of Urdu grammar (exactly the same was flower to flower and seems to be incapable of reviewing the garden as a true of the highest Ottoman Divan poetry). The latest p. VIII. . The Developmelll of Metaphysics in Persia (Cambridge: modeled according to the examples taken from the great writers of the Cambridge University is not an highly educated listeners. MauIana's poems offered him a good starting point. p. 1969). that the influence of WaH Deccani. simply as The butterfly imagination of the Persian flies half inebriated as it were. they began to develop a kind of grammar of the nascent I am from India.the leading poets still often been quoted. It is said model in rhyme-words and meter. closes with a quotation from KhaqanI's Dfvan: a warning against seemed only partly justified. 1962). ghazal. and early Urdu mathnavfs often alter. past such as KhaqanI. In fact. 1948). line 175. who would apologize every so often for "new" language without the time-honored concepts and figures of writing in the regional languages of the subcontinent.Ia!i. 1915). the true language of poetry and philosophy. to a great extent. The Urdu literature composed in Delhi and developing at least to a certain degree in logical sequence. and AnvarI29 This l2 Speeches and Statements of Iqbal. "Statement on Islam and Nationalism in Reply to a Statement of Maulana Husain Ahmad. particularly from Na?Irl and 'U rfi. ed. To write in such a lowly idiom instead of the accident that his last letter. was so heavily impregnated with Persian vocabu. Asrar-i khudi(Lahore: Ashraf. 13571l978). Indeed. 3J Shaikh Mu~ammad Iqbal. 156 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 157 indigenous and Persian styles. but despite his verdict against the great ghazal- clung to Persian even though their Urdu style was much better. Thus a literature emerged which reached maturity in a contrary to the classical ghazal they are usually conceived as a whole. whose easy- would gather once a week in the Zlnat al-masajid mosque in Delhi. and after Wall's visit to Delhi around or shortly one. excelled in the art of imitation. and the Sindhi and Panjabi. however. even some passages of Iqbal's Urdu verse. and rules to Urdu. in many cases. it would have been well nigh impossible for who is acclaimed as the greatest master of Urdu but who himself pre- him to discard the traditional forms and images. Na?Irl. p. Published in 'Ehsan' the 9th March 1938. writers Iqbal himself cannot help using the traditional Persian style Perhaps the most typical example is that of Mirza Ghalib (d. And yet. a flowing meter inspired almost every later poet who wanted to discuss small mosque adjacent to the Red Fort and founded by one of educational and religious topics. Ironically. 1945. kind of imitation was common in Persian poetry. Zia'uddjn Saiiiidj (Tehran: edition of his Persian verse is in seventeen volumes (Lahore. He apologizes for his shortcomings: before 1707. yet it requires more nated the themes of traditional Indian love stories with well-known technical skill than inspiration when one has to follow faithfully a set Persian couples such as Laila Majnfm or Yusuf Zulaikha. written a few weeks before his death. He himself Lucknow. knowledge of his Scarcely any writer in the subcontinent after Iqbal has used the tra- numerous Persian poems is restricted to a small circle of specialists. We read that the leading masters of Urdu poetry His epic poetry follows the model of RiirnI's Mathnavf. S. compiled by "Shamloo" (Lahore: al-Manar Academy. Urdu Iqbal's critique of l. from Braj to speech. 172. a native whole. short space of time. a poet of the first rank. nafira. while Ghalib's Urdu poetry is Greek philosophy and thought. Ghalib: His Life and Persian Poetry (Karachi: Azam. described Persian poetry in his thesis as follows: lary and imagery that it could be read. Persian is not my native tongue!JO Urdu poetry by applying all the prosodic and rhetorical rules of clas- sical Persian to it. 2nd ed. ditional Persian for poetry. Gilani. For this reason his deepest thought and emotions find expression speaker of Urdu has great difficulty in understanding the work of in disconnected verses. 31 indeed. 1908. To this day.o. like many poets writing in Persian before him. Amir Khusrau. Vil'all. for the benefit of their illiterate or at least not influence ofNa~ir-i Khusrau and of Khaqanl is palpable . sophisticated Persian. Zawwiir. for people would not fered his Persian verse to his "colorless" Urdu. to discuss how to apply the Persian poetical quotations from earlier poets. made the Iqbal is somewhat different as he did not concentrate on panegyr- poets of Delhi writing in Persian aware of the possibilities of their ics for rulers in his Persian verse but has a message to convey to every- spoken language. and soul.

however.. and But how did the Western world get interested in Persian poetry?33 Bernier. and that (From now on one can well call me the German Persian) 33 For a survey orthe development see Annemarie Schimmel. Olearius then published. "Europa und der islami. and yet fascinating lands of Gulistan.. level. and a German translation of this very work from the the Saracens. a German translation of the that allowed a glimpse into the strange world of the East. of 34 people on November 6. poetry. failure and yet bore rich fruits on the spiritual. who had crushed his army in Chaldiran in 1514. that mishaps of the long and arduous journey in his Neue Orientalische perhaps the Mongols might have the power to subdue the Muslims. the ruler of the been annexed by the Muslims from 711 onward. (Thanks to us. Twelver Shia in 1501. it is the acknowledg. Persian enters in state in Holstein. and the flowers wan. mit Hilfe eines alten Persianers namens Hakwirdi . that: the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries after the expanding Man kann mich hinfort wohl Ottomans had besieged Vienna in 1529. dangerous. through the pen of its translator.. ed. but is also someone (and probably the as the most despicable people imaginable. told some of their adventures in colorful German men like Marco Polo and Rubruck resulted in interesting travelogues poems. Decade after decade European travelers visited Iran. The shock that followed this den deutschen Perser nennen event led to a new outbreak of anti-Turkish attempt that was doomed to the north. The leading figure in this journey ical approach to the sacred book of the Muslims was attempted. after the failure of the Crusades. But in addition. the fine German poet but this hope too remained unfulfilled although the enterprises of Paul Fleming. 158 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 159 poets in Urdu cannot do without some of the traditional symbols that meant anti-Islamic feeling. Orienta/ismus in der Durch uns kommt Persien in Holstein eingezogen! deutschen Literatur (Hildesheim and Zurich: OIms. and a certain interest in the mat. although not the and tales came from the Arab world to be incorporated into the material. the mysterious. However. 1984). the West-Ostliche therefore to be a possible ally of the European powers against the Divan. world happened again in the aftermath of a military confrontation in This book boasts. Ottomans. were introduced in Iran centuries ago." as both figures. 336-87. One year after the embassy had left. Reyssbeschreibung (1647). writing their travelogues and reporting the splendor of Isfahan and ment of a living and inspirational tradition and an expression of the later. Du Ryer. the Tiirkenlieder of Germany and Austria are extremely vulgar and Iqbal. tainly much more than a mere poetical device. that is.. iibertragen aus dem The second major encounter of the European and the Muslim Persischen . where Ismii'TI the Safavid {"the Sophi. but at the same time Arabic in the Safavid state. Persian can be regarded as the most important result of the dered into Latin first in 1143. and Lohenstein's Turkish dramas show the Turks in Persian in the subcontinent. which had of the numerous small princes in northern Germany. in 1653. produced the first French translation of Sa'dfs Morgenland. but centuries passed before a less inim. Schimmel. and to this day the only. while Fleming claimed with justified pride: scbe Orient. An interesting study is Andrea Fuchs-Sumiyoshi. "The pollen of the minute principality of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp. that is. the court of Shah Abbas. pp. 1633. 1990). The Koran was ren. Der Islam III (Stuttgart: Koblhammer. Schleswig-Holsteinian embassy. of the Frenchmen Chardin. Ismii'TI was the arch enemy of the Ottoman answer to a book that has largely colored the image of Persian culture Turks. a French diplo- medieval European literary tradition." in A.. This interest was strongest in Germany. The travelogues of the German physi- admiration of the Persian heritage in both East and West. sent out a group southern flowers was wafted into the East . and his companion. cian Engelbert Kaempfer. is not only the last in the long line of poets writing filled with hatred. at that very period travelers from Europe entered a new ical tradition and could enrich his verse by introducing Western world. legends. and the Italian Pietro Della Valle informed the European Europe's first encounters with the Muslim world were established public of the developments in Iran. His ingenious confrontation between RumI and Goethe is cer. called Persianischer {sic!] Rosenthal." in the words of Joseph von G6rres. and one scholarship and science influenced Europe through Spain. that of Iran. only one) who was well aware of the Western poetical and philosoph. to establish trade and political dered up from the south as formerly people had wandered down from relations with the Persian emperor . and thus created a deeper interest during the period of the Crusades. is reflected in many a medieval tale. which was reflected in popular literature. Gulistan.. he was aware of and willing to accept the Arabic and Western sources call him) had established the rule of the work of Goethe and thus to produce the first..) . who described the numberless adventures or Christian powers hoped. The was Adam Olearius. and seemed at its best among German intellectuals. Tavernier.

" really reflect the diamond-like clarity and beauty of l:!iifi?'s verse. entered the Calcutta. after the other." but the modern reader will be astounded to read the German scholar's remark in his journal Adrastea: "An Hafyz' :4 A good survey is: Ingeborg H. Specimen that "poetry is the mother tongue of the human race. Despite Herder's deeply important witness to the working of the human soul." Sa'dI between Eastern and Western culture. "the finest flower that can bloom in a sultan's garden. and his moral stance appealed to Herder's own and enjoyed.. held that "from poetry we can certainly acquire a deeper knowledge Poeseos asiaticae commentariorum libri sex (1774). which appeared in two small volumes in 1812-13 and contains his language. 1771) and that of his friend William Jones. translating poetry. based on Ni?amfs Khusrau Shlrln. who enthusiastically received the first news about wealthy friends to found a major journal for oriental. It has. Among the Germans. 34 Hammer. to us). But he was more interested in the content than in the drama. in which he is said to have written in an extraordinarily the DIvan's translation into what Hammer considered German pure and delightful way. born in Graz in 1774. 160 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 161 This statement is almost too modest. as his poetry was and still is considered a rose poetry. Sa'dI has been more useful delight wherever German literature flourished. not Sa'dI. Johann Meninski published in 168{). 1803)." and rightly Poeseos Persici (Vienna. 1973). for the Gulistiin was greeted with (We have almost enough of Hafi?'s songs. Herder followed the opinion of Hamann. poetry which lacks the charm of the original (which Herder. He may have known the brief English Gottfried Herder (d. he served for some time in the Austrian diplomatic service been founded by the Empress Maria Theresia. where he studied Turkish. Sol brig. The most important aspect of this translation. the German translation of his complete Dlvlin which was offered in which was just becoming known through the translations of the 1812-13 by the indefatigable Austrian orientalist Joseph von Gulistlin and Thomas Hyde's version of Sa'dfs Bus/lin and was Hammer (-Purgstall). William Jones's translations were just being published. which the Austrian scholar influenced the image of the Orient. theologian and philosopher and paternal version of a ghazal by Thomas Hyde (1767). ofcourse. reached the highest goal] of moral poetry in Hafts. which gives an account of the difficulties into which paradise.e. the year when steadily enriched by the studies of British scholars at Fort William. and Translators' Academy (Dolmetscherakademie) in Vienna. Nott (1787) contrib- every trace of poetical expression in the languages of the world as a uted to people's understanding is difficult to judge. He was able to find Herder. writing was for him the embodiment of everything beautiful and useful in innumerable articles. which does not of that language. Sa'dI ist uns lehrreicher gewesen" Zaubermeister das Werk=eug" (Bern: Lang. and publishing immense works on literary as well as moral attitude." he was open-minded enough to consider English version of several ghazals of l:!a!i? by J. was fascinated by Islamic. These are the collection by Count Revitzky. but the great formal aspects of poetry and wrote about Sa'dI: "He seems to have breakthrough came with the Divan des Mohammed Schemseddin plucked the flower [i. That holds true especially for Germany. His first publication connected with Persian poetry proper was a did not know). These works can of times and nations than from the deceiving and hopeless history of be regarded as the first major attempts to introduce Persian poetry to politics and war. His personal opinion it was l:!afi?. To what extent the versified Spirit of Hebrew Poetry. studies (Fundgruben des Orients). and saw himself as a link Sa'di. but on the whole he concentrated mainly on Persian poetry. however. to be said that Sa'dfs graceful verses political history . is Persian poetry appeared to Herder as a "daughter of the earthly its introduction. especially Persepolis and the deciphering of its inscriptions. who was to become the admiration for poetry led him to a fine assessment of Arabic poetry greatest inspiration of Western scholars and amateurs during the fol- in his article "Spruch und Bild. which had Arabic.his history of the Ottoman empire (Geschichte des were transformed by Herder into rather heavy German didactic Osmanischen Reiches) in ten volumes is still indispensable. but he was certainly friend of Goethe." Although he had devoted his early studies to "The an educated Western reading public. Shirin (J 809). offering free renderings of poetry he had read Persian literature. was one of the most enchanted readers of Sa'di aware of the two anthologies which two friends published one shortly from the days of his youth. Hammer-Purgstall u"cI Goethe: "Dem Gesiingen haben wir fast genug. as well as by Austrian orientalists educated at the Dolmetscherakademie. and devoted his entire life to oriental literature. insonderheit bei den Morgenlandern" lowing century. In conjunction with the new approach to the East during the It is doubtful whether Herder was familiar with the very first trans- Enlightenment period the two translations of Sa'dl's Gulistlin deeply lation into Latin of one ghazal of l:!afi?. Persian. This is due to (1792). .

In order to understand Hafiz better Goethe difficulties of the ghazal. does not at all exclude an under- investigated the literature pertaining to Iran and'to I~lam.. 1987). ~ it travel."35 images of Persian and Persian ate literature. capturing the different moods of the poets and leading his wholeheartedly to the study and translation of Persian poetry. political. is valid on the level of the metaphor and on tant for the wide knowledge its author displays in choosing and trans. 36 When he had almost completed his Sylvestre de Sacy followed the line of mystically minded interpreters. his children's songs. "the fruit of the perusal of fifty the two levels of experience without needing a heavy mystical-philo- mathnavfs and ml'ans with more than one million verses. Hammer advocated a plain ogues. yet almost invisible wordplays. VII. which were taught in Annemarie Schimmel. and rhetorical devices make his As for Hammer's influence. puns. """ )6 Wesl-Ostlicher Divan. but unfortunately the West-Ostfiche Divan was among the least read and understood parts of Goethe's ---- which is indispensable to everyone who wants to enjoy this poetry in general and the verse of 1:Iati? in particular.. or first attempts by Western orientalists to write "worldly" interpretation of J:!afi? while the great French orientalist a history of the Islamic peoples.. 1988). especially Persian lyrics. which appeared in 1818 in Vienna. and is impor. devoted himself poetry. Friedrich RiJckerl. and religious feminine "because then I would have been compelled to praise girls background of much of this literature and analyzed the symbols and for their green sprouting beards.. which is splendidly lating hundreds of fragments from the Persian (although a true discussed in Hans Heinrich Schaeder's work Goethes Erlebnis des analysis of the material is lacking). to quote Hammer himself. for the art of the poet is to combine Persia is. 1938). Ruckert (1788-1866)37 had spent a short time with Hammer importance. such as Daulatshah. -- -. But he the should 1779) but who had neglected the Near Eastern world for decades. .." It follows sophical or a simple light-hearted "material" interpretation. unteT Mitwirkung von Hans Heinrich Schaeder hera of the greatest Ruckert. great poet that he was. True art. it was not the whole library which he wrote singlehanded which made him immortal. sensed the importance of l:Iafi? even through these rather shapeless but "we admire the poet who gracefully overcomes these obstacles renderings and had himself to become productive to absorb the and we are delighted to see how intelligently and carefully he handles happy shock that this poetry left upon him ("Ich muBte mich pro. both hiding and revealing. I. The also added an important set of NOlen und Abhandlungen. Nevertheless.. who had been interested in Islamic topics in his youth (as peculiar style of the virtually forgotten in orientalist circles . When discussing the Goethe. 1812-13). and every line Persiens. In this field Hammer's contribu. Frankfurt: Insel. With the instinct of a true poet he and that the poet has to conform to the fetters of rhyme and meter. bore even more visible and tangible fruit in the work of Friedrich tion . which he called West-Ostlicher Divan. This literary history of in a poem can be read differently. Friedrich Ru<*erl.. but its greatest merit is its useful Ostens (Leipzig. Annemarie Schimmel. however. -. employed only on temporary assignments. p. was not forget Goethe's remark that the ghazal is "a kind of quodlibet" fascinated by Hammer's book. it not only extended to Goethe but poems resemble precious diamonds. Wake (2 vol&. Ruckert had been known for more than a decade as a " Der Dill'an des Mohammed Schemseddin Hajis(Stuttgart: Cotta. Ausgelliihile hand lung. translations. reflecting was soon followed by his masterful translations from the Arabic and many of the images and themes of classical Persian literature. exerted upon Goethe. on the whole the classical tadhkiras. Goethe's interpretation of l:Iafi?... which reader through the various spheres of poetical thought. -- . (Freiburg: Herder. showed the way the European approach to introduction to the imagery of Persian poetry. Lebensbifd und Einjiihrung in sein Werk ." This emphasis upon the external duktiv verhalten"). whose highly refined and vast production. that of reality. but the influence his work in Vienna on his return from Italy in the spring of 1818. standing of its "esoteric" meaning. collection of poetry. 1943). gifted poet in German. ed. 37 gegeben und erlautert von Ernst Beutler (Leipzig: Dieterichsche Verlagsbuch. the knowledge of Persian poetry should take. he was but Goethe. In the main part of the West-Ostfiche Divan Returning to his native Franconia he settled for some time in Coburg Goethe answered J:!afi?'s and sometimes Sa'di"s verse in German and. and the young man immediately grasped the basics of Arabic and Persian. himself in such a tricky situation. (notes and problem of the gender of the beloved is solved with the practical dissertations) in which he carefully elucidated the historical setting of remark that he refrained from changing the object of love into the Arabic and Persian poetry and the social. 162 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 163 the translator runs when dealing with classical Persian poetry. knew that "the word is a fan" able to consult Hammer's Geschichte der schiinen Redekiinste ("Das Wort ist ein Hicher").a topic that has led to many heated dis- proved by his attempt at writing a drama on the Prophet of Islam in cussions among Iranologists during the last few decades .

as often happened to him. at the very beginning of if he had still been alive. 39 For she dreams and laments in the chorus of roses and nightingales. 197~). When the major edition of the Shiihniima by Ruckert's fascination with Persian literature resulted in an enor- Mohl appeared in Paris in 1838 Ruckert was just publishing a mous output of poetry.lii~ Ruckert criticized as lacking in true understandmg and rendered m much better than most "exact" translations. his interest in Hiifiz remained alive to his last years. 38 companion. Persian chashm and chashma). Ruckert speaks of his Zwei Liebschaften. published a collection of poetry. the Ostliche was disappointing. ausgewiihlt und heraus- in a poem which surpasses even the most sophisticated puns in gegeben (Stuttgart: Reclam. wo iiber Sinnliches er zu reden scheint. Just as Goethe answered the voice of beart ." became for a while his oblivious of life and its darkness. inexhaustible treasure of poetry for a skilled translator. i~ 1862.and there like a wave in which the clouds are reflected. i.lii~'s poetry. text. was working toward a critical edition of the this collection were set to music by Schubert ("Du bist die Ruh". II. her- Persian and defies translation into any other language: ausgegeben von J. just as in later years numerous poetic version of the Shahniima was discovered only long after hiS composers from Schumann to Mahler {not to mention contemporary death. As for Lady Persian and free adaptations. von G6rres in 1819.and indeed. His own version won the highest praise from poet-orientalist remained interested in I. however.liifi~ but. The indefatigable poet-orientalist turned to FirdiisI at an early One immediately discovers the pun on "fountain" and "eye" (Arabic stage of his career." a talkative child. The Shahniima had been published in 1811 by Gin. Again. wo er scheinet Obersinnliches Geharnischte Sonette. two Ruckert strove to maintain this equilibrium in his own translatIOns love affairs. TherelOre Ruckert never disclosed the fact that he Rosen (Eastern Roses) which was recommended by Goethe especially had translated major parts of the Shiihniima into German verse and. and was published in Berlin in three volumes from 1891 composers) gained inspiration from Ruckert's singable lyrics. Gedichte aus dem Diwan des Hafts. a S1mtlar survey of English renderings is Arthur J. 9." for example). . an epic poem in alexandrine verse. As the as/fiche the leading German orientalist of the late nineteenth and early Rosen vie in elegance and charm with I. His sojourn in Italy had Oder redet er. although these poems reflect the images and style of I.lii~'s originals Ruckert was able to disclose the secret of the Persian poet's unending fascination 39 J. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. a collection of sonnets written during the nur zu reden. Rostem und translated into German verse whatever was available during the first Sohrab. a good number of the finest poems from according to his notes. Throughout his life the too smooth a much so that he would have liked to dedicate it to Goethe Hafiz in his West-astlicher Divan. may be undiscovered manuscripts lying in his immense heritage. and Arabic literature. 1953). 1988). as in the case of his I. had won him fame. Before that in 1850. He translated into German verse some eighty Poetry. he says: ghazals by I. and flies straight from the garden toward heaven.lii~ translations. and even more his Hafis. Arberry's clasSIC: Fifty Poems by Haft= 38 In Ausgewiihlte Werke. "ein gespriichiges Kind. never published them. "coming inebriated from the tavern of Love. onward. so that it took nearly a century after his death before all of them She has the spring breeze explain the flowers' mysteries. before his death.. the text of t~e "Lachen und Weinen. nur Obersinnliches? resulted in a vast amount of verses in Italian forms and meters. ChrIstoph Burgel (Wlesbaden: Harrassowltz. the recently acquired oriental languages offered a seemingly denn sein Sinnliches ist libersinnlich. is only a minute fraction of Riickert's great Persian epic had appeared: a work by Count Schack which work. she wants to know how fountain and eye mirror each other. which was very close to his half of the nineteenth century. 1947.lii~. p. freedom wars against Napoleon in 1812-13. who. and Sein Geheimnis ist unlibersinnlich. and enjoys the romantic images Lumsden and had inspired a very free German rendenng by Joseph which capture the main topics of Persian lyrics. and four years wraps herself in colors and fragrance. were published at different times and by different scholars . 63 Glraselen des Hafts. Friedrich Ruckert. redet liber Sinnliches. Ruckert. 164 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 165 German schools till recently. Christoph Burgel. he once more encountered I.l~. But the reception of the poem in Germany his ~riental studies.e. to musicians . and one can say without exaggeration that he German verse rendering of its most famous episode. Arabic and Persian poetry. In a poem published some twenty years after his first infatuation with Persian Pointing to the sensual and yet suprasensual meaning of I. another German verse translatIOn of the astfiche Rosen.

