Lemesos

Lemesos:

A History of Limassol in Cyprus
from Antiquity to the Ottoman
Conquest

Edited by

Angel Nicolaou-Konnari
and Chris Schabel

Lemesos:
A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity to the Ottoman Conquest

Edited by Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel

This book first published 2015

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2015 by Angel Nicolaou-Konnari, Chris Schabel
and contributors

Sponsored by

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
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ISBN (10): 1-4438-7561-9
ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7561-5

..................................... 96 Tassos Papacostas From Nemesos to Lemesos/Limassol: Note on a Toponymic Puzzle ....................................................................................................................................... 49 Laurence Alpe Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol: The Rise of a Byzantine Settlement from Late Antiquity to the Time of the Crusades .................. 195 Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel Rummaging through Ruins: Architecture in Limassol in the Lusignan and Venetian Periods ...................................... CONTENTS Abbreviations ............................................ xix Map 2: Limassol and Its Hinterland ....................................... 189 Angel Nicolaou-Konnari Limassol under Latin Rule .......................................................................................................................................................................................... 1 Antoine Hermary Limassol in Antiquity: From Its Origins to the End of the Roman Period...... Capital of the Kingdom and City-State ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 362 Michalis Olympios .............................................................. x Series Editor Introduction ............................................... xii Sponsor’’s Preface ..................................... vii Contributors ............ xv Map 1: Latin Cyprus ................................ xx Amathus........................ xiv Foreword ........

.................................................................. 577 ..................... 501 Bibliography ............................... 507 Index ...............vi Contents Conclusion ...............................................................................................................................................................

ABBREVIATIONS 1.Periodicals –– Series AASS = Acta Sanctorum. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. 1863-1940). Archivio di Stato di Venezia. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. CSA = Nicosia. Badische Landesbibliothek. Biblioteca della Fondazione Querini Stampalia. BNM = Venice.Libraries ASV = Vatican City. CCEC = Cahiers du Centre d’’Études Chypriotes. BCH = Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique. Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. Cyprus State Archive. 2. AOL = Archives de l’’Orient latin. ARDA = Annual Report of the Department of Antiquities (1982-) = Annual Report of the Director of the Department of Antiquities (1962-1979) = Annual Report of the Chief Antiquities Officer (1961) = Annual Report of the Director of Antiquities (1950-1960) (Nicosia). Archivio Segreto Vaticano. AR = Archaeological Reports (supplements to JHS). ABSA = The Annual of the British School at Athens. BF = Byzantinische Forschungen. CICO = Pontificia commissio ad redigendum codicem iuris canonici orientalis. BZ = Byzantinische Zeitschrift. BEC = Bibliothèque de l’’École des Chartes. . Biblioteca di Civico Museo Correr. Bodleian = Oxford. Bibliothèque nationale de France. BnF = Paris. AB = Analecta Bollandiana. Querini Stampalia = Venice. Archives . (Paris. BAV = Vatican City. 1943-). Chronique des fouilles = ‘‘Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques à Chypre’’ in BCH. ASVe = Venice. Fontes. 71 vols. BEFAR = Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’’Athènes et de Rome. Bodleian Library. BSB = Munich. CMC = Venice. KBL = Karlsruhe. Series III (Rome. General Works .

1841-1906).viii Abbreviations CSFS = Collana storica di fonti e studi. Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Kazhdan. TSHC = Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus. R. DOS = Dumbarton Oaks Studies. ODB = The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium.). (Stuttgart. TIB = Tabula Imperii Byzantini (Vienna. RHC Or. = RHC Documents arméniens. Migne. 1998-2002). Pistarino (Genoa. RDAC = Report of the Department of Antiquities. Assises de la Haute Cour (Paris. Lilie. 1976-). PG = Patrologiae cursus completus. Cyprus Research Centre (Nicosia). C.P. (New York –– Oxford. RS = Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores (Rolls Series). REB = Revue des études byzantines. (eds. II. 1844-1895). 47 vols. RHC Arm. A. D. J. (Paris. (Paris. Series Latina. ed. Series Graeca. EKMIMK = EʌİIJȘȡȓįĮ KȑȞIJȡȠȣ MİȜİIJȫȞ IİȡȐȢ MȠȞȒȢ KȪțțȠȣ (Nicosia). Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois (Paris.P. 1857-1866). general ed. PL = Patrologiae cursus completus. . KȈ = KݒÖÎÆÐÆd ¤’ÔÝÉÆ (Nicosia). (Berlin . I. JHS = Journal of Hellenic Studies. ed. PmbZ = F. 251 vols. 1894-1963). EKEE = ǼʌİIJȘȡȓįĮ KȑȞIJȡȠȣ ǼʌȚıIJȘȝȠȞȚțȫȞ ǼȡİȣȞȫȞ (KȪʌȡȠȣ) (Nicosia)..New York. RHC = Recueil des historiens des croisades. 1969-). G. (London. 7 vols. OCP = Orientalia Christiana Periodica. 3 vols. Laiou (chief ed. (Paris. The Economic History of Byzantium from the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century. JMH = Journal of Medieval History. 161 vols. (Paris. DOP = Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 5 vols. = RHC Historiens Occidentaux. J.-J. (Paris. 1841). RE = Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumwissenschaft. 2 vols. Winkelmann. RHC Occ. 3 vols. EHB = A. 1843). ed. 1991). Migne. Beugnot. = RHC Historiens Orientaux. 1844-1864). 221 vols. 16 vols. ROL = Revue de l’’Orient latin. 1858-1896). Comte A. 2002). ed. [DOS 39] (Washington.C. Ludwig et al. 5 vols. RHC Lois = RHC Lois: Les Assises de Jérusalem. Cyprus.). Abteilung I: 641-867. 1869-1906). (Paris. MEFR = Mélanges de l’’École française de Rome. 1872-1906).

(Nicosia. 1923-1937). ȆAǯǻKȈ = £ÖÆÐØÎÐa ØÔÜ £ÖÕØÔÝ ŸÎÊÙÓÔÜÛ KݒÖÔÑÔÌÎÐÔÜ ¤ÝÓÊÉÖÂÔÝ (Nicosia. 1984-1991). ȆBǯǻKȈ = £ÖÆÐØÎÐa ØÔÜ ŸÊÝØÀÖÔÝ ŸÎÊÙÓÔÜÛ KݒÖÎÔÑÔÌÎÐÔÜ ¤ÝÓÊÉÖÂÔÝ (Nicosia. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity ix to the Ottoman Conquest KX = KݒÖÎÆÐa XÖÔÓÎв. (Larnaca. 3 vols. (Nicosia. ed. 3 vols. A. MY = MÊÑÀØÆÎ ÐÆd ^Y’ÔÒÓÁÒÆØÆ (Nicosia). (Nicosia. 1969). 13 vols. 1982). . 14 vols. 1972-1973). (Nicosia. gen. Pavlides. MKE = MİȖȐȜȘ KȣʌȡȚĮțȒ EȖțȣțȜȠʌĮȓįİȚĮ. 1996). 1996-2001). 1985-1987). ȆīǯǻKȈ = £ÖÆÐØÎÐa ØÔÜ TÖÂØÔÝ ŸÎÊÙÓÔÜÛ KݒÖÔÑÔÌÎÐÔÜ ¤ÝÓÊÉÖÂÔÝ (Nicosia. 3 vols.

Antoine Hermary is Professor Emeritus of Greek Archaeology at the University of Aix-Marseille. Her research interests focus on the Latin-ruled Greek world and. published a number of articles on Limassol and Amathus. Mertens) The Cesnola Collection of Cypriot Art. president of the Centre d’’Études chypriotes (Paris). he . Schabel. He is director of the mission of the École française d’’Athènes at Amathus. Préhistoire et civilisations antiques et médiévales. and taught courses at the University of Aix-Marseille. University of London (MA 2005. 2009). specialising in Cypriot archaeology. College of Cardiff. on which subject he is preparing a book. and iconography.. Michalis Olympios was educated at the Department of History and Archaeology of the University of Athens (BA 2003) and the Courtauld Institute of Art. CONTRIBUTORS Laurence Alpe (Doctorat d’’Histoire et d’’Archéologie. 2014). He published many books and articles on Cypriot art and archaeology. PhD 2010). He has published on Gothic architecture and sculpture in Lusignan Cyprus. and the proceedings of the conference ‘‘La Serenissima’’ and ‘‘La Nobilissima’’: Venice in Cyprus and Cyprus in Venice (ed. 2007) is an independent scholar specialising in ancient Limassol. the subject of her doctoral thesis being Limassol et ses environs: étude d’’un site secondaire au temps des royaumes de Chypre. 2003). Since 2011. Greek sculpture. 2005). Her main publications include a diplomatic edition of the Chronicle of Leontios Makhairas (with M. particularly. Université de Provence Aix-Marseille I. Metropolitan Museum of Art. She participated in many excavations in Cyprus. Society and Culture 1191-1374 (ed. Stone Sculpture (New York. and editor of the Cahiers du Centre d’’Études chypriotes. the history of Lusignan and Venetian Cyprus. His research interests revolve around medieval art and architecture in Europe and the Latin East. University of Wales. with C. 1999) is Associate Professor of the History of Hellenism under Latin Rule at the University of Cyprus. Pieris. the collective volume Cyprus. Angel Nicolaou-Konnari (PhD. amongst which recently (with Joan R.

Francis of Marchia –– Theologian and Philosopher (ed. 2013). Kneepkens. and Medieval Supposition Theory Revisited (ed. University of Cyprus. 2006-2007). 1994) is Professor of Medieval History at the University of Cyprus.O.G.A. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity xi to the Ottoman Conquest has been Lecturer in the History of Western Art at the Department of History and Archaeology. He is editor of the journal Vivarium and his books include Theology at Paris. and C. . with R. with W. His current research and publications focus on aspects of archaeology and architecture from Late Antiquity to the early modern period. Doctor Moralis and Franciscan Minister General (ed. Bos. 2 vols. Braakhuis. Theological Quodlibeta in the Middle Ages (ed. Friedman. 2006).P.O. Tassos Papacostas (DPhil Oxon.L. with E. Following a Past and Present Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the Institute of Historical Research (University of London). Duba. University of Iowa.H.. 1316-1345 (2000). specialising in later medieval intellectual history and the Latin East. W. Duba. Gerald Odonis. Chris Schabel (PhD. he worked as a Research Associate for the Prosopography of the Byzantine World project before being appointed to an RCUK Fellowship at King’’s (2006-2011). primarily on Cyprus. London. 2000) is Lecturer in Byzantine Material Culture at King’’s College. H. 2009).

to set out the history of both the city and the surrounding rural areas of the broader Limassol District. both leading scholars in their field. from the inter- disciplinary backgrounds of archaeology. or the same romantic allure of Famagusta and charm of Kyrenia. art history. which have been understudied. as Tassos Papacostas in this volume argues. ‘‘in May 1191 Limassol was unexpectedly propelled to the international limelight literally overnight. The co- editors. which I hope my series. and was originally known as Neapolis (new town). it has not had the same foreign consular (and thus trade) presence that Larnaca did. will have the honour to publish. Indeed. The scholars selected are all experts in their field and it is no easy task to unite such an eclectic group. and who teamed up so well ten years ago to publish Cyprus –– Society and Culture 1191- 1374 (2005). has been postponed for a second volume. and history. it has never served as the capital of the island. . but there have been moments in the history of the island and the Mediterranean when Limassol has played a very significant role. so much so that the coverage of the Ottoman. Limassol (the city) developed between two ancient cities. The city of Limassol is situated on the southern coast of Cyprus and is the capital of the eponymous district. because tombs found there date back to 2000 BC and others to the eighth and fourth centuries BC. well before the myth that it was a Latin creation. both from the University of Cyprus. This volume brings together leading scholars. Cyprus Historical and Contemporary Studies. as Paphos and Nicosia have. British. Limassol had already existed for millennia. should be commended for bringing to life the history of Limassol in this exciting volume. Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Christopher Schabel. and independence periods of its history. Limassol has played a significant part in the history of Cyprus and the broader Mediterranean. The volume is comprehensive. from ancient times to the end of Latin rule in the sixteenth century. SERIES EDITOR INTRODUCTION As the editors state in their foreword. Amathus and Curium (Kourion in Greek). So when. A small colony may have existed in ancient times. To be sure. as a result of the events surrounding the island’’s conquest by Richard the Lionheart in the course of the Third Crusade’’. Limassol has an important history beyond the three or four dramatic moments in its past.

A third volume by Walsh is to be published in 2015 in this series. published by Rimal in 2012. and Limassol. UK. namely Nicosia and Famagusta. edited by Annemarie Weyl Carr. and is one of the most vibrant in all of Cyprus. edited by the editors of the present work. Flinders University . along with other scholars. with its suburbs reaching Amathus to the east. titled Medieval and Renaissance Famagusta: Studies in Architecture. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity xiii to the Ottoman Conquest Organised chronologically. Demetrios Michaelides edited the scholarly survey Historic Nicosia. with an urban population of just under 180. Senior Lecturer in Imperial and Military History. Aix-Marseille University. while Michael Walsh and Nicholas Coureas.000. all varying in length depending on the availability of source material and the importance of the period and theme that is being addressed. spreading along the Mediterranean coast. and ends with a wonderful postscript by the two co-editors on the place of pre-Ottoman Limassol in the memory of Cypriots and travellers to Cyprus over the centuries. France. It gives me great pleasure to publish this volume as part of my series. This volume is timely because it also coincides with the growth in studies into Cypriot cities. part of the British Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia. with the second volume on History and Society to follow soon. Limassol is a multicultural city. and thus allows for a comparison. Greece. also in 2015. Famagusta. the volume is impressively rich in detail and focussed on answering the pressing historiographical questions associated with Limassol. was published by Central European University Press in 2014. Known for its antiquities and its annual festivals. The city has extended much farther than the castle and port. Andrekos Varnava. volume 1: Art and Architecture. Together the volumes on Nicosia. was published by Ashgate in 2012. With five main chapters. and US. and the second. I hope this will be the beginning of many more studies on the history of Limassol and the other cities of Cyprus. has published the first of two volumes on the city: Famagusta. this volume starts with a chapter on ancient Amathus by Professor Antoine Hermary. titled The Harbour of All This Sea and Realm: Crusader to Venetian Famagusta. To the west of the city is the Akrotiri Peninsula. Today the city has grown into an important Mediterranean port. although varying in aim and scope. who are connected to Cyprus. together with Gilles Grivaud and Catherine Otten-Froux. Meanwhile Brepols. This multiculturalism is reflected in the scholars contributing. have co-edited two volumes that focus on medieval Famagusta: the first. Art and History. provide readers with the most sophisticated and scholarly historical accounts of those three places.

SPONSOR’’S PREFACE Neapolis. I have always had the feeling that we need a comprehensive. Theodosias. Lemesos. It took some time to compile the first volume. British. of which only the last 137 years (from 1878 to now) are more or less well documented. All the above are bits and pieces from references on Limassol. Nemesos. Limassol. Dr Andreas Pittas Medochemie Limassol . ‘‘A town between Amathus and Kourion’’. ‘‘The place where Richard the Lionheart’’s wedding to Beregaria of Navarra took place’’. I now expect that the second volume (Turkish. ‘‘At times a very important Mediterranean pȠrt’’. academic work on Limassol –– we have to know its history all along the millennia gone. and independence periods) will follow soon. This is the reason why I turned to Angel and Chris again for this book. but I believe it is worth the effort after all.

. which would combine in a single volume the ancient. True. edited by Anna G. assuring us that much of what we would find. we began with a relative tabula rasa. Writing about one’’s hometown can be awkwardly emotional. Christakis Sergides’’ Limassol Until the Turkish Period. Salamis. and the collective volume Limassol: A Journey to the Past of a City. Why Limassol? Some of the motivation was of a personal nature: Medochemie is headquartered there. the scholarly secondary literature was limited. Limassol also provided us with a great scientific opportunity: the primary source material. the project’’s sponsor. Marangou and Titos Kolotas in 2006. would be fresh and exciting and. Yet Limassol is by no means insignificant. published in 2003. but solid scholarly reasons for composing the book counterbalanced personal involvement. was not overwhelming. or at least many of our interpretations. and modern history of Limassol for the layman and the specialist alike. rendered the composition of a scholarly study.1 which appeared in 2005 and was the brainchild of Dr Andreas Pittas. and the seaside city has been either a home or an adopted home for both the editors.Society and Culture 1191-1374. this time on the history of Limassol. often a multicultural one. all the more demanding. which presents interesting analogies with the city’’s recent and present situation. dispersed in manuscripts. The above works are very 1 Nicolaou-Konnari and Schabel (2005). Limassol was never the capital of the island. monographs. collective volumes. FOREWORD Following the success of Cyprus . there does not exist a comprehensive study on the history of Limassol that is similar to the one for Nicosia edited by Demetrios Michaelides in 2012. and Nicosia were. despite the long entry by Andros Pavlides in the eighth volume of the Megali Kypriaki Encyclopaideia. as Paphos. In fact. medieval. and it never experienced an explosion of growth comparable to that of Frankish Famagusta. The scattered nature of the extant information on the city. allowing us to inspect the vast majority of what survives (although we hope more sources surface in the future). Dr Pittas being a Limassolian. while ample. and journals. the editors approached the CEO of Medochemie with the idea for another book. for some periods at least. which appeared in 1988. with a long and fascinating history.

published in 1942. For more titles of personal testimonies. Antoine Hermary (University of Aix-Marseille). the editors (University of Cyprus) took Frankish and Venetian Limassol. taking the city’’s history down to 1960. Amathus and Kourion respectively. In this case. Pharmakides’’ History of Limassol. Still. but their scope and methodological approach are different from those of the present volume. Similarly. much closer geographically. 1981. years ago Professor Mavroyiannis turned in a mere portion of his piece on Kourion that was so extensive that we decided that the finished product should constitute a separate monograph on its own. Professor Iacovou opted to turn over her assignment to two respected specialists. Originally. Pilavakes (1997). director of the French archaeological mission at Amathus. 1997. Using very recent archaeological finds and based on her doctoral thesis. however. . focusing on the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. that is considered to be ‘‘Old Limassol’’. let alone Limassol since independence.2 Nine years later the product of Dr Pittas’’ generous support does not much resemble what we agreed upon in 2006. and Rita Severis and George Dionysiou (experienced independent scholars) were to cover Ottoman Limassol. Michaelides (2012).xvi Foreword useful and in many respects pioneering. the Old City. and Savvides (2001). in the end the book has grown so large that the huge chapter by Severis and Dionysiou will have to form part of a planned second volume. and we sincerely hope that this comes to fruition. Agnes Michaelide’’s Limassol. Pharmakides (1942). a chapter that the editors have translated from French. Xenophon P. Pilavakes’’ Limassol in Past Times. are in contrast personal or popular testimonies and recollections. we had envisioned a simple organisation of four large chapters written by four scholarly ‘‘couples’’: Maria Iacovou and Theodoros Mavroyiannis (both of the University of Cyprus) would cover the ancient cities between which Limassol is situated. Sacrificing Kourion was only possible thematically because it is Amathus. Michaelide (1981). we wisely did not think it possible to add the British period in a single volume on the history of Limassol. and Christakis Savvides’’ Limassol Yesterday and Today. Laurence Alpe (independent scholar) contributed a welcome chapter on ancient Limassol that the 2 See Pavlides (1988). and 2001 respectively. agreed to synthesise what is known about that city. Tassos Papacostas (King’’s College. Marangou and Kolotas (2006). Costas A. Although every scholar longs to present and analyse exhaustively a topic of research. London) and Ioanna Christoforaki (Academy of Athens) were assigned Byzantine Limassol and Byzantine art in the Limassol area. see Pilavakes (1997: 17-20). Sergides (2003).

commercial. and this and modern development have made Olympios’’ reconstruction of Frankish and Venetian Limassol a complex endeavor. moving to Limassol in Antiquity. As research progressed. combining written sources. most importantly. Italian. The decline of the city in the late Middle Ages. Limassol in French. Frankish. with the volume’’s focus on Limassol before 1570. the social and economic . and this chapter is divided into four distinct periods. residential. Whereas the focus in these early chapters is often mostly and sometimes exclusively on archaeological sources. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity xvii to the Ottoman Conquest editors also translated from French and that forms a smooth transition to Papacostas’’ piece on Byzantine Limassol. The discussion of the history of the toponym(s) for what is today called Lemesos in Greek. and some other languages. this holistic approach takes into consideration the various patterns of connectivity in the Mediterranean –– often affected by the evolving geo-political situation in distant areas –– that determined the role of cities in networks of Mediterranean exchange. however. archaeology. what would best accompany Papacostas’’ chapter and that of the editors was a thorough study of the physical remains of Frankish and Venetian Limassol. and the Conclusion traces the distorted image(s) of ancient. Byzantine. and then the radical break occasioned by the Ottoman conquest of 1570. and that her own chapter should be expanded to incorporate the Ottoman period for inclusion in the second volume. English. In 2006 we had no specialist for the archaeology of Frankish and Venetian Limassol. etc. also fractured the continuity of collective memory.) and the relation between demographics and environmental factors. it became clear to Dr Christoforaki and the editors that. and various other similar spellings in still other tongues follows the chronological evolution of toponomastics and can be found in special sections of Alpe’’s and Papacostas’’ chapters and in a separate note. The present volume attempts a global approach. better than we had hoped. The book is organised chronologically. Limassol already lay in partial ruins in the late fourteenth century. studying urban (dis)continuity and development on the basis of the multifold function of a port city (administrative. religious. we believe that the result is excellent. but Dr Michalis Olympios joined the faculty of the University of Cyprus in 2011 and has stepped in to fill this gap admirably. The geographical location of a port city and the agricultural character of its inland region may explain its role as a trading centre. and Venetian Limassol down to the present day. for the chapter on Frankish and Venetian Limassol written sources are –– relatively speaking –– plentiful. Despite these vicissitudes. and continuing with Byzantine Limassol. beginning with ancient Amathus. and careful observation.

and in some cases their patience as well. A. The extent of the inland area studied for the Byzantine and Latin periods follows loosely the post-1960 district borders. it was the see of the Greek bishop of Amathus. Limassol and Paris. and C. James Petre. and the Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation. who kindly requested that we submit a scholarly volume for his series Cyprus Historical and Contemporary Studies for Cambridge Scholars Publishing. be published in the near future.3 Thus. *** The editors would like to thank above all Dr Andreas Pittas for his support and. especially. as deadline after deadline passed. and the nature of trade. but in the Middle Ages. .. For example. his patience.D. we are grateful to our friend Andrekos Varnavas (Flinders University). since there are some discrepancies between modern and medieval divisions. Limassol as the object of the present study is taken in its broad sense to include both the town and the countryside. we would like to thank. in particular. Yiannis Violaris. both those whose work has ended up in this volume and those whose efforts will. even though it belonged to the district of Mazotos. Maria Iacovou. The contributors. 27 January 2015 3 See Horden and Purcell (2000). deserve our gratitude for their scholarship and their professional attitude. Gilles Grivaud. Although CSP has followed up with frequent reminders. Valandis Papadamou. We think it has been worth the wait. Lorenzo Calvelli. a perfect place for the present book. Eleni Procopiou. A number of individuals and institutions have made essential contributions over the years. we hope. trade routes. although some villages do pose a problem.S. Alexander Beihammer. Finally. Avdimou was a different district in the late Lusignan and Venetian periods. Lefkara is also a case in point: today it is neither administratively nor ecclesiastically part of Limassol. N.xviii Foreword behaviour of the elite regarding production and distribution.-K. the people at the press have also been flexible.

Latin Cyprus .Map 1.

Map 2. Limasssol and Its Hinnterland (T. Pap pacostas) .

captured it. and made the coastal city his base of operations before departing in early June for the Holy Land in pursuit of the goals of the crusade. NEAPOLIS/NEMESOS/LIMASSOL: THE RISE OF A BYZANTINE SETTLEMENT FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES TASSOS PAPACOSTAS* There is no doubt that the history of medieval Limassol from the end of Late Antiquity to the establishment of the Lusignan Kingdom on Cyprus towards the close of the twelfth century is not well served by either archaeology or the surviving written sources. frustratingly briefly. . at the very end of the period. In May 1191 Limassol was unexpectedly propelled to the international limelight literally overnight. Limassol never boasted a foundation legend linking its early history to heroes of the Trojan War or to mythical  * I wish to thank the editors for their invitation to contribute to this volume. as a result of the events surrounding the island’’s conquest by Richard the Lionheart in the course of the Third Crusade: following the wreckage of some crusader ships during a storm off the coast. I am particularly grateful to Michalis Olympios for frequent and stimulating discussions concerning aspects of the archaeology of medieval Limassol. crowned her queen of England. and for their subsequent suggestions and helpful comments. This sequence of events that barely lasted a month is indeed the only significant claim to fame of a town making otherwise fleeting appearances in the written record of the Byzantine period. yet most spectacularly. the king disembarked at Limassol.1 Unlike other Cypriot cities. 1 On the 1191 events. The thick veil of obscurity covering this half millennium is lifted only once. see the extensive account in Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel’’s chapter. married Berengaria of Navarre there.

Tassos Papacostas 97

figures.2 Indeed, to the mind of Étienne de Lusignan, writing in the
sixteenth century and presumably inspired by local oral traditions, the
town was a medieval creation, a result of the destruction of nearby
Amathus by Richard the Lionheart, and was founded or renewed by the
first Lusignan kings.3 This legend, which enjoyed a long life, is of course
just that, an invented story which, nevertheless, reflects certain truths: the
evidence for pre-Lusignan Limassol is anything but abundant, and its rise
does perhaps have something to do with the demise of Amathus, although
not in the twelfth century but much earlier. It has to be noted, however,
that, unlike the sixteenth-century local chronicler, some foreign visitors to
the island from at least the fifteenth century, perhaps aware of the accounts
of the crusade, correctly associated the events of 1191 with Limassol
rather than Amathus.4
The essay that follows will attempt to bring together and interpret the
available evidence in order to gauge the place, function(s), and importance
of Limassol within the local Cypriot and wider Byzantine and
Mediterranean contexts. In view of the dearth of evidence, the result of
such an investigation will by definition be patchy and hazy. Limassol lies
between two important ancient cities, namely Kourion to the west and
Amathus to the east. Both flourishing cities until the seventh century, they
declined thereafter and, whereas coastal Kourion may have been partly
replaced by nearby inland Episkopi, Limassol appears to have eventually
inherited the primary functions of Amathus as the region’’s principal
settlement and as the island’’s major harbour on the south coast.5 It is
therefore imperative to look at the fate of Amathus before turning to the
earliest evidence for the existence of Limassol in order to understand the
latter’’s development. 

2
On these foundation legends see Hill (1940-1952: I, 85-9). According to the
telling testimony of one of the earliest works of the Renaissance dealing with the
ancient past of Cyprus, the mid-fifteenth-century Cosmographia of Aeneas Sylvius
Piccolomini (Pope Pius II), ‘‘Nimosiensis episcopatus est: turris quendam extat et
ecclesia distruta vulgo Limissum vocant’’, while other cities (e.g. Lapithos,
Salamis, Kourion, Paphos, Soloi) are enumerated together with their legendary
founders or prominent ancient figures (largely based on Strabo). See Pius II,
Cosmographia, without pagination (ed. 1477), the relevant passage occurring on
two folios following the section on Cilicia towards the end of the volume, and 277
(ed. 1551); also, Calvelli (2009: 49-52) and Tolias (2014: 68-70).
3
Lusignan, Chorograffia, fol. 8v and Description, fol. 19v.
4
Nicolaou-Konnari (2000: 97-8).
5
Megaw (1986: 510-12; 1993); Papageorghiou (1993: 37).

98 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol

Late Antique Amathus
The site of ancient Amathus remained largely deserted throughout the
medieval and modern periods, facilitating archaeological investigations
that started in earnest in the later twentieth century.6 Late antique Amathus
was a flourishing city with a harbour, birthplace of prominent seventh-
century ecclesiastics such as the Patriarch of Alexandria John the
Almsgiver (d. 620) and the prolific author Anastasios of Sinai (d. ca. 700),
episcopal see, and cult centre of Tykhon (d. ca. 404-408), its most
prominent early bishop whose vita was composed by the Almsgiver
himself. It boasted several churches, monasteries (two of which were
founded by the Almsgiver before his appointment to the patriarchal
throne), a walled acropolis, public buildings, perhaps a dyeing workshop,
and facilities by the harbour for the manufacture of Late Roman 1
amphoras, presumably used for the export of local produce.7 This image of
prosperity obtains all over the island and reached its peak in the sixth and
early seventh centuries. The Arab raids of the mid-seventh century are
thought to have ushered in a period of irrevocable changes.
In 649 Cyprus was attacked for the first time in a campaign that
marked the unexpected entrance of the Arabs into the Mediterranean
scene, as it was their first major naval operation following their swift
conquest of Byzantine Syria-Palestine and Egypt. In 653/4 there was a
second raid that resulted in the establishment of an Arab garrison on the
island, most probably at Paphos. This was withdrawn before the end of the
century when the Empire and Caliphate signed a treaty in 686/7 regulating
the status of the island vis-à-vis the two powers, usually and controversially
referred to as a condominium. According to this agreement taxes would be
paid to both powers while military neutrality would be maintained; this
status is supposed to have lasted until 965 when Cyprus was reintegrated
within the Byzantine Empire.8 Although, unlike the island’’s late antique
capital Salamis/Constantia,9 Amathus is not mentioned in the sources as
the target of an assault in the seventh century, there is overwhelming
evidence for destruction in that very period all over the excavated sectors
of the site. Indeed, among the excavated late antique settlements of 

6
Aupert (1996: 13-15). On ancient and late antique Amathus, see also Antoine
Hermary’’s chapter in this volume.
7
Aupert (1996: 61-6); Empereur and Picon (1989: 242-3); Leontios of Neapolis,
398 on the monasteries.
8
For the most recent treatment, see Beihammer (2004) with extensive earlier
bibliography.
9
Papacostas (2012: 80-1).

Tassos Papacostas 99

Cyprus, Amathus furnishes some of the most compelling testimonies in
that respect.

1. Destruction
On the acropolis, whose southern flank had been fortified in the sixth or
early seventh century with the construction of a 265m-long wall (no. 6 on
fig. 1), the western gate was burnt down, according to the excavators
probably during the first raid in 649, then walled and damaged by fire once
more, perhaps during the second raid; the destruction layers on the
acropolis contain seventh-century pottery and virtually no evidence for
any subsequent occupation.10 The ceramic and numismatic finds (latest
coins from the reign of Constantine IV [668-685]) from the basilica
complex on top of the acropolis hill also suggest its abandonment by the
end of the century (no. 12). Its collapse, however, was not the result of
wanton destruction but of mere abandonment; its excavation in 1984-1990
revealed that the site had been previously occupied by a temple dedicated
to Aphrodite which was perhaps converted to Christian use in the fifth
century before being replaced in the later sixth or early seventh century by
the basilica complex within a large enclosure accommodating annexes and
a cistern, functioning probably as a monastic or pilgrimage shrine (perhaps
one of the foundations of John the Almsgiver?).11
The picture from the lower town is more uniform and unreservedly
dire, at least in the areas excavated so far: the northern section of the city
wall and a two-storey building with cistern in the southwest have both
produced evidence for destruction at that time (no. 13).12 The fifth-century
basilica in the southwestern sector (no. 4), discovered in the early 1960s
next to the modern coastal road and subsequently excavated with its
annexes that may represent a monastic site (ossuary, olive-press, cistern,
and basins), was destroyed at some point toward the end of Late Antiquity
or in the early medieval period (the excavation reports are unclear).13
Further to the east in the cemetery near the edge of the lower town, the
small church (?) with triapsidal burial chamber built perhaps in the second
half of the fifth century and enlarged into a small pier basilica in the late 

10
Megaw (1986: 509); Papageorghiou (1993: 37); Aupert (1996: 94-6); ARDA
1999, 43.
11
Pralong (1994: 455); Aupert (1996: 132-45); Lehmann (2005: 29-32); Procopiou
(2006a: 114-15).
12
Megaw (1986: 509); Aupert (1996: 150); ARDA 1991, 49; BCH, 124 (2000:
528).
13
Papageorghiou (1996: 84-8); Lehmann (2005: 32-4); Procopiou (2006a: 114).

100 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol

fifth or early sixth century was also destroyed perhaps in the seventh (no.
16).14 This was not a random cemetery church, however, as it is identified
with the shrine of St Tykhon which presumably housed the sepulchres (in
the northern triapsidal burial chamber?) of Tykhon himself and of John the
Almsgiver (fig. 2);15 the latter, having left Alexandria in the wake of the
Persian invasion of Egypt in 619, died and was buried in the oratory of St
Tykhon in his native city soon thereafter, between the tombs of two earlier
bishops (including perhaps Tykhon?) who miraculously moved apart in
order to make room for the holy man.16 The most secure and accurately
dated evidence for damage in this period, however, comes from the large
cathedral complex by the sea, partly excavated in the mid-1990s: built in
the second half of the fifth century with an atrium and baptistery, it has
been plausibly suggested that it fell victim to the second Arab raid, as a
coin dated to 653/4 was found in the destruction layer (no. 20).17 A mass
burial excavated in the eastern necropolis outside the city (tomb 636) has
yielded evidence of violent death and has been associated with the ravages
of the raids, while the buckles recovered from the same site perhaps betray
a military presence in the area at the time, linked to the same upheavals
(no. 23).18 Finally, although the monastic complex comprising a small
five-aisled basilica with extensive annexes and an olive-press in the same
necropolis has not yielded evidence for destruction, there is little doubt
that, just like the acropolis complex, it also ceased functioning after the 

14
BCH, 117 (1993: 750-2); BCH, 119 (1995: 835); ARDA 1994, 77-8; Procopiou
(1996a: 154-6; 2006a: 114). The layout and dating of the earliest phases remain
uncertain; see Lehmann (2005: 36-9).
15
The earliest attestation of the link between the present ruin and Tykhon dates to
the sixteenth century in Lusignan, Chorograffia, fol. 25r and Description, fols.
55v, 57v. Pier basilicas were rare on Cyprus in Late Antiquity –– see Megaw and
Hawkins (1977: 31, note 127) –– and the decision to employ piers rather than
imported marble columns at St Tykhon in this period may betray a lack of means
which, in turn, would indicate that the cult of Tykhon was perhaps not particularly
well developed, although the vita by John the Almsgiver contains evidence for
incubation at the shrine; John the Almsgiver, Tychon, 141-5.
16
Leontios of Neapolis, 404-5, 408-9: ‘‘Ԥȟ ijțȟț ı՘ȜijșȢȔ‫ ׫‬ijȡ‫ ף‬ijȢțIJȞȑȜįȢȡȣ Ȝįd
ȚįȤȞįijȡȤȢȗȡ‫ ף‬Ȋȫȥȧȟȡȣ’’.
17
ARDA 1994, 76-7; ARDA 1995, 41; ARDA 1996, 47-8; ARDA 1997, 50-5; BCH,
120 (1996: 1069); BCH, 121 (1997: 904-5); BCH, 122 (1998: 672); Procopiou
(1996b; 2006a: 114); Lehmann (2005: 34-5). Note that the excavation reports of
1997 date the initial construction to the last years of the reign of Herakleios (610-
641), based on numismatic evidence.
18
Procopiou (1995; 1997b; 2006c).

Papacostas (2012: 80). 67-9. squatter proportions. Based on the changes effected in the architecture of ecclesiastical buildings after the period of destruction (columns replaced by piers and timber roofs by vaults. again. cy/mcw/DA/DA. carrying his argument further. there is no doubt that it did not outlive the other monuments of the late antique city (no. had seismic activity on Cyprus  19 Hadjisavvas (1992: 49-51). 58-60. the 2010 campaign report <http://www. see ARDA 2007. as well as the contemporary basilica at Kophinou may have also been destroyed during an earthquake. 21 ûurþiü (1999. he suggests that in many cases it may have been earthquakes rather than enemy attacks that brought the early basilicas down. 4-5).mcw. ARDA 2008. The evidence for destruction at the end of Late Antiquity that archaeological investigations have uncovered in recent decades all over Cyprus is usually attributed to the attacks of the mid-seventh century.gov.5. What is more. and Procopiou (2014). 22 Chrysos (1993: 10-12).21 Compelling as the earthquake argument may be for some cases. while the gutting by fire of the basilica at Soloi during the second Arab raid was recorded in considerable detail in an inscription put up by the local bishop in 654/5 on the occasion of its restoration. compartmentalization. see Procopiou (2006a: 115-16). 2003: 104-5). 14). Tassos Papacostas 101 seventh century. being excavated since 2007 by Eleni Procopiou at nearby Katalymmata ton Plakoton. The evidence from Kourion also suggests that seismic activity was the main cause of the destruction and abandonment of the city’’s episcopal complex –– see Megaw (2007: 560-2) –– while the large early seventh- century ecclesiastical complex.20 Yet a different interpretation has been proposed by Slobodan ûurþiü. the overwhelming evidence for violent anthropogenic destruction cannot be overlooked.nsf/All/A3E9FDBB7FE6DD3D422577AB00370A02?OpenDocu ment> (accessed 29.22 The archaeological record has also produced clear evidence for fire damage (not least at Amathus) that is probably not consistent with the effects of an earthquake.2011). Papageorghiou (2001: 18-19. This complex too has been tentatively identified with one of the foundations of John the Almsgiver. accretion of masonry over successive rebuildings).19 The date when the Hellenistic aqueduct that reached the city from the north and supplied the cistern/nymphaeum of the agora went out of use remains unknown. Aupert (1996: 169-70). The Arabs are thus squarely blamed for nothing less than the demise of urban civilization on the island. Lehmann (2005: 35). 20 As discussed in Papacostas (1995: I. The attack on Salamis/Constantia and the sacking of its cathedral of St Epiphanios are explicitly reported in the sources. although. . 2000). ûurþiü posits that the architecture of medieval churches on Cyprus was shaped by and evolved in response to the constant threat of such earthquake damage.

24 Metcalf (2004: 54-5. no. 114-15). . have a fairly secure or at least highly probable provenance from Amathus.102 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol toward the end of Late Antiquity been so disruptive as implied by this argument. that destruction may have occurred as a result of agents other than enemy attack.23 there are indications from both this very archaeological record and textual sources that life clinged perhaps somewhat precariously onto the site for some time. another of a droungarios (a naval commander). fire damage in peaceful times is not difficult to imagine in timber-roofed structures full of oil-lamps. these seals constitute one of the largest bodies of such material from this period on the island.  23 Papacostas (1999b: I. 150. now scattered among various collections and dated primarily to the seventh and the eighth centuries. 226. 238. Indeed. both honorary titles bestowed upon members of the local elite. it would have certainly made it into the copious written record of the period. 243. if they were not actually involved with its affairs. As in the case of other urban settlements of late antique Cyprus (e. no. well into the eighth century and perhaps even later. Survival and Decline The mid-seventh century did not mark the sudden end of Amathus. Salamis/Constantia). 207-16). what remains irrefutable is the contemporaneity of the devastation all over Cyprus.24 They represent irrefutable evidence for the survival of the city’’s governing class in some form at least for a while.25 Although the provenance of these seals does not constitute proof of the presence of these officials at Amathus. 2. 144. 178. it does at least indicate that they maintained contacts with authorities in the city. and several belonging to illoustrioi and apo eparchon. 174. Nonetheless. 25 Metcalf (2004: 222. This is not to deny. however. More than fifty lead seals belonging to both ecclesiastical and lay officials. and this is surely what matters for our purposes. 238-9. 188b). The image of destruction that the archaeological record has brought to light is mitigated by some evidence for reduced building activity and occupation beyond the time of the initial raids. for among the early eighth-century specimens we find one belonging to a dioiketes (presumably responsible for the collection of taxes). no. no. Although the precise findspot within the archaeological site is very often unknown. no. nor can the possibility of (undocumented) civil unrest in the wake of the raids be discounted.g.

434b. These effects are considerably nuanced and. XII. in the period immediately following the (explicitly mentioned) first and second raids against Cyprus. Flusin (1991: 386. the gathering was attended by the archbishops of Cyprus and Crete (the latter on his way from Egypt to Constantinople) together with the bishops of Kition. and Tremithus. which was read before the congregation for the first time on 14 December of that year. but there is further confirmation of the continuity of ecclesiastical structures from an altogether different type of source: Bishop Alexander of Amathus is attested at the council of Nicaea in 787. 479a-b). 27 Mansi. 391).26 Admittedly the attribution and date of several of these seals remain conjectural. 454c. was converted to the Christian faith at Amathus. Whereas the Tremithus episode may be less surprising in view of the protected inland location and relatively minor importance of the settlement. . 444c-d.28 This is strongly reminiscent of a similar vignette of post- raid life at Tremithus. XIII.27 More significantly. 1099. After the late seventh century the site of the abandoned acropolis basilica was used for agricultural activities (no. no. 28 Nau (1903: 71). presided over by Bishop John. 365-6. 380. where a fair and a gathering of prelates took place in 655 to celebrate the feastday of the local patron saint. 1). according to the Amathusian author. no. Following the second attack on the western gate of the acropolis wall in  26 Metcalf (2004: 356. col. 12 on fig. 29 Theodore of Paphos. Spyridon. Soloi. 359-61. col. Cameron (1992: 32-3). Lapithos. those pertaining to Amathus and Soloi are of cardinal significance for our evaluation of the effects of the raids on major urban centres and our understanding of their aftermath. nos. and spent a week with Anastasios participating in the Easter celebrations there. as we shall see below. PmbZ. 89-90. a young Jewish slave fled from his Arab master on the mainland.29 According to the newly composed Life of Spyridon by Bishop Theodore of Paphos. Chytroi. the cult centre of St Spyridon. Kition. no. a story related by Anastasios of Sinai in his Diegemata Steriktika demonstrates that daily life continued unabated in the wake of the attacks. 388. and Tremithus (but not Amathus). nos. 2867. together with four other prelates from Cyprus representing the sees of Salamis/Constantia. Similarly. Tassos Papacostas 103 The survival of the church hierarchy is attested by seals of both individual bishops and of the Church of Amathus. as well as seals of the archbishops of Cyprus who were obviously in touch with their local suffragans. slightly contradicted by the archaeological record from the structures mentioned above. the bishop of Soloi was able to repair his cathedral very quickly after it had been set fire to during the second raid.

The date (before or after the raids?) of an early Byzantine workshop revealed in the agora cannot be ascertained. ARDA 1990. its aisles having been turned into chapels or annexes.33 Compelling evidence for a continuous albeit much reduced presence at Amathus after the seventh century is provided by the church of St Tykhon (no. 91 (1967: 363). this time as a single- nave structure. The damaged basilica was repaired at some indeterminate date in the early medieval period (later seventh-tenth century?).104 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol the mid-seventh century. This building phase is thought to have survived at least until the twelfth century. 124 (2000: 528). after the damage incurred by the attacks the site was cleared of debris and reoccupied in ca. 51. BCH. 47-8. in a type of alteration common in this period. 150). Aupert (1996: 65. 1). 31 ARDA 1986. 117 (1993: 750-2). probably toward the close of the century (no. 34 BCH. 16). Dwellings. 32 BCH. . and in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century the church was rebuilt.32 A similar fate befell the site of the cathedral: according to the excavation reports. 4). 4). 20). ARDA 1988. 670 when the surviving structures were altered to suit the needs of a community of diminished means (no. 120 (1996: 1069). 6). a defensive wall was erected in the southwestern part of the city protecting the access to the lower acropolis. 122 (1998: 672). Papacostas (1999b: II. its central gate was fortified with an external enclosure in the form of a barbican dated by numismatic evidence to sometime after 680. BCH. 99 (1975: 836). Procopiou (1996b: 164.30 In the lower town there was an attempt to repair the damage to the northern section of the fortifications. 54. BCH. BCH. what is clear is that a small church was eventually established in the northern aisle of the destroyed basilica and remained in use into the early medieval period (no.  30 Megaw (1986: 509). Procopiou (1996a: 154. possibly with a dome. 121 (1997: 904-5). 80. leaving out the triapsidal burial chamber. 93. 47. where a possible pre-raid date is proposed for the barbican. before this was abandoned too. ARDA 1996. and Aupert (1996: 96-8. when it had its timber roof replaced by vaults over the aisles and a dome over the nave. workshops and a storeroom were established among the ruins and were used until the final abandonment of the site. 144-5). 2006a: 114). and another was built using spolia column drums over the ruins of the porticoes of the ancient agora whose northwestern area with a cistern was rearranged and occupied once more after the initial destruction (no. 33 BCH. which is thought to have occurred a few decades later (the latest coin is dated to 693/4).34 By this period the area of Amathus was known as Old Limassol (‘‘Viel Limesson’’). 2006a: 114).31 The details of the occupation of the southwest basilica site remain obscure.

20v. 40 The village is not recorded before the sixteenth century –– see Grivaud (1998a: 450) –– and its church is not dedicated to Tykhon. Chorograffia. but of second-hand information derived . the region of Limassol is left largely blank in his sacred topography of Cyprus. their contents having been carefully removed at some unknown date in the past. Lagoudera. 36 Grivaud (1998a: 233). however. assuming that initially they were indeed housed in the triapsidal burial chamber. fol. Tychon.36 The new configuration of the church of St Tykhon suggests that by the Lusignan period the relics of Tykhon and John the Almsgiver. has nothing to say about those of the two Amathusians either. this indicates that the ancient site may have witnessed some form of scattered occupation in the late Middle Ages. see Angel Nicolaou- Konnari and Chris Schabel’’s chapter in this volume.39 The fate of his relic is not known. This is supported by the results of the archaeological investigation in the early 1990s of the two tombs in the burial chamber: these were found empty. most probably related to the agricultural exploitation of the region. The epitome is preserved in an eleventh-century manuscript (BnF. 39 Synodikon. 274. 153 –– is surely not the result of an in situ inspection of the sepulchres. is  35 Documents chypriotes. Saints de Chypre. 88-90. who had become a bishop there [……] the tomb of the Holy father John the Merciful. see John the Almsgiver. Makhairas. 229-32. Delehaye. as it remained widely known throughout the Middle Ages that he had been bishop of Amathus. 81. indeed. Tassos Papacostas 105 and it was recorded in 1367 as a casale of the Latin Church of Limassol. St John the Almsgiver. Saints de Chypre. who also belonged to that place [……] and was buried beside Tykhon’’ –– see Gabashvili. Mouriki (1993: 242). who lists meticulously some (but certainly not all) of the most important relics venerated on the island in the late Middle Ages.40 That of the Almsgiver’’s.35 As Gilles Grivaud has noted. The report of the eighteenth-century Georgian archbishop Timothy Gabashvili about ‘‘the tomb of St Tykhon from Amathus. Diplomatic Edition. the epitome of Tykhon’’s Life contains no reference to a cult at Amathus. similarly. and he was depicted in church decorations at least from the early twelfth century onwards (Asinou. the naming of a nearby village after the saint may have something to do with it. Tykhon was of course not totally forgotten. 1488). Papadopoullos (1952: 28). Gr. fol. same information on toponym in Lusignan.38 Leontios Makhairas. 99. MS Par. For 1367. 38 Neophytos. Lehmann (2005: 36-8). were no longer at Amathus. and later at St Nicholas of the Roof and elsewhere). 112. see Delehaye. 9r and Description. 37 Procopiou (1996a: 156). 5.37 Had any relics been worshipped at Amathus in the medieval period one would have expected perhaps Neophytos the Recluse to refer to them in his early thirteenth- century Logos of John the Almsgiver.

