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VIEIRA, Alberto (1990),

Migration from the Portuguese


Atlantic Islands in the Second half of
the Nineteenth century. The Case of
Madeira,
in Portuguese Migration in global Perspective,
edited by David Higs, Toronto, The Multicultural
History Society of Ontario, pp.42-60

COMO REFERENCIAR ESTE TEXTO:

VIEIRA, Alberto (1990), Migration from the Portuguese Atlantic Islands in the Second half of
the Nineteenth century. The Case of Madeira, in Portuguese Migration in global Perspective, edited
by David Higs, Toronto, The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, pp.42-60, Funchal, CEHA-
Biblioteca Digital, disponvel em: http://www.madeira-edu.pt/Portals/31/CEHA/bdigital/avieira/1990-
emigrationportugueseislands.pdf, data da visita: / /

RECOMENDAES
O utilizador pode usar os livros digitais aqui apresentados como fonte das suas prprias obras,
usando a norma de referncia acima apresentada, assumindo as responsabilidades inerentes ao
rigoroso respeito pelas normas do Direito de Autor. O utilizador obriga-se, ainda, a cumprir
escrupulosamente a legislao aplicvel, nomeadamente, em matria de criminalidade informtica,
de direitos de propriedade intelectual e de direitos de propriedade industrial, sendo exclusivamente
responsvel pela infraco aos comandos aplicveis.
Emigration from the Portuguese Islands
in the Second Half of the Nineteen th
Century : The Case of Madeira

ALBERTO V IEIRA

During lhe lalter half or lhe nineleenlh cenlury lhe economies and
social SlruClures af many ALlanlic island socicties underwent a series
of transformations. II was during lhis period that imp0Tl.ant demo-
graphic changcs look place. Rising populalions and depresscd island
economies rcsulted in a slTong migralory movement. rhis was stim-
ul;'tlcd by lhe economic SilU3tion in lhe dCSlinations or lhe emigranLS
- lhe Americas. While lhe islands suffered from an economic reces-
sioo, 00 lhe olher side or lhe Adantic lhere werc boom times. The
abolition of sla\cry, which had previously provided lhe workforce,
crealcd a dem;tnd for labour in mining, agricu\lUre and industry. The
na tive ofthe Ponuguese islands, cul off from lhe land bv inheril'lOce
laws or economie conslrailllS, unable LO find work and enliced b} lhe
gliuering promises of lhe emigration agems, abandoned his own land
and headed for oew destinations, 10 become a SUbslilule for sla\ es.
The trealmem accorded lO lhe emlgr.mts caused many analvsts and
politicians of lhe lime lO describe lhis recruitment of workers (IS white
slavery. However, no measures \\lere ever laken on lhe islancls to stOp
lhis now of pcople. The sporadie auempts on the parI of local author
ilies tO cncourage lhe people to stay proved ineffeclive. 50 lhe emigra.
tion continued unabated umillhe dawn of the lwelllielh centur)'. Only
lhe deslinations changed.

Island Emi gration

Migration made an indelible mark on island populations, which had


lhemselves been lhe resull of social and economie transmigration; now
they ln tum provided emigrants lO form olher Aliantic socielies. Due
J\hgrallon fram th~ Portugun~ AtJ,wll( Islamls 43

(O iu \'er) earl) settlement. Madeira in tum became a noted resenoir

of population from which Copie slarted communilies on lhe oe\\'-


found islands and shores of lhe ALlantic horld. Madeiram .tppe.tred
in lhe Azores. lhe Canaries. So 1 om and Principe, and Brazil. They
fonned lhe main labour force in lhe new, dynamic sugar industry.
The lhrce archipelagos of lhe weSlern ALlantic, Madeira. lhe Al.Ores
and lhe Canaries. had been lhe firSl islands 10 found penllanem sellle-
menu. It was logical. merefore. lhal lhey should l4lke lhe Icad in seltling
olher poinu in lhe Porluguesc Atlamic empire. JUSl as lhe Canaries
were lhe spearhead for peopling of lhe Spanish cmpire.
Thus a high levei o social mobilily is one of lhe pl'incipal charac-
lerislics of island society. The islands were simuhalleously poles of
attraction and of divergence in social movemenl <tround lhe Allanlic.
The allraction ofllle inilial migralion 10 lhe r..hdei'ils and lhe A10res
resulled fram novelty and lhe opportunilY la seule lhe land , \\'hile
disillusionmenl and lhe scmce and limitai cconomic possibilitic!s caused
lhe second surge onward low:lrds lhe riches ollhe lndies. 1
During lhe slow process of lhe abolilion of sla\cr} and lhe disap-
pearance or lhe sla\'e lrade in lhe )ears 1850 to 1870, lhe nceds of
cconomic dc\'clopmem in lhe WCSl ~lIld EaSl Indies wcre tl":lIlsformed ,
and their demands for fresh sources of labour increased .2
For the abolilionisls. European emigration seemed to bc lhe onl)
sollltion w hich would finalJy bring ;1Il end lO lhe sla\'e t.ade.~ E.migra-
tion in lhe sccond half of lhe nineleemh cemury lhus assumcd in lhe
island socielics a dirferent dimension fram lhe prc\ iOlls sitllalion.
ln lhe lh rce archipelagoes lherc was a shared atrnosphcrc of crisis
and lhe search for solutiolls which would o\ercome lhe difficulties of
lhe island people: in Madeira Ihere was lhe wine cri si ... and in lhe
A70res lhe Cuh.i\'alion of orangcs depended on an eXrKlIl markel which
lhe island could nOl control. I 'he economies oflhe isl<lnds \\erc unable
10 support lhe burgeoning populalion. and cmigration appeared as
lhe solul ion to lhis difficuh situation."
'I hese circumslances thwi made available a source thal s<lllsfied lhe
needs of the New \Vorld for a cheap labour force la work on lhe sugar
crop. lobacco and mining, o ncc lhe slave trade ended. BUI one form
of sla\'ery was o nly replaced by anolhel". The ships lhat Iri.lIIsl>oned
the human cargo were lhe same e\'en lhough recruillllent was nOl lhe
result of assauh ar purchase hUI of lhe action 01 emig ralion agems
(ollClador~s) . If before lhe sl<l'(' was boughl. now lhe emigram paid
the price of ensla\-ement in lhe forOl of lhe expenses of lhe passpon.
The organizers. os s~lIhorts. and abo\'e lhem lhe stale ilself. linancal
his transponalioll lO lhe mOSl dislam 01 deslinalioll'i. -I he English and
lhe DUICh. long-lime spealisls in shipping blacks. appeared as lhe
main imerm ediaries in this opermion. Only in lhis way cou ld lhe needs
of the cofTee. sugar and colton economies be mel.
44 Alberto Vitira

