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Aditya Tognatta, New Delhi

B.Arch, University School of Architecture and Planning, 2005
Roll No: 0451731605





©Aditya Tognatta, New Delhi 2010


Kashmere Gate-110006

University School of Architecture and Planning

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Thesis Title


Approval Certificate

The following study is hereby approved as a creditable work on the approved subject, carried out

and presented in a manner sufficiently satisfactory to warrant its acceptance.

It is to be understood that by this approval the undersigned does not necessarily endorse or

approve any statement made, opinion expressed or conclusions drawn therein, but approve the

study only for the purpose for which it is submitted and satisfies himself as to the requirements

laid down by the dissertation committee.

Name of the student Name of the Guide

Aditya Tognatta (Prof. Rupinder Singh)

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Submitted by…

Aditya Tognatta

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The journey has been long and there have been numerous co pilots. I‟d like to thank all of them.

First of all I would like to express my indebtedness towards my computer and the world wide

web, which stood by me at each and every second of my academic semester and after him, my

parents and friends who have been instrumental in shaping me as I am.

I‟d like to thank Prof. Rupinder Singh, my guide, who was persistent, patient and

considerate towards my idea and for planting all the seeds in my mind, directly or indirectly.

I would also like to thank our seminar coordinator Prof. Ashok lal for his consistent

guidance and update of the study, and for his immense support and consistent guidance that was

never short of encouragement whenever it was needed the most.

I‟d like to thank my friends who have been constantly the source of new ideas and who

gave me invaluable inputs. And it would not have been possible without Usap and its walls and

its memories.

And a special thanks to Google.

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Title Page ………………………………… i

Approval ………………………………... ii
Abstract ………………………………... iii
Acknowledgements ………………………………... iv
Table of Contents ………………………………... v
Objectives ………………………………... 1
Research and Methodology ………………………………... 1
Scope and Limitations ………………………………... 1
Evolution of the City ………………………………... 2
Gurgaon today( analysis) ………………………………... 3
Transit interventions ………………………………... 11
Case Studies ………………………………... 13
Conceptual understanding of
urban scheme ………………………………... 32
Final Scheme ………………………………... 33
Project Brief For Civic Center ………………………………... 36
Design Development ………………………………... 39
Final Plans ………………………………... 45
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Provide Gurgaon with a sense of an identity through the projection of a city center, and

give a central character to the city that reflects its governance


Re-Planning of the city center over what is proposed by the Haryana Development

Authority in a more urbanist way, buy catering to the needs of the city. Then design a Civic

Center to provide common grounds for the denizens and various political authorities to interact

and acknowledge each other presence.


Stitch the fragments of the city through legible urban intervention

Make the city more inwards looking than spreading in a ad-hoc manner throughout

Provide the city with a more meaningful central space to exhibit the character of the city


- Analysis of Gurgaon and generate a case for the requirement of a city center in the city.

- Creating a new Transit proposal for the city, to create a new approach towards the city.

- Analyze the City Center proposed by the HUDA

- Re-design the complex keeping in mind the programme proposed by the HUDA in a
more urbanist way with the addition of some new programmes to enhance the character
of the city .

- Case studies of the few selected town hall and city center

- Then in the new proposed scheme design a Civic Center.

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During the 18th century Gurgaon consisted of

various small settlements scattered all around

M.G road, as it was a pilgrimage route and a

major connector between Delhi and Ajmer.

Beginning in 1980s Gurgaon witnessed rapid

development as it became a booming commercial

hub, and moved beyond being just a satellite

town of Delhi. This was largely due to pressures

of rapid development but also due to an “unholy”

alliance between government bodies and private

developers, which created a scenario of “land

grab.” Today, these areas of Gurgaon are home

to most new multi-national entrants to India. As a

result of this “run-away” urbanism and real-

estate land grab, Gurgaon today is a fragmented

city today.
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Today Gurgaon has a population of over 20 lakhs, and has set the precedents for

tomorrows planning to become one of the 12 megacities in the country. But, due to such

aspirations and lack of central governance what we see Gurgaon today is nothing more than ad-

hoc arrangements of buildings of various scale and sizes, the transit system is in a mess,

commercial use certainly has an monopoly over the others. all in all the city lacks an identity and

character of one city, due its stratified development over the years by various construction