153. Andrea (1996: 476). and of no fewer than thirty- six named saints. and judging by the number of holy relics he amassed (Gunther’’s inventory contains fifty-two entries naming various relics of the Passion. providing perhaps an indication of the survival of his cult. whom Timothy visited in Nicosia in late 1758. however. 42 Mouriki (1993: 244-5). see Papageorghiou (1992: 143). in the church of kyra Martha. 43 Russian Travelers. 95. Bishop Conrad of Halberstadt. The Relic of John the Almsgiver It has to be stressed at the outset that there is no record of relics of the patriarch on Cyprus in the Middle Ages.43 Gunther of Pairis. 44 Gunther of Pairis.44 The inscriptions on a now lost  perhaps from Archbishop Philotheos. Therapon).41 Like Tykhon. see Meinardus (1970: 32). A relic or parts of one were still venerated by Russian pilgrims in the Byzantine capital as late as the fourteenth and perhaps even in the fifteenth century. however. of the Virgin. as is indeed often the case with saints’’ relics. includes it among the host of relics taken away by his monastery’’s abbot Martin after the crusader sack of Constantinople in 1204. for in 1200 they are attested in two different Constantinopolitan churches (St Plato and one outside the city). Similarly. is also said to have endowed his cathedral church with numerous relics of the Passion. what is more. who returned to Germany from the East at about the same time as Martin (August 1205). 177. of holy sites in Palestine. and from the two holy men’’s vitae. Spyridon. claim to possess parts thereof.42 It is conceivable that his remains were translated from Amathus to Constantinople during the period of the Arab raids or in middle Byzantine times (eighth-twelfth century). like those of other saints from the island (Lazaros. as well as on a well-known sixteenth-century icon presenting the Venetian donors Maria Molino and her young son to the enthroned Virgin and Child. 41 The monasteries of Kykkos and Makhairas. including the Almsgiver. . 308. Constantinides and Browning. however. and of forty-two individual saints). albeit in an utterly confusing manner. 3. it would seem certain that they consisted of rather small particles. he was depicted in Comnenian and later fresco cycles on the island. The icon was preserved at the monastery of Koutsovendis. Dated Greek Manuscripts. see Papacostas (2014: 194-6). Martin was back at his monastery in Alsace by the summer of 1205. For some preliminary remarks. 43. a church dedicated to him is attested in 1193 at Trakhonas outside Nicosia.106 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol relatively well documented. 165.

however. An altogether different story is told by Venetian sources. Andrea Dandolo’’s fourteenth-century Chronica extensa. it was eventually deposited in San Giovanni in Bragora instead (dedicated to the Baptist).48 What is in doubt here is not the translation itself but its circumstances and date. The Venetian historian Flaminio Corner (1693-1778). who reports the story of the translation in considerable detail. Tassos Papacostas 107 reliquary of likely Palaeologan date (fourteenth century?). . (1965: 119. it is understandable that the Almsgiver would be associated primarily with the  45 Gori. 47 Corner (1758: 29). attested as early as the eleventh century). the relic in Venice was also recorded in the seventeenth century by Rodinos (1659: 26) and in the eighteenth by Kyprianos (1788: 521). without giving its origin.46 The origin of the Venetian claim is uncertain. were taken to the treasury of San Marco. preserved until the eighteenth century in Florence. merely states that the body of John the Almsgiver was taken to Venice at the time of Doge Marino Morosini (1249-1253). it is not possible to draw any conclusions other than a confirmation of the proliferation and wide circulation of relics in this period. Tramontin et al. include a reference to relics of the Almsgiver among those presumably contained therein. I owe this information to Andreas Rhoby (Austrian Academy of Sciences. Vienna).45 As the object itself does not survive. 89. Extensa. the epigrams will be published in his forthcoming second volume of the Byzantinische Epigramme in inschriftlicher Überlieferung (Vienna).47 The earliest medieval source for the translation. however. 272. the legs. In the late fifteenth century a chapel was especially erected at San Giovanni in Bragora in order to house the relic. whom I wish to thank. not to mention the burial at Amathus. 228-9. III. which is still to be seen there today. 350-6. which assert that the entire incorrupt body of the Almsgiver was translated in 1249 from Alexandria to Venice in order to be placed in the church dedicated to the patriarch at Rialto (San Giovanni Elemosinario. and its origin and date of transfer to Italy remain unknown. merely states that his sources were ‘‘ancient authentic documents’’. as what was believed to be the patriarch’’s relic was certainly in Venice by the early Renaissance (the feast commemorating the translation on 3 February is attested in 1455). see also Rhoby (2010: 112). 200). without elaborating further (‘‘la storia sincera di tal translazione [……] è la seguente tratta da antichi autentici documenti’’). as the ship carrying the precious cargo (and following a common hagiographical topos) would not move further. 48 Dandolo. Humfrey (1980: 351). 46 Riant. Exuviae II. Thesaurus. Of course its alleged Alexandrian origin raises suspicions in view of the attestations at Constantinople.

345-7. who received it as a gift of the Ottoman sultan from Constantinople shortly before his death. But the very period when this took place. col.108 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol city whose patriarch he had been and which. Indeed. More relics are attested in the Renaissance and Early Modern periods in Lower Austria and in the County of Hainaut. Ianuarii 16-31. II. it was subsequently transferred to the Hungarian coronation church of St Martin in Pressburg/Bratislava. he observes rather candidly. col. 50 AASS. and safely deposited it in the monastery of San Nicolò di Lido (December 1100). 530. see Pertusi (1978). the erudite and patriotic Corner goes so far as to posit that. Medieval Buda (1987: 50). Ianuarii 16-31. Bari’’s claim was dismissed. as the origin of St Mark’’s relic. Corner (1749: VI. 1758: 30-1). see Matthias Corvinus (2008: 416-17. 1758: 30-1).49 To complicate matters even further. where it was allegedly placed by King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (1458-1490). . 345-7. as the Apulian city was allegedly in possession of merely an arm of the saint. had a particular resonance for Venetians. on the fate of Christian relics in the Ottoman court in the later fifteenth century. often as a result of antagonistic furta sacra: following the First Crusade and only a few years after the translation of the remains of St Nicholas of Myra from his Lycian cult centre to Bari (May 1087). pointing out that the relic in Hungary was that of the Patriarch of Constantinople John IV Nesteutes (582-595) and insisting that their city possessed the entire body. see AASS. Myra. 431-2) and. would the Venetians not have taken it after 1204?51 The multiplicity of relics in both East and West is in itself not surprising. had it been taken to Constantinople instead. then under Norman rule. Let us not forget that Venice was no stranger to contentious and indeed highly dubious relic claims.50 Later Venetian authors again dismiss this rival claim. and whence the relic may have made its way to Venice. was also when the churches of Constantinople were being despoiled of their religious treasures. Morini (1999: 190-3). another relic of the Almsgiver is attested in the royal chapel of the castle at Buda. it must have been transferred to the patriarchal church in the Egyptian city from its original burial place. II. 51 Corner (1749: VI. see also Geary (1978: 115-27). as the Almsgiver had been buried at Amathus and his relic was translated to Venice from Alexandria. On his cult in Hungary. and the real issue of course has nothing to do with their authenticity but with medieval beliefs: in which places were there relics  49 Both accounts (Bari and Venice) are by near-contemporaries. Venice asserted that it had acquired the very same relic from the same place. Babinger (1956). at the time of the Latin empire (1204-61). 530.

53. although this claim was already being challenged in the early thirteenth in favour of John the Baptist.188-97. 25r and Description. 1.55 The order of course owned extensive properties on late medieval Cyprus. though. . and certainly not Amathus. not surprisingly. he says nothing about relics in the church. Chorograffia. Amathus. 182. he reported that the structure was still standing and that the feast of St Tykhon was still being celebrated every year in June. 126. never associate in their accounts Amathus with a cult of the patriarch. explicitly naming Leontios of Neapolis as his source for both pieces of information. Laurent. fols. John the Almsgiver was the original patron of the hospital of the Order of St John in the late eleventh century. 1130-1185). 58v. especially in the region of Limassol.56 The lack of any sign of or an allusion to an  52 Iacopo da Varazze. 123. 53 Lusignan. Missionaries. where by mistake the feast is said to be celebrated in January. This is also reflected in the most widely circulated late medieval Latin hagiographic collection. 57v. Hic vir [……] natione fuit Cyprius’’). 54 Talbot. and if the Venetian sources are to be trusted.53 Medieval pilgrims and visitors to the island who usually do not fail to mention Salamis/Constantia and its links with Barnabas and Epiphanios. 56 See Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel’’s chapter in this volume. Excerpta Cypria. for other sixteenth-century attestations. Peregrinatores.52 When Étienne de Lusignan visited the church of St Tykhon (which he calls a cathedral) in the mid-sixteenth century. fols. 55v. Alexandria was perhaps another. 55 William of Tyre. again. Daniel. 79. The discussion of these contradictory claims should not distract from their principal contribution as far as the issue of Amathus is concerned: the native city and burial place of the patriarch is nowhere mentioned in these accounts. Riley- Smith (1967: 34-5). the most obvious place to claim as the origin of relics. 20. Never Cyprus. Tassos Papacostas 109 traditionally thought to belong to John the Almsgiver? By the end of the twelfth century Constantinople was certainly one. see Grivaud (1998a: 233).54 According to William of Tyre (ca. together with that of Mnemon. 816-17 (‘‘Erexerunt [the Hospitallers] etiam in eodem loco altare in honore beati Iohannis Eleymon. although elsewhere in the text he does mention that the Almsgiver had been buried there and that subsequently his tomb exuded miraculous oil for several years. 9r. is not associated in any way with them by any recorded medieval tradition. but it even fails to mention Cyprus as the holy man’’s place of origin. namely the late thirteenth-century Golden Legend that includes the Almsgiver’’s life among more than two hundred saints’’ lives: not only does it have absolutely nothing to say about either Amathus or the location of the Almsgiver’’s sepulchre.

even after the translation of the precious relics and the loss of their focus of veneration. the excavated structures (at least as interpreted in the excavation reports) indicate that abandonment occurred slightly earlier. see Metcalf (2004: 359-61. The cult of Tykhon. The Episcopal See The evidence presented so far concerning the decline of Amathus is somewhat contradictory in that whereas the sigillographic record seems to suggest some continuity into the eighth century. Tykhon is of course traditionally considered the patron saint of vine-growers –– see for example Lequeux (2010: 167) for a late medieval attestation –– while one of his most prominent miracles involved bringing back to life a dead vine branch. both twelfth-century) show him in episcopal vestments without any attributes. The latter. was preserved. It is very likely that this inconsistency is caused by the fact that in archaeological reports the proposed date of abandonment most often follows very closely the latest coin finds. or. 214). considerably older. the church of St Tykhon followed the pattern observed at many an important early pilgrimage shrine on Cyprus (St Barnabas and St Epiphanios at Salamis/Constantia. see Mouriki (1993: 242). The period between the burial of the patriarch in 620 and the demise of the city was probably too brief to allow the establishment of a fully- fledged cult that would survive the decline of Amathus. St Philon at Karpasia. perhaps more crucially. if the unidentified standing figure (bishop?) represented on their obverse can be shown to represent the saint: he is flanked by fruit-bearing plants (vine?) and (on some specimens) accompanied by an (agricultural?) implement.57 Until its final destruction and abandonment in the course of the Ottoman period (eighteenth century?). St Herakleidios at Tamassos): although the vibrant settlements and episcopal seats which had initially prompted the development of local cults lay deserted or much reduced in size and vitality after the end of Late Antiquity.110 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol interest on behalf of the knights for the saint’’s burial place at Amathus may suggest that this had long been forgotten. on the other hand. however.58 4. 50-6. merely provide a terminus post  57 An indication of Tykhon’’s cult in Late Antiquity may be offered by the seals of the bishops and Church of Amathus. . housing the tombs of early bishops such as Tykhon. St Spyridon at Tremithus. 1999b: I. toward the end of the seventh. were not only maintained but were also rebuilt over the centuries. his earliest surviving depictions in monumental decorations on Cyprus (Asinou and Lagoudera. 58 Papacostas (1995: I. However. 380). St Lazaros at Kition/Larnaca. their churches. that William’’s testimony was indeed deemed untrustworthy quite early on.

Amathus. and Soloi.59 the lack of coins from after the year 700 in no way excludes the possibility of continued occupation into the eighth century.62 At Amathus itself the recovery of a relatively large number of Byzantine lead seals from this very period belonging to important officials of the imperial administration. in a period characterised by a severe dearth of numismatic evidence. By the time Cyprus was reintegrated within the empire in 965. may indicate an enhanced status for the city in the eyes of Constantinople. This presumed interest. 31). and Procopiou (2006a: 118). the person for whom the supplication to Allah is made. clearly did not last long. what is more. 113-22). eighth century?). may have been a visitor (merchant?) or an inhabitant of the area of Kourion. if not the result of a mere accident of survival and recovery. 1997). provides the only secure testimony of an Arab presence in the wider region. Tassos Papacostas 111 quem: coins may have remained in circulation for decades. which belongs to the same type and period as those found at Paphos (probably funerary. 61 The inscription was scratched on a Proconnesian marble column before its collapse (now re-erected in the north colonnade of the basilica). although of course its character is not illuminated by the text. Limnatis. .61 A small number of lead seals with Arabic inscriptions and a reported provenance from the wider region (Lophou. related to the appearance of the Arabs on the scene and perhaps their brief establishment at Paphos. was a mere shadow of its former self and no effort was ever made to revive its fortunes. see BCH. Salamis/Constantia. 120 (1996: 1088). no. Christides (2006: 53-8. Durand and Giovannoni (2012: 88. 66-7. Metcalf (2004: 502-3). Unlike Paphos. Limassol) indicates at least some form of contact with Arabs either from the mainland or from within the island. Its inclusion among the island’’s cities in the tenth-century geographical work compiled by Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos and commonly known as De thematibus is not surprising in the sense that the lists are largely based on sixth-century works such as the Synekdemos of Hierokles and do not  59 Pitsillides and Metcalf (1995. 62 One of the seals is inscribed with the island’’s name (Qubrus) and must therefore have been manufactured locally.60 no evidence has come to light so far for an Arab presence at Amathus in the second half of the seventh or in the eighth century. ‘‘Abd AllƗh ibn Nufayl’’. 1988: 145-6). ARDA 1998. together with other ancient Cypriot cities such as Kourion. 60 Megaw (1986: 513-16. however. On the excavation. I am grateful to Robert Hoyland (University of Oxford) for its transcription. The unpublished Arabic inscription on one of the columns of the basilica excavated in the mid-1990s on the beach of Kourion.

understandably. the notitiae. Leontios. for he died a few days later when he fell off his horse while crossing a muddy torrent. cows. in this case represented by the disobedient bishop. What neither  63 ‘•–ƒ–‹‡ . Needless to say that he was duly punished by divine retribution.112 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol reflect contemporary (tenth-century) reality. discovered while inspecting the properties of the Holy Sepulchre on the island that the bishop had helped himself to the patriarchate’’s assets. continue mentioning Amathus into the same period. in the twelfth century we suddenly hear of two bishops of Amathus. Although after the second council of Nicaea (787) both the historical and the sigillographic record dry up as far as the local ecclesiastical administration is concerned. however. who was on his way to his see in the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. the former hegumen of Patmos and newly appointed patriarch of Jerusalem.64 This is not to suggest. When Theodoulos finally appeared before the patriarch not only was he unrepentant but he was plainly insolent.66 This incident is related by a hagiographer who. In the winter of 1176/7 during his visit to Cyprus. What is significant for our purposes here. that the Holy Sepulchre owned estates on its territory.63 Similarly.65 The young bishop Theodoulos. horses. however. lists of ecclesiastical dioceses well known for their conservatism and often anachronistic nature. stresses the sanctity of his hero (Leontios) and his successful struggle against evil. on the other hand. became notorious for his reckless behaviour. 1157-1170 for reasons that have gone undocumented. who convened a court that reinstated him. he appealed to Emperor Manuel I (1143-1180). appropriating sheep. John has been recorded for posterity because he was deposed by a synod on Cyprus in ca. justifying its decision by the uncanonical number of bishops (eleven instead of twelve. and mules. is that unquestionably the see was still active. in the same way that they continue including long-abandoned Kourion and even Salamis/Constantia as the island’’s metropolitan see. and that a conflict arose concerning the status of these properties. that the episcopal administration ceased functioning. excluding the archbishop) that composed the synod. In vain did Leontios summon the culprit to discuss the irregular situation.

.

64 Darrouzès. Notitiae. see Metcalf (2004: 382-3. who was implicated in this episode. 2009: 113). 66 Life of Leontios of Jerusalem. . An eleventh/twelfth- century seal belonging to the spatharokandidatos Michael Aronites that was perhaps found at Amathus provides no tangible evidence for the occupation of the site. especially since its provenance is not certain. ‘”’Š›”‘‰‡‡–‘•. A Cyprus Museum seal of Patriarch Loukas Chrysoberges. 65 Hadjipsaltes (1954: 38-45). has a likely provenance from within the island. De thematibus. 120-4. 80. 338. 234. see Metcalf (2004: 283).

can have resided among the ruins of Amathus. ’ÃÑÊÚÛ \AÒÆÙÔÅÓØÚӒ’). 1351 (transl. that the prominent isolated peak of Stavrovouni (688m asl) lies indeed not far from Lefkara (732m asl) across the parallel valleys of the Syrkatis and the Xeropotamos (ca. [in the territory] of the city of Amathus’’. has nothing to say in his voluminous writings about the presence of higher clergy at his native village. This reference occurs in a passage relating a vision that Neophytos had. described as rising opposite Lefkara. which involved Mount Olympus (Stavrovouni). and this. Tsiknopoullos) and 33 (ed. Where were they based? Despite their title. the discussion which follows will propose a different scenario. ‘‘opposite Lefkara. 34 km). with which it has no visual contact.67 During the Lusignan period the sees of Amathus. imply that Lefkara belonged to the administrative region of Amathus (‘‘¡ÊÝвÖÚÓ. and Kourion formed a single diocese. neither of the two twelfth-century bishops. suggests that the bishops of Amathus moved to Limassol. 69 Neophytos the Recluse. I would translate ‘‘opposite Lefkara. 68 For the bishopric of Lefkara. . or possibly. He does. Galatariotou) and 138 (transl. 878). nor their predecessors for several centuries for that matter. who was born in Lefkara in 1134 and spent his youth there before fleeing his parents’’ matrimonial plans at the age of eighteen. a town of [the territory (or enoria?) of] Amathus’’ (the term polis being used in this case rather loosely and not to designate civic status for Lefkara). and barley from the production of the royal casale to the Teutonic Order. Neophytos the Recluse.69 Despite Neophytos’’ silence. incidentally. wine. 8 km away). the relative prominence of Lefkara in this period is not in doubt. considering. Coureas). Neophytos the Recluse. There is no literary evidence to illuminate the issue. remains to date the earliest reference to Lefkara in the written record. see Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel’’s chapter in this volume. see Appendix II in the same chapter. but at a much longer distance from Amathus (ca. Soon after the Latin conquest the village became crown property (was it part of the imperial domain before 1191?) and in 1217 King Hugh I made an annual grant of corn. followed by Procopiou (1997a: 292). however. operating from Lefkara at least from the first half of the thirteenth century onwards. and Fedalto (1988: II. Tassos Papacostas 113 John’’s nor Theodoulos’’ story illuminates is the location of the bishops’’ headquarters in middle Byzantine times. The recent English translations of the text render this passage as ‘‘facing/opposite Lefkara [and] the city/town of Amathus’’.68 The date of the establishment of the bishops in the mountain village remains an open question. 233. Limassol. 77 (ed. For partial lists of bishops.  67 Papageorghiou (1993: 37). their cathedral having been destroyed long ago. however. Hackett (1901: 317-18). compare ‘‘âÓ Ø㚠ÜÚÖÂãÚ ØšÓ ¡ÊÝвÖÚÓ ØÉÛ âÓÔÖÂÆÛ \AÒÆÙÔÝ×ÂÆے’ in Lampros (1921: 340) and Vaticanus Palatinus graecus 367. Typike Diatheke. Rule. Stephanes).

71 The latter may. 5-6). together with the architecture of the surviving portions of the early church (elongated plan. was decorated with frescoes of good quality. strongly suggest a middle Byzantine date. Papacostas (1999b: II. Its eastern half. The surviving bema doors furnish a similar terminus.114 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol Slightly earlier (ca. for the earliest examples of the cross-in-square scheme on Cyprus. Papageorghiou (1990b). see Severis and Bonato (1999: 173-4). 292). 31. it may be significant that among the six officiating prelates in its apse. rather heavy proportions. may offer more tangible clues.70 Another local church. Spanou (2002: 31-4). however. According to an unverifiable and probably dubious report in Gunnis . incorporates portions from a much older building phase.72 This. The fresco decoration in the soffits of the arches between the parabemata and the central bay of the sanctuary (depicting prelates) has been ascribed to the first half of the thirteenth century. The special treatment reserved for the two prelates from Amathus who flank the officiating group (more local prelates are depicted in the centre of the apse wall and in a zone of medallions above) may reflect the continued prominence of the see in the late Comnenian period and perhaps some link with the (unknown) patron of the earliest wall-paintings at Lagoudera. The removal of layers of plaster covering the curving walls of the three apses has revealed the original tiers of arched niches that articulate their surface and which. perhaps commissioned by a local priest. however. The large basilica of the Holy Cross stands in the centre of Lefkara and is a largely nineteenth/early twentieth century structure (figs. The cross-in-square church prior to the nineteenth-century alterations is shown in two drawings made in the 1860s by Edmond Duthoit. the Amathusian John the Almsgiver appears next to Epiphanios of Salamis. and Spanou (2002: 34). 245) and Nicolaïdès (1996: 12). 1200?) the nearby church of the Archangel. where a fourteenth-century date is suggested. 71 ARDA 2001. however. see Papacostas (2002: 59-61). see Mouriki (1993: 242. which was a cross-in-square structure with a dome carried on rectangular piers.  70 Hubatsch (1955: 255. 14- 15). 3-4). where an eleventh/twelfth-century date is proposed. low barrel vault over the parabemata). John the Almsgiver was also depicted together with Tykhon in the twelfth century (before 1192) among the eight officiating prelates in the apse of the Panayia of Arakas at Lagoudera (figs. providing a secure terminus ante quem for the construction of the original church on the site. perhaps as early as the tenth century and definitely not later than the twelfth. be pushed further back by at least a century as a result of the restoration of the eastern façade in 2000-2001. the principal church of the settlement. outside Kato Lefkara. where the most prominent early church fathers and bishops are routinely depicted (usually headed by John Chrysostom and Basil of Caesarea). semi-circular arches in the sanctuary. 72 Papacostas (2006: 228-9).

Stephanes). although it does name nearby Tokhni and Stavrovouni as repositories of particles of the True Cross and/or of the cross of the penitent thief. it would still not shed any light on the location of the ecclesiastical administration of the diocese in the period immediately following the abandonment of Amathus. Tassos Papacostas 115 was presumably the bishop’’s cathedral in the thirteenth century. even if this scenario were to be confirmed. however. who would have therefore established themselves at Lefkara well before the thirteenth century? It is certainly a possibility. In any case. significantly. See Bacci (2004: 229-34) and Papacostas (2007: 43-6). It also raises yet another pertinent question: why Lefkara? The mountain village is not the most obvious choice after all. This would invest Lefkara with the spiritual but also economic stature of a major pilgrimage site that could have caught the attention of the local church hierarchy. 73 Papageorghiou (1994). can its construction be attributed to the bishops of Amathus. but the evidence does not allow a firm conclusion. not to a shrine in his native Lefkara.74 The relic at Tokhni was stolen by a Latin priest in  (1936: 321). Typike Diatheke. Neophytos the Recluse. 77 (ed. and. see Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel’’s chapter in this volume. an insuperable problem: in no source prior to the fourteenth century is Lefkara associated with a cult of the Cross. which would make this building the earliest known monument in the settlement. as it is rather distant from Amathus. one may go further and suggest that the precious item of veneration had been housed there as early as the middle Byzantine period and the construction of the church. It possesses a particle of the True Cross encased in a silver reliquary whose oldest part is dated to the early fourteenth century on the basis of an inscription that names as supplicant (and implied patron). . What is it that may have drawn the administration of the diocese there? Once more the church of the Holy Cross may yield some clues. it was there that Neophytos would head for a few decades later when he wished to venerate the Cross. But could the unusually handsome building have had an episcopal function from its inception? In other words. 80. the church of St Mamas at Lefkara used to contain frescoes allegedly dated by inscription to the year 900 AD. The Cypriot tradition according to which Helena Augusta left relics of the Passion on her return journey from Palestine does not involve Lefkara. 74 Daniel.73 Assuming that the reliquary was made for the church where it is still to be found today (and there is no evidence to the contrary). There is. on the floruit of Olvianos. Tsiknopoullos) and 33-4 (ed. The Stavrovouni association with the Helena legend is first reported in the early twelfth century by the Russian monk Daniel. Bishop Olvianos of Lefkara (‘‘\OÑÇÎÆÓeÓ â’Â×ÐԒÔÓ ¡ÊÝвÖÚӒ’). and possibly even earlier.

was absent from the meeting.75 Before his elevation to the episcopal throne. For the episcopal function. at an unnamed mountainous location.78  75 Papageorghiou (1994: 250). 81-2. speaks against the attribution of an episcopal function to the Archangel of Lefkara (assuming of course that this was indeed the location of the synod). Schabel (2000-2001: 227-9). 226. mentioned above. see Kyriazis (1950: 20). something that is refuted by the evidence (Olvianos’’ predecessor. 78 Note that Papadopoullos (1995: 621. on the northern foothills of the Troodos. it would make the Lefkara particle clearly distinct from the one at Tokhni and lift any suspicion of a translation of relics. Barskij.116 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol 1318. and Kyprianos (1788: 584). Ê¨Û ÓÆeÓ ØÔÜ àÖÜÎ×ØÖÆØÁÌÔÝ ­ÎÜÆcÑ Ô†ØÚ ÑÊÌÃÒÊÓÔÓ ØšÓ \A×ÚÒ²ØÚӒ’). as the location of the synod. Bishop Matthew. see Procopiou (2007: 166). the offices of bishop and hegumen would in all probability have been amalgamated and held by a single individual. Because of this it has been suggested that the Asomatos/Archangel may have also served as the episcopal church in this period. 177. was clearly not a hegumen of Asomatos). it was held in a church of St Michael ‘‘also called of the Asomatoi’’. see Severis and Bonato (1999: 175-7). 76 Vaticanus Palatinus graecus 367. at about the same time as the commission of the Lefkara reliquary by the Orthodox bishop. and Katsaros (2000: 33) (‘‘âÓ ùÖÊÎ ØÉÛ ¬Å’ÖÔÝ. note 222) tentatively suggests the monastery of the Archangels at Analiontas. If Papageorghiou’’s implied dating of the latter after the period of incarceration of Olvianos is correct (1313-1318? Olvianos was still in office in 1321). however. The same unwarranted assertion has been made on the basis of a later attestation: in July 1406 a synod was convened to discuss the reintegration of the Church of Cyprus within the Orthodox communion. 77 Syntagma. usually identified with the surviving church of the Archangel. This establishment. .76 This scenario appears implausible: had the late thirteenth and fourteenth-century prelates resided there. as the drawings by Edmond Duthoit suggest. is not attested until the eighteenth century. being in disagreement with the other participating prelates (who considered him a renegade). It is worth noting that the church at Tokhni (rebuilt in the late nineteenth/early twentieth century) may have also been a middle Byzantine structure.77 However. Olvianos had been a monk and hegumen at the monastery of Asomatos of Lefkara (‘‘ÒÔÓÉÛ ØÔÜ \A×ÚÒ²ØÔÝ ¡ÊÝвÖÚӒ’). on the recovery of the Tokhni Cross in 1340 see Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel’’s chapter in this volume. the fact that the bishop of Lefkara.

It was part of a much larger development that affected not only Cyprus but also the entire Eastern Mediterranean in this period. following a period of decline and/or contraction. Whittow (2008). cities throughout the empire. by virtue of its geographical position. 1999b: I. was directly affected by these events.79 What is difficult to account for is not so much the demise of the city after the eighth century. But the abandonment of Amathus still remains to be explained. economic revival and renewed building activity. and in particular in extraneous economic developments that affected the entire island and the wider region. but the absence of a revival later on: in middle Byzantine times. if true. 208-16).80 Regardless of the reasons that led to the implosion of the early medieval period. Cyprus. not only as a target of often violent attacks. it may be partly attributed to the appeal of an important pilgrimage shrine and the concomitant benefits for the prestige and finances of a see impoverished by the decay of its urban base. why did this revival have no impact whatsoever on Amathus and other ancient city sites of the island such as Kourion and Salamis/Constantia? In all three cases the frequently cited relocation to a nearby site makes little sense if it was prompted by security concerns. are in fact much more defensible than the exposed sites of both Limassol and Episkopi. see Wickham (2005). characterised by a process of de-monumentalization and de- urbanization. but. Tassos Papacostas 117 5. 80 Recent overviews in Dagron (2002: 397-402) and Laiou and Morrisson (2007: 23-42). and Brubaker and Haldon (2011: 531-72). the reasons that led to the abandonment of the former and the growth of the latter must be sought elsewhere. a pattern observed all over the Byzantine world and which may be explained through a combination of economic. witnessed an upturn in their fortunes with demographic growth. while the site of Famagusta is hardly more secure than that of the island’’s nearby late antique capital. demographic and geopolitical factors. 4-8. The appearance of the Arabs in the Levant and North Africa in the seventh century caused major upheavals that disrupted centuries-long patterns of trade and well-established networks of exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean. . for the wider context. often into a fortified core (depending on the region). as well as the hilltop location of Kourion. Considering that archaeology leaves little room for doubt about the decline of these late antique cities and the eventual rise of new settlements nearby.  79 Papacostas (1995: I. Abandonment The move of the church authorities from Amathus to Lefkara in the early Middle Ages remains to be proven. as is often alleged: the acropolis of Amathus.

81 The island’’s prosperity in Late Antiquity was based on a vibrant urban culture that fostered the development of agricultural production. Bishopric and City Limassol appears in the written record under a variety of different names. I. where Cyprus is represented by thirteen entries (another two –– ‘‘Leukousia’’ and Tremithus –– may be medieval interpolations). It is not included in the fifth/sixth-century list of cities of the empire known as the Synekdemos of Hierokles. Late Antique Neapolis 1. the city was prospering.84 Moreover.83 some sort of quay and anchoring facilities must have nevertheless existed in Late Antiquity when. nor is it mentioned in the geographical work of the seventh-century George of Cyprus. 82 Papacostas (2001).118 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol in the longer term. it is not marked on the Tabula Peutingeriana. which became increasingly inward-looking and subsistence-oriented. It is first mentioned in late Roman times. . I shall return to these issues below. see Malamut (1988: I. Although the remarkable Hellenistic harbour at Amathus had fallen out of use early on. in connection with the rise of Limassol. 251). a native of Lapithos. outlet for the produce of its hinterland and gateway to overseas markets –– must have rendered meaningless its resurrection later on.82 The changes ushered in by the disruption of exchange networks in the seventh century must have dealt a severe blow to the economy of Cyprus. Nemesos/Lemesos. including Neapolis. 70. and finally Limassol. because the changed geopolitical environment imposed by the new state of affairs had a profound impact on its economic life and consequently on its settlements. Malamut’’s claim that the settlement probably did not exist in early Christian times. when it seems to have been a minor (urban?) centre and seat of a bishop. Syria-Palestine. however. Theodosiane. which lost much of their urban character and raison d’’être. manufacture. 84 Synekdemos. who. enumerates thirteen cities. The loss of one of the main functions of the city –– as trade centre. southern Anatolia). see Geographi graeci minores. 83 Empereur (1996: 164-8). The third-century Stadiasmos mentions the city as ‘‘àÑÂÒÊÓÔے’. like Hierokles. and to its principal coastal cities. a medieval copy (ca. 1200 AD) of a schematic late antique map of the known world thought to date from the fourth or  81 Rautman (2003: 258-62). is refuted by the evidence presented below. 502. Its civic status remains a vexed question. and trade links with the neighbouring coastal areas (Egypt. 38. as mentioned above.

see Noret (1986). had been founded in the first century and that its first occupant was Tykhikos. 185. used for the same site and discussed below. see also Bagnall (1976: 115-16). Lusignan. Constantinides (2003: 503). does not support it either. their sees. Papadopoullos (1952: 28). recorded in various documents of this period. on the proposed dates see Salway (2005) and Talbert (2007). 196-9). tells us. as we know from the fifth-century ecclesiastical author Sozomenos that Cyprus was among the regions that shared the peculiarity of having bishops even in komai. see also Schizas (2000-2001: 141). Mitford suggested to identify it with a settlement in Cilicia rather than on Cyprus. however. 86 Sozomenos. the Limassol option remains doubtful at best. 82. although usually a sign of city status. but the case for the latter (and the site of Limassol) has also been made. Diplomatic Edition. thus depriving  85 Bekker-Nielsen (2004: 34-6.87 In later centuries the memory of Tykhikos was preserved in episcopal lists. The church council held at Serdica in the Balkans (modern Sofia) in 342/3 was attended by no fewer than twelve bishops from the island. 300 AD?). may in this case not be decisive. 172. in rural settlements. 112. 330. are not named. appointed by Herakleidios of Tamassos at the instigation of St Paul himself. discussed in Gregory (2001: 719-20). 87 Auxibios. see Synodicum Nicosiense. which includes the island’’s most important settlements. Tassos Papacostas 119 fifth century (ca. . although the main road linking Amathus to Kourion and which also appears on the map of course passed through or very close to the settlement. The evolution of the toponym Nemesos. 60r makes Tykhikos a contemporary of John the Almsgiver and a predecessor of Leontios of Neapolis. this is at least what the seventh-century Life of St Auxibios. fol. A similar phenomenon has been observed in Apulia and Calabria. Procopiou (1997a: 290-3). known (perhaps anachronistically) as Neapolis. Late antique Cyprus boasted fifteen episcopal sees. 89 Mitford (1961: 136) and Nicolaou (1976). Makhairas. in a third-century BC inscription from Gypsou. see Martin and Noyé (2005: 152). the first bishop of Soloi.85 The (undisputed) presence of a bishop. Description. often together with another early local prelate. however. On the date of the text.86 By the end of Late Antiquity it was believed that the see.88 It should be noted here that a Neapolis is also mentioned much earlier. 88 Synodikon. in the northeastern Mesaoria. that is. Church History. on the see.89 Considering the long gap between this and the earliest late antique attestation. the obscure Zeno. On Zeno. Tykhikos is mentioned in the thirteenth century among the Cypriot saints honoured by the Latin church of the island.

whose bishop neither attended nor was represented). presents their (incomplete) episcopal lists separately. 25 and Belke (1990: 403). 326-7). 93 Anastasios of Sinai. 69. 91 Concilium Universale Chalcedonense. of the Amathusian John the Almsgiver. col. III. unaware of the identification of Theodosias with Neapolis. The best-known occupant of the see of Neapolis was undoubtedly the seventh-century Leontios. it is impossible to tell whether the explanatory clause was included in the seventh-century original or is a later interpolation. as does Fedalto (1988: II. 264. Kourion. when its bishop John is briefly mentioned in one of the stories related in the Life of St Spyridon by Theodore of Paphos. The Phrygian Theodosiana (whose exact location remains unknown) was represented at the council of Ephesus in 431 and is mentioned in the Synekdemos of Hierokles. Ledra. among others. it remains conjectural as it lacks a secure foundation on either archaeological or textual evidence (why not Theodosios I in the later fourth century?). 346. Viae Dux. Neapolis. prolific hagiographer and author. III. Kyrenia. . see Synekdemos. and Tremithus. on the map accompanying the recent English translation of the acts of the Chalcedon council. Tamassos. Karpasia. 287. Gregory (2001: 723). Theodosiane is placed in the Karpas peninsula. The same text very conveniently explains that Theodosias is the same as Neapolis (‘‘ ÊÔÉÔ×βÉÔÛ ¦ØÔÎ ³ÀÆÛ £ÃÑÊÚÛ ØÉÛ ¬Ý’ÖÂÚÓ â’ÆÖÜÂÆے’). Soloi. 81.93 It has been suggested that the name Theodosiane was given to the settlement as a result of its foundation in the first half of the fifth century by Theodosios II. also representing the bishops of Amathus and Arsinoe (but not nearby Kourion. of vitae of Symeon the Fool of Emesa in Syria.94 Although this is entirely plausible. across the Bosporos from Constantinople. 883. Arsinoe. 94 Hill (1938-1939: 375). 273.90 For this we have to wait for more than a century. Lapithos.92 After the seventh century the see does not appear again with that name (the see of Bishop John of Theodosiana/‘‘ØšÓ  ÊÔÉÔ×ÎÆӚӒ’ mentioned by Anastasios of Sinai in the same period must be in Phrygia Pacatiana). as the earliest manuscripts of the Life date from the tenth/eleventh century. Note that. and of Spyridon of Tremithus (now lost and not to be  90 Mansi. while Hackett (1901: 316-17. Paphos.91 We hear again of this see as Theodosias in the early seventh century. 888). Spyridon.120 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol us of what could have been the earliest secure attestation of Neapolis. Kition. until the ecumenical council of 451 that was held at Chalcedon. 92 Theodore of Paphos. A bishop named Soteras whose see’’s name is given as Theodosiane (‘‘¤ÚØÍÖÄÛ â’Â×ÐԒÔÛ ’ÃÑÊÚÛ  ÊÔÉÔ×ÎÆÓÉے’) attended the council. Amathus. 233. 333. Chalcedon. 64. Chytroi. the fifteen sees are Salamis/Constantia.

Our invariably fragmentary knowledge of their layout. Efthymiadis and Déroche (2011: 72-7). in particular during the construction of the city’’s sewage network in the 1990s. The evidence presented so far suggests that in all likelihood late Roman/early Byzantine Neapolis/Theodosias did not initially have the status of a city. The only significant work carried out so far has been restricted to rescue excavations prompted by the discovery of important remains in the course of building works. In the past. Spyridon. see Bouras (2002: 498-500). . John the Almsgiver). 2. have hindered sustained archaeological investigation. 343. see now Cavallero (2013). 55.96 Limassol has neither benefited nor suffered from the evolution of archaeological methodology. The very name Neapolis (New City) of course implies civic status and must have been given to the settlement in contradistinction to the ancient cities of Kourion and Amathus. Tassos Papacostas 121 confused with the vita written by Theodore of Paphos in 655). and several contributions in Kiousopoulou (2012). The thriving modern city would. the latter resulted in considerable collateral damage instead.  95 Leontios of Neapolis. and late antique layers were often obliterated in the rush to reach the classical levels. 4570. still overshadowed in this period by its prominent neighbours Kourion and especially Amathus. PmbZ. medieval. 96 On the problems affecting the archaeology of Byzantine cities. On the lost vita of Spyridon. since it has not had the privilege of sitting on top of a renowned classical city and has therefore not attracted much interest. in any case. however. But when was this status acquired? As discussed above. no. sigillographic or other) is brought forth. The same lack of evidence obscures the circumstances that led to this change of status. despite boasting an episcopal organization.95 His literary production in what must have been a minor township of late antique Cyprus. Whittow (2009: 139). architecture and economic activity is thus a mere collateral benefit of such digs. From Late Antique Neapolis to Medieval Nemesos: Archaeology and Topography Until recently early Byzantine settlements usually came to light as a result of excavations at sites known to have been those of ancient cities. gives a measure of the activity that could flourish even in such peripheral centres. this must surely remain the only certain terminus ante quem for its rise to city status until further evidence (epigraphic. as the early modern. the toponym is not securely attested before the hagiographic texts of the seventh century (vitae of Auxibios.

a marble capital was discovered in April 1954 at 1m80 below the street level at what is thought to have been the original  97 Mitford (1961: 110-11). 2006b: 185-6). is obscure. It may have had an honorific function. immediately to the west of the castle. the centre of both late antique and medieval Neapolis must have been located in the area of the present old town on the east bank of the Garyllis. not far from the seashore to the east of the castle. on the site of the Lanitis carob mill. within a radius of ca. 22). 98 See Corvisier and Faucherre (2000) and Corvisier (2006b). a very important excavated site. 7). on the evidence of admittedly extremely meagre remains incorporated or found within the present building (a column plinth. fiscal. perhaps a Templar foundation. In 1955 an inscription was found next to the castle. to the south. it is not possible to draw any useful conclusions from this attestation in late antique Neapolis (assuming of course that the inscription was found on the site for which it had originally been carved). remains of columns were reported together with a ‘‘building of some size’’. note 38. Petrides (1965: 19. a capital. see also the relevant discussion in Michalis Olympios’’ chapter in this volume. more structures were reported and pottery sherds. it has been attributed to the mid- sixth/mid-seventh century. as we shall see below. lamps. This is strongly indicated by various chance finds and. near the (old) harbour and around the castle. Nevertheless. on Berengaria Street. but the exact meaning of the text.99 Several finds in the surrounding area. military). may confirm its occupation in this and later periods: a capital said to resemble that found within the castle was discovered together with part of a stone column in June 1955 during work at the nearby harbour. which names a certain comes Markos Ioulios. next to the chapel of St Thekla where a row of warehouses was erected in the 1950s.122 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol The lack of adequate evidence precludes any attempt to reconstruct the settlement’’s topography. The castle itself now consists of an Ottoman shell enveloping a Gothic core which recent research has shown to belong to a fortified thirteenth-century church. all in the lower floor). traces of four column bases. and a later coin attributed to Isaac Doukas Komnenos were found. .97 As the title comes (țȩȝȘȢ in Greek) was used for several offices with a large variety of functions in this period (administrative. 300m from the castle. Indeed. it has been suggested that a small basilica may have stood on the site in Late Antiquity (fig. on the western side of the southernmost section of Eirinis (formerly Victorias) Street.98 In other words it would seem that the site of the present castle was not occupied by a fortified structure until after the end of Byzantine rule on Cyprus. 99 Procopiou (1997a: 293.

18-19). function. 102 Procopiou (1997a: 295. however. and history of the reported structures. a large hoard of 178 coins (including 155 solidi) from the reign of Herakleios (610-641) was recovered in 1952. 38). nothing more can be said about the date.102 At a short distance. within what was identified as a settlement that allegedly extended over the site of the nearby Turkish school (ca. 1100m northwest of the castle). 1700m to the north). As none of the sites in question was properly excavated. scale. 101 I am most grateful to Yiannis Violaris and Eleni Procopiou of the Department of Antiquities for bringing to my attention the notes and memorandum of Nicos Petrides. Petrides reported in 1958 the foundations of a building that he tentatively identified with those of a church.103 Well to the east of the castle (ca. 104 Petrides (1965: 14-15. between the present Ipparchou and Vasili Michailidi Streets (ca. 1000m away). in the area formerly known as Limnazousa within a structure comprising at least five rooms (near the present junction of Makariou Avenue and Petros Tsiros Street). Slightly earlier a gold coin of Phokas (602-610) was found on the site where a row of council houses was being erected in 1952-1953 on Misiaouli and Kavazoglou (formerly Paphos) Street. immediately to the north of Ayia Napa. layout. 103 Petrides (1965: 21). during construction work in the town centre. 1300m north of the castle): here the finds included marble fragments. note 46).104 Whereas the finds from these three sites (Limnazousa. lamps. council houses.101 The same applies to the remains of a monumental structure in ashlar discovered in 1995 to the west of the early twentieth-century cathedral of Ayia Napa but not excavated. Stray finds of the same period were reported in 1955 further away (ca. and Roman cippi used in the foundations of structures identified as houses.100 All these finds were reported primarily as a result of the diligence of Nicos Petrides of the Limassol District Museum in the 1950s. A third area where late antique finds prompted the suggestion of a late Roman/early Byzantine settlement is located immediately to the west of the church of Ayia Zoni. as a fifth/sixth-century coin was found above its floor level. Sergides (2003: 27. the hoard on the waterfront must represent activity near its very core. Sergides (2003: 38). Tassos Papacostas 123 floor level of an ancient structure. and it has been tentatively associated with the arrival of  100 Petrides (1965: 19-20). it may also date from Late Antiquity. . Ayia Zoni) surely represent some form of occupation on the periphery of the late antique settlement (assuming the suggested dating is to be trusted). on the seashore near the late nineteenth-century Roman Catholic church of St Catherine.