As for lhe sugar induslry in lhe Wesl Indies and in Hawaii, para-
doxically lhe I'onuguese islander who in lhe sixteenth cemur)' had
brougllllhis crop across lhe Atlalltic now became a viclim of lhe prog-
ress of its produclion in new areas. I-Ie appeared in lhe surplus labour
force which would be used for lhe needs of lhe haT"\'est. ~
The Canary islands maintained a slead) now of migranLS for lhe
Spanish colonies. This was heightened by lhe economic depression of
lhe second half of lhe century which ravaged lhe archipelago. Cuba
conlinued 10 be lhe principal deslinalion, and fully 83 per ceUl oflhc
ninelcemh-century pcrmits 10 embark (comnldatcta) ,,'ere for Cuba.
Sevemy-one per cem of lhe emigranls were male, of whom oea1'l)'
lhree-quaners were married. Cuban residems bom in Lhe Cana.-ies
were estimated aI around SiXIY lhousand . As in Madeira , c1andestine
emigraLion rcached alarming proportions. and brought aboU{ a sharp
debate in lhe press aboul t11e aClivity 01' lhe local emigration agents
and lhe inhllman conditions dllring passage 10 Iheir deslinalions. 6
So Miguel island, Lhe mosl densely populaled anel poverly-slricken
of ali lhe Awrean islands,' emerged as lhe principal reruilment centre
of cheap labour for lhe American conlinellli in lhe period from 1852
to 1873 nine lhousand natives of So Miguel (rmcatlellsts) lerl for Brazil.8
Between I January 1877 anel 30 JlIly 1881 aboul five lhollsand lefl,
74 per cem for Brazil, 23 per cem for Hawaii and 3 per cem for lhe
United Slates.9
ln lhe Azares, slateorg.mized emigralion to Brazil was all'eady
marked by lhe eighleem h cemury and cominued imo lhe nineleenth
cenlUry.1O I-I owever, lhe leading destination ror Awrean migranls,
which has conlinued up until the presenl, was North America. 11 The
cities of Boston, New Bedford and New York had a strong demand
for lexlile workers. The dissemination of news about lhose poss ibililies
bcfore 1900 was affecled by lhe experience of lhe whaling industry
in which Azorean seamen , especially from lhe pOI't of Horta, were
significam. I:.!
lia .....aii became o ne of lhe mOSl importam poles of atlraclion for
Azorean emigrants. The Azores were an imponam supply centre for
Pacific whalers. There was also direcl encouragement given by lhe
local governmenl. I ~ Azoreans made up some 40 per cenl of lhe Portll-
guese community in Hawaii, while lhe Madeirans were 60 per cent.l<I
Somewhal laler, in 1930, according 10 the censlls made by lhe Madeiran
Joaquim Francisco de Freitas of island fam il ies I'esiding in Hawaii,
there were 827 islanders, of wholll 4 I per cent WCI'C Madeirans. 58 per
cem Azoreans and only 1 per cem Cape Verdians: mOSl of lhe Azoreans
came from So Miguel.' ~
This is nOl slIrprising in view aI' lhe imponance of Pama Delgada
as a pon of exil among Azoreans. Between 1881 ilnd 1890, of 35,869
Azorean emigr.mts 51 per cem (ame from lhe disldct af Poma Delgada.
28 per cem from Hona (Fayal island) and 21 per cem from Angra
do Heroismo (Terceira island).'6 As in Madeira. clandesline emigra-
lion was laking on alarming proporlions: bel\\'cen 1879 and 1890 ten
lhousand individuais emigraled, and from 1891 lO 1896 ii funher
lwelve lhousand left oul of a 10lal of fon)'-fi\'e thousand ellligranLS. 17
ln lhe o\eral! balance of Portuguese emigration in the ninelecnth
century, lhe Madeiran and Azorean archipelagos hold an importam
place: belween 1860 and 1889 lhe Azoreans made uI' 19 per cent anel
lhe Madeirans 8 per cenl. I8

Mad eiran Emigration

The emigrdtion from Madeira in lhe nineleenth cemllT')' had mcm}


causes: a slump in lhe wine market of lhe 1840s (made worse in 1852
b)' lhe effecIs of lhe blight of powdery mildew), religiolls Slrife in
1844-46, .lIld increasing unemployment among agricuhu"a\ workers.
A jOllrnalisl in A Reforma of 1858 described conditions:
The religious evelllS which look place in this district c<lused lhe
aslonislung exodus of 1846. and lhe deanh of 1847 brought lhe
frightening level of emigralion which followed - aflerwards lhe
falr in prices of our wines. followed by a lack or them lO seI!, ali
caused emigratioll tO continue umi! 1854 aI a much stronger rale. 1'/

The religiolls queslion cemred 011 Dr. Robert Reid Kallev, a Protestam
pastor and a celcbraled physician who came lO li\'e in Madeira in 1838,
Wilh lhe hope or clIring his wife's tuberculosis. 20 I-Ie "Iso began to
proselytite his ,eligion. The hostililY of lhe tr.ulitional dergv or Funchal
forced him 10 leave in 1846, but more lhan 1....'0 thousand Madeirans
wen1 with him. The group firsl went to the lhe Wesl Indies (British
Guiana. Antiglla and 5t. Kius) and from there went on lO Illinois in
the American Mid_Wesl. 21
After 1857 a serious crisis developed among the wine growers, who
were force<! la lea\e the vineyards in search of work when the wine
bllsiness dcclincd. Therc was no wark available cven dllring lhe lime
or lhe grape han'esl. 22 Madeirans had no recourse but to emignlle.
People fram lhe nonh of lhe island abandoned lheir land and lheir
wretched hovels anel went to lhe cily lO await <ln opportunity lO gel ii
ship tO lhe West Indies. 2-'
This urge la leave was encouraged by lhe cmigr,lIion ilgcllIs working
for lhe English go\ernlllent who sought 10 find in ~Iacleir" a SOUl'CC
of labour for lhe plamalions and mines of lhe West Indies. needed
as a resllll of lhe end of the si ave tr;tde.
ln lhe 1870s emigralion g'.1ined new slrenglh as a result of lhe
persistem economic crisis anclthe emicing promise of the new desli-
nation, lhe "ilhas Canecas" of Hawaii .:H
46 A/btrtQ V'ra