whose renderings are some pencil notes in his hand). Theodor N6ldeke. his Persian so that sound and rhythm can be gauged. a collection offragile and elegant ghazals to vent his tender feel- To this day the Grammatik. which his not look too bad in your rich flower wreath. 1845). die ich zuerst in deinen Garten pflanze. 1979). He was inspired of Gotha and could not help rendering into German verse the elegant at that point not so much by the Persian originals but rather by and charming lyrics of JiimI. That means that as a Die fremde Form. form in the large collection of Kindertotenlieder. collection of poetry was the first time that the form of the ghazal with about whom someone remarked that "the artificial was Riickert's its monorhyme was used in German. however. 1870-72). parts whose Baharislan was published in 1778 in an Anlhologia Persiaca by of which were even translated into English and published in Boston the Sprachakademie in Vienna in a Latin translation. whom he compared. collection of words of wisdom and moral stories and anecdotes. 1910-11). It seems incred. the rhetorical finesse of classical Persian poetry. pp.4I To emphasize Ruckert's role in the history of had offered a small fragment of Jiimfs YUsuf Zulaikha in 1828 (after it German-Persian relations even more we have to tum to his interest was translated into German by Vincenz von Rosenzweig-Schwannau in Maulanii RfunI. Zeitschrift der Deutschen " Annemarie Schimmel. each of which is preceded by the first line of the original of Iran into the fetters of melodious German rhymes. used the form frequently and by his disciple Wilhelm Pertsch in 1872. Rflckert.the form became very fashionable during the fol- ible that he was able to disentangle an extremely difficult Persian text lowing decades in German literature. One knows. ." lengthy didactic poems Die Weisheit des Brahmanen.411 The made by poets and orientalists. to a fragrant musk deer which he had brought from the steppes Redekilnste. a widely read One of the first Persian poets discovered in the West was JiimI. in the dedicatory Hammer's rough translations in the Geschichte der schonen poem. is indispensable for everyone could express his deepest and most moving thoughts in it. Riickert-Nach/ese (Weimar. which would be almost unsurmountable even one century later when Count Platen. discovered a manuscript copy of JiimI's Divan in the library in 1820 in a set of 24 ghazals after themes of RiimI. and A. will work on Persian rhetoric and poetics. Ruckert was right . "The Emergence of the Gennan Ghazal. Even more important is that this highly sophisticated style of JiimI had a particular appeal for Riickert. the Puccini's opera. Riickert. cd. 1821. wird Dicht iibel stehn in deinem reichen Kranze. Zeitsthrift fur die Kunde des Morgen/andes (1844. of Wisconsin. and his free renderings reflect this spirit better than any later attempts schaft. then. used it in his Spiegel des Hafts (Mirror of I:l~) of scholars have all kinds of grammars and dictionaries at their disposal. to inspire Schiller's drama and which was later to form the basis of the new form was generally associated with the name of I:l~. which seems to have been growing from Haft Paikar was known widely enough in the late eighteenth century Platen's Spiegel des Hafts rather than from Ruckert's RiimI-ghazals.not without struggling his way with the same ease as they used the romance stanza and the sonnet. South Asia Studies. That is evident in particular from the fact that he was able to render into German a The foreign form which I am first planting in your garden. classified as a mannerist poet. that he used Ni?. Riickert turned only to the Iskandarniima. Ruckert was sure that: nature" ("Das KiinstIiche war seine Natur"). who in 1882. Ruckert's friend and disciple. poet. 0 Germany.) former teacher Hammer had received from Lucknow and whose And he foresaw that people would use the ghazal in the same way and seventh volume Riickert translated . he was even who wants to study Persian rhetoric and the arts of chronograms and able to sing of his grief for his two deceased young children in ghazal of poetical riddles. 1957). . reissued ings for a male beloved.iimi's Khamsa. 1850-52. a small part of which he published in translation in the Frauentaschenbuch 41For Ruckert's impact on the United States and in particular New England see Henry in 1824. 166 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 167 twentieth century. German Culture in America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. especially the Makhzan al-asrar in a manuscript (which still bears est masterpieces of Riickert's art as a translator. which preceded his interest in I:lii~ and resulted in 1824). 168-74. through an enormous number of typesetting errors. Pochrnan. Studies in the Urdu gaza/ and Prose Fiction (Madison: University Hirschberg. who saw in it "one of the great.. the complete text in L. when he collected material for his equally important as philological aid for the orientalist. Poetik und Rhetorik der Perser. Indeed. It is amazing to see translations.. 42 Ruckert turned also to N~ whose tale of Turandot from the In the German tradition. capture both the spirit and the form of JiimI's poetry." in Mul)ammad Morgen/iindischen Gesellschoft (1848. the Haft Qulzum. parts of which were published in the first volume of the how thoroughly the young orientalist understood Mauliinii's spirit. Omar Memon. he had an enormous affinity with o Deutschland. journal of the newly founded Deutsche Morgenliindische Gesell.

to be an antidote Anglo-Saxon world is to render the delICate Persian verses mto against the dangerous philosophy expressed in Omar Khayyam's modem . and Von den Friichten.schem.. especially when trans- lating Persian poetry or composing orientalizing verses.almost all too simple :-. Was stehl denn auf den hundert Biiittem tion of Shakespeare's Hamlet the hero is made to recite some ofOmar der Rose all? Khayyam's Rubii'iyyiit in Sindhi. such an extent that Karl Imrnermann. and the Scottish clergyman William Hastie's trans. France. Ruba~. 168 Annemarie Schimmel The West-Eastern Divan 169 great master of Shiraz soon developed into the patron saint of all seemed to be reciting such quatrains. down to the delightful those who wanted to express their not-so-bourgeois sentiments. contradict the cultural traditions of the Islamic and the Persian It is this work which really colored the understanding of the world and the seemingly endless discussion of the real form and English reading public and offered a picture of the carefree but at the meaning of I:fiifi?'s poetry could be. persisch und auBerpersisch." Wiener Zeitschrift flir die Kunde des Morgenlandes. In the 1830s and 1840s of the refrigerator rather than for the soul to be freed from Its matenal the flood of ghazals written by second. if not ended. a?d t~ While the delightful form of the ghazal became part and parcel of personality of Friedrich Riickert.. Italy.." The development of the scholarly approach to Persian poetry left poets and is stilI being used by orientalists. and vomieren dann Ghaselen. pp. poetry.often all too modem . who combined great eruditIOn m the German poetic tradition.everyone Richard Gramlich. Sweden. 1975). Die schOne Mahsau . from early times. orientalists began serious work on ized these authors with his famous lines: Persian poetry. Denmark and many lacks charm. . "Vierzeilerdichtung. poem in ~he collection just mentioned captures the soul and spmt of Persian lations into the most diverse languages from Eskimo to Yiddish. The few philology and poetical talent. are often far removed from the original spirit. Die schOne Mahsati.forms. Islamwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen. it never took root in Britain. at least facilitated same time deeply pessimistic approach to life that was thOUght to be by one single look at Goethe's definition of the ghazal. the studies of scholars like Wilhelm Eilers and Benedikt Reinert on the essen sie zu viel. taken not from the original Was sagt denn tausendfaches Schmettem (although Mirza QarlCh Beg was a scholar of Persian). though sparsely. however important that this English version was more) may have been and still is. crowned by Fritz Meier's masterful ~ork (They eat too much of the fruits they steal from Shiraz's orchard on the first poetess ofIran. is unique in the history of Western attempts made to translate Persian poetry into English ghazals do not adaptation of Persian forms and compositions. by many later German was used. Fritz Meier. sober and critical as ever. however. from Malay to Portuguese. but from der Nachtigall? Fitzgerald's version. their Rubiiiyyiit of a Persian Kitten by Oliver Herford (New York. pp. 1903). and lation into English ghazals ofRiickert's free rendering ofRiimI's verse other=untries (Czechoslovakia. Critical studies were and still are being prepared. in imitated time and again in the English-speaking world . ed.'3 It is. {Glasgow: James MacLehose & Sons.and third-rate poets grew to body . satir. die sie aus dem Gartenhain von Schiras stehlen. theory of the Persian ruba 'f. a simple . employing images that Rubii'fyyiit. (Wiesbaden: Steiner. 209-59: BenedIKt R~~~~rt. Just as in Germany I:f~ lent his name to numerous poems which 44 Wilhelm Eilers. thr<>ugh Potter's bibliography of the Rubii'fyyiif (updated in Ehsan In many of these songs Riickert has pointed to the secret of Persian Yarshater's Persian Literature) is astounded by the amount of trans. according to the translator's statement. aversion to church and clergy (thus Daumer) or other feelings that concerning a kitten that longs for the sole being freed from the fett~rs could not be expressed easily in uncoded form. die Armen. in the samii' sessions of the Sufis. 6 (1969). and to me. the Rubii'iyyii/ were "Die prosodische Unterschiedlichkeit von persischem und arabl. or at some of typical of the Persian tradition.. despite this verdict the ghazal remained a legitimate German to our understanding of the technical aspects of the favorite form that poetic form and was used. At the same time. 205-25. less room for poetical renderings of Persian verse than before. 1905). great though the sound very poetic.) to the development of the quatrain have contributed to a large extent Yet. numher of first-class orientalists in Britain. The p~vailing t~ndency in the meant. Fnt: Meier gewidmet (Wiesbaden: Steiner. 1963) . Germany. Anyone who has tried to wade Riickert's Ostliche Rosen. It shows the popularity of Omar Khayyam's poetry with its employment of dassical Persian imagery: verse in Fitzgerald's version that in Mirza Qalich Beg's Sindhi adapta. and her contnbutlOns and then vomit ghazals.

Goethe found it in a translation of Persian verses and transformed it into one of the most profound poems in the German language.. smelled. whether Ml$niid and Ayaz or Majniin and Lailii. Seliger Sehnsucht. wir verschwinden .. of Beauty and Love. hazar) by telling his readers that Beauty has drawn we float higher and dissolve . Persian poetry is filled with pairs like the rose and the nightingale. songs Contemplating Love eternal of the nightingale. - . Selige Sehnsucht (Blessed Longing).. that forms the bridge between the poetic worlds of Iran and Germany.. so is the moth's wish to cast itself into the flame and immolate itself to reach union with the highest goal. "Die persische Vorlage von Goethe. pun of the hundred-petaled centifolia and the thousand. speaking of the never-ending road to fulfillment. Whether Farhiid and Shinn. Y-usuf and Zulaikhii .." "Die and become.dise.and yet it is the lovely flower that can be touched.. the fulfillment of Love . 1942). It is the song of the never-ending quest. and held and will wither all too soon . the reader of Persian poetry will find the reflection of the eternal interplay of rose and nightingale. and can be enjoyed. at the same time. as Goethe What sings in thousand repetitions says at the end of the Book oj Paradise in the West-Ostlicher Divan: the nightingale? Bis im Anschaun ew'ger Liebe And Ruckert answers these rhetorical questions (which play on the wir verschweben." Festschrift jiir Eduard Spranger (Leipzig: Hinrichs. while the nightingale is the symbol of the soul that expresses its longing for the eternal Beauty in ever new melodies. found first in the Kitab a{- {awasin of the martyr mystic al-Halliij (d. wherever he looks: the rose in the garden brings the fragrance of the heavenly rosegarden and." is Goethe's advice to the reader in this poem. the cloak of Divine Glory . "Stirb und werde. reminds the spectator of the radiant ruby red of the rida al-kibriya. expressed in images of the journey of roses all? through mountains and deserts to end only in par~. 922) and then taken over by the poets ofIran and Turkey. But it is the story of moth and candle. a magic circle around itself while Love does not know of any other circle either. as the lively bird that both gladdens and saddens the listener's heart. The West-Eastern Divan 171 170 Annemarie Schimmel What's written on the hundred petals through suffering and death.45 and this idea of dying and being reborn on ever rising levels of existence permeates large parts of classical Persian poetry. and thus.. Hans Heinrich Schaeder. Understanding this secret. hazar. with its red color. on every petal the same truth is written as on the first one while every nightingale repeats the longing songs uttered by the bird's first song. and when the nightingale's longing is endless.they all express the same longing for the last union that can be reached only through suf- fering.

Fraser. but present is real while the. A Brief History of Time (I'o!ew York. 1972-81). the strength Persian mysticism has injected into the 4 . 2 There are numerous studies on time from philosophical and historical perspectives tionism of some contemporary Muslims acknowledges.. 2 Ii!ne makes_l!S_f~~!ltatthe For more than a millennium. Pers~an opened a vista into the Persian treasures that have enriched the world mysticism manifests an astonishing capability of integratmg a WIde of Islam.cQnsulled for the background of thIS chapter: are used as general terms for what are also caned "Iran" and . ER for The Encyclopedia of Religion. J. Pearson..95!\). Yale University Today. YearbooM. that other linguistic medium that one might also follow which the Persian authors controlled with such consummate In Chapter I Professor Ehsan Yarshater. stone in the brilliant picture that the Persian genius has created in the Time strikes us as mysteriously slipping away and continually Islamic world. from Morocco to Mindanao.. With bold strokes he has religiosity by examining the idea of time that propelled Sufism sketched the contours of Persian civilization over the centuries and throughout the history of Islam. pp. EI (new edition) for The Encyclopaedia of (!Qm the Eranos. (.cultural poin~_ of view. F. we obse~e one thingbeside the other and experience one culture. 1. 1976).1b~fJ. 1966). History. Thg WnfiJi." in The Study of TimeIV.. (Leiden. Eliade Fraser (ed. T. ed. Then again.Sufism in particular. S. ~ ~ gas also Isma'TI! and ImamI gnosis . Time and the Philosophies (Paris. The XXX. R. 1968). 1981). VllI (New York. mysticism . of course. The list that follows enumerates only a very . Iranian(s). J. 1908-26.." The terms ~de. "Persia" and "Persian(s)" are not restricted to their linguistic or geographical . 234-70. I suggest another approach based mainly on Sufi sources written in Arabic. E. I have the pleasure of polishing a small vision of the world.. It may be appropriate to take a fresh look at the beauty of the Giorgio Levi Della Vida'e. reprint Leiden. but are understood in their full ethnic and cultural extension. 1968).. 1913-38. 1977).3 (Princeton. Gibh et al.. A the Persian itfiifa have been omitted before the nisba (names of persons denoting rather exhaustive bibliography is J. 1957). painted a magnificent tableau of Persian mysticism and to select a new road into the depths of Persian the Persian presence in the Islamic world. T. J. H.. The Concept of Time in Late Neopiatonism (Jerusalem. Index Islamicus (London.rn cross. ed. lives in fear of a resurgent Persian-inspired religiosity establishing a strong hold on the future of Islam. Islamic funda- mentalism. Yarshater (New York 1982-). 172 . Elr for Encyclopaedia franica. R. The Philosophy of Time (Leiden. To this day Persian images are anchored in the minds past to the future flowing through the elusive "now" of the moment. ed. T. Even the stridently puritanical reduc. be found in any Standara encyclopedia. It has become customary in the scholarly world to celebrate the spirit of Persian mysticism by citing innumerable examples of beauti- ful Persian verse from the glorious diviins and by tracing fascinating GERHARD BbWERING symbols of Iranian religions in the profundity of Persian prose. Entries on <time' can.ojlfulOry (Bangalore. Pines. The Voices of Time (New York. S.terature of TIme.alLnumb!lr oJs.tudies that bl!Y~betn. S. ed. P. are not. reprint New York.). the Arabic definite article and Encyclopedia of Philosophy.Yi§w. Smart s article TIme. abbreviations of journal titles follow J. We have come to accept a flux of time from the sphere of Islam. of Muslims throughout the world as a goad to poetic inspiration. Gale (ed. Edwards.. J. S. Ideas of time in Persian mysticism hearts of many Muslim men and women. In its conception of time. 1900-1980.has shaped the vision of Islam.. Time and Narrative Hastings (Edinburgh. Bolhngen Senes connotations. more than in many other domains of Islamic and now. we cannot change the past. Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 173 oblique ways. J. ceased toe"Xist 3:nd the future has not yet coID£. G.}988)'"A good inserted into the main body of the text. 1965). T. In accordance with the example of Professor Yarshater "Persia" and "Persian(s)" ~rn. Ricoeur. 1958). T. "A Report on the L. pp. Hawking.l. P. 1984). J. D.!y: The Ml!/h. 1959). Campbell. m The and separated by a colon. distinguished recipient of skill. We Persian ideas are stored in the inner recesses of Muslim hearts as a source of spiritual aspiration. 133-34. 1971). Time and Deity (Mancbester. Cultures and Time (New York. (Paris. M. A.oJ theEternal &t~rn (New York. albeit in as well as fro. C. Marrou. and S.Qa. 1987). J. For convenient reference. Houtsma et he. 1980).Tirne:J'ap. Theologie de I'histoire (Paris. Fraser. 1960-). descent or origin) by which a person is principally quoted. ed. Sambursky Islam.. Fraser (New York.~d. here the realm of mysticism. ed. 1987) and ERE for The Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. 1967). Indeed. M. H. ed. Brandon. In . the Persians I have been at work creating the inner religious event after another. Samartha. As this group of colleagues focuses expert scrutiny on the spectrum of cultures and an uncanny aptitUde for articulating its own vast mosaic of Persian culture. Koran quotations are (Chicago. and ~hough able to affecJ the future. The Study of Time (4 vols. with chapter and verse placed in brackets select bibliography is found at the end of J. EI (reprint 1987) stands for The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Mf1!lP!W. . eluding the grasp of our consciousness.).§L@4. New York. M.~istp.