Petrides (1965: 15). a single-aisle church with annex buildings at  105 ARDA 1952. a three- aisled basilica at Ypsonas-Panayia. . 108 The link was made by Krueger (1996: 15) and rejected in PmbZ. Sergides (2003: 24. Megaw (1953: 137). 4570.106 There is little evidence from Limassol for destruction in the seventh century. the assumption appears to be that the expanding seventh century gave way to a period of decline. 109 Petit et al. especially in the fifth-to- seventh-century period when twenty-eight out of a total of thirty-nine recorded sites were occupied.108 Judging from the abundant evidence from Amathus discussed earlier. perhaps unlikely. 106 Metcalf (2009: 164). only to be abandoned thereafter. 107 The late antique structures reported near Ayia Zoni were probably destroyed by fire at an unknown date. This is only partly supported by the fate of settlements and individual structures in the wider region. the second.109 The fate of two late antique suburban ecclesiastical complexes is marginally clearer: the first. and until more positive evidence comes forth. which has been linked with the upheavals of the period. although very often the dating of their destruction and/or abandonment remains far from certain. (1996: 178-9). not because the settlement escaped unscathed but simply because there has been so little archaeological work. 15. was replaced by a small chapel in the Middle Ages. Antoine Hermary’’s chaper in this volume. The more recent excavation (in 2008-2009) of a small rural complex of uncertain (agricultural?) function at the site of Ayios Tykhonas-Asvestoton.107 The alleged presence of Bishop Leontios of Neapolis at Rome in 649 for the Lateran Council. The field survey of an area of 2.124 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol refugees from Alexandria following its capitulation and occupation by the Arabs in 641-642. although the evolution of occupation in the area in subsequent centuries was outside the remit of the survey. it would seem natural that devastation was perhaps the order of the day here too. Nicolaou and Metcalf (2007: 405). 1.5 km to the northwest of the acropolis of Amathus. confirms this assumption: the site was occupied in the later sixth and early seventh century. is no longer accepted as it is based on a false identification of the prelate who attended the council.700 ha in the territory of Amathus has revealed a slight decline in occupation during Roman times followed by marked expansion in Late Antiquity.105 The suggestion that a mint producing folles and half- folles may have operated temporarily at Neapolis during the reign of Herakleios (in 634-636) remains controversial. 33). no. Hermary (2010). no evidence for violent destruction has been uncovered. however.

it was destroyed by fire some time after the reign of Herakleios (when the latest coin finds in the destruction layer are dated). Although not directly on the coast.111 More concrete evidence comes from two larger rural sites. it illustrates most aptly the wealth of data that even an excavation of no more than 25 m2 can  110 ARDA 2001. 34. 113 Procopiou (1997a). its synthronon and opus sectile floor testify to the existence of the early phase. a cross-in-square structure to the north of Ayia Phyla that dates to middle Byzantine times. To the northwest of Limassol the small basilica excavated at Alassa in 1984 presents a slightly different picture: first built in the early seventh century. the only one properly investigated so far. . was abandoned perhaps as early as the close of the century and not reoccupied until the middle Byzantine period (twelfth/thirteenth century?). Because only a small portion of the building could be excavated within the confines of the narrow street.112 Did Neapolis conform to this pattern of abandonment that can also be observed elsewhere on the island? Before turning to the sources in order to see whether they shed any light on the fate of the settlement in the early medieval period. 112 Rautman (2003: 147). The late antique village excavated at Kalavasos-Kopetra. 39. it nevertheless witnessed damage to its churches and. Procopiou (2006a: 116). ARDA 2004. the site. as it provides the only available evidence for the evolution of occupation at the heart of the settlement. ARDA 2005. 71. the area was finally abandoned. however.110 Another late antique basilica in the periphery of Limassol may have stood on the site of the now ruinous but still impressive St Tykhikos. we have to turn to a site at its very heart. which included (industrial?) buildings excavated to the north of the church. Tassos Papacostas 125 Yermasoyia-Kaloyeroi.113 This should in no way detract from the immense significance of this excavation. despite a short period of post-raid occupation. BCH. The opportunity to excavate a small part of it arose when during the construction of the sewage network of central Limassol in 1993 the remains of two apses were uncovered behind the eastern wall of the mosque. the interpretation of the remains that follows is necessarily tentative and largely based on the meticulous excavation report. flourished into the early seventh century. 8). to the east of Amathus. Indeed. It was long suspected that an earlier structure stood under the Great Mosque (Cami Kebir/Eski Cami). under the present street level (fig. 78). Flourentzos (1996: 37). was probably destroyed by fire. 126 (2002: 710). 150m to the northeast of the castle. 111 Papacostas (1999b: II. as it provides some significant clues. when a smaller church was erected.

the investigation did not extend to the north to examine the possibility of an additional aisle. The investigation revealed the eastern part of a church with several building phases stretching from Late Antiquity down to the Venetian period. Whether it housed some venerated relic or marked the burial place of a holy man or early bishop we cannot tell. The northern and larger apse contains a synthronon and its original floor level would have been ca. Had it been possible to demonstrate that the site of the Cami Kebir was that of the episcopal church of Neapolis. precludes at present such a link. But the lack of evidence. This inscription. then one might perhaps associate the sarcophagus with Tykhikos. The late fifth or sixth-century date ascribed to it by Ino Nicolaou is perhaps the date of the original building phase itself. similarly. son of Phasourios (‘‘ȆĮȪȜȠȣ ĭĮıȠȣȡȒȠȣ’’).114 Deep in the smaller southern apse there was a stone sarcophagus. On the other hand it is far from clear how representative of the fate of the wider region the history of this particular site is. . If the Corinthian capitals preserved today outside the mosque originate from this (presumably timber-roofed) church. In the upper courses of the apse masonry (which date from a subsequent rebuilding) a block bearing an inscription was inserted. in whose lower storey the aforementioned colonnade fragments are preserved (from a late antique basilica?). contains the prayer of a certain Paul. the lower part of which was found well below the floor level of the late antique church.126 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol yield. only the second to have come to light from late antique Neapolis. Neapolis is not mentioned as the locus of any cult in Late Antiquity (or later for that matter) and the location of the sepulchre of its (legendary?) first bishop. at approximately the same depth as that of the aforementioned structure on nearby Eirinis Street (where a marble capital was reported in 1954 by Petrides) and consistent with the evidence from the nearby site of the castle. Access to it was maintained in the later rebuildings of the shrine. both rather uncommon schemes (the evidence is inconclusive). which may have taken the form of either a bi-apsidal single-nave or a twin-nave building. Tykhikos.  114 Nicolaou in Procopiou (1997a: 318). then a layout with colonnade may be assumed. this is based of course on the assumption that the inscription was not brought from elsewhere. remains unknown. The two five-sided apses belong to the late antique phase. 2m below the present street level. both archaeological and textual. the nave area where evidence for its plan might be found is under the praying hall of the modern mosque and was not excavated. indicating that it was deemed important.

Tassos Papacostas 127 According to the excavation report this initial phase suffered damage.115 Not long thereafter the church was rebuilt (eighth century?). provided that its proposed medieval date can be verified: it left out of the perimeter of the new church the earlier apses while at the same time maintaining. when the structure was rebuilt once more to serve as Limassol’’s Latin cathedral. the abbey church at Bellapais. It is difficult to  115 Procopiou (1997b: 334-5). 2006a: 116). This is securely dated by numismatic evidence to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. see the chapter by Michalis Olympios in this volume. But on the other hand we know from a thirteenth-century document (discussed below) that when a Latin episcopal see was established at Limassol in 1196 it took over the Venetian church of St Mark. 320. The aforementioned reconstruction of the building’’s history implies that it served as a cathedral church in the middle Byzantine period. 116 Procopiou (1997a: 287. As the excavation report rightly points out. was followed by the occupation of the site by the Latin Church. and survived into the thirteenth century. cautiously proposing a twelfth-century reconstruction.117 The Latin rather than Greek affiliation of the late medieval (fourteenth-century?) reconstruction may be argued much more convincingly on the basis of the flat eastern wall. which had been built by members of the town’’s Venetian community in the second half of the twelfth century. the destruction is said to have been caused by fire. One of the elements that have been used to determine the rite of the reconstructed church is a burial excavated to the north of the larger apse. . to say the least. and is said to be the tomb of a (Latin) priest or possibly a bishop. For a slightly different scenario. the Royal Chapel at Pyrga and. the access to the sarcophagus. In the excavation report it is assumed that a period of abandonment and destruction. closer to Limassol.116 But the evidence is inconclusive. Procopiou (2006a: 116). as we saw above. although what the evidence for that is remains unclear (the seal of Pope Innocent IV found nearby?). the Karmiotissa near Pano Polemidia). although not uncommon in those of the Latin rite (e. 117 Procopiou (1997a: 289. something for which there is absolutely no evidence. 2006a: 116). 294-5. which may be dated to the seventh century on account of a copper buckle found in the destruction layer. such an arrangement is of course rare in the architecture of Orthodox churches. perhaps as a vaulted structure incorporating the apses of the earlier phase. St Anthony’’s at Famagusta. also a moot point. and that the Latin cathedral was later established on the same spot.g. caused by the alleged departure of the local bishops to Lefkara in the thirteenth century and perhaps by the natural disasters and enemy attacks recorded in the Lusignan period.

despite (admittedly cautious) claims to the contrary. Isauria. as Neapolis in the first and Nemesos (‘‘ȃİȝİıȩȢ’’) in the updated list. Chytroi. 234.120 The toponym Nemesos. Notitiae. if the Latin cathedral functioned throughout the Lusignan and Venetian periods on the same site. and this time it is ranked at the bottom of both. Kition. The Toponym and Administrative Region The sources of the period following the first Arab raids contain only scarce references to the see of Neapolis and no individual bishops are known after Leontios until the thirteenth century. and which is the form that eventually gave birth to the current (Greek) name Lemesos. Soloi. Belke (1990: 347). most probably the Pisidian. by which these tenth-century sources refer to the episcopal see and settlement. as we saw above. 97. Unlike nearby Amathus and as in the case of most of the island’’s other bishoprics. and again in the two lists of the late tenth-century appendix 1 to the notitia 10. and not the Cypriot see. however. this was probably not that of the Cami Kebir. Pisidia). The identity and function of the church under the mosque during both the late medieval but also the Byzantine period will remain unknown until further secure archaeological evidence emerges. in thirteenth place among the island’’s fifteen sees. however. is first attested in the  ͳͳͺ‡‡ƒŽ•‘–Š‡‡š–‡•‹˜‡†‹•…—••‹‘‹‹…ŠƒŽ‹•Ž›’‹‘•ǯ…Šƒ’–‡”Ǥ 119 Darrouzès. 120 ‘•–ƒ–‹‡ . Thus. is one of the numerous cities and sees of that name known to have existed elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire and in particular in Asia Minor (Caria.119 These mentions. It is. there are no known surviving seals attributed to its bishops. Mansi. 338. Malamut (1988: I. tell us virtually nothing about the settlement itself. was attended by Alexander of Amathus and by the bishops of Salamis/Constantia. surely a scribe’’s mistake and perhaps an interpolation) in one single and much later manuscript of the contemporary geographical treatise of Constantine Porphyrogennetos. VI. 251). as does the inclusion of Nemevos (‘‘ȃȑȝİȣȠȢ’’.118 Middle Byzantine Nemesos 1. cols. The Neapolis whose bishop is attested among the signatories of the acts of the council of Constantinople in 869/70. and Neapolis was not represented at the council of Nicaea in 787 which. 144.128 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol imagine that St Mark could be identified with any building phase of the excavated remains. included (as Neapolis) in the episcopal lists of the ninth-century (?) notitia 3. and Tremithus.

.

MS Paris. ‘”’Š›”‘‰‡‡–‘•. De thematibus. 80. and Lefkousia. Nemevos. the thirteenth- century BnF. 854 is the only manuscript among those considered for the edition that contains the references to Kourion. Gr. 20. .

Thus a long late eleventh-century note in the BAV. 528  121 ‘‘žÊÚÖÌeÛ ÌaÖ qÓ ï žÊÕÖÌÎÔÛ. in the seventh century. as seems more likely. where he heard from eye-witnesses some of the stories which he reported. Fernández Marcos (1975: 370-1). but in that case one would have expected its location to be defined with reference to that city rather than to Nemesos. MS Vat. 9. Miracles. Jean Gascou makes a similar observation concerning the location of Phava in his translation of the text. Gr. ØÖÎ×d Éb ÐÆd ƒÒÎ×Ý ØÉÛ ÙÆѲØØÍÛ ×ØÆÉÂÔÎÛ ÉÎÀ×ØÍÐÊӒ’. Thus. col. from where other visitors to Alexandria are attested in this period.5 km] away from the city [of Nemesos] and three and a half stadia [ca. ÐÆd ’ÊÓØÁÐÔÓØÆ ÒbÓ ØÉÛ ’ÃÑÊÚÛ. all references to the town from the tenth century onwards. discussed above. use variants of this form. George is described in the text as ‘‘a peasant. Tassos Papacostas 129 textually bountiful seventh century. 82. Miracula. ÐÆd ÜÚÖÂÔÓ ãüÐÊÎ ØFÉ ³ÊÒÊ×㚠’ÆÖÆÐÊÂÒÊÓÔÓä ®ÆÜÆ Øe ÜÚÖÂÔÓ âÑÀÌÊØÔ. Sophronios. not only in Greek sources but also in Arabic and Latin texts of the middle Byzantine period. col. for the author of this text. Fernández Marcos (1975: 231. 1607) does not antedate the late tenth century. 123 Theodore of Paphos.121 The reliability of this information is in no doubt. MS Vat. Sophronios of Jerusalem (ca.122 The phrasing of the narrative admits no doubt about its belonging to the original seventh-century composition.123 The reference to Nemesos as a polis in this text may confirm the information about its status at the end of Late Antiquity. was not only writing about events of his own time. if Phava was situated near the coast to the east of Neapolis/Nemesos. 191. A possible explanation may be that Neapolis became current in ecclesiastical circles as it was used in the bishop’’s title. It is far from clear why two different names (leaving aside Theodosias) would have been used contemporaneously for the settlement. but as he explicitly states he had himself visited Cyprus. it would have been located somewhere in the Akrotiri peninsula. living in a village near Nemesos called Phava. even though the earliest surviving manuscript of the miracula (BAV. 3628. Spyridon. Indeed. 660m] from the sea’’. it would have been very close to Amathus. it was situated to the west. According to one of the edifying stories in the miracula extolling the healing virtues of Sts Kyros and John at their shrine near Alexandria. 371-2). Sophronios. Barb. Nemesos and Neapolis appear in the sources at the same time. 560-638). If on the other hand. . 3625. a Cypriot pilgrim named George arrived seeking a cure for his crippled legs. note 1156. Miracula. Gr. 122 Sophronios. which is 50 stadia [ca. while Nemesos was more common in the secular sphere and was the one that survived and prevailed in the Middle Ages.

263. Svoronos (1959: 55-7). see Ahrweiler (1965: 55-6). 163-8). For the ecclesiastical use. by which Nemesos had definitely overtaken both Kourion and Amathus as the main settlement on the south  124 Darrouzès (1959: 49). where localities in which the monastery also owned estates were situated. Papacostas (1999b: II. turning eastwards to avoid Lefkara. 417. belongs to the latter’’s enoria. which clearly belonged to Amathus. the information that Paramytha came under the jurisdiction of Kourion (as certainly did Alassa.125 Considering. and Parameda (‘‘ȆĮȡĮȝȒįĮ’’. usually identified with modern Lythrodontas. 125 Grivaud (1998a: 24). modern Plataniskia/Platanisteia). falls into the enoria of distant Kition although it is much closer to Tamassos. modern Paramytha) in the enoria of Kourion is nearer to Nemesos. Kourion. and may refer either to the episcopal sees or to fiscal administrative units.126 The latter was the centre under whose jurisdiction came the monastery of Makhairas. Constantinides and Browning (1993: 58-9). passim. however. where the monastery owned an olive grove. only a few kilometres to the west of Lythrodontas.127 The boundary of the enoria of Kition must have therefore ran through the mountains somewhere between Lythrodontas and Makhairas separating it from Tamassos and. much closer to Kourion than to Paphos. .130 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol enumerating the properties of the monastery of Krinia near Lapithos mentions the enoria of Nemesos (‘‘ØcÓ âÓÚÖÂÆÓ ³ÊÒÊ×Ôܒ’). It nevertheless seems curious that Platanistos (‘‘™™ ¬²ØÚ £ÑÆØÆÓÎ×ØÃے’. Similarly Lethrinous (‘‘Ê¨Û Øe ÜÚÖÂÔÓ ¡ÊÙÖÎÓÔÜÓ؃’). as enoria was used for both in this period.124 The same term (enoria) is used in this document for Paphos.128 Nevertheless. 126 Papacostas (1999b: II. Typike Diataxis. Kition. All this speculation merely serves to show our dismal knowledge of the administrative geography of middle Byzantine Cyprus. and Lapithos. and whose bishop in the twelfth century granted the monastery a stavropegion (autonomous status outside the jurisdiction of the local bishop). and Malamut (1988: II. mentioned above) rather than Nemesos may indicate that the late antique setup was maintained in later periods and that there was little subsequent readjustment to reflect the realities of the Comnenian era. that the document in question is an inventory originally compiled for fiscal purposes. although of course ecclesiastical and fiscal units may have coincided. and it was after all at Tamassos that Neilos of Makhairas founded a nunnery and became bishop himself. further south. 163-8). 127 Neilos. the latter use is more likely. I. 128 Grivaud (1998a: 23-4). note 229). for the fiscal term Actes d’’Iviron.

as Nimisso.129 In the twelfth century al-IdrƯsƯ (Edrisi). Roger of Howden. as on the way he was captured by Manuel Voutoumites and delivered to John Doukas. Laurent. 105. 77-8. Documenti. and is to be found in a commercial contract of 1139 pertaining to a transaction among Venetians. fleeing Nicosia and pursued by the imperial troops sent by Alexios I Komnenos to restore order in ca. Nymocium/Nimocio. Lanfranchi.132 Documents. the leader of the expedition. it would seem that it encompassed little more than the town itself and its immediate hinterland. Nemesos appears in this very context as the harbour (‘‘’ÖeÛ ØcÓ ³ÊÒÊ×ÃӒ’) that the rebel. 132 Itinerarium. Parameda. 1095. whereas in the case of all other enoriai a place-name within their boundaries is given in order to locate each property more accurately (Platanistos. III. I. Limeszun/Limezun. Opus geographicum. and a navigation manual from the same period or slightly later furnish an equally imaginative array of spellings (‘‘Limisso/Limiso. as we shall see below. Tassos Papacostas 131 coast of Cyprus. Liber de existencia.130 The earliest known mention of Nemesos in a Western European language appears in Latin. LifqusƯya (Lefkosia). II. see also the note following this chapter by Angel Nicolaou-Konnari. 189. Limechon/Limeçon.). 755a. In other words. Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr. usually substituting the initial N with an L (‘‘Limazun. Reinsch and Kambylis) and II. 131 Morozzo della Rocca and Lombardo. the Arab geographer of King Roger II of Sicily. and KirƯnƯya (Kyrenia). He never arrived there. Lethrinous. II. Leib). see Papacostas (2007: 66-7). Alexiad. At about the same time as the Krinia inventory Nemesos is mentioned in a major Byzantine source. 118-21. the most important of which were an-NimƯsnjn (Nemesos).131 The sources of the Third Crusade contain a staggering variety of spellings. Giorgio Maggiore.). This is none other than the Alexiad of Anna Komnene. something that is perhaps confirmed by the fact that the Krinia property is merely described as ‘‘an olive grove in the enoria of Nemesos’’. Benedict of Peterborough. ‘‘Ernoul’’. This also suggests that the enoria of Nemesos may have been rather compact. 270-1. 643-4. 163 (ed. travellers’’ accounts. etc. states that Cyprus boasted several cities. however. II.133  129 Anna Komnene. 23. 163. on the date and for further bibliography. attempted to reach in order to board a ship to Syria. 122. Lymesson/Limesson’’. which covers extensively the episode of the suppression of the rebellion of Rhapsomates on Cyprus. 133 Delaville le Roulx (1895: 73-4). 181. Lamezis’’). 130 Idrisi. Peregrinatores. 405-6. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani. . in his treatise covering the entire Mediterranean as well as parts of northern Europe. 171. 263 (ed. V. See also extensive discussion in the note following this chaper by Angel Nicolaou-Konnari. Cartulaire. no. S. etc.

Indianos (1940). cannot be substantiated as it is entirely based on a debatable reconstruction of the ancient topography of the wider region. The Nemesis link was revived in 2008 by Theodoros Mavroyiannis. it would certainly be unwise to add yet another fanciful etymology  134 Lusignan. known as Lemosin in Occitan). 8v. nor does it account for the transposition of the accent (Neméseos –– Nemesós). while attributing the (Italian) form current at his time. which are clearly corruptions of the Greek name. who proposed the same etymology: Mariti. recently proposed by Makrides (2012). Hill (1938-1939: 375-9). Ancient Cyprus. Hadjioannou. V. Latin nemus). 136 Mavroyiannis (2008). Its etymology remains unknown and has puzzled many a historian. 82. 197. More recently a link with the Greek for inbetween (ΔȟȑȞıIJȡȣ) was proposed. who proposed a derivation of the place-name from the genitive ȃİȝȑıİȦȢ and a connection between the Roman cult of Nemesis-Tyche (attested through a first-century AD inscription of unknown provenance now in the Cyprus Museum) and the Christian cult of Tykhon at Amathus. In view of the above and of the lack of an obvious solution to the puzzle. Kyprianos (1788: 33). while at the dawn of the twentieth the Christian martyr Nemesios and the pagan goddess Nemesis were brought into the discussion. which would have made the last derivation (anámesos –– Némesos) more likely. Even as far back as the sixteenth century the chronicler Étienne de Lusignan was perplexed and attempted to explain the name (which he gives as Nemosia) by reference to the Greek for woodland (ȞȑȝȠȢ. 135 Menardos (1903: 107-11. fol. to some locality in the French homeland of the ancestors of the Lusignan kings of the island. Chorograffia. at Poitou (presumably referring to the neighbouring Limousin region. confirmed by both the Arabic and Latin versions. how the place-name was eventually assigned to the emerging settlement some 10km west of Amathus.135 There is. however.132 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol As this survey of the earliest attestations of the toponym indicates. Lusignan was followed in the eighteenth century by Giovanni Mariti and the Archimandrite Kyprianos. Limissò. were posited: fanciful derivations from the Greek for harbour (ȜȚȝȒȞ) or from the place-name Telmessos in Lycia (Asia Minor) appeared in the nineteenth century. however.134 In more recent times various suggestions. The derivation from an unattested Limnessos. 1906: 8-9).136 This engaging argument does not explain. . none of them particularly convincing. a slight problem. Nemesos was without a shred of doubt the early form of the place-name. All early Greek attestations (except for the problematic De thematibus) in the nominative bear the stress on the last syllable (Nemesós) rather than the first (Némesos).

138 and the survival of an ancient toponym. Laurence Alpe’’s chapter in this volume.137 If the Ethnica’’s information is accurate and ancient Cyprus did indeed boast a settlement of that name. 174. The longevity of Cypriot toponymy is often extraordinary. 41-2. however. Ancient Cyprus. âÓ Fw ØÎÒÄØÆÎ ^YѲØÍÛ \A’ÃÑÑÚÓ. Ptolemy. places it in the region of Kourion. as the case of even minor rural places demonstrates (e. writing in the sixth century. suggesting Mimison or Mimisos for the nominative and plausibly linking it with Nemesos. would not be surprising provided that such an alteration (Amamassos –– Nemesos) can be linguistically substantiated. as ‘‘ȂǿȂǿȈȅȊ’’.140 This toponym from the Hellenistic period could very well be  137 ‘‘\AÒÆÒÆ××eÛ ’ÃÑÎÛ ¬Å’ÖÔÝ. 138 Mitford (1950: 12. in the genitive. Tassos Papacostas 133 to the already long list. Geography. IV. which the editors transcribe as ‘‘ȂȚȝȓıȠȣ’’. Flasou and Larnakas tis Lapithou). Hild and Restle (1981: 239). albeit in a corrupted form. which may or may not be identical with Ptolemy’’s Nanassos/Nanessos. it contains several toponyms from the region of Amathus. 140 Aupert and Flourentzos (2008: 316. could it have anything to do with Nemesos? A tentative answer may only emerge if some future epigraphic discovery from modern Limassol provides evidence for a cult of Apollo in the area and perhaps some clues on the evolution of the place- name. needs to be rekindled. 343). Hogarth (1889: 25). Øe âÙÓÎÐeÓ \AÒÆÒ²××ÎÔÛ ÐÆd \AÒÆÒÆ××ÊÅے’. I owe particular thanks to Yiannis Violaris for bringing this inscription to my attention. the Barrington Atlas omits it altogether.139 The recent publication of a fragmentary yet remarkable mid-second-century BC inscription from Amathus may provide a determining clue. cols. Müller’’s edition of the Stadiasmos in Geographi graeci minores it is marked at Yermasoyia.g. while on the map accompanying K. however. XXXIII. Ethnica. note 2). 329. see RE. on the basis of syllabic inscriptions from the area that testify to a local cult of Apollo. 52-3. II. 326. Stephanos of Byzantium. . and its location remains unknown. 139 There is no indication of any link with Mamassos/Momoasson near Nanzianzos in Cappadocia (later Mamasun and cult centre of St Mamas). mentions in his Ethnica the city of Amamassos (‘‘\AÒÆÒÆ××Ãے’) as one of the ancient cult centres of Apollo on Cyprus. The debate. 520. To the best of my knowledge Amamassos is not attested in any other text. probably during the reign of Justinian. Stephanos of Byzantium. Hadjinicolaou-Marava (1953: 58-61). and a fresh proposal may achieve just that. see Hadjioannou. Drymou in the district of Paphos has been suggested as the possible location of Amamassos. something that only specialists in the history of language may determine. either ancient or medieval. A cadastral document. One of them is mentioned at least twice in the text.

­ÎÒÎ×ÔÜ). For the eleventh and twelfth centuries there is no direct evidence whatsoever. But this could have taken place only if the local see at Nemesos was abolished or if the two dioceses were merged. written in Sicily in the mid-twelfth century. although their testimony is not always reliable. it will be discussed below. the earliest known attestation of what became Nemesos by the end of Late Antiquity. The treatise of Neilos Doxopatres on the five patriarchates. but this is not surprising: Neilos relied heavily for this material on late antique sources such as the work of George of Cyprus. not documented as a port city before the eleventh. 143 Papadopoullos (1995: 543-8). perhaps in South Italy?) was the copyist in 953. What is more.142 The most secure piece of information indicating that the number of bishops in the Comnenian period remained more or less the same as that known from late antique sources (at least a dozen) comes from the incident mentioned above concerning the deposed Bishop John of Amathus:143 the  141 The reference to a tenth-century bishop Leo of Neapolis of Cyprus from BAV. MS Vat. does not include it among the thirteen enumerated Cypriot sees either. is the result of a misunderstanding: a Bishop Leo (of unspecified see. as there is no conclusive evidence. as mentioned above. it is included in the notitiae. and perhaps another version or corruption of a much older Amamassos. 9 and Darrouzès (1957: 157). there is a gap to be filled between the decline of Amathus in the later seventh/eighth century and the rise of Nemesos.134 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol ȂȚȝȚıȩȢ (gen. As we saw above. neither option is warranted by the scant evidence. 1810 in Evangelatou-Notara (1982: 117). . based on Vogel and Gardthausen (1909: 261). which as a result grew into an important port city. 2. Gr. In fact the latter seems to suggest that the episcopal see of Nemesos remained active throughout the early medieval period. but Neapolis is only mentioned in the context of the volume’’s contents. 142 Synecdemus et notitiae. 285. This assumption needs to be treated with caution. which included works by the seventh-century Leontios of Neapolis. who. A move in the same direction has been claimed for the bishops of Amathus. also ignores Neapolis/Nemesos.141 It would nevertheless not be unreasonable to suppose that the diocese continued to operate and be managed by its bishops. see ‘‘Ad catalogum codicorum hagiographicorum Graecorum bibliothecae Vaticanae supplementum’’. Growth and Prosperity It is usually claimed that with the demise of Amathus the latter’’s population moved to Neapolis.

Gr. see Darrouzès (1950: 179.146 The population of Cypriot settlements must have dwindled accordingly. 180. may fall within this period. Kourion to Episkopi). the city in the empire that best resisted the changing trends of these difficult times. 54). The period in question (seventh-ninth centuries) was marked by economic and severe demographic decline.145 there is little doubt that the episcopal organization itself was maintained.000 in the eighth century. is thought to have dropped from perhaps as many as ca. Tassos Papacostas 135 Cypriot synod that relieved him of his duties in the mid-twelfth century was composed of eleven prelates. This may have happened on a small scale in a few exceptional cases. we should not imagine the entire population of a crowded Amathus packing up and leaving in search of greener pastures. . most probably the one suggested above. 648. attested in a note in the eleventh-century BnF. and to look for an alternative location. reported that in addition to the Latin Church hierarchy (established in 1196) there were thirteen Greek bishops on the island. The population of Constantinople itself. who visited Cyprus in the summer of 1211. MS Par.147 the ecclesiastical authorities must have relocated in an area already settled by  144 Laurent. 145 The floruit of a bishop of Kourion named Michael. Thus. 147 Megaw (1993). 146 Mango (1990: 51. including most probably that of Nemesos. including the archbishop. a dramatic tenfold reduction. Half a century later Wilbrand. son of the count of Oldenburg and later bishop of Paderborn and Utrecht. see also note 79 above for relevant bibliography. best illustrated by the example of Kourion and Episkopi: the archaeological evidence from the site of Sarayia in the latter shows that architectural elements from the episcopal basilica on top of the cliff were intentionally dismantled and reused in a new church on the west bank of the Kouris River in the fertile plain below.000 inhabitants in the Justinianic age to perhaps as few as 40.g.144 Although in neither case are the sees of these bishops given. If we accept then that the see of Nemesos not only survived into the middle Byzantine period but also preserved its independence from that of Amathus. Here a brief excursus is necessary in order to discuss what is meant by frequent statements claiming that populations moved from a city in decline to a rising centre nearby. Peregrinatores. and while admitting that some may have moved their base of operations out of its original late antique location (e. excluding the island’’s metropolitan. As Peter Megaw suggested. 1951a: 103). 400. at Lefkara. this would provide an additional reason to reject the suggestion that the latter’’s bishops moved there. this was presumably the new episcopal seat that gave the settlement its name.

As the population of the entire island in this period was probably well below 100. Karpasia –– Rizokarpaso.136 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol people from both Kourion and the surrounding countryside who sought to exploit the well watered region for agricultural purposes. A similar trend must have occurred at Neapolis/Nemesos. the former cities must have looked like little more than villages. Ambroise. II. 119.000. I. Ailes and M. Why this was the case is not clear at all. prompted by profound changes in the patterns of economic life. 165. Benedict of Peterborough. Thus. By the end of the century the extensive site of the city was perhaps dotted with a couple of small communities living in makeshift accommodation among the ruins and making a living primarily out of the land. The sources describing the events of 1191 provide unequivocal testimony of the importance of the Armenian community in town. M. which was a centre of no great consequence in the earlier period anyway. the ravages of war. 166.148 When finally Cyprus woke up in the course of the eleventh century to the developments experienced elsewhere in the empire some two centuries earlier. 28 (ed. 164. and probably ancient coastal Lapithos –– medieval Lapithos on the mountain slope overlooking the ancient site known as Lambousa. and possibly the outbreaks of plague recorded in the empire (but not specifically in Cyprus) into the eighth century. but their numbers must have been small. As we saw above. 149 ‘‘Estoire de Eracles’’. 27. Amathus must have suffered severe depopulation. as the major settlement on its south coast. and not with a wholesale transfer of population. Perhaps any remaining inhabitants of Amathus moved to the emerging centre of the region in search of opportunities. Barber). of which a very high proportion lived in rural areas. but also of Salamis/Constantia –– Famagusta. . Its inhabitants are referred to time and again as Greeks and Armenians who initially defended but eventually abandoned it to the hands of Richard the Lionheart.149 Although it is usually thought that there were Armenian  148 Papacostas (1999b: I. Rautman (2005: 458-9). 23-5). That is not to say that no transfer of population ever affected the demography of Nemesos. it is likely that the latter was the result of a centrally planned initiative. it was Nemesos that benefited and grew at the expense of Amathus. 25. In view of the above reconstruction of its growth and the undisputed evidence for the presence of a strong Armenian element in its population by the late twelfth century. Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr. the statement that Nemesos replaced Amathus must be qualified: this has more to do with the role and function of the city within the wider context of the island. As demographic decline set in. the same is surely true of Kourion –– Episkopi.

3. This would indicate that its harbour was the island’’s main hub for communications with the Syro-Palestinian mainland. pursued by the imperial troops that had landed at Kyrenia. Neither the numbers involved nor the reasons behind the emperor’’s decision are known. 150. This is how the settlement slowly emerges into the limelight in the eleventh century. The Krinia inventory mentions a public road (‘‘įȘȝȠıȓĮ’’. I. According to the Arab historian Ibn al-AthƯr. For the road network in Byzantium and the relevant terminology.151 Its course along the coast in the vicinity of Nemesos in all probability followed that of the Roman road. 151 Itinerarium. When in ca. 1095 the rebel Rhapsomates.150 It is likely that the strong Armenian presence at Nemesos may be the result of this or other unrecorded relocations of the middle Byzantine period. another strong element in the population was that of western merchants who settled in the town during the last decades of Byzantine rule. Grivaud (2000: 44-5). the ‘‘ÉÊגÔØÎÐeÛ ÉÖÃÒÔے’ or ‘‘ÇÆ×ÎÑÎÐc ïÉeے’ on Sicily). The ethnicity of the transplanted population is not specified. Tassos Papacostas 137 communities on Cyprus as early as the sixth century. fled Nicosia intending to catch a ship to Syria. although a possible military connection has been suggested. and not as an ecclesiastical nor as an administrative centre. As we shall see shortly. Kyrris (1970). linking Kourion with Kition via Amathus. presumably reflects a distinction among different types of road in the local network that is also attested in other parts of the Byzantine world (e.g. 424. see nȠte 124 above). This is presumably the same as the ‘‘strata regia’’ mentioned outside the town in 1191. its designation as ‘‘royal’’. 197. Maria di Messina. Busy Port and Trade Centre Middle Byzantine Nemesos had one predominant function: it was an important harbour. . presumably the ‘‘¤ÆÑÆÒÎÓÂÆ ïÉeے’ of the aforementioned Hellenistic cadastral inscription. see Avramea (2002: 60- 61) and Belke (2008: 303-4). it is perhaps in the course of the twelfth that their settlement became significant. if reported correctly by the contemporary compiler. but it is plausibly assumed that it was largely if not exclusively Armenian. ODB 3: 1798. during his campaign in Cilicia and following the capture of Anazarbos in 1137 John II Komnenos conquered Tell Hamdun and had its inhabitants transferred to Cyprus before advancing against Antioch. It also suggests that there was a road linking the island’’s administrative capital with Nemesos. 157. towards Nemesos. he did not head for the east coast facing the mainland but for the south. Actes de S.  150 Ibn al-–ŠÄ”.

Its harbour must have also been involved in short-distance small-scale trade along the shores of Cyprus. All these functions were enhanced as a result of the single most important event of the middle Byzantine period in the wider region. 28 (ed. Ambroise. discussed below. Although there is no definite archaeological or textual evidence for this network (e. also implies the existence of an adequate secondary road network linking the two. milestones. M. 327).153 As the discussion below will argue. an issue that requires further investigation.138 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol as shown on the Tabula Peutingeriana and reconstructed by Tønnes Bekker-Nielsen. bridges. Soloi and Tamassos respectively (map 2). 24. 190. and in this case too it is worth noting that the majority of the Venetian estates in question were largely situated along or very close to the old Roman roads leading north. Ailes and M. by virtue of its geographical position. 153 Papacostas (1999a: 499). however. As in the seventh century. the partial overlap between the location of Venetian holdings and the Roman road system may suggest that the latter was perhaps maintained into (or reactivated in?) the medieval period. In the course of the twelfth century Cyprus became a source of supplies for the newly established Crusader States and exported its agricultural produce and manufactured goods. 154 Itinerarium.g. Below we shall look at the evidence for the role of the harbour as a major gateway into and out of the island for merchants and western pilgrims. Barber). The arrival of the crusaders in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 1090s opened up new opportunities for trade and commerce. Before looking at the economic aspect. 196. Only this time the economic repercussions were distinctly advantageous. Nemesos played a key role in these developments. they were captured by Richard without much difficulty. found itself along the intruder’’s path. let us first consider some admittedly inconclusive yet tantalising evidence suggesting that the harbour of Nemesos may have functioned as an (occasional?) base for the Byzantine fleet stationed in Cyprus. Bekker-Nielsen (2004: 194-7). ‘‘Ernoul’’.152 The evidence for Venetian trade in commodities from the rural hinterland through the harbour. . 271. and perhaps also as a naval base for the Byzantine fleet. In May 1191 there were five manned galleys anchored there and ready to defend Isaac Komnenos against the large crusader fleet that descended on the bay. and the island. although the total lack of documentation for this type of exchange precludes an assessment of its extent. I.154 It is  152 Aupert and Flourentzos (2008: 316. through the foothills and over the Troodos watershed down to Arsinoe/Polis. medieval maps). a major new player appeared on the scene.

as in ca. in particular along the south shore of Asia Minor. being in close proximity to the increasingly crusader-dominated Syria-Palestine. 47). to an illegitimate daughter of William I of Sicily) came to his rescue. The alliance had worked in favour of Isaac in 1186 when a fleet of seventy vessels was sent from Constantinople to oust him. Asdracha (2005: 323-6). . Perhaps a small Norman contingent was left behind after the cessation of hostilities and the departure of Margaritone. leaving their ships largely unattended. Tassos Papacostas 139 not clear whether these ships and their crew represent the remnants of a Byzantine squadron that switched sides after the usurpation of Isaac. 224. 603-4). At that point a Norman fleet that had been operating in the Aegean under Admiral Margaritone (probably married. 157 Ahrweiler (1966: 160. No source reveals the location(s) where the Byzantine fleet was stationed and operated from.157 What remains unclear is the role that the harbour of Nemesos may have played. 1095 during the campaign against Rhapsomates. Vranoussi (1976). on the other hand. or if they were acquired either as a result of Isaac’’s alliance with the Normans of Sicily or by any other means.156 During the reign of Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118) Cyprus. but it is unlikely to have been Nemesos: the presumably strong castle to which Isaac withdrew cannot have stood there. after all these same sources single out for special mention Isaac’’s Norman mercenary who tried in vain to help his master’’s hapless captives.158 Nemesos. 156 ‘‘Estoire de Eracles’’. The Byzantine troops disembarked to engage his army in battle. accounting for the vessels in the harbour of Nemesos five years later. is thought to have been one of the most important naval bases of the empire together with Dyrrachion. Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr. may have been used  155 Lavagnini (1975). like Isaac himself. 158 Papacostas (1999b: I. Malamut (1988: II. Paphos or more probably Kyrenia with its fortress was perhaps the theatre of operations. while the troops on shore were annihilated by Isaac’’s mercenaries. at least as a first port of call from other Byzantine harbours. But had these vessels been manned by Isaac’’s Norman allies one might expect our (western) sources to mention it in their description of the scuffle that led to their capture. Isaac sought refuge in an un-named castle. opposite Norman-held South Italy. and may have retained this position into the late twelfth century. 283-4). 162. The abandoned Byzantine ships were captured by the Normans. but Kyrenia would seem a natural choice. 150. 116-17. see Papacostas (1999a: 482-4). as the events of 1191 discussed below clearly show. on relations between Cyprus and Norman Sicily in this period. Theodosios Goudeles.155 The location of these events is not given in our sources.

his .500 white bezants.500 bezants). 755a (28. on  159 Kemal ed-Din. citing the death of his brother during a naval expedition. Metcalf (1998: 80). I. which he joined on Cyprus (perhaps at Nemesos?). II. no. provided that these figures are reliable (something that is far from certain). 150. II. Reinsch and Kambylis).000 white bezants. 352 (ed.159 In ca. 161 Delaville le Roulx (1895: 73-4) (28. The economic significance and success of the harbour is borne out by an indication concerning the town’’s customs revenue: shortly after the establishment of the Lusignan kingdom. for the problems that such figures pose. see Hendy (1985: 173). in addition to the main mint of Nicosia. In the same period the total annual revenue of Cyprus is said to have reached 700 pounds of gold (ca. makes perfect sense in view of its economic role and overseas contacts. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani. the rights to the customs of Nemesos were ceded for two years by King Aimery to Peter Muntol for 28.161 The suggestion that a mint may have operated in the coastal settlement during the short period of Isaac’’s rule (1184-1191). 161. Alexiad. Bendall (2004) with earlier bibliography on the coins attributed to Richard I. and his own loyal service in the Byzantine army and the fleet.140 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol in the context of operations in Syro-Palestinian waters like the expedition of twenty-two vessels in 1097 against Laodicea.400 hyperpyra). that is ca. 162 Hendy (1969: 136-42. Choniates. and the silence of the sources is even more deafening as far as naval construction is concerned. the proximity of the abundant timber resources of the Troodos may have encouraged the development of shipyards for both military and commercial vessels. Bendall (2005)’’s suggestion that Isaac’’s second mint may have been located at Amathus is of course untenable in view of the demise of that city long before the twelfth century. or in later campaigns such as that against the Egyptian fleet in 1169. it is further enhanced by the recent proposal that Richard may have also struck coins there during his brief stay. 160 Codice diplomatico. 50. The latter will be discussed in detail below. 1174 a Genoese citizen appealed to the emperor. the income from Nemesos would represent a significant proportion of the island’’s revenue. 223-4.050 bezants). the Byzantine mission to Bohemond of Antioch in 1099. 1985: 438). Although there is no evidence for the local ship-building industry in this period.160 This casual but fascinating snippet of information confirms the (occasional?) presence of both the fleet and westerners on the island during the reign of Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180). which may be this same campaign of 1169.162 Information on industrial or artisanal activity. 578.

45. 28. metalworking workshops were part of the town’’s streetscape. 163 For examples of craftsmen working for both the mint and other clients in late medieval Venice. A case in point is the salt lake in the Akrotiri peninsula with its salt pans.167 If one accepts the traditional dating of this document to the second half of the twelfth century. Lusignan. despite often doing so in the case of other coastal regions. see Lane and Müller (1985: 237-9). In a recent reassessment of the evidence.166 there is little doubt that at least in the twelfth century there was surplus agricultural production that was exported through the harbour. well known in later centuries for its abundant fish stock (especially dorado –– coryphaena hippurus). 73 and Acta et diplomata graeca. similarly.165 But it was surely raw and processed commodities that made the fortunes of the town’’s economy. 171. which were granted by John Vatatzes to the Panayia Lembiotissa. The crucial evidence concerning the role of Venetians in this will be examined shortly.164 in medieval Byzantium there are documented cases of monastic establishments owning and presumably managing such resources. and the monastery of St Nicholas (discussed below) near the south edge of the salt lake may have indeed conformed to such a model. then the inclusion of the island would presumably reflect the rise in maritime traffic in Cypriot waters and the presence of vessels from distant parts of the Mediterranean. 18v. is virtually non-existent. 164 Documents chypriotes. however. fol. Chorograffia. Nemesos is very briefly mentioned in the Liber de existencia riveriarum. see Actes de Xénophon. 78. may indicate that the raw materials and know-how were locally available and that. 166 Metcalf (2004: 241). 7v and Description. 165 A document dated to 1089 mentions salt pans among the estates of a monastery at Longos (Chalkidike) called ‘‘ØšÓ ^IÊÖÔÒÓÁÒÚÓ ¦ØÔÎ Øa §ÔÝÖÇÔÝÖÔܒ’. as in any settlement of this period. Bustron. a date in the first decades of the thirteenth century has  location of the main mint in Kyrenia is. while a document of 1227 also mentions salt pans as part of the properties of the monastery of St George Exokastrites near Smyrna. however brief. Although in contrast to Paphos no seals belonging to horreiarioi of Nemesos are known (officials in charge of warehouses and granaries). Tassos Papacostas 141 the other hand. primarily based on the erroneous assumption that Nicosia was not sufficiently important in this period. . 167 Liber de existencia. which was granted with all its properties by Basil II to the Athonite Xenophontos. The possible presence of a mint. IV.163 Natural resources whose exploitation is known from later times do not feature in the written record. fol. a Pisan navigation manual that describes the coastline of Cyprus but does not comment on the anchorages and port facilities.

Edgington). a sudden storm broke out and destroyed all but two vessels.000 ill-fated pilgrims on board. 12.170 Such stopovers along the island’’s coast were common for pilgrims well before the twelfth century. see also Jacoby (2002b: 28). probably to be identified with the homonymous establishment in the Akrotiri peninsula. Although in the few instances where the Cypriot port of call is named in the travellers’’ accounts it is usually Paphos rather than Nemesos. as it concerns the presence of pilgrims from the other end of the Mediterranean before the opening up in earnest of the pilgrimage routes: the sacristan Isarn made the long journey to the Holy Land and reached his goal but died on Cyprus in February 1068 on the way back from his pilgrimage. 186. 169 Galatariotou (1991: 54). On the extent of pilgrimage traffic to the Holy Land in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. probably in 1169. making a stopover along the coast of Cyprus in early July 1113. earlier editions erroneously give larger numbers for the ships present at Acre. Surely some of these must have stopped at some Cypriot harbour.171 Ten years earlier another pilgrim died on the island: Thierry. see Jacoby (2002b: 28). either on their way to the Holy Land or during their return journey. is said to have been buried by his fellow-pilgrims at a monastery of St Nicholas.142 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol been suggested instead. who reported counting thirty pilgrim-carrying ships moored in the harbour of Acre on Wednesday of Easter week. For the immediate pre-crusader period the testimony of a Catalan document is significant. a few decades earlier we hear of thirteen ships returning to the West with the rather improbable number of 7. primarily based on a comparison of the information on Black Sea ports contained therein and in similar documents from the same period. . since Late Antiquity. 171 Baraut (1983: 176-8). RHC Occ. 698-9 (ed. Albert of Aachen. While there.169 Indeed. 170 ‘‘ad portum et stationem insulae Cypri applicuerunt’’. former abbot of St-Évroul in Normandy.168 Despite the later dating of the Liber de existencia riveriarum. according to the chronicler it took three weeks to bury in the flat plains (around Nemesos?) the thousands of victims washed up on the shore. Peregrinationes tres. this traffic must have nevertheless increased considerably in the course of the twelfth century as a result of the dramatic rise in pilgrimage voyages from Western Europe to the Holy Land. 2009b: 64 and note 37).) and 846-9 (ed. The magnitude of the phenomenon is illustrated by the testimony of the (German?) monk Theoderich. suggesting that the island  168 Jacoby (2007a: 685-6. The same account speaks of inns (‘‘hospitia’’) at an unspecified location where these pilgrims lodged and had their meals. indeed. the latter must have hosted its fair share of pilgrims. S. perhaps Nemesos.