Is il possible to eSlablish a sim pie relalionship between lhe hunger


eaused by economie decline and emigralion? AI first sighl il would
seern so, blll a doseI' anal)'sis of Madeiran emigration goes beyond
particu lar limes of economic stress and shows depanUles continlling
in pel"iods of econom ic stabililY. Emigration was a conSlam of Madeir,lIl
society in lhe second half of lhe nineleenlh ce ntury, fed by lhe in ces-
sa nl demands of lhe inlcrnalionallabour markel after lhe end of lhc
slave trade. SlIch emigration is nOI merely, as Alvaro Rodrigues de
Azevedo contends, lhe only way "in ""hich lhe desolating problems of
Madeira's situation finds naturally and unconscious\y ilS resolulion."2;.
II is also a reaetion to lhe exigencies derived from lhe social lrans-
fo nn alions of lhe European colonies.
The initiatives laken on lhe island to O\;ercomc this continuai
emigralion were ineffective, not only because officials did nOI Irr)'
through wilh lhe measures 10 encourage lhe populalion lO slay, bUl
also because lhe SOIUlioll diel nOI depend exclusive I)' on lhe island. II
required a financial commilmCIll from oUlside which was never
recciveel. l n lhis se nse lhe imcrvenlion of Jos Sih'eslre Ribeiro when
he was lhe civil governor of Funchal only callsed a short-term moder-
alion in lhe rale of migralions.16 Funher inilialives \Vere sporad ic and
responded lO immediale neeels wilhoul succeeding in clluing off one
of lhe major problems of Madeiran socielY, lhe "contr.IlO de coI6nia ."27
Underlaking major public works like lhe Ribeiro Seco bridge provided
ol1ly lemporary relief from e ndemic unemploymclll and pressing social
problems.28
Remedies continued LO emerge from lhe offices ofburcaucraL~, and
lO be applauded or criliciled by lhe local press, but emigration comin-
ued lhroughom lhe lasl half of lhe ninelcenth celllury. Thus, in 1853
an official movemelll of some families for lhe colo nizarion of
Moamedes began. 29 Laler in lhe same )ear some Madeirans were
senl 10 continental POrlugallo work on ..oad COllSlruction. ~o Ilo\\'ever,
some attentive commcnlatOl"S nOled in lhe columns of Joc;]1periodicals
lha I the solmion had lO be found locally. For A Discusso, lhe probJem
cOllld only be overcome wilh lhe "freedom ofthc soi l. spread of credil
and of dirccl cu ltivalion."!U O Clamor Pblico announce<! lhallhe heavy
penallies inOicled on emigranLS would nm resolve lhe problcm, bul
ralher lhe giving of "work lO lhe labourers, freeing lhe Jand and making
credil available for lhe agriculture enlerprises Wilh a good law 011
cullivation.,,!l1 The Jack of slleh measures h-as plain enough in lhe
powerful omburSI in lhe columns of O FUllchalm:u:

No, say we, lhey shollld nOl emigrale, lhe) should nOI sell human
flesh lO swi ndlers, lhey are nOI going lO be sh.l\es in Brilish Guiana
and in Brazil. lhe remed)' to lhe IllIsfonu nes lhe) suffer from is
nm Ihere, iI is hel"c Ihalll mUSl be found. remaining llS free cili-
Mlgrtdm Irom Ih~ Porlllgll~St Atlallll( 151"/I{/s 47

zens .and using lhe riglll lhal lhe fllndamC::lllill la\\' of lhe Slatc
provides."

The Migratory Current


The nllmbers involved in this movemem. allhough sca nered , make
plain its dimensions in lhe second half 01' lhe nineteenth century.
Figures fonhe period from 1834 lO 1872 show lhal24.3761\1adeirans
lefl, lhough lhe actllallolal may have been mllch higher. ln lS52 O
ProgrtsSisla nOleu Lhal since September 1834 :md July 1852, 18,246
had Icfl with passporls but lwice as many c1andesLinely, and in 1853
lhe ne\\'spapel' A Ordem c1aimed thal forly Ihousand had left since
1840 for British Guiana.:il Over lhe whole period Lhne was an <tllllual
departllre rale of 716 if we accepL officiid figures. The rC;:11 Ilumbers
may represent as llIuch as one-quaner 01' lhe Island population. The
percentage of the departures as officially recorded. howe\er. \-aricd
according lO decadc: thus from 1831 to 1840.2 per cem lerl, from
18'11 to 1850,29perce nl , from 1851101860,5 1 per ccnl, and fmm
J 861 to 1870, 18 per cento
Ahnosl ali Madeiran emigranlS welll to one ar lhree regions: lhe
WeSl Indies, Norlh America 01' Brazil. The Wesl Indies became lhe
major markel , recciving 86 per cenl 01' lhose who depaned legalJy.
Madeiran emigrams in lhe Wesl Indies were distributed bCLween
SL. Kius, Surinam, Jamaica and Brilish Guiana, arcas well known lo
lhe Madeirans because 01' lhe wine trade hilh lhe i!' island. Of lhcse.
Br'itish Guiana became lhe m~or deSlinalion among ,hose going LO
lhe Caribbean. receiving 70 per cem of emignHllS lO lhe region.
EmigranlS to the Uniled Slales made up only 2 pel cem or lhe lotai
for lhose }'cars, while Bra7il received lhe rcmaining 12 per cento
Numbers lO olheI' parlS or lhe world were insignific.anl.
MOla de Vasconcelos estimaled lhal from 18'1 I lo 1889, 36,724
emigr-mts from J\'ladeira arrived in British Guiana.:5S Il i'i figures
showed surges in ernigration lO British Guiana in the I840s, lhe 1870s
and 18805. The lauer decades coincidcd wilh a spun or cmigralion
to Hawaii. A listing uf ships which Icfl MadeirA wi,h emigrams in lhe
period from IIJ\lay 1854 lO 11 January 1855conflrms lhe imponance
of British Guiana Wilh 62 per cem of ali destinations.!S ln shon. during
lhe 18405 and 1850s British Guiana was lhe Madeiran 1::1 Dorado.
while in lhe 1870s and 18S0s il was lhe Hawaiian paradise lhal beck
oned.
The emigration 01' lhe 18S0s was or ramily grolls and ),ilrdy or
isolaled indi\ idllals. Somclimcs slaLslics coumed the number 01' fami-
lies which cmignlled. A commcntary on emigr.uion around 1849 Illade
in lhe newspaper A flor do Ow:mo poinled OUI lhat family emigration
48 AlbnlQ Vj~ira

fram lhe Machico and Santo Antnio diSlriCIS made up 92 per cenl
of lhal lype of depanure for the island, e\ellly dividcd."
If we look ai figures collecled aboul immignmts (O I-Iawaii by Joaquim
Francisco de Freitas in his 1930 inquiry, wc see tha! familics emigraled
from ~'Iadeira ali togelher. This was lhe fruit of lhe official recruit
menl by lhe local authorilies of lhe archipelago. His figures shaw lhal
in lhe main il was lhose with large families who lefl. since lhe nllmber
in each family grollp was alway~ abo\'e scvcn. Perhaps for lhis reason
lhe sex ralio of lhe adult emigrams belween 1857 and 1872 was in a
rough balance. Ir we examine lhe emigration for l-Iawaii from 1878
101913 we find: 7,806 men (34 per cenl). 5,536 women (23 per cem)
accompanied by 10,236 children (43 per cem).
Let us now ask what were lhe Ix:nefils la Madeira of lhis nineleenlh
celllury emigration. especially thal lO BI"iLish Guiana. Despile lhe
nineteelllh-cemury us'lge of lhe word "Demcrarisla" for t110se who
reLUrned home from lhe English colony, ~ 1I a svnonym in rnany cases
for richcs, wc can conclude lhal overalll\'ladeira W3S lhe laser. Slalislics
shaw lhal of 418 emigrants who welll lhere up to 1849, only five ever
relurned, while 224 remained lhere and 189 sooo died of fever or
lhe hardships endured with lhe lropical he~Il. ~9 ln 1850, when 2,199
Madeirdlls lefl for Brilish Guiana. 254 dieel anel onl) 221 relurned.
of whom 120 were sick. Moreover. lhe slate of Iheir finances was nOl
cncouraging, since only 107 of those who had lefl impro\'ed Iheir
economic silualion subslantially. while 50 were worse off lhan when
lhey left.~o
Emigration to lhe "Ilhas Canecas" of Hawaii grew following 1878
thanks lO the aClivilies of lhe agency of W.I-I. l-lillebrand who al Ihal
time lived in Funchal. II At lhe requesl of lhe I-Ionolulu governmem
he promoted Hawaii as an allernative new deslination for emigrants.
He sent lhe firsl group of married couples la Hawaii on lhe ship
Priscilla:l'l The voyage from Funchal to tllis distant archipclago in lhe
Pacific had taken 120 days, blll e\'cn so a lrip of such duration and
privation was no obslacle 10 lhe emigranls. since the promises made
by lhe Hawaiiao authorities justificd lhe risk of lhe voyage. I ~ The
arrival of lhe ship in l-Ionolulu on 30 Seplember 1878 was lhe cause
of much satisfaclion in lhe local press.'"
ln lhe ensuing pcriod from 1878 la 1913 more lhan lwemY-lhree
lhousand I)ortuguese arrived in lhe Hawaiian islands, mostly coming
from Madeira and A~ore3. Of lhe twentvse\'en Porluguese vessels
carrying emigranLS \... hich Illade porl in lhe Ilawaiian islands. len carne
from Madeira during lhe period. nine from lhe Azares and eighl had
called aI different places in Madeira, lhe ALOres and mainland Portu-
gal before reaching lhe islands in lhe l)atiCie.
ln 1882 an emigration trealy belween ('onugal and Hawaii was
signed. regularizing emigralion frollllhe island., and mainland Ponu-
AflgrallOrl Irom thl! Portugul!SI! Atmlu !Jlalld,s 49