Due to unplanned and need based development over the recent years has led

Gurgaon to sratified zoning(see fig 1.1). This phenomenon became more evident in the recent

years of infrastructural boom in the city,as various construction and finance companies displayed
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the “land grab‟ frenzy. Today we see scattered developments in pockets of the region, with no

characteristic display of one wholesome city.


The NH-8 dissects Gurgaon into

Old city two spheres the old city, consisting of

dense fabric and extensive mixed use

developments and the new city that
New city
houses high-rise structures and luxurious

villas. The nh-8 clearly marks this transition in the built fabric by dissecting the city into two



The primary reason Gurgaon exhibits transit problems is due to its inefficiency in

regulating intra- city traffic. The denizens use the national highway to cross to the other part of

the city, thus creating more mess on the national highway. These feeders into national highway

are the primary entry /exit points in and out of the city. At present there are about (8x2) feeders

leading into national highway, Out of which four primary ones are (iffco chowk, Rajeev chowk,

Raotula-ram chowk, Hero Honda chowk), One can never seems to miss them as they are

frequently having traffic jams.


Gurgaon lacking synchronization at various levels of services also exhibits a lack

in portraying a central government character in the city. Due to PPP‟s and various construction

companies taking control of the land. The outskirts of the city are swarming with housing and
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commercial buildings. Making the city more stratified and unstable.

On the whole what we get is a city that is not only divided through its physical layout but

through the development controls as well. There is a clear segregation in the way the old city

functions to the way the new city works, but what‟s common is the negligence in infrastructure

development and services required to sustain the population boom of the denizens.




Today Sector-29 is proposed as a city by Haryana Development authority. The most important

about this sector is its placement in the physical sense. It‟s not only centrally located but is

placed at the intersection of the National Highway-8 and the M.G Road which are the only two

entries and exit points from city towards New Delhi. This sector has the potential to stitch the

two fragments of the city.

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TOTAL AREA : 470 Acres or 19,05,405.3368 sqm

TOTAL GROUND COVERAGE : 220 Acres or 924317.55 sqm + 3, 46,928 sqm (parking)

PERCENTAGE : 66.7% Plot area= 48% built +18.7% surface parking

(excluding buffer greens and circulation)

TOTAL FLOOR AREA : 350 Acres or 14, 18,382.46 sqm

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1. AMUSEMENT PARK 01 102672


3. CINEMA 2700








10. HOTEL SITES 29456.5

11. HOTEL BAYS 14025

12. KISAN BHAWAN 7910.5


14. OFFICE BAYS 7553





18. S.C.O 97702

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19. SHOPPING 14400




23. LIBRARY 16100





Continuous stretch of commercial tower on the frontal Entry /exit point directly from the
negating the meaning of a green buffer in front and eradicates freeway
the sense of any visual connection from the freeway.

Since this Scheme was developed before the national highway was transformed into a

freeway. It shows various entry/exit points from the national highway no.8 into a series of

commercial towers. Thus negating any sort of visual connection, furthermore it accentuates the

difference in the built fabric between the two dissected portions of the city. Thus, not helping in

the overall amalgamation of the city as a single entity.

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Almost 60% of the site has been proposed for

commercial activities, which roughly accounts for 132

acres (534185.047 m2). Another important aspect that is

missing from this proposal is housing. Since a city

center is for the denizens incorporating housing

schemes would enhance the character of this site.



The site clearly lacks any sort of intervention on the

transit front. They have not accounted for the road

capacity after the induction of metro route onto the site.