Pilgrims from within Byzantium may have also availed themselves of these facilities at what was after all the last Byzantine territory before reaching the Holy Land. Typike Diataxis. II. was at least occasionally if not regularly visited by such pilgrims who included the island in their itinerary. such as the one Daniel was travelling on. see Papageorghiou (2008: 52). Tsiknopoulos). 72. 79-80. see Jacoby (2005: 282) and for St Nicholas •‡‡„‡Ž‘™. and sea currents. should a Cypriot port of call be sought. 174 Jacoby (2000: 37-8).174 The main routes that vessels. Agathonos). Tassos Papacostas 143 was well equipped with facilities catering to their needs. 175 Pryor (1988: 89-90. the south coast of Cyprus was often included in the eastward journey.175 What this means for Nemesos is that it could have been used as a stopover. this suggests that the monastery. Papacostas (2013: 183-8). 50 (ed. According to the typikon of the monastery of Makhairas. Daniel. whereas in the opposite direction sailing along the coasts of Syria-Palestine and then of south Asia Minor towards the Aegean was preferable. 95).173 The testimony of the Persian poet NƗ‫܈‬ir-i Khusraw who visited Jerusalem in 1047 implies that the Holy Sepulchre regularly attracted numerous visitors from the empire. the inns in question may have been at Nemesos. According to Pryor’’s proposed reconstruction. 1106-1108. . 152 (ed. the prevailing winds. despite its remote location away from the coast and the main ports of call.  172 Orderic Vitalis. the return journey usually avoiding the island altogether. for example in the church of St John Lampadistis at Kalopanagiotes. would have followed to and from the Holy Land in the medieval period have been reconstructed by John Pryor on the basis of textual evidence. and that the same may be true of the ship that the Russian monk Daniel boarded in ca. on Byzantine pilgrimage in this period. see also Talbot (2001).172 If the identification of the monastery is correct. founded in the mid-twelfth century high up in the Troodos range by ascetics from Palestine. The venturing into the Troodos of pilgrims passing through Cyprus is attested in later centuries through the graffiti they left. For pilgrimage in the eleventh century. David Jacoby has plausibly suggested that these devout travellers must have sailed on Byzantine commercial vessels whose destination was either Cyprus or Fatimid Egypt. 173 Neilos. only during the eastward voyage. sailing from Constantinople along the west coast of Asia Minor and the eastern Aegean islands and visiting Cyprus along the way before reaching Jaffa. eminent pilgrims heading for the Holy Sepulchre (presumably from Constantinople or other parts of the empire) should be received by the community and offered a place at the monks’’ table for three days.

and a lengthy commentary. on the contrary. 178 Johns (2004). c. that the advantageous anti-clockwise current postulated by Pryor along the same coast is far less powerful. including numerous details concerning Palermo. and came to the attention of scholarship only in 2002 when a late twelfth/thirteenth-century manuscript containing the anonymous treatise was acquired by the Bodleian Library of Oxford (Department of Oriental Collections. once more. for the latter may have thus attracted much westbound in addition to eastbound traffic. Arab sources mention the island as a place of trade for merchants from lands under Arab rule.178  176 Gluzman (2010: 268-71). probably in its second quarter. and that the vast majority of vessels sailing from Palestine or even Egypt westwards in fact sailed along the south coast of Cyprus as well. strongholds and cities. Opus geographicum. MS Arab. 643-4 and Géographie. has cast doubt over Pryor’’s conclusions: Renard Gluzman argues that sailing along the coast of the continent for the return journey is far more treacherous than through the open sea. all other islands are represented by roughly 120 small disks of the same size floating in the oval basin representing the Mediterranean). 31a) as its most notable island together with Sicily (both are shown as rectangles. 177 Muqaddasi. 90). II. Idrisi. if not across the open sea. 130. Then in the chapter on the ‘‘islands of the infidels’’ there is a separate full-page diagram representing Cyprus (fol.144 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol A recent reassessment of the evidence. 229. . although none is mentioned by name. although highly problematic when it comes to a possible reference to Nemesos. 36b). which was compiled in Fatimid Egypt in the eleventh century. however. Sicily. The tenth-century geographer al-MaqdisƯ (Muqaddasi) describes it as a producer and exporter of garments and other goods. which gets an even larger and far more detailed two-page map (fols. Cyprus and its harbours were involved in trade with the neighbouring regions of the Levant well before the crusader period. V.177 The treatment of Cyprus in another Arab source from the intervening period is most fascinating. First it is shown on the map of the Mediterranean Sea (fol.176 This again has even more important implications for Nemesos and the volume of traffic passing through its harbour. It includes numerous astronomical diagrams and schematic maps among which Cyprus figures prominently. and as full of populous cities. Al-IdrƯsƯ (Edrisi) in the twelfth century. 32b-33a) with information on its mountains. the only other Mediterranean island thus illustrated is. This is the cosmographical treatise known as The Book of Curiosities. specifically talks of Nemesos as ‘‘a beautiful city with markets and numerous buildings’’. rivers.

BƗfus. unrelated with the local toponymic tradition. in the region of Avdimou).180 The rubric. 9). BaliyƗ Bafus).’’ After this the geographical sequence breaks. and Cape Akrotiri (?) at the bottom left. Tassos Papacostas 145 The Cyprus diagram is accompanied by brief notices on the geographical position of the island. fol. The excellent online and the more recent print editions of the Book of Curiosities suggest a monastery east of Limassol as a possible candidate for Jurjis.g. clearly refers to a place with a church dedicated to St George and also seems to imply that it boasts good mooring facilities. as the next anchorage is ‘‘the fortress called Constantia’’. Aqamah. 2009). its agricultural and mineral resources. It is not clear why this particular promontory is given with an Arabic name that is neither a corruption nor a translation of a Greek toponym (like Nahr al-Malik). KarfƗsiyah. others are readily identifiable (e. Cyprus is represented as a square around which seventeen anchorages are marked with their names and succinct information on the prevailing winds. 476-8 and online version. then moving up along the left side of the map the first anchorage is marked as follows: ‘‘ [……] of Jurjis which has a church protected from all the winds and 950 ships. although what exactly the excessive number of ships is meant to represent remains unclear (the same number of ships is  179 Book of Curiosities. Nemesos is not among them (nor is Amathus for that matter). . 9r? Book of Curiosities. SulƯs. 476. QƯ৬us. Metcalf (2009: 507-11). and the Arab raids of the mid-seventh century (fig. Chorograffia. whose opening is missing. the anchorages at the lower part of the diagram moving anti-clockwise start on the right with Paphos. thus. or does it betray permanent Arab settlement in the area (perhaps from an earlier period)? 180 Perhaps the ‘‘San Giorgio’’ in Lusignan. there is a certain clustering of places according to their proximity to each other. Savage-Smith (2003. Kourion. followed to the left by Palaepaphos. al-A৬ri৬njs (presumably Strabo’’s Treta and the Tretoi of the Stadiasmos. 36b. while nine more are described within the square (the total is twenty-five. Qus৬an৬Ưnah.179 Although the list of anchorages on the map does not follow a strict geographical sequence. east of Amathus) and Ra’’s al-‘‘AbbƗs (‘‘promonotory of al-‘‘AbbƗs’’) has been tentatively identified with Cape Akrotiri (Zevgari/Kourias) because of its place in the sequence of anchorages. as there is one duplication). Although many of the Arabicised toponyms are difficult to recognise. while Nahr al-Malik (‘‘river of the king’’) must be Vasilopotamos (Vassilikos. In the wider region anchorages are marked at Kourion as Qnjrah. fol. was it so popular with Arab seafarers that they had their own name for it.

Richard the Lionheart married Berengaria of Navarre in May 1191 in a church of St George which may be identical with the Venetian shrine of the same name. amend to 150 ships. which has not been identified with any of the anchorages on the diagram but whose harbour is explicitly mentioned in late eleventh and twelfth-century sources. The thousands of documents in the Cairo Geniza. and must be sought among the unrecognizable place- names. Why this among all other churches of Nemesos would be singled out. however. . however. attested in the later twelfth century. is difficult to tell. Only one relevant document is worth  181 Metcalf (2009: 511) wonders whether the reference to 950 ships may not have been accidentally repeated from the entry on Paphos.146 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol given for Paphos). 183 Papacostas (1995: I. 824-827/8 to 961). as its place in the map sequence next to Kourion and perhaps Cape Akrotiri might suggest? The identification of the latter. albeit slightly later: as we shall see below. Crete. while Sicily. although also under Arab rule for more than a century (ca. as mentioned above. 15). Suffice it to note that no other Byzantine island is treated in this way.183 Regardless of the difficulties in interpreting the evidence of the Book of Curiosities. barely mention the island. one thing is certain: the prominence accorded to Cyprus by the anonymous Arab compiler is extraordinary. 476. What.182 The same applies to Kyrenia. although the dedication to St George is of course extremely common (indeed the most frequent on medieval Cyprus after the Virgin). 182 For a different view see Metcalf (2009: 510). What is more. might be the reason behind this? As far as we can tell Cyprus was not yet an important centre for international trade at the time of the Book’’s compilation. then. is merely marked with a disk on the map of the Mediterranean and mentioned only briefly in the text on account of its past dealings with the Arabs. the editors of the Book of Curiosities. many of which deal with the business ventures of Jewish merchants from Fatimid Egypt across the Mediterranean in this period.181 Can it be identified with Nemesos at all. But even if the identification of Jurjis with Nemesos is rejected. Nemesos is among the few places on the island where a church with that very dedication is securely attested in middle Byzantine times. while the various building phases of its castle confirm its occupation throughout this period. is not certain. the latter must certainly have been included in the Book of Curiosities. is tempting. was of course under Arab rule in the period of the treatise’’s compilation. who suggests that the omission may reflect a prohibition against Arab shipping there. the only other Mediterranean island that is described in even greater detail. The allusion to an important harbour.

186 Jacoby (2000).187 So does the text at the bottom of the Book of Curiosities diagram that enumerates the commodities available locally (mastic. By virtue of its position the island must have actively participated in this network. adding that more goods were imported from Byzantium (and presumably purchased by Arab traders). vitriol). 229. they are hardly evidence of a flourishing trade. which he obtained at Ramla in Palestine. mentioned above. while Ibn Hawqal’’s testimony provides confirmation. apparently highly prized in Baghdad at that time. ‘‘Cyprus offers many advantages to Muslim merchants on account of its great quantities of merchandise. Ibn Hawqal’’s statement concerning the abundance of silk on Cyprus confirms the testimony of the Cairo Geniza letter. for further details. 72). Yet a recent reassessment of commercial links between Byzantium and Egypt may provide the very framework into which these and the evidence of the Book of Curiosities fit. in the eleventh century there existed a north-south axis between the empire and Egypt that was joined in the twelfth century by the crusader Levant. creating a local triangular pattern. Papacostas (1999b: I. suggests that goods from the island found their way deep into the Fertile Crescent. Indeed. 199. 185 Serjeant (1951: 76) and. there was also silk from Cyprus. the Geniza documents contain evidence for Cretans active in trade between their island and Egypt in the mid-eleventh century. I.185 Although these references would indicate some traffic between Cyprus and the Levantine coast. Syrian cotton. The prominence accorded to Cyprus in the Book of Curiosities and the relatively detailed knowledge of its coastline  184 Goitein (1973: 45-7). Italian traders appearing in the middle of the century (with the Amalfitans first) and consolidating their presence only in the following century when Venice became an important player. Tassos Papacostas 147 mentioning: in a letter of ca. Jacoby for incisive comments and for making available to me both very recent and especially forthcoming publications of his. Ibn Hawqal. storax. almost certainly through Fatimid territory. textiles and goods’’. . In the eleventh century this was still in the hands of local merchants. beyond the well-known East-West routes. together with the Egyptian flax. Arab authors of the second half of the tenth century attest to this: according to al-MaqdisƯ. labdanum. 1066 we hear of a merchant trading in textiles for many years between Egypt and Syria-Palestine. and Lebanese silk that he bought and sold.186 The aforementioned evidence for Cypriot silk at Ramla may provide a parallel from Cyprus. I owe particular thanks to Prof.184 An intriguing contemporary allusion to carpets from Cyprus. 187 Muqaddasi. In a groundbreaking study of trade networks in the Eastern Mediterranean David Jacoby has argued that.

191 It is within this legal framework that the growth of the Venetian presence on the island took place. reflecting the Republic’’s increasing interest in trading there almost half a century after it had been granted exemption from taxes at numerous other ports of the empire. see Madden (2002). see Metcalf (1991: 241-2). S. where three Venetians witnessed a transaction concerning a slave. Jacoby (2002a). I. 77-8. at inland locations: Morphou and Ayios Panteleimon of Akhera) and scratched with graffiti in Arabic script. Notarial deeds from later on in the twelfth century do not specifically mention Nemesos.190 The right to trade freely in Cyprus (and elsewhere) was subsequently confirmed by Manuel I in a chrysobull of 1147. the situation had changed. 405-6. and mineral exports of Cyprus that imply a certain role for the island in Levantine economic affairs. Papacostas (1999a: 485). albeit now perhaps largely through the agency of western merchants. 1136. in this case Damietta. agricultural production. Venetian Merchants at Nemesos By the twelfth century. . and Frankopan (2004). it also provides the earliest explicit reference to commercial shipping between Nemesos and ports beyond Cyprus. though. manufacture. Venice was granted free access to the island under John II Komnenos in ca. as revealed by the Venetian contract cited above as evidence for the earliest Latin attestation of the toponym. 191 Jacoby (1994: 351-2). mentions an earlier transaction at Nemesos concerning the setting up of a business partnership between the Venetians Dominicus Rossani and Angelo Agnello. Lanfranchi. arguing for the traditional date of 1082 and for a later date in 1092. in the mid-1170s  188 That exchange between the island and mainland markets either in crusader or in Muslim-held territory continued into the twelfth century may be evidenced by the Byzantine coins found in hoards on Cyprus (significantly. 189 Morozzo della Rocca and Lombardo. Documenti. and al-IdrƯsƯ’’s statement concerning the prosperity. Nemesos is recorded as being actively involved in trade with Fatimid Egypt. Giorgio Maggiore. drafted at Damietta in October 1139. 190 The date of the chrysobull of Alexios I continues to generate a lively scholarly debate. Otten-Froux (2005: 34-5).148 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol by Arab seafarers that it demonstrates constitute the most tangible reflection of this state of affairs. but they do testify to the growing presence of Venetian merchants on Cyprus: a document of January 1143 from Constantinople mentions a Venetian ship on her way from Acre to the Byzantine capital that made a stopover at Paphos. for the most recent contributions.189 This document.188 4.

and that of its new proprietor. in 1189 a document from Venice testifies to the earlier dealings of a certain Bisancio Longobardus. Venetian bailo in the Crusader States in 1242-1244. sometimes settled there at least for a while.192 This handful of documents makes plainly obvious that Venetian merchants were occasionally active on Cyprus. It is certainly the most important source dealing with Nemesos in the middle Byzantine period and will therefore be discussed in some detail. 195 Grivaud (1998a: 332-3). with a man on Cyprus (‘‘homo de Cipro’’). Jacobus de Vairago. giving details about the location and sometimes the nature of each property. privileges. On an earlier occasion I mistakenly claimed that the report was compiled by the copyist of the manuscript. it was put together during Zorzi’’s term in office.195 The text is not without its problems. who had passed away in the meantime. the vast majority in the town and region of Nemesos (‘‘civitatis Nimis’’). I.194 The list enumerates more than one hundred properties. 193 Marsilio Zorzi. Otten- Froux (2005: 31-2). the same individuals are mentioned in connection with business at Alexandria and later on (1201) at Tyre. 444-5. and were operating within the wider Levantine world using perhaps the island as a convenient stopover between Egypt. 366-7.193 The importance of this document for our purposes cannot be overestimated. listing Venetian properties. It does not provide. Syria-Palestine and ports further west. and the meaning is often obscured by  192 Morozzo della Rocca and Lombardo. nor does it record their value and income. words are not always easily legible because the ink has faded despite the generally good state of preservation of the thirteenth-century manuscript. 41r-45v). 85-6. According to David Jacoby. it is part of a larger undated report compiled by Marsilio Zorzi. Documenti. any information about the size of the properties. Now preserved in the library of the Querini Stampalia Foundation of Venice (Codex IV 3 [1064]. Unequivocal confirmation and indeed striking amplification of the above conclusion comes from a thirteenth-century report listing former Venetian properties on Cyprus. the name of its original Venetian owner. 194 Jacoby (1992: 229). The report is also discussed in the next chapter with relation to the thirteenth-century owners. and rights in the Kingdoms of Jerusalem and on Cyprus. however. despite the insuperable problems that its interpretation poses. fols. 184-91. as some terms are unclear. Tassos Papacostas 149 business dealings are recorded among Petrus Rambaldus and Iohannes Mençulo. see Papacostas (1999a: 488). . a Venetian living perhaps at Paphos at the time (he is described as ‘‘de Baffo’’).

185. in particular in the hinterland of Nemesos and north into the foothills of the  196 Papacostas (1999a: 488-9). the king. the attestation of female landowners.9.23 (‘‘de iure paterno’’). Simiteculus/Semiteculo. 190.26 (‘‘ex parte patris’’).22 (‘‘patrimonio’’). .29. the fact that there were priests among the property owners. The Venetian community was well established on Cyprus. What becomes quickly obvious from the information provided therein can be summarised as follows: the properties were no longer in Venetian hands at the time of the document’’s compilation. I. the Cistercians. and possessed communal facilities including churches. a most profitable examination of the document. indicating more than a transient existence. and the properties acquired through marriage all suggest long-term settlement of entire families rather than single individuals. and two more churches in Paphos and Nicosia respectively. 188. for it enjoyed fiscal exemptions and judicial autonomy. The existence of a baptistery (at Nemesos).4 (priests). 188. 186. 186. 187. see Morozzo della Rocca and Lombardo.150 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol the idiosyncratic grammar.197 it was also well organised.11. These difficulties do not hinder. at Paphos and Nicosia.21. Venerius/Venier. however.5. 188. 188. 188. a cemetery. 95-6. such as the one attested at Corinth in the 1140s (‘‘monasterium Sancti Nicolay de Coranto’’). Genoa.28. some being among the best known case of Venice in this period (e. There is no evidence of a Venetian monastic establishment. indeed. 185. 186. they also owned a number of estates in the countryside. to a much lesser extent. 198 Marsilio Zorzi.2.26.8. 186. some of the women may have issued from the local population. since it is stated that several properties were acquired through inheritance and marriage. 186. Fuscarinus/ Foscarini.g. the few for which there is independent evidence on the date of acquisition by the new owner suggest that they changed hands within the first two decades of Lusignan rule. 186. 184. Documenti. various westerners (from Pisa.7. Bonus/Bono. 185.19.11. Zirinus/Querini. These same families are known to have been involved in mercantile activities throughout the Eastern Mediterranean at that time.14 (Venetian women). Provence) and a few Greeks. the military orders.7. that is at least two decades before Marsilio Zorzi’’s tenure. 186.14. Besides their economic interests at Nemesos and.198 All this leads to the conclusion that the community was constituted and flourished by the second half of the twelfth century. 197 Marsilio Zorzi. Gradonicus/Gradenigo). a bath and a hospice at Nemesos. 184. 90-1. 186. although the few for whom there are clear indications are indeed Venetian.5 (‘‘de iure maritali’’). Around forty-five family names are represented among the almost one hundred named individuals.196 Among the new owners were the Latin see of Limassol.

implying forced expulsions. that this was a result of confiscations in the aftermath of the establishment in 1192 of the Lusignan regime. to whom he addressed his well-known tract on the reign of Isaac Komnenos and Richard’’s conquest. 201 Jacoby (2009b: 63). II. It is usually assumed. however. may have forced these Venetian landowners out of the island. in the same way that the anonymous spiritual son of Neophytos the Recluse. and indeed there would appear to be no reason for such hostile behaviour. and unavailable for other provinces of the Byzantine empire. The information on Rhodes is reported by Nicholas of Andida. would have been eventually redistributed by the new regime to the proprietors listed in the report. within the larger  199 EHB. the document itself merely records former and current owners. including Venetians. crucial to our understanding of Venetian involvement outside the great emporia of the Eastern Mediterranean in the pre-1204 period. 200 Papacostas (1999a: 487-8). sale.201 Another possible explanation may have to do with a less radical cause: the troubled years 1191-1192. Yet David Jacoby has plausibly argued in favour of this very scenario. 10). and that as early as the 1090s Latins. that Venetians traded at Halmyros where some settled. De calamitatibus Cypri. fled to Constantinople. had founded churches on Rhodes where they presumably also engaged in mercantile activities. This constitutes unique information. 650. 364) had already suggested a long time ago that the properties may have changed hands as a result of illegal occupation.200 The main problem with this claim is that it is hard to imagine that Guy of Lusignan or his immediate successors would risk alienating Venice in such a brazen way. Of course there is evidence that. 202 Neophytos the Recluse. for example. The most acute problem regarding the interpretation of this information has to do with the circumstances that led to the properties changing hands. . abandoned by their rightful owners.202 Thus the numerous estates. the latter’’s dislike of the Venetians would thus be understandable. note that Heyd (1923: I. or inheritance. Tassos Papacostas 151 Troodos (fig. Jacoby (2002c: 360-1).199 But no other area preserves the relatively detailed data that have come down to us through Marsilio Zorzi’’s report. which of course he succeeded in grasping out of Guy’’s hands in 1192. which witnessed the conquest by Richard the Lionheart and the subsequent revolts first against Richard’’s representatives and then against the brief Templar rule (June 1191 –– April 1192). see Darrouzès (1974: 208). at Corinth the oil market was partly in the hands of Venetians. based on the support that Venice had provided to Conrad of Montferrat’’s claim to the throne of Jerusalem. without further elaboration.

Having established the wider context. however. 205 Marsilio Zorzi. let us now turn to the information concerning Nemesos itself. which was founded by Leonardus Fuscarinus (Foscarini) and the three Bertram brothers (Vitalis.204 The recorded Venetian assets included more than one hundred houses (their number in individual properties is often not given) and forty-six (work)shops (‘‘stationes’’). and therefore omitted from our document.12. Many of these properties may have constituted a separate quarter within the town. 188. 206 Marsilio Zorzi. including one yielding an annual income of one hundred bezants. ‘‘San Marco’’. and a palm grove. 187. a local landowner was able to hire a high quality artist to decorate his chapel at Lagoudera in the Troodos Mountains in the second half of 1192 (the fresco cycle was completed in December of that year).15. many situated within larger compounds (‘‘curie’’) of which more than a dozen are listed.9.  203 Winfield and Winfield (2003). a few more were owned collectively by the community.206 Very often.5.152 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol allocation of fiefs that took place from 1192 onwards. It has to be stressed. See also the following chapter. . As the report lists only properties that were no longer in Venetian hands. 207 Marzilio Zorzi. the nature of the properties is not stated. 185. barely a few months after the establishment of Guy of Lusignan at Nicosia. in addition to an ‘‘insula’’ with twelve dwellings. that this is only an unverifiable and somewhat controversial scenario.21. Fifty-seven Venetians are listed as having owned around sixty properties in the coastal town. It is thus not entirely clear whether there was for example a tower (‘‘turris’’?) and a prison (‘‘prisone’’?). cannot be discounted. uncertain abbreviations). the possibility that there was more Venetian-held real estate whose ownership status remained unaltered.205 There were also several gardens. In addition there are a few properties whose nature remains uncertain for a different reason.203 Certainly there must have been a sense of insecurity until the island’’s status was settled. 185. 185.207 The largest single estate was that consisting of the properties of the main Venetian church at Nemesos. namely because of palaeographic problems (faded ink. but whether this could explain the departure of the Venetians remains debatable. 186. being simply recorded as ‘‘possessiones’’. as the reference to a distinct (enclosed?) precinct implies (‘‘in cepto [read saepto] domorum Venetorum civitatis Nimis’’). 204 Marsilio Zorzi.2. for the sources do not give the impression that there was either disruption or widespread destruction in this period. however. Indeed.

Although. presumably larger and better suited to the needs of such an important event? The Venetians are thought to have been among the Latins who welcomed the crusaders to town. see Documents chypriotes.208 next to it stood the baptismal chapel of St John. 212 See the discussion of the evidence by Michalis Olympios in this volume. 210 Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr. Tassos Papacostas 153 Aurius and Dominicus) and. The latter stood on land that used to belong to Vivianus Bonus. 73. Today there is no trace of these buildings. and until conclusive evidence comes forth it is probably not to be linked with the site of the Cami Kebir discussed above. and further away there was another Venetian church dedicated to St George. 118. 209 A Latin church of St George is recorded in the fourteenth century. the wedding took place in a ‘‘chapele qui est de St Jorge’’ (Lyon manuscript). and perhaps of the other shrines.211 Could the disregard of the obvious choice. not surprisingly. and if the (unknown) location of the Venetian St George was suitable then perhaps one could contemplate such an identification. Yet another source describing the same events states that the church in question was in fact a monastery outside the town (‘‘moustier dehors le cité’’).212 A possible indication of the  208 For Venetian churches dedicated to St Mark elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean see Pozza (1996). and one may only speculate about their architecture and decoration. Acre. however. was dedicated to their city’’s patron saint (the Venetian churches of Nicosia and Paphos were dedicated to St Nicholas). It may conceivably be identical with the church in which Richard the Lionheart married Berengaria of Navarre on 12 May 1191. as the report reveals. But if a Venetian rather than a Greek church was preferred for the royal wedding. ‡‡ ƒŽ•‘ †‹•…—••‹‘• „› ‰‡Ž ‹…‘Žƒ‘—Ǧ‘ƒ”‹ ƒ† Š”‹• …Šƒ„‡Ž ƒ† „› ‹…ŠƒŽ‹• Ž›’‹‘•‹–Š‹•˜‘Ž—‡Ǥ 211 Papacostas (1999a: 487). very little is known about the latter too. why not St Mark. not least its proximity to the crusader encampment. Most relevant texts yield no information on either the latter’’s dedication or its location within Nemesos. 121. 98. ‘‘Ernoul’’. where only one recorded pre-thirteenth-century example on Byzantine territory is cited at Constantinople (in the Levant they are attested at Tyre. after all. 272. St Mark.209 According to one recension of the Continuations of William of Tyre. was a result of private initiative. be used as an argument against the identification? It is likely that various factors would have played a role in the selection of the church. St Mark became the town’’s Latin cathedral after 1196. It is clear that the construction of St Mark. of course. 94. . and Beirut in the second half of the twelfth century).210 The two pieces of information need not be mutually exclusive.

the Constantinopolitan St Akindynos. both rebuilt in the Renaissance) were erected according to the standard Byzantine domed cross-in-square scheme. see Papacostas (2010: 386-9). that is to say the local expression of the Byzantine tradition. as its original dedication to St Akindynos strongly suggests (it was later rededicated to St Mark). For more recent bibliography. between the villages of Arakapas and Kalokhorio.214 At Constantinople the earliest Venetian church. What this means of course is that there probably was little external input. the decoration and furnishings of these churches. inherited from the lagoon’’s links with the empire in the early Middle Ages. . 215 Buenger Robbert (1985: 385-7). Howard (2002: 7-41. was rebuilt in the late eleventh century on a Constantinopolitan prototype.213 If the ruinous structure standing there today (fig. 189. may have exhibited specifically Venetian traits in the guise of objects that can be easily transported (statuary. namely the Justinianic church of the Holy Apostles. the same pattern may be observed elsewhere in the empire. Marsilio Zorzi. on the other hand. while smaller churches such as San Giacomo di Rialto (and perhaps San Giovanni Crisostomo and Santa Maria Formosa. during this early period in the evolution of Venetian architecture.13-14. but that it was part of their own building practice both in the metropolis and in the Byzantine ports where they maintained a presence. appears to have operated in the building of a Greek shrine.). It is worth remembering that. dedicated to St Constantine). and possibly the Cypriot Holy Cross indicate that not only were the Venetians familiar with the Byzantine architectural tradition. the surviving shell of a cruciform and originally domed church known in the nineteenth century as ‘‘Stavros Mesokyprou’’ is probably to be identified with the chapel built by Aurio Cavatorta and dedicated to the Holy Cross ‘‘de Mesochipa’’ (the same individual also founded another church nearby. and presumably that of the other Venetian foundations. the Byzantine tradition.  213 Papacostas (1999a: 495-6. 11) represents the original twelfth-century phase and not some subsequent rebuilding. 2006: 226). at least in terms of architectural style. 214 Concina (1995: 33-48). etc. was still very strong: the prime church of Venice itself. 138). form and practice.215 The churches of Venice. first recorded in the late eleventh century. altarpieces. then we may assume that the architecture of Cavatorta’’s church.154 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol type of architecture that these Venetian churches may have adopted is provided by yet another church recorded in Zorzi’’s list: in the hills to the north of Limassol. San Marco. conformed to the norms prevailing at the time on the island.

perhaps to the east. 186. Fondo Donà dalle Rose. which enjoyed the substantial annual income of 1. 184. although wells are attested in the wider area later on. 45. 188. not least for St Mark itself. as Papadopoulou (1983: 306) suggests. in campo ecclesie’’). 188. Cartulaire.6. however.18.15-16. as it owned and ran a bath building (‘‘balneum’’).000 bezants. the transcriptions by Berggötz and Papadopoulou of the rubric referring to the rural property differ considerably.22.18-19. appears to have been situated in a different part of town.24-6. gardens). as their point of reference is again unknown. or even with the site of today’’s Turkish bath near the Cami Kebir.217 Having secured its spiritual needs from cradle to grave. The Venetian cemetery. where Vitalis inherited two gardens (‘‘extra civitatem in parte oriente’’) and also had a stake in the Venetian cemetery. the community did not neglect to cater for its members’’ hygiene. as there is no archaeological evidence for an aqueduct or related structures. Tassos Papacostas 155 St Mark with its baptistery had been endowed with a garden yielding an annual revenue of fifty bezants. owned several properties in and around town (shops. CMC. 1354. it is impossible to identify their position on the ground today as we lack any secure point of reference. 185. The latter included a twelve-house compound whose income was reserved for the maintenance of a hospice. noting its ‘‘pozzo di aqua perfettissima’’. no. 186. iusta mare. one suggesting ‘‘Magaza’’ as the name of the (otherwise unattested) location and the other ‘‘Liminata’’ (Limnatis?). 78. applies to all the subsequent entries. 217 Compare the evidence for the Venetian quarter of Constantinople that allows a partial reconstruction of its topography in Berger (1995). It is not clear whether this bath has anything to do with a bath house mentioned in a document of 1210 granting properties in Limassol to the Hospitallers. Donà.219 The three Bertram brothers.1-2. fol. land. 219 Leonardo Donà’’s account of his peregrinations around Cyprus includes a description of the castle as he saw it in September 1557.17-19. 220 Marsilio Zorzi. co-founders of St Mark. with a bath mentioned in the accounts of the Latin see of Limassol in 1367. Aurio also owned a rural estate with a mill and vineyards. Memorie per le cose di Cipro.216 Although the entries on many properties give indications concerning the location ‘‘in parte occidente’’ or ‘‘in parte oriente’’ of the town. See also the disussion in the following chapter.220 The extent of this particular family’’s holdings is typical of  216 If the earlier indication ‘‘in parte oriente’’. 187. I read the text as follows (—‡”‹‹ –ƒ’ƒŽ‹ƒǡ ‘†‡š . 218 Marsilio Zorzi. these are hardly helpful. and a number of houses. 191. Documents chypriotes.218 Nor is it known how an adequate water supply would have been secured. several shops. no. Although the report gives some indication of the location of these properties (‘‘in platea. 149r. Marsilio Zorzi.

 ͵ ȏͳͲ͸ͶȐǡ fol. 45v): ‘‘It(em) magaça .

an estate and two mills in Nicosia.18. the latter perhaps among the largest estates in town. 187. 190. Dominicus and his also un-named sister. 188. which he purchased from his wife.  casale pathreta una(m) cu(m) mole(n)dino uno. 184.29-30.156 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol Venetian ownership patterns at Nemesos.21-2. 188.27-8. a house. 223 As suggested by Jacoby (2009b: 62). vineas i(n) çardinu(m) q(ue) om(n)ia su(n)t aliminata et fuer(unt) aurii betrani’’.12-14. but even if the ‘‘domos’’ that they contained were small apartments rather than larger residential units.14-15. 184. note 42).9.224 There were other individual landowners who. more than any other urban property. ‘‘Palothia’’ (Palodia). namely their investment in real estate for profit. of another piece of land of ‘‘sancti Nicolai’’ (Limassol suburb of Ayios Nikolaos?). imperial grant. His large domestic compound. whose family would have acquired the village in the past through purchase.28-9. 190. illustrates most eloquently one of the Venetians’’ main economic activities in town. 221 Marsilio Zorzi. is exceptional: no fewer than eight members of the family are recorded (Georgius and his un-named sister. 187. Petrus.27. and ‘‘sanctus Cornuta’’ (?). also owned extensive rural properties: Vivianus Bonus is recorded as the owner of land in Nemesos on which the church of St George was built.222 Petrus must have still been a man of considerable assets.3-4. 188. 186.7.16. 224 Marsilio Zorzi. according to Schabel (2005: 185). owning eleven properties. the Venerii/Venier and others. 185. There is of course no way to tell what these structures may have looked like. 190. 188.10. see Jacoby (2007b: 275. and in the hinterland of Nemesos mills at Yermasoyia.1-2. The case of the Zirini/Querini. one containing five and another no fewer than twenty-four dwellings. and is paralleled by those belonging to the Michaelis/Michiel. these consisted of land and numerous houses at Nemesos (some acquired through inheritance or marriage). 185. 186. 191. and an entire village recorded as ‘‘cassale Monachroli’’ (Monagroulli).16-17. as he owned estates in three different places outside Nemesos: at ‘‘Agronda’’ (Akrounta). 189.223 Petrus’’ father Gervasius was presumably no less wealthy.10. inheritance. and Nicolaus).221 Another case that stands out is that of Petrus da Canale: he was the owner of two large properties in Nemesos. 222 As suggested for example in the case of a property at Acre.6. however. Stefanus and his son-in-law Stefenisus. 225 Marsilio Zorzi. the reference to the ‘‘terra sancti Nicolai’’ may imply the existence of a Venetian church with this dedication. .23-4. or some other means. their urban properties aside.225 This may suggest that Vivianus married a local woman. another estate at Trakhoni. and further away vineyards at Mallia.20-1. 189. 188.

Bartholomeus Signolus. The wording of the document offers no clues.3-13. Were they founded in order to cater for the needs of Venetians living or perhaps passing through the area while inspecting their estates –– in this case Aurio. The brothers Aurio and Michael Venerio (Venier) owned two properties at ‘‘Peremilia’’ (presumably Polemidia). For the identification of these place-names and bibliography. Berggötz suggests Ayia Phyla as a possible identification of Achilai.10-14. If the wording of the report is to be trusted. all other hagionymic place-names in the report.25-30. 188. sanctus Constantinus. ‘‘Pellendria’’ (Pelendri). 190.14- 15. 10). but also at ‘‘Trimichino’’ (Trimiklini).1-9.16-17. ‘‘Pirigo’’ (Pyrgos) and ‘‘sancti Anthidini’’ (Ayioi Akindynoi near Kivides?) were villages (‘‘casali’’) entirely owned. 189. ‘‘sanctus Constantinus’’ (Ayios Konstantinos). many Venetian properties were situated on the periphery of Nemesos (fig. like Monagroulli. ‘‘sanctus Ieorgius’’ (Ayios Georgios near Lefkara). Nearby ‘‘Feresore’’ (Phasouri) was also home to one property. are correctly understood and translated as such (‘‘sanctus Ieorgius.227 The two churches of the Holy Cross and of St Constantine founded by Aurio Cavatorta in the upper valley of the Yermasoyia River illustrate the character of Venetian infiltration of rural areas.226 Further away in the hills there were Venetian properties at Palodia and Akrounta mentioned above. perhaps even for those individuals working on their estates (although no other properties are explicitly mentioned around the two churches)? Both options are of particular interest and raise different  226 Marsilio Zorzi. however. perhaps Kellaki (‘‘Achilai’’) and possibly Sylikou (‘‘Solito’’). 190. stating simply that their construction was due to Cavatorta. . to the co-founder of St Mark Leonardus Fuscarinus (Foscarini). to Dominicus Pascalis. ‘‘sancta Rachite’’ and ‘‘sanctus Cornuta (?)’’ remain difficult to identify. also hosted properties belonging to Zitolus (acquired through his wife).21-4. What is far less clear is the function of these churches. 189. 189. ‘‘Loga’’ (Louvaras?). sancti Anthidini’’). 137-58). ‘‘sanctus Iohannes’’ (Ayios Ioannis of Agros). ‘‘Geremiso’’ (Yermasoyia) to the east. 227 Marsilio Zorzi. not only in economic but in this particular case also in spiritual matters. sanctus Iohannes. see the relevant gazetteer in Papacostas (1999b: II.29-30. 189. sancta Cruce. Tassos Papacostas 157 Like Monagroulli. to Manuele Roso.31-2. 191. in these cases Iohannes Michaelis (through his father) and Dominicus Pascalis respectively. and associates? Or were they destined for the use of the local population. by a Venetian. ‘‘Trachonio’’ (Trakhoni) in the fertile plain to the west hosted several estates belonging to Dominicus Cirino mentioned above. 191. and to the Venetian money changers (cambiatores). where Petrus Cirini (Querini) co-owned together with Marcus Status the mills mentioned above. 189.25-8. his family. and Vitalis Gradonicus (Gradenigo).

with the exception of Nemesos. 191. 98-101. see Mercati (1954: 123-5). The evidence for the foundation of rural churches on Cyprus by Latins is minimal. 232 Marsilio Zorzi. I have argued elsewhere that they must surely represent a sustained investment on behalf of members of the Venetian community in the exploitation of agricultural resources in the hinterland of Nemesos. 229 Marsilio Zorzi. I. 10). and especially in this part of the island on which. A significant piece of evidence in this respect is provided by a document of 1472 which mentions Philip Podocataro’’s complaint that there were no Latin shrines in rural areas.16.228 On the other hand it is hard to imagine permanent Venetian settlement outside the urban centres where.23 (mills). The dedication of the two Cavatorta churches also testifies to the popularity of the cult of the Cross on twelfth-century Cyprus. S. 191. 190. Lanfranchi. 191.229 The alternative suggestion finds parallels from elsewhere in the Byzantine world. even in the Lusignan period.6. and wine-presses. In July 1136 on the island of Lemnos the Venetians undertook to build a new church for the local community in exchange for an already existing oratory of St Vlasios that the island’’s archbishop Michael had granted them. as noted above. 5. Rural Hinterland and Overseas Markets The relative profusion and wide geographical spread of the Venetian rural estates is undeniable (fig.10. 191. nor any other such  228 Richard (1979: 162). 191. vineyards. only two Venetian churches are recorded after all.158 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol questions.19. asking for permission to found new or convert already existing churches. 189. conferring to the Venetian initiative a significant role in local religious affairs. 380- 2. 191.18.14 (wine-presses [?]). the traditions concerning the veneration of relics of the Passion converged. 191.18 (vineyards).14. and the dedication of ‘‘sanctus Constantinus’’ perhaps adds credibility to this scenario. 189. 191. 231 Papacostas (1999a: 499-500). and such an early occurrence would certainly be noteworthy. but for a small number further details are given: they consisted of gardens.232 Although unfortunate. one at Nicosia and another at Paphos.27. 230 Tafel and Thomas. 191.6. Giorgio Maggiore.230 For unknown reasons Cavatorta may have had to do the same. Urkunden.10. mills. 190.231 Most are described merely as ‘‘pastreo’’ (proasteion: a rural estate) without the slightest indication of size or income. it is not surprising that none of the agricultural installations. The construction of these shrines may have contributed to the further promotion of the cult. See also Buenger Robbert (1985: 387). .8.

cereals. and probably of locally manufactured goods to the markets of the Levantine coast and perhaps even further afield. see Papacostas (1999b: I. Although it is virtually impossible to identify individuals mentioned in the Marsilio Zorzi report with homonymous Venetians elsewhere based on their name alone. 62-3). in the same way that they exported olive-oil (significantly. some of it from their own estates. the source attestation of these holdings is adequate proof of their primary function as agricultural enterprises and certainly not as mere country retreats for a mercantile urban community. But. and elsewhere in both the Byzantine Empire (Halmyros. Thebes. is known archaeologically. while at Paramytha there was a vineyard owned by the monastery of Krinia and at Kissousa one by St Theodosios of Judea. They were part of an extensive network of merchants from the lagoon who operated from ports all around the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean. who are also recorded  233 Papacostas (1999b: I. but also in the Kingdom of Jerusalem at Acre and Tyre. 234 Armstrong (2009). Sparta) and in Fatimid/Ayynjbid Egypt (Damietta). as many as half of the families recorded as owners of properties on Cyprus are also reported to have been active first and foremost at Constantinople and Alexandria. Nevertheless. there is no doubt that the Venetians settled on Cyprus in this period were not functioning in a vacuum. What is more.234 Their transactions were facilitated by money changers (‘‘cambiatores’’ or ‘‘catallacti’’). Corinth. olive-oil. Venetian-owned vineyards are attested at ‘‘Solito’’ (Sylikou?). . noting the vineyards owned by Venetians on Cyprus. Tassos Papacostas 159 structures from middle Byzantine times on the island for that matter. Jacoby (2000: 53-4). cheese. For the reputation of Cypriot wine abroad in this period. a survey of the published Venetian documents of the period allows us at least to draw a map of the ports where members or branches of the same family are attested or conducted business. Thus. has suggested that wine may have been one of the main commodities that they exported from the island to Egypt. they must have maintained business links with the most important among these places. From Nemesos they organised the purchase and export of raw or processed agricultural produce (presumably fruit. 70-1) with further bibliography. and perhaps Limnatis. Yermasoyia. Mallia. wine). as the notarial documents mentioned earlier indicate.233 Of course this does not in itself constitute evidence of direct links between these ports and Nemesos. their presence on Cyprus making sense only in the context of such contacts with the mainland. nor does it imply that the Venetian landowners of Cyprus were necessarily cooperating with their blood relations across the sea. a commodity that required considerable capital investment) from Sparta to Constantinople and Alexandria in the same period. David Jacoby.

236 These were presumably the main commodities traded in the town at the time. wine. Pelendri. or other port-related installations. A meat market or butcher’’s (‘‘becaria’’) is also mentioned in the Venetian report. evoked above. This is perhaps not a mere accident of source survival. 107. may have been part of this trend. 72-7). see Marsilio Zorzi. it suggests a shift from a subsistence to a market economy. may of course account for this lack of information. 236 Roger of Howden. for further references. and Ayios Ioannis may be indicative of several important developments.11. The textile industry. still on board their ship anchored off the coast. especially in the well-watered valley of the Kouris around Episkopi. The possibility of unaltered ownership status.237 The occurrence of Venetian properties as high up in the Troodos valleys as the villages of Trimiklini. Papacostas (1999b: II. Second. bread. When the troops of Richard the Lionheart captured the town in May 1191 they found it full of grain. Ibn ShaddƗd.8. although attested for the island as a whole. First. oil.160 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol among the landowners. while a few days earlier Isaac Komnenos had sent local wine. wharfs. 187. and by the demand from beyond the island’’s shores. I. . is not specifically linked with Nemesos. For the sugar industry. their growth fuelled by the economic shift just mentioned. Jacoby (1991-1992: 496-7) for the Constantinople-bound cargo of a Genoese merchant that included silk from Cyprus (shortly before 1201). There is no evidence yet for the cultivation or processing of sugar cane in this period. Exploitation of the timber resources.16. while Richard is reported to have sent timber to Palestine.235 It is therefore rather odd that no facilities related to the export of commodities are mentioned in the report of Marsilio Zorzi: we do not hear of any warehouses (although some of the stationes may have functioned as such). and meat. Barber). 188. although undocumented outside small-scale use in the building industry. Itinerarium. Ambroise. 147. Ailes and M. This interpretation is partly corroborated by the archaeological evidence. driven by the urban growth taking place during this period across the lowlands and along the coast. see the next chapter. it is crucial to point out that the attestation of most rural place-names in the report of Marsilio Zorzi is the earliest available. 26. 190. in particular from the Crusader States and perhaps also from Fatimid Egypt. for example. 237 See. 184.18. an industry that in later centuries would become central to the economy of the wider region. M. Ambroise mentions in his account olive and fig groves outside Nemesos. and meat to Berengaria of Navarre and Richard’’s sister Joanna. 29 (ed. 187. these previously insignificant and probably isolated mountain settlements may have acquired some importance in the course of this period. III. or  235 Marsilio Zorzi.

The presence of these coins. namely the priest George and other (un-named) local priests. 240 Philotheou (2006: 143-4). Statos. 239 Marsilio Zorzi. 880m asl. the  238 Papacostas (1999b: I. Agros. Moutoullas. in particular on the southern flank of the massif (Moniatis. Although there is evidence for some form of occupation (mostly through burials) much earlier and up to Roman times. Monagri. Petrus.10. 187.22. 191. 2013). second.14. Alona). A small number of seventh to tenth-century coin finds are associated with localities in the massif (Omodos. 190. Askas. the village community was large enough to require more than two resident priests. see also Papacostas (1999a: 493-4). Sylikou (?). is mentioned in Marsilio Zorzi’’s report as a casale where Nicheta Michaelis owned a property (‘‘una pastreta’’). In the area that concerns us here.25. may not be the result of occupation through these centuries. . 12-13). A painted inscription in this apse furnishes a secure terminus ante quem for its foundation in 1171/2 and crucial information about the patrons of the decoration. and Ruberta) are recorded as owners of seven properties.21. Khandria. Kilani. 186. The family was well established on Cyprus. it then virtually dries out and does not occur again on either the southern slopes or throughout the mountainous region until the middle Byzantine period. 191. and Kellaki (?). Ayios Theodoros). see Papacostas (1999b: II. but also as far away as the outskirts of Nicosia. see Metcalf (2009: 193-206). at an altitude of ca. vineyards and rural estates elsewhere in the wider region. 189. The small three-aisled building standing today at the southern edge of the settlement was originally erected as a single-aisle (vaulted?) structure whose apse and parts of the lateral walls are preserved within the fabric of the later reconstruction (figs.14. perhaps for its cemetery. Kouka. however. these are known from places such as Pelendri. and Agros.23. Tassos Papacostas 161 rather the lack thereof: it is more likely than not that the Troodos highlands were settled permanently only from this period onward. although my reading of the annus mundi suggests 1171/2. including houses. 43-4). 50-6.3. and Hadjichristodoulou (2005: 58-61) with earlier bibliography.238 Pelendri. at Pyrgos near the coast. Kato Platres. as some could have been transported from elsewhere (as ornaments?) at a later period. 188. Myrianthefs (2005). 191. Note that the inscription is usually dated to 1177/8. as three other members (Iohannes. in the form of surviving ecclesiastical monuments and recorded monastic foundations.240 Two useful conclusions may be drawn from this: first. a church dedicated to the Holy Cross was founded in the village. Kilani.239 In the same period during which the Michaelis were establishing their presence at Pelendri.