ga l lO Hawaii. ln consequence, during lhe lasl 1.\\'0 decades of lhe


ninclcemh celllury ollunigraLion from Madeira rcached ilS highesl
poim and atfecled lhe growlh rale of lhe populalion. Belween 1864
and 1878 lhe lOlal island popu lalion had increased by 18 per cenl,
bUl lhe growlh rate was a mere 2 per celll for lhe period 1878 lO
1890.45 This Irend could on ly becollle sl ronger sincc whole fam il ies
\Vere leaving.
This mignllion of 1~"lIilies made permancllI sctllemelll in Ilawaii
more cenain. ln Brilish Guiana and in I-Iawaii, Madeiran cultural
1raditions remained alive in such lradilional aClivitics as cooking and
res1h'als. and many of these CUSlOms wcrc taken on by lhe hoSl soei-
clies:16 The associations crealed in lhe years following 187i and lhe
Portuguese-Ianguage newspapers ali had an important place in lhe
community:t7 Madeirans and ALOreans soon had a wcll-eslablished
place in Hawaiian society. economy and politics. A leading figure was
Bishop Estevo de Alencaslre (1876--1940) who was born on I'orto
Santo. IS
ln Haw.tii lhe Madeirans \Vere able lo adap' easi l) tO their new
environmelll Uccause lhey were already familiar Wilh island life. The)
had some knowledge of new agricu ltu ral techniques because of lhe
long lradilion of sugar cultiv31ion aI home as well as neh melhods
being introduced al lhe end of lhe ninelcenlh cenlury. ln Il awaii lhe
Madeiran fell himself al hOIllC, while in British Cuiana he rcmained
a forcigner, rccruiled to work in lhe mines or sugal- plamations. lo
be relurned to his native land once his slrcngth was spent or when
he had saved a lilllc capital. ln any case, lhe considerable distance of
J-Iawaii from Madeira did nOI encourage a rapid rctum. l n fact il was
only Wilh lhe de\'elopment of air Irallsporl Ihal th is dream became a
rea lily for lhe sccond and lhird gcneralion of emignlllts.
Far from their homelands. AlOreans in lhe I-I awaiian islands illler-
married with Madeirans. anel produced a kind ofcreole sociely \vhich
resulted from lhe assimilation of lhe lraditions of lhe lwO POrlugllese
archipelagos. The biographical guide Pllblished in 1930 by JO'lquim
de Freitas enumenHed Illany weddings: 137 werc between A70reans.
89 between Madeirans, bUl a further 94 werc belween ind i\'idu als
from differem archipelagos. with a panicular tendency for n/lcaelenses
lO marry wilh Madeirans. 19

Clandestine Emigration

A ro)'al decree (alvar) of 4 july 1758 eSlablished lha1 passporls wcre


required for islanders lO leave Madeira.SO Il owever, bcfOle lhe 1840s
wc only have information of an isolalcd occasion in 1780 when Iwelve
Portuguese left wilhom passpons on board an English vessel.!>J
50 A/~,.,o Vit'lra

Clandesline emigration became common in lhe 1840s and 1850s,


with mOSl indi\'idllals bollnd for lhe West Indies and Bra/.:il. Allhough
no reliable or exaCl numbers are available, lhe press or lhe lime claimed
lhai from Seplember 1834 lO June 1852 lhe c1andcsline departures
were double lhose Oflhc legal ones.!\2 Il was reponed lha I in lhe rear
1845-46 six Ihousand clandrstmos leres, Al Iloma do Sol from April
1841 lO OCLOber 1852 more lhan six hundred c1andesLine emigran15
depaned:'i4
Brilish Guiana ''o'as dearly lhe mOSl J>opular destinalion or lhe dan-
desline emigran15, ln October 1846 of 16.297 Madeiram wlto had
arrived there, 5,548 were without passporu.5 !'. ln 1846 lhree vessels
made pon Wilh more lhan five hundred claudes/mos, The English ship
Palmira bl"oughl 160, while lhe POl"luguese brig Viscorldr ck Broga which
lefl Funchal with 25 legal passengers disclllbarked 4 10. 56 A POI"lU-
guese Iwo-masled bm'que Duas Anos broughl 171 passengel's LO British
Guiana, even though in Funchal onl} 71 passengcrs wilh passporls
embarked. This sarne ship appeared seven }ears laler with 173 elal/-
destinos 011 board. Such numbers spcak for themselvcs. Local aulhor-
ilies had difricullY in coping ,yilh such a '"rge illegal em igration ,
Qnce massive emigralion lO British colonies began lhe civil governor
of Madeira caJled for enforcemelll of passpon regu1alions to moder-
ale lhe Outnow. ln 1841 lhe civil governor reminded lhe pon offieial
who inspeCled depaning vessels lhal no vesse\ was permiued lO leave
for British Guiana unlil ali i15 passengers had lhe necessary passpol'15
and licence from lheir parish lha! re\eased thern from any furlher
service 01' assessrnelll owing.57
Howe\"el', il was not umil October 1845 lhal 312 indi\ iduals were
imprisoned at ParlO Moni/.: when lhey preparcd lO embark 011 lhe
yachl GI6no de Portu.gal deslined for British Guiana. 56 Thc ci,il govern-
Illen! lhen order'ed public3tion of a posteI' (tdiltli) describing lhe
punishmenls for Ihose who look pan in, 01" aided, clandestine emigra-
lion: lhe ship's caplain was liable lO a fine of 400,000 I'is while lhe
passengers, according lO lhe law of 9 January 1792, were subjCCl LO
a penal ly of I OQ,OOO ris :~9
These penallies did not alter plans for clandcSl ine emigrarion, bUI
merely heighlened lhe risk, ln January 1846 lhe CUSLOIIlS' r-eco ,-ding
officer found five passcngers withoul passp'?l"ls 011 the two-masted
barque Cloudi1ll! bound for Brilish Guiana. 60 Two months later lhe
administraLOr 01' lhe Funchal c01lu/ho surprised eighty-eight persons
al Piornais who imendcd LO embark clandestine1y on lhe English vessel
Ntwillo. 61 Unlil 1866 lhere were frcqucnt references lO lhe use of
coastal shipping in support of this clandestine traffic. The coastline
from Canio tO Ilonta do J>argo offered CQves which lem lhemselves
to pick-ups which were habitually made from Canio. Praia Formosa.
Pal do Mar' and Ponta do Pargo,62 ln J 84 7 lhe POl'luguese two-masted
AlIgratiorl Iram tllt Portugutu Allm/tlC Islt/tuu 51