al-'Arab.l974). 226-51. with an Introduction and Notes (London. translated into Prae-Islarnic.. Islamic culture developed its own theories about time over a sience of everything. Ringgren.ayViim af.. vol. BolJingen Series XXX. 1983). J. others may be attracted by theories of infinity and the continuum. "On the Beginnings and Endings of Time in Medieval Judaism and der Welt (Munich. while others are attracted by ideas of !1~~~g~~jg:30. L. Ritter. pp. Hasnaoui. 6 W. Like our :. Caskel. "Arabs _" 'J. Caskel. ~." in: Man and arabischen Heidenturns (Berlin. 1977). J. 108-14. T. pp. pp. of thJ': A~ ~fQre Mufruwijj!!'iJTijssiQQ as Prophet. - . 39-55. when memorable events placed markers in the recollection conceptions our focus will be on the Persian mystics of the Islamic of the course of events. Chiefly mazdeisme et dans I'ismaelisme. Schrameyer. 144-48. 1885). reprinted in Opera Minora. Reste English by R. I. pp. The glihi!iyya view of time is rejected in the Koran and 3 A good example of a contemporary Muslim's combining of Westem ideas on time branded as an expression of Arab disbelief: "There is nothi~gbuto~ with certain Islamic notions is A. customs of the Medinan community with them. inescapable hour of death. and Muslim mysticism in particular blended seem. 1. bringing the pre-Islamic Arab . M. ~ 174 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 175 neither possess the power to capture the present in the instant nor When the Arabs conquered Iran. Manheim.~Ofdahr. Translation of Ancient Arabian Poetry." in Eranos-Iahrbuch XX (I95l) (Zurich. Some of us may be familiar with the notion of space-time and Einstein's relativity. In it we find Augustine's puzzle about time and its measure as well as the widespread perception of time as a myth of passage. ed. Noldeke.. 1897)." in Fatalistic Beliefs. 1-99. II. 23:25). ThetermEihj/iyva. refers to the life andJQ!:L phy. "The Prophet. dahr never missed the explaining time. 1965). 'The Islamic Preacher: wa'il:. 1. --------------------------------- f. 3 and Time: Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks. Gardet. reprinted in H. Watt. and others again may be aware of the antonomy Kant constructed about time. S the message of the Koran.Ihaug~1 (I abore.~~ have the skill to snare duration by reaching into eternity. "Djiihiliyya. pp. Wellhausen." ERE. Fraser (New York. pp. oftime.e Tem~ dans la ~ is1amigue." in The Study of Time IV. time expressed the tran- culture. 16 (1977). 38:. W.84. 1. Example.IJ. II. Cyclical Time and lsmaili in Ignace Goldziher Memorial. Ringgren (Stockholm. Pedersen. H. "Islamic Fatalism. Aguessy et al. In examining some of these prowess. and the a culture formed by Christianity. 1977). ed. "Moslem Views of Time and in Arabian Fatalism (Uppsala. 1955). spective is offered by D. 197-209. world and their thinking within the wider framework of Islamic ideas it could be transcended by a moment marked out in tribal memory. Corbin. "Cyclical time in Mazdaism and Ismai1ism. An ethnological per. Noldeke. dahr was punctuated by the Days of the Arabs ingly contradictory conceptions of the temporal into an integrated . 94-95. mudhakkir. 3 The world of Islam advanced a great variety of theories death of a relative or friend. 6 Like a sure arrow. . ea. 59-72.~. I (Budapest. L. see T. include ground-breaking observations on "time" in Islam. Beitriige zur islarnischen Atomenlehre (Griifenhainichen. H.'Arab}/ the days of vengeance in combat and tribal_ understanding of human experience. 130-35. ed. 1955). Uber den Fatalismus der vorislamischen XXX.resent~. H.and~~d n~thin"g but time (dahr) destroysn rThere is no scholarly monograph on time·m]slam or on time in Islamic mysticism. 49-79. Lyall. Educated in tradition of the glihiliyya. 1948). pp.4 often preserved in poetry as one of the days that captured the minds of men. 1881). As the assigned lot of destiny time with the world of Islam and the mystics it generated. ed. 1957).~~~:~. Mittwoch." (Princeton. we share the common human experience of cf. big bang. Abmad. (Ancient).3 Poesie (Leipzig. pp. Yet even as heirs of a differ- ent cultural tradition. the beginnings of the world and its eternity in Arabic and Jewish medieval philoso. Moubarac (Beirut. and S. Eickelmann. 1955). pp. and L. 1976)." Islarnica 3 supplement (1930). S. "Dahr. "Time in a Complex Society: A Moroccan 43-44.J. the Persians mru j~~~~~~~:~." in Time and lhe Philosophies. I-58. we have a legacy of our own think." in Eranos-Iahrbuch XX (1951). pp. 1967). C. pp. Pines. Campbell.3 (Princeton. A. pp. black holes. 1952). 659-73. 1957). More recently some have come to think about time as the fourth dimension or envision the apparent tempo- ral asymmetry of the universe. Campbell." Ethnology. E. Manheim. Studies Gnosis (London.. and string theory. While dahr held sway like fate. "Ayyiimal-'Arab. H. pp. pp." in Time and the Philosophies (paris. Behler. BolJingen Series (1885). J. Clwnge. ed. "Le Temps cyclique dans Ie Araber (Bonn. qa~." in Man Araber vom Schicksal." EI (new edition). pp. 1926). Die Ewigkeit Goldman." Zeitschrift fiir Volkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft. Only limited information can be culled 1 E. W. pp. Philosophy. 1963). Y. "Aijiim from L. as a stream that flows or as an ocean over which we advance. or caused the long history. pp. used as the opposite of the word islilm. Some helpful specific articles on aspects of "time" in Islam are: L. M. 197-214. "Time in Islamic Thought. Das Schicksal in der altarabischen Time: Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks. II. the ing about time. good and bad. mark. . H. and (Paris." in Cultures and Time (paris. translated into English by R. Time and Causality: With Special I!JifgElr:!J!LMrgJim." EI (now edition). Das Meer der Seele (Leiden. Corbin.wgnon. History. However. J. 115-72. W. 1936). Gardet. 793-94. T. pp. "Vorstellungender 606-12. "Certain Notions of Time in Aral>-Muslim Nouvelles Etudes sur AwlJad ai-zamiin Abu-l-Barakiit al-Bagluiiidi (Paris. brought good tribal fortune. 1981)." EI (new edition). offers a thorough historical analysis of the controversy on Islam.

cf. 3700). 16:40. Leiden."12 Later. paradise heightened the awareness that nothing escapes the grasp of ers. p. In the Koran. The Koran countered the Days of the tion. Life Between Death and Resurrection According to Islam (Uppsala. W. the heavens and the earth (6:73). Misbiih Jhwh) of the Old Testament (Num. az-Zubayr l. Horovitz. J. Musnad.. Man's life (and hence human action) begins with the after (jeath. 305 (no. proclaiming God's decree Musnad. Muslim. Al. the divine command is revealed in "the twin. manded the fire to be coolness for Abraham (21:69). sent with "Our ipated nor deferred: "No one has his life prolonged and no one has his (God's) signs (bi-iiyiitinii). 1975). "Adjal. WI.. is also quoted by Abu l.ammad's own follow. 259. $. pp.9 "His are the creation (fsalq) and Islamic tradition (~dfD amplified the notion of divine determina- the command (amr)" (7:54). Eklund. 272). Mishklit al- Untersuchungen (Berlin and Leipzig. see also R. agal musammii. 176 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 177 us" (45:21). QacjI (Beirut. 3. dahr. 32:4. "Wasn't there a time span (~fn min ad-dahr) for man of creation when He formed the first human being (3:59) and made when he was as yet nothing to be mentioned?" (76:1).lanbal. Goldziber and W. (39:42). cf.'18). 11:7. Moses. 21:14). Studies in Islamic Poetry (Cambridge. II.unan al-A'~ (Beirut. Mas'ud Bagaw'i. 1407/1987). 155 (Bu\liirl. $. DiirimI.IumaydI. announcement of the divine kun and comes to an end at the "stated The Koranic message opposed this fatalistic view and explained term" (agal. Anas.10 as the irrevocable period time from the perspective of a transcendent monotheism promising oflife assigned by God comes to an end at the moment of divine sanc- paradise and warning of hell. II. Watt. 35. Miilik b. l. 37: 114.. 25:59. Just as the old Arabs had their his death. p. 57:4). because God is in the hands of God. for "God takes the souls unto \0 I. Alliih is the Lord of the instant. 934). 272. 3. This appointed term of man's life is fixed. 996. are bidden to forgive "those who do not look for the God's perpetual presence. A!fo. so God had His days of punishment. Tafsir45:1. cf.. p.unad b. The divine command rules all of human glihiliyya world-view in IJadit. p. pp. (~ukm) with authority and stating the instant that releases the acts A. 155. 54:50. 169. God is active even in a person's sleep. J. 36:82).. 37:178. p. Concordance." EI (new edition). $. "bring forth your life cut short except as [it is written] in a book [of God's decrees]" people from the shadows to the light and remind them of the Days of (35: 12). p. Koranische as-sunna (4 vols. in its sleep. al- life and resembles a judicial decision. God is not only Creator at the beginning tion included in the Koran. 3:47. Muslim. no.lfin appears He decrees a thing. the only perfect dahr can be traced back to an important ~adfl report in which God is moment that there is. In the final "Hour" (siio). 1409/1988). SO.' and it is (kun fa-yakiln)" more frequently and is set explicitly in relation to dahr in the rhetori- (2:117.. ed. 19:35." was commanded. and grants wealth and works destruction (53:44-54). the variant.Ianbal. Concordance el indices de la tradition musulmane -(8 vols. and that which Maimonides aber die Lebensdauer (Basle.unad b.. In My hands is the command (amr). shall be His handful and the heavens will be rolled up in His right and I cause the alternation of night and day. and tended to transform Mul). 238. 204. 1926). 50:38. I am time (anii ad-dahr). Nicholson. man's existence falls under the ~ukm of God. ed. Adab. 4. 318. He but says to it 'Be!. gives life and Himself is time ifa-inna Alliiha huwa ad-dahr). p. 39:42). p.. Musnad. From the kun of his creation to the agalof Days of God (ayyiim Alliih)" (45:14). M. huwa Alliih). p. with God. ~hiliyya there was neither resurrection nor I~ perform. This identification of Alliih and "the Cry in truth" (50:42). 1408/1988). iin: 16:22). 40:69. p.. II. f!r. J. 1. the speaker (~dft. The image-rich promise of man's new creation beyond time in God (dakkirhum bi-ayyiimi'lliih)" (14:5)."11 The Prophet warned hand" (39:67). Abu Bakr 'Abdallah b.. p. This tradition is very old and exemplifies the merger of the Koranic with the soul and the person wakes up. al-Barli'ir wa-a4-!faJsIi'ir. His kun ("Be!"): "When ~'in and iin (~fn: 21:111.Iayyan Taw~IdI. while also end of the world and at the individual's death when mankind will hear identifying time.l.l. 141. Abu Mu~ammad al-l.. p. which occurs days of vengeance. 8 The Koran instantaneously in time spans expressed in the Koran by the terms of also revealed God's creative command (amr). "God said: Man insults Me in blaming time kling of an eye" (lam~ al-barar. iJ. 1921). what a dis- There is no place in the Koran for impersonal time. 26:218. MuwaUa " Kaliim. II. 1953). Mul). has not died.. 1II.iJ. against blaming disappointment on time: "Do not say. Y. Robson. . 12 Wensinck. see 1. God sends back the AIfi4. Unless He has decreed a person's death. 10:3. fashioning them in six days (7:54. Wensinck. • These days of divine punishment were the Arahicized "Wars ofthe Lord" (millJamot pp. R. 275. 16:77) and "the whole earth (dahr). Well. Himself (yatawaffii al-anfus) at the time of their death. 22. 92..Iusayn b. man's destiny appointment of time (Iii taqiUu fsaybata ad-dahr). He keeps those on whom He has decreed II A. Mariibi~ (Lahore. 2. what He has determined happens.155 (Bulliirl. cf. The same imperative in the feminine form /dinT ("Be!") is used when God com. but looses the others till a stated term (agal musammii)" 1936-. G. the Ziihirl brings death. who creates male and female. pp. 40:68. 101. death. Al. He is also Judge at the stress on divine omnipotence into a rigid predeterminism. pp.qudsi). Adab.ammad's of creation and at the origin of a person's life. "time itself is God" lfa-inna ad-dahra .. God gave this command cal question. 1941).labIb ar-Ral. 1096. the believers. it can neither be antic- Arabs with the Days of God (ayyiim Alliih). Beirut. Taw~id.

On account of this strong sense of decree. It was crucial for legal procedure that testimony be misery or happiness (in this life and/or life to come?). pp. an angel writes down witness the law favored methods of measuring time by observation the child's daily sustenance. Schacht and R.13 A end of the month of fasting (2: 183-84. 36:38.16 God's decree given by a free and mentally able Muslim witb a record of moral rec- is invariably fulfilled. 20 (maqlidir) regarding the created world fifty thousand years before He While dependence on the lunar calendar and the times of ritual created the heavens and the earth. pp. Mohammed und der Koran (Stuttgart. 'Abd aJ-Gabbar I-awlini. (mustaqarr. 1.. cf. p.• (new editwn). p. pp. An Introduction to Islamic Law (Oxford. "0 Moses. its hour of death. Noah. " Ringgn:n. Paret. Zwischen Ifadir and Theologre (Berlin. but in its simple form it could be revoked within a specified time. were fixed after Mui:lammad's death by times of the the roots of this strand of ~adil in God's address to Moses.19 The appearance of the cres. 492-93. Ta'rik DarayU. III. "~ar.23 17 Ringgn:n.22 And religion itself. The exact times of prayer tradition going back to Abu Idrls ~wHinI (d. as seen in two Islamic law (fiqh) captured time in the stipUlations of ritual preci. ed. Ibid. "Islamic FataJism. as well as heroes of Arab 10re. With the establishment of an empire by conquest." £1 (reprint 1987). IS played an important role with regard to legal terms. "Mi~t. 18:86). 5/7-18. the morning prayer at daybreak. M. when the sun set. And He determined it [the moon] by stations that you an interval of similar duration in months and days. pp. 1975). ihr Lehrsyslem and ihre GeschichJe (Leipzig. and its over calculation.ammad's etnigration from Mecca to Medina in 622 CE. God. however. W. active submission to God (isllim). Moses. While the embryo is still in the womb. I. VIII. 379-85. pp." EI (new edition). Pingme. 81-92.ammad. derived its validity from its timeless existence but elaborated irreversible as time. Though such occurrence was as unavoidable as fate and as tion. ranging from obligation through indifference to prohibi- span. III. a recurring pattern of events focused on the prophets of old. see 1. " W. system of religious duties with its framework of five basic categories potence to the certain occurrence of each instant in a person's life (alJkOm). V. pp. or childbirth) as may know the number of the years and the reckoning (~islib)" (l0:5). The day began at nightfall. pace ruptured by the struggle for dotninion (gihlid) in the path of 153-54. pp. the term of expiry. Schacht. Wensjnck. M.or ear-witness (Slihid) to the evi- human effort can change it. Documentary evidence pervading time with the idea of God's decree in the Koran. the afternoon prayer Another strand of ~adil literature records that everything that when the shadows matched their objects. Mui). 189). pp. 1964). and the month was reckoned from the from Adam to Mui). the hadil was generally disregarded as testimonial proof.h in Fatalistic Beliefs. • • .3!. 20 A. 65. 57-59. Time alone. 23 W. had its peaceful 13 I. no titude (aOOla) who was an actual eye. the midday prayer decree and determination of all things: time (dahr). 117-18. The Koran expressly confirmed the moon as the mea. day determined by the sun. though prayer may ward it off for a while. going to its resting place The Koranic concept of history revolved around prophetic figures." £1 21 11 1. Divorce in its strict three-fold form was an irrevocable legal sion while adopting its measure from old Arab custom as sanctioned act. hiira. Froe Will and Predeslinalwn in Early ls/cm (London. The basic framework of the Koranic view of typological history has been surveyed by R. 178 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 179 school interpreted time (dahr) as an actual attribute of GOd. . pp. III." £1 (reprint 1987). and the evening prayer happens is written in a heavenly book: "God wrote down the decrees immediately after sunset. "Hidjra. van Ess. 1209-12. Die ?f/hirilen. p.. Hartner. 18 For the implications of these strands of 1Jadi1 and their isniids on Islamic doctrines of predestination. acqnired a dynamic sense of history and began dating events from the repro 1984). 80/699) may conceal (~allit). Ettinghausen. Islam I. the law followed the commanded the Pen (qalam). "Hi/ai.17 Combining pre-Islamic notions of all. moon a light. 1957). to write Koranic summons to give witness (sahlida) to the divine signs (liylit) down the destinies of all things. it happened through God's very own action many rules by a casuistical method over a long period of time.agif) and the Abraham. 366-67." £1 (new edition). Watt. and the ('idda) of abstention from sexual relations (three menstrual periods. Watt. such as cent in the sky determined the date of the pilgrimage (J:.2 1The law (sari a) as a saw time as a series of predetermined events binding divine omm. its works. It was a typological view of history with actual sighting of the new moon (hillil}. "Zaman. pp. On a widow or a divorced woman the law imposed a waiting-period surer of time: "It is He [God] who made the sun a radiance. Goldziher. 75-81. such as the night prayer when the twilight the first thing I created is that in which I resolved within Myself the disappeared. 1948). 1975. and Jesus. Sa'id aI-Af"giini (Damascus. 1884). dence of a crime at the time of its occurrence. 1. D. the first thing He created."14 when the sun began to decline from the zenith. Studies. examples. thus establishing His unalterable that established events in time."ls According to other lJadil God prayer provided rhythm to a Muslim's daily life. 117. in the Koran.

the most <:ommonly employed <:orrespondences were the course of events. does not affect into Arabic. n. 115-38. Scheftelowitz. VIII. A divergent example is the lime roncept of meaning that often blends with the neighboring terms in the actual Abu'l-' Alii' Ai)mad b. with them Persian culture since before the Arab conquest.he world to its end. the day that has not yet come and the day to the exclusion of others..-~ruruu. Studies in Islamic Poetry (Cambridge. used in Arabic transla." JA 214 30 H..reim!ty_fQL.mdmth. an. formed the heart of Muslim historical writing and replaced the Ringgren has shown the large extent to which the Persian epics. Ringgren. 268-99. Zaehner. a period of~i~tle or much.. "!!llted time. H.existence.[ered the sa~ time. a moment in time. the essential Mazdean those of creation." JA 247 32 For details on' these terms. Carra de Vaux. 672. A. 193-244. 231-45. falak. the .)Nicholson.. (1929)." R.iliOnISlamic tenn for time.g._T." RHR 201 (1984). are per- Islam not only began to develop a sense of genuine history and to meated by the idea of all-pervading time and irreversible fate. 201-203. whether night or " The standard reference to Muslim calendars is B. 28 H.~the course of events determinedfu- adopted a philosophy oftime by integrating the legacy of the Greeks -the-revoivmg sky (asman. sipihr. G. and legends and popular traditions of an earlier" AhrimaE. mudda. 1952). a whill!. M. Gnoli. 1944).J. A. 32 When it came to translating Greek philosophical texts "Time. 1207-/209.[!:. . pp.(LQ. It ranges from the tyranny of time in the Thousand and .o~~ of time t. 1968). 1905). remained _ \Vltic. lJin. 29 In a detailed analysis. and Alexander. . pp. for a thorough duration. "Questions de cosmogoni.JJL.a.<. was giyen. Abad was duration Mahlersche Vergleichungs-Tahellen (Wiesbaden. zaman. Time brings nothing to pass. 1. Studies. C2V<:::_<l!:bin. zaman. DeBoer.. in Mazdaism. _~t theJigJrr of day. who chaUenged the great chess player Heaven with the atti.d1rl~h>itQ@l!. At its The Arab lexicograp®Ls. (Leiden. time from the beginning of .ions iraniennes (paris. day. a time. (Copenhagen.26 it also epics. pp. incessant <:ontinuan~. -present time. pp." EI (reprint 1987). W. so to speak. W. dahr). however. corresponded in its primary sense as dis- 26 The scope of "time" in Arabic and Persian poetry and belles-Iellres.h!l. a long time h:av\~g ~g. these distinctions do not reflect a quasi-technical usage of each term tude. 180 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 181 thus placing the record of history (ta'rfls)24 under God's <:ontinually . and sii'a. being independent of the revolutions of the celestial spheres. the only non-biblical tradition)n substantial ~aZd and:siiik~Q. carls. time without beginning. E. Although other calendars.!!LQ:ti~ sustained direction. H. Zoroastrian Dilemma (Oxford.Jt!.in~ng and ~ 'a:fr. 95-99.!le_entrance to dii~ al~l£uffij. "Ta'rikh. as Corbin has argued. R.. the deluge. pe~ul!1 be analyzed here. H. "Kidam. _t. see B. not it was ta'rfls.thout beginning. Penseurs musuimans et relig- . R. Christensen. time plays a central role_ll.. were known to Islam. p. pp. Monnot. and the Turkish calendars. that as that of an eternally returning time.. 1927) to the carpe diem of the Quatrains of 'Umar (50:34).llaraQj~e.fut\t~!ime (zurwan f derang .JA 219(1931). to wllli:h qidam. 449/1058) as explained by Nicholson: literary use. E.~aniirag) ~nd bound~d. et de cosmologie mazdeennes. Die Zeit als Schicksalsgollheit in der indischen und iranischen Religion (Kala und che Zeitgott und sein Mythos.30 Both the Persian lore Qf the epics and the name oLaAeity who is father oXJww§. "Le probleme zurvanite. "Zaman.£enturie~~!ed ideas of time f()~Ill~ of the sacrifice Zurwan performed in order to have a son. For general remarks on without end and{iz~ationWi." ZDMG. "luminous and perfume~ religion of Mazdaism.2s V!eWOltime as the time of a Gnostic return to an eternal origin. An Arabic-English Lexicon (1959). 'Abdallah Ma 'am (d. 28 Tllis myth. Zurvan: A 31 R. C. and the lot .. 3-197. the and the Persians. at any rate) is determined by the everchanging position of the planets relatively to one another. WaSiffipilciti~ the KoranTc)iawm al-lsuUid. Wiistenfelti. 95 (1941). yawm. gunbad. a spare of duratIOn. "I never worried about two days.. J. would assume absolute ru!e. 431-69. from zamiin.ween ~ternaL!jwe witho. 2nd ed.Lons from Pahlavi.II5-72." EI (reprint 1987). 13"T. 59. In general. 1921). . It is obvious that l>ayyiim (d.h Zurwan was assailed\Vhile p~ifQffiiiilgiii. ." in Man and Time pp. the son for whom Zuiwall.. It implied. see. 1863-93). e. "Cyclical Time. pp.Aa!!'am. Muslim views of world eras. ~power of human ctestiny (ruzgar. Lane. L'Iran sous les Sassanides. gardun). the neutral. !llI:ydistinguished dahr. The general term for time. is za~he term corresponds to Zurwan. Fatalism in Persian Epics (Uppsala. analysis of Muslim views of history see F." EI (reprint I987). see also p. Mole. is wide. Lane. Nyberg. 156. Suppl. In the embody a great variety of images of time in its literatures. Gibb. Recherches sur les Rubii'iyat de 'Omar ijayyiim (Heidelberg.. Rosenthal. unconscious atmosphere of all action and suffering. embracing annalistic and biographical history.:the unknown to the Koran. "L'Evolution du dualisme iranien et Ie probleme (London. such as khwaday).EYL\1iZin ~!!. pp. A. Christensen.. as did qidam.captured_ the J. VIII. "Ta'rikh. G. which (indirectly. The Arabian Nights' Entertainments (New York. pp. waqt.fwas bom of the doubts with -nie mostcolii. the of man's fortune (balst). but rather an approximately predominant that has gone by" {see A. which cannot tin<:t from sarmad.ate heaven__. . who WQuid by Islam in later centuries. zurvanite. a time of ~ht or day. Schaeder. 193-31O.~oyt. it is. such as the Coptic.Tune or season.3! its counterpart for eternity.I-I34.pp. 112. t. Mayr. V. Zurvan) {Stuttgart. Spuler and 1. 52611132). S. 1955). 2nd revised ed. had a great variety of terms for end Ohrmazd. p. Arnaldez. w:~r~as lsulUd. the seCon. 1929). and other world eras. zam[mah.~~first ~_a_s~ '~!!!<Ll:lwjtUsll!!D in its eaI!Y. dayo~ One Nights (see Ringgren. a span oftime. awan.<\isting1)ishes ~J. 1961)." E1 (new edition). 1974). p. r:::. especially pp. see also I. A History of Muslim Historiography.