243 Papacostas (1999b: II. The first. Its location on the terraced slopes above the Kouris and away from any recorded settlement would perhaps suggest a monastic function that is in fact attested only much later. a much altered middle Byzantine cruciform structure (twelfth century?) with a rib- vault over the crossing that must have been originally covered by a dome. recorded for the first time in the late twelfth century. in its earliest phase (early twelfth century) it was a single-aisle structure covered by either a barrel vault or a timber-roof. have not preserved any dedicatory inscriptions. Other roughly contemporary churches from the same area. architecture. 3). Whether it was built as a congregational or a monastic church remains unclear: the village of Kouka is first recorded in the fourteenth century. is well attested quite early on: although no remains of its buildings survive today (its late medieval timber-roofed church having been  241 Papacostas (1999b: II.241 The second church. best known for its fresco fragments dating from the early twelfth to the sixteenth century. . or at least the sums that they were prepared to invest in this particular endeavour were. such as those of the Holy Cross (at Kouka) and the Panayia Amasgou (near Monagri) in the valley of the Kouris and St Maura (near Kilani) on the west bank of the Kryos. Procopiou (2007: 236-8) with a mid-eleventh- century dating. a dome-hall structure built against the rock face over a spring. 242 Papacostas (1999b: II. No other material evidence provides as valuable (albeit infinitesimal) a glimpse of the state of rural settlements in this region and period as the Pelendri inscription. As in the previous case. Myrianthefs et al. and decoration. was rebuilt several times over the centuries.162 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol resources of these men were presumably limited. 59. for the valley’’s communities.242 The third church. in the seventeenth century. this may indeed have also been its original function. as they had to act collectively in order to secure the necessary funds to employ a painter of no great talent to decorate with rather crude frescoes only part of the church (it appears that the bema area alone was decorated).243 The monastery of Agros (ca. stands higher up in the valley). whereas a monastery on the site is not attested until the late Ottoman period. (2012: 25-31). further up from Pelendri closer to the Troodos watershed. 1000m asl). on the other hand. Their function and date can therefore only be inferred on the basis of their location. 42-3). 154). for there is no evidence of a settlement in the immediate vicinity (the village of Kilani. is said to have housed a relic of the True Cross and perhaps functioned as a pilgrimage shrine of only local importance. is roughly contemporary with the Holy Cross and is similarly known to have served a monastic community by the eighteenth century.

. were much more important. nevertheless. as they were imposed with a combined fiscal charge of twenty-three argyria (eleven and twelve for the vineyards and fields respectively. on the other hand. testify to the high quality of art sometimes available even to remote monastic establishments. we are told that it had a fiscal charge of three argyria (equivalent to one nomisma in the twelfth century). see Papacostas (1999b: II. 1000 square metres (the margin of fluctuation being ca. We saw earlier that in the eleventh century the monastery of Krinia in the western Kyrenia mountains possessed among its seventeen properties an olive grove in the local enoria. it is recorded in manuscript notes and colophons from the twelfth century onwards. suggesting a rather modest property. almost eight nomismata). as there is virtually no information for the mountainous region considered here. the modios itself varied greatly with an approximate area of ca. Tassos Papacostas 163 demolished in 1894). 246 See note 124 above and Papacostas (1999b: I. suggesting that the settlement of the Troodos highlands by both monastic and agrarian communities had started in earnest. The Paramytha estate was clearly Krinia’’s most profitable property. St John Prodromos at Mesapotamos (fifteenth/sixteenth-century attestations). said to originate at the monastery. 98. 111. those next in line at Myrtou and Margi in the region of the monastery itself having a charge of twelve argyria each. 245 For monastic estates on Cyprus in this period.246 Although the size of the property is not given. to complicate matters even further. 81. and two surviving icons of exquisite craftsmanship from the same period. 1602 attestation). This was one of the smallest charges on Krinia’’s possessions. although again. 20% in both  244 Other nearby monasteries recorded in later centuries but for which there is no secure evidence concerning the pre-1191 period include St Mamas Kouremenon at Amiantos (thirteenth-century icons. II. 112-13). The rate of land tax varied greatly in medieval Byzantium according to several factors including of course the quality of the land.244 The foundation of these shrines in middle Byzantine times corroborates the evidence presented above. 131- 42). 163-8). 135-6. What remains unclear is the role that monastic properties may have played in this trend. an approximate average of one nomisma per 200 modioi of land has been proposed for the second half of the eleventh century. Its proasteion with vineyards and its fields in the enoria of Kourion at Paramytha. see Papacostas (1999b: I.245 Leaving aside Marsilio Zorzi’’s report. and the Holy Apostles at Sylikou (1405 attestation). a small number of other sources reinforce the impression of a productive countryside whose importance as a source of agricultural produce extended beyond the narrow confines of Nemesos.

while any surplus may have been sold locally in the coastal town’’s market. but within the local context and notwithstanding the lack of comparative local material beyond this inventory.500 modioi or very approximately 150 hectares (ca. The agricultural produce of the property thus formed at Paramytha and of the Nemesos olive grove would have been sent across the island to the monastery to cover the community’’s needs. The inventory also lists the documents proving Krinia’’s ownership for each estate. the multiple set of variants precludes a more accurate estimate. For the Nemesos grove there were two purchase deeds. the previous owner and subsequent donor of the original property remains unknown and so is his (or her) relationship to the region and to the monastery: a local landowner. the Paramytha property may represent a fairly large domain. It has to be stressed that this is only an indicative figure and nothing more.248 The properties of Krinia in Nemesos and its hinterland obviously fade in comparison to these. ODB. and the income sent to Krinia to be administered by its oikonomos.164 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol directions). Considering the distance between the latter and Krinia and the location of the majority of the other holdings near the monastery. 1. as the document specifies. it is very likely that the impetus for its formation would have been an initial land grant that was subsequently augmented by the purchase of adjoining territory with the aim of rendering it more profitable. with a particular attachment to Krinia. 52-3). 370 acres) for Krinia’’s Paramytha estate. a useful index for comparison with monastic estates elsewhere in Byzantium. however. or possibly a local man who joined the monastic community. II. in the wider region of Macedonia.000 modioi. the inventory does not fail to register the all-important water-rights of the estate (‘‘ÒÊØa ÐÆd †ÉÆØÔÛ Øe [sic] â’ÎÑÆܲÓÔÓØΒ’). towards the upper end of the scale. 1388.247 These rates and figures would give ca. It is. possessed ‘‘ܲÖØÆÛ àÌÔÖÆ×ÂÆÛ ÐÆ੿ ÜÆÖÎ×ØÎвے’). and to put this in context. . while the Paramytha domain was clearly acquired as a result of both purchase and donation(s) to the monastery (which. As in the case of other entries.  247 Svoronos (1959: 130-3).000 modioi. Thus. while Iveron’’s domains amounted to more than 100. perhaps based at Nemesos. and often even beyond: in the late eleventh century the Great Lavra owned some 47. suffice it to note that the wealthiest Athonite monasteries managed impressive real estate portfolios consisting of numerous holdings on the holy mountain itself but also at Thessalonike. that is as much as one fourth of the combined area of all its properties. 248 Smyrlis (2006: 47-8.

152. Cusa. At Nicosia there was a church. while in the region of Nemesos St Theodosios owned a dependency with more land and olive groves at Polemidia and an orchard in town with land. Diplomi greci. I. Its twenty-three properties on the island are recorded in a papal privilege of 1216 (together with holdings in Syria-Palestine. were of course not comparable to those of isolated Krinia. the estates of St Theodosios in the Ha-potami Valley and in the region of Nemesos must have served one primary function: the supply of agricultural produce to the mother house which. 250 Cartulary. a Greek priest of Nicosia in the late thirteenth century. and a complex of buildings (‘‘vicus’’). an orchard and land. The name is not unknown on Cyprus later on. this may be the name of an earlier owner. although the details of such a presence cannot be reconstructed at present. vineyards. a hospice. and various agricultural installations. its needs. As Jean Richard pointed out. 155-6). mills. no. perhaps of Syro-Palestinian origin (‘‘Abbnjd).251 This snippet of toponymic information may indicate an otherwise undocumented presence of individuals of a Semitic linguistic background in Byzantine Nemesos. and included a metochion. Bullarium Cyprium. villages. where a formerly Greek and later Latin monastery of St Mary of ‘‘Ambuto’’ is known to have been active in the twelfth century. c-1. several church buildings. They were mostly situated in the region of the Ha-potami Valley between Paphos and Nemesos. Constantinople. p. . the provisioning of the Judean monastery would have required a collection centre where the produce to be exported would be gathered before shipping across the sea. when we hear for example of a certain ‘‘papa Nicola Abutis’’. olive groves. 52. fields. Tassos Papacostas 165 A much more important landowner on middle Byzantine Cyprus with a footing in Nemesos and its region was the monastery of St Theodosios of Judea. Both Nemesos and Paphos could have fulfilled this role. as the Ha-potami properties were  249 Richard (1986). especially in view of the flow of pilgrims in the twelfth century. in this case. What is more. 631.250 Its Arabic origin and transposition into Greek are paralleled on multi-ethnic and multi-lingual Norman Sicily.249 The rubric pertaining to the urban properties provides a rare micro-toponym in medieval Nemesos: the ‘‘pomerium de Ambuti’’. no. a house. 251 White (1938: 42-5. was not a mere local monastery but an ancient and revered foundation of the Holy Land and a major pilgrimage goal not far from Jerusalem. and even Hungary) and were presumably acquired before 1191. Just like the property of Krinia at Paramytha. and where a locality and river of the same name (‘‘ØÔÜ àÒÇÔÅØÔݒ’) are also recorded in this period.

166 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol situated halfway between the two. is at least approximately known. It is thus impossible to tell to what extent landowning establishments of a strictly local character contributed to the growth of the local economy. The evidence concerning the agricultural estates belonging to Venetian merchants. as the appropriation by the bishop of Amathus in the second half of the twelfth century mentioned above indicates. moreover. The monastery of Stylos appears for the first time in a marginal note from the MS Jerusalem. and where there were of course anchorages that could have been used for this purpose. a substantial presence was maintained at Nemesos. and local monasteries demonstrates that the hinterland of twelfth-century Nemesos was no longer the economic backwater it had been in the early Middle Ages. and on small-scale local trade between the two. as we saw above. The close relationship between town and countryside is obvious. St  252 Metcalf (2004: 389). That the monasteries of the Judean desert maintained links with Cyprus in this period is confirmed by a tenth/eleventh-century (?) lead seal belonging to the laura of St Sabas (Mar Saba) found in the region of Limassol. no monastic foundations are attested within Nemesos either in colophons and marginal notes in surviving Greek manuscripts or among the relatively abundant documentation of the early Lusignan period.252 The Holy Sepulchre must have also owned estates in the wider area. Monastic Foundations and Churches In the vicinity of Nemesos only one or two monasteries are recorded (unless one also includes the ‘‘moustier’’ mentioned in relation to the royal wedding of May 1191). as dozens of communities are known to have been active all over Cyprus in middle Byzantine times. 6. which of course does not mean that others did not operate in the area. But no Paphos base is recorded among the monastery’’s estates. the latter in turn profited from this state of affairs and grew as a trade and exchange centre. and it used the region’’s main urban settlement as an outlet for its produce. . overseas ecclesiastical institutions. One should nevertheless note that St Theodosios also owned a long stretch of the seaboard between Pissouri and Petra tou Romiou where it managed a fishery (‘‘piscatione’’). despite the lack of information on local institutions and the indigenous landowning class. where the written record has preserved evidence for half a dozen monasteries whose location. whereas. Now it was integrated within both local and nearby overseas networks of demand and supply. Unlike Nicosia in the same period.

253 Yet a hitherto neglected piece of evidence casts serious doubts over the proposed identification. a historical figure attested in early sources but. probably in the area between the salt lake and the rocky south coast where St Nicholas is located. The identification is thought to be at least partly corroborated by the colophon of the manuscript just mentioned. he was buried on the very spot where he passed away. Cape Gata]’’ and by the sixteenth-century mention of ‘‘La abbadia di Acrotiri et Acro [i. although the change of dedication has never been explained. 255 Orderic Vitalis.. the former abbot Thierry of St-Évroul in Normandy died on Cyprus in August 1058. in which the name of the shrine for which it was originally copied was later erased and replaced by St Nicholas of Akrotiri. II. linking it with Kalokairos.254 Whatever the early history of the foundation. It is also suggested by the mid-thirteenth century mention of the monastery of ‘‘Sancte Marie de Stilo in capite de Cavata [i. an eleventh-century attestation is crucial to the present discussion. significantly. having sailed from the Syrian port of St Symeon (near Antioch). who requested to be buried in the main church (presumably the cathedral) of Paphos shortly before passing away in July 1103. as the better known example of King Erik Ejegod of Denmark. The Benedictine chronicler Orderic Vitalis (1075-ca.. Tassos Papacostas 167 Saba 259 (copied on Cyprus in 1089/90). not in relation with any monastery. probably dating to the twelfth century. when it was joined to that of Agros in the Troodos.e. III. 70-2. Agros]’’ that clearly point towards the edge of the peninsula for the location of the monastery. The principal medieval compound attested archaeologically in that area is the monastery of St Nicholas of the Cats. however. 98-9). Its dedication to the Virgin is first recorded in the thirteenth century and later sources make clear that it was situated in the Akrotiri peninsula.e. The surviving church dates from the Lusignan period and there are few visible earlier remains. 1142) in his Historia ecclesiastica describes how during a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. 336. before the altar of the church at a seaside monastery dedicated to St Nicholas of Myra (‘‘in littore maris abbatiam in honore Sancti Nicholai confessoris Mirreorum archipraesulis conditam’’). . and Stylos is usually identified with it. 254 Papacostas (1999b: I.255 As no other coastal establishment with this  253 Papacostas (1999b: II. 121) with full source references and bibliography. Étienne de Lusignan reported in the sixteenth century that St Nicholas was a late antique foundation. see also Triantaphyllopoulos (2006: 118) and the next chapter. The burial of visiting western pilgrims in local churches was not uncommon in this period. his body having become too heavy to be carried for burial in the grave dug by his fellow-pilgrims outside the church.

The only other indication for monastic establishments in the surrounding region may come from surviving church buildings whose early life has gone undocumented. in an area where. 14). The Phasouri church was originally a dome-hall structure that was subsequently altered with the substitution of the dome by a barrel vault. it has been tentatively ascribed an eleventh-century date. 256 ARDA 2002. Almost a dozen middle Byzantine churches in the vicinity of Nemesos (within a radius of ca. 32. and the question has to remain open until further evidence comes forth. the monastery was after all extremely popular with sailors and pilgrims in later medieval and early modern times. 12 km) are known archaeologically: the originally cruciform St Eustathios at Kolossi next to the late medieval Hospitaller tower. however (Stylos described as being near Cape Gata or Akrotiri). Procopiou (2006a: 123-4. Recently a different location has been proposed for Stylos: it has been suggested that it may have operated from the site of the recently restored church of Panayia Galaktotrophousa at Phasouri. the conclusion that the abbot died at St Nicholas of the Cats seems highly plausible.256 The identification of this church with the monastery of Stylos was made largely on the basis of the (extremely common) dedication to the Virgin and the middle Byzantine date of both the Galaktotrophousa and the manuscript attestation of Stylos. the ruinous St Athanasios near Kourion. . Of course it has to be stressed that the history of medieval occupation in the Akrotiri peninsula is not well served by archaeology. the dome-hall St Napa in the lower Kouris Valley north of Kandou (fig. The problem. the aforementioned Galaktotrophousa at nearby Phasouri.168 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol dedication is known on medieval Cyprus. as in the case of the Troodos monuments mentioned above. is that the function of a shrine can rarely be established on account of the physical evidence alone. ARDA 2003. as numerous travellers’’ accounts amply demonstrate. north of the salt lake and 6 km inland from St Nicholas. see Riant (1865: 161-2). Granted that both the older St Nicholas and the more recent Galaktotrophousa identifications must be rejected. 2007: 191-8). demonstrating that the two Akrotiri establishments must be distinct. It is thus likely that St Nicholas was in operation during the same period as Stylos (eleventh/twelfth century). as we saw above. Venetians owned estates in the twelfth century (Michaele Catalato had a property near ‘‘Feresore’’). 35-6. there appears to be no other readily available candidate for Stylos. lends little support to a site north of the salt lake. The evidence presented above. the much  testifies. A less likely burial for the king on Stavrovouni is suggested by Riis (2000). especially in the absence of excavation.

Tassos Papacostas 169

altered St Anastasia at Polemidia (probably a cruciform structure initially,
subsequently augmented by the eastward addition of a cross-in-square
unit), the ruinous St Tykhikos in the hills above Ayia Phyla towards
Palodia, and a few other structures now in ruins (at Ayios Athanasios and
near Kandou, Akrotiri, and Souni).257 As most of these stand today well
outside both the nearest modern settlements and any villages attested in
the Middle Ages, it is likely that at least some may have been erected for
monastic communities. Their unsurprising distribution around Nemesos
merely confirms the trend for increased occupation in the fertile plain and
its fringes. Their architecture conforms to the overall pattern observed
throughout the island, with few deviations from the prevailing norms in
either building practice or style and decoration.
Only St Tykhikos stands out, on account of its considerably larger
scale (fig. 15). Built on a plateau overlooking the bay of Limassol, over a
late antique church with a synthronon and an opus sectile floor (fifth-
century?), and incorporating in its masonry column drums and other
architectural elements perhaps from this early structure, the medieval
cross-in-square with a dome on piers whose diameter would have
exceeded 4m must have been among the largest of its type on Cyprus; it
remains one of very few known middle Byzantine specimens from the
southern littoral (the nearest being Sts Kyrekos and Ioulitta at Letymbou in
the hinterland of Paphos and the Angeloktiste at Kiti).258 Its original
function eludes us; few remains are visible around the ruinous church
today and therefore the question has to remain open until the site is
properly excavated.259 Whatever the purpose of the reconstructed St
Tykhikos, the little that is left of its architecture reflects the considerable
resources of its founders and patrons. Indirectly, it may also reflect the
conditions prevailing within the milieu from which they issued, which was 

257
Papacostas (1999b: II, 4, 17-18, 29, 60-1, 78); Procopiou (2006a: 120-4; 2007:
219-21, 336-7); Myrianthefs et al. (2012: 33-41).
258
See note 112 above and Papacostas (1999b: I, 147-51; 2002: 59-61) on the
cross-in-square type. The description of the recently excavated Archangel Michael
at Ayios Athanasios-Panthea as a cross-in-square structure in ARDA 2004, 43-4 is
not entirely accurate, as there never were a south cross arm and southern
compartments; see Procopiou (2006a: 121-3).
259
The same applies to its chronology, for which various dates within the middle
Byzantine period have been suggested; see Papacostas (1999b: II, 78), ARDA
2004, 39, Procopiou (2006a: 120). Clearing and some conservation work were
recently carried out, ARDA 2005, 34.

170 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol

probably none other than that of nearby Nemesos, whose first bishop
Tykhikos was thought to have been, after all.260

7. Defences
Certain aspects of the life, material culture, and built environment of
medieval urban centres in the Byzantine world are illuminated by an array
of types of evidence that include archaeological finds (e.g. excavations at
Pergamon, Amorion, Corinth, Athens agora), epigraphy (e.g. Parthenon
and Hephaisteion/Theseion graffiti), textual sources (e.g. Athonite
archives for Thessalonike, Cadaster of Thebes, later Venetian sources for
Chandax/Candia), and surviving monuments (e.g. the churches of Kastoria
or Athens).261 By comparison, our knowledge of the topography, urban
fabric and architecture of middle Byzantine Nemesos is dismal. The little
archaeological evidence there is was surveyed above: on the site of the
Cami Kebir there was a church whose dedication and layout remain
unknown. On the site of the present castle nearby there was perhaps a
structure (church?) erected in this period for which the evidence is
minimal (traces of a tenth/eleventh-century floor).262 The source evidence
for various properties was discussed in the previous section: the Venetian
merchants owned churches, a bath, a hospice, numerous houses and shops,
gardens, and perhaps even had their own discrete quarter in town. St
Theodosios of Judea and the monastery of Krinia owned land and
buildings; so did perhaps the Holy Sepulchre. The sources of the Third
crusade offer some additional clues about Nemesos toward the close of the
twelfth century.
One of the most intriguing issues concerning the towns of Byzantine
Cyprus is their defence. We know from sources and/or archaeology that
Kyrenia was adequately protected by a fortress, incorporated later within
the Lusignan castle and the much larger Venetian fortifications of the
sixteenth century. Paphos also had a fort, known from the testimony of 

260
Assuming of course that the dedication, not attested before modern times, was
the same in the medieval period. The ruinous church of Ayios Stethikos (‘‘~AÎÛ
¤ØÍÙÎÐÃے’), mentioned in 1910 at the locality \AÖÐÔÑÎa near Ayia Phyla and
identified with Tykhikos by Simos Menardos, who suggested that it may have
housed the saint’’s sepulchre, is presumably the same as the structure discussed
here; see Menardos (1910: 121).
261
Chapters on these sites and the relevant evidence in EHB and in Albani and
Chalkia (2013); on Athens, see also Bouras (2010) and on Chandax, Georgopoulou
(1994).
262
Procopiou (2006b: 185).

Tassos Papacostas 171

Neophytos the Recluse (the Book of Curiosities mentions a ruined
fortress), and so perhaps did Nicosia.263 The evidence for Nemesos is more
ambiguous. There is no testimony of a military contingent stationed in the
town, as there is for example for Paphos where the Icelandic abbot Nikulás
Bergsson of Þverá reported a Varangian detachment during his pilgrimage
to the Holy Land in the mid-twelfth century.264 Nor is it certain that the
Armenian element in town, mentioned earlier, had a military character. If,
however, Nemesos served even occasionally as a base for the Byzantine
fleet, as suggested above, one would indeed expect a military presence
with the relevant infrastructure. But even two decades after the end of
Byzantine rule Wilbrand of Oldenburg described it as a ‘‘civitas non
multum munita, iacens in littore maris’’.265
What is almost certain is that Nemesos, unlike most medieval
Byzantine towns, was not walled. The reference in the report of Marsilio
Zorzi to the house of Marcus Lazarus in the eastern part of town that was
situated ‘‘iusta mare’’ would suggest that the waterfront, at least, was not
fortified.266 But the same report does not contain any reference whatsoever
to a walled circuit either in its descriptions of the location of the various
properties, providing a strong albeit ex silentio argument against the
existence of such a defensive feature. The same conclusion emerges from
a reading of the sources for 1191. The protection of the town appears to
have been a rather messy affair, with little evidence from the accounts of
Richard’’s conquest of an organised and adequate defence. Isaac
Komnenos had to take improvised measures to prevent the crusaders from
disembarking, erecting barricades along the shore and blocking the
entrance to the harbour with old vessels and whatever material was
available in town that could be used for that purpose. A reference by
Roger of Howden to these barricades has been interpreted as evidence for
a fortified rampart. The text reads ‘‘stabant in littore, cum gladiis et lanceis
et fustibus, habentes asseres et ligna, et sedilia, et arcas, ante illos pro
muro’’ (italics mine).267 This may mean two things: that the defenders
stood on the shore with swords, lances and clubs, having wooden beams,
planks, benches and chests before them in front of the wall or instead of a
wall. The second interpretation is more likely for the following reasons: 

263
Galatariotou (1991: 48-51); Nicolaou-Konnari (2000: 50-1); Papacostas (2012:
83-4); Petre (2012: 231-3, 313-20).
264
Kedar (1978-1979: 203).
265
Laurent, Peregrinatores, 181; Pringle (2012: 130).
266
Marsilio Zorzi, 187.1-2. On the fortifications of Byzantine towns, see Bouras
(2002: 505-7).
267
Itinerarium, 189; Roger of Howden, III, 107.

172 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol

first, it would make little sense to erect barricades before an already
existing wall, unless this was so low and weak that a few pieces of
furniture made it more defensible; and second, none of the other
contemporary sources makes any allusion whatsoever to a town wall.
The evidence concerning a fort or castle is somewhat more secure,
although not without its problems. A ‘‘castellum’’ is mentioned as the place
of incarceration of the crusaders captured by the men of Isaac in two of
our sources; all others contain no specific reference to such a structure and
indeed no allusion to any type of fortification. What is more, one of the
two, the narrative of Richard of Devizes, is clearly inaccurate in its
description of Nemesos: although the name of the town is not given, it is
said to be a strong city defended by a fortified castle standing high above
the harbour on a rock.268 However fanciful the description, the reference to
a castle (regardless of the incorrect details) is perhaps not to be dismissed
outright as unreliable despite its second-hand character, as it may reflect
good information. The location of this fort remains, again, unknown. As
mentioned above, the common assumption that the site of the present
castle in the old town was also that of the Byzantine fort is no longer
tenable.269 In all likelihood this stood somewhere near the medieval
harbour, perhaps in the wider area of the present Old Harbour. The current
works related to the conversion of the latter into a fishing harbour with
recreation facilities may reveal valuable and much needed archaeological
evidence for the town’’s medieval past.
Unwalled Nemesos was not exceptional: Nicosia, the island’’s
provincial capital in this period, was not properly fortified either. Only
Paphos may have been walled, the medieval settlement by the harbour
having inherited the fortifications of the late antique city. At the time of
the island’’s reintegration within the empire in 965 the southern coast of
Asia Minor and northern Syria also came under firm Byzantine control,
moving Cyprus away from the frontier zone. It was only in the later
eleventh century that conditions in the wider region changed once more,
with the arrival of the Seljuks in Anatolia and northern Syria and shortly
thereafter of the crusader armies in Syria-Palestine. That was probably the
time when the northern defences were organised (construction of the
castles at St Hilarion, Buffavento, Kantara). Yet those urban centres that
did not occupy the site of a late antique city (such as Paphos) were once
more left largely unprotected, equipped only with forts of presumably 

268
Itinerarium, 184, 185; Richard of Devizes, 36.
269
Petre (2012: 281). See also Michalis Olympios’’ chapter in this volume.

exploiting the region’’s agricultural resources. The latter declined irrevocably after the archaeologically attested destruction wrought at the time of the seventh- century Arab raids. although Limassol. By the twelfth century and perhaps even earlier it functioned as a stopover for pilgrimage traffic to and from the Holy Land. The following elements. In the last decades of Byzantine rule the town hosted a small but dynamic community of Venetian merchants and landowners who turned it into their base of operations on the island. and certainly as an outlet for its rich agricultural hinterland’’s produce. The late antique settlement was of secondary importance within the island’’s network of thriving cities. the ancient city of Amathus. 44-9. The Verdict The scarcity of textual and archaeological evidence precludes a comprehensive assessment of the history of the settlement on the site of modern Limassol during the centuries discussed above. replaced by Famagusta as the island’’s major port by the end of the thirteenth century. after the reintegration of Cyprus within the empire in 965 all activity converged on the site of Limassol. marked its evolution and will have to be tested against future research. well before the end of the Byzantine period.  270 Papacostas (1999b: I. Megaw (1988: 148-9). Its own episcopal administration appears to have eventually relocated at Lefkara. note 263 above. however. and thus remained distinct from that of Nemesos/Limassol until the thirteenth century. By the seventh century it appears to have been elevated to city status. 2007: 75-6). possibly as a base for the Byzantine fleet. . which grew into the most important settlement of the south coast. especially in terms of archaeological investigations but also interpretations and reconstructions of the Eastern Mediterranean socio-economic landscape. The changing economic climate of the early medieval period did not favour the recovery of the island’’s urban centres and the site of Amathus was subsequently abandoned. with the exception of Kyrenia and its larger fortress. Virtually nothing is known about its emergence and life beyond the paltry and therefore patchy archaeological record and the fact that it was an episcopal see since at least the fifth century. but it nevertheless remained in the shadow of its larger neighbour. Tassos Papacostas 173 modest size. was left out. Unlike Amathus and for reasons that remain obscure.270 Not until the Lusignan period was a sustained programme of fortification finally put in place. engaging in overseas trade and fuelling the town’’s growth through their investment in urban.

as their establishment in the town and its region appears to precede that of the Venetians. and rural properties. the overseas ecclesiastical foundations must have used Limassol as their collection centre for export across the sea to the Syro-Palestinian mainland. and initially did. but ultimately lost to Famagusta. The events of 1191 in which the town played such a pivotal role would usher in a new age. like the latter. . The spectacular change in the fortunes of Limassol and its region outlined above must be related to the wider Mediterranean context: the establishment of the Crusader States on the neighbouring mainland and the expansion of western commercial activity in Byzantine and Levantine waters had a tangible and long-lasting effect. Limassol stood to gain a lot.174 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol suburban. Local and overseas monastic foundations may have heralded this development.

1: Amathhus. plan of the late antique citty [Aupert (19996)]. Tassos Pap pacostas 175 Fig. .

. 2: Amathhus.176 N Neapolis/Nemes sos/Limassol Fig. St Tykhon [Plan after Aup pert (1996)].

Panayia of Arakas. Tassos Papacostas 177 Fig. 3: Lagoudera. the apse looking north [Nicolaïdès (1996)]. .

4: Lagoudera. Panayia of Arakas. the apse looking south [Nicolaïdès (1996)].178 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol Fig. .

Holy Cross by Edmond Duthoit [Severis and Bonato (1999)]. 5: Lefkara. . Tassos Papacostas 179 Fig.

. Papacostas]]. 6: Lefkarra.180 N Neapolis/Nemes sos/Limassol Fig. Holy Cross [T.

late antique column base [T. 7: Limassol Castle. Papacostas]. . Tassos Papacostas 181 Fig.

8: Limassol. . plan of excavated remains beneath Cami Kebir on Zig-zag Street [Procopiou (1999a)].182 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol Fig.

9: Diagraam of the anchoorages of Cypru us according to the schematic map m in the Book of Curioosities [T. Papaacostas]. . Tassos Pap pacostas 183 Fig.

10: Map of Venetian prooperties in Lim massol region [T T.184 N Neapolis/Nemes sos/Limassol Fig. Papacostas]. .

near Arakapas [by T. . 11: Holy Cross Mesokipou. Papacostas]. Tassos Papacostas 185 Fig.

Holy Cross [Myrianthefs (2005)]. 12: Plan of Pelendri. .186 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol Fig.

. St Napa [T T. Papacostas]. Tassos Pap pacostas 187 Fig. Fig. Papacostaas]. 14: Kanddou. 13: Pelenndri. Holy Crosss [T.

Papacostas]. 15: St Tykhikos. . near Ayia Phyla [T.188 Neapolis/Nemesos/Limassol Fig.

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chancellor of King Aimery Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini: see 216 Enea Silvio Piccolomini Alassa 2. 247. 242. 48 al-Namsoun (Nemesos) 191. 249. 125. H. Zevgari/Kourias Achziv 28 Akrotiri Peninsula xiii. battle of 40 al-A৬ri৬njs (Treta. 210. 5. 170n Agathonos. 58-60. 198. 319. 425 Akrounta 156-7. 55. 136n. 279. 143. 62. bishop of Al-Lamsoun (Limassol) 191. 358. 138n. 242.P. 359 al-MaqdisƯ (Muqaddasi) 144. 1. 231-2. Aerias 36 294 Agamemnon 4 Albani. 130. M. Tretoi) 145 Adam. archdeacon of Agronda (Akrounta) 156 Limassol 274 . 286 Limassol 276. 341. 69-70. 64. 139. INDEX A. cape 145-6. 161-2. 205. 54. king of Cyprus Abutis: see Papa Nicola Abutis 140. 270-1. 210-11. 331. 306. canon of Limassol 220 al-IdrƯsƯ (Edrisi) 131. 167-9. 219. 129. 130n. 143n Albanian 299. 28n Albanitaqui: see John Albanitaqui Agnello: see Angelo Agnello Albenga: see Galhard de Albenga Agridia 294 Albert of Aachen 142n Agroades 247 Albert Baldwin. 58. 505 267. 316 65. Ottoman sultan 410 Aigues-Mortes 204. 278. 216. 144. 254. Abbnjd 165 294. 290. 273. 20. 159. 139n Abdülhamid I. Alaminos 45. 423. 207n. 279. Akrotiri-Aetokremnos 1. 224. P. 347-9. cartographer 336 Ailes. A. 336. 201 Adonis-Osiris 40 al-Noumaysoun (Nemesos) 191 Adraco 251 Alabe 21n Aegean 2. 201-2. 53-4. Achaemenid Empire 76 269 Achaios 40 Ajax 26 Acheiropoiitos. 226. see also Ra’’s Achilles 26 al-‘‘AbbƗs. Simonyn. 17-18. Agronda St Thomas. see also Acre: see Martin. 53 367. 141-2. 153n. 147 Adonis 40. 354-6. 231n. 318- 212. Acre 142. 160n Abruze: see Bourgignon del’’Abruze Aimery of Lusignan. 204. 229. 79. 230n. 223-4. monastery 423 Akhera 148n Achilai 157 Akrotiri. 214. 235. 227. 156n. William of Acre Akylina 323 Actium. 248. 196. 216. 148 Adhémar de la Voulte. 167. 75-6. 232-3. J. 226. 241 Alan. 256. 350. 279.. 145-6. 148. 212 Abraham Ortelius. 352. 355 Agelarakis. 342 Abd AllƗh ibn Nufayl 111 Ahrweiler. Nicolin. 294-5. canon of Antioch 222 Agros 157.

44. OESA 343 Alsace 106 Ambroise 136n. 237n. 262. 319 195n. Amathonda (Amathus) 190. 230n. 190n. 72- Aloisio Costa 353 3. 262. 306. sister of Philip II of France 506. archdeacon of Limassol 275. 293n. 352. 84. 242n. 238. 260 286n. xiii. 11n. 1-137. 381n. 107-9. emperor 131. 199n. 87 Alona 161n Amathus. 501-3. 70. count of Brandenburg 381 255n. 320-1. Limiso vechia. 203n. 267n Amelia. Alexios I Komnenos. 100. 214. Amathunda. 45. 200n Altaner. 86-91. 93-5. M. 98. 247. Alice. 145. x. 336 Amathunta (Amathus) 25 Alexandro di Thomasi 341 Amathus xii. Amathuse. 347 124. 262n. see also Amathe. count Amasis 18 Palatine 382 Amathe (Amathus) 190 Alexandria 31. Alsos 245-6. 369. 160. 282. xvi. count of Poitiers 211 Ambrogio Cavalli. 285n. 380n. 260. prince of Tyre 240-1. queen of Limassol Cyprus 224-5 Amathus: see Paion of Amathus Alice of Ibelin. 342 Alvise del Ponte 352 Amorion 170 Alvise Spagnoli 353 an-NimƯsnjn (Nemesos) 131 . ‘‘Amadi’’ 192n. Old Alice of Champagne. 290. 23. Alexi: see Janot Alexi 173. 226-7. 252. 208n. 284n. xvi. 502 255. 29. Amathunda (Amathus) 347. 189-90. canon of 73. 336. 379n. Alpe. xiv. 376n. Alexander the Great 14-15. B. 394. 199 Amathonda. bishop of Amathus 103. 281. 274n. 266. 62. L. John of Alexander Kappadokas 294 Amandula Alexander von Zweibrücken. 399n 78-80 Amamassos 133-4 Alexander. 264n. 254n. 70n. Alovisius Venturinus. 287n. 20n Alexander. 74. 252n. 77-8 Limassol 314 Amaury. 418 68n. 138n. 139 328. 21. 149. duke of Bavaria 324n Amandula: see Guy. Leone 504n Amathus style 13. 214n. 248n. kingdom of 3. 197n. in Umbria 355 Alvise Contarini 330 Amiande 342 Alvise Corner 338 Amiantos 163n. 281n. Alexiad 131 xviii. 202n. 53n. Alessandro Magno 332n. 263. 398 280n. 342. 239n. queen of Cyprus 266 Amathuse (Amathus) 190 Alice of Montferrat. 166. 129. 140n. xvii. queen of Amathus Beach Hotel 5 Cyprus 203 Amathus Building 369 Allaci. 159. bishop of. 3n. 217-19. 67-8. 198n. xvii. 212n. pope 217. 277 240-1.578 Index Albert della Cecca of Bologna. Lemise Alice of Giblet 249 la vieille. 282n. 175. Albrecht. 45. Alice de la Baume 250 Amathunta. Amanatis: see Thomas de Amanatis 128 Amandry. 133n Ambuti: see Pomerium de Ambuti Alphonse. Alexander IV.

treasurer of Limassol 343. 353. 307 400-1 Andreion. king of Amathus 14-16. Anemos. lord of 283. hill 9 395n Angelino Muscetulla. 356n 356n. see also Androclio Antonios Androkles. 427 Anastasios of Sinai 98. OP 258 Macedonia 23. OP 192n. captain of Angeloktiste.J. bailli of Andrea Cortese 350 Limassol 284n Andrea Dandolo 107 Anthony of Saurano. 257. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 579 to the Ottoman Conquest Analiontas 116n Anoyira 79. 266. see also Antoni de Fluvià 431 Androclioti Antonio: see also Anthony. bishop of Angelo Calepio. Anatolia 1. 78 Andrew Tartaro. Hospitaller Antonio Foglieta. bishop of Limassol 271. 364n. notary 289 426n Antonio Lotti 504 Angelo Agnello 148 Antonio Maria Graziani. son of Androkles 15 359 Andrea: see also Andrew Anthony of Milan. 223. 349. 359 Antioch. bishop of Andreas Audeth. Hospitaller 297 Anibal Paleologo 322 Antonios Darkès (D’’Arc?) 506 Anjou 200. monastery in Nicosia 346 Anthousa 43 Andrew: see also Andrea Antigonos Monophthalmos. 241 Simonym Anazarbos 137 Anthony: see also Antonio. 357n Antonio Reibaldo. 11. 120 Anselm: see Peter Anselm Anastassiades. principality of 225. 103. 244. 297. 359 Limassol 308 Andrea Rondacchi 350 Anthony ‘‘Sulugani’’ (Soulouan). 23. bishop of Anthony Silvano. bishop of Limassol Andragoras. 346. 313-14. 172. church in Kiti 169 Limassol Castle 288 Anglure. 227 Androclio 250-1. Andrea Zane 300 canon of Limassol 307 Andrea. 167. canon of Limassol Limassol 290. 358 Andrea Mocenigo. Antonio Capodilista 311. 118. Androclioti 251. 262 224-5. canon of Limassol Antioch 137. 140. 311. A. Amelia 192n. 227. 106n Anthony de Zucco. 249. Giles. 380 Antonio Tebaldi. 355. 250. OSB. 207n. bishop-elect of Andrea Medius 256 Limassol 262. bishop of Anna Komnene 131 Lefkara 347. 313 19. 31n Anselme: see Bernard. A. 230 Antonios Syngretikos. 222. 358 343. 250-1. Andrew Zentani. 74 Antonio da Crema 193-4. Antonius Pintor 296-7 502 Antony 30 Antria tou Omoti 305 . 219. 355. 359 Annales omnium temporum 189. 241. 296. 359. Anassa 14 301. Ancona: see John of Ancona Antonios Andida: see Nicholas of Andida Anthony. 268. king of Andrew.

210 Ascanio Savorgnan 340. 256. Christian 206. 347 Arcadia 16 Arsinoe Philadelphos 31. 502. 355n. 333n. 348n. 192n. 225. 503n Apeshia 79 Ardimento: see Segurano Aphrodite 3-4. 358. 347n. 21-2. 319n. 424n. Arsinoe II. 294n. 173. Aquilano: see Bernard of Aquilano 382n. Ares 15. 116. 128-9. 38 Ariadne-Aphrodite 8. 295n. Apulia. 248n. 201. 248n. 334. 24 Apostolopoulos. 103. 245n. 344n. 333. 352n. 139n Analiontas 116n . B. 138. Aristonax 30 106. 323n. 46. 37-41. 190n. see also Aphrodite Kypria 7. 16. A. Simon of Aplanta 250. 48. 13-2. 298n. 256. 199. Aqamah (Akamas) 145 349n. 119n. 16. 24 Apollo Hylates 7. 321n. 316. 251 Aronites: see Michael Aronites Araplar Mosque: see Stavros tou Arrian 14 Missericou Arsediaque: see Jorge de Arbel. 381n Armenokhori 42. 242. 185. Archangel Michael. Arsenoe 342 330n. 43 Lefkara 114. Armaudin: see Dienchon Armaudin 137. monastery at Asdracha. 341n Archangels. 16. Apulian 108. emperor 42 Arsinoe (Polis) 138 Archambaud de Montencès. 338n. Ardimento 24. 271 337n. 41 Arcadius. Francis.580 Index Apamea 199n Archimandrite Kyprianos 107n. 133. 14. 124. 242 Armstrong. 354n Ariosto. monastery 423 Aristeidou. 341n. C. 117. 343n. Apsiou 250-1. C. 11-17. 274 Arnaudin: see Dienchon Arnaudin Arakapas 154. 191. 351n. 350n. 38 Benvenuto. 33. 501 Ariadne 8. 29 72. 217-18. 33 Arabs. 29-35. 249n (Arabo. 294n. Apelemidia (Polemidia) 267-8 356n. 356n 41. 335n. 321n. 7-9. 365n Apsinthiotissa. wife of Ptolemy II 31-3. 399. 423. canon Arsinoeion 31 of Limassol 274-5 Arsos 210. 255-6 Turkish). 120. 159n Aragon 239. 340n. see also Tarso Ayios Athanasios-Panthea 169n Arsur 249 Lakatamia 423 Artemis 33. 132n. 19. 100-1. 216n. 323n. 36. 424n Aquileia 310 Aristion 81 Aquinas: see Thomas Aquinas Aristokles of Halicarnassus 29 Arabia 31 Ariston 30. 278. 205n. churches at 489. 320. 322n. 206. Armenia. 334n. 334. 36. 194. 353n. 43-4. 251 Arabs. 417n. l’’Arsediaque 299n. Apano Kouka 321 116n. 354n. E. 345n. Armenian 136-7. P. see also Plantes Arezzo Apodicator: see Michel Apodicator Argos 32 Apollo 7. 99 Arezzo 274. 38-9. 111. 336n. 284-7. 144-8. Arabic 44. 98. 214. 171. 354 252n. 165. 208.

18. 274. Kophinou 324 Ayia Napa. mendicant Ayios Athanasios 57-8. Athens. 157-8. near Kivides 157. cape 281. A. 123. 55. A. 99n. 64. 251. 132. 82. church 170n . Phorviotissa. 359 Astarte 13-14. 75. 317. Asomatos 64. 133n. Athenians 11. Ayios Konstantinos 157. 32n. 39n 40n. 11n. church of Panayia Auuo Lopistrico de Polipani 225n. 76. 64. 124n Atlit 373. monastery 387. 421 Athos. 57-8. 16. 110n 280 Askas 161n Auvergne 223. 288 Avignon 264-5. 157 Augustinians. 82. 45 219 Aupert. 188. 138n. 79. 350. Atkinson. Austin Friars: see Augustinian 172. 266. 52n. see also Sanctus 101n. 4. 75. 170 Ayia Paraskevi: see Maurommeno Atiya. priest of Ayia Napa 349. 98n. 321 321-2. 175. emperor 35-6. 405 56-9. 82. 75-6. Attica. 246. 353 Aspro. 77. area in Limassol Aurio Cavatorta 154. 374 Ayioi Anaryiroi. 124 Ayia Irini-Paleokastro 77 Athanasios Faris. 294. 169 315. 31. Ayios Ioannis. 29. 143. 128n. monastery in Avdimou xviii. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 581 to the Ottoman Conquest Asia Minor 39. 16n. 306-8. 23. 3. 71. Aurio Venerio 157 see also Sancti Nicolai Aurius Bertram 153. 334. 319. 441 Ayioi: see also Ss Attar: see Leonida Attar Ayioi Akindynoi. 14n. 79. 35n. 156. Attic 5. 415 170 Ayia Napa. 255 Hermits Asinou. 170n.S. monastery 330 Audeth: see Andreas Audeth Ayios: see also St Augustine. Ayios Pavlos 251 order of canons regular Ayios Reginos 250 Ayios Stethikos. Augustus. 336-7. 164. 69. 139. 42n. Athonite 141n. 67. 235. 71. 29. 69. 7n. 137n Astexano: see Iohanes de Astexano Ayia: see also St Asvestoton 44. 250-1. order 228. 79. 104n. 157n. 64. church in Limassol 123. 38n. 33n. St: see Augustinian Ayios Ambrosios 210 Hermits Ayios Andronikos 294 Augustinian Hermits. 261 219. 57-8. 145. 20. 169. 366. 43n. area in Limassol 63- 23n. order of canons Ayios Iakovos 60 regular 269 Ayios Ioannis of Agros 157. 427 Asomatos/Asomatoi. 80 Avramea. 160. 21n. 505 Atlantic 5 Ayia Zoni. F. church 64. 79. Constantinus 176 Ayios Nicolaos. 251. 71n. 396 Ayios Panteleimon of Akhera 148n Austin Canons: see Augustinians. 79 37n. 306. 41n. 38. 406 125. 77. 286-7. P. 287n Ayia Phyla 55. 51. 24n. 343-4. 267. 349. 367n. 293-5. 356. see also Sancti Anthidini 62. Lefkara 116. 62. 105. 268-9. Ayios Athanasios-Panthea 169n 387 Ayios Georgios 79. 354. 333-4. 36n.

style 59 Balkans 119 Basel 318 Ballad of My Town. The 506 Basil II. 294 Barnabas. M. 289n Basil of Caesarea 114 Bank of Cyprus. 254 Bede 365 Bardi. 329 Baybars. 381n Limassol 307. St Barcelona 238. R. archdeacon of Latakia. see also Bari 108 Raymond Béguin Barjesus 37 Beihammer. 282n. 71 Bartholomew. bishop-elect of bishop of Paphos 216 Limassol 358 Baal 7. 366n. 38. 303n. 359 Baldwin: see Albert Baldwin Bartolomeo: see also Bartholomew Balian of Ibelin. 208n. Augustinian canon Babylon 31 269 Bacci. OFM 229 Beaulieu. 273. A. canon. OP. 401. 115n Bartholomew. 142n Baza: see Nicolin Baza Barbaro.D. 249. 45. 4n. 244n.. abbot of Bellapais Babin: see John Babin 272 Babinger. bishop of Balard.582 Index Ayios Theodoros 161. OFM. emperor 141n Balletto. 119n Bartholomew Gay.D. 337 Bartholomew of Braganza. M. bank 254. G. 290n Nicosia 225.S. OFM 317 Badin Flatro 334. 136n. 210n. BƗfus (Paphos) 145 bishop of Limassol 209. 358 Bagnall. 98n Barletta 214 . 138n. building of 369 Baume: see Alice de la Baume Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation Baurain. 109 Ayios Therapon 294-5 Barnett. 6n xviii Bavaria 324n Bapho (Paphos) 328. C. Cistercian abbey in Barbaro. Mamluk sultan 380 Ayios Tykhonas-Asvestoton 71. 314. xviii. M. 240 captain of Limassol Castle 288 Balian of Ibelin. 42. 256-7 Bedestan: see Hodegetria Barga o Varras: see Giovan di Bedford: see Henry of Bedford Barga o Varras Béduin. Mamluk sultan 201 Baptist: see John the Baptist Bayonne 199n Baraut. treasurer of Ayynjbids of Egypt 159 Limassol 222 Azapi: see Nicollin Azapi Bartholomeus Signolus 157 Bartholomew: see also Bartolomeo B. R. prince of Galilee Bartolomeo de Campofregoso. son of John 203 Bartolomeo dalli Sonetti 320 Balian Salah 294 Baruth: see Helvis de Baruth BaliyƗ Bafus (Paphos) 145 Base Ring. C. 406n. 160n Becket: see Thomas Becket. L. St 37. 108n Bartholomew. 124 Barskij 116n Aymon d’’Oiselay 240 Bartholinus. master. 83 Barsbay. Bartholomew. F. Ba÷úkan. family 250. Barbatre: see Pierre Barbatre see also St John de Montfort Barber. 407n 222-8. 25n Ayios Tykhonas 33. 5n. T.