barque Alal1ana was slill al Ponla do Pargo rineen elays ahel' her sail in g
from Funchal on lhe prelexl of laking on waler; upon inspeclion 187
passcngers were founel on board of whom only 34 hael passpOI'ts,bj
The Desertas islands also served as a eontacl point in lhis dml(le~line
trame, On various oceasions eoaslal boals were founel there wailing
lO rendezvous with ships bounel for British Guiana, ln February 18'15
anel April 1847 l\\'O lranspon vessels \\lere lakel1 lhal ..... ere going om
from Canio LO meel lhe Parluguese schooncr Eugt'nia,61 This use af
lhe Desenas anel I)ama do Parga as receplion poillls for lhe dandes-
une emigrallls was a direcl resuh of lhe greater vigilance in lhe pOrl
of Funchal anel surrouneling areas,ti!> Earlier on, lhe c1anelesline
emigrams hael I'oregalhered in Funchal in a shop on rua de Sabo
and embarkeel 00 ships al nighl fram small boats, bUI lhe increased
sUTveillaoce encouraged lhe use of more distam Illccling SpOlS,b
This on-shore aClivily of the island authorilies was reinforceel bya
shipboaTd inspeClion of lhe vessels which lefl lhe pon of Funchal, ilnel
by surveillancc of lhe emiTe coaSl anel of lhe Desen;ls islanels, At rirSl
lhe inspeclion \\Ias earried out using lhe ship of lhe lobacco monop-
01y.67 Later a schedu led service of boals \"as cSlablished to patrollhe
coaSlon lhe days near 10 lhe depanure of any "essel. DII As well as lhe
boats, lhe concelho adminisu-.uor had al his disposallwel\"e men anned
wilh ba~onels to palrollhe city shoreline, anel along lhe coast of lhe
islanel he was able lO cou m on lhe supporl of lhe chiefs of police anel
gunners. 69 ln Jul) of 1846 lhe depanure of d1C two-masled barquc
Duas Almas aClivateel lhis system of control : lhe aelministrator had lhe
entire coaSl walcheel for six days relying on lhe suppon 01" lhe parish
adminiSlraLOrs (rege<1ol'ts), chiefs of police and (wo pau'ol \'cssels,70
Nc\'crlheless, in order to be mOl'c effecli\'c lhe authol"ities requireel
a warship, ln 1847 lhe rcqucsl for a deSlrO)'e r (t'sol1la de guerr( 71 )
causeel lhe sending of lhe brig Douro, Lack of money for its mainte
!lance caused its substilulion by a cheapel' schooner, bUl in 1853 lhere
was a reversion lO lhe lype 01' vessels useel earlier in patrols,72
ln spite 01' lhese prohibitive measures anel lhe omcial vigilance, lhe
c1andestine movemenl cOll linueel unabated, spurred on by lhe grcat
determination of lhe Madeirans and lhe di ligencc of lhe ellligralion
agenls (allciadol't'S) and lheir helpcrs, The sharp elrop in depanures
from 1863. therdare. was nOI as a result oflhe rCSlrictions bUI nllhel'
a consequence of lhe decl ining demand for labour in lhe tl'aditional
eleslinations, Aftel' 1885 the rt:slrietions again becamc neeessary once
emigration bcgan lO pick up7'
The delermining faclor in the rise of clanelesline emigralion was
lhc activilY of lhe emigralion agems. \Vho were the main sLimulalors
of lhe nO\\l . Since lhe eigh lcenlh century lhey hael been aClhe on lhe
islanel, ln 1779 lhe governol" requested lhe Funchal magisu'ale lo sei
punishmenls for lhem, anel in lhat )'ear Alval"O eI'Ornelas Sisne iro was
52 AlfMrto Vimo

alTesled. 7 Ilowever, it was only in lhe 1830s lhal lheir activilies beGlme
worrisome.' ~
The agents were active ali over lhe island , but especiaJly in lhe norlh-
ern half where thcy masked lheir aClivities by prelending LO be second-
hand dealers or wine purchasers. 76 Through nOlices tacked up on
church doors and wilh the connivance ar some local nOlables in lhe
smal! hamlets, they managed LO emice many labourcrs with lhe pros-
pect or riches in Bra7il. lhe Wesl Indies or Ilawaii. 77 Transport 10
lhese deslinations was orten free and lhe islander onlr had la pay OUl
5.000 ris for lhe cxpense of geuing a passpon whcn in facl lhe law
fixed lhe amoum as 4,000 ris. 78
During lhe 18405 and 1850s fifteen emigralion agents were doeu-
mcmed in Funchal , Canio, So Vincemc , Ribeira dajancla. Arco de
Sojorge and Ribeira Brava.'9ln order la plll a stop to thcir aClivities.
lhe civil governar fixcd a pl"ison term of up la four momhs for lhose
found guilty.80
The aClivities or these elllicers somctimes assumed gl"otesque
dimcnsions. Thus in j u1r 1851 lhe shoemaker Joo Pestana sucd lhe
poel Francisco who had persuaded his wife and san lO emigrale LO
British Guiana81 ; in August ofthe same year Joo Vieira ignored lhe
pleas of his wife and children and succumbed to lhe alluring promises
of life in British Cuiana82 ; equally in 1853 a mOlhcr abandoned two
children in So Jorge, whilst a girl from Hoaventura Oed tO Funchal.
cnticed by Joaquim A. dos Reis. 83

Politicai Discussion and the Press, 1846-73

During the second half of lhe nineteenlh ce ntury lhe island press
conducled an animated debale on lhe risc in cmigration. The discus-
sion focused on lwO opposing views : on one hand werc the adver
lisemenls, descriptions and testimonies which promoted lire in lhe
Americas; on lhe olher hand , were opinion and pcrsonal experiences
which al"gued against lhe migratory process and invoked an inler-
venlion by lhe aUlhoriues.
Since lhe socio-economic siLUalion ar Madeirans, Azorcans and
Canarians \\'ere idemical. there are many simllarities in lhe emphases
and lrealmenl ar the problem in lhe press of each island or archi-
pelago. This is seen in A R~forma. Amigo do Povo, A Ordem, and O
Progressista in Madeira, in lhe El Heroldo ele Cmwnas, EI Eco, and El
Eco dei Comercio in lhe Canaries, and in A Pn-suaso in the Azores.
However, in lhe Ponuguese islands of Madeira and lhe Azores
perhaps the politic.allllrbulence following lhe rcvolulion or lhe 1820s
callsed a panicularly aCUle politicization of lhe problem, \\'ilh lhe
newspapers serving as a public extension ar lhe debates in the Crtes . .
~~