II. p. pp. . creation -- -"-witl!~ut be~n. X.I!-g." in a series of integers needs a first term but no final one.. Theologisch-philosophische System des Mu 'ammar Ibn 'Abbiid os-Sulamf (Beirut. pp." EI (new edition).(gQ!niLQilcJJQ. "Ash'arfyah. Since God is absolutely incorporeal. paralleling an atomistic concept . "Abad. ifphtharton (incorruptible) versus ageneton (ungenerated).nJI~-:1. Nyberg.) . The difference of views ~tween Mu'ammar b.Ue ~ahlavi a-~~~without heild~. III. aiiin by dahr. verse would be annihilated. pp.complete (al-ma4i) and incomplete (al-mUfjiirij . R.29. cognizant of the parallel philosophical usage of Greek. M. 493-94. translated by zamiin... it appears continuous only because of God's compassionate consistency. Arnaldez. 2. there _ motion as a quality of mingo That also meant that time did not come are no intermediate causes. Pines. --- time came into existence with the creation of the universe." EI (reprint 1987). A controversial attitude to phys- ical time and space is also included in the conceptions of motion (~araka) and rest (sukiln) advanced by Muslim philosophers and theologians (see R. H. The theologians of Islam. VIII. 221)." EI (reprint 1987). Beitrage zur ever be traversed.e. On the basis of this definition.!~rnityand~~poused bytlJeRasii'il of the lfi!yJi. ~tle had attempted to composed of a finite number of time-atoms or instants which are real ~e the eternity of the universe from the nature of time. are not mental states but ~inian concep1. on the other hand. They offered a convoluted argument for the temporal creation 3S S.'Alliif (Istanbul. and sarmad). and N~ --- -- (d. 1207-1209. There is no such impossibility in the future since no infinite will 1975). pp.~~". and a man may Man and Time.this is impos. sible. about 252/866) saw time as While Muslim notions of time oscillated between Aristotelian an accident of motion and defined it as the number. measure. 101>-14. motion in reality is rest). Atomism describes about 3501961-3751986).. pp. 169-72). it was the atomism of Democritus tity ('adad.marking. the Mu'tazila and As'ariyya made atomism an instrument of divine -- ateleuton. while the theologians anchored creation in God's persistent power). C. 1936). kairos by waqt. but also proved most closely akin to Arabic grammar. He existed alone in timeless eternity prior to creation and has no relation to motion and consequently none to time. 1. time has no extra-mental reality since it is reality as consisting of indivisible and irreducible atoms with con- ~vIewed as the str~oLc~!l£ciQusnes_~QbJhinking mlildand defined comitant accidents. end. awqiit). 49-5 I (Ibn S"mii [d. The atoms and their accidents exist only for an __as aduration (mudda. Massignon. Frank. Frank. van Ess. In every instant. l6 Turning Greek "materialistic" __nity' is the ci. Greek atomism upside down (the Greeks defined nature through the monad. that what has a beginning must have an end. "without foot. van den Bergh.yeise:b~­ creating the universe from nothing." EI (new edition). These atomic instants (aniil. miqdiir. ete~rt. at the present be explained by the idea of the "jump." ER. This world (dunyii) will be destroyed.35 (beginning with Ya'qiib b.\lSiieSs}4-=. J7 atomismo nel pensiero islamico (Naples.. Baffioni. Isi)aq KindI. 33 Muslim theologians detected no rational proof for the incorruptibil- Through the exposure to Greek thought. 182 Gerhard B6wering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 183 chronos. dahr. but ical notions of time. motion and Plotinian duration. "Haraka wa-Suklin. If the world were without a beginning. Atomism not only was most congenial to a vision of God acting instantaneously in the world as the sole true -- other. "Djawhar. I. I. the philosophers ofIslam ity of the world or its opposite and deemed it possible that the uni- became familiar with two powerful and mutually opposed philosoph. They argued that cause. pp. pp. Those who followed the Aristotelian view not heaven and'. Dos moment an infinite past would have been traversed . In the entities. M. Atomismo e anti- 3J S. acknowledged only one assumption: an eternal God and a temporal world. olIlIlipotence and providence and held that each moment within time is the direct creation of the eternally active God. R. 1936).'~tiQnOfG. --. ma<Jii.PJato's image of time as embleliiOr a constellation or galaxy of instants. kamiyya) of motion according to "before" and that appealed most strongly to the creators of normative Islamic the- "after" (in the first place as a number of movement of the celestial ology. They followed the Aristotelian maxim that azal and abad imply each is discontinuous. verbal tenses are not understood as states but as verbal aspects . "Mu'tazila. VI. 1982). 294-306. 787-93. and have eternal remorse although his remorse must have a beginning. thus time is eternal in both directions. S." i. Daiber. between 220/835 and 230/845. 37 Of itself. Pines. or quan. 1966). S. van den Bergh. In Arabic..=------- The Muslim philosophers adopted the term abad for eternity a parte post (Middle Persian a-pad. pp. and God can be thought of as continually Into existence with the creatlon-oIilie:iiiii. 'Abbiid (d." {afra) is highlighted by H. The Metaphysics of Created Being accord- ing to Abii'I-Hudhayl al. motion is identical with being or existence and can of the world.. Parallel forms of argumentation would assert that islamischen Atomenlehre (Berlin." ER. "zaman. Beitrage zur islamischen Atomenlehre (Berlin. 449-55. "WithOut end") in opposition to azal. "Time in Islamic Thought.ning"). irrztidiitf. " DeBoer. 36 S. "Mu'tazilah." EI [new edition}. God is thus creating the world anew. 42811 037] refines the terminology by the distinction of zaman.._lJ:e~nnj. d. written of space consisting only of mathematical points. diastasis by mudda. Greek ~. and what has no beginning cannot have an end. .d's i!l1initecon~i.. pp.. Atomism offered a concept of time which conceived of it as spheres).at e~sts m<!e~ndently of instant. 2151830.til..

63811240). n. 153--54. 43 Ibn 'ArabI (d. ihr Lehrsystem und ihre time as "the measure of being" (az-zamiin miqdiir al-wugud). motion and rest." EI (new edition). DeBoer. FutiiJ!ii0 III. Berge. Abu I:Iayyan Tawl. 201. theology. Carbin. erty of that name. and Gulam Qadir 1979). p. P. 619-23 (zaman). 315. and held that the apperception of time is anterior in the soul Early Islam {Landan. 1884). . pp. 1970J. pp. III "ad-dahr huwa ai-an ad-da'im alladi huwa imtidad al·i). "Abu'I-Bara1dit. H. the Persian myth of time and the Gnostic return pentad was mirrored by five things in the system of physics: matter. 154. En 393-94 (~in). philosophy. tackled the paradox of the temporal and the eternal that had been left the physician (d. W. Gaichan.44. However. 108-14. not of Geschichte (Leipzig.186. huwa bii\in az·zaman wa·bihi yattal. World-Soul. E. reprint Beirut. Muqiibasiit. 1971-72).idi(Damascus. Sandiibi (Cairo. duration." EI (reprint 1987). 1989i. 44 Ibn while nontemporal statements are normally made without any 'ArabI described God as time (dahr).qrat al-Uahiya wa- " Abii l. 38 wa~id) without nighttime or daytime. "duration (dahr) is the permanent moment (an) a line at rest. Free Will and Predestination in motion. A. . the Persian mystics felt in their element. The Mystical Philosophy of Muhyid Din IbnulArabi (Lahore.411. The Sufi Path of Knowledge 39 I. They the pentad speculations of Abu Bakr Mul. and poetry. pp. 198.d. 1964). Pour un hwnanisme vecu: Abu /fayyiinal-Tawi. 556-57. tinguished past (matfi). p. 414/1023) answered the ques. framewark arthis chapter. 395. 111-12. 'Abd al-l. imtidiid). Allifi. God-Creator. 172-73. 1134--36." by the properties of the divine names and attributes."47 left traces in the hermetic tradition of Islam. Kitiib aHa 'riflit ( A Book of Definitions) (Beirut. Biiliiq. pp. pp.. p. ed. KaSsiif 1207-1209. M. to any other perception. 111-13. 479-80 (dahr)..1idi. M. Mui)ammad Tawl. "Zaman. "Zaman. and future (mustaqbal). C.202. Muslim notians af time are enumerated in Mul. infinite. while time as a measure of motion flowed always on. ed.. especially among the In this rich cultural mix of contradictory conceptions of time and Isma'ilIs. "AI-itizi. a group who divinized duration. Zakariyya RiizI. pp. 132911911.1idu al-azal wa'l-abad. 'All b. pp. Pines. space is in the world. motion. repro Istanbul 140411984). Some basic sn notians are discussed by H. in which eternity a parte ante and a parte eternal. III. 313/925). Kraus and S. It placed time one phrase.tammad GurganI (d. Chittick." Perhaps the most prominent Islamic thinker on time was the E1 (reprint 1987). pp. dwation (mudda. which interpreted time (dahr) as an attribute of God. it post (azal and abad) are united. Absorbing these themes. 1207-1209. Galdziher. 40 DeBoer. p.278. who defined [c. pp. who had been a These verbal aspects are qualified by the subjective consciousness ZahirI for some time. . I. but time 43 s. Islam iranien(4 vals. 31.Iaqq. "Time in Islamic Thought. Mui)ammad Gurgani. present (~a4ir). Ibn' Arabi.. Sufi knowledge inherited a kaleidoscope of time that tinction between time (zaman) as finite and limited (mahsur) and merged themes culled from literature. VIII. pp.pp. (New York. the In stark contrast to atomism stood the conception of the "Days of God.40 In this way RiizI maintained a dis. pp. I. 44 Ibn 'Arabi. Jewish convert Abu'I-Barakat Bagdadi (d." EI (new edition). III. Futilhiit. pp.chool. 1449-50 (waqt). p. Sufi Path. and Absolute Time. pp. S. azali). Beitriige." EI (reprint 1987). "46 Telescoping the technical vocabulary into while the present moment is the only real one in time. 95--97. islilahiil al-funun. Paris. for space its pivot in ecstasy and its course of spiritual time suspended between is of the senses. 34--93 . I 948l. DeBoer.1ammad 'Ali TahanawI. "42 1955). . 1211-15 (qidam). 395. space or time?" with "Time is better. Pines. Mul. 1207-1209. Muhammad Wa8Jll. to eternal origin.tammad b. which is the expansion (imtidad) of the divine presence and the inner- Because Muslim belief deems only God as absolute. surrounds it. the degree to which the action has been realized. Absolute Space. 1862. law. and most part oftime (zaman). 1327 (mudda. Chittick. Nouvelles etudes sur Awl}ad ai-zaman Abu-l-Barakilt al-Baghdildi (Paris.tIdI (d. This metaphysical and Koranic hukm. pp. cf. but time is spiritual. 84-1l5 (azal. dahr) as infinite and absolute (mu!laq):41 Since -scripture. "Zaman. Time figured as one of the highest principles of the world in notions of history." A great variety of 1929). 45 Dahriyya. SHi/14l3) offered the over space since space could be visualized by the point at the end of simplified definition. yet divided into many days. It and all are the differentiations oftime (dahr) in the universe by virtue seemed to overcome the paradox that the present is strictly not time." E1 (reprint 1987). 1969). In the Sufi looking-glass time became a pattern with tion "Which is better. 39 This conception "Each name has days which are the time (zaman) of the ruling prop- appeared to be compatible with notions of physical time that dis. cf. 61-{)2 (abad). Galdziher and A. W. Pines. tical experience. 560/1165). M. It is nat possible to develop the rich legacy af sn ideas an "time" in the (Calcutta. C.Iayyan 'Ali b. VIII. "Dahriyya. But all names are the Days of God (ayyam Allah). the dahri view of time was condemned as heresy. cf. Die ?iihiriten. Watt. 38 Massignan. 41 All b. 4S Ibn' Arabi. II. space. and time-atoms and divinized form. defined as a single day (yawm copula." in Man and Time. was influenced by the thought of the ZahirI of the moment expressed by the modality of circumstance (~al). VIII. c. of the ruling property. Original at the doorsteps of their meditation chambers by the old-Arab dahr Matter. and time. VI. far references see IV. 184 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism ISS outside of time. al-FutiiJ!iit al-makkiyya (4 valo. they discovered solu- space was seen as an accident of the body and time as proceeding tions to the paradox of time by refracting it through the prism of mys- from tbe soul. Pines. pp. W.

Tolhis IMs. P. . 60 (1983). The eternal (Wiesbaden. drawn out of his distant past on the Day of I. VII. Torfkirat al-awliyii'. Time and eternity have coalesced in the human rabbukum al-a 'Iii ("I am your Lord Most High. 45-49. p. Nicholson (4 vols. Kitlib an-nilr. either uttering them perceptibly on the tongue 1971). "'51 Bayazi'd claims to be without beginning or end... p. envisioned time as an arch anchored in eternity at its origin and end. pp. the immanent secret of man's existence. God manifests Himself in two fundamental events of Sufi experience. . his primal moment with God. Badawi (Cairo. and without of the human soul (sirr an-nafs) while the mystic recollects the morning or eveningY With his claim.II 186 Gerhard Bowering preexistence and postexistence. . Though inaccessible in was the first to employ ecstatic utterances consistently as expressions absolute mystery. pp. 88. boomerang traveling to the target and returning to the point of its and second. living ! It may be helpful for the analysis that follows to separate the clas- sical from the medieval period of Persian mysticism with the death of in another corner of Persia. Bowering. The Mystical VISion of Existence in Classical Islam (Berlin. Listening to psyche and the temporal has merged with the eternal in ecstatic God. 231-43. ed. II. In this covenant. Gardet. ''Abii Yazid al-Bis!iimI. 'Ali Sahlaji. p. 205-30. pp. so worship me!"53 the monotheist Bayazid has reached a conscious. R. ed." in Westostliche Abhandlungen.55 which Tustarl was the first phemy intended to scandalize others.. "Der Urvertrag in der Koranauslegung (zu Sure 7. by a case study of select mystics. 332. "Dhikr. by an examination of crucial terms employed by the release. I." in Islam and its Cultural Divergence. pp. Sufi ideas of time in the classi.). the Day Mii a '. H. words of the Eternal. L. G. "Die Ausspruche des Bayezid Bis!iimI. alastu bi-rabbikum ("Am I not your Lord?. ana mystical experience. beginning of his being. Meier. " Ibn al-Gawzi." 79:24). pp." Sahl b. Gramlich. Bayazi'd compares himself to God. drawing the ness merging with the eternal. Ideas of time in Persian mysticism whose two conical chambers. Kitlib an-nilr min kalimiit AM rayfor. God reveals and ascending it in recognition of his own true being: "I am I and thus Himself as the Lord of the primordial covenant in the inmost recesses am 'I. 1949). 122. Islam. Mystical Vision. qiyiima). 'Abdallah Tustarl (d. p." Elr IV. 70. lS 1981).. 56 Bowering. ed. 63.U Mul)ammed b. two antipodal events into his temporal existence and realizing the claims the praise of angels in God's stead. For a general description of "orthodox" and "heterodox" (Sri) views on Ille begin- preexistence. 223--27. 183--86. Bowering. one might say that mystics for their conceptions of time. Sablagi. 51 R. 201-207. p. Ritter. Tolbis Iblis (cairo. 185-201. 128. "I am I. yet reaching its apex in the mystic's MuJ:tammad Ghazzali (d. turns the direction of direct and certain presence of the Eternal within his inmost being. 162-<i3. 96-112.54 Passing from the picture to the paradigm." EI (new edilion} . ar-Ra\lman b. H. pp. and declares that the Ka'ba walks Through existential Koran interpretation Tustarl understands the act around him. Kitlib an-nilr. the mystic ironically per- consciousness.229-33. p. 505/1111). connect at the narrow 187 the mystics set out to conquer it." El(reprint 1987). ed.. London and Leiden. Bowering. 234/848 or God is envisioned by Tustarl as both the transcendent mystery and 2611875). Tikku (Urbana. Ritter. 'AlI Ibn al-Gawzi. 332. Mystical Vision."58 As the mystic speaks these very Hereafter in Islam. Through anamne- for the human self nor for God but only for the ultimate and absolute sis the mystic rediscovers this moment of his beginnings before crea- "I. 1980). p. existential past and anticipates his post-existential future. qikr. finding God's throne empty of dikr from the "Day of alast"57 as an act of anamnesis. A.. in 54 G. pp. Abu'l-Faraq 'Abd Bowering. Bayazi'd Bastami' (d. Massignon.. G. Meier to his origin before time. in .ama sa 'n! ("Glory be to Me! How great is My majesty!") and of Covenant (yawm al-miliiq) and the Day of Resurrection (yawm al- anii huwa ("1 am He"). VB. memory and mind. time and eternity. affirmed His lordship for human consciousness: there is ning of creation and the world to come. "The Ultimate Origin and the only One who can truly say "1." Elr.. 108.d. Farld ad-dln 'A!!iir. 13l-53. "Sahl al-Tustan. pp.. the preexisting souls of all humanity had acceded to ness so thoroughly infused with the eternal that there is room neither the lordship of God before the beginning of time. 4S neck of the ecstatic "I. SotaJJal aNilfiyya.. "l}ekr. Biiyazw. a descendant of a Zoroastrian family converted to Islam. or recollecting them imperceptibly in the heart. there is no God but I. 161." called God as the object of faith but "I" as the subject of tion in Pharaoh's blasphemous proclamation of his own lordship. Bayazi'd's utterances are in fact to put on a firm theoretical basis. G." EI(newedition)." 7:172). In the act ofrecoJiection. prayer from God to himself. "Sablagi. Berger (New York. n." in The Other Side of God. '" Abu'l Fac. pp. see F. pp. L. the true speaker of the Koranic word. •• G." Der " Sahlagi.172-173). . Kitab an-nilr. L.56 the mystic reactualizes his pre- vividly phrased expressions of the experience of temporal conscious. The philosophers had explained time.49 Unlike the babbling of one possessed or blas. 1905-1?Q7). pp.1954). 'A. F. "Besttimi (Baslami). "The Islamic Case. Tustari's sense of time can be visualized as a cal period will be illustrated. The most frequently cited examples are Sub~iinf! antecedent and subsequent to the temporal existence of man. ceives the actual essence of belief flowing from Pharaoh's tongue of Bayazi'd's sense of ecstatic time may be likened to an hourglass unbelief and remembers in his experience the moment when God.. his memory returns --. 283/896). . ed. Koranic phrase.~. " Bowering.50 He becomes God's rival. first.