Bes 15. 157n also Limassol Cathedral Bergsson: see Nikulás Bergsson of Boas. A. P. 447. 293.S. 137n Limassol 248. S. monastic order 167. Bertrand Lesgare 283 136n. 128n. see Berggötz. 155n. 39n 14. 248. 358 Bichrome technique 11 Berengaria of Navarre. treasurer of 275 Limassol 308 Bertrand. pope 306 Bertrand. 374n. O. T. 41. 444. 155n Blessed Virgin Mary. 503 Black Death 232. 197n. 160. 372n. M. 271. Bericaria (Limassol) 503 Boateriis: see Nicola de Boateriis Berlin Museum 9 Bodleian Library of Oxford 144 . 2n Bernard Anselme. Domenicus. 190n. Bessac. 138 Bernard. J. icon 349. canon of 279. 200n master 230 Benedictines. 452. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 583 to the Ottoman Conquest Beirut 52. 35. 23n Berger.J. Bern 271 303. bishop of Bayonne 199n Bekker-Nielsen. 340. 249. 6n. Berengaria Hotel 504 404 Berengaria Street 122 Black Sea 142 Berengaria Village 503 Blanchegarde. 416. queen of Bikai. cardinal of San Marcello Benedict of Negroponte. 425n Þverá Boase. 153n. 69n England xiv. 96. 202-3.M. 153.R. 225. 278 Bibliothèque nationale de France. 374-5. 275-6. 267. family 152. 348. 140n Bertozio Latinus 257 Benedetto Bordone 320 Bertram. 155. 415. 379n. 272-3. K. 24. abbot of Stavrovouni 317 Belgiorno. 278 Bellapais. 335-6. 388n. 263. Bisancio Longobardus 149 195-6 199-200. 310n Stavrovouni Bianco. Premonstratensian abbey Bernard of Aquilano 254 near Kyrenia 127. cape 288 Benvenuto of Arezzo. 27. 316-17. 146. 344 Bembo: see Lorenzo Bembo Bernhard von Breydenbach 364n Bemmelberg: see Reinhard von Bertelli: see Ferrandus Bertelli Bemmelberg Bertelome Mahe 249 Bendall. bishop of Limassol 227. 267. 198n. see Benedict XI.R.-Cl. Bernard de Leonardis. canon of Belke. 195n. pope 234-5 also Aurius. Vitalis Benedict XII. Cabinet des Médailles 6. cantor of Bibi: see Odet. 373 Bernardo Sagredo. OP. Bertrand de Thessy. Hospitaller castle 374 general 323. canon of Limassol 220 Benedict of Peterborough 131n. pope 267 Bertram Benedict XIII. 313. 119n. 9 258-61. 68 225. B. A. Thomasio Limassol 274. 273. 281. Berard. 396. proveditor Belvoir. see also Betto. 20. 33. family 249 Bérenger: see Raymond Bérenger Blandin. Hospitaller 199n. 376 Bernard. T. 28n. B. Limassol 314 see also Episcopia Bernardo de Belmont. Cistercian abbey in Syria Quilano/Quiliano/Qualeno 244 224-5.

Burgundians 313. 293n. 315. 195-6. Byzantium 34. 27. family 250 . The 144-6. 234n. 61-2. Jason. P. 295n Burnt Stream: see Camenoriachi Brabant 271 Bustron: see Florio. Briani: see Francesco Briani 501. 8. Bronze Age (BA) 2. 369. 161-3. 405. 179 xiii Bonefe: see Guiotin Bonefe Brives 227 Boniface VIII. Cacciaguerra: see John empress of Constantinople Cacciaguerra Brigitte-Porëe. 171n 260. count of Tripoli 222 British 3.584 Index Bohemond. 237n.A. 226. 371. 290n. 96-8. 158n Borgasi: see Paul Borgasi Buffavento Castle 172 Bosporos 120 Bugaxio de Calcinaria 208 Boudris: see Jorge Boudris Bulla Cypria 217-18. 154n. 403n. 191n. 281n. 193n. 13. 232n. Bouras. G. 280n. 263-5. 33-4 Bologna 266. C. 25. Brescia 266 231. Laurence Bragadin: see Francesco. 262 54-9. 503n Bordeaux 199n Buda Castle 108 Bordone: see Benedetto Bordone Buenger Robbert. 116n. 170n. 271 Bohemond. 423. 245-6. 143. 246n. 348. Bretons 505 371-2. Bragora 107 117. 27. 376n Boustronios.C. Brouttios Bonus/Bono. 427n Buchon. 275. Bonihominis: see Nicholas 81-3 Bonihominis Brouttios Maximos: see L. 151. 503-4 Boldensele British Museum 3. 18. 319n. Boldensele: see Wilhelm of 395. 277 British Sovereigh Bases in Cyprus Bonato. see also Byzantines. L. 240n. 127-31. 367n. Bonvizin: see Gregory Bonvizin 192n. Boussat: see Hugues Boussat 238n. 137-41. 411. 505 Brie 330 Brienne: see Maria de Brienne. 158-9. 214. 116n. K. 130n. 294n. 258. 64. Zuan Bustron Antonio Büyük Hamam 387 Braganza 209. L. 33-4. 320. 236. 414. duke of 283 Bunnens. 165-6. 12. pope 233. 125. 506n 171 Brubaker. Brayda de Alba: see Thibault de 135. 121-3. 66-7. 77-9. J. see also Maximos Vivianus Bonus Browning. 291n. 425n Cafran. 133. 12. 114n. Bartholomew of Braganza 104n. R. Georgios 193n. 74. Book of Curiosities. 413. 259-60. 220. 106. 117n Borchardt. 106n. Brayda de Alba 153n. captain of Burgesses. 111. 10. 25. 154. L. Brémond de la Voulte 250 168-74. 40. 189. prince of Antioch 140 Brindisi 212. 306 Bourbon. court of 209 Limassol 353 Burgtorf. family 150. J. 71n Bourboul: see Ssaves Bourboul Burchardus Junghe 316 Bourgignon del’’Abruze. 52. 298. 374. 147. 219. 201n. 146-9. 113-15.

347n Canale Cerastes 35 Candia 170. xviii. Caliphate 98 315 Calixtus III. P. St. 312. 294. 345n. family 273. 271 Cassazo: see Iohannes de Cassazo Calcinaria: see Bugaxio de Cassimatis. 371. cape (Cape Gata) 167 170. 25-7 Cap(p)adoca: see Kappadocas Chalcedon 120 Cappadocia 1. 65. 287. 321n. mendicant order 228. L. 295 327n. 329. 290. 239. 26-7 Capodilista Cesnola. 155. 103n Cats: see Gata. 365n. 9. cape Camezano: see John of Camezano Caubet. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 585 to the Ottoman Conquest Cairo 146. 52n Cami Cedid 369. 256. 344. 182. 71-3 Calaberto: see Nicola Calaberto Casola: see Pietro Casola Calabria 119n. 147n.C. da: see Gervasius. 54-5 Caraffa: see Scipio Caraffa Chalkidike 141n Caria 128n Chalkokondyles: see Laonikos Carlo Zeno. 121n Cami Kebir/Eski Cami (Great Cavalli: see Ambrogio Cavalli Mosque) 125-6. Chappe. A. 330 . pope 216 Canaanites 60 Celestine V. 254. 97n. see also Philip 266-7. 294. 215n. Kamenoriaqui 314. Castile 199. see also Caterina Cornaro 290. 285 Carthage 50. 228. 244. Calvelli. F. 307. 415 Cavazzana Romanelli. 368-9. 502n Catalato: see Michaele Catalato Camenoriachi/qui 205. Venetian admiral 284 Chalkokondyles Carmagnino: see Hugh of Chamberaud 427 Carmagnino Chandax: see Candia Carmelites. 353 Camera of Cyprus 343 Catidi: see Theodoros Catidi Cameron. Luigi Palma di 3. 336n. 329. 405. 284. 417-18. 66n Calcinaria Castaigne: see Nicholas Castaigne Calepio: see Angelo Calepio Castellongne 313 Cali Georgii tu Latrioti 297 Castilians. 363 Cesare Piovene 356n Capodilista: see Antonio. della: see Albert. 194n. A. Cavata. 128. Lambertino Campanesia: see Philip Campanesia Baldoino della Cecca Campofregoso: see Bartolomeo de Cecile. 332n. 422n. Petrus da Cenci. 322. 406n Cavallero. 210n Charlotte. pope 310 Catalans 142. 284. 199n Cyprus 289. queen of Jerusalem and Cartellieri. pope 232 Canale: see Giovanni Canale Celonari 251 Canale. 291. Camocio: Giovanni Francesco 331n. xiii. 313. 366. Cavatorta: see Aurio Cavatorta 411. 351n Camocio Cecca. A.W. 282. 295. C. Chappe 420-21 Charinos 33 Carolingian Cycle 328 Charles of Anjou 230 Carr. 133n Chalcolithic Period 2. feast of 268 Campofregoso Celestine III. Comenoriachi. 153. A. H. Gabriele Cesnola Collection 3.

52 Chrysos. 245n. see also Cilano (Kilani) 320 Camenoriachi Cilicia. 29. 294n. E. 217n 37. P. see also Claverie.D. 48 Chronica extensa 107 Colocato: see Constantino Colocato Chrysoberges: see Loukas Colonial Government 370 Chrysoberges Colonna-Ceccaldi. 371-3. 310-11. Rudt de 196n.586 Index Chartophylax/Hartofilac(h)a. pope 240. 314. 356n. 244. 317 Cobham. 62. 23-4.H. see also Chiva Clement VI. 25. 367n. 272. 81. 247. family Città Nova (Neapolis) 189 246. da 422n Michaeli Hartofilacha. E. 355. 118n. Chionodes 238n. Cilicians 11. wife of Ptolemy VI 33 Choniates: see Niketas Choniates Clifton: see Nicholas of Clifton Chorograffia 189 Cnidus 23 Christ 240. 130. Coldstream. 8. 398n. 65-7. 405. 242. pope 275 Chiriaco de Andronico Pizapulli Clement of Alexandria 8 341 Clement. 241n. 297. 114n. 14. 111n 207n. Concina. 367n.-V. Colchis 22-3 215. 12. 47. P. Chiva (Chira) 251 359 Chodecherii: see Johannes Cleopatra VII 29-30. Christides. 103. 16. 358. bishop of Lefkara 266. G. 294 Château Royal: see John de Château Cività Castellana 268 Royal Classical Greek 23 Chilani (Kilani) 294 Classical Period 17. P. Cimon 29 wine 505 Cirini/o: see Querini Comnenian 106. 137. 12 Chytroi 6. N. 358. 263 Chira 251. 72-9. 134 Cistercians. 39. 120n. see also Pyrgos Condo Rondacchi 350 . 154n 373. 376n Chionodes (Chionistra) 341 Clement IV. 119. 215n. M. 307n. 294. Commandaria 255 (KȠȣȝĮȞIJĮȡȓĮ/KȠȣȝĮȞįĮȡȓĮ). 412. C. 197n. 99. 46. 212n. 81-2 Mountains 341. 103. 28n. 201. 505 Collenberg. Colaiis 282 108n. 273. 223n. 29n Collet. W. 213n. 308n. 97n. Christophorus Fürer 333 401n Christou. 207. 128 Comenoriachi 294. pope 227 Chios 23 Clement V. summit of Troodos 45. 62 Chodecherii Cleopatra. 417. 215n. Christians 6. 229n. 307. monastic order 150. Nicolle Civil War (1229-1233) 202-4. 406n. 272. 132. 35. 204. 206. see also Jorge Hartofilaca. 210n 312n. 394. 51. Compasso da navigare 211 203. 345 407. Civezza. 224-5. xvi. 69. 34. 212 Hartofilaca Civil War (1460-1464) 289. D. 25n. xvii. 6n 316. Collegio 323. 101n Colos: see Garin of Colos Chrysostom: see John Chrysostom Colosu (Kolossi) 320 Chtiri 210 Columeau. V. Christoforaki. I. 414-15. 20-1. Chionistra. 43.

282n. 303. 109-12. 252. 293n. 103. 165. see also Cornaro Curium xii. 201n. Corvisier. 304n. 306. 394n. 189. 284n. 244n. see also Alvise. 212. Cross of the Good Thief 213. 3. 243n. 247-8. Cross. 420n Crete. Giorgio. 341. 377-9. 136. 112n. S. 247. Corvinus: see Matthias Corvinus 120n. 205. 149. 425. 252. Constantinople. 128. 208n. 258n. 228n. 338. 392n. 233n. 287. Giovanni Crac des Chevaliers 373. Sebastian Contarini Credy: see Simon Credy Continuations of William of Tyre Crema: see Antonio da Crema 153. 119n. Costa: see Aloisio. 151. see also see also Corner Stavrovouni Corner 107-8. 206. 250. Constantinople. Crusader States 138. 301 Constantinides. 106n. Kourion 351 Cursat 227 . 254n. 335. 374 288n. 196. 217. 154. Francesco. mount of the 316. 321. 340n. 366n. 229n. 289-90. 59-61. 113n. bishop of Halberstadt 106 Correto: see John de Correto Constance 362 Cortese: see Andrea Cortese Constantia 98. see see also Stavrovouni also Caterina. 423. 329. 421 Corgner: see Fantin Corgner Crioti: see John Crioti Corineum (Kilani) 342 Croso: see William of Croso Corinth. 430. 329. 170 316. 239n. 155n. 128 Cosmographia 97n. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 587 to the Ottoman Conquest Condostefano: see Kontostephanos Corner della Regina 335. 302n. 295. C. 159. Marco Cureon 347. 294-5. 111. 212. Cross. ûurþiü. 265-6 Cornaro 215. 337 Conrad of Montferrat 151 Cornwall 271 Conrad. 252. 160. 234n. 214. 429n. 272. John. 216n. 350. 42. N. 103. C. 211n. 280n. Cosmographis Universalis 320 130n. Salamis 373n. 120. 322. Corinthian 17. 200 Cremona: James of Cremona Cooper. 301n. 143. 145. 153n. 101 Giovanni. 353. 370n. 256. 219. 374. 215. 336. abbey of the 225. 330. 258. 151. 273. 281n. 255n. 363. 353. xiii. 290. 271. 285. 139. 193. 150n. 337-8. 101-3. 148. 375. Jacomo. 126. 317 Cormiade 249 Cross of Tokhni 115-16. 128n. Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. see also Kourion Corner. 303n. 314.N. 437-8 emperor 111. 369. 37-2. 353. 290-1. 281n. 54. patriarchate 219. 193n. Corfu 363 146-7. 364. 404 387. Culli: see Giorgi Culli Flaminio. 267n. 502. 320. Crucifixion 313. 319n. 39. Costans Zenberrono 246 506n Coulomniers 330 Constantino Colocato 209 Coureas. Federico Cornaro. 106-9. 394n. see also Corner della Piscopia 299. 385-9. 135. D. 427. 337-8. Constantinopolitan 214n. 417n 306 Coventry: see William of Coventry Contarini: see Alvise. 219n. 238n. 367n. 160n. 491 298-301. 282. 191n. Cretan 8. 159. 122n. 411n. 263n. see also Qus৬an৬Ưnah. 440 Pietro. Saffiri Costa 246n. 192n. 117. 174.

237n Cyprus –– Society and Culture 1191. J. 42-3. David Willart 332 63-6. Dioscuri 33 287n. 130n. 286n. Dean. 221n.G. 384n 193n. Davila 17. 10-13. 229 Dhekelia xiii Dandolo: see Andrea. Description 189 398n. 389. 301n. 324n. 288n. 431 Czechs 325. Dionísio. S. 344. 336. 504n 17. 284n. Delaville le Roulx. see also John Cypro-Ionian 70 de Bries Cypro-Minoan 58 De regno 210 Cypro-Phoenician 26-7. Déroche. V. G. 347n. 288 Diegemata Steriktika 103 Damietta 148. 140n. 425-6 211n. 60-1. captain of Destrooper-Georgiades. 304n. 131n. 77 134n. 220n. 350 Delos 14 Demetri Mitropoulou Street 369 D’’Arc: see Antonios Darkès Demetrio Manesi 350 D’’Ispoire (Despoyre) 244 Demetrios Lascaris Megadoukas Dabburiya 373 356 Dadomo Martinazo 231 Demetrios Poliorcetes 23. J. Cyprians 36 356n. 400n. 128n. A. G.588 Index Cusa. xv Dellas. 319n. see also Dama mesopotamica 1 D’’Ispoire Damiano Lomellini. 217n. P. 245n. 401n Despotico 297n Dalmatian 363 Despoyre 208. 502n Cyprus 406 Dalla Santa. 112n. 222n. 62. 11. 212. Delehaye. 312n. 358n. 65. 78 Dagron. Diodorus Siculus 14. 205n. xvi 246n. 159. 81 Davila. Department of Public Works. 314n. 74 De Bries. 330n. 28. G. 189n. 20. 8. 68-71. 290n. 191n. 280n. 105n 1374 xii. 337. 409n Limassol Castle 282. Russian monk 115. Diplostrati(a) 5 . A. 368. 68. 350 Dalché. see also Pietro Cypro-Geometric (CG) 2-6. 293n. 73-4. 296n. 63-6. 135n. 244. H. P. Dionysiou. 192n. 285n. 78. 7-8. Nicolo Diego Goneme 335 Dandolo Dienchon Arnaudin 249 Daniel Lomeli: see Damiano Dierona 251 Lomellini Dietrich von Schachten 382 Daniel. 132 Cypro-syllabic 70 Dead Sea 215 Cyprus Department of Antiquities 4. 370. 165n 306n. 62 David Trevisan 335 Cypro-Archaic (CA) 4. 53. family 250. 121n 331n. family 294. 71 De thematibus 111. W. 27-8. 201n. 151n. 397n. G. 506n Cypriot High Court 203 Daveiro: see Pantaleão Daveiro Cypro-Aegean 60. 2 Darkès: see Antonios Darkès Dincano 249 Darrouzès. 123n. 143 Dieudamour (St Hilarion) 417 Darius I 62 Dikaios. 117n Denis Possot 330-1. 30.

62. 212. Dora 294-5 224. 60-1. Edward I. 229. 159. 374n Drymou 133n Empereur. 257. 344. Ebied. 14. 316. 68. 272n 109. 417. 376n Dominicans. S. 324. Epiphanios. 16. 228. 51. 111n. 212n. 26. R. 304. J. 121n Dominicus Cirino (Zirini/Querini) Egypt. 292. canon of Limassol 220 England. 248n. 120n. Dominicus Rossani 148 103. 40. 380 Douai 328 Eirinis Street 122. Duthoit. 222-3. 25. Isaac Eleanor of Aquitaine 199. 101. 78. 8. 366. 254. 18-19. 270-1. 253 Durand.W. 212. 204n. 173. Dolce: see Nicholas Dolce 204n.-Y. 214. 27. 396 Efthymiadis. Dysmas 317 365n. bishop of Doxopatres: see Neilos Doxopatres Limassol 277. 118n. 142. C. 367n. Genoese 239. Enguerrand de Monstrelet 285-6. 30-2. S. 28. 201. 358 Drapia 245 Ellenblum. 250n. 296. Egyptians 2. 39. 142n 10. 316. 315. 323 Enlart. C. Epipalos 20 60. 193n. Durrell. 240n Engaddi 215. 209n. 290. 200n. 146- Donà: see Leonardo. 502-4 Englesi: see Zane d’’Englesi Early Bronze Age 55-7. 260. 372. 421 Cyprus/Salamis 42. 258. 138. 205. 108. 114. 235. 328. 390n 407. 62-3. 118. 234. 252n. 195. 240n. 239. 255. 266-7. 98. 117. monastery 349 Early Cypriot 1 Enkomi 2. 364. 292. 12-13. archbishop of 153n. 67. P. 30n. 35. 298. 332. P. 150-1. 289. 293. 203n. Durand. 230n. 201n. 5. 348 Dominicus Bertram 152-3. archbishop of Bordeaux 199n Doumanin: see James of Doumanin Elias of Chambarlhac.Y. 307-8. 211. 156-7 24. 147. J. J. 58. 44. 241n. 81. 232. 336. 100. mendicant order 209. 159. 98n. 381n. 12. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 589 to the Ottoman Conquest Dodecanese 60 Edbury. Dominicus Pascalis 157 58-60. 113n. Doros 64. Edgington. 200. 44. 405 Eastern Mediterranean 2. 39. 357. 215n. 110. 503 204. Dyrrachion 139 325-6. 179 242. Nicolò Donà 9. Domenico Falamonicha. 54. 140. 81 English Bach Festival 504 Early Christian 6. Dunbabin. 46-8 Episcopia (Bellapais) 374 . 32. 394. 334 300. 143-4. 54. 229n. 347n. 46. L. 198-200. Doric 32-3 284-7. 412 Enkleistra. 64. 96. 126 Douay Bible 215n Ejegod: see Erik Ejegod Doukas: see John Doukas. 371-2. 116n. consul in Limassol 302 303n. du Fresne 208n Enea Silvio Piccolomini 97n. 52. 261 École française d’’Athènes 3. king of England 204 349. 204. 29. 195n Easter 103. 114n. 118n Du Cange. Edrisi: see al-IdrƯsƯ 275-7. 277n 290 Dupuy. English 9. 79. 230n 51. 160. 503 Doukas Komnenos Elias. 366 Eftagonia 251. 294-5. E. R.

358 199. 55-6. 58. 15. 402-5. 416-17 Felix V. 250. 282-4. 269. 506 334. pope 309 Eustache de Neuville 206n Felix Faber. N. 71 136. 301. sacrament 258. 219. OP 97. Eteocypriot 10-11. 354. 189-90. 344-6. 224. 349. 113n. 336-7. 220. 276-7. Evangelistrias Street 79 287. 127. 232. 341-2. 203. Fedalto. 205. 117. 57-8. 292. 280. 371-2. 416. 472. 315. 62. 64. 281-2. 398. Famagusta xii. 333n. Federico Cornaro 338-9 274. 134n 8. Evangelatou-Notara. 385-9. 329- Ethiopia 23 30. 308 Fantin Corgner 249 Eucharist. 395. 420-4. see also Eyes of Horus (Oudjat) 68 Piscopia Episkopi-Bamboula 2 Faber: see Felix Faber Episkopi-Serayia 425 Fabrices. 272. 295. 160. 120n. 216- Eschmann. 377-9. 358. 148. 352. xiii. 347. 333n. chronicle of 200 Falguar: see Nodon Falguar Eros 31 Falier: see Zuan Falier Esarhaddon. 414-16. Ethnica 133 350-4. 387-8. European 52. Hospitaller master Fatimids of Egypt 143-4. 375. see also John Erik Ejegod. T. 504. 213. king of Assyria 6. 358 xiii Euboea. 109. 320. 228-9. 135-6. 83. 1: Art and Architecture 502. 422. xiii Description Famagusta. C.590 Index Episkopi/Episcopia 2. 289. 210-11. 404 Fenie Salamon 250 Eustratios: see Leontios Eustratios Feresore (Phasouri) 157. 307-8. 237 159-60 Eugene IV. family 294. Euboean 5-6. 381- Étienne de Lusignan. Evkaf Street 369 425. F. 173-4. 366. 392n. 247. 324. pope 308-9 Faucherre. 264 Faris: see Athanasios Faris Eudes de Pins. 210n 18. Euphranor 33 394n Europe. G. 132. Evagoras. see also Chorograffia. 167. 262. 394-6. 65. 354. archbishop 317-18 of Nicosia 222-5. 356. 469 351-2. 2: History and Society Eubel. 233. 337-42. Famagusta. 334-5. 30 302-4. 215. 285. 501-2. 288-90. Evetimos 20 320-1. 142. 363. 303-5. 402n. Eunous 40 373n. king of Denmark 167n Perez Fabrices Erimi 2. 503n. 251 Fagiano: see Hugh of Fagiano Erimi-Bamboula 2 Falamonicha: see Domenico Eriphyle 40 Falamonicha Erlant: see Peter Erlant Falconare: see Le Falconare ‘‘Ernoul’’. 323-4. 238. 210-11. 29. 17. 266-8. 469-70. 252-3. 253-8. 286. Eski Cami: see Cami Kebir 241-4. OP 194. 426. 218. 298-301. 312. 131. Famagusta Cathedral 387. 307. 252n. 377. 336. 279. xv. 2. 146. 342-3. 266-7. king of Salamis 20 117. 432. Eustorge of Montaigu. 20. 359. 97. 370n. 122n. 168 . 23-4.

30. 332. 375. 325n. 321. 232. 199. First Crusade 108 29n. 344. 280n. 28. 4. Foglieta 225. bishop of 42n. Flaminio Corner 107 52n. 503n Francis: see also Francesco Flourentzos. 237n. 239. 214. 71n Flanders 271 Fourth Lateran Council 226 Flangi(s). 303n. proveditor 285n. 204-5. 32n. 340n. 254n. Zorzi Flatro 250. Francesco Suriano 292. 133n. 382. Francesco Balducci Pegolotti 253n. 290- Flavian 37 91. 281n. 190. 396n. 256 Franceschino Grimaldi 281 Florio Bustron 141n. 64n. 206n. 103n Francis of Paris. 228-9. 317. 336. 7. 230n. 341. 52. 315. B. 349n. 17. 11n. 232 Fortibraccia: see Seraphim Figo tu Bicine 297 Fortibraccia Fikellura Style 17 Foscarini: see Fuscarinus Filangieri: see Richard Filangieri Four Seasons Hotel 7. Fleury: see James de Fleury 402. 251. 8n. deacon of Limassol Fluvià: see Antoni de Fluvià Cathedral 278 Foglieta: see Antonio. Francesco Briani 504 322n. 224. 399 138n. 359. 26n. Ferrand of Majorca 248. 132. 345n. 422. Francis of Cyprus. 204n. 190n. French xiii. Fool of Emesa 120 277. Limassol 274. 375-7. cartographer 321 Fortamia 417-18. 39. 503. 503n 238. Francesco Attar 321n. 367. St 228. 401n. 318 501-2. 229n. 3-4. Fortanie Fierte: see La Fierte Fortamy (Fortamia) 418 Fieschi: see Opizo dei Fieschi Fortanie (Fortamia) 417 Fifth Crusade 201. 291. 350n. 3. 125n. 192n. Forero-Mendoza. general 352 294. 1. 254. 282. 426n. Umberto Franciscans. 24n. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 591 to the Ottoman Conquest Fernández Marcos. 6. Stephen France. 229. 256. 307-8. 295n. 242n. Flasou 133 192n. 9. 208. 313-15. 204. 212. 241n. 383n. 266-7. P. 420- . 349. 399n. 205n. 286n. 129n Forey. 18n. A. 274. 284n. 257 266n. 285. 293n. 268n. Venetian 347. 324. 52n. 75n. 328. 34n. 25n. 400n Fortamy. N. 242. 240n. 9n. 260. 351. Francis of Arezzo. S. 319n. 290n. Francesco: see also Francis 203n. canon of 503n Limassol 278 Flusin. 252n. Francis of Assisi. 189-91. 34. 31n. 397. family 324: see Fra Agostino 357n Frangiskos. 331n. 227. 69 Finica (Phinikas) 231 Fourrier. S. Francesco Querini. 365n 366. 235. S. 231n. 352n. 335n. 336n. 358-9. see also Feyerabend. ambassador 253 379-80. 365n. 395n. 345n. 318 2. 324. 270n. 68n. 31. 239n. mendicant order 205. John. Flatro. family: see Badin. Piero. Flangi 24. 381n. Francesco Bragadin. 248n. 266-7 271n Ferrandus Bertelli. 421. 45. 501. 401n. 334. 341- Flemish 292. 33n. 232 337n. 505 Florence 107. 264n. 287n. 202n. 274n.

bishop of see also Iorghi Limassol 308-10. 374 Limassol 274 Galilee. Friar de Corte 326 Gavata. cape (Cape Gata) 203 Frodisia 320 Gaza 155n. Hospitaller master Geniza 146. 194 351 Gavata. 359 George. 352. 212. 129. 401n. 206. 352. Hospitaller Frangomides: see Neophytos master 231 Frangomides Garnier of Nablus. 359. 113n. Holy Roman emperor Garyllis River 122. 248. 342. bishop of Lefkara 347. 379-81. 241. 424 Frangoklissia 205. 377. 254-7. 364. 369. 134n Frangiskos Flangis 323 Garin of Colos 231. Cypriot pilgrim 129 Galhard de Albenga 275 George. 241 Genoa. 160n. 171n George: see also Georgios.. C. author 118. 358 Genethliou Mitella Street 369. 148n master 200 Frederick II. cape 167-8. 392. 439 Fulk of Montaigu. 488 Gardthausen. Fuscarinus/Foscarini. 432. 399-400. Gascony 199 376 Gastineau: see Jacques de Gastineau Frederick of Bargagli. 320. Fuscarinus: see Leonardus 238. 232. priest 161 Galhard of Saint-Albin 275 George of Cyprus. Gaulish 189.592 Index 1. canon of Galilee 240. 249. Hospitaller Frankopan. 426. 271-2 Fuscarinus 278. Galiana: se Oberto de Galiana 134 Galiberto 294 George Homodei. V. 287-90. 147 237. 422n. bishop of Limassol 358 502 Gabashvili: see Timothy Gabashvili Genouillac: see Peter of Genouillac Gabriel von Rattenberg 329 Gentile: see Gabriele Gentile Gabriele Capodilista. 207-8. Galesius of Montolif. prince of 240. 249. 423. Jorge Galeazzo de Villarut 295n George II. 352. 204. family 150. 203. 293. 348. 406 202. George Lobalio episcopatus 219 293 . 246. 277 312. see also Leonardus Fuscarinus 366. 373. 394-5. 344. Genoese 140. Geoffrey Spanzota. G. bishop of Generin: see Peter Generin Limassol 223. canon of 299-300. 293. 367 Garin of Montaigu. see also Cavata. 383. 306-7. 150. count 289. 246. 244. 350. 229. 214. canon of Gata. Fürer: see Christophorus Fürer 202-3. 218n. Gouvatheo Friar Francesco 325 Gatani: see John Gatani Friars Minor: see Franciscans Gaudenz von Kirchberg 365n Friedrich Rehlinger 340. Giorgio. 232. 302-4. 311 Limassol 273-5 Gabriele Gentile 295 Geographia 320 Galatariotou. 411n Fulk de Villaret. Limassol 273. 280-4. 142n. 312. Galathà: see Thomas Galathà Georgius. king of England 504 Galeran de Palen 284n George. P. 288.

R. 235. 292n. 316 Golgoi 9. 3. K. J. 77. 367n Giangirolamo Sanmicheli 352 Goneme: see Diego. captain of Germanos. 144 504 God in Ingot 61 Gerouasa (Yerovasa) 335 Goitein. Giorgio. 305n Giovan di Barga o Varras. 212n. Georgians 105n Hospitaller 332 Georgios: see also George. 262 Giovannoni. see also Gongora. 17n. 266n. A. 335. Giovanni Georgios. priest of Gioles. 192. 257 308n. 239. Jorge Giovanni Michele 231 Georgius. Germanic 9. Jorge Giovanni Alvise Navagero. 391. N. 301. 327. emperor 42 Henry of Gibelet Gorgon 26 Giles Anselme 278 Gorgos. M. Gordian III. 32. S. 258. 421n Limassol Cathedral 278 Giorgi Culli 353 George Sateni 290 Giorgio Corner 295. 16. Given. 260. 170n Giovanni de Rocha. 193n. Giorgio. 300 Georgios Patriarchi 297 Giovanni Francesco Camocio 321. 18n. 15n 106. 78 Gervasius da Canale 156 Golgoi-Ayios Photios 22 Giacomo de Zanterio di Messina Golubovich. archbishop of Cyprus Limassol 323. Gluzman. goddess 16 Gervase of Tilbury 213. king of Salamis 19 Gillingham. 257 Gerald. 290-92. 196n. St 200n Giovanni de Negroponte 257 Georgius Querini 156 Giovanni Pietro Contarini 355 Georgopoulou. D. Henry. Germany. 211n. 107n . 294n. 5n. Georgius: see also George. Greek priest 297 and proveditor 335 Georgios Boustronios: see Giovanni Canale 300 Boustronios. R. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 593 to the Ottoman Conquest George Resenchas. 329. William Gibelet: see Giblet Goneme Giblet/Gibelet.B. 303n Alice. 338 Georgiades. notary. Gjerstad. Golden Legend 109 214n Golgia.F. 261 Giulio Savorgnan 352 Germans. 324. family 250. Giovanni: see also John Georgius. 111n Gerard de Maske 231 Giuliano Rollerius 312 Geremiso (Yermasoyia) 157 Giulio Podocataro. M. G. 332-3. 22. 26. 314-15. 12.D. 315n. E. archbishop of Auch 199n Giovanni de Vignali 257 Gerard. 200n Gori. archbishop of Giovanni Zvallardo 406 Nicosia 258. 229n. 502 258. Georgios Giovanni Corner 298. syndic Georgios. 351. bishop of Paphos 272 Giovanni Villani 280n Gerard of Langres. Georgios tu Theognosto tu Nomicu 336 297 Giovanni Mariti: see Mariti. Glaukias 34 5. 147n Gertwagen. L. 69n 269.P. 132. Izabiau of Giblet.

30. Guy of Amandula.U. 452-3. Guy of Ibelin. 334n. 412. Great Church 220. 275-6 198. 127-9. 293n. 414. 39. J. 349 282 Greek. Greek Orthodox 334. Guilaine. 72. 15-16. 501n. 19. 405. 210n. Gumpenberg 20. 421n 284n. Paolo 288 Grimaldi Governus: see Stephen I Governus Grivaud. 324n. 231. 15-16. 432. 26. 287n. Limassol Cathedral 278 36-8. 342. 341-2. 354n. 418n. count of Jaffa 248. 245n. 381n. 370. 257 Guillaume de Machaut 191n. 216. 225n. Gregory IX. Gunnis. 196. 322. 196-9. 192n. 248n. 311-20. 505-6 281 Gregory: see Peter Gregory Guy of Lusignan. 428n 277-81. 228. 395 337n. Grand Karaman 426 253n. see also Vitalis Gradonicus 206n. 254n. 326. Gülden (bezants) 310 6. 225-6. 258-61. 34. 304-7. 288n. canon of Famagusta. O. 228. 40n. 421. Stavrovouni 262-3 353. 293n. 502-3. 234-5. 423. 285n. Gralli: see William Gralli 236n. 21. 321n. 135. 348n. 31. 1 60. 250n. 363. 287-8. 273. 377n. cape (Cape Gata?) Grimaldi: see Franceschino. 242. Great Goddess 7. see also Morf Goudeles: see Theodosios Goudeles de Grenier Gouvatheo. 120n 445-6. 263-6. 11-13. 277n. 244-9. 370n. see also Cami Grünemberg: see Konrad Kebir/Eski Cami Grünemberg Great Schism of the West 306. family 294. R. 405-6. 228. 404n. 190. 205-10. 63-4. 212n. 438. Gumpenberg: see Steffan von 94. 403. 247-8. 355. pope 221-2. family 150. 359. subdeacon of 18-19. 280. 351n. 368. 278 . 153-4. xviii. 122. Gregory Bonvizin. Greeks 3-8. 145n. 21-2. 62. 202n. 366n. 11. 380n. 279. 69. deacon of 377-8. 394. 245. 397. 226. 443. abbot of 330-2. 361. Great Lavra. Guishon Span 231 80. 32. 458 Grenier. 273. Großmann. 331n. 323-4. 319. 51. 132.E. 106n. 403. 258. monastery 164 402n. T. 75-6. 333n. 359 405-8. 502n Great Mosque 125. bishop of Limassol 380n.594 Index Gothic 122. 13. Guiotin Bonefe. 352n. 130n. 400. king of Jerusalem. 137n. 255. Gunther of Pairis. 201n. 339. 424n. 105. 41. OCist 106 9. Gregory. 149n. treasurer of Limassol 276. 355n. 157. xiii. G. 478-81. Limassol Cathedral 278 412-16. tou. Gregory XI. 201. 38 356n. Guy of Ibelin. 277. 353n. 387-8. 418-19. 207-8. Gratziou. 387-8. 440 414. 398n lord of Cyprus 151-2. 334. 251n. 350n. 114n. 254. 16-18. 286n. 379n Gregory. 189. 344-50. pope 250n. 434. G. Graziani: see Antonio Maria 290n. 69. Graziani 330n. Gradonicus/Gradenigo. 27. 23-4. 294. 336n. 368. 150. 109n. Guero: see Pandolfo Guero Greece xiii. 40-1. 208n. 24. 165-6. 119n. 343n. 345n. 281n. 421-4. 372-5. 297. bishop of Arsinoe 217 Guy de Nefin.

32n. king of Hadrian. 49n. 202n. St. xvi. prior of Stavrovouni 225 Hadjioannou. A. 341 43. 23n. 193n of St Thomas 270 Hadjisavvas. 5n. Hartofilaca/cha: see Chartophylax 16n. 502n Hayton of Gorhigos 240 Herodotus 19. 120n. 21n. M. 123-5 Hardouin 231 Hermary. empress 115. 251. 78-81. king of Sidon 7. 207n. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 595 to the Ottoman Conquest Gypsou 119 Henry VI. 399-400. Henry II of Lusignan. 24. 71 Hellmann. M. 98n. 206n. 424n 394. Hesychius 20. 276. 74-6. 504n Cyprus 310. 317. Hadjichristodoulou. G. 30-4. 23n. xiii. 8n. 33n.-C. king of 503n Cyprus 240. 504n Herakleios 100n. 12n. 48 229n. S. 101.J. emperor 41. 34 Hans Schürpf 365n Heraclides. Hellenisation 307. C. 27n. 384n of Nicosia 227 Hala Sultan Tekke 2. S. Hawkins. 52. 312. 100n 78n. 31n. Hipponax 7 118. 51. St 37 Hansell. bishop of Karpasia 263 Jano 335 Hill. 97n. 241n. 117n Henry Hamelin. 9n. M. A. king of Cyprus Ha-potami 165 202-4. cantor of Limassol Halmyros 151. 350 370n. 205n. J. K. 47 34n. 13n. 12-13.F. 265. 24n. 120n. 26. 15n. 303n. 11n. 151n Helena Palaiologina. 284n. 366 Hackett. Helios 36. 124n. 199n. 61n. 40-1. 213. 17n. 140n 193 Henricus Martellus Germanus 320 Historic Nicosia xiii . J. 29. J. Hellenism 15. 263. 281n. A. High Court of Jerusalem 203 Helena Podocatharo. 24n Hirnheim: see Johan von Hirnheim Helvis de Baruth 250 Historia ecclesiastica 167 Hendrix. 14n. 409n. 133. 133n. 24. 112n. archbishop-elect Hajpál. 38n. 411 Hadjinicolaou-Marava. St. 26n. 14n. 358. 36. 159 273 Hamelin: see Henry Hamelin Hephaisteion 170 Hammer. 33 272. 51-3. 69 286n. 133n Henry. 41. daughter of Hilarion. 83. 27. 23-5. C. E. 426n Hellenistic 3. Haron: see Thomas Haron 10n. 62. 64. x. 18. master of order Hadjipsaltes. 22n. 356n. Helffrich: see Johann Helffrich 193n. 424n. 113n. 27n Historia rerum ubique gestarum Hendy. 62 Helena. queen of Hicks. 22. 58 Henry of Giblet 287 Haldon. 132n. 9n. 137 Hiram/Hirom II. 42 Jerusalem 212 Hainaut 108n Henry of Gibelet. 383n. 18n. W. 71n. Hathor 9. 10n. E. 193n Henry of Bedford. 350 Heyd. 274. Hellenic. 354n. Hioni 58. 21. George Frideric 504 Heracles 24. Holy Roman emperor 202 Henry I of Lusignan. 296n. 101n Henry of Champagne. 16. von 10 Hephaistos 40 Handel. 201n. 161n. 72n. 285n.W. 35n. 39n.

Maria. 292. W. bishop of Limassol Holy Cross. 199. 179-80 Hugh of Béduin. 133n Hugh I of Lusignan. 170. Hugh Revel. Hugh Podocataro 293 291. church in 113. 341n Hubatsch. cardinal 307-8 Holy Gospels 346 Hugh of Lusignan. bishop of Limassol 227. R. family 202-3. 6n Holy Wisdom: see St Sophia Ibelin. 262 186. 230-1. 306. P. 244. 365n Holy Sepulchre. 335. 281-2 Holy Cross. 425. 239. 412. 207n. 328. 423-4 Huen: see Le Huen Hogarth. J. 12. 376 see also Stavros Mesokyprou Hugh IV of Lusignan. prince of Galilee Holy Land 96. 316n History of Limassol xvi Howard. 224. 358 423 Hugh of Carmagnino. John. 367. count of Jaffa 248 15. 185. 111n Hocquet. 163n Hugh II of Lusignan. 63. Balian. king of /Mesokipou 154. 114n. 269n. 4n. Greek 269n cathedral of Nicosia 345. 215-16. friend of Cesnola 25 Howden: see Roger of Howden Hittite Empire 2 Hoyland. Stavrovouni 269. 202. 232n. 328 Hungary 108. 203. archbishop of Holy Cross. Cyprus 201. 258. 60. 232n. 166. 246. 266. military order 109. 249-50. king of Cyprus Holy Cross ‘‘de 207n. pope 220-22 Ibelin Hospitallers. 330-2. 276. Limasol 222. Homer 40 273. king of Cyprus Holy Apostles. 404. 431-2 72. 210 Hugh of Fagiano. D. Idalion 6. 154n Hitchcock. xviii. 362. king of Holy Cross of Cyprus: see Cyprus 244. see also Alice. treasurer of Holy Cross. basilica in Lefkara 114. Jerusalem 143. Philip of Honorius III. 295-301. church in Tokhni 75n Nicosia 223-4 319 Hugh of Lusignan. 231-2 Constantinople 154. Humfrey. Hospitaller master 231 506 Hugues Boussat 294 Holy Saviour. 16. 220. 107n 326. church in Pelendri 161. 210 Mesochipa’’/Mesokyprou/ Hugh III of Lusignan. 266-7. Hugh. 252. 246 173. 248. 405. 304. M. 358 387. Hubert. 9. 224. 165. Ibn Hawqal 147 229-42. 417. 237. 142-3. 225n. 250-1.G. H. 5n. 252n. xvi. Icelandic 171 286-90. 376. 206-7. 65. Idagygos 29 342. church in Kouka 162. Iacopo da Varazze 109n 269.-C. 347. D. 165. abbey in Lefkara 265 Humbaba 68 Holy Sepulchre. 26. 171. 247. 157. 335. church in Jerusalem 112. 210-12. 344. 77-8 . Hodegetria (Bedestan). 167. 425. Homodei: see George Homodei Guy. 200.596 Index History of Cyprus 501 Houben. Ibn al-AthƯr 137 155. 367n Iacovou.

canon of Istanbul 15. 214. 148n. D. 367n Izabiau d’’Antioche 250 Insula de Cipro 320 Izabiau of Giblet 250 Ioannides. 353. 294. count of Jaffa 294 238-9.. 151. 491 74-7. 286n. 343n. R. 160n. 301. 284n. 143. 358 408. Irwin. James II of Lusignan. 263 Lusignan Isolario 320 James of Cremona. 197. 383 Iohannes: see also Giovanni. 132. 318. 422n Isabeau Visconte 295 James III of Lusignan. 359 J. 198. pope 269. 504 306-7. Templar Italy. 349. 501. 214. 417. 283. 380n. 228. 151. 344. 243 149. 243-4. 359 Isauria 128n James the Bastard: see James II of Isis 32-3. 380n 171. Isaac 172. 107. 304n. 423n Isaac Doukas Komnenos. . 147. 232.A. 161 252n. 321 415. 320. 27. Imisso/Imissum (Limassol) 192n. 336. 255n. 189. Hospitaller Ireland 271 preceptor and master 296. 156n. 339. 24. 142n. 257n. king of 503. Limassol 277. 21. 4-5. 381n 339. John the Almsgiver 303n. OFM. 333n. 252. king of Cyprus of Cyprus 122. 256n. 302. bishop of Innocent IV. 289. 300n. 134n. 502. bishop of Lefkara 347. 212n. 348. 235. Iohannes Mençulo 149 207n. see Jacomo Sinclitico 335 also George Jacques de Gastineau 348 Ipparchou Street 123 Jacques de Milly. 300. 243n. 254n. 244 344-5. see also 258n. 329. 55. 208n. Iohannis Eleymon 109n. see also Limassol 276 Constantinople James of Doumanin. John Jacobus de Vairago 149n Iohannes de Cassazo de Nimoccio Jacoby. 304. A. 364n. 331. 70 Jacomo Corner 330 Iorghi. king of Isabella of Antioch. 255-6. 199. 159. 193n Itier of Nabinaux. 281. 364n. 192n Ioannis (John) Japhoun 306. 366n Ionian 19. 268. preceptor 262 139. canon of Jaffa 143. patriarch of Antioch 266 298. 307. 147. 303. 329n. 302n. 160. bishop of Isacio tiranno 504 Limassol 308-9. 409n Iveron. 348. 64-6. 196. 248. emperor James I of Lusignan. Iron Age 2. 427. 79-80. 351 Isaac Abraham de Minia. 138. 293. daughter of Cyprus 291 Hugh I of Cyprus 207n James (Badini) de Nores. 315. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 597 to the Ottoman Conquest Ignatios. pope 127. 505 Indianos. 50. Italians 9. 285n. 291. Iohannes Michaelis 157. 62. James de Fleury. 196. 301n. 219. G. 325 Limassol 307 Jakovljeviü. 132n. 298n. A. 313. 432. 82 Jacques le Saige 328. Cyprus 288-91 294-5. 222-6. monastery 164 Innocent VI. canon of Antioch 222 Iohanes de Astexano de Nimoccio Jacob Wormbser 332.

