Gender and History of could have activated post-state-socialist resis

-
tive or reformist visions with roots in state
Revolutions in Eastern socialism.
and Central Europe Two misconceptions tend to prevail in
political and sociological analyses of the
C. LAURA LOVIN
CEE countries. The first, most often encoun-
University of Strathclyde, Scotland
tered within political theory that emphasizes
JOANNA REGULSKA
democratization, is consistent with liberal
University of California, Davis, USA
and neoliberal ideological systems. This
paradigm represents the CEE countries at the
The time period examined in this entry beginning of the 1990s as nation-states at the
includes watershed historical moments, such start of an institution-building race. The insti-
as the Russian Revolution of 1917, the end tutions of the West are viewed as the finish
of World War II in 1945, and the fall of line of the race, a desirable and natural end
state-socialist regimes of Central and Eastern point whose contingent histories are erased in
the face of violent, exploitative, and predatory
Europe (CEE) and of the Soviet Union in
colonial interventions of Western states. The
1989. It also extends to the years of European
second misconception is consistent with anti-
Union (EU) accession of 10 CEE countries
capitalist critiques, which challenge global
as well as to the global financial crises of the
capitalism and the hegemony of neoliber-
2000s and 2010s.
alism but in so doing strip the region of
In discussing the postsocialist period, this
agency and reposition the CEE countries as
entry examines the repercussions of the 1989
the victims of the West (Linch 2013).
moment and the political, economic, and
It is important to be cognizant of the reduc-
sociocultural transformations that materi- tive character of these mutually exclusive lines
alized with the fall of state socialism. These of argumentation while also remaining aware
transformations were significantly shaped by of the uneven distribution of power across
the newly acquired global hegemony of the geopolitical regions. This entry considers
free-market economy and liberal democracy. the transformations that the region went
The gains of democracy and political free- through during the past century by account-
dom that followed 1989 were accompanied by ing for shifting geopolitical boundaries and
losses in economic stability for a considerable uneven power relations among regions. Most
segment of the population across the region. importantly it accounts for the agency of the
Furthermore, the endorsement of patriar- people who shaped these changes by opting
chal, nationalist, and chauvinistic attitudes for specific institutions, articulating critiques,
diminished the social, political, and eco- and envisioning futures. Women’s mobiliza-
nomic agency of women, ethnic minorities, tions for social justice have emerged from
and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender the interaction between local and translocal
(LGBT) communities in many countries of scales and have sought to address gender
the CEE. Proceeding down the neoliberal issues and inequalities produced within the
path suppressed alternative trajectories that circumstances of state socialism as well as

The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Gender and Sexuality Studies, First Edition. Edited by Nancy A. Naples.
© 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2016 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
DOI: 10.1002/9781118663219.wbegss273

could and would work the same jobs for the political. alliances and coalitions with activists who and Warsaw to march and demonstrate for fought for ethnic and racial justice. These changes. While their multidirectional the top-down imposition of the principles of collaborations at the local. economic. intelligentsia were active reformers and revo- lutionaries who worked alongside progressive ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONS men toward the goal of improving working conditions (Clements 1994). they joined these struggles. by the 1960s the emancipation the paid economy led to the dissolution of women from reproductive work had been . Women’s entry into their efforts. under the slogan “equal pay for equal work. who thought that the izens. libraries. and a policy The hardship of the double burden was an of intensive labor employment that required important issue on the revolutionary agenda and guaranteed work for all able-bodied cit. of sociocultural structures was mediated by such as playrooms for children. ities. would be partially replaced granted them full political. A blueprint The emancipation of women that followed emerged from the belief that women and World War II was central to the imple. They have reclaimed Women’s educational achievement was high their bodies and organized in support of on the emancipation agenda. centrally planned economies. but their collaboration joined strikes. For more than two decades of the family wage and the establishment women from the CEE have mobilized around of centralized and state-controlled salaries issues of economic discrimination and polit.” ical representation. and ideological imperatives. Women from the orientation (Regulska and Grabowska 2013). national. The incorporation of women into wage private duties routinely assigned to women labor was thus fueled both by the need for should be reassigned to the public domain women’s labor power and by a commitment as a corrective. the same wages and have the same promotion and position of women in the region was radi. and with women’s and feminist organizations they ultimately entered trade unions and around the region was rather sporadic and political parties in spite of the fierce resis- mostly coalesced around the issues of sexual tance they encountered. and equality as spelled out by Friedrich Engels and transnational scales have not always been Vladimir Lenin and implemented by the com- harmonious. Some men political equality and the right to vote. should not be seen simply as against women. though it was also driven burden continued to preoccupy women for by the realities of the demographic situation generations to come. They have formed cities like Ivanovo-Voznesenk. reproductive rights and against violence however. working-class women heteronormative and heterosexist definitions from Eastern Europe took to the streets of of family and sexuality. together with their allies from munist parties of the region.2 GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE postsocialism. Reproductive work. At the intersection of economic. in spite of in the postwar period. and places to watch movies. and by public day care and the provision of com- legal equality with men. Odessa. riots. cally transformed by reforms that in theory it was envisioned. This transformation munal spaces and neighborhood facilities. The problem of the double to women’s equality. and large walkouts. However. Riga. laundry facil- the objectives of accelerated industrialization. men should not be treated differently while in mentation and validation of the new order the workforce – a transformational blueprint orchestrated by the Soviet Union for the CEE that initially envisioned that women and men countries. leadership opportunities. of Bolshevik women. At the turn of LGBT movements they have challenged the twentieth century.

GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE 3 dropped from official reform priorities. a double-edged was replaced by policies that mitigated public solution that also brought along fewer oppor. instability. paid days off in case of ill- for instance. another from free to waged labor as well as to the factor was women’s willingness. contributions to funding childcare facilities. medicine. and spending led to mass unemployment. The relatively proactive role of state offered as one possibility for relieving the socialism in balancing work and family life demands on women’s time. lower-level jobs were shifts. 2006). gender-related wage gaps general trend. and other measures were implemented identity and advocated protective labor leg. in order to help women and alleviate some of islation (Fidelis 2010). This The ensuing pronatalist policies pursued restructuring offered new opportunities for in Romania under Nicolae Ceau¸sescu’s some but at the same time marginalized regime had particularly devastating effects on and disempowered other individuals and women. retail. and lack the blueprint of women’s emancipation was of prospects (Fodor 2006). tunities for promotion and raises (Fodor maternity leave. Socialist women in postwar Poland. in spite of the de jure equal While there are variations within this pay for equal work. the restructuring of the state- ductive work was also influenced by abrupt socialist economies through privatization. it nevertheless helped women through and third shifts of unpaid labor. mother’s and family allowances. and light and tertiary education was a contributing . This industry. By way of the hardship of their double and triple work addressing this issue. the benefits discussed above and called into covered and institutionalized (Fodor 2006). The post-1989 reconfigured. the goal of emancipating women from repro. Qualitative data suggest changing the structure of domestic work that. and critical cuts to social consolidation of nationalist sentiments. declines in birth rates across the region. such as ployed. Paid maternity leave with job guaran- Bolshevik women was not shared across the tees. the wage liberalization. The abandonment of their work burden. all countries of the CEE. Younger women aged Women thus tended to be employed in sec. childcare facilities. Moreover. and women’s role as mothers reforms weakened and eliminated many of and responsible domestic providers was redis. their continuously the dismantling of social support. and their educational trajectory was was due to the cost and ineffectiveness of implicitly different. to maintain employment in by their spouses’ presence in the household positions below their qualifications in order (Fodor 2006). sive sense of insecurity. While such required presence in the paid economy. employment activity rates for were a consistent feature of the economic women decreased between 1990 and 2004 in landscape across the state-socialist world. as well as to a perva- women’s emancipation. under the lack of support from male leaders. and support would not have fully realized radical the scarcity of consumer goods on the CEE visions for equality between women and markets overburdened women with second men. Due to these factors. While their enrollment in secondary education. and poverty. who could pressure of their domestic and childcare not easily part with the free benefits granted responsibilities. to be closer to home and better manage their The vision for equality formulated by time. The relegation of women to domestic groups. along with overt discrimination. social Joseph Stalin’s regressive position regarding inequality. and parental sick leave. 20–24 are overrepresented among the unem- tors of the economy with lower wages. public region. service. question past principles of equality. embraced women’s maternal ness. After 1989. Women were especially affected by work and motherhood.