pp. R. 179. Tabaqiit a~-~ujiyya."65 and the state of primordial existence at the "Day of alaSI" prior to crea- the two paradoxes. p."63 "It has been my life-long desire to be alone taw~fd. 405. 1.. and so I was made bare (mugarrad). p. 63 Sarriig. Schlaglichter aber das Suji/urn Gramlich." One without partners. "Baqii'wa Fanii'. Throughout his life the Sufi has the task of dying to past and future that exist compressed into it. . instant").. Gramlich. 'A!!Ar. 207-16. 188 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Pet"Sian mysticism 189 Covenant.aptured. 365. 61 Abil Na~r 'Abdallah b. the paradox of time holds the past enced in temporality. "One is a Sufi who is not. ed. when he was before he was" moment. al-Hafun Mahmild and Malunild b. al-Qu.' but I see only 'beyond' (amurru ila rna la waFii'afa-lii ara ilia . the mystic has to abandon any trace of temporal conscious- with God. II. 1. You made a nonexistence that needs no existen-ce. that is the his nonexisten-ce). Luma'. the eternal and true reality. 'Allar.. p. 1977). Dds Sendschreibe'. "My moment is without two ends.sayris aber das Sufitum (Wiesbaden. ism "a thousand past years in a thousand {. d. 'Abd . !iii/is (repr. 99. Let the phantoms (asbii~) not deceive yoU!"67 Beyond the (\lu'n-Niin Mi~rI. p. tr. p." the first letter of the Koran. the that there is any room left in me for someone else than You. 722. p. 73 Sarag. 298. a night that needs neitber moon nor star.71 The fundamental experience of passing away holds."64 Sibli over. Ta!/kirat. p."62 In tion on taw~fd. 502. p. Luma'. but I have has no claim to reality and his self no right to selfhood. Hawiizin QUSayrl. d. 334/945) used the paradox of the mystical moment. 402. Gramlich. everything past or future is phantom. at the moment of his standing 1. 72. 1989). 722-24 . J . Schlaglichter. 62 Sarrag. p. ed. 346. p." Elr. is {. am the point under the bii'. Schlaglichter. in the light of certitude (yaqfn) wara. Schlaglichter. Abii for Himself in His divine jealousy. 1934). 360. Gramlich. 76 Kalabagi. M.. Orientalio. 218. Ta 'arru/. p. Gramlich. Schlaglichter. pp. a!-Sarlf (Cairo. 404-405. The Doctrine oj the Gramlich. ness so that his self is blotted out in actual nonexisten-ce and the came the dichotomy of God's claim on every moment and the mystic's Eternal alone in truth subsists. Sarrag. pp. 547. Bowering. G. In the words of Abu'l-l:Iasan self-awareness in time through the paradoxes of the everlasting ~raqiinI (d. Luma'. p. behold. p. Schlaglichter. 6S Sarrag.). p. t~awwuf. 'Baqii'wa Fanii'. 355. 546. Gramlich. 'AU Sarrag. III. Sarriig. p. II. 1914). you were while God is before you as He always is. 298/910).. Schlaglichter. and the sounds of God's voice on the Day of finger. 245/860)76 or "returning to the beginning" moment. A. pp. Tawl)idipilr (Tehran. his own "I" could not coexist with the divine "I. and my ocean tion when.60 "that you are before God as you were before that cannot -cease. III. Risiila.sayriyyo. 70 Sarriig. Luma'. Ta!/kirat."69 Other accounts have Sibil exclaim.. p. n ~waja 'Abdullah Hirawi An~iirl. I go right and left to the 'without-beyond. then burn "now" (waqt. then. p. Bowering. . I would be 'I' (fa-innanf ana).. QuSayrl. p. pp."75 This nonexisten-ce equals me pass away from You. "0 God. everything is in a hair of my little God's face.waqfa) in the presence of is without shore {waqtf laysa lahu [arafon wa-ba~rf biola sa{i'j. "time. ar-Risiila al-Qu. Schlaglichter. Atberry (Cairo. 105. AbU Baler Mul)ammad b. 1336). 515. me in Your fire!"73 For SiblI. without SiblI's being there at this being alone. 168. being "as he was. 179. 544.oming years. p. G.. 138511966). 'Abd al-J:layy J:labibi . 395. Gramlich. The Sufi is a day moment and the ocean without shore. tr. if you notice Bakr Sibil (d. 42511033). Al)rnad Giimi.. see review by G. tr. p. (London and Leiden. 59 Ibid. from temporal existence and subsisting in eternal existence was beyond. the diacritical mark under the Arabic While Bayazld touched eternity in the "I" of his ecstasy and "b."66 God. p. man received his own intellect by virtue of his first act of Expressing his conviction that the present is real only through the ronsciousness. 405. (Stuttgart.e.''61 and approved the A SUbjective view oftime was also reflected in the mystical specula- equation of "I am You and You are I (ami anta wa-anta ana). ed. 92. here and now. p. the oneness of God. 'Agar. Schloglichter. 228. Schlaglichter.. . 569-72. p. Sibil adopted Gunayd's (d. beside whom the mystic's temporal existence for "if I were with Him. the vision of 'beyond. 365. Gramlich. capturing eternity as if in a fleeting instant ciple of trust in God. p. p. NaJa~iit ol-uns min ~adariit al-quds. 58 (1989). 165. Luma'. 71 Since God demands each moment TustarI drew eternity from infinity into the moment of memory. Gramlich. R. Gramlich. AI-Iurna' Ii at-t~awwu/. Luma'. 15 Nilr ad-din 'Abd ar-Ral)rnan b. Luma'. II. and moment lasts forever in You. p. Nicholson 72 Sarag. Luma'. 59 For TustarI time is memory of the eternal past and "My moment is glorious" and "Nothing but I is in the moment!"70 "I certitude of the eternal future drawn into the present moment. 345. it is everlasting (musarmad)." i. 67 Sarriig. p.' Then I return and. pp. p. 298/910) basic prin. what the moment (Gunayd.493. A. he produced the aphor. 72 Sibil prays. "My that has no need of sun. 52. Luma'.e. p. He coined the verse." Elr. 1990). Atberry. his temporal existence and returning to his only true existence (i.68 "1 am on my way to the 'without. to express lasting timelessness experi. p. R. Sendschreiben. it alone is like cash in hand. Bowering.' but I see only with which he beholds his future and ultimate destiny. 71 Abu'l-Qasim 'Abd aI-Karim b. and future in the moment. Gramlich. ed.14 Realizing passed away in Him. ed. Cambridge. (Kabul 1340/1%1). 546. Kitab at-ta'arruJ Ii-ma!!hab ahl at. Isl)i!q KalabaQi. "I am the moment!" Resurrection. A. 502. TQ{jkirat. the mystical experience. 498.

ed. "son of his used a variety of terms for their spiritual conceptions of time. 189. 215/831) was being captured. "Abu SaId b.fJ. p. Pedersen (Leiden. 259. 1968). Qus. 54-55. • Waqt is a liberating moment that makes the mystic independent of the . p. " QuSayt'i."86 " Gulliibi. Bowering. p. Ka. 482. he experiences future. p. Ka§J. p. A." in Man and Time. Nicholson. 306. Tabaqiit. Nicholson. 79 'Allar. Arasteh. 84-85. V. like a snake shedding its skin. (London. p. As the mystic loses the identity with his own self. al-J:lusayn SulamI. p. (repr. Nicholson. pp. Gramlich. brings a human heart. ~ara (Tehran. irresistible force . (mibrad) that abrades but does not erase yoU. 189. 90 Sarriig. 84-1l5. Sendschreiben.its DInawari (d. statement that waqt is the precious moment "between the past and the ated." in Moral Conduct and " Bowering. see A.94 In An~arI's (d. G. 200/815-16)." Eir I. p. Risiila. p. 1960).1'1 190 Gerhard B6wering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 191 87 memory of the past and no thought of what has not yet come."83 'All b. ed. Risiila. promi.95 The preservation of one's state (ri'iiyat-i ~iil). The Kashf al-mahjub. It can survive like a germ of immortality buried at the Whatever blessing or hardship attained you before that moment. "The Adiib Literature. "state. p. gave the mystic a hold on past and future: "in reality one of the earliest Sufis to define waqt in mystical terms as "the extended time is the moment" (az roy-i ~aqlqat zamiin waqt ast). Sendschreiben. p. Ta'arruJ." in Moral Conduct and Authority. 352. Metcalf (Berk~ley. 107. 112. 369. p. you do not know whether or not what occurs in that moment or after it will be within your reach. 188. 133211953).1 GulliibI. QuSayt'i. 138911969). Nicholson. "The Adiib Literature of Classical Sufism: Ansari's Code of Conduct. Gramlich. past and the future and so collected (mugtami') that he has no Nicholson. D. The Kashf al·mahjUb. R. The Kashf al·mahjub."91 For Abu 'All Daqqaq (d. In Gunayd's image the moment is the NurI's (d. 80 Mu\lammad b. KaliibiiQi. 342. moment. p. p. 722-24. pp. 479. Abu'I-Ijusayn whatever was before and after. Luma'. of anguish and a divine touch of hope that transfigures human ences preceding it. moment" (ibn waqtihl). p. compelling force _96 because the divine action over- (al-a~wiil ka'l-buruq). U Abu 'Abd ar-Ra\lmiin Mu\lammad b. 108. ed. Bowering. 190. Tadkirat. Sendschreiben. p. ~ubayq AntakI (d. B. QUSayii. 142.. Risiila. p. 405/1015) waqt was "a file identity with God. 309/922) words._482. II." the one before and after. Ka. of a sword.78 He saw the transition from temporal to eternal existence a particularly striking image the Sufis likened waqt to the sharp edge not as a total annihilation. 61. "When you see me you see Him. Gramlich."82 Abu Sulayman DaranI (d. With couched in the language of fanii' and baqii' by Abu Sa'Id ~rriiz (d. p. independently of his own volition. 84 The mystics understood waqt as the present powers the mystic."98 In Massignon's interpretation it is both a moment its own experience of blessings and'i. Tabaqiit as-fufiyya. (Berlin. p. . The Kashf al-mahjub: The GiimT. "The Adiib Literature. Die Lehre yom tawakkul in der klassischen Sufik Oldest Persian Treatise on SUfiism (repr. 112. Schlaglichter. that cannot talsa/luq bi-alsliiq Alliih)J9 In this passing away one's own self is be overtaken again once it is gone. the Persian mystics of the classical period Waqt also provided the shortest definition of a Sufi. Tehran 139911 979). Reinert.. the Sufi was a person you see me. Ka. M Qusayri. pp. "here and now. '1 R. 368. 480. p. Gramlich. pp. 377-1l0. Nur ad-om Surayba (Cairo. " Bowering. Gramlich. since the self is not reduced to pure noth. 188. 9O The same is expressed by ~rriiz's stripped off. Risiila. 107. 92 QuSayt'i. Sendschreiben. London. 295/908) words "fashioned in the attributes of God" (at. ed. "The moment (waqt) is less than an hour. sealed at the bottom of the ocean of experience lasting less than an hour that comes unexpectedly. Gramlich. waqt com- nent among them waqt. 88 "The moment is a cutting sword (sayf qii!i')"89 cutting ingness. Asriir ut-taw/:lid. " Massignon."81 pressed one's whole lifetime into the present moment.ff al-maIJifUb. Die schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens. " GulliibI."92 In a phrase of 44011049). Abi'I-~yr (d. and when you see Him 'Abdallah b. you bottom of the heart as a hidden persistence oriented toward the are unencumbered by it. V.. p. 480. Schlaglichter. J. Risala.fJ. 330/941-42) compared these states to bolts of lightning attribute is qahr. p. and neutralizes experi. Sendschreihen. p. "80 standing "under the decree of the moment" (bi-~ukm al-waqt). 'Ulman Hugwlt'i GulliibI. 108. 1980). . KilSJ. memory. - . "that which dominates the mystic" and "that time (zamiin) Man~ur Ijallag's (d. 304. 86. pp." Elr III. p. but as a purification of the self.fJ. 84-1l5. 482. Gulliibi. breath "between two breaths. 480. B. Gramlich. Growth to Seljhood . 69. Authority. "Baqa' wa Fanii'. Ga'far STrwiinT. pp. 191-92. 82 For a lengthy discussion of this term. 1976). Nafa/:liit. "Time in Islamic Thought."85 AbuBakr Wasill (d. Munawwar. p. Zukowsky been coined by Abu'I-Hasan 'AlI b. p. The phrase appears to have " Abu'I-J:lasan 'All b. 1976). often used interchangeably with ~iil. p. p. 286/899). Lehre (Wiesbaden. Ka. 48111089) view. see An!lit'i. R. The Kashf al-mahjub. However. "It is a breeze of joy blown by in which he is. . p. pp.484. which alone. p. see also G. Risiila. 139. 113." in Moral Conduct and Authority. The Kashf al-mahjUb. p. Bowering. 368. p. tr. Arberry. Gramlich. as exclaimed by Abu Said b. 108. Sendschreihen.93 When it came to theory. p. 320/932) described it as an pain" and "a pearl-bearing shell. 272. 1984). in and iin. p. which is drawn to higher the mystic to the quick and separating the "two non-existents" of forms of being and ultimately absorbed in God . p. ed. 89. 480.. GulliibI. and self-identity is obliter. Doctrine. Gramlich. pp. Zweiter Teil: Glaube und " Sarriig. p. Luma'. Abi I--"-ayr. MuI:tammad moment dominates the mystic with violent. 107-33. 97 In Ijusayn b. p.

namely.lil 192 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 193 future. 201-206. p.lya SuhrawardI (d. Doctrine. p. 49--56. to "the final stopping of the pendulum of our vital pulse. NaJal)iit. 192-95. but also in his many other works that provide a pher and Sufi martyr 'Ayn a1-QuQiit (d. may be singled out rnakiin. 1965). Khwiidja 'Abdullah A"1ari{Beirut. pp. p.109 the image of the black light is "higher comes according to Gunayd as "an unexpected occurrence than the point of no (Iii)" beyond which "there is neither this nor (mWfiidafa). was a highly original thinker known for the The visionary world of the mystic is seen as totally real and fully excellence of his language. Bowering. pp. the unthinkable conjunction of grief at that visitation." BSOAS29{1966). 341-42. 119. The character of both a sudden impact of grace and an instant of The black light is both "the shadow of Mul. "'Ayn-al-Qoiiit HamadiinI. are rarely found in the works of others. 100 S." 110 As if in a nutshell. Unbelief results from one. The moment belief from the other. Tamhidat. FutiJJJ6t. Darkness the Final Time of Night. 541. 118. Luma'. 109 GiimI. "DaylamI. it did not stop anywhere. 1368/1989). 106. In a picture. 82. divine beauty. p." in Man and Time. 301. 'Usayran (Tehran." EIr. and wugiid. 26 (1985). 'Ayn al- ('ayn ae-zamiin). Sams ud-dIn." EIr 103 KaJabii. 231-36." Islamic Studies. 1116 'Aynal-Qu4atHamadiinI.lammad and IblIs. "The Divinity is two: one is Yazdan. 108. 'Ayn al-QuQat transposed the dichotomy into God and com- makes one forget this world. "to find. Tamhidat. 107 HamadiinI." Wagd is an inner event. 104 writings.47-82. and admired or reproached for his daring thought. 114.l."103 Ecstasy is an act of finding something that opposites. Gramlich. it focuses the person and makes him forget the divine Magnitude expanded from the one divine Essence to the hori- world to come. III. the 110 HamadiinI. 102 Sarriig. Meer.248. M. has been lost. Light is the primoridal Time of be of three kinds. A. homolog of Iblis. 355. III.1I3 a work of his disciple Mal. three lesser-known Persian mystics. it ad-din GamI (d.lammad."102 Nun describes it as "a flame flaring up in the hearts that. p."lo6 Transcending the dualism oflight and dark- coming like lightning springs from meditation (fikrat). HirawI. 898/1492). finding in ecstasy what one longed scholarly notice except for GamI. 573. MagmiJ'ah-i ariir-i lOS G. Shams ai-Din al-DaylamI. as set forth in his tawiigud is looking at the ocean. Farmani! (Tehran. Darkness.lammad" whose nature is anguish. endowed with emotions ranging from consolation (bast) to pure luminosity and "the light of IblIs" conventionally called "dark- desolation (qabd). 413."IQl QUQat fused the dualist trends of his thOUght into a paradoxical unity. a long while (biiyandah) or be overpowering (giilib).. and the mystery of destiny (sirr al-qadar). pp. Ibn al-'ArabI called the most unfolded. His conception of time can be viewed against the back. marked the analysis of ecstasy. rejects nor avows. Tamhidat. p. Sendschreiben. escaped that is as yet longing. p. pp.t HamadiinI. Risala. homolog ofMul."99 other Ahriman. 52611131) of Hamadan.lrniid UsnuhI who paraphrases for their original conceptions of time. Arberry. It can come like a bolt of lightning (barq). a moment between a loss ifaqd) that preceded it and a The work of Sams ad-dIn Daylami (d.lI. which can Darkness that which commands Evil. ecstasy porary of Sayg al-isriiq Yal. pp. 431. home of our honorand. Biiwering. the eye of time black light (nur-i siyiih) that lies beyond the divine throne. 112 GiimI. 134111962). Ritter. stay for Day. a condition: for ness" only because of its sharp contrast to God's light. Gramlich. 101 Ibn 'ArabI. majesty. An~arI defines waqt as the moment containing only God. wagud being immersed in it. all active are not only recorded in the Giiyat al-imkiin fi rna 'rifat az-zamiin wa'l- before Ibn 'Arabfs impact on Persian mysticism. 141. 593/1197)." and wagida. who calls him "a great master and for (while tawiigud is the mere affectation of yearning). it wipes out all traces of human awareness was in the world of the Essence that the range of the attributes so that only God remainsYlO Later. a quatrain of Bust!. which has two connotations. "The Works of Shams ai-Din al-DaiiarnI. pp. 113 For the attribution of this work see G. scholar whose teachings on the true reality of time. ground of the Persian dualism oflight and darkness which he neither 108 HamadiinI. p. 140-43. Light is that which commands the Good. pp. and divine perfect human being the pole (qu[b) and mirror of God {mir'iit al. 'A. p. 1339/1960) and reedited by N.111 a contem- loss that followed it. qualified as "well-known and difficult" by Nur wagada. 58711191). pp. his master's words. p. 105 the framework of thOUght in which he anchors the world of his visions. "to suffer. 305. VII. III G. 'Ayn al-QuQat expressed the paradox of {asriir) and rising out oflonging so that the limbs are stirred to joy or time and eternity by the black light. Bowering. p. 104 QUSayrr.t-i 'Aynal-Qu4/it: Tamhrdat. The brilliant mystical philoso. So it visions (sarna' wa-naear)."lo7 Adopting the opaque notion of the l}aqq). The one that overpowers originates in auditions and zons of pre-eternity and post-eternity. wagd. "the possessor of the moment (sii&ib al-waqt). 108 Taken from which the mystics used the term wagd. Mo~annafli.ed. NaJal)iit. Jarsr-i Tag ud-Din-i U!nuwr(Tehran." 112 His ideas on time In medieval Persia. . Massignon. "The Writings of . In theory it is divided into two acts. Light. the work was edited as Giiyat al-imkan Ii diriiyat al-makan by R.248. c. p. it purifies and ness. Ta'arruf. Schlaglichter. The moment that perdures is the result bined it with the figures of Mul. p. Arberry. pp. De Laugierde Beaurecueil. 73.4I." EIr. "When the point of of recollection (gikr). '''Ayn-al-Qoiii. "Time in Islamic Thought.