A clear use of traditional transit standards is seen, where

roads are ranging from 24 ms to 18 ms. In Addition to

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this scenario what more can be observed is the flawed road systems proposed by the Haryana

development organization. During peak hours these roads are going to be used by at least 10-15

lakhs people on daily basis. In other words the whole Zoning seems flawed with irregularities in

the turning radius and positions of the junctions. The developmental authorities are yet to

propose any BRT corridors in this area.


The most serious shortcomings of this

scheme are seen in its negligence in addressing

the context and the built character around it.


There are no greens of city scale greens provided in the

scheme for the citizen to use for activities. The whole sector

has been covered with sites for commercial activities, with no

cohesion as one city center. Leisure valley which is the only

green patch is very small in size in regard to the whole site,

thus negating the possibility of being the lung of the city. On

the whole the whole scheme is filled with flaws and it seems

scattered in all aspects. The zoning and plot by-laws just

aggravates the situation, thus making the scheme completely

inappropriate for a city center.

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In order to sustain this typology of development . Attempt has been made to amalgamate transit

systems and high density developments together, thus giving rise transit oriented develoment.



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The new proposal is an attempt to smoothly regulate intra city traffic, by providing

parallel roads to the national highway no.8. This way we are able to control the number of

exit/entry points on the national highway, thus reducing the intra city traffic from the it. In

addition to this BRT routes have been proposed to make public transport more reachable to the

denizens of the city

4 lane artery system(slow/medium)speed 3 lane parallel roads(fast moving traffic)

Proposed metro routes and Transit junctions Proposed B.R.T corridors

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case studies to understand new concepts of planning and strategizing a scheme



In a unanimous decision by the jury

for the international competition to

design Tallinn's new City Hall, the

entry from Danish firm Bjarke Ingels

Group was awarded first place. The

civic design is meant to be a structural

translation of the transparency necessary for good governance and participatory democracy. The

idea of a city hall as a democratic space for citizens to see their city at work is well-entrenched in

Scandinavia and Northern Europe. Parallels can be drawn between BIG's design and Alvar

Aalto's famous 1952 Saynätsälo Town Hall in Finland, which also incorporated soaring, angled

roof forms, a courtyard, public commercial space on the ground floor, and was intended to be a

gathering space for everyone, not just elected officials.


Good governance and participatory democracy is dependent on transparency in

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both directions. It requires adequate political overview of the problems, demands and desires of

the public, as well as public insight into the political processes. The new town hall of Tallinn will

provide this two way transparency in a very literal way. The various public departments form a

porous canopy above the public service market place allowing both daylight and view to

permeate the structure.

The public servants won‟t be some remote administrators taking decisions behind thick

walls, but will be visible in their daily work from all over the market place via the light wells and

courtyards. From outside the panoramic windows allow the citizens to see their city at work. In

reverse the public servants will be able to look out and into the market place‟s making sure that

the city and its citizens are never out of sight nor mind.
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The whole structure has been designed for maximum light penetration, reflective surfaces

and huge courtyards between the various buildings

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Structurally, the design is "a grouping of easily assembled individual frames that through

vierendeel frames free the connection of the city at ground level whilst simultaneously act as a

'group' to resist lateral loads. The result is an economic, fast-build adaptable solution,"

The roof of the tower is tilted forming a slender spire. Inside the City Council greeting hall is

accessed via the grand stair or elevators directly from the market place, or from the City offices

around it. Above the greeting hall, the City Council is located in a generous space illuminated

though a large window facing the city. A balcony for press and visitors flanks the space on the

level above. The sloping ceiling of the tower is finished in a large reflective material. The mirror

ceiling transforms the tower into a huge democratic periscope allowing literal transparency

between politicians and public. In ancient times the town hall would have a vaulted ceiling

decorated with a sky or frescos of the land and territories under the ruler‟s government. In the

new town hall of Tallinn the ceiling will be a real (reflected) overview of the city both old and

new. Whenever a politician raises his/her glance, he/she will be met with the view of Tallinn‟s

townscape. In reverse, the citizens, rallying protesters or simply people passing by, will look

towards the tower, and within it get an insight into the political work. The circular formation of

council members will be reflected in the tilted ceiling, and give the surrounding citizens a sense

of assurance that the democracy is busy working for them. In a traditional tower only the king at
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the top gets to enjoy the great view. The periscope is a form of democratic tower, where even the

average Tallinn citizen on the street gets to enjoy the overview from the top.