The fact that women ization of labor has also pushed women into turn to part-time work and to temporary. sex work has become a pany these forms of work. the disappearance of work and the their correlation with lower pensions. young professionals.and status of women alongside the transnational. The declining economic and social substitutes for public or private child. The lack of Austerity. the minimization developed regions) and transnational (to of public sector expenses. Many NGOs across the puters and the Internet. training. with transformations (Lovin 2013).4 GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE factor. Similarly. 20. both intranational (to better. seasonal. or. and contract work twice as often as Trafficking in women represents a new men speaks clearly to the lack of employment phenomenon in the region. to the insecurity reality of daily life for many women. and employment information to single moth- The global financial crisis undermined ers. Women were economic stability for women and men from affected as employees of public institutions the CEE but that has also had numerous and as beneficiaries of public services. to this situation (Fodor 2006). the policy most often deployed local economic opportunities has led to work in response to the global financial crisis. Once again. it is women’s organizations tion for the men in neighboring Western that have consistently responded to these European countries who cross the border in issues.5 percent in Slovakia. Elderly Even though women played a crucial role women from the region are particularly vul. unemployed women. This is a solution that has enabled public transport and energy. the unresolved gender equality being trafficked mainly into the sex industries issues related to the double burden. and. as well as to lobby for CEE focus on providing services. of 50. and 21 percent in the Czech Republic. as in the case better-developed CEE or Western European of Hungary. a pre- need to exit paid employment in order to carious future awaits the younger generation care for children contributed significantly of women. the suppression of subsidies for countries). individual women function as families. elderly-care services. given in Western Europe and secondarily within the lesser or nonexistent benefits that accom- the CEE. And given across the region. the political systems that the wage differentials just mentioned and replaced CEE state socialisms often proved . Women evant stakeholders to improve their economic across the region responded to these changes literacy and to acquire an understanding of with education and outreach programs imple. entailed cuts in pensions. NGOs help individual women and rel- solicitation of sex (Regulska 2004). migration. and many other called transitional economies were supposed groups of women who have been largely to bring (Guieu 2013). in the 1989 revolutionary transformations nerable to poverty (Guieu 2013). and local and instability of their lives (Guieu 2013). alarming indicators for gender pay gaps. economic concepts and processes. sex industries have become sites of consump. economic justice. More negative consequences for children and their than ever. the creation of new workplaces. an under- mented by non-governmental organizations standing that might then enable them to (NGOs) to train women for new professions lobby or become advocates for gender and in order to provide them with access to com. Women’s pay lags behind men’s by 18 percent POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS in Hungary. dangerous situations of labor exploitation. women over the age the prospects for stability that the CEE’s so. with women opportunities. Eurostat data show excluded from the benefits of economic a persistent gender employment gap.

and their transnational allies The EU forcefully promoted gender main- since the early 2000s have resulted in the streaming and gender equality in official state establishment of women’s parties in Belarus. such as the right to meted in the early 1990s. NGOs took on the role of watchdogs moni- NGOs’ conceptualization of gender equal. some of the CEE countries joined the EU Women politicians moved their agenda of in the first decade of the 2000s. was coincident with that of Western Europe feminist critics argue that these changes and served as proof of the region’s much- merely affect the surface structures of the awaited departure from the terms dictated political apparatuses of CEE. However. GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE 5 inhospitable to the inclusion of women’s scope of the women’s issues that appeared interests in the new agendas and thus led on party agendas to objectives such as ade- to the marginalization of women. and pol- 2001). While their scope was not entirely (Regulska and Grabowska 2013). most often defined by moth. the Soviet continued to be resistant to rethinking their Union. These choices to women politicians and women’s interests enabled a sense that the CEE’s trajectory is evident throughout the region. 2009. An equally consequential moment political agendas in ways that reflect gender. radical feminist demands. as party leaders by the Eastern political hegemon. In response to being pushed out of the icymakers alike. and the role of EU and US funding agencies in erhood. Throughout gender equality forward through two political most of the CEE. which served to further narrow the setting NGO agendas have been criticized by . quate medical services for pregnant women. standards. Women’s limited to these issues. norms. the end of state socialism strategies: advancing women within existing sparked countries to imagine the possibility political parties and the establishment of of a European return (Regulska 2001. regulatory colonization. and support for single participation in rather contradictory ways mothers. regulations. “gender opportunities”) interest group. women’s parties. but by the beginning abortion in Poland (Regulska and Grabowska of the new millennium there were visible 2013). signs that this trend had reversed (Regulska According to scholars. The first strategy led to the Regulska and Grabowska 2013). the process of EU enlargement the structures of existing political parties) and eastward might be understood as a form of the establishment of quotas for women on “proxy colonization. through a new mode of institutional and The concerted actions of women politicians. Romania.” of reinventing Europe party election lists or within party leadership. politicians. which were political arena. of geopolitical reorientation came when sensitive conceptualizations of social equality.g. it is important to note participation in parliamentary politics and that often political agendas steered clear of their chances of winning elections plum. women’s NGOs. women’s NGOs. The effects of new ity constructed women as a homogeneous vocabularies (e. In turn. women’s Poland.. discourses and apparatuses. But given creation of women’s units within political the external imposition of rules. women expanded the scope founded during the decade that followed the of their mobilizations. played supranational and global resources. Serbia. Democ. toring national institutions. priorities for women’s mobilizations (Regul- ties and state institutions to afford visibility ska and Grabowska 2013). taking advantage of dismantling of state-socialist regimes. Their a crucial role in setting the terms of and relative success in transforming political par. and practices on candidate where women’s committees were built into countries. ratization has affected women’s political profamily policies. and Ukraine. parties (as in the case of Romania and Serbia.