R. verses 2025-35). Nicholson (London and Leiden. created by God at each moment. In tackling the mirrors. there are no direction and in all directions: He is above. pp.906. p. ed. 14 (Leiden. Meier. N. 133811959). p. G. the "no" (Iii) that is denied by the new "I": man man ni-am ("I am not nowhere and everywhere. p. 1365).114 the father of (man /sudii-yam. 613. If Ibn Sina's (d. neither in things nor in nothingness. eternal time and space. and symbiosis. see Abu 'Ali al-I:fusayn b. "I am God. (Tehran. p. stopping at the "lote-tree of the boundary" (sidrat His creation. 614. Maybudf(d. p. 116 RumI catches this dence and immanence and actually integrates. Tehran. 628/1231). Isma'il b. p. 368. the penetrating nearness of the impenetrable Other. since "time" and the Eternal's coexistence. 1925--40). God permeates all things on the level of being. Hiraw'i (Tehran. l3l. "I have a moment with God (Ii ma'a Allah waql) in which no angel ultimate components of all things. rather than ascetically secret in the image of a ruby permeated by the rays of the sun and sublimates. ~30/1135). IX. Mul)ammad. p. Sanat. each atom is conscious of Uest references in Persian Sufi literature are found in the commentary on Kalabal!I's Ta'arrufby Mustamli (d. in mi'riig literature. M. far away or intimately close.123. I. Bahii'-i Walad: Grundziige seines Lebens und seiner Myslik Acta Iranica 683. here and beyond. N. DaylamI defines created. 79. Baha'-i Walad seeks a return to God whose image he intuitive knowledge and direct vision of the Eternal. 428/1037) Bowering. VI. Adopting this spiritual mode of time and eternity in poetry. 194 Gerhard B6wering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 195 identical with the spiritual world of the invisible realm. not utes through which He performs His acts. 193 (bk. III. taking the place of the temporal self. II. reprinted by N. Badi' az-Zarnan-i Furiiziinfar. 1333/1955) and II (Tehran. man /sudii). 238. Meer. 269. 590. As long as the ruby is ruby. 5. them through His act of creation. 187. and intertwines with them through II' The hadit is not cited in the canonical Hamt literature and thus absent from Wens"mck's Concordance. God is in transformed as if into sunlight. 460. This type of total "cosmic" mysticism. pp.Iammad. Baha' -i Walad emerges in up a theme of Rfuni's Ma!nawI." The ear- As God is present to each of these atoms. or physical plane. verses 3124-26). I. drawn near (malak-i muqarrab) or prophet sent (nabi-yi mursaf) rivals me. troisieme serie: textes et memoires. 172-73. M. 1329. the and earlier form. extending Himself as far as even Gibnl. will. 887. in review. ruby and sunlight. ed. p. ed. below. being aware of Him explicitly (or implicitly. but it is frequently qu~ted in Sufi literature in the variant His knowledge. spiritual. 1363). Pfujavadl (Tehran. "I beheld that I am God from top to his Ma'iirifll5 as a man who erases the gulf between God's transcen. VII. am God" the grandi?se image of Baha'-i Walad (d. also records another significant variant. 1989). pp. as if Nicholson. in an "additional dimension" I"). Kasf. RawSan. Despite the total break in dimension between God and Divine Presence. 43411042). 777. dark back. . A. 465/1072-46911077). the BIsar- In a recent monograph Fritz Meier has chiseled out of the sources nama of pseudo-'Attar exclaims. or on the same as yet two. G. M. who is pure spirit. 203. then also in Gullabi (d. 1423. All things down to their tiniest particle have this mental 902. Sina. and NasImI's DIvan takes Mawliina Galiil ad-dIn RiirnI (d."119 The angel remained outside the their effects.317. 92. 129-30 (bk. 52511131). The twins of in stupor or indifference). 767. God is without locus and beyond description. Ma ari/. Ka1f al-asriir wa 'iddat al-abriir. (10 vol&. The Kashf al-mahjub. the DaylamI finds the proof for his view of time in the possibility of the Persian mystics of the medieval period discovered the true self in the beatific vision of God and in his own visionary ability to reduce long depth of one's personality as the divine secret of the eternal I-ness time spans to single moments. 1363). "I have a moment with and yet has a core of divine essence covered by the mantle of attrib. man's temporal reality into the life with God. Nur al-muriam wa- facing God with its alert countenance (wagh) and turning away its ftufilJat al-muddam. Hiraw'i (Tehran.I< F. and perception. neither within nor outside the complete there is only one brilliance. ed. RaSid ud-din Abu'l Fagl Sa'rd. I am God. then its quotation of the ~adil would be the earliest found lIS Ed. 879. Gala! ud-d"m Mul. 432. as RiirnI says. God is intimately related to the world. I (Tehran. the intellectual. liS RiirnI was also inspired by a ~adit. Ma!nawl-yi ma'nawI. ed. 67211273). p. 1363). 4 (1991). but when the penetration of sunlight is plane. 'Abdallah b. The world is made of atoms. see also Sui Ian Walad. Tamhidiil. M. nature and past plus future compressed into that very presence. God (Ii ma ~ Alliih waqt) to which no created being has access. man /sudii-yam. Maybudi 27. I. remains present to 118 RfunI. .1l7 The old "I" (anii) has become world. Mi~agniima is authentic. Realizing this secret. p. 136711988). Hamadani (d. with eternity. pp. Ma'iyyat is time'matched '" RfunI. 480: relationship to God. vol. lAOS III. . Mi'riignama. pp. p. based on atomism it as a totally present moment without past and future. X. often linked beyond any dimension. with the Prophet's heavenly journey (mi'riig). Malnawl. seeks the "lust" (maza) of drawing may be defined as the present moment that is both continuous in matter and body into the embrace of eternity. His rna'iyyat ("being-with") accompanies all that is and all that becomes be it on 116 Ritter. III. 328. I. toe" (sar tii ba-qadam wugud-i /svud ~aqq didam). yet not a reversal to the nothingness from which he was controversial problem of the time possessed by God. Reflecting on the atomistic structure of the the inner world of man and the upper world of the unseen provide a universe and the divine coexistence with it in continuous conscious mirror for the bipolarity of divine nature.

------_~_ _ _Ir'.'. _

196 Gerhard Bowering Ideas of time in Persian mysticism 197
a/-mllllIahii, 53: 14) where reason ends, without scorching his veils, Medina-Jerusalem-Cairo in a single night. One night. Riimi left
while Mul,ammad entered into an intimate time with God, the secret Konya in secret to be with a dervish in the Ka'ba and, before dawn.
discourse of love between lover and Beloved, 120 Taken out of created showed Meccan sand on his feet as proof for his wife, At Baghdad,
time, the Prophet touched God's eternity, foreshadowing the Sufi's Ma'riif Kar19 (d. 200/815) explained a scar on his face by a fall allhe
own mystical moment with God, as Sana'! (d, 526/1131) had well Zarnzam in Mecca during the night.124 Another story has it lhal
exclaimed: "Love is higher than reason and soul- '} have a moment one of them took off his clothes and plunged into the river Tigris, bUI
with God' belongs to the true man,"121 Persian mystical poetry, in came up in the Nile. He walked ashore, started a family, and attended
particular, interiorized the Koranic history of prophetic types by to his business for seven years. One day, while bathing in the Nile, he
transforming the Prophet's mi'riig, his ascent through the heavens to stuck his head under water, found it pop up in the Tigris, picked up
God, into the soul's journey from the world of temporality to the his clothes, and went about his work. Some Sufis hid their faces in
height of mystical union with the EternaL 122 their robes and found themselves transported to distant places in no
The Persian mystics not only composed beautiful poetry, but also time. Others traveled in a split second from India to Arabia, taking
related wondrous legends about the miracles (kariimiil) they claimed one step from east to west, or had mountain peaks and river banks
to have worked, One kind of miracle was their ability to pull large move toward each other, allowing them to step across. Last but not
time spans into short moments or draw out time to inconceivably long least, Muhammad SirbinT (d. 927/1520) had children in Morocco,
durations, rolling up time ({ayy az-zamiin) or expanding time (nasr Iran, Indi~, and Sub-Saharan Africa, and, in a single hour, looked
az-zamiin), AWi).ad ud-din Kinnani (d. 653/1238) had the ability to after all of tbem so that everybody thought he was always with
roll up time when he called to mind his seventy thousand disciples at them.125 Bayazid cautioned, however, that "even Satan moves from
night one by one, In a dream, Riizbihan BaqlI (d. 606/1209) taught east to west in the twinkling of an eye."126 The mystics used these
Abii I:faf~ 'Umar Suhrawardi (d. 63211234) ways in which time could stories of contracting or expanding time and space along with other
be rolled up. Sufis were observed reciting the Koran from beginning tales about fiying through the air, walking on water, or predicting the
to end, with every letter clearly pronounced, while walking a few steps future (firiisa) as pedagogical devices. They did not interpret them in
around the Ka'ba in Mecca - a feat of basi az-zamiin in 'Umar a fiat-footed, literal way. Instead they perceived them to be fitting
Suhrawardfs view,123 Next to speed reading or'the Koran called {ayy metaphorical expressions of their own capacity to pass beyond time
al-~lIrilf, there were examples of bilocation or uncanny locomotion. into eternity.
TustarT was seen with the pilgrims at 'Aratat outside Mecca and The Persian mystics also incorporated their sense of time into their
leaving his home in Iraq on the same day. Abu'l-I:fasan ~raqani religious practices and hagiographies. In writing their religious
went five times a day from his home to the Lebanon mountains to history they used a variety of approaches. They recorded their history
lead a group of men in prayer. 'Utman b. Marziiq QuraSi (d. by creating accounts of spiritual itineraries rather than relating
56411 169) and his servant made the round trip Cairo-Mecca- chronicles of events. They wrote lagkira, memoirs of their encounters
with God, and diaries of their inner gihiid to that goaL With the emer-
120 A, Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, 1975), p, 220; The
Triumphal Sun (London, 1978, pp, 285-86; And Muhammad is His Messenger gence of the Sufi orders ({ariqa) and the social organization of Sufism,
(Chapel Hill, 1985), p, 169, In this century Iqbal (d, 1938) took up the theme force- the Persian mystics achieved an increasing awareness of their history
fully in his poetry and prose; see G. Bowering, "Iqbal - Poet between India and as a spiritual quest beginning with the origins of Islam. They saw
Europe," Islam and the Modern Age, 9 (1978), pp. 57-70,
'21 Abu'I-Magd Magdiid b, Adam Saniil, Hadiqat al-~aqiqat wa shari' at a!-!ariqat,
themselves in a genealogical chain (silsila) of spiritual ancestors con-
ed, Mudarris Rac;lawi (Tehran, 1329/1950), p, 328, necting them, frequently through Gunayd, with a tradition traced
m G. BOwering, "Mi'roJ," ER, vol. IX, pp, 552-56, back to Mui).ammad's Companions as represented by 'Ali or Abii
12:) R. Gramlich, "Zur Ausdehnung der Zeit und Verwandtem," in Die islamische Welt
:wischen Mitte/alter und Neu=eit, ed. U. Haarmann and P. Bachmann (Beirut, Bakr. By adopting the idea of waliiya as the very principle of Sufism
1979). pp, 180-92; Tag ad-din Abu Na~r 'Abd al-Wahhiib b, 'Ali Subki, Tabaqot
us-Siiji'iyyu al-kubul, ed, Mahmud Muhammad at-Taniihi and 'Abd al-Faltah al- \24 R, Gramlich. Die WUllder der Freullde Golles (Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 287-91.
/:Iulw (Cairo, 1}83/1964), p, 340. uses Ihe terminoiogy !ayy a=-=amiin and lias; a=- 125 Gramlich. "Zur Ausdehnung," in Die islamische Welt, pp, 188-92.
=pmiill, while Gami uses the nomenclature qabej a;;-:;amiin and bas! a:-:anuin; see 126 Ibn 'Arabi. MaU'iiqi' un-lwgiim wa-mariili' alliUat al-asrar wa'/~ 'uLUm (Cairo
Gami. Nufu~[II. pp, 563-Q4, 132511907). p, 134.

198 Gerhard Bowering
itself, according to GulHibI (d. 46511072-46911077), they expressed
their awareness of being chosen as God's friends (awliyii' Alliih).127 5 . Persian miniatures: illustrations or paintings
Soon this idea became associated with the belief in an invisible hier-
archy of saints continuing the cycle of prophethood {nubuwwa) that
had come to an end with M ul:tammad, the Seal of the Prophets (lfatm
al-anbiyii). On the strength of divine inspiration, rather than
revealed scripture and divine law, they continued the eon of the
prophets with a new cycle, that of waliiya. This new cycle reaches out
into the future when the Seal of the Saints (lfatm al-awliyii) will OLEG GRABAR
appear, either physically concealed here and now or, in Sufi circles Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton
favoring SlI ideas, apocalyptically expected as the leader (mahdi) of
the end-times.
The journey through the world of time in Persian mysticism lead Some thirty years ago, Professor Ehsan Yarshater wrote two short
from Bayazld's ecstasy, Tustari's recollection of primordial time, articles on the aesthetics of Persian art.l His starting point was poetry,
Sib!J~s paradox of the eternal moment, and Karraz's annihilation of as seemed reasonable at the time and remains reasonable now because
temporality and subsistence in eternity through theoretical notions of so much more thought has been given over the centuries to the aes-
waqt and wajd and such select medieval expressions of time as 'Ayn thetic judgment of poetry than of painting and even of music, which,
al-QuQat's black light, DaylamI's past and future compressed into the Professor Yarshater suggested, could be considered with the same cri-
present, and Baha-i Walad's co-being of the Eternal to time expressed teria in mind. What is remarkable about these articles, which read
in the images of poetry, miracle stories, and social institutions. It may a bit nostalgically nowadays, is that, in their concern for an inter-
be appropriate to conclude with that ritual in which the Persian Sufis pretation based on Iranian sources and on Iranian practices, they
gave physical expression to their perception of time and ecstasy: the have not been followed up, with a few recent exceptions. 2 To be sure,
practice of sama' (literally, "audition"). The Mawlawi order in par- much has been written about painting in the Iranian or Iranic world,
ticular drew music and dance into this liturgical practice. '28 The and to some of it I shall return presently, but, if anyone, especially a
harmony between the leader (Sayl9, the dancers, and the musicians
and the repeated movement of the dance in a number of rounds I "Some Common Characteristics of Persian Poetry and Art," Studio Is/amica, 16
(dawra), synchronizing the movements of the group as a whole and (1962) and "Persian Poetry and Painting: Common Features," in A. U. Pope, ed., A
integrating the steps of each individual, capture in the dance the Survey of Persian Art, 15 (London, 1967). Both essays deal with the same sources
and elaborate essentially the same ideas.
choreographed expression of ecstasy. The dance gave Persian mysti- This chapter is the second version of a series of considerations on Persian paint-
cism its "body language" oftime. It may not be far-fetched, therefore, ing which were elaborated at one time and whose first version is "Toward an
to espy in Mawlawi samii' a rhythm of time and history become ritual Aesthetic of Persian Painting," published in a volume of essays, The Art of
Interpreting, edited by Susan C. Scoll (Papers in Art History, IX [University Park,
in the whirling around the still-point of one's heart where time and Pa., 1995]). This second version varies from the first in some of its emphases and
eternity are blended in silent music. 129 uses different explanatory models, especially toward the end, but, for the most part,
sticks to the same argument. Another difference between the two is the illustrations.
There are fewer in this version, but two are in color and can, therefore. show an
127 H. Landolt, "Walfiyah," ER, XV, pp. 316-23. important dimension of Persian art.
'28 H. Ritter, "Der Reigen der 'Taozenden Derwische' ," Zeitschrift fiir verg/eichende 2 The two most striking recent exceptions known to me are Johann Christoph
Musikwissenschaft, I (1933), pp. 28-40. Biirgel, The Feather of Simargh (New York, 1988) and A. Souren Melikian-
'29 A similar version of this chapter was published in Iran, 30 (1992), pp. 77-89. Chirvani, "Khwaje Mirak Naqqash," Journal Asiotique, 276 (1988). Thinking in
tbis direction was suggested some twenty years ago by Priscilla Soucek, "Nizami
on Painters and Paintings," in R. Ettinghausen. ed., Islamic Art in the Metropolitan
I Museum (New York, 1972); Lisa Golombek, "Toward a classification of Islamic
Paintings," in the same collection; and Chahriyar Adle, "Recherches sur Ie module
etle trace correcteur dans la miniature orientale," I.e Monde Iranien et tIs/am, 3

I (1975).



200 O/egGrabar Persian miniatures 201
newcomer to the field of Persian painting, asks for a reflective and Persian painting which has emerged over the past half-century.' But
thoughtful broad introduction to a visibly unique tradition of paint- they may be more fruitfully and more sensibly used if they are pre-
ing, Professor Yarshater's articles of a generation ago still stand ceded by another type of exercise: the direct analysis of Persian paint-
almost alone, while the study of the History of Art and Iranian ing or of individual examples of that painting with as limited and as
studies have changed immensely. controlled an interference from other factors as possible. The implica-
This chapter tries to enter again into the realm opened up by tion of this exercise is, first of all, that there is an autonomous lan-
Professor Yarshater, to raise again questions about how one should guage of the visual arts which can be experienced by any sensitive eye
(or could) see and interpret the images in Persian books. Such an and mind, and then, that such understanding and appreciation as
attempt may be premature, because the study of books, illustrated or may come about will lead to more directed and more thoughtful ques-
not, is being revolutionized by new techniques of investigation and by tions from the social, philosophical, or cultural context of painting or
the gathering of data often forgotten or left aside in the past. l But it from the responses and procedures developed for western European
may also be useful to recall that, just as there is much to be said about and Chinese painting. Although he would probably not put it that
the physical side of making books, of writing in them, and of deco- way, now or then, Professor Yarshater's essays of thirty years ago
rating them, there are several components, or approaches, probably were, I believe, directed toward the identification of that autonomy in
complementary rather than antagonistic, to the aesthetics of Persian painting, as the very structure of poetry or of music allows for an
painting, to the ways in which we actually see and appreciate or independent definition of the two arts within a universal-context. One
should see and appreciate the miniatures of so many manuscripts. way of doing so for painting is the subject of this chapter.
One can imagine an approach borrowed from one of several compar-
able traditions like medieval Christian art, post-Renaissance Western Nearly every student or layman with a modicum of visual culture
painting, or Chinese art. With these examples, both history (contem- keeps in his or her memory a picture of Persian painting (see Plate 1):
poraneity of creativity and, therefore, possible commonality of colorful images, almost always miniatures in books, with many
expression, undoubtable occasional transfers of motifs or of tech- figures in fancy clothing fighting, feasting, frolicking, or hunting;
niques of visual expression) and judgment (the fact that, for better or flowers and shrubs perennially in bloom, even at night; two-dimen-
for worse, all viewers of our own time have been formed by the knowl- sional men, women, and animals cavorting in a setting of spacious
edge of Western art) justify the assumption of a possible common meadows or gardens with a brook somewhere in a corner (Plates 2-3)
canon of appreciation. Another approach is to search the social, reli- and contorted rocks at the edges or else in, under, or around a the-
gious, aesthetic, and spiritual realms of Islamic culture for theories or atrical, flattened architecture of arches and vaulted halls with elabo-
principles, rejections or invitations, for attitudes toward painting that rate walls. A few exceptions notwithstanding, it is a world without
would explain what is characteristic of and therefore different about shades in which men and women without emotions enact events
that painting. whose purpose or drama, if there was one, appears sublimated into
Both of these approaches can easily be developed, and to some repetitive poses and canonical masks (see Plate 4).
degree both have been followed in the considerable literature on A general appreciation of this sort is valid for the-core centuries of
an idiosyncratic Persian art of painting, a period which began in the
3 I refer primarily to all the activities surrounding what is now known as codicology, last decades of the fourteenth century and which ended - or at least
the study of the book as an object rather than as the carrier ofa tex!. Except for the
systematic analyses of early Koran manuscripts initiated by Fran~is Deroche, diminished in intensity and in quality - two hundred and fifty years
Bih/iotheque NatiolUl/e. Les Manuserits du Coran (Paris, 1983 and 1985), and the later, in the seventeenth century, when a different type {)f individual-
rather striking example of the Freer Jami as explained by M. S. Simpson, "The ized single paintings came to dominate. Persian painting also existed
Production and Patronage of the Half Aurang by Jami in the Freer Gallery of Art,"
Ars Orienta/is, 13 (1982), the most immediately accessible compendium on codicol- before 1370, but most of its examples lack the stylistic originality of
ogy applied to manuscripts in Arabic, Persian, or Turkish is F~ois Deroche, ed.,
Les Manuscrits du Moyen-Orient (Istanbul and Paris, 1989), with contributions by 4 For the period up to 1982, an almost complete bibliograpby is found in Nasrin
nearly all the practitioners of codicology and paleography in Muslim languages in Rohani, A Bibliography of Persian Miniature Painting (Aga Khan Program, Harvard
the world and with many references to specific examples. For a general introduction, University, Cambridge, Mas&. 1982), and a reasonable survey by Ernst Grube and
see Jacques Lemaire, Introduction a/a eodie%gie (Louvain, 1989). Eleanor Sims is found in R. W Ferrier, ed., The Arts of Persia (New Haven, 1989).