CEHA
:.:.-=.':,' ~=:
ln lhe case of Madeira, from lhe 1830s on there \\Ias a livel)' politicai
debate bclween lhe polilical faclions \\lho too!.:. opposing sides. Thus
ulllil 1875, when lhe Progressive Parly was born under lhe aegis of
D. Joo de Cmara Leme. lhe poliLical scene was ver)' confused. This
was evidelll in lhe politicai discussions in lhe pages of lhe local news-
papel"S. Many of lhe lallcr \\lere spokesmen for the d ifferent politicai
groups; for cxample, Amigo do Povo was lhe organ of the Progressi\'es,
while A Ordem supponed Charlisls and O Progressla lhe Regcnerators,
Certainly lhe lreatmelll of emigration bccame increasing!)' inlense in
lhe columns of O Progressista and O Ord~m during lhe I 850s. The
continuing ouunigration also resulled in an intense public discussioll
in lhe newspapel"S of lhe lime and in lhe C6rles b)' lhe repn:sentalives
of Madeira. Twent)-one Madeiran periodicals conta in a mine ofinfor-
malion on lhe (opic.
O Progressista, spokesman of lhe Regeneralol"S, is the periodical which
gave most allcnlion lO emigralion, which il constaml)' relcrred lO as
white sl'J\'cry while describing Bl'itish Guiana and Bra7il as slaughler-
houses. 84 For lhe periodicaJ"s edilors lhe importanl thing was 10 block
lhis migralory mo\'ement, There werc frequent anonymous artic\es
call ing for effeCli\e action by lhe authorilies. tI~ !-Io\\'e,er. in Ihis decade
orthe 1850s ali lhe e\idence indiC""dled that loe.ll aUlhurilies W'ere unable
lO pre\'ent dandestine emigration. The adminislralOr of lhe cOI/alho""!;
and lhe eleClcd judge or Ribeira Brava"7 were denounced for not
enforcing lhe laws of 1839, 1842, 1843 and 1849,11" Thus when some
emigration agents and seamen involvcd in clandestine emigration wcre
arresled and sentenced iII 1852. Ihere was much satisfaction in the
I>ages of lhe ne\\spaper.8~'
Beyond thi s conSlam ex.hortalion 10 lhe aU lhori ties lO intel'vene
effectively, O Progressista orten published lellers from emigrants who
descril>ed their wretched conditions. Thc firsl one was ii lener from
Manuel Joaquim Teixeira, daled 12 OclOber 1851 frorn Rio de Janeiro,
describing lhe difficulties of the voyage Ihere.90 Anolher ICHer was
from a Madeiran aboul lhe lragic silUation of lhe em igralllS in British
Guiana. 91 From Bral.iJ came more leuers 10 corroborate these unhappy
conditions.92 Ooe written from Rio on 14 !\Ia)' 1852 described lhe
circumstances of seulcrs senlthere by cmigralion agenlS from Ribeira
Brava, Campanrio and EstreilO de Cmara de Lobos; Ihirty-ninc had
died anel fortY-lwo were slill waiting for work. The letter-writer, Joo
Jos Basilio Pereira, added lhal "lh e negro slaves were much beuer
Ireated."gS Ahhough lhe Ponuguese merchams and citizens in Rio de
Janeil"O made a representalion 10 lhe ambassaclor, dateel 16 July 1852,
lhe organiLer of lhis shipmenl or em igrants for Bra7.i1, Cristvo Jos
de Oliveira, refuled lhe allegalions. He persisted in sending a funher
123 passengers on lhe English ship R~d Ros~ lO lhe same destinalion,91
54 Albuto Vitira

While lhis was going on, enlici ng advertisements for new emigrants
appeared in lhe pages of O ProgressISta. 011 4 Januaq' 1853 Joo de
Freitas Martins announced lhe recruiunelll of tenaTll farmers (colonos)
for Peru,9~ and on 29 March 1853 Diogo Taylor, lhe British Guiana
emigralion agem. a nnounced lhat the British govcrnmem would onl}
pay lhe fare ofthe emigrams upon their anival and upon acceptance
of lhe rcgu lalions of the colony.96
The newspaper A Ordem followed .1 similar cOlllradiClory posilion.
Thus in 1853 it gave a prominem place lo jos Silvestre Ribeiro's
speech in lhe Crles on 28 May aimed aI impeding Al:Orean and
Madeiran emigration lO British Guiana. and encouraging Ihat lO lhe
agricu llUral colony of Moamedes. 97 BUI in March of the following
year i1 opposed lhis governmem measure, poiming OUl thal lhe solu -
lion oughl lO be internal and not oUlSide lhe island of Madeira ilself. 98
The year 1854 was a terrible one for Madeirans. menaced as lhe}'
were by lhe spectre of famine. Then emigration becarne nOI a producl
of ambilion but lhe resull of lhe miser}' of the agricultural workers
and lhe inabililies of lhe gO\'ernment lO provide relief from lhe calam-
ily.99 The encouragemenl of emigralion to Rio de janeiro by lhe
Brazilian consu l, Lus Tom de Miranda, was grecled with emhusi-
as m, as was lhe chanering in 1855 by three Madeirans of lhe vessel
Charles Kun lO take lhree hundred sculers to British Guiana. 'oo ln
1858 it was said al lhe end of a report on the departure of lhe Portu
guese ship Chrislilla for Rio with fivc emigra11ls: " ln lime lhe beaUliful
fields of lhis land, worthy of a bellcr fale, will be deserted."101
O Defe"sor in lhe period 184 1 lO 1846 echoed lhe efforlS of lhe
gene ral administralOr of Funchal, Domingos Olavo COITea A7evedo,
in his proclamation againsl emigration to British Guiana and Brazil 102
al lhe sarne time that il published lellers from Madeirans ponraying
lhe " hell" of British Guia na. lOs The reaction of lhose mOSl im'olved
in lhe movcmenl was prompl, and came f rom Diogo Taylor, emigra-
lio11 agem for British Guiana, and from Lus rom de Miranda , vice-
consu l of Brazil. lo"
We find information aboul the 1840s from other periodicals, among
lhem O I mparcial,IO and lhe Echo da Rrooluo. I06 They "'ere bolh
dearly againsl lhe continued now of emigrants lO British Gu iana, which
lhey called lhe Valley of Dealh. The ImjXlrai summed up lh e malter:
<o lt see ms thallhe cily of Funchal c hanged ilself quickly imo a big fair
of white slaves, destined to go la perish in the mos! "i le dimale of lhe
British d omains, Brilish Guiana."
It wem on lO warn: "Ern igration to British Guiana is an infamous
loltcry whose lickclS contain o nly fare gerlUine wins bUl wh ich arc
bought with Lhe lives of our fellow ciLizcns .. 107
Ahgra/I01l from llu Por/lIgul!J~ A./latl/lc /slllml.s 55