seek to politicize public spaces such as streets. after a decade of local and a clean break with the previous stage but national struggles to repeal repressive anti. ethnic oppression. shopping cen- of power. ghettoization. In the case Federation of Women and Family Planning of Romania. sively on a particular issue such as LGBT or While the language of “gender equali. countries as a return to Europe proved to be As its effects are being felt throughout a difficult process set in motion by a host of the region. These mechanisms them with data. What was lack of access to healthcare. unemployment. and Ukraine. and class in their in response to the operations of neoliberal interventions (Regulska 2009. and institutional perceived with great enthusiasm by the CEE racism (Magyari-Vincze 2009). rather maintain connective threads that link abortion legislation. Regulska global political economies. tional arena to challenge patriarchal regimes plazas. tunities” also affected the gender equality national. and access to are fueled by new forms of social power networks. Romani women and their local and transna- state-socialist countries are in fact more tional mobilizations to address a postsocialist complex. the genealogies and Grabowska 2013). Many of them continue to collaborate with Countries like Romania and Bulgaria still NGOs. By challenging the abortion lacked depth and grounding in the everyday legislation in the European Court of Human realities of gender inequality (Lovin 2013).6 GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE scholars and activists in the region. and social media. lack of however. art scenes. they showed how mechanisms beyond At the same time. Rights. NGOs continue to be key national borders can be utilized to confront actors that work alongside state institutions national challenges and patriarchal concep- as official or unofficial advisors. sexuality. While regimes of patriarchal power are also notable challenging the hegemonic framing of social in the arenas of ethnicity and sexuality. their journeys toward the moment sanitation. that account for the complex effects of eth- ciples of political and economic liberalism nicity. Women’s mobilizations against ters. information. parliament buildings. Georgia. Such is the case for and trajectories of gender activism in post. engagement (Regulska and Grabowska 2013). and their citizens cannot ingly skeptical of the institutionalization fully exercise their work rights in some of the of women’s mobilizations. gender. neoliberalism is losing its appeal. The EU language of “equal oppor. deficient housing. they older EU member countries. several equality-oriented ty” and “equal opportunities” constructed initiatives employ intersectional analyses women’s issues in ways compatible with prin. that tap into horizontal networks of local. yet they have become increas- face difficulties. justice issues. women’s groups alternative organizational structures and that have also successfully used the transna. Polish activists from the them to institutionalized forms of women’s . Currently. school segregation. CEE countries and the EU (Regulska 2009). direct their efforts toward the formation Despite the complicated power dynamics and consolidation of social networks with involved in EU accession. Not all countries in the region have environment that subjects them to structural completed the process of joining the EU. and transnational loci of political policies developed in Armenia. of EU integration were similar. these phenomena contributed decided to turn to transnational sites of to the proliferation of public debates that mobilization. they nevertheless do not make For instance. new and unexpected power relations between especially for younger generations of women. providing tions of national culture. countries situated outside EU While some NGOs focus their work exclu- jurisdiction.