several spectacular centers of artis- and creative myths and memories were fundamental to nearly all later Muslim dynasties and rulers except in the Arab world. passim. Preussischen explanation. The Art of Mughal India (New York. thesis. but it assumes a solution to a complex problem raised by several listen- Kunstsamm!ungen. Cambridge. A series of articles from a symposium held in Toronto in 1990 has been edited by Lisa - -- Golombek and Maria E. 1987). in Persian Miniature and Glen Lowry. 1983). It was the century known as the Timurid century. Meshed. and see index under "Orient. 479-505. like Shiraz. Burgundy. 137-236. Tabriz. S. have a system of peer competition between courtly librarians? To answer these ques- able examples. Within the stunning creativity of that century in the lands of Iran and Turan. 1963) and Eastern Studws. the key study is still Friedrich Sane. Mass. 1992). esp. 1~68). under the aegis of Mongol rulers. pp. Decorative Arts and Painting. Timur and the Princely Vision (Washington and Los Angeles. The centers themselves studied in two books of fundamental importance: Bernard O'J(ane. Pope and Phyllis Ackerman.. partly outdated because of been recently written (or is being completed) on the history and culture of the so many new discoveries. :jfi. . by extension. The Timurid ArchiteclUre ofIran and Turan (Princeton.." in &in Atil. 800--J900 (Berlin. pp...... and with mainstream painting at that. and several more or less identifiable local or social variants institutions as well as patterns of thought. Much has also S Ferrier. the conclusion of this chapter. I shall not deal with these later works. Harvard University.. esp." -- able to accomplish. pp. although with different implications... paradigms of knowledge. 311-12. on pp. Timurid Archileclure in Khorasan (Costa Mesa. 8 Iran in the fifteenth century was remarkable for many things other than art. 1829-97. Muscovy.. Paintingfrom Collections in the British Isles (London. For preliminary investigations involving the arts. pp." Ph. eds. Did the princely patrons look at those images? Or do we simply ed. or other Indian miniatures and paintings reveals Afghan frontier is typical of the second.s From the sixteenth century onward a Persianate painting Asian trade roads. and was occasionally picked up by painters as early as Rembrandt and as recent as and a high Iranian culture as their mode of entry into legitimate power over ancient lands. and Khargird in northeastern Iran near the present Ottoman. tions. The best older survey. "History of Timurid people. But buildings of major importance more spectacular and original fashion. A Survey of Persian Art (Oxford. Subtelny. D. honed.. 1974). Edmund Bosworth. and Lisa Golombek and Donald -- Wilber. See. modem Turkestan in Kazakhstan. and the texts gathered by Wheeler M. Subtelny under the title Timurid Art and Culture (Leiden. 1939)." in Arthur U....!: --- - 202 OlegGrabar Persian miniatures 203 --- what has properly been called the 'classical' tradition of Persian were generally the great cities of the Iranian plateau and of the central painting. Arts of Persia..... 1989). but partly also because even a cursory look at of the first type. even if a family resemblance is generally obvious. pp. partly because of my ignorance to the estates of rich patrons.D. tic production and architectural growth were developed in a wide area extending roughly from Baghdad and present-day Iraq to Kashgar or but it must be recalled that there existed at that time. 741-57. and India. The patrons of these centers a host of features which identify a different visual language from the were.. The problem is that of the intended andiorexpected viewers orthe illustrated manu- The Legacy of Islam (Oxford. Yazd. Yasi.. 20 (1988). ed. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------. see Thomas Lentz Miniature Painting.' Within this long period over a vast land. Cultural Patronage under the Later Timurids. Harvard University. and especially Herat. Art and Culture 1300--1900 (New York. Mughal. patronage of this period have been recently couple of hundred miles east of Samarqand. Deccani In the last sentence of this paragraph I am adopting an argument developed at Painting (London.. however. The term "classical" has been used by Ernst Grube in the title of an exhibition catalogue. scripts of the time.. kOnig!. and per- fected a mode of expression significant enough in its effectiveness andlor in its meaning to serve as a model for the Ottoman Mediterranean and for the Indian peninsula. the creativity of the Mughals were also built in smaller places hallowed by holy men or proximate in India and of several lesser centers in the Indian subcontinent. see Pierre Schneider. but it is also comparable to -- ." Johrhuch d. where there are many compar. many changes the better-studied western European lands in that so many of its occurred. Matisse. Particularly notable in their concern for the evaluation of patronage are 6 The best intrnductions to Ottoman painting and to Islamic painting in India ate: various other works by Maria E. Sabzevar. Thackston. It seems to me a reasonable nach indisch-is1amischen Miniaturen. 1989). Cary Welch. and Mark Zehrowski. Matisse (Paris. can be detected." International Journal of Middle 1980). Basil RDbinson has used "metropolitan" to deal with roughly the same groUptng of works. 1988). is an example -- --- of their intricacies. Turkish Art (Washington. . the westernmost city of present-day Uighur China just a • The architecture and. "The ers to the various versions of the lecture which preceded this paper at the conference. eds. I shall deal with painting only. 143-58. great length by Thomas Lentz in his "Painting at Herat under Baysunghar ibn --. a more thorough study of the documents available is needed than I have been 1984).. somewhere -- -- Kashi. 1967). 1989).. "Rembrandts Zeicbnungen Shahrukh. in a far Samarqand. translated in Hendrik Budde. 200-41.. and MIT.. also dominated the arts of the Ottomans in Istanbul and. but still wonderfully clear. Europa und der Orient. "The Art of the Book. with notable exceptions. See also Richard Ettinghausen. including "Socioeconomic Bases of Esin Atil. 1985. when. where the shrine ofShaykh Ahmad Yasavi still stands. 25 (l'Xl4). --- . A Century of Princes (Aga Khan Program. Poland. India. 1985). 6 himself or else Mongol or Turkic feudal lords who had adopted Islam The two centuries with which I shall deal created. 1 For Rembrandt. is Ernst Killinel.C. pp." in Joseph Schacht and C. I shall discuss pri- marily works from the fifteenth century or from the last decade of the fourteenth. the Mongol descendants of Timur Persian one. For the purposes of this chapter. The Classical Style of Islamic Painting (Lugano. Fer Matisse. It bears a striking resemblance to fifteenth-century Italy.

the latter then continue these techniques. voluminous ferocity and a powerfully distorted realism which are at engage the images as inspirational exercises for our own fantasy." because of a while the redness of the enemy is no longer an operative slogan in our classical art-historical model: there is a master. 204 Oleg Grabar Persian miniatures 205 within the wider Iranian sphere. who radiates techniques of designing and of painting to students. Whether one should describe this collection of means of expression (high horizon line. 63 . flowers. including works based on some of the 9 most exemplary research in the field. his or her own pleasure. fulfilling. as its primary objective is message. no writer on a recent book. and The easiest aooess to the scholarship is through Islamic Art. and users from the wide Iranian world. monochrome gold posed into a bundle of begetting influences and hopes for a place in or blue sky. a given image is decom- which became part of the language of the new painting. standing men with or without beards at the entrance of a cathedral A second type of discourse about and thus of attitude toward without knowing that they are Apostles and the carriers of Christ's Persian painting can be called taxonomic. an art of painting attributed much To recognize something optisemically may well be sufficient and later by Ottoman librarians to a fictional Black Pen. while the most accessible color pictures are in atively free from social. exhibit a of Persian painting. devoted otherwise contribute to the relatively autonomous (that is to say. makers. The Mediation oj Ornament (Princeton.a consistent the philological paradise of stemmata. for a manuscript of the Shahname evolution of an art of painting. of ers. pp. small tufts of grass. II Oleg Grabar. of any other tech- now in Istanbul (Hazine 1511. related which transforms the elements it uses into a coherent and meaningful whole - requires yet another kind of investigation.a pattern of expression case miniatures or possibly motifs like landscapes or figures. and odds with the main tradition. and while. and so on) as a language . for that matter. but it probably corre- have of Persian painting in visually formal ways. and we could all simply be satisfied with it. a teacher-creator- own society.1O It is. innovator-employer. Such groups have traditionally been called "schools. dated 1370) . I (1981). reasonable to assume that it always remain. of items. 172-74. trans- Much has been written about these paintings.exhibits for the first time a large number of conventions of the methodological assumptions it makes. Within the framework of a taxonomic purpose and as a result (Geneva. 1961). One can recognize twelve life-size painting. There is a wonderfully pleasing fantasy world in the images preserved almost entirely in a group of albums in Istanbul. flat figures. Persian Painting nique. that is to say. therefore. S. and other nonartisticcontingencies) M. the one which is most originally ative contact between a consistent set of images and a personal or cul- Persian and the one which demonstrably appears in the last quarter of tural aesthetic or emotional sensitivity. and I should like to call it libertarian. It is easy to parody and to be impatient with this approach to . Ipsiroglu. The painting mode with employ for Michelangelo or Manet. there is no consensus on perpetuate a poetic language which is different from the one we would the origins or the audience of these paintings. These paintings. modify them. pass them on to others. This kind of discourse will the fourteenth century. sponds to the kind of judgment most of us make most of the time patterns of composition. and only Byzantinists see emperors whenever something is purple. but they are still a mystery for the most part. this attitude is identified with a statement like "I know what I like. political. A swastika can be seen without having a Nazi association to organize a large mass of data into coherent and =hesive groups. without being aware. or even needing to be aware. but which always implies a cre- which I shall deal is the dominant one. For it is an atti- corresponded to some clear feature ofTimurid taste and that whatever tude toward the arts in which each person is relatively free to find his it accomplished remained meaningful to several generations of or her own interpretation. 1992). 1966).236. especially from the English-speaking world. p.or as a mode . to each other by the arrows of an organigram or a flow chart. in this set of interchangeable units of composition . 9 At this stage. to my knowledge. and range of recognition of otherwise about most things. In popular terms patrons.see Basil Gray. Painting and Culture oj the Mongols (New York. 162. We constantly express opinions or act out satisfac- known features like men." The expression usually has a defensive side to it. This is possible to do for what they are about. fer them to new places."ii What I meant by this neologism Persian painting has matched the quintessentially libertarian and is the ability to recognize a large number of represented items in hardly open-minded positions of Ruskin or of the Goncourt broth- generic terms. a libertarian streak permeates much of the literature on that their culturally directed references. images whose meanings we do not know and whose stories are not Libertarian attitudes are generally saved by the poetic language of available to most of us because ofa function of perception which. or. in those who express them. as it implies garru- My initial statement about this main tradition defined the image we lous ignorance on the part of whoever uses it. 10 The traditional date for the new mode is 1370. I called "optisemic. women. in terms of colors. rel- entirely to paintings from the albums. or else of actions like tion about everything from people to food without really knowing hunting or playing a musical instrument.

ed . provenance. but a basic structure exists for the straightforward labeling of Persian miniatures painting. 276 (1988). and if possible attribution to individual painters- is the domain in which the study of Persian painting has made its most significant strides over the past three or four decades. II • . identified or anonymous. all students of Persian painting have engaged In It. have tioned by some. of a process of change.. but the more important point is that. 32.. Calligraphers new to deal with these subtleties. just as they existed at various moments of any artistic history. but the loss is more than made up for by accuracy and precision in analytical description and --- masters from whom they learned and through their "workshops. Parts of that text are available in Binyon. just as the libertarian approach may have read into that -- and for a sense of an evolution. see the essays by several authors in Esin Alii. 183-86. lslamic Art and Patronage: Treasuresfrom Kuwait . The most complete translation is by Thackston. A Century of Princes. and certainly in medieval and early - century. Oxford University Press. nothing wrong in this way oflooking at Persian painting. are found in (New York. Quite naturally provincial and qualitative branches derived from the main line of this evolution and the whole taxonomic construct does resemble a tree-like body visible. but its appropriateness is Persian miniatures There is. which would have led from a dramatic imagery enacting epic battles and hunts or recording historical narratives so typical of the fourteenth century to the lyricism of early Timurid painting and eventually to the painting all sorts of features which were not there to begin with and whose presence is perhaps too closely tied to the peculiarities of the individual viewer. 1959) and Sadiqi Bek in Martin of the paintings of Shah Tahmiisp's reign are marked by his eloquent words about Dickson and Stuart Welch. degrees of success. individualism of a more naturalistic style in the latter part of the fif. 1933). 253-55. Such transformations may well be justi- fied by the collecting instinct of today. and fragments of all sorts into groups arranged accord- . that it is impossible in any discourse to avoid or suppress libertarian pro- 335~. of course. and at one time or another and possibly with varyi~g 207 --- - strengthened by written sources from the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- -- turies which provide information about the lives of painters and cal. aware of the position developed by M. reason. and 14 I am.. especially the monumental pUblication of the Houghton Shahname. those of their patrons) into unique or differentiated visual statements. cedures and expectations like attributions and genealogies of paintings. Houghton Shoh-nameh. and a price. but there are two lines of argument which suggest that this approach to Persian -- Arguments will obviously remain on many specific items.. among several recent ex- amples by younger scholars.12 reader of a book can look at the book's plates or at the pictures Taxonomy . misses something essen- tial about it. artists and on a hierarchy of classification transforms the work of art. Bakhtin and his followers Gray. Their numerous books and articles can easily be which has not been picked up by scholarship after the publication of Weleh's and Dickson's chef d·ll'uvre. Persian Painting (London. into a commodity with a pedigree. tr. -- 206 OlegGrabar Persian (or any other kind of) painting. 97-146. in a catalogue put together by one of the leading taxonomists of the Persian or not... More complex analyses. hanging on the wall and be a libertarian to his or her heart's content in the security of appropriate identification tags for the object of his '- single pages. Vladimir Minors10j (Washington. pp. p. ing to space. Robinson. teenth century. without being wrong or incorrect. ligraphers. for that any object always contains the sum of the views expressed about it and. " There is as yet no history of collecting in the Muslim world.. More subtle but still initially taxonomic arguments have modem western Asia. Wilkinson. For a few examples . The Rarer Traditions of Art (New York. His examples are precisely the beginning of a critical discourse about the arts collection of such texts is much to be desired. It is. at times. pp. In nearly all cases these sources identify artists through the Something may be lost in poetic expression. of course. 1981). pp. 2~9. only too often. pp. time. see Joseph Alsop. and in an equally sophisticated essay by A. ls The morality of this approach may be ques- explored how individual painters. " The two most prolific and most successful taxonomists of Persian painting are Ivan Stchoukine and Basil W. therefore. woven their awareness of past traditions and their own idiosyncrasies (or.. but it is to the credit ofWeleh's analyses that some and Painters. For partial and preliminary suggestions.. a label of authentication. Particularly nouncements already made. or her study. found in the bibliogrophies and surveys listed above. there- example. The viewer of an exhibition or the the artists and the courts. Other texts are found scattered throughout the literature. attribution.. An easily available them.. Persian Miniature Painting. although also involving primarily taxonomic pro· within a much broader context.the ordering of the hundreds of existing manuscripts. The schematic chart of the evolution of Persian painting is found in Robinson. by the provision of correct information which brings joy to writers of able to consider as valid the grouping of existing paintings into two museum labels and of captions under illustrations in books: date. among other places. Cary Welch.. It is difficult to argue against taxonomies of any sort." almost always at or near the court of a prince. The field of criticism of Persian painting is much too important examples for the chronology of painting are: Qadi Ahmad. - Mirza album in Istanbul. 1990).14 One line of argument is that an approach based on attribution to . stages: the master-pupil relationship and the relationship between place. fore. pp. IJ 12 The roost important of these texts is Dost M\lhamroad's introduction to the Bahram the numerous works by S. . Souren Melikian- Chirvani in Journal Asiatique.- .

since I did not engage myself in the systematic investigation of even in these two instances. am limited by the paucity both of avail." But. 24 of the same volume. pp. drawings. "Khwaju Kirmani{689-7531l290-1352): An Eminence Grise of 16 The desecration of manuscripts or albums through the removal of miniatures from Fourteenth Century Persian Painting. All I can do is to propose direc. to look at paintings separately engage in the discussion of a book which is a work of criticism rather from the books of which they are a part. 1979). since the user's or the viewer's than of history. economic. 1954). Any contextual definition of images examples of the latter). The One could. The Khwaju Kirmani (which means keeping miniatures in the books for which they were made) versus the manuscript is mentioned in every survey of Persian painting with a most complete accessibility or these same works of art. See. 14th-16th Centuries (Paris. 19 would expect one to do. as far as possible. The identification or the scribe with the celebrated rewards at times still decide the fate of works of art. of course. I. A libertarian point of view makes demonstrated in a very recent book by Daniel Arasse. if not always legitimate. and to all the activities and processes which went into the making ably because all the information needed to make a label is present in of it. private collections. pour une histoire rapprochee de la peinture (Paris. before considering contextual issues of any kind.17 but the potential of such analyses has been brilliantly quite different from what it really is. investors in art. But even the latter misidentifies the subject·matter of rolio II. 33-35. like independent works oj' between these details and the narrative purpose assumed for illustra- art which can be discussed from the walls of museums. or ary role alone.• The Book in Central Asia. "History or Miniature not merely one of pitting virtuous scholars and lovers of art against dealers and Painting. able data and of secondary literature. and the paintings executed by Junayd. of course. But. BUrgel. ways which stand somewhere between the anarchic freedom of individual opinions and the nonnegotiable rigor offactual My first example is a celebrated Diwan or collection of poems: the definitions and clear-cut decisions about authorship. 29 (1991). UNESCO. " Teresa Fitzherbert. at the tions of and in a book. but I do wish to acknowledge my debt to it for estab- view is the dominant one. had lems of the time. that is. 137-51. 1992). but he gives no reason for his doubts." p. the manuscript itself that its nine miniatures. the necessary details are nol available as illustrations or sources. the miniatures like Rembrandt drawings or like paintings by western establishment of a hiera«. In reality. A very suggestive them has gone on for <:coturies but became particularly destructive in the Jast analysis of the narrative of the text has been provided by 1. the greatest calligrapher of ent from what is usually assumed. ed . The text was copied by Mir Ali Tabrizi.16 images from their setting. "Humay and decades orthe nineteenth century and the early ones orthe twentieth. First European Conference break·up of the Houghton Shahname barely ten years ago shows that financial of Iranian Studies (Rome. pp. it is legitimate and pos· without being able to identify it. 116. modification. I shall try to show what it is through sibly necessary to seek other approaches to the understanding of the examples of one early manuscript and of a few 1ater miniatures. But it is absurd to do so even if one's aim is lishing detail as something much greater than and certainly different only a taxonomic one. the integrity and authenticity of individual works of art Soucek. identify a third approach to Persian painting manuscript is in the British Library {add." in Basil Gray. intellectually slightly fraudulent. One reason why I shall not take either of these contextual approaches is that information on both is sorely lacking 11 The difficulty is that the procedure has not been rollowed systematically in dealing with Persian painting except by S. Welch and by Lentz. A Medieval Persian Romance. . 208 Oleg Grabar Persian miniatures 209 it reduces the painting almost exclusively to its statistical and pecuni· for work and hypotheses for confirmation. To identify and analyze details is not a new pro- outset. who died in 1352. often published. since some of the latter aTC also lovers ofaTt. It is prob- it. however. as the more progressive contemporary contextualism never been studied in their entirety. the issue is inventor of the nasta'liq script is doubted by Basil Gray. Les Peilllllres des manusaits timourids (Paris. and. It takes issue with the very action by viewers and to understand them as arbitrary combinations. and call it contextual. it may The second line of argument stating the limitations of a taxonomic be worthwhile to look again at the paintings themselves as experienced approach is ofa very different kind. often hidden in shamefully unavailable description in Ivan Stchoukine. three poetic stories by Khwaju Kirmani. and the relationship European or even Chinese masters. "Painting at Herat. one of the artists men- limit their concerns to the physical pages of a book. virtually if not actually (although there are too many or artfully composed. Persian painting. for the label or labels provided by taxonomy from the Morellian automatic gesture in painting and for making me are not an explanation or an interpretation of an image: they merely realize and understand something in Persian painting which I felt become one of its attributes." Iran. of details. rejection. 19(0).hy among them. Nor is it necessary to leap to social. "The Art or Calligraphy. to the writing on tioned in the Iranian histories of painting and calligraphy." in Proceedings. Priscilla serving. (8113) and dated to 1396. by codicologists who his time. for it is to study something cedure. In other words. like most scholars. p. A context can be something more than or differ. The shameful Humayun. C. and cultural prob. The issue is that of pre. is. . for instance. simply of removing. 18Daniel Arasse. 18 I shall not it possible. C. Le Detail. To treat Persian requires the initial "weighing in" and evaluation of these details.

I shall try to provide a definition of each miniature through open and in the upper part of the center a window open. These three figures form a closed triangle within the 20 Quotation and pungent comments in Arasse. In describ. something to the seated figure. and leans toward the second one. p. . together or separately. In this mini. who is dead drunk under a love. In order to follow the sequence of the book. a young woman. but it is possi- tional forms of context. drunkenness as the equivalent of love and love as subject is a royal feast for which the visual meeting of the two heroes well as drinking. They see each other while looking at the young man. I shall mention ature. to show off a maker's talent. as metaphors and means for was but an excuse. 2o other elements are people: most of them are young males standing in The third and fourth illustrations are frequently reproduced groups of two or four and distinguishable by their headgear. There is a door at the bottom left which i. to recall something specific in contempo- of these objects are immediately clear and recognizable. seated to his left but proportions between figures and setting make it reasonable to iden- below the throne. even the peculiar animal-skin bag in front. But there is more to them than their brilliant colors. One could also argue that the meeting was meant ature. as they fall in companion and Humay's friend Behzad. the patron. These two openings are con· them in order of their appearance. with only two openings. One is seated on a high throne. Azar. as two lines starting The first miniature (Plate 5) shows a garden enclosed by a wall and with the face of the seated figure on the right and connected to the fronted with a brook. The and the "sign" of something. because the size of the protagonists. Le Detail. In terms of subject-matter. pillows. nected with the trio in the center of the image. the emperor's daughter. Three fully ness. the illustration of a narrative predominates. But it is difficult to argue that this is the obvious topic for the tree. while two figures at the door to which nature. the nearly effaced Persian inscription on the left wall. and such esoteric meanings as can be pro. or the expected public in writing. the romance involving many sad events but with a happy of their attention. It is an interior enthronement scene and consists of a combination of two seated man at the door or the dancing steps of the falconer farther to the right. rather dramatically. the only ones in the mini· details. and night and day are represented simultaneously. books. The latter has one hand to his heart and the other tify the subject first. and the wears a crown. miniature would then consist in discovering unusual details which and colorful decoration of. five because of the richness of their gray-green-and-yellow tonality in musicians are squatting to the right. shows Humay arriving at the castle of Humayun (plate 2). The "reading" of this tures like walls. with the story told. tentures (tenters). seated in the presence of the emperor of China. rary life. in other words from the two more tradi. perhaps to make the distinction tion is what appears to be a skin filled with air or with some liquid forcefully defined by Matisse as between the "portrait" of something located right at the bottom of the vertical axis of the painting. In It is the first of these lines which identifies the subject of the the garden with its beautiful trees and flowers Humay on the left and illustration: Humay. buildings. categories of expression as a whole and in terms of representation of the outside and two female faces. 210 Oleg Grabar Persian miniatures 211 I shall deal only with the five miniatures which illustrate the first of as though oblivious of all the others but serving as the focus the stories. as was the case with the first miniature of the the points of this image is an evocation of one of the constant themes manuscript. meet because they were looking for Azar's sees and is seen by Humayun. one could argue that the of Persian poetry. as though in a book there had to be a connection the mystical love of and eventually union with the divine. One consists of inanimate items: architectural fix. geometry and some had become traps set by the arts. But what we really see is a walled and locked extended downwards. ing them. The representation is bound in its back by a wall ending of the prince Humay and the princess Humayun. All but one order to attract attention. the crescent moon and two birds are all that other two heads lead directly to the open window and to the door. peer down at the events below. exist outside. The nature of this pleasure and especially Iranian thought of that time. The third is kneeling below the enthroned tower-like building with a young woman on the top floor located on figure and appears to be offering. as is clear from the to be submerged by a feast (or by some other motif). The excep. but in posed derive from a knowledge of the story and of the conventions of being pleased by an image. doors. the book and social culture. One image depicted individuals are different. and people have melted into physical same- the left are depicted in a relatively relaxed manner. and one of making of an image. 20. ble to seek these ways in the unexpected details like the pose of the I The second miniature is much more problematic (Plate I). and tiled floors. the ways in which it affects viewers may still elude us. or kinds of elements. windows. ewers. experience of the picture does not lie in recognizing an event. movable objects like tables. for the most part.