Notes

I. Juan F. Martim Ruiz, f/ NW d~ GrolJ Caflaria (Las Palmas, 1978). p. 12.


2. Mirial1l I-Ialpern Pereira, " poU/iea portllgu~sa da ~migra(o, /800-/930
(Lisbon. 1981), pp. 7. 9--10.
3. Cmpare in this regard P. Punchon, La rQld~ d~s ~srlal'~S-tl;grii'J'$ ~t bois
d'Eb~tlt Ou XVJ/Jhtlt (Paris, 1980); O tr[uo de escraVOJ lIi'grru. Stlulo$ xv-
x/x (Lisbon. 1979). pp. 32-34; Leslie BeLhell. TheAboll/lml of/h/' Bml.llulII
Slavl' Tradl': Br(il.Il artd //tl' Slat~ QUl!JtlOtI (/807-/969) (Cambridge. 1970).
4. See furthc l': Julio Hernandez Garcia. "1..., emigracion canaria contCI1l-
poranea (IR!)~-1898)." in Augustin Millares Torres, ed. , l-Iut6rUl GtIIl'ral
de llU ulas Cananas (Las Palmas, 1977), \'01. v. pp. 101- 103; Rfimon Dias
Hernandez, " La panicipacin de Arucas en 1:1 cmigracion calMria de
1850 a 1920,"'11 coloqulodl' his/6t'1a Carwrio-AmencoIIll (Las Palmas, 1980) ,
pp. 54-57; Fernando Aires de Medeiros Sousa.jos! do Cml/o. Subsltlios
para ti hJslria Mlcul'lmsl' (1820-/898) (Ponta Delgada. 1982), pp. 103-
108.
5. Noel Deer, Tile 1-115/0') o/ Sugar (London, 1949-50),2 \ols.
6. Garcia, "l..1 emigracion ca naria comemporanea:' p. 105--11.
7. Raquel Soeiro de Brilo. "Aspectos da emigrd'ao na ilha de So Miguel,"
in Es/udos th Hu/rU/ di' Portugal (Lisbon, 1983). \'01. II, pp. 533-46: 541.
CrisL6\'ao de Aguiar, Alguns dados sob" a tmlgra(lJo aonQ1W (Coimbr.l,
1976), p. 17.
8. Fernando AIres de Medeiros de Sousa.jos! do Ctmto, p. 105.
9. Raquel Sociro de BrilO, "Aspectos da emigrao," p. 542 .
10. Walter Piaaa, "A g rande emigrao Aoriana de 17'18-1756." 111 8oft/11II
do IrlSti/uto Hul6rico da Ilha Tnwra 40 ( 1982): 463-92; J os Jorge CoU I O.
"A adesfio da ilha de Sfio Miguel rel'olu.iO de 1820," in Hlna t
Socdade 10 (1983): 18-19; Fernando Ain~s de Medeiros de Sousa,jos!
do Canto. pp. 105, 107; Francisco Carreiro da Co~ta, Para a hist6ria da
trrllgrarlJo do dis/nlo dI' Ponla Dl'lgatkl (Ponta Dclglda, 1972). pp. 22-24 .
II. Maria Jos Lagos ' Il'indade, Estudos dI' lust6na mtdin'<l/ (Lisbon, 1981).
pp. 36 1-413; Eduardo Ma)'one Dias, "A emigrao portuguesa na Cal i-
fl'Ilia," in Tl'lTa NfJ1JlI 1515. (1972).
12. See Manuel Crea\'es, Avtr/lllras dt Balmros (lI orta, 1950).
13. Mota de Vasconcelos. EpoptUl do tmigralllt HUltlar (Lisbon. 1959), p.8;
J oaquim Frdncisco de Freitas. PortugueSt HaWOIlarl Ml'morits (lI onoJulu,
1930).
14. Eduardo M3)'011e Dias, "A emigrdo portuguesa na Ca lifrnia," p. 170.
15. Freilas, Portugul'st Hau'O/Ul1/ Mtmorus.
16. Carreiro da Costa, Hutona da tmigra(o. p. 31.
17. A)'res de Jacome Correia, "A popu la!lo da ilha de $.'io Miguel durante
o scu lo XI X," in Rroista MlcOl'/l'TIsl' 3 (1921): 1262. 1267.
18. Afonso Costa, Estudos de uorlOnlla mujannl (Lisoon, 1911). p. 77.
19. A. Rtforma 6 (1858): I.
20. Michael P. Testa, O ap6s/olo da Mad~/ra (Lisbon, 1963); Re\'. W. Canis
Wilson, Th, Madma Pmuutions (London, n.d.): Re~ional Archi\'e of
Mad ei ra, (hcncefol'lh A II.M ): GOVl'rn/J CIVil (hencelorth GC) no. 20.
fols . 43\,-44 .
21. Michael P. Testa. ibid., 6, 63-64, 82: O DifnlSor 249, (18'16): 2.
22. AII.I>I CC 644, fols. 262\'0 263,,-, 9 September 1847; foi. ISI\'o (1850).
56 Atkrto Vieira