On the whole the Tallinn Hall creates an atmosphere where the citizens have the freedom

to express their views over national or local issues, moreover an ideal situation is created through

the transparency in the design .Where the denizens and public authorities can acknowledge each

other. The above design due its free ground plan also mixes boundaries between inside and

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City that rejected its Master Plan, For A Better Future…
Brazil is an emerging economy like India and has very similar issues—thus a look at the city of

Curitiba is not without relevance.

Brazil was a Portuguese colony in the 16th century until they gained independence in

1822 as the Brazilian Empire, and the country had been a republic since 1899. It was one of the

last countries to ban slavery, but a resultant of that is a multi-ethnic population which traces its

origin from within the Americas, Southern Europe and Africa, Asia. These racial groups are

largely a Portuguese speaking and multiethnic society, Brazil is a melting point for varied ethnic

groups and there is racial tension—but the bigger issue is the difference between “haves” and

“have-nots.” Brazil has often been in the headlines for “flash-kidnapping,” and has their own

version of “encounter-specialists.” Like India, Brazil is one of the emerging economies and often

noted as part of the BASIC countries—it is at present the fifth most populous, and the eighth

largest economy by nominal GDP and the ninth largest by purchasing power parity.

Brazilian urbanism is marked by Rio de Janeiro—which will be the hosting the Olympics

in 2016—which is home to roughly 10 million people today and is not unlike Delhi and Mumbai.

In other words Rio‟s history is plagued by similar problems, including issues of compliance to

Master Plan1 and ever-changing government authorities with clashing ideas further worsening

the situation of the city, and these urban pressures reign all over Brazil. In this case which has

Donat Alfred Agache (1875-1959) is best known for Beaux- Arts master plan for Rio de Janeiro. He had an
important impact on Rio and on the development of modern Planning in Brazil, As he later on went on to do the
master plans for Sao Paulo and Curitiba. But his ideas were never realized fully due to political differences and
financial crisis. The Agache Plan was, however, one of the first comprehensive Master Plans in the modern sense. It
resulted from new requirement from federal that mandated municipalities to produce a master plan in order to
receive federal funds for capital improvements-from Fundo de Participacalo dos Municipios.
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done well with these issues is city of Curitiba. The capital of the state of Paraná, located in

southern Brazil having an area half the size of Delhi, with a metropolitan region population of

2.7 lakhs.

Curitiba has a six-decade-old history of formal urban design and planning. It started with

Agache Plan in 1943, designed by French urbanist Alfred Agache, when Curitiba had 120,000

inhabitants. Through the re structuring of the street network, this plan established guidelines for a

concentric growth of the city and provisions for land-use zoning, sanitation measures, the

distribution of open spaces, and the allocation of areas of urban expansion The plan assumed the

dominance of the automobile and the principle approach was massive infrastructure investments,

including construction of circular boulevards and major radial arteries similar to that of Lutyens

Delhi- the Civic center with local state and federal public agencies- commenced construction in

accordance in 1952.The master plan ostensibly aimed to provide the city a development scheme

that gave priority to public services such as sanitation, easing traffic congestion and creating

centers that enabled the growth of both social life and commerce.

Curitiba‟s population reached 180,000 inhabitants at annual growth rate of over seven

percent in the 1955-more than what Agache plan had anticipated and only 10% of the Master

plan had been realized by then. Then when the country hit rock bottom on financial fronts and

the progress was halted. By the 60s, Curitiba's population had ballooned to 430,000, and

financial turmoil only worsened and some feared that the growth in population threatened to

drastically change the character of the city. The 1943 master plan was seen as inadequate in

addressing this dire situation—because the large open Baroque boulevards were very expensive

to construct, difficult to maintain and did not service the largest segment of the population,

which was bus-bound