Another feature of this mini. us Peimures des manuscrils limurids. mihrab. It is perhaps in multi-colored interiors or between blooming trees inside and mangy this variety of details rather than in the coloristic sameness that the vegetation outside. A." in Encyclopaedia (}llslam. appar- nating their potential for meaning. without story. in a comes near the human protagonists. in mosque. Unless a more attendants. . orchestra of women players. as it shows Humay leaving the bridal happened. the miniature. and fountain for ablutions. Cakes are eaten and festive lights are I prefer to interpret it as a patterning of details to the point of elimi. 285-99. as the blood pot is being viewed and even. then a tion that things are not what they seem to be and that Humayun. of the image becomes its strongest expression. ilVan. but it never and hands move about. and that fantasy chamber after the consummation of his marriage to H umayun. every brick or tile. a<:ollection of figures engaged in all ofa mosque's activ- another and more general explanatory theory may also be proposed. side plays with flowers above the main scene. The precision and immediate The last two images from this manuscript also share domination recognition of all of these details compels the viewer to concentrate by a single color. no one moves in this image. Even the water is carefully channeled inside the true expression of this miniature lies. to the men on the right. this time red and red-associated colors. organized. 196(}"). in color ently. mini bar. quilt-like rug is spread and the and composition. possibly slightly recent appreciations. see Lentz and Lowry. a fantasy. and they too on the three people in front and to the right who are neither praying are remarkable for the differences between them in spite of the color. touched like a relic. or will happen. They are seated together on a high 21 Neither the manuscript nor the painter have received the attention they deserve. As a result. one could take a miniature from the celebrated Bustan picture and its unusual setting. Full descrip- groups. more subdued fashion. Gibb et al. nor engaged in actions expected in a public sanctuary. For more music making. But. architecture. Except At first glance. although Humayun's gesture of removing yet? her helmet in order to be seen is clearly depicted. 212 O/eg Grabar Persian miniatures 213 an island floating in thin air. R. As will be suggested shortly. spread everywhere. as is required by the The kind of analysis I have proposed for these six miniatures can story. From somewhere else a young crowned boring formality in an ideal world. Gold coins are being showered on the groom and picked up by inscription has been defined with the utmost precision. palace. Only the row of musi- ature is the striking contrast between monochrome exteriors and cians in the lower right seem straight and mechanical. rative urn (or possibly a vase) fitted into a muqarnas vaulted niche. ofSa'di kept in the Cairo public library and illustrated by Behzad. Humay and Humayun are enthroned and cele- brating their union (Plate 4). 21 Its representation of overall domination of all reality by the one power and presence of the a building (Plate 6) in a festival of studied details: architecture with divine symbolized by a single pattern of color or else the demonstra. 2nd ed. tion by Stchoukine. Much must be known before the have been lost. has crowded.and especially the representation of young women to the left . Nothing is happening. the structure. as nothing in his or her gaze leads . All three of ful sameness of tone. It is all a dream. the most complete information is still that gathered by Richard going through the ritual gestures of a feast: conversations in small Ettinghausen in "8ehzad. including a tall commemo- The other image in the same pattern of color shows Humay engag. Heads that is allowed to move in and out of the walled area. In fact it is only a rather disquieting flock of birds liveliness of their gestures within the constrictions of the style. is not a man. eating. There is a wild male dancer prancing to the music of an careful examination discovers some unusual detail in this miniature. ities from washing their feet to praying. (Leiden. ed. architectural details are unusually rich. and the same rhythms are transferred. 74-76. decoration with tiles of many colors typical of Timurid spite of appearances. For the real contact is as such a coherent construction? What is remarkable about its details between the rider and the building. this detail does not explain the composition of the For instance. every bit of mat. But is it right to see the miniature rider has come to its gate and points to it. pp.. Timur. drinking. in 1488. The Cairo manuscript is mentioned in all surveys. has been expressed with a stunning blood-stained sheet is displayed in front of the coy bride seated on a visual clarity in which every part. portico. ing in battle with Humayun (who had disguised herself as a man) and In a way details here have gone wild and all sense of order seems to discovering her gender (Plate 3). Its subject is simple. An the to the other figure. pp. while it is more naturally meandering on the outsiUe. even if here it is a very minor detail that is the excuse for easily be extended to many very different examples from other times. The without event. H. nor are the two horses simple to avoid. On throne and all around them lavishly dressed men and women are 8ehzad. the That "something else" which explains the painting may well be the most renowned of all Persian painters. the last image recalls the first one but is more for the birds. Or is it that we do not read the details appropriately subject can be understood. It is an image of orderly.

that other con. Morals Pointed and Tales Adorned (Leiden. An study. color plate 8. and at times a jarring. a contemporary viewer can simply enjoy a museum for a highly comic disaster. 29 Ibid. 288. 27 Lentz and Lowry. a scripts can be summarized as follows. D. Beach. Arab and Persian Painting in the Fogg Art Museum (Cambridge. During the fifteenth century doorman refuses entry to a poorly dressed beggar. of the attempted seduction of Joseph by Zulaykha. if puzzling. there developed an art of painting whose aim was not to illustrate ious character laughs at the scene. Annotated Checklist of the Vever Collection (Washington. even likely. passages of writing are often artfully fitted into miniatures. The third one belongs to the Vever collection. p. some uncertainty about their 31 Welch. figures: a tall man at the door with a big stick. which are almost always full-page images. pp. these very centuries in western Europe.. Here are a few randomly chosen --- page. "Recherches. A small number of pages are selected for nonnarrative details which compel the identification of the narrative miniatures. but they can also involve formal decisions and unusual of roughly related vignettes cover practically the entire surface of the combinations of colors or of people.23 The key peculiarity of the experi. however. Illustrations have truly become paintings.32 24 2S Arasse. 1980). Timur..C. fol..- . It is possible. as Arasse has so artfully suggested. p.... note. pp. Lowry and Milo C. or a school occurs in many stories in Iranian literature. in which dozens iconographic. Mass.pp..C. in a festival 22 It is an illustration of Sa'di. 21 v. thing in the text. This magnificent painting has been frequently to my remarks in this chapter. p.28 the depiction of a construction site with the potential In the meantime. Such variants may be technically What does emerge can be called a festival of details. paintings signed by or attributed to Mir Sayyid Ali and In order to discover what these sources of inspiration may have datable to around 1540. Indian sage. " Dickson and Welch.. 340-42.. a camp. Wonders of the Age (Cambridge. opposite p...27 the visionary ioo-" --. No one has as yet succeeded in proposing a plau. Mass. C. 1974).126.. 283. JO Ibid. pected. which came from the Cartier collection. all that is required is to examine the miniatures themselves. in a scene which reminds the viewer of a book after having led inspired. as in Welch. of two demonstrations: the erwise pedestrian topic of a good king (Sultan Sanjar) meeting an old . of the painter and the potential for recognition woman who criticizes his rule. G. tr. Wickens. references. The full classification of the various patterns involved still requires - (Washington. 24 At this level. pp.30 acrobatically impossible staging for a royal life beyong the wildest dreams of man. but these archaeological and iconographic issues are not pertinent 32 Dickson and Welch. textual approaches may discover some subtle hierarchy in these conception of space implied by a visit of Alexander the Great to an assemblages and so provide some explanation of why they were made.26 the sudden introduction of a dramatic depiction boy being punished at school. They can be as small as a single cat or the strange outline of a examples of clues for possible contexts: the lively and imaginative fan- black figure just below the laundry hanging in the lower part of the tasies of monstrous figures frolicking in nature from a great sixteenth- miniature. finally. 1988). . M.3l and. I 28 Ibid. S. 250. as I had when i first saw these paintings. 25 They are ones. are presently in the Harvard Art Museums. while some obnox. still have. Simpson. As in any iconographic study so fashionable for the art of ---." and by many other scholars in a more simple manner. D. an older man dressed these miniatures. if indeed they were that initially. WondersoftheAge. Welch. the aim is to learn to dis- sible textual inspiration for them. 18. and one may have come from they provide the answers to our questions in this gigantic game of a manuscript of Hafez (plate 8). Lowry. initial function. 296. Wonders of the Age.. 214 Oleg Grabar Persian miniatures 215 them have visual peculiarities which distinguish them from other of truth or resemblance in the art ofpainting. Or they can be a large ensemble at a tent or a scene of a century manuscript.. someone in the window in the lower the book and its narrative. pp. 1988). 23 The first two. S. for. p. M. as has been shown in some detail by Adle. competence. Jeopardy that contextual history of the arts or of anything else has ence one has of these paintings is that no narrative subject-matter is become. 1980). 155. as though he is trying to hide his expression. For my last example. needs. by some- him or her to escape into a painting. even art. the dream of creation in which all is good and beautiful. . 5S-61 with bibliography. Two of these are assumed to have belonged been. the meeting place. apparent in them. Le Derail. reproduced. even though the general theme of a tinguish that which is typical from whatever appears to strike an unex- city.. and impulses other than those of the book itself. at times very generally and very approximately.. p. have broken free of in rags holding a bowl or a cup. Glenn D. 106-108.29 the personalized depiction of a court of details. the detail is the with portrait-like sages and the bizarre shadow of a devil over the oth- place of encounter. 22 It is the nature and quality of the texts but to decorate books. Bustan. for to a great Nizami manuscript (Plate 7). 182-$3 and Glenn D. but mostly they are affected by fads. right corner with his face buried in his clothes. It is these three people who form the narrative What I have tried to show through these examples of specific manu- illustrated by the miniature: in a fashionable upper-class mosque. 157. now at the Sadder Museum in Washington. A Jeweler's Eye of colors. I shall simply mention a series of beautiful. Actually. 116.

"Nizami on Painters and Paintings. Preliminary discussions by Z. Traite des tertnesjigures relatifs ala description de la beaute (Paris. and the understandable. because it is by details that a painter was judged. Timurid especially pp. Yarshater are in Peter Jackson. It is only it is also necessary to provide a framework for the visual language in details . The first is that it is reasonable and possible to set the miniatures from Persian manuscripts on a scale ranging from almost exclusively narrative or illustrative to just about devoid of any reference to a specific text or event. quoted earlier. "Text. teenth century around the major courts of Iran. of the probable validity of ad hoc explanations of individual images. tr. Sevcenko. no systematic study of literary theories ofth. ed. In M. This framework can be imagined with the help of taste of the viewer can truly meet and exchange what they have to aesthetic theories developed precisely in the early part of the fif. 913-94. Harvard University. Cambridge. Within a theory of the detail. and notes by Clement Huart. " In the version of this chapter in Scott. But. See also Renata Holod.'Ushshaq. But none of these studies and resources. 1-12. Scarcely any of them are explained directly who is not reacting to the stories unknown to him or her and for by the text. but I can easily imagine the kind of research into visual whom the culture and history of the time are lost. argue two points at the same time. ed. pp. New and pertinent discoveries of drawings will be published soon by Giilrii Necipoglu. most part uniq ue details.. Anis a/. It is to cerning a detail. Such deci- sions are possible through the rating and evaluation of details. An important analy~ sis based on Nizami is that by Soucek. 1986).. can replace a true book of sources. Theories and Principles of Design in the Architecture of Islamic Societies (Aga Khan Program. while the rest will enter into the limbo of ence of any art is always a balancing act between the uniqueness of answers whose questions are lost forever. 35 was poor at representing beards would make sense as an example of criticism con- The main point of this chapter lies elsewhere. The Art of Interpreting. 216 OlegGrabar Persian miniatures 217 I do not have an explanation for each of these specific and for the doing) S036 . the acknowledged best master in the tradition of Persian painting. My second point is that the experi- elucidate many of them.J4 has been discussed Behzad. have discussed the paradox involved in images which do not deal with spatial or physical verisimilitude lesser degree with architectureY One example. time. . a contemporary sensual make-up which is rarely unique. that he elsewhere. can explain his or vocabulary.for instance.single little vignettes or assemblages of separate parts - that would have made individual answers possible and presumably that the competence of the maker. offer. textual criticism. There is. without denying a work. 1985 is in Golombek and Wilber. Plan and Building. while being always praised for doing (or not 33 For architecture. to my knowledge. and to a 36 Many authors. and a place on the one hand and on the other. that of a treatise and texts which almost always do. The Cambridge History of iratl. however. The Feather of Simargh. It is too soon to decide whether this passion for details was a way for premodern artists in the Iranian world to express something ." ~rchitecture.. which are not easily available anyway. a period. especially Soucek and Golombek." while many important texts and suggestive comments are found in Biirgel.or whether it is the only way in which a viewer today. their inability to represent what they saw. what was known until c. and contemporary history which may her experience of these images. some- times self-contained units within a miniature (a group of three standing figures or a rocky formation). 34 Sharar aI-Din Rami. 1875). 1988). Safa and E. the will of the patron. Mass. 78ff. pp. the criticism of written in 1423 by one Sharaf ai-Din Rami. VI (Cambridge. sometimes choices made by the contemporary viewer attracted by a certain pattern of colors or the outline of an animal or of a face. These theories deal primarily with literature and probably with music.

law." glorifies the ancient. of how Persians of the earlier. 2 However. theology.the 2. Indeed. it is Hammurabi Division of the Republican Guard. and the What has already emerged from the preceding chapters is a picture of replacement of the indigenous Persian language by Arabic as the the richness. Latins and then the Turks. story. so that the integration of Persia's peculiar national genius and dis- gious traditions have been brought about by such events as the Arab tinct identity with the much newer religion of Mu4ammad was never Muslim invasions of the Levant or the extinction of Byzantium by the entirely complete . have therefore true . bly. 1955). e. or by Lebanese Maronite writers to recall sions. The Persians had -- remains of Cyrus the Great's capital at Pasargadae. of Persian history and favored medium for polite literature or adab. despite being a Muslim. for the Persian of pre-Islamic times. Yet the deplore this. There have always remained standing. and the names of the heroes found there . certain Egyptians. to emphasize the continuity of Egyptian history writing in Persia in the Islamic period up to the Mongol inva- life with Pharaonic times. The Persian contribution to Islamic great Biiyid AmIr 'AQud al-Dawla visited the Achaemenid capital of Persepolis and got a local Zoroastrian mobad to interpret for him the historiography in the pre-Mongol period Pahlavi inscriptions there. very long.500th national culture was such that it was able to adapt itself to the new faith anniversary of the Persian monarchy. and especially the continuity. despite their nature as remnants of infidelity. unified view of his nation's past. for all to see and Persian dynasties before the Arab invasions do not seem to have cul- admire. times. pp. are genuinely much more con." in his Islam: Essays in historically minded early Islamic rulers in Persia showed an interest in Ihe Nalure and Growlh of a Cultural Tradilion (London. iraj. remarkable monuments to the glory of ancient Persia: the tivated formally the science of historiography. FirdawsI. the glory of New Persian literature. One aspect of Persia's roots in the past was highlighted science.I The Persian contribution to Islamic historiography 219 these antiquities.Rustam. Tahmiisp. "Firdausi's Concept of History. and still survive.have been popular as personal names side by side with C. Frye. for the resilience of the the intensity of the feeling for the past in that land . . E.. also to the Mesopotamia of the Babylonians and Assyrians. it was able to influence and been more distinctly felt in Persia than in any other Middle or Near modify the course of Islam in the eastern Islamic world very apprecia- Eastern country. his national history was as Many Persians. the Medes. The Heritage of Persia (London. who had available to him an epic poetico-historical tradition of however much fundamentalist bigots of the Islamic Revolution may which the Shiih-niima is only one manifestation among many. supremely vivid as it clearly was for his descendant of post-Islamic scious of a past which stretches far back beyond the advent of Islam.but this is another. 175-77. and descend into the grotesque .from later times. Firdawsi's Shiih-niima or "Book of Kings. Attempts earlier in the twentieth century The aspect of Persian culture which is discussed here is that of by. and had an Arabic inscription of his own carved there to commemorate his presence1 Also. seemed rather forced and artificial. Bahman. the Tiiq-i -- I Richard N. pre-Islamic past of the nation. during the sixth palace complex of Darius and Xerxes at Persepolis or Takht -i JamshId. the abandonment of the old religion of Zoroaster and the heroic traditions.g. in particular. Kisrii or palace of the Siisiinids at Ctesiphon near Baghdad. von Grunebaum. Hence 1 See G. Isfandiyiir. This continuity of heritage has and law of Islam. century BC to form the Achaemenid empire. But we know of Cyrus the many Siisiinid rock reliefs in the Zagros Mountains. on the other hand. etc. for elsewhere. the immense incorporated an associated people. p. . 1962). etc. he need not have worried on a date somewhat arbitrarily chosen but nevertheless indicative of about any possible threat to Persia's heritage. when the late Shah celebrated . 251. and. formative their land's Phoenician past and an historic orientation westwards. or. period viewed themselves as heirs to a great national past and at the in the present day .by ~addiim same time as participants in God's scheme of salvation for His ser- J:Iusayn to hark back not only to the Arab victory at al-Qiidisiyya but vants under the light of Islam. Kay Kiiwiis. although he was not able to synthesize from his materials a for us only some three decades ago."- 218 • 4 . violent breaks in national and reli. felt the threat University of Manchester to the heritage of Persia from the new faith of Islam. with his The considerable amount of detail available .on the pre-Islamic past of Persia might lead one to think that. EDMUND BOSWORTH purely Islamic ones. The 6 .

on these various histories from Islamic times as sources for Sasanid history." which gathered decrees and serving as guides for state functiona:ries. involving. or the struggle between Iran and Turan offer as little true history as temporaries with the ruler's might. III. and widespread. Ibn al- religion. the Romans. but concentrates ancestor Achaemenes. The Golden Age of Persia: The Arabs in the East{London. official court annalists. the first men propagandist motive behind them. Jews. from the Pi'shdadids onward. often in the form of heroic poetry and romances. had a common provinces and peoples. may have determined Muqaffa'. often of more obviously historical value. 6 tional in that it demonstrated to the populace at large the power and The Siisiinid empire was administratively quite a sophisticated one. accounts of wars and conquests. the absence of an official era comparable to those used at various times by Caucasian lands of the Alans. coins . Khurasan. where the popular heroic traditions seem to have been most strong and the existence of administrative and fiscal systems have to be con. inhibited natural deeds of their ancestors. 4 And. and the world-view that went with it. dasliins. of course. "Iranian National History." al-sala! al. questions of chronology (difficult in the Transoxania. with an authority buttressed by the favor of on the heroic leading figures as embodiments of national glory the land's protective deity Ahura Mazda. it was this "Book of Kings. "Iranian National History. and Christians)." in The Cambridge History of Iran. . 1975). from the Avesta and the Middle Persian Zoroastrian religious and ing the ideals of the state and church.. beginning a tradition of self-expression ritorial and political evolution of the Persian empire. Babylonian and Greek. originally from Fars." in structed largely from external. ed. and it was mitted orally.g. The record books of the laws of Yet there arose a demand. legal texts can be assembled. Hence these epic legends of. which in post- the nature of Persian views of history at this time. the use ofthe~ritical faculties. there emerged by Sasanid times. Ehsan Yarshater (Cambridge. 59-62. clay tablets. papyri. J 4 Richard N. after the oral stage.inscriptions. but there does not seem to have do the Homeric epics or Beowulf or the Nibelungenlied or the Chanson been any continuing official tradition for the recording of history de Roland. was one of those court officials honored by having sacrifices ~iili~un) and the baleful effects on religion and the body politic alike of such deviances as Manichaeism and Mazdakism. as is clearly the case by disciplines . 220 C Edmund Bosworth The Persian contribution to Islamic historiography 221 the Gr