159. prince of Galilee 293 Richard 160. 114. 353 Jany tis Anousas 247 John. 380. 406n. 109. 345 238. sister of King John de Bries. Templar master Johan von Hirnheim 333. Dominique 503n John. Eleymon 143. 103. 41. 100. 151. G. 337n Limassol 266 Johannes. subdeacon of Limassol John II Komnenos. John of Ancona. bishop of Evreux 199n Jauna. 224. 267-8. 199 John Cacciaguerra of Parma. Jerome. 312. 119n. emperor 137. 358. 267-70. archbishop of 274. John Babin 239 404 John the Baptist 107. 296. 420. deacon of Limassol John IV Nesteutes. 335 275-6 Janot Alexi. 317 331. 99. 316. bishop of Amathus (I) 103 Japhoun: see Ioannis. 383 288-9. Leontios John. 274 Johannes Zilotta 297 James of Verona. 129. bishop of Lefkara 347.598 Index James de Molay. treasurer of Johann Helffrich 332. 359 Jean de Joinville 205-6. Jesus Christ 272. church in 332 Alaminos 316 Joanna of Sicily. 407n. 333n. Jewish 37. 376. 396n. 149. king of Cyprus John II of Lusignan. patriarch of 405n. 98. 317. 424n 101n. count of Brandenburg 381 James of St Prosper. 212. son of the Englishman: see Jean de Milan. 397 Jews. 129. bishop of Amathus (II) 134 Jason Bustron 334 John. Kingdom of 112. 165-6. 227. 367. Cathedral 278 148 Janus of Lusignan. 109. John the Almsgiver. 230. Jano Podocatharo 294. 270. master 227 228 . king of Cyprus 286-7. wife of Zane d’’Englesi 305 of Limassol 278 Johan le Diaque (John the Deacon) John of Camezano. Alexandria 42. John the Baptist. monk of 195. 491 Theodosiana/Theodosias 120 Jean de Lessy/de Laze 319 John. 242. 415n. 203. St. 308. 240 Johan Quinnamo (Kinnamos) 245 James Paschal. 280 John: see also Giovanni. knights of: see Hospitaller Jano fis de Panaguioty 298 John XXII. 373. 378n. 423n. 309-10. 387n. OESA 271. Nicosia 260 349. bishop of Karpasia 217 Jean: see also John John. pope 263-5. St 365 120-1. 294. 388n. 276. 418n. 312. 263-4. bishop of Lisieux 199n Jean de Lastic. bishop of 427. see also Iohannis Jerusalem. 259. 281. canon of Johannes Chodecherii 243 Limassol 266. 195-6. John of Amandula. 255. 292. 362-3. 190. Stavrovouni 262-3 233. 44. Genoese consul of Zane d’’Englesi Limassol 302 John Albanitaqui 299 Jeffery. 105-7. 146. canon Joanna. Jean James Zaplana 291 John. 212n John. Hospitaller master John. patriarch of Cathedral 278 Constantinople 108 Janot Pavis. St.

418n John of Latakia. John Lascaris Caloferos 250 220. notary 271 Judea. canon of Limassol Kalavasos-Kopetra 125 274 Kalavasos-Tenta 54 John Morelli. bishop of Solea 347-8 Jorge Boudris 249 John Gatani 299 Jorge Hartofilaca 247 John of Ibelin. 351 Jurjis 145-6 John of Livisi. lord of Beirut 202-3 Cathedral 278 John Japhoun. bishop of Julius Caesar 29 Limassol 267-8. Judean 37. priest 307 Kalymnos 31 John Perez Fabrices 294 Kambylis. 333. archbishop of Nicosia Kalokhorio 154 310 Kalokairos 167 John of Negroponte 305 Kalopanagiotes 143n John de Nores/Noris. 359 Kap(p)dokas/Cap(p)adoca. St 319 Kalavasos-Ayios Dimitrios 2. emperor 141n John Corner 287 John de Villers. 25. see also Alexander Limassol 359. 306 359 Jotus de Molin 296. bishop of Lefkara Kaoulla. priest 265 Kantara 172. canon of John de Sur. 58-9. 54. 297 Nicosia 262n Kalykios 43 John Papaghuri. 170. 258 John Smerlinos. 159n. 281 Jorgin Lengles. 64. 58 John of Montolif. treasurer of Kaloyennata 251. OFM. bishop of 245. 266n 347. 361. 270. C. A. Hospitaller master John de Correto 269 232 John Crioti de Nimoccio 242 Johns. 370n. 140n John Podocataro 293 Kamenoriaqui 249. 273-4. 381n Diaque Jordan 39 John Doukas 131 Jorge de l’’Arsediaque 246 John Flangi. 367n Kappadokas. 165-6. acolyte of Limassol John of Ibelin. Junghe: see Burchardus Junghe 276. Templar preceptor Justinian. 45. John the Merciful 105n see also Palaia John de Montfort. lord of Beirut 293 Kalavasos 2. see also John of Remes 249 Camenoriachi John de Salexinis. OESA 317 Joinville: see Jean de Joinville John the Deacon: see Johan le Jona. 144n John of Cyprus. C. 369n. 379n John Lambert. Justinianic 135. 359 John Chrysostom. 358 Jupiter 35-6 John Locke 322. jurist 204n. 154 262 John of Lusignan. Limassol 278 348. St 114 John Vatatzes. bishop of Lefkara Joseph Vryennios 193. 340. 294. OFM. family John Stinus. Lion Capadoca. bishop of Lefkara 345. Phelipe Capadoca . 168-9 John Santamarin. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 599 to the Ottoman Conquest John de Château Royal. J. abbot of Kamevoriak 205 Stavrovouni 272 Kandou 58.

157. 6. Manuel Komnenos . 77. Grand Commandery of Khorsabad 65 291. 338. Katsaros. Kendale: see Robert of Kendale 233. 6. 296-7. 287. 241. mountain of 250 Koder. 337n Kellaki 7. 241. 9. 54. 20. 305. xv. F. Khandria 45. 79. 268. 321. 228. 116n. 161-2. 137. John. see also Kolossi Castle 290. 319. 91 505-6. V. 219. 206n. 234. 5n. 433. 250. 82. Khirokitia 1. 32.600 Index Kapsalos 64. 301. Klonari 251 250-1. London 504 88. 503n. 120n. 171n Klerides.M. 60n. 64. 161. see also Kinyreia 54n. V. 215. 64. 161 Kitromilides. 247. 79. 295-9. see also Colosu 245. 69n. 84. 59-61. 504. 198. 68. 215. 64 320. 60. 230. 161 362n. 335. 11 KarfƗsiyah (Karpasia) 145 Kinyreia (the City of Kinyras) 6. 286. 76. 333-4. T. 78n. 45. 324. 254. 68. 82. 342. Kition. Khalospita 58. 341. 95. xvi 234. 8. 244-6. 294. see also QƯ৬us Kato Platres 79. Komissariato 53. P. J. 263. 77. Kirchberg: see Gaudenz von 217-18. 351-2. 62-3. 334-5. 198. 230. N. Karageorghis. 353. 426 Kilani 79. see Karmiotissa. 396n Kinnamos: see Quinnamo Karassava-Tsilingiri. 59n. B. 121n 481-5 KirƯnƯya (Kyrenia) 131 Karpasia 32. 296. see also Knights of St John: see Hospitallers Quillac Knights Templar: see Templars Kellaki. Kiousopoulou. Kitians 2. 306n 319 Kazaphani 417n Klapati: see Kyriakos Klapati Kedar. Kent State University 2 290-1. 337-9. 65. 110. 45. 251. 489-500. 424-7. Komnene: see Anna Komnene Corineum Komnenos: see Alexios. 71n. 385n. 304. Isaac. Kato Drys 231-2. 193n. church in Pano also Kin-nuria Polemidia 127. Cilano. 323. 231. 431. T. Haymarket in 70n. Kolotas. 296. see also Chilani. 408. 351-2 Ziroquetre Kolossi. 110. 505n Kemal ed-Din 140n Kolossi 64. 400. 81n. 136. church in Limassol 56-9. 53n. 330n. Khirbat Manawat: see Manueth 429. 295. 215-16. 83. 367n 39. 128. 296. 301. 294 75. 502. 427n Kinyras 4. Kato Paphos 374. 168. 311. 84. 82 Kin-nuria (the City of Kinyras) 6. 301. 103. 42n. 120n. 157. King’’s Theatre. 418. 28n. 423 130. 347. 253. 70-2. 293. 282. Kato Polemidia 54. 80n. 56n. 27. 68n. 298. 503 506n Katokhorio 294 Kivides 79.Z. 71-2. 192n. see Kirchberg also KarfƗsiyah Kissousa 159n Kastellorizo 287 Kiti 169 Kastoria 170 Kition-Bamboula 9 Katalymmata ton Plakoton 101n Kition-Kathari 2 Katholiki. 323. 428n.

173. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 601 to the Ottoman Conquest Konrad Grünemberg 362-3. 30 Limassol. 137. 303-4. 163. 423. Kyriakos Pancalo 353n 403. 425 Lampros.N. see also Qnjrah Lambertos Kontostephanos 245 Kourion-Bamboula 58 Lambite Sabastos (Olympites Kourion-Kaloriziki 2. 365n. 131. 162. 130. 290. 6-7. N. 350. C. 61 Sevastos) 231 Kourion. 170. 61. 250. 395n. 117. L. Bologna. 252. 131. 359. 63-5. 81. xvi. 131n. 3. 135. 401. 114n. 341. 321. 139. 163. 141n. 120n. 133n. Lambert: see John Lambert 16. 101n. 324 Laiou. 423n Kontalimenis Kontostephanos/Condostefano. 110n. 390. goddess 7. 163-5. A. Kyriakos Klapati 288 370. 238n. 352. 97. 418. 61. 111-13. 117n Korphi 64 Lakatamia 423-4 Kouka 161-2. Brouttios Maximos 16 family 245. L. treasure of 26 Lambousa 136 Kouris River 55. 135-7. 282-3. 124n Langlais. 192n. family 249 Kontostephanos. 254n. 61. Stylianos Lacroix. 305. 32. 306. family 249 Kryos River 162 Langres: see Gerard of Langres Kypria. F. V. 385. 425 Lala Mustafa Paúa Camii 405 Kouklia-Stavros 425 Lamansky.P. carob mill in Limassol 122 Kypris. 211. S. goddess 15 Laodicea: see Latakia Kyra-Alonia 55 Laonikos Chalkokondyles 214n Kyrenia xii. 9. 354n Kourion xii. 336-7. 128n. 323. 501-2. L. 401 Kyprianos: see Archimandrite Lanitis. 211. cardinal 308-9. 64. 72-3. 335-7. 382n. 243n. 45. 14. 298. 403. 97n. 137n.E. 424n Lâla Mustafâ Pacha 355 Kouklia 14. Lamezis (Limassol) 131 168. Lagide 78 Theodoros/Thodre Lagoudera 105. 244n. 293. 152. Condostefano 177 Kophinou 45. 110. 255. 352. 364. Lane. 367. G. 43-4. 277. 120n. xiv. 406 Kyriazis. see also Lambertos La Fierte. 103. 192n. 74 Lancelot of Lusignan. D. 358 119-21. 14-16. 146. notary 145-6. area in Limassol 64. 223n. 299. see also . 38. 113n Koutsoulia. 215. Lapithos 4. Languedoc 315. 321. bishop of Kozelj. 354-5. 417n. Krinia 130. 290. Larnaca xii. 258. 287. 266. 333n 213.C. 503n Kontostephanos.P. 26. 329-30. 101n. 242n. 320. 68. T. 257n 506. 160. 148n. Langtoft: see Peter of Langtoft 40. 191n. 359. 217-18. 504. 294. 36-9. Lamberto di Sambuceto. 31. 141n 170 Lanfranchi. 216. 168. 159n. 136. 327. 118. 130. 256. 49-52. 158n Krueger. 116n Kontalimenis: see Nikolaos Kyrris. 2-3. 7 Kyprianos Lanitis. 215. bishop of Limassol 76-8. 137n. see also KirƯnƯya 339-40. Lambertino Baldoino della Cecca of 54-5. 57-8. 285.

mount 272 Late Minoan 59 Ledra 6. 58-9. 406n Laurence Bustron. 81. 275-6. 221-6. Lemise la neufue (New 342-6. 334. 101n. 424 355-6. 131n. 282. 245-9. OCarm 310n Late Bronze Age 2. B. 314-15. Limassol 358 204-7. 139n Larnakas tis Lapithou 133 Lawrence of Cyprus. 301. 472. see 421. 263-6. 197-9. 189-91. monk 347. 272 Late Helladic 60 Lebanon. Lateran Council 124 135. 273. 411-12. 342. 298. Nicholas Laurent. 36. 209-10. 61. 282. 118. see also 113. Lefkousia (Nicosia) 128n. 277n Lengles . 119n. 158. Lefkara Cathedral 258. Léger of Nabinaux. 235. 348-9. 274 Lazarus: see Marcus Lazarus Latakia: see John of Latakia Laze: see Jean de Lessy/de Laze Late Antiquity 35. 155. Leukousia 135. 148. 290. 135n. 346. 215n. 251. 279. 366. 345-8. Lefkosia (Nicosia) 131. 407. 208n. 407. 324. 224. 357-8. T. 249. 298.-H. 108-9. 377. Leuchosia. Lemesos (Limassol) xiv. John Stavrovouni 272 Lastic: see Jean de Lastic Lazaros. 147. Le Jaume: see Peter Le Jaume 242. 363. 376. 100n. 110. 306. 269. 394 Le Huen. 142. 209-12. 217-19. Limassol/Amathus) 190 9. 127-9. 135. 305-8. 200n. 127. 120n Late Protocorinthian 69 Lefkara xviii. 251. 373-4. 96. 228. 200n. 198. 323-4. Le Petit. 334. Lemise la vieille (Old 387-8. 258-63. 359. 303n. 502-3. 373 Leukousia. 394. 424. 252. 113-17. 376-7. 200n. 79. 153. 254n. 201. 190-94. Lembke. 82 Le Quien: see Michel Le Quien Late Cypriot (LC) 2. 115. Lefkosia. Le Falconare 320 129. 99. 128. 109n. 105n 216-19. 353n. 334-5. 205. 212. 4. 338. 394-7. Lemovices 189. 239. 241. 27n 257-61. family 250 77. 190. 99n. 189 Laurent. 374. 329-31. 7. monk of Lascaris: see Demetrios. 130. Latin Eastern 197. 239. 360. 105. Lebanese 7. 126. Lemisse 192n 431-2. 173. 503 also Lefkousia. 131-2.M. 342. 319. 214. St 106 Latakia (Laodicea) 140. 118-19. 368. 312. 249. Latins 35. 414-16. Limassol/Limassol) 190 364n. xvii. 179. 265 199. 119n. 307. M. 321.602 Index Salines Lavagnini. 265-6. 150-1. 54-5. 219. 127. 134. 359 Lemosin (Limousin) 132. 402-5. 224. 231-2. 505 Lemisso/Lemissò (Limassol) 190. 153n. 245. K. J. 71. Latin Syria 204. 201. 100n. 344. 306. 294-5. 242. Latinus: see Bertozio Latinus 192n. LifqusƯya Latin. 58-9. 51. 421. 61. 246. 276. Latin Church 105.C. 401n. Le Rat: see Simon le Rat 503 Lebanon. bishop of 165. 216. 122-4. 211. 194 171n Lengles: see Jorgin. 279. 157. Le Boucq: see Pierre Le Boucq 101-2. 506n 314-19. Lehmann. 502 Latin East.

159. 351-2. 206. bishop of City xv Neapolis 98n. 84. 362n. 240n. 109. the Old City xvi 211-12. 157. 91 144. Limezun. 344. 282. Lymesson. 255n. 34. 117. 110n 7. Misso 319. 380. Limissum. Limisso. Lymosin. see also Limassol in Past Times xvi Lefkosia. X. Bericaria. 60. 286. Leonida Attar 192n. 336 120. 124. Limison. 316n. 265. 277. 341. Limassol-Komissariato 70-1. 281n. 34. Limiso. Levantine 2. 147-9. Leonardo Donà 155n. Lemisse. 376- Lequeux. 134n Limassol Castle 181. 280n. Lymechon. 153n. Limovicus. 368. see also 192n Lefkosia . Limisso. 28. Limechon. Lemise la Leonardus Fuscarinus (Foscarini) neufue. 215n. 382. 381-3. 214. 71. 265 Limassol passim. 100n. 16n. città nuova. 473-4. 375-6. 81 Levant. 266n. 283n. Leuchosia/Leuchosiensis (Nicosia) 27. 293n. 57-8. Lefkousia ‘‘Limassol patterns’’ 50. Limixo. 432 Limassol Until the Turkish Period Leventis. bishop of Solia 263. 392n Lemisso/Lemissò. 69. 308. 303n. Lesage: see Jacques le Saige 470-1. 174. 445-6. 442-3. 351. see also Lefkosia Limassol in History 506 Leukousia (Nicosia) 118. 228. 452-68. Limazun. 48. P. Limonce. LifqusƯya (Nicosia) 131. Limassol. 476-7 Lescoutz: see Peter de Lescoutz Limassol Cathedral 220. 63-5. 258. 47. Limassol Bay 196n. 395 314. Limeszun. 405. Lessy: see Jean de Lessy 395. 302. 248n. patriarch of Jerusalem 112 Limichoniensem. 434- Les merveilles du monde 213. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 603 to the Ottoman Conquest Leo. 399. 70. 312n. 284-7. 396 Limeçon. 119n. 256. 227-8. Lymeson. Leontios Eustratios 506 Limissò. 432 Lethrinous 130-1 Limassol Chapel 375 Letymbou 169 Limassol District Museum 14. Limsoun. Lemesos. 401n. Leontios. 121n. 190n Life of Spyridon 103 Limbiti tou Simio 298 Life of St Auxibios 119 Limechon (Limassol) 131. bishop of Solea 266 Limisò. 39. 381n Limassol: A Journey to the Past of a Leontios of Neopolis. 246n. Leonardis Imisso/Imissum. Lamezis. 313-14. 374. 123. 379. 352 Limezim. Leontios Japhoun 306 Limissos. 385n. 128. 152. 193n. Lime(c)zon. 449-50. Leontios Makhairas 105. 274. Limesso(n). 288- Lepante (Nafpaktos) 190 90. 190n. ‘‘Limassol-Carthage’’ 71 52. 223. Limonnia. 320-1. see also Al- Leonardis: see Bernard de Lamsoun. 345. 370. 287n. 119n. Limona. Lymesçoun. 394n xv Liber de existencia riveriarum 141-2 Limassol Yesterday and Today xvi Libya 31 Limazun (Limassol) 131. 393-4. Lesgare: see Bertrand Lesgare 248. Lymisso. Limenia. 379n. 316 8. 336. 5. Leontios.

211-12. 245. see also Louis of Savoy 331 Lemosin. patriarch of Limsoun (Limassol) 191. 68. 347 Logara (Louvaras) 250-1. 149n. 347-8. 111. 297. Loizion: see Simone Loizion 329-30. Liminea. 247. 326 347-8. F. 301. 189. 193 141n Limixo 192n Lophou 55. Franz von 9 208n. 292 Louis. Loga (Logara?) 157 320-1. 232 Limona (Limassol) 194. 192n. A. 397 Livio Podocataro. see also Livichi 190-1. Lombardy. 331 see also Loga Limison 192n Logos of John the Almsgiver 105 Limisso (Limassol) 131. Loher. Limniate (Limnati) 203 208. 24 . A. 190. 246. cardinal of San Lorenzo in Limonce (Limassol) 190 Damaso 310-12 Limonnia (Limassol) 194 Louis de Manhac. 427-8. see Loredano: see Marco Loredano also Liminata. 382. 148n. 502 150n Limissò (Limassol) 132. 309. 159n. 320-1. monastery in Chalkidike Limissum (Limassol) 97n. 382 Lomellini: see Damiano. Lombardo.604 Index Limeçon (Limassol) 131. stagno 320 Little Schism of the West 309 Limenia (Limassol) 194 Livichi (Lividi) 251. 338. 123 Lotti: see Antonio Lotti Limnessos 132n Louis IX. 71n Limen. 280 Limesso(n) (Limassol) 104. 189. proveditor general Limniate of Cyprus 350 Limnazousa 64. Limosin (Limousin) 189 298. 205. M. 284n. archbishop of Limeszun (Limassol) 131. Napoleone Limisso. 155n. 249. città nuova 190 Lomellini Limis(s)o vecchia (Amathus) 190. 5n Liminata (Limnati?) 155n Lobalio: see George Lobalio Liminea (Limnati) 342 Locke: see John Locke Limiso (Limassol) 131. Lion Capadoca 245-6 202n Lionheart: see Richard I Lime(c)zon 190n LipiĔski. 64 111. 190n. 328-9. 131. 190n Lleastou: see Michael tou Lleastou Limichoniensem (Limassol) 192n Lo Schiavo. 192. 189. 4. 342. king of France 204. 192n. 294. 192. 242. 323. Lorenzo Bembo. 285. 293 203. E. 229. 406n. Hospitaller 296. 491 Limousin 132. Lividi 251. Limisò (Limassol) 192n. Limnati(s) 64. 190n Nicosia 331 Limezim (Limassol) 190n Livisi: see John of Livisi Limezun (Limassol) 131. 131n. 334-5. 341. Limosin Louizos Roussos 506 Limovicus (Limassol) 194 Loukas Chrysoberges. Longobardus: see Bisancio 320 Longobardus Limissos (Limassol) 51 Longos. 286 Constantinople 112n Linidia 286 Loukios Vitellios Kallinikos 39 Lion: see Simonyn de Lion Loulloupis.

158. 252n 380. 375n. 424n. 192. Hugh. 255. see also Makrides. 12-13. 192n. 29. 189-90. 26. 394. 193n. 40 Machaut: see Guillaume de Ludolf of Sudheim 215. 422 Lydos 18 Manassier. 394. 266. 190n. 290. 491. 426n 293. Makhairas: see Leontios. Henry. 215. F. Mahe: see Bertelome Mahe 8. 363. 423n. 307. 132. 159n. 372n. 132 402. 280. Mangana 192n Mango. 194 Aimery.G. 304n. 242. 321. 96-7. Macedonian 23. 396n 170. 127. Malta 353. 301. 372. 505. 354 251n. 215n. Janus. 348. 132n. 383. 242n. 269. 411. 388. 432. 404-5. 201. 135n Lymisso (Limassol) 192n. 236n. 293. 287n. 385. Malatestas: see Stephanos Étienne. 407-8. 297n. 354n. 233n. Magaza 155n 329n. 367n. 299n. 230n. 319. 294. 503n Magdalino. 254. 283-7. Peter 413. Luzzatto. 322 Manhac: see Louis de Manhac Lymosin 192n Manolis 330 . A. Guy. 252. 501 Loyizos Skevophylax 190n Maa-Palaikastro 60 Loze 245 Macedonia. Lycia. Amaury. 234n. Malchiel: see Roger Malchiel Peter Malika 24 Luttrell. 166-7. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 605 to the Ottoman Conquest Loupvent: see Nicolas Loupvent Lyon 153 Louvaras 157. 319. 376. 296n. 9-10. John. Malatestas James. 105. 240n. 239n. Charlotte. 140. 210. 229n. 248n. 299. C. 300n. Makhairas. Lycian 108. Majorca 248. 148n Ludolph von Suchen: see Ludolf of Madius 257 Sudheim Maenads 13 Ludwig Tschudi von Glarus 328. 250n. 250-1. 143 396. 164 Lucius Bruttius Maximus 38. 403n. 283-4. 366. 415. 302. 364. 52. T. 208n 229. 390. lord 203-4 Lymechon (Limassol) 285 Manatiis: see Peter de Manatiis Lymesçoun 191n Manesi: see Demetrio Manesi Lymeson 192n Mangana: see St George of Lymesson (Limassol) 131. Makariou Avenue 123 303. 130. 374. Lancelot. 410. 383. 414. 30-1. Mallia 156. Vincenzo 231n. 381n. Mamerot: see Sébastien Mamerot 335n. 291. A. 369. 364n Madden. 381. 247n. 309. 150-1. monastery 106n. G. 193n Luigi Palma di Cesnola: see Cesnola Magno: see Alessandro Magno Lusignans 45. 427 298n. Malipiero: see Troylo. 113. 301n. 216n. 173.F. 210-11. Maier. see also Lysandros 20 Logara Lysippos 31 Louvre 3. 421-2. Lubenau: see Reinhold Lubenau 78. 424n. 208. Mamluks 201. Machaut 271. (Perrin) 427. Lythrodontas 130. 253n. P.

Maria de Brienne. 335 Martin. 157n. 300n. 366n. 366n. 152n. 307n. 248n. 239n. 119n Margaret. 251n. 502n 367n. 252n. 299n. wet nurse 305 Maske: see Gerard de Maske Maria. 205n. Manueth (Khirbat Manawat) 425 220n. cleric of Limassol 278 Cathedral 278 Markoe. 271n. 229n. A. doge of Venice 281n. 338n. 209n. J. 228. 285n. possible church in Margat 373 Limassol 415n Margi 163 Mary Magdalen. 206. 208n. 290n. 22. 6. Manuel Voutoumites 131 163. 45. 351 Martha. 253n. 294n. 329n. 272n. 171. E. 358. 120n. 281 Martini. 341n. 107 289n. deacon of Limassol Cathedral Manoly Zolo. 58-9 Manuel I Komnenos. 192n. 376n. 355n. 345n. 25. 505n Marangou. 207n 215n. Greek priest 247 Mark. feast of 329 Maria. Marino Morosini. 71n. 295n. 291n. Marino Sanuto the Younger 503 319n. 204n. 65n. 283n. 12n. 10. abbess of Our Lady of Martinazo: see Dadomo Martinazo Tyre 248. 154n. 277n. 243n. 231n. church in Marcellus: Victor Marcellus Constantinople 106 Marco Corner 294. 337n. 207n. 244n. 14n. 223n. empress of 199n. 243. 191n. 308n. admiral 139 Mary Magdalen. Louis de 191n. Olivier 7n. 81n . 103n. 397n. Maria Molino 106 234n. 314n. 334n. 156n. 329. Constantinople 205. servant at Limassol Castle Mary. Limassol 359 15. wife of Guy of Ibelin 281 Mas Latrie. 237n. 402n Mark. 25n. 344n. 377n Martin von Baumgarten 330. 128n Markos Ioulios 122 Mantua 194. Maria Pancalo 353n 247n. xv. 29n. 326 Maroni 2. Marsilio Zorzi 149-51. 252n. 225n. 286n. 159-61. 321n. xvi Martoni: see Nicolas de Martoni Marathassa of the Count 294 Martène. 343n. abbot of Pairis 106 Marco Loredano 302 Martin of Acre 242 Marcus Lazarus 171. 310n. St. Marino Sanudo Torsello 230n. 208n. 230n. 213n. Mariti. Giovanni 132n. 26n Mansi. 324n. 230n. 303n. 312n. lady of Arsur 249 304. Margaret. cardinal and administrator of Masson. 316n. 158n. 282n.D. 230n Marc’’Antonio Trevisan 331. company from Venice 299. 30n. Marini: see Pagano de Marini 267n. 339 Marcus Status 157 Martin. 349n. Marammeno: see Maurommeno 415n. 148 155n. emperor 112. relic of 108 massario dela Camera 337 Mark. 309n Margaritone. 274n. Mar Saba 166 280n. 214n. 296n. 396n. 219n. Manuele Roso 157 207n. G. mother-in-law of King Hugh 289 IV 266 Maria. 298n. Marion 4.-M. St. Kyra. 200n. 140. J. 254 309n. 76 335n. 377n. 190n.606 Index Manoly.

98. Membre: see Philip Membre 116n. 359 ‘‘de Mesochipa’’/Mesokyprou/ Matthew. 284n. bishop of Lefkara 116. 27. 371. 363. 146n. T. 145n. sea xii. 294. Menardos. 281 Medius: see Andrea Medius Michael tou Lleastou. king of Hungary Messina 199. cartographer 321 Mesochipa 154. 333n. 335. xiii. 148n. 257 108 Messokilada 250 Maurommeno (Marammeno or Ayia Mestre Afonso 333n. 106n also Iohannes. 97. 9 Middle Bronze Age 56-8 Melini 250 Middle Byzantine 106. 127-30. Mazotos xviii. 18n 111n. 137-8. S. Petrus. 263. 323n. O. Michael. 146. 340n Paraskevi) 251 Metamorphoses 35. 413. 100n. 124n. 26 Architecture. 125. 26n. 289. 124n. xv. D. 158n Mihalichi 246 Mertens. Art and History Michael: see also Archangel xiii Michael Mediterranean. 117.M. 219. xvi 370n. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 607 to the Ottoman Conquest Matheo Pagano. 413 Medieval and Renaissance Metropolitan Museum of Art of Famagusta: Studies in New York 3. 340n Michel Apodicator 246 Melchior Sebba 323 Michel Le Quien 358 Melchior von Seydlitz 364n. 132n. 287n.R. 45. 18n Michael Venerio 157 Megali Kypriaki Encyclopaideia xv Michaele Catalato 168 Megaw. 111n. 323 302. 329n. Milanese 256. 426 Michaelis/Michiel. priest 330 Meeks. 101n. D. 140n. 371-2. 45n Mavroyiannis. 374n. 251 ‘‘de Mesochipa’’/Mesokyprou/ Matthes Zündt 321 /Mesokipou Matthew. Mençulo: see Iohannes Mençulo 405. Michael Aronites 112n 504 Michael of Limassol 244. 316 214n. 159. D. 131. A. 365n Michele: see Giovanni Michele Melchior de Vogüé 3. Michaelide. 249. Mesapotamos 163n 382 Mesayitonia 253 . Meisner. 389-90. 357. 135. 325. J. Michael. 372. 205n 165-6. 173n. 102n. Mesokipou 405. 54-5. archbishop of Lemnos 158 xvii. 135. 149. 423 Mende 23 Middle Cypriot 2 Mercati. 161n. Maxmin. Gospel of 259 /Mesokipou Matthias Corvinus. Michaelides. 166n. 174. xiii. 62. see also Holy Cross 258-61. 144. 112n. feast 230 141-2. family 156. xiv. P. 113-15. xvi. Michaeli Hartofilacha. J. xvi 424n. scribe 246 104n. 141n. 255. 103n. 97n. 210. St. 132 Metcalf. 170n. A. 403n. 193n. 161-63. 375. 27n Milan. 256. 343. Mesaoria 119. 99n. see also Holy Cross Mathikoloni 250. see Meinardus. 326n. Nicheta. Ruberta Michaelis 332n. H. 168-70. 110n. 146.

St 37 Münster: see Sebastian Münster Mnemon. C. 106n. 396n Müller-Wiener. 201. Montagna di Borgers 294 186 Montaigu: see Eustorge. company 256 Máynarczyk. John of Montolif Nablus: see Garnier of Nablus Moors 290. K. 294 Misso (Limassol) 192n Morrisson. 224 255. 210. 40 Monti de Marathasse 320 Nabinaux: see Itier. 59n Monstrelet Myrianthefs. 119. 81n. 19 Morf. 162n. 122n. 157. 110n. 133 Morphou 58. 53.608 Index Milan: see Anthony of Milan. 148n. 204. family 250 Milly: see Jacques de Milly Morini. 161n. 272. 400. Mimison (Nemesos) 133 148n. 169n. W. 294 298. 148n. see also Lepante Morea 239 Nafplion 350 . 224. Jean Morelli: see John Morelli de Milan Morf de Grenier 294. 410n. 52. 149n. 294 Mycenaean 2. 364. 285. J. E. 105n. 230-1. 424n Mnason. 65 Mons Esquillati 250 Myra 108. 426 Monemvasia 281 Mustafa Paúa Tamisi 421 Moni 219. Paris 229 Monachus. 194 of Montaigu Myrtou 163 Montencès: see Archambaud de Montencès Nahr al-Malik (Vasilopotamos) 145 Montferrat: see Alice. 150n Mimisos (Nemesos) 51. 250. 108n Milkyaton. 59-60. R. 246 Mutio Sinclitico 356 Moniatis 64. 55. 162. 161. Fulk. 114n Misiaouli and Kavazoglou Street Mouti Shinois 7 123 Moutoullas 161n. D. 402 Nafpaktos 190. family 249. 257. 250 414-15. J. 131n. 352. 167 Monstrelet: see Enguerrand de Myres.I. M. 405. T. king of Kition 20 Morosini: see Marino Morosini Mimars. D. St 109n Muntol: see Peter Muntol Mocenigo: see Andrea Mocenigo Muqaddasi: see al-MaqdisƯ Modon 363 Musarra 255n Molay: see James de Molay Muscetulla: see Angelino Molin: see Jotus de Molin Muscetulla Monachroli 156 Musée de Cluny. 326. 313-15. 117n Minoan 58. 417. family 250 Morozzo della Rocca. 133n Mozzi. Conrad of NƗ‫܈‬ir-i Khusraw 143 Montferrat Nabataean 39. 233n Mouttayiaka 64 Mitford. Monagroulli 156. 273. 287. 380. Monagri 161. see also Milano: see Zuan Philippo Milano Rouchas. count of Miletus 17. Léger of Montolif. 298 Mitchell.B.R. patriarch of Jerusalem Muslim 147. Garin Myrianthopoulos. 210. 59 Motin: see Jotus de Motin Mirreorum 167 Mouriki. see also Nabinaux Galesius. 281.

79 200n Neapole (Neapolis) 189 Neophytos. an. Nimoce. 124-6. Nemessos. 134. 369n Neapolito-Catalan 290. 152-3. 148-50. Mimisos. 189 Giovanni. 143n Niccolò de Poggibonsi 281 Nemesios 132 Nicheta Michaelis 161 Nemesis 132 Nicholas: see also Nicolas. Nea Ekali. Nimocia. 78 Neilos of Makhairas. Nemesos xiv. 348 Narbonne 244 Neo-Assyrian 60 National Library of Malta 427 Neolithic 1. Mimison. Nemevos. the Recluse 105. 49. bishop of Paphos 258 6. Limisso. città nuova Negroponte: see Benedict. New Neranzii: see Theodoros Neranzii Town. 151. pope 227 Nemesón (Nemesos) 192n Nicholas. 136. 168-73. Neophytos Frangomides 506 128-9. Nicholas of Andida 151n Namsoun. 197-8. monk of St Nicholas Neapolis xiv. 295 Neuville: see Eustache de Neuville Near East 5. canon of NimƯsnjn. Nicholas Lengles. 118-19. Neapole. 312 Nemosie (Nemesos) 190. Nimisso. 189 Famagusta 288-9. 109. Nemesis-Tyche 132 Nicolaus. Nicomosa. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 609 to the Ottoman Conquest Nahr al-Malik 145 Nemesú (Nemesos) 192n Naples 310 Nemevos (Nemesos) 128 Napoleone Lomellini. Nimis. 359 Nimoc(c)io/Nimoc(c)ium/Nymo Nicholas Donà: see Nicolò Donà cium. captain of Nemosia (Nemesos) 132. 72. Hospitaller 291 . 51. bishop of Limassol Nimisón. 119-22. 103n Neolithic Ceramic 2 Navagero: see Giovanni Alvise Neolithic Pre-Ceramic A 1 Navagero Neophytos. 368n. Limassol Cathedral 278 Nemosie. Nemosia. Nimason. 407. 60. 163. Nymosia Limassol Cathedral 278 Nemessos (Nemesos) 51 Nicholas Zaplana. 81. see Neophytos Rodinos 107n. 51. master of order Niemosiensem. Nemesò (Nemesos) 192n Nicholas III. 189. 128 Tamasos 130. civitatis. Nicholas Bonihominis. 128. 24-6. priest of Nemesú. 195n. 53-4 Nau. bishop of Kourion 306. 330n. 359 46. C. Nymocinum. 129. St. Nicholas Castaigne. 16. bishop of Nicaea 103. John of Negroponte New World 340 Neilos Doxopatres 134 New York 3. New Town (Neapolis) 6. 189-94. see also al. 347 98n. Nicholas. 115. area in Limassol 79 113. al-Noumaysoun. 210 Nevilles. 64. of St Thomas 270 Nimesson. Nea Paphos 30. Nicholas Dolce. etc. family 250 Nefin/Nephin: see Guy. Nicholas of Clifton. 100n. 54. deacon of Nimotii. 156-60. Theodosias Nestoros. 171. F. Nimosiensis. 112. xiii. 51. Nemesón. Raymond New Limassol: see Lemise la de Nefin neufue. 21. Limassol 262 Nemesò. Theodosiane. 506 also Città Nova.

52n. 374-5. 115n. 316 Nimesson (Nemesos) 191n. Niketas Choniates 140n. 266. 257. 109n. 505n Nikou Pattihi Street 79 Nicolas Loupvent 364n. 405. 290. 195n 200n. 302. Niemosiensem (Nemesos) 191n 171n. 97n. 206n. Notre-Dame des Combos 231 341-5. 237-8. Nikolaos Yiannoulis 305 415n. 381n. 248n. Nicolin of Acre. 249n. 152-3. LifqusƯya Nicolaou. notary 192n. 96n. xv. 190. 231. council of 258. Noyé. 382. 178 Lefkousia. x. 414-16. 200 262-4. 258n 422-3. 207n. Novara: see Philip of Novara 365n. 451-2 Nicolaou-Konnari. G. 359. 203. civitatis (Nemesos) 149. 114n. 165. Nikolaos Ourris 245. Nores. 394n. 131. 205n Nicolle Romain/Roumain 245-6 242-4 Nicollin Azapi 249 Nimoce (Nemesos) 243 Nicolo Dandolo 348 Nimosiensis (Nemesos) 97n. Pietro. 296. North Africa 117 80. 274. Limassol Cathedral 324. xiii. 350. 364n. 347-8. 282-5. 287n. 448. 314. Nicosia Cathedral 218. J. 205-6. 416. 116n. Nicola de Boateriis. A. 403. 401 Nodon Falguar. 240-3. 161. bishop of Limassol Nimotii (Nemesos) 191n. 81n. Nicolaos Patriarchi 297 Leukousia. family 294. 332n. 195n. Nikogenes 31 245n. 253-4. 367n. Noret. Normandy 108. 374-5. Greek priest 165 6. 397n. 420. 320-2. 501. 412. 124n. 359. Nicolaïdès. 397n. Nikolaos Kontalimenis 305 286n. 293-4. 448. 152. 119n 216-18. 156. 84. I. A. 32n. 380n. 504n. 451-2. 126 387-8. 171-2. 502n. 398n. (Badini). Zacho de 158. 153n. 222-9. 119n. 139. 432. 213. Normans. 209. 263n. 330 113n. 394. xiv. 406n. 198n. 352-6. 271-2. 193 Nicolò Donà. 215n. 258. 324n. 387-8. 196n. acolyte of Limassol Nimisso (Nemesos) 131 Cathedral 278 Nimocia (Nemesos) 191n Nicolinus de Sigestro 257 Nimoc(c)io/Nimoc(c)ium/Nymociu Nicolle Hartofilaca 246 m (Nemesos) 131. Nikulás Bergsson of Þverá 171 397n. 327. acolyte of Limassol Nicolo Syncriticho 322 Cathedral 278 Nicomosa (Nemesos) 191n Nonnus 6 Nicosia xii. Notre-Dame Cathedral: see 305. Nicola Calaberto 294 504. acolyte of Limassol 191n Cathedral 278 Nimisón (Nemesos) 192n Nicolin Baza. Nicosia. 266-9. 208n. Leuchosia. 313. 322.610 Index Nicola Abutis. 243 314. 402n. 415n Nimason (Nemesos) 194 Nicolas de Martoni 301. 395n. xii. 131n. 124n. 399-401. 105n. 177. 335. 276. 119n . 167. 329-30. 365n. Norman. 191. 281 367n. 200n. see also James 137. Nores 200. 150. 142. 165-6. 285n. xv. see also Lefkosia. 248-9. 307-11. 106. 324. 192n Nicolaus Querini 156 Nimis. 141n. 140. 220. 418. 260. 34n. 201n. John.

172 266. 324n Templars Oberto de Galiana 256 Orderic Vitalis 143n. Orthodox Mother Church 216 247. 110. 243n. 405. M. xiii. administrator of Oxford 144. 206n Opizo dei Fieschi. 289n. mount 45. 504-6 127n. 425. 289n. Old Harbour 122. 268. 296n. 167 Occitan 132. 214. 407. 122n. king of Salamis 19. 391. Ottomans 9. 219. M. 246-7. 113n. 267. S. 359 320-1. 345-6. 284n. 334. 51. 24-5.. 122. 288 the Martyr: see St Thomas of Acre O’’Bryhim. 172n. 381n. 40 Ourania 16 Onesilos. 345. Our Lady Cathedral: see Limassol 351n. 341. 281n Limassol 227. 401n Oliver Scholasticus 202n. 378. 385-7. 352-6. Oldrich Prefat 331. x. 216. 303n. 410n. 332. 261-5. Ourris: see Nikolaos Ourris 73 Outremer 196. 501. university 111n Order of St John: see Hospitallers Order of the Hermits of St P. 321. 153n. 501. see also Osiris 40-1 Amathus. 189 Orestheus 14-16 Odet Bibi 322 Oriens christianus 358 Odysseus 26 Oriental 12. 204n Otto IV. 321. 148n. Benedictine Omerye Mosque. 383. 233. 302n. 127. 335 . 350 392n. wall painting 313 Onesikrates 34. 442-500. 263-4. 26. Oudjat 68 200n. Olympios. 190. 395. 41. 409. 349. Oldenburg 208n. Lemise la vieille. 45 Antioch. 435-6. 503n Cathedral Olympus. 71n. 162. Sabastos 389. 144. 340. canon of Antioch 222 Augustine: see Augustinian Pakhna 287. 53. 220n. 59n Orientalists 52 Oiselay: see Aymon d’’Oiselay Orson 328 Old Greek Katholiki. 197n. 108. bishop of Lefkara 115. Ospital des Saiens 233 Limis(s)o vecchia Otia imperialia 213 Oldenburg: see Wilbrand of Otten-Froux. 104. church in Ortelius: see Abraham Ortelius Limassol 228 Orthodox 116. 193n. Nicosia 387 nunnery in Nicosia 248 Omodos 161n. 290 Our Lady of Tyre. 349. Holy Roman emperor 213 Olvianos. 67. 35n Order of the Templars: see Oberhummer. E. 219. patriarch of Ovid 35. 288n. Odyssey 15 244 Officium Monete 381 Oriental Christians 244 Ohnefalsch-Richter. 293-4. 128n. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 611 to the Ottoman Conquest Nuria/e 6 Hermits Nymocinum (Nemesos) 191n Order of the Knights of St Thomas Nymosia (Nemesos) 191n. 403. 366n. 346. 325. C. xvii. 373 Old Limassol xvi. 358 Oxford. 304n. 334 Our Lady. 96n. Olymbites Sevastos: see Lambite 350. 149n. 116.