23. Ibid . 318. rols. 20-27\'. 2 1 August 1852; A Ord~m 126.27 May 1854.
24. A RM c..c 632. rols. 63-65, 23 April 1873.
25. Ah'aro Rodrigues de Aze\ed o. "Madeira," in DIClOmirlO "",vnwl d,
Portugus Ilus/rado (rc:print) n.d ., p. 728.
26. Sec lhe compilalio n or lhe major docuI1\enlS dealing wilh his activities
in Uma Ipaca admITIu/mima da M ad~lra (Fu nchal. 1849--50),3 \ 0 15.
27. Uma tpoca admmutra//l'o (1849-1850), I: 64--83: III : 105-106.
28. Colludo d~ dMUmi!lItos ri!latll'os d conslrndo d, PonU do RI /mrD Suo tia ,llw
da J\fOMIrO,.. (Funchal, 1848): Col/urdo d~ dM'WI~tltos rt'la/wD.l lnSt da
fomt! por qu~ passamm as ilhas da Madnm t Porto Santo. no (lno di! 1847
(Funchal, 1848).
29. O Progrmis/a 11 2 (1853); I.
30. O Clamor PblICO 27 ( 1855): 1-2.
3 1. A Discwroo 35: 3.
32. O Clamor P,bhco 69 ( 1855): 1.
33. O Funchalt'tl$i! 24, (1859): 1-2.
34. A Ordtm 77 (1853): :J-4; O ProgrtSsula 50 (1852): 3-<1.
35. Vasconcelos. EPoJJtI(j do ,migrallt, insular. pp. 19-20.
36. ARM GC 6-15. 132\' 133.
37. A flor do Oua1W 273 ( 1849): 1-2.
38. See the pia). Afamilio do Dt!mt'ftnulO (Funchal, 1859).
39. A Flor do Ouallo 273: 1-2.
40. AR\l GC 318. 209,,-210.
41. For lhe study o r Madciran emigration lO lIa""aii the rollol'o ing books
an: o r part icular import;H1ce: Freitas. PorlugT./t'St HOlJYlI/al' MI"mont.\. a
colleclion or fh-e hundrcd llltlSlr.Hcd blographles: J ohn I L FeHx :lml
Peter F. Senecal, Tht PortllK1ltSt m fl awa" (Honolulu , 1978), a com pi-
l:nion o r lext5 assemblt.>d lO commemoratc lhe ce mena ry or Madeiran
emigralion lO Hawaii.
42. Felix aml Senecal. Por/lllruJI' lt1 H awa". pp. 55-58: Horcio Bent o de
GouveL.'t. COIlhmhos tMllha (Funchal. 1966). pp. 101-103. 171 - 173: Du'ino
d~ Nol{cl(ll (Funchal). 29 Jul ) 1883.
43. 8rttN noticra actrc:a das IfllOS tlt! S(JIIdv.icll , das l'lllllagtns qUt "(IJ oftu"m
d tmigra{llo qUi! 110$ procura (Funchal. 1878).
44 . Orlando Ribeiro. A ,IJw da .\Iadma._. (Lisoon . 1985). p. 11 2.
45 . Fellx and Senecal. Porllllrus, ITI H awall. p. 27.
46. Ibid., pp. 111-34: Edgar C. Knoy,lton. "M<ldeirans in llay,':lii," and Noel
Menezes. "The winged impulse. lhe Madeiran Portuguese in GlI:I}'ana.
an economic social-cultural perspective:' presemcd 10 Col6qwo 1111".-
nacronal di! H ISt6ria da Madtlm (f'unchal. 1986): Noel MenelCl>. SU,Uj
from thi! Hislory of tllt' Portugll'u //I CIl)'(/1I0 (L.ondon. 1986).
47 . Eduardo Mayonc= Dias. "A presena portuguesa no I-I awaii." in 8 olt/lm
ClIllural da Asumblt/a Du /n/al d, Luboa (Lisoon. 198 1). vol. I. no. 8: 165-
235.
48. Vasconcelos, Epoptia do tnllgratllt IIUI/lnr. pp. 9--11.
49. As qUOIed in ibid .
50. Arqui\'o HislriCO Ultramarino (henct'rorth AHt:). A Madt'ira t p~to 5011/0.
no. 154-57.
51. Ibid., no. 548-550.
52. O Progrmista 5: 3.
53. O Dtfmsor 249: 2.
54. ARM CM Ponta de Sol. No. 33, rols. 176_79\'.
55. ARM (; 644. rols. 205--206vo.
56. Uma Ipola admmistrall1J(l da M admtJ, \'01.1. pp. 15-2 1.
Migralianfrom Iht Porluglld t Atlanl/c /$Iallds 57

57. ARM cc 17, 159vo.


58. Ibid ., 12, foi. 115,,".
59. Ibid ., 19, fols. 185-86,24 October 1845. The English consul was informcd
of thesc measures in arder that he c:ou ld inform his ow n na!ionals (ibid.,
112. fols . 148vO).
60. Ibid., 19. foI. 209: A R\I Admmislralio da Carutlho. FUllcho/318, foi. 24.
61. lbid .. 318, fols. 26,,_27,,.
62 . Between 1845 to 1866 lhere \'Ie l'e (\>o'em)' references la Ihese aCli\itics
along lhe southern coaSl of t.ladeira island.
63. ARMC(: 112, fols. 175,,_76: 277: 280.
64 . l bid ., 115, fols. 165,,_70: AdmmtSlrO(o do Carutlho. Ftmrhal318. foI. 84,,.
134-3:;.
65. ARM cc 113, foI. 150""-5 1: ibid . 115, foi. 10h".
66. Ibid .. 20, fols. 128-29\,: 134-35.
67 . Ibid . 112, 115, 153.
68. ARM, Administra(/la do Callulha, Frmchal 318. fo ls. 25,_26\,,29\,,44,
48,,.
69. ARM GC 112, foi . 182; ihid . Adrn/lltSlma do Con(t/IIO, Fllllrhal3 l S, 1'01. 43\'''_
44.44-48 ; ibid .. 20, foi. 38,.
70. ARM. Admini$tra(fjo do Canulho 358, 1'01. 44-48.
71. VIn(1 1poca odmmlrari!'<l da Madmo, vai. I. pp. 8-9, 14-22,29-30,42-
46.
72. Ibid .. pp. 87-89; ARM (;(: 113, fols. 212,,"-213,235 .
73. ln Ihc offici;.! phrase "comea a faler-se l11ais profundamenlc." Ibid.,
613, foI. 97.
74. A H\, Modt ira t Porto Salllo 526-34.
75. AKM Coe 110. 1-2.
76. Ibid .. 17. fui. 132,,"; O Progm.sulo 25 (1851) : 2-3: A Ord~m 190 ( 1855):
3.
77. O Progmi ta 25 (1851): 2-3: 28: 2-3.
78. ARMGC 77, foI. 132,,.30 April 18'11.
79. AK~I. Ad'1II1Iutru(O do COllullw. FrHlchal 318, fo i. 58\'. 69\"_70: ibid . 21,
foI. 62 \,". ibid . 315, fols. 3:;\'''_36, 183: ibid . 318, foI. 34\''': O Progrmuto
23 (1851): 2-3; 32: 3: 33: 2.
80. AlUI GC 20, foi. 20\ "_2 1. 67,,"-68, 149-51\'''; ibid., 21 . fols.62\'0: ibid ..
22. foI. 20,,"; ibid . 318, fols. 58,,; ibid . 3 15. fo ls. 35\"_36, 38; Unw 1poco
(jdmi'li.stratll'a da Madma \"01. I, pp.2S-29: O Progrt..i.sta 23 (1851): 2-
3: 32: 3: A flor do OctOIlO 273: 1-2: A Ordl!m 11 (1852): 3.
81. ARM, Admmi.strll(lio do COIlf:tlho, Frouhaf 315. fols. '132\"_34.
82. Ibid. , fols . 50\'''.
83. Ibid .. fols. 181\'.
84. O Progrmula 59: p. 'I.
85. Ibid., 23. pp. 2-3.
86. Ibid.
87. Ibid . 3<1, 1'. 2.
88. Ibid., 25, pp. 2-3; ibid . 91. p. 2.
89. Ibid., 32, p. 2.
90. Ibid., 23 , pp. 2-3 .
91. Ibid .. 28, pp. 2-3.
92. Ibid .. 42. pp. 2-3.
93. Ibid., 45. p. 4.
94. Ibid., 46, pp. 2-3.
95. Ibid., 75, 4.
96. l bicl., 85, p. 4.
58 Albtrlo Vit'ira

97. A Ord~m, 77. pp. 3-<1.


98. Ibid .. 114.
99. Ibid .. 132. p. J.
100. Ibid., 165. pp. 2-3.
101. Ibid ., 94. p.3.
102. O Dt/nuM, 71: ibid., 96. p. 2; ibid .. 201, p. I.
103. Ibid .. 72. 2.
104. Ibid .. 72, 2-3; ibid .. 201. I.
105. O ImlJa reial 38, 1'1'.2-3: ib.d .. 289, p. 3; ibid., 300 pp. 2-3.
106. Eeho dJJ Rn>olufo 3. pp. 2-4; ibid., 6, pp. 2-3: ibLd .. 7. pp. 2-3.
107. O Imparcial 38, 2-3.

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