with financial support the legislative frameworks that criminalized from the local government and agencies in homosexuality. younger femi. have historical specificity. ACCEPT shaped part of the first Romanian Gay Festival’s the debates over lesbian and gay rights by program. ultimately. and. using a binary vocabulary of traditionalism . By calling into question they are not accurate descriptors of social neoliberal solutions to current inequalities. to make visible the between the Polish artist Karolina Bregula discrimination and violence encountered by and the NGO Campaign against Homopho. funding from national and local govern. When they were eventually ACCEPT deserves credit for orchestrating exhibited. ity. Since 2002. While informal women’s groups. realities. but tice and equality. to challenge the Netherlands. GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE 7 mobilization and activism from the region. politics. Bregula shows that the distinctions between activities that have led to the formulation political change and sociocultural change of new terms and approaches to gender jus. homonormativity that aimed to normalize A year later. equal. young feminists from the region have been able to challenge The campaign orchestrated by CAH and existing vocabularies and initiate dialogues. and homophobia. at and domesticity (Lovin 2004). LGBT people in their everyday lives. may be useful for analytical purposes. family. extraordinary steps have been the CEE. taking routes forged by the lesbian and gay identities by emphasizing transnational collaborations between the commonalities with their heteronormative LGBT movements from the region. Some of sexuality by the 2001 repeal of Article 200 of the galleries that kept their commitment Romania’s penal code. opportunity. and on billboards throughout the largest it is important to keep in mind that there cities in Poland. LGBT struggles against criminal- approaching the categories of gender. to display the photographs on billboards in The Bucharest-based LGBT organization public spaces. LGBT rights are still out of reach for most nists open new ways of doing feminism in of the region. and ultimately opting led to essential sociocultural transformations for fluid modes of membership in various throughout post-state-socialist terrain. as this assimilationist tactic. Along with the art gallery of the Goethe Institute. taken at the grassroots level. Having to work within to CAH and showed Bregula’s photographs a political and social environment that was faced drastic repercussions and had their almost in its entirety hostile to LGBT rights. that led to the decriminalization of homo- nents of lesbian and gay rights. Bregula and CAH recruited the institutions and cultural practices that 30 lesbian and gay couples who agreed to be constitute non-heteronormative sexualities photographed walking hand in hand. These as deviant and morally flawed. ization. and justice in their along with mobilizations for civil rights. to alter bia (CAH). ACCEPT’s campaigns engaged a strategic ment agencies suspended (Mizieli´nska 2011). photographs were shown in Bucharest. SOCIOCULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONS By utilizing these networks. Under pressure from the are significant differences in the cultural church and conservative parties. Bregula’s counterparts in relation to love. as well as nation- Such is the case of the collaboration ally and transnationally. many of redefinitions of sexuality occurring across the cities withdrew from their commitment post-state-socialist space. While strug- pictures were then displayed in art galleries gles are taking place throughout the region. the posters were destroyed and the national and transnational campaigns deemed extremely provocative by oppo. discrimination.