44n. C. OFM 397 Paramytha 55. 52n. 330. 250-1. Nea Pandolfo Guero (or Guoro). 36 Palothia (Palodia) 156 Paphos xii. 143-4. 206. 211. 252. 165. 416. 139n. 20. 130. 158n. 418n. 215-18. 335 403n. church in 347. BaliyƗ Bafus. 169n. 373 423n. A. 148-50. Kato Paphos. bishop of 135 Paolo Grimaldi 289. see also Papaioannou. 22. 159n. 502. 149n. 268. 79. Martin of Pairis 147n. 254-5. 97n. 110n. 379n. Palaepaphos-Kouklia 14 193n. 2. 148n. 240-1. church 347 220. 8. 187. 35 136n. 340. 150n. 64. 45. 321. 165- 177-8 6. 146n. 143n. Paolo Antonio Rolli 504 163-5. 169. church 162. 111. 63. Palaepaphos-Skales 8 181. 67. 157. 115. 139. 171-2.612 Index Paderborn. 98n. 362n. Panayia Galatariotissa. 214n. 197n. 328. 106. Palamida (Paramytha?) 285. 180. 481. 169. 101n. xviii Paleologo: see Anibal Paleologo Papadopoullos. 215. 168 323. 425. 210n. 134n. 356n Palestine 98. 114n. Panayia Lembiotissa. 159n. 190n. Palea (Pelendri) 342 415n. 424n Palmyra 81 Papaghuri: see John Papaghuri Palodia 156. Palermo 144 119n. 258. 118. 188. 171n. Palaeologan 107 153n. Parameda (Paramytha) 130. 220n. 341. 11. 308-9. 172. 199. Pancalo: see Kyriakos. 287- Panayia Galaktotrophousa. 131n. 64. 151n. Panayia Amasgou. 118. xi. 342 Pano Polemidia 127. Maria Bapho. 355. 114n. 210 103. 203. 102n. 154n. 369n. 155n. 147. 404n. xv. 272. T. 131 5 Paramides (Paramytha?) 250 Pantaleão Daveiro. 158. Pagano de Marini 289 104n. 106n. 130n. V. 77. 336. xii. 36-9. 120-1. 113n. 381 Padua 273. 98. 364-5. university 289. 153. 207. 421n. church 251 269. 405. 145 167n. 285. 138n. 303-4. 184. 26. 65. Palaia (Kalavasos?) 45 211n. 162n. captain Paphos. 413n. 32. 143n. 161n. church 141n see also BƗfus. Panayia tou Kampou. 163n. 283. 60. 422. 226n. 358. Pairis: see Gunther. 42n. 405. Kato Paphos 423. 309-10. 395-6. 397n. 488 382. 293. 105n. 99n. 79. 383n. Panayia Eleousa. 160. xvi. 277. 224. 213. 200n. 343. 424n Palen: see Galeran de Palen Papadamou. 106n. 125n. Palaepaphos 2. 16. T. 412. see also . 185. 309 Papacostas. 210n. 157n. 149. 6. Palaikythro 321 366n. 313 44n. 14. 299. 423n. 139. 160n. 14-15. church 8. goddess 16. Palaepaphos of Famagusta 352 Paphos Street 123 Pano Kivides 294 Paradise 317. 116n. Pagano: see Matheo Pagano 117n. 280-1. Palud: see Peter de la Palud 35. 503n Palothia Paphia/Paphian. 115n. 130. 116. 145-6. 349-50. 231. church 114n. Padua. Papageorghiou. 198n. xvii. 115n. 173n. 242. 45n. 101n. 141- Panayia of Arakas. Paion of Amathus 8.

293 Paul. G. 282. see also Pendaco. bishop of Amathus Paul Walther. notary 271 Paul of Phasourios 126. 359 Pauper Mons (Poor Mountain). Patmos 112 Peter I of Lusignan. 341n. 413 Peter Erlant. 351n. 44. 196n. 200n. 269. 193n Peter Le Jaume 253 Pegolotti: see Francesco Balducci Peter de Lescoutz. 198n. Perendaco 199n Pentaskinos River 224 Paris. 229. 350n. 264. 197n. Pendaco (Pentakomon) 269 195n. of Christ 106. archdeacon of Pegolotti Limassol 278 Pelagius. 100 Patriarchi: Georgios. 400 Pelendri 79. 119. 157. 323 Parma 278 Perati 60 Parsada 250. administrator of 269. patriarch-elect property of Teutonic Knights of Jerusalem. 225n. 205n. N. 210. 315 347. 158 Perrinunt (Pauper Mons) 269 Pastoralis praeeminentiae 240 Perseus 26 Patapiou. St. Pietro Patriarchi Peter. 283. 359 Peter Anselm. xv. xv. Paris. 249-50. 78 244. Persians 19-21. 247. 190n. Peter II of Lusignan. 195n. 358 293 Peter Generin. see also Perrinunt. 29. bishop of Pelendrakia 249. 319. 210 219. 199n. 78 Pascalis: see Dominicus Pascalis Peremilia (Polemidia?)157 Paschal: see James Paschal Perendaco (Pentakomon) 269 Pasikrates of Kourion 14 Pergamon 170 Passion. 190n. apostle 261. 379n Parthenon 170 Percival de la Turcha 281 Paruta. 224. cardinal and papal legate Peter (Perrin) Makhairas 287 201-2 Peter de Manatiis. 62. 293 343. 324n. king of Cyprus Paul Borgasi. 301. 334. 294-5. see also Porsades Perbellini. 238. Pentakomon 64. 314. bishop of Limassol Paul Phostiniates. Limassol 310-11. 267. 330n. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 613 to the Ottoman Conquest Palamida. administrator of . 290. university 267 Pentayia 294. Parameda. 160-2. 262-3. apostle 37. 352n. 52. 338. 274. 356n Perdiccas 14. 240. Peter of Genouillac. 115. P. 191n. Pendas/che (Pentakomon) 224. 370n. G. 278. 275. 198n. patriarch of 298-9. king of Cyprus Patriki 72. 358 Pravimunt Peter Gregory. 503n 73-4. 253. 79. 9. Pendas/che. OFM 291. 342. Persian. 199n Pavlides. 252. 306. priest in Mallia 234. 186. Pel(l)endria Parekklisha-Shillourokambos 1 Pel(l)endria (Pelendri) 157. 280n 335. 128n. Paramides see also Palea. Peter Muntol 140. Jerusalem. St. A. 359. OP. 275. 197n. bishop of Limassol 255. Nicolaos Peter: see also Petrus. Limassol 267-8. 269 201n. 294 Paris 6. Pierre. 249. abbot of Stavrovouni Pausanias 40 273 Pavis: see Janot Pavis Peter of Langtoft 191n. Peter de la Palud.

204n. 11-13. 376n. bailli of Cyprus Pierre Le Boucq 332. 71n. monk of Piero Generin: see Peter Generin Stavrovouni 272 Piero. constable of Cyprus of Rodez. 71-3. Peter of Tortosa. 295. 345 . 210n. 40. 495 Philokrates 34 Petrides. 369n. L. 88 Pharmakides. 20. see also Finica Petrus Rambaldus 149 Phoenicians 4. 276. 57 8. 168. J. 424n Petrus Michaelis 161 Phinikaria 219. 203n. xvi. canon of Limassol 305 274 Pierre Barbatre 369n. 42n. hegumen of St Nicholas Petros Tsiros Street 123 in Akrotiri 347 Petrus da Canale 156 Philotheou. 172n. bishop Philip of Ibelin. 126.614 Index Limassol 267. 171n. 379 Cathedral 278 Philip Picquigny. see Phrixos 22. bailli of Limassol Peterborough: see Benedict of 284 Peterborough Philip Podocataro 158n.P. papal legate 263-4 248. 402 Philip of Ibelin. 422n. S. 31n. 161n. 67-9. 98n Philip. in Jordan 39 Limassol 274 Petra tou Romiou 166 Philippou. 52. 230. Philotheos. 355n Petre. Picquigny: see Philip Picquigny Philip. 281 Peter Podocataro 295 Philip Membre 355n Peter Rot 318 Philip of Novara 192n. xviii. archbishop of Cyprus 390n. Hospitaller prior of Kolossi Philip Chappe. 411n 106n Petros Theodoros tu Litru 297 Philotheos. 7. 367n. priest of Limassol 208n. 296n 370n. 202-3. 427. emperor 123 Phasoulla 45. 15n. Petrus Cirini (Zirini/Querini) 157 423n. canon of Petra. Limassol Cathedral 278 124n. king of France 199-200 Piccolomini Philip. Phillips. 26- Phaneromeni 2. 406n Phokas. 11n. 64. 362n. M. 122n. Philip of Saint-Étienne. 373n. 251. Philometores 33 368. 18-19. 30n. 250. T. abbot of Stavrovouni 273 Pier Paolo Singlitico 356 Philip Augustus: see Philip II Piero Flatro 334 Philip Campanesia. 206 Peter of Pleine-Chassagne. 344. 81. 77. 123. 19n. archbishop of Nicosia 249 Picon. 21n. see Phostiniates: see Paul Phostiniates also Vassouli Photius 4 Phasouri 157. G. 247 Petrus Querini 156-7 Phinikas 296-7. X. 23 also Feresore Phrygia Pacatiana 120 Phasourios: see Paul of Phasourios Phrygian Theodosiana 120n Phava 129 Picardy 315 Phelipe Capadoca 245 Piccolomini: see Enea Silvio Philip II. 62-5. 334 Petit: see Le Petit Philip Prévost 284 Petit. 424n. 230n. 250 Philip de Scandelion. 44n. 22. 417n.D. 375n. 212. 358 202. priest of 26n. bishop of Poitiers 199n. 371. N.

P. 419n. Pius II. 481- Piri Reis 320. 366. 193. Pirigo (Pyrgos) 157 Peremilia Pisa. see also Pietro Casola 325-7. 503. 313. 336. king of Salamis 14. 268. 421-2. 408. 165. 301n. 286n. 290n. M. 353-4. A. 356n. Pnytagoras. 198n. 320-1. tower in Troodos Mountains 250. Pozza. Jano. 65 Pietro Podocathari. Prague 331 420n Pralong. Pietro Pietro Vespa. 242-3. 205. 328. pope 97n. 412n. 99n Plain White.G. 429n Poggibonsi: see Niccolò de Pins: see Eudes de Pins Poggibonsi Pintor: see Antonius Pintor Poitiers 199n. 407 Platanistias (Plataniskia) 231 Pietro Davila. 150. 357n Helena. 426n. 295 Pleine-Chassagne: see Peter of Pietro de Nores. 301. Hospitaller Plantagenet 199 295-7. constable of Cyprus Platanistos (Plataniskia) 130-1 291. style 75 Pravimunt (Pauper Mons) 269 Plakes 61 Preceptory of Cyprus. 375n. 302. 432 Poliorcetes Piscopia (Episkopi) 299. 351 5. 214. 321. 189 Piovene: see Cesare Piovene Polemidia 54-5. Platanistias. xiv. 127. Pirgo. 82.A. 323n. see Pietro Rondacchi 354-5 also Giulio. 332. 22 502 Podocat(h)aro. Piphani 281 157. A. Poliorcetes: see Demetrios 228. Michel Paphos 405 Apodicator Pilavakes. 350n. 77. 111n Porsades (Parsada) 250 Pittas. Polyphemus 26 338. 211 Pioul: see Ragonnet de Pioul Poitou 132.S. 153n 296n. Pietro Valderio 192n. 290. 388n. G. xviii Portugal. 229. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 615 to the Ottoman Conquest Pierre Romain 245-6 Plantes (Aplanta?) 250 Pietà 326 Plataniskia/Platanisteia 130. C. Peter. 345. 63-4. captain of Ploumides. see also Enea Silvio Possot: see Denis Possot Piccolomini Potamiou 330. 301. 207-8. John. Platanistos 382. 293-4. 506 Plagnieux. 229n. 340 Pomerium de Ambuti 165 Pisidia 128n Pompeii 36 Pissouri Bay 288 Ponte: see Alvise del Ponte Pitsilia 337 Poor Mountain: see Pauper Mons Pitsillides. 333n. Pisans 141. 253n. 169. 340. 427 . 397 311. D. Portuguese 239. Philip Podocataro. 416-18. 355n. captain of Limassol Pleine-Chassagne 322 Pliny 6. Hugh. xvi Podocatharo: see Podocat(h)aro Pilides. Latin bishop of Podocatharo/i. 347n Limassol 322 Plutarch 8 Pietro Ranzano 189. family 294. 398n. 354-5. Livio. xv. A. 351 367n. see also Apelemidia. 379n. 338-9. xvi.

patriarch of Jerusalem and administrator of Qartihadast 6. 11 Raoul: see Raois Punic 27. 157. Prête. 105n. É. 29. 17 Limassol 267. Stefanus Querini. 212n. 320 228 Puech. 217n. 70 Raptou. 279 Qué. 171n. 161. 413. 373n. 31-2. cantor of Limassol Ptolemy. 239. canon of Limassol 220 203. cantor of Limassol 220. Nicolaus Querini. order of canons Qubrus (Cyprus) 111n regular 225. Stefenisus Querini 101n.-P. M. 77 Racine. 409. 411n. 133n. Raymond. 182. 156. 34n. 55-6. 368n. kingdom in Cicilia 11 Pressburg/Bratislava 108 Querini Stampalia Foundation. 79. 34-5. 125n.. 39n Pseudo-Skylax 4. xviii. 405. Proconnesian 111n Petrus Cirini. 226n. E. 244 Ra’’s al-‘‘AbbƗs (Cape Akrotiri) 145 Pryor. 41. 65. 113n. 237. 127n. 162n. A. Quinnamo 371n. 118n. 249. 441 Querini. 60 Qus৬an৬Ưnah (Constantia) 145 Protogeometric Euboean 5 Provence. 72. Queyrel. 83. A. 281n Pyrgos 2. 44n. 143-4 Raboteau. 215n. Procopiou. J. 39. 274-6. 125n. 78 Ramuold. 169n. 52n 116n. 369n. 408n. 36 Qnjrah (Kourion) 145 Proto-White Painted. 26n Punico-Cypriot 70 Rattenberg: see Gabriel von Pyla 60. 119n. 23.616 Index Prefat: see Oldrich Prefat Qualeno: see Bernardo de Quilano Premonstratensians. 78 Rattenberg Pyla-Kokkinokremmos 60 Rautman. 64. 228 Ptolemy VI 33 Ranzano: see Pietro Ranzano Ptolemy VIII 32 Raois (Raoul). Quinnamo/Kinnamos: see Johan 170n. 478 Quillac (Kellaki) 234 Prodromos 504 Quiriaco: see Valiandi Quiriaco Prodromos: see St John Prodromos Taresti Propoetides 35. Quiliano: see Bernardo de Quilano 410n. Francesco Querini. 213n. 122n. 358 QƯ৬us (Kition) 145 .. style 4. 434. 370n. 270. Ptolemy II 31 222. R. OP. Provençaux 150. 273. 439. 304n Psimolofo 276 Ragonnet de Pioul/Rekouniatos 285 Ptolemies 23. 15. 33n. 225. Pringle. 207-8. 415n. 68. 407n. see also Pirigo Raymond of Antioch 268 Pyrwos 20 Raymond Béguin. E. 168n. see also Dominicus Cirino. 40n Venice 149 Prévost: see Philip Prévost Querini/Cirini/Zirini. 99n. bishop of Limassol 358 235. 62. Quilano: see Bernardo de Quilano 126n. 100n. 104n. 123n. 377n. 136n Pyrga 127 Ravenna 193n. Rambaldus: see Petrus Rambaldus 62. 111n. family 150. 30. 501 Ramla 147 Ptolemy I Soter 14. Georgius 420n. 197n. 33n. P. 7. geographer 45. D. J.

191n. 329n. 340n 504 Rollerius: see Giuliano Rollerius Richard I. J. 288n. 232. 154 Roger Malchiel 198 Riant. Rodinos 353. 325. 212. 252-4. 234n. 398n. Solomon 296-7. 306. Rhodian 20. 151. 190n. 20 200n Rialto 107. general Renard. 366. 412. R. 405n. 291. family 245. 216n. Rehlinger: see Friedrich Rehlinger 397n. 107n Rocha: see Giovanni de Rocha Rhodes. Rekouniatos: see Ragonnet de Pioul 367n Remes: see John of Remes Rivet: see William of Rivet Renaissance 97n. Thodri Romannis Richard of Devizes 172 Romaios. 154. xiv. itis. Riccardo Primo. Reinsch. Rodez 263 192n. 364. 160. Romain/Roumain. 75 273n. 158n. Rodinos: see Neophytos. 271n. 387. 381n. archdeacon of Limassol 220-1 of Acre 271 Resenchas: see George Resenchas Robert of Sablé. fable 203 preceptor of order of St Thomas René. 241. 107n. 323n. 189-90. 137. style 56 245n. 136. 425. Roger II. D. 325. Rodier: see William Rodier 244. 336. Red Lustrous (I-II). 301. 278n. 243n. Romain/Roumain/Romannis/Roman 153. 256. 258. style 28. 197n. P. S. 19. 195-201. 424n Roberto di Sanseverino 289. 502-4 Romain. 367. 247n. Red Slip. 248n. see also Nicolle 212. E. king of England xii. 237n. 160n. style 404 order of St Thomas of Acre 270 Rectors. St 37 Roger of Howden 131n. master of Rayonnant. 200n. 52. 168n Röhricht. 501 Robert. 281. 140. king of Amathus 11. 287n. 219. 212 Raymond de Nefin. 269n. 418n Reibaldo: see Antonio Reibaldo Richardou kai Verengarias Street Reinach. 417. 140n 235. marshal of master 425 Frederick II 203. 404. 240n. Pierre 365n. king of Sicily 131 427-8. 195n. 195n. 214n.E. Rhoikos. A. Rhapsomates 131. 109n. 361. 171. treasurer of Limassol 220 Renan. Red Polished. 431-3 Roger. 372. 107. 220n. 171. J. 53n 370. 415. P. 138. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 617 to the Ottoman Conquest Raymond Bérenger.J. 236n. 333n. 139 300n Rhoby. 277n. E. 198n. 165.R. 151. 399n. 199n. 236. Re d’’Inghilterra 332n. 108n. 363. month 40 . Rizokarpaso 136 365. 290. 327.G. 379. 232. 229n. Hospitaller Richard Filangieri. 146. 216.D. assized in Limassol 221 Rhodon. 242n. 168n Reinhold Lubenau 504 Riley-Smith. style 59 207n. 131n. 299. canon of Richard the Lionheart: see Richard I Limassol 278 Richard of Southampton. Templar master Revel: see Hugh Revel 200 Rey. Rolli: see Paolo Antonio Rolli 96-7. court of in Nicosia 322 Richard. 393 Reinhard von Bemmelberg 382 Riis. 65n Robert of Kendale.

255. 38. treasury of. 65. 39-42. 44-5. 98. 346. monastery in Limassol Roussiau: see Simon Roussiau 145n Roussos: see Louizos Roussos San Giovanni Crisostomo. 354-5. 306. Romania 245. 136. 78-81. 323. 115. Pietro Rondacchi Samaria 69 Rondakis: see Rondacchi Sambuceto: see Lamberto di Roso: see Manuele Roso Sambuceto Rossani: see Dominicus Rossani Saint: see also San. 346 Saint-Albin: see Galhard of Saint- Roman Senate 36. see also Balian Romance language 192 Salamis. 118. Sanctus. church in Royal Chapel. Romans 6. 120n. Saïtes 62 123-4. church in Morf de Grenier Venice 154 Roumain: see Romain San Giorgio. 10. John 25-6 San Nicolò di Lido. 374n Santa. 201n San Marco. 32.W. 114. 6. Saint-Étienne: see Philip of Saint- 35-6. 14. 50. 137-8. 62. Salaminians xv. 29-30. 101-3. 77-8. Sancti. 19-20. 262. 119n Condo. 45. 72-3. monastery in Russians 106. Salway. 132. 128. 376 213. 57. 403. 261. 232. 336. 121. 354n. St Rot: see Peter Rot Saint Jorge. 364. 77n Limassol: see St Mark Ruskin. 22. 364. 216. 98. 53-4. 161. Rosser. 258. 365n. 4. see also San Giacomo di Rialto. 42. D. 157n . 143 Venice 108 San Stefano: William of San Sabastos: see Lambite Sabastos Stefano Sablé: see Robert of Sablé Sancti Anthidini (Ayioi Akindynoi Safet: see Stephen of Safet near Kivides?) 157 Saffiri Costa 353 Sancti Nicolai. church Ruad 239 in Venice 107 Ruberta Michaelis 161 San Marco.618 Index Roman Church 261. 38-9. family 294. 212. 64. Venice 107 Runciman. 16. Palestinian style 374-5 97n. 272. Crusader/Levantine/Syro. 226-7. 61-3. area in Limassol 156 Sagredo: see Bernardo Sagredo Sanctus Constantinus (Ayios Saige: see Jacques le Saige Konstantinos) 157-8 Sanctus Cornuta 156. S. Romanesque. Salines 249. 67. 502. 36. J. 367. 17. 329. 257 117. Pyrga 127 Venice 154 Royal Council 345 San Giovanni Elemosinario. Étienne 58. 365 Salah. 40 Albin Roman. Saladin 292. B. 340-1. Venetian church in Rupp. 202. Romanin. chapel in Limassol 200 Rouchas. 295. S. 67. count of 294. 359 see also Larnaca Rondacchi/Rondakis: see Andrea. 356n see also Constantia Romanitis: see Romain Salamon: see Fenie Salamon Romannis: see Romain Salexinis: see John de Salexinis Rome 2. 32. 109-12. 321. 23-5. 260. 124.

323n Seljuks 172 Satyrs 13 Semiteculo: see Simiteculus Saurano: see Anthony of Saurano Semitic 4. C. 259n. 65 Segurano Ardimento. 123n. 381n. 399n. 308. Sidonians 7. 380. 250-1 Schinila (Sklinitzia) 335 Sanmicheli: see Giangirolamo Schism: see Great Schism. Severis. 505n 373 . 230. C. xv. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 619 to the Ottoman Conquest Sanctus Ieorgius 157. xvi Serdica 119 Savvidou-Theodoulou. Sidon. R. 302 Sartori. xiv.G. Sidon 373 296. 359 Savoy 330-1 Serapis 32 Savvides. 116n. Sea Castle. castle in Paphos Limassol 323 374. tower chapel. 504n Seleucids 34 Sasmas. 96n. 27. 275. 39n Santa Croce (Stavrovouni). in Quoubba 373 Sepulchre Savorgnan: see Ascanio. 313-14. 310. family 250. 264n. 53 358. 442 Sebastian Münster 320 Sarayia 135 Sébastien Mamerot 313 Sargon II. 114n. 290. Severi. chapel of. C. M. M. 20. 115n. 317n. 113n. captain of Saripolou Street 369 Limassol Castle 288. 283n. 426. captain of Saranda Kolones. 179. 427n Sebastian Contarini. 62. 105n. see also 367n Philip de Scandelion Serjeant 147n Scarbotti: see William Scarbotti Sevastos: see Olymbites Sevastos Schabel. 261n. 415n. dynasty 42 109n. 22. king of Marion 22 Seleukos 14 Sateni: see George Sateni Selimiye Camii 405 Sathas. 292. xi. 71. 165 Sava Sozomeno 245 Seneca 365 Savage-Smith. 506 Sergides. 192n. 153n. 124n. 398n. 204n. 394n. xvi. Sea Peoples 60 395. 502n. C. J. Shillourokambos 1. 402. 266n. xii. T. E. 119n Sanseverino Schmid. bishop of Savorgnan Limassol 357. Scandelion.E. 34. xv. 254n 263n. 156n. 367n. 317. Holy: see Holy Saviour. 400. C. 317n Santamarin: see John Santamarin Schürpf: see Hans Schürpf Sanudo: see Marino Sanudo Scipio Caraffa 356 Torsello Scotland 271 Saracens 214. Scholasticus: see Oliver monastery 320 Scholasticus Santa Maria Formosa. P. king of Assyria/Nineveh Sebba: see Melchior Sebba 9. Little Sanmicheli Schism Sanseverino: see Roberto di Schizas. Giulio Seraphim Fortibraccia. 116n. 366n. 225n Schachten: see Dietrich von Sanctus Iohannes 157 Schachten Sanida 7. 26n Venice 154 Schryver. 145n Sepulchre. church in Schollmeyer. 262n.

426n Limassol 274 Solomon Rodinos 330. 330n. 120n. 348n. 294. O. 322n. see also Sinclitico 193n. Nicolo Sozomenos/Sozomeno. 210n Cathedral 278 Sophronios of Jerusalem 129 Simone Loizion 250 Sostratos 37 Simonyn of Acre.Th. 268n Ssaves Bourboul. 332n. 506 Simon Credy. 226. 375n. 504n Simon Roussiau. subdeacon of Sotira 1. near Monagri 250. J. 97n. C. 235. M. 280 Span: see Guishon Span Sixtus IV. 114n Skales 8. 345 Solito (Sylikou?) 157. 1. Simon of Arezzo. Pier Paolo. 64 Limassol Cathedral 278 Sotira-Kaminoudia 2. canon of 300n. St. 347. Hospitaller Sonetti commander of Cyprus 236 Sonneck. Spanish 192n. canon of Limassol Solomon. 353n Spyrou Araouzou Parking Lot 369. C. Siria. 388n. 212. S. Spaniards.620 Index Sigestro: see Nicolinus de Sigestro Solea 217-18. 103. see also Signolus: see Bartholomeus Soloi Signolus Solic (Sylikou) 279 Signoria (Venice) 326. 57-8. 55. 159n Silico (Silikou) 320 Soloi 6. 313. 347n. Silvano: see Anthony Silvano 111. 332. 20. Vita 120- 343n. 101. abbot of Stavrovouni 272-3 Solomidou-Ieronymidou. 254. 294 315. 412n. priest of Limassol Sophocleous. family: see South Italy 134n.G. song of 215 278 Sonetti: see Bartolomeo dalli Simon le Rat. 400-1. see also Schinila Sperone. pope 313-14. family 245. see also Simiteculus/Semiteculo. 61 Spanzota: see Geoffrey Spanzota Skevophylax: Loyizos Skevophylax Sparta 159 Sklinitzia 335. 67. 55 Simonyn de Lion. 2. 383n Sirincocie 250. Sozomenos. 303n Skoufari. 119. family 150 Solea. SulƯs Simon. E. Spyridon of Tremithus. acolyte of Soulard. patriarch of Jerusalem 230 Constantinople 154. bishop of Theodosane 120 Simonym Anselme. Singlitico. 345n. 44. see also St Sofia 119 Mark . Jacomo. Zuanne Spain. 139 Antonios Syngretikos. 420n Limassol Cathedral 278 Soulouan: see Anthony ‘‘Sulugani’’ Sinclitico/Singlitico/Synclitico/Sync Souni 169 riticho/Syngretikos. Smerlinos: John Smerlinos 371 Smet. 344n. Spanou. church in Soffred. 164n Limassol Cathedral 278 Smyrna 141n St Akindynos. K. writer 119 Mutio Sinclitico. T. Zuanne see also Sava Singlitico. 129n 349n. 128. subdeacon of Smyrlis. 253n. 287. acolyte of Soteles 34 Limassol Cathedral 278 Soteras. 351n. 425n. Zegno Synclitico Spagnoli: see Alvise Spagnoli Singlitico: see Pier Paulo. 54. Syncriticho.

432 Pressburg/Bratislava 108 St George. monastery St Hilarion. 428n St Mark/San Marco. 417-18. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 621 to the Ottoman Conquest St Anastasia. Greek chapel in Limassol St George of the Greeks. monastery St Michael. cult centre in St Barnabas the Monk. monastery in Kakopetria 105 Kalopanagiotis 143n St Nicholas. 200. church in Kolossi St Mark. church in Larnaca 403 St Athanasius. church near Kourion Kition/Larnaca 110 168 St Lazarus. 432 Ambrosios 210 St Mark. monastery 225. 167. St Martin. St George. monastery St John de Montfort. of Myra. monastery 165 St George of the Latins. 330. 427. 487 207. church north of Kandou St Herakleidios. cape 211 St Kassianos. 298. 423 St Mary of Ambuto. Eastern Mediterranean 153n 6. 356. church at Tamasos 168. Venetian churches in St George. 347. shrine at at Amiantos 163n Salamis/Constantia 110 St Margaret of Agros. 354. cathedral diocese 265 in Famagusta 387-8. 219-20. church near Kilani 162 St George of Mangana. see also Stavrovouni . 403-5. 152- church in Canea 421 5. 156. shrine in Cappadocia 133n Vasa 319 St Mamas Kouremenon. 413-14. 279 Limassol 123 St Maria of Messina 137n St Constantine. 327. church near St Mark. church 116 in Nicosia 254. 423. church in Polemidia St John Prodromos. monastery St Barnabas. 242. monastery: see 108. 187 110 St Nicholas of the Cats. 472 St Maura. church in Famagusta 319 127 St Lazaros. church at St Athanasios. church at Chtiri at Ayios 396. St John. 271. 153. church east of St Mamas. 366. 168. 486. Franciscan church in Limassol 127-8. 228 St Nicholas of the Roof. 167 Beaulieu St Paul of Antioch. 347 St Napa. monastery in 169 Mesapotamos 163n St Andreas. see on Akrotiri 141-2. 279. 207. church in Limassol 145. castle 172. 415. farm near Lefkara 231 St Mary: see also Our Lady St George Exokastrites. church in St John Lampadistis. shrine in Avdimou St Anthony. 220. Venetian St Francis Saviour. church in Jerusalem 373 near Smyrna 141n St Mary. also Dieudamour 318. 157 see St Akindynos St Eustathios. 207. monastery St Mary. 321. monastery St Catherine. Catholic church in 226. chapel in Limassol 153. 157. 219. church in Constantinople: Kalokhorio 154. 219-20. 228. coronation church in 228. 279. church in Jerusalem 373 168. church in St Mary of Stylos: see Stylos Famagusta 388. church in Lefkara 115n Limassol 345 St Mamas.

Strabo 45. A. canon of Limassol 220 St Symeon. 306. 421n /Mesokipou . 324n. 242-3 Stavrovouni. 304n St Tykhikos. shrine at Kilani 319 Stephen of Thornham 196 St Thomas of Acre. church in Arsos 210. possible church in 304.622 Index St Peter. I. church of Pisans in Mosque 387 Limassol 228. 336n. 113n. St. monastery 45. 271-3. 220. military order Stephen of Vicenza. bishop of 159n. St Paul of Antioch St Porphyrius. 110 348-9. see also Stylianos Kontostephanos 245 Holy Cross ‘‘de Stylianou. 210n. castle at Bodrum 426n Stavros tou Missericou/Araplar St Peter. 113n. 170. 44. 188 297n St Tykhon. St Sergius. oratory on Lemnos 158 Sts Kyrekos and Ioulitta. mount of the. bailli of 242. 427n Limassol 415n Stephanes. 270-1. Templar 262 St Therapon. 145. shrine near Statos 161n Alexandria 129 Status: see Marcus Status Sts Peter and Paul. 26n. 263. 361. 336n. 412 Stephanos Malatestas 305 St Spiridion. 97n. 115n St Sophia. church near Ayia Stosuario. 109-10 Strambali. 115. St 317n Tremithus 103. 359 St Theodosios. Thomas the Stinus: see John Stinus Martyr of Canterbury Stöckly. 133n. church in Constantinople the. 306. 301. Santa 106 Croce. 421n Mesochipa’’/Mesokyprou/ Stylianou. lo. Diomedes 380n St Vlasios. Stephanos of Byzantium 40. see also Limassol 284n. bailli of 272 Episkopi 305 St Spyridon. 225. church in Amathus 31. 401n. 423. 307. J. 489 213. 169. 210n. chapel in Limassol 122 347-8. 165-6.E. 170n. 285-6 Thomas Becket. Greek and Benedictine St Philip. monastery in Limassol Stefanus Querini 156 area 166-7 Steffan von Gumpenberg 287. 359 418n Stephen of Safet. church in Stavrides. Stephanos Vouzinos. 313. shrine in Karpasia 77. cathedral of Nicosia 312. monastery in Judea Stephen I Governus. T. 342 34. Limassol 307. son-in-law of St Sabas. mill in Kolossi area Phyla 125. 470 Stavros Mesokyprou 154. 133 374. 399. 316-19. 310. port in Syria 167 Stephen Flangi. church at Stadiasmos 118n.A. Stefanus Querini 156 439 Stefenie Licaut 250 St Prosper: see James of St Prosper Stefenisus Querini. 286. 219. St Philon. Cross. 77. D. 65. church in Gaza 373. 145 Letymbou 169 Stani: see Tomà Stani Sts Kyros and John. 303n. 382n Famagusta 387-8. see also Cross. 106. 110 Stephen. abbey of St Plato. church in Nicosia 225. 104-5. cult center at Stephen. 299. 324. bishop of Lefkara St Thekla. 168n.

M. Solito Teatro San Giovanni Grisostomo. 432 165. 374 Templars’’ Chapel 371 Syria. 375-7. 110. 379. 137. 143n Sudheim: see Ludolf of Sudheim Tamassos 6. 65n Thalmann. 143. 147. St Mary of. 232. 334. 120. 293-4. 254. 170 Tabarie. 334. council of. 312 163n. 334 Teutonic Knights. monastery on Tafel.G. 157.H. 131. 161. 303. 206. see also 232. Vita 120 Venice 504 Synclitico: see Zegno.-P. 65. 172. 343. 294. 95 Sur: see John de Sur Tangrivirdi.J. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 623 to the Ottoman Conquest Stylos. 120n 206-7. 269. Swedish 3. Tarsus 310. 28. 229-30. Famagusta 421 Svoronos. 118. 139-40. 415. C. 139. 120n. 245. 272n. 324n Tarso (Arsos) 320 Sylikou 64. 296n Taresti Sykoutris. G. general 316. 373. 20n. 231-2. Syro-Palestinian 98. Syngretikos: see Antonios. 257. near Sotira 2 254. 337. 366n. 242. 367. 208n.. 252. 226. Sinclitico 258. see also Tebaldi: see Antonio Tebaldi Sinclitico Telamon 36 Syncriticho: see Nicolo. Syntagmatos Square 369 286. Suriano: see Francesco Suriano Tanners’’ Mosque. 23. N. 174. Syrkatis River 113n 367. 80. 344. 341. Tartaro: see Andrew Tartaro 279. 137. 224. 353n 165. 118. 239. 11. 270. Syria-Palestine. 149. 278-9. see also Tell Hamdun 137 Sinclitico Telmessos. 234. 202n. 292. 119. Teppes. 242. 109n. 248. 283. 138 Realm: Crusader to Venetian Tacitus 36. 164n Taranti 305 Swedes. Tenta 54 236-7. 119n Suda 20 Talbot. 72. 372n. 216. Tenrreyro. 234. O. military order Syrianokhori 250 113. R. 349. 17n. 371. see Tassignon. 159n. 212. 130n. 98. 250-1. Ten. bishop of Limassol 230. 231n. 263-5. 58. 237-42. 404. 37n Famagusta xiii . J. 200. 215. 256. 172. 147. family 249 The Harbour of All This Sea and Tabula Peutingeriana 118. 118. 138 Sulugani: see Anthony ‘‘Sulugani’’ Tanagra style/type 31. I. 158n Akrotiri 166-8. Termini. 334-5. 376 Sznycer. 319 Talbert.A.A. 404 Teucer 36 Syrian Orthodox 263-4. 79. Synekdemos of Hierokles 111. Symeon. in Lycia 132 Syndic 335 Templars. 203-4. A. Venice 331. 205n. I. military order 122. 249-50. 295. 262-3. 254.L. 167. 319. 270.F. 31 Taresti: see Valiandi Quiriaco Sykopetra 219. 358 Thebes 159. 143. 226. SulƯs (Soloi) 145 130. 306. 201n. 279. 307. 149. 246. 24n also Silico. 251. 504n 284. 266. Syrians 1. 337n 7. 201. 292. 18n Thasos 23 T. Solic. 192. 506. St. 151.

158n Theodoros/Thodre Condostefano. 120. 97n. 160. 157. 110. emperor 16. 366. S. 107n Thessy: see Bertrand de Thessy Travels of Sir John Mandeville. 265-6. 128 Champagne 204 Trent. 319 112-13 Tolias. Georgian 129. tu. 79. 230. P. 167 Treta 145. 273. land at Kolossi 297 Theodosios Goudeles 139n Titus. 15 Tomà Stani 350 Theos Hypsistos 41 Torcello 310 Theotimos 81 Tortosa 239. notary 307 245-6. St 242. count of Tremithus 103. bishop of Amathus Tokhni 115-16. see St Thomas of Acre 120-1. 294. see also al-A৬ri৬njs. 71 see also Theosias Tilbury: see Gervase of Tilbury Theodosias (Neapolis) xiv. king of Navarre. Tretoi Third Crusade xii. 157. 249 Trimiklini 64. 118. 330 Thomas Haron 249 . emperor 120 Tiryns 60 Theodosios II. 131. G. 40 Theodoulos. monastery 210. see also al-A৬ri৬njs. 120-1. council of 346 Thierry. Treta 195. see also Thomas de Amanatis. Thomasi: see Alexandro di Thomasi scribe of Limassol Cathedral Thomasio Bibi. St 106 Trachoni(o) (Trakhoni) 157. cleric 265 Thomas. 120. Tretoi 145. and passim Trevisan: see David. 405.M. G. The Thibault de Brayda de Alba. see also Theodosiane archbishop 105n Theodosios I. 394n Thibaut. notary 272 271 Trélat. bishop of Paphos 103. 96. 326 Thomas of Acre Trojan War 96 Thomas Galathà 323 Trooditissa. Marc’’Antonio Thodre Condostefano: see Triantaphyllopoulos. 37-8. 250. 41 Theseus 8 Trakhoni 156. 278. king of Assyria Theodosiane (Neapolis) 118. 294. 282. 167n Theodoros Condostefano Trimichino (Trimiklini) 157 Thodri Romannis 245. emperor 120 Tis Zunzifias. 278 Thornham: see Stephen of Theodoros Neranzii 297 Thornham Theodoros tis Skoufenas. 351 Theseion 170 Trajan. Timothy Gabashvili. Thrakana. 170. D. see also St Tripoli 222. mill at Erimi 297 sakellarios of Amathus Tiberius. emperor 36 bishopric 262 Tiglath-Pileser III. emperor 37. 129n Thomas Wykes 204n Theodoros Catidi. monk 142 Thomas the Martyr of Canterbury: Theodore. 404 Therapon. 170 Tramontin. bishop of Trimichino Limassol 359 Trimithi 417n Thomas Aquinas 210 Triodos (Troodos) 341 Thomas Becket.624 Index Theoderich. abbot of St-Évroul 142. Thessalian 31 see also Trachoni(o) Thessalonike 164. 290n Theopompos 4.

343. pharaoh of Egypt 59 Vasily tis Morfias 247 Tykhikos. 345. 327. captain of Valderio: see Pietro Valderio Famagusta 351. see Turcha: see Percival de la Turcha also Yerovasa Turkey 256 Vasileos Konstantinou Street 79 Turks. 273. 306. xiii. 250-1. 192. 316n Tsianakkale Street 370 Vandenabeele. 261. F. 140. 148-60. 200. 428. 295n. Vavla 246. 143n Varnava. 351. 418. Michael Venerio Tyre: see Amaury. St 44 Tunisia 256 Vasa 79. 201n. UK xiii 173-4. US xiii 151-2. 143. 166. St. 197. Vassilikos Tuthmosis III. 210. 248. Ugarit 58 141. 205n. see also Our Lady of Tyre. . 347-56. 350-7. 341-2. 229n. 216. Utrecht. 227. 255-7. Troulli 54 296n. 292-4. Vasilopotamos 145. xii. 167-8. 213-15. 265 Valiandi Quiriaco Taresti (tou Tschudi: see Ludwig Tschudi von Aresti) 298 Glarus Van Duzer. 320. 275. Tyrolese 330 348. 100. 382. 74. 114n. xvii 330. 49. 319-21. University of Cyprus x. 162. Troy 26 424n. xvi. 81. 131. see also 383n. 184. Vasilissis Street 370 310. 168. 291. 253n. 427n. 243-4. 422. xviii Tunis 257 Varvara. St 42. 348n. 156-7. family 240-2. 150.P. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 625 to the Ottoman Conquest Troodos Mountains. 418n. 322n. area in Limassol 64. 323-4. pope 273 55. C. 502 Nahr al-Malik. 138. 302-4. 382 Valentine 328 True Cross 115. 350. 352. 79 Varazze: see Iacopo da Varazze Tsiknopoulos. 138. Vassouli (Phasoulla) 250 109-10. 290. Umbria 355 228-31. 160-3. 126. 213n. 225. William of Tyre Venetian Senate 300. Turkish 123. 345. bishop of 135 248. 241. 218-21. 358. 109. Vairgao: see Jacobus de Vairago Triodos Vaivre. bishop of Neapolis Vassilikos (Vasilopotamos) 145. 192n. 200. 300. Venerable Bede: see Bede 202n. 345 298. 281-4. 332-45. xi. 366. 98. Venerio/Venerius/Venier. 21n Tsiflikoudia. Vasili Michailidi Street 123 249n. 170 250 Tykhon. 149. A. 119. 286n. 405. 116n. 34. 206- Umberto Foglieta 356n 8. 132 Vatatzes: see John Vatatzes Tyre 14. 81. 419n. 146. 250 153. 303. Urban V. 282. Varangian 171 76. 341. 372n. J.-B. 62. 504. Venetians 106-9. I. 231n. 223. see also Chionistra. 44. 376n. 314. 155. 71. 429n Troylo Malipiero. 287. see also Aurio. 105-6. 308. 208n. Università of Cyprus 329-30. 230n. Massif 45. 331-2. 326. 126-8. 335. 337. 366n. 250-3. 170. 335. 319. 296. 159.

369n. M. 397 White Venetians 244. 303. 156. Y. Commandant 9n 15. 139n Vignol 254 Vryennios: see Joseph Vryennios Vikla 251. 333-43. 123n. 300n. 155. 402. Vivielle. M. 281n. Kallinikos 252-3. 432. 165n Virgin. 193n. style 4. 401n. 202. 197n. 206. 60 Virgin and Child. 258. 107-8. Westholm. 382-3. 371n. 219. 375. 142. Ville (Villa) 251 426n Villers: see John de Villers Western Christendom 239 Vincenzo Malipiero. 368n. Brémond de Vicenza: see Stephen of Vicenza la Voulte Victor Marcellus. Vitellios: see Loukios Vitellios 154. M. 360n Nicosia 314 Voutoumites: see Manuel Victorias Street 122 Voutoumites Vigla (Vikla) 251 Vouzinos: see Stephanos Vouzinos Vignali: see Giovanni de Vignali Vranoussi. relics 106 Wilbrand of Oldenburg. 298 Virgin. 397n. style 59 106. 407-9. Western European Paphos 355 131. 396 Venice 44. 370n. The 506 Venturinus Von Breydenbach: see Bernhard Venus 35-6 von Breydenbach Verona: see James of Verona Von Seydlitz: see Melchior Von Vespa: see Pietro Vespa Seydlitz Vicenza 226 Voulte: see Adhémar. 23 393n White Painted I. 211. 147-51. lord of 505 Walsh. 215-17. 398. M. 395-6. 501. Viscontando. 252n Violaris. 412-15. 322-4. count 135. dedications to 146 White. 504. 329-30. 421-2. see also Vigla Villa 250. vice-captain of Western Europe. 387-8. see also Ville Wales 271 Villamont. Vitalis/Vitale Bertram 152. 348-9. 506 231. Vivianus Bonus 153. 349. 59n. Western Mediterranean 5 362n. Vitalis: see Orderic Vitalis 405. E. xiii Villani: see Giovanni Villani Walther: see Paul Walther Villaret: see Fulk. 320. Vogel. 243-4. 309. William de War of Cyprus 354 Villaret War of Saint Sabas 202 Villarut: see Galeazzo de Villarut Wartburg. L. 134n 422n. 314. archbishop of Vouni 21. 141n. von 252n. 352-3. 231 295-6. 401-3. district in Cyprus 321 171. A. 377. 65. Vitalis Gradonicus 157 389n. Visconte: see Isabeau Visconte 226n . 406n. monastery at Moutoullas Whittow. 417. 290-1. 117n. xviii.-L. icons.T. 295. 503-4. 255.L.626 Index 369. 211. 299-300. 121n 210 Wickham. 225. C. see also Signoria Vogüé: see Melchior de Vogüé Venturinus: see Alovisius Voice of Limassol. paintings White Slip. 133n. 362. Vlkanov 331 346. 117n Virgin. 212-13.

350. church at Zoopigi Yatnana (Cyprus) 6 210 Yerasa 64. 250-1. bishop of Limassol Zanakia 251. 64. 77. 219. 159n. 45. archbishop of Zacho de Nores 322 Nicosia 294 Zakaki 64 William Gralli. Zorzi Flatro 350 7. canon of Limassol 220-1 Yono 249 William of Acre. 79. bishop of Neapolis 119 master 237. D. canon of Limassol Yorgui tou Coucy 246 273 Ypsonas 64. see also Zanaquie 359 Zanaquie (Zanakia) 250 William of Rivet 203. J. 20 Zeus Xenios 35 Wykes: see Thomas Wykes Zevgari/Kourias (Cape Akrotiri) 145 Xenophontos. 407. 81 Wormbser: see Jacob Wormbser Zeus Meilichios 41 Wroikos 11. Zorzi: see Marsilio Zorzi . police chief of Zolo: see Manoly Zolo Limassol 304 Zoodochos Pigi. Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity 627 to the Ottoman Conquest Wild Goat. Athonite monastery Ziada. 359 Zenberrono: see Costans William of Tyre 109-10. captain of William Scarbotti. king of Sicily 139 Vasa William. 41. 20n. OESA. 153. M. 351n William Goneme. 275. OCarm 417 Ypsonas-Panayia 124 William of Croso. see also Gerouasa. Hospitaller Zaplana 236 Zegno Synclitico. style 17 321. canon of Limassol 227 Zachariadou. 38. 358 Yon. 253 Yermasoyia-Kaloyeroi 125 Willart: see David Willart Yerovasa 335. 200 Zenberrono William de Villaret. 412 Zanterio: see Giacomo de Zanterio Winfield. canon of Limassol Zane: see Andrea Zane 275 Zaplana: see James. 152n Zeus 35. bishop. OCarm. 241. Hospitaller Zeno. 270. bishop of Yiannoulis: see Nikolaos Yiannoulis Limassol 267-8. 241 Zeno: see Carlo Zeno Willis. Nicholas William of San Stefano. 371. 133n. M. M. 156. E. see also Geremiso Wilhelm of Boldensele 215. 392n 141n Zig-zag Street 182. 81 Winfield. Limassol 322 elect of Limassol 306. 381n. 230. 65n William. 225 Zane d’’Englesi 304 William Rodier. 124 William of Coventry. 125. William I. 345n. 152n Zeus Ammon 81 World War II 370 Zeus Labranios 45.A. 411 Xeropotamos River 113n Zilotta: see Johannes Zilotta Zirini/us: see Querini Yahve 41 Ziroquetre (Khirokitia) 296n Yalota 299 Zitolus 157 Yani tou Yali. 250 Zoopigi 210 Yermasoyia 58.

356n Zvallardo: see Giovanni Zvallardo Zuan Philippo Milano 335. 343 Zweibrücken: see Alexander von Zuanne Singlitico 356 Zweibrücken .628 Index Zotimos 20 Zucco: see Anthony de Zucco Zuan Antonio Bragadin 335 Zündt: see Matthes Zündt Zuan Falier 355n.

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