an already power dynamics of contemporary geopolitics underserved social group. fashionable- trends: a decline in fertility rates to below two ness. (Lovin 2004).8 GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE versus modernity and consistently empha. but also instantly required them to embrace regional demographic data show common unachievable ideals of youth. collaborating with NGOs. The racist presumption of Roma over. the transnational networks estab. racism. and biopolitics in a post-state- tend to marry at relatively younger ages and socialist Europe. Tanja Ostojic. women in the included not only LGBT rights issues but CEE found themselves in a world that not also transformations of heterosexual family only abounded with consumer commodities. the spell of capitalist consumerism. as members of a Her projects range from photography to marginalized and racialized minority and performance and consistently address the as women within patriarchal communities. Once The reorganization of sexuality has deprived of consumer goods. medical experts. by normalizing the idea that it is level were invaluable to these activists. the cultural reserve of the spaces described . Female artists responded children per woman. an artist among younger couples to have their first born in the former Yugoslavia who lives in child outside of marriage (Regulska 2004). gendered aspects of transnational migration. an increase in divorce to these new phenomena promptly by offer- rates. a decrease in marriage rates. has taken the inequali- Romani women continue to live their lives ties emerging from neoliberal ideology and in the midst of multiple and intertwining global capitalism as the object of her critique. children in order to ensure the preservation lished to further LGBT rights locally have of the community. what is now Serbia. Today Romani women are actively working sizing the importance of lesbian and gay toward better reproductive health policies by rights for Romania’s recognition as com. Romani women. and their children register the highest spaces of exclusion and gendered dwelling infant mortality rates in Europe (Regulska that are deemed illegitimate. the patriarchal tenets clearly demonstrated the benefits of engaging of the Roma movement further constrain with European partners as well as con. figures of the illegal alien or the prostitute. forms of discrimination. Despite localized variations. repertoire that included and valorized local With the dismantling of state-centered templates for understanding sexuality and socialist regimes. Slovenian video artists Marina Grž- reproductive rights in countries like Romania ini´c and Aina Smid challenge the gendered and Slovakia. the opportunities for women to assert their tributing to the formation of a transnational reproductive rights (Magyari-Vincze 2009). the CEE came under strategies to achieve change. and a tendency their embodiment. fluctuating boundaries that produce new ages. Their works by both national and transnational agencies render visible an immense repertoire of now- that were designed to appease the fears of repressed discourses and knowledges from majority populations. the rise of ing critiques of the new expectations for cohabitation as a substitute for marriage. Romani women class. and slimness. population led to the violation of their Finally. such as the 2004). Her work reflects on the to have more children than national aver. Resources at the European However. In relation to these trends. were subjected to that position the CEE countries as the femi- racist policies of fertility control implemented nine others of Western Europe. Roma women’s duty to give birth to more Indeed. forms. parable with its counterparts in the West and central and local government agencies. a gender roles and new normative terms for surge in single motherhood. cross.

Their responses edge production and as a critique of the in many cases resembled the ways women in homogenizing. However. The interdisciplinary field of gen. othering depictions of women the West tackled similar hardships. tion exclude the CEE from the geography der studies materialized as the institutional of the critiques of Western and first world result of complex strategic interventions of imperialism and neocolonialism (Regulska scholars from the region and their local and and Grabowska 2013).” Their Feminists emphasize the geopolitical linkages montages intervene into the politics of rep. recog. when Western donors promptly responded to hardships that materi- funded these programs. 2013). In many cases. Constructions of the postsocialist region grams within and outside of academia as altogether on board with processes of represents another significant transformation Europeanization and market democratiza- in the CEE. and governmental actors regimes of CEE and the former Soviet Union who eventually. and identities in authority of the West vis-à-vis women’s terms of either gender or feminism. (Grabowska 2012). positions. despite the recurring discussions of knowledge. that at the core of Western. politics or labor markets. inequality. has largely disappeared from anal- epistemologies lie racialized processes of yses of the transnational and from the scale subjectivity production. transna. culture. As an analytical mode. encouraging them to approach the CEE’s “non-region” status or the powerful their investments critically and eventually arguments in favor of adding perspectives transition into new modes of knowing and from the former second world to current being in the world. As struggles have been enormous. nized the value of the emerging field and The journey to democracy and capitalism provided the support necessary for the estab. feminist theory. with mixed already discussed. NGOs. polit- (such as “the local” versus “the global”) and ical apathy. It also amounted CEE women were less concerned to narrate to an interrogation of the centrality and their actions. . promptly aspects both in binary theoretical constructs diagnosed this stance as backwardness. Western global issues. debates. This problem persists. and the abandonment of notions of equal Transnational feminism emerged as a participation between women and men in departure from US-centric feminist knowl. that sustain contemporary manifestations of resentation of the new Europe as gestures oppression. This portrayal results transnational allies. of art regarding relations between power and however. GENDER AND HISTORY OF REVOLU TION S I N EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE 9 today by the term “post-state-socialist. Their efforts to create from scholarly work that erases the links spaces outside and within the university in between the resistances that emerged from which they could research and teach gender postcolonial contexts and the resistances mobilized university administrators. along with a few sporadic tional feminism addressed the problematic feminist voices from the region. The development of gender studies pro. and false consciousness (Lovin political terms (such as “global sisterhood”). and of radical decolonization that demonstrate politics (Suchland 2011). the success of gender alized with the dismantling of public services studies has produced contradictory effects. power. in some countries. Their works intend of “the global. did not lead to the outcomes that many lishment of gender studies programs.” The reasons for this disap- to raise awareness among Western consumers pearance are complex. The second world. in the third world or Africa. private developed in opposition to the totalitarian investors. The people in the CEE imagined in 1989. Eurocentric however. women from the region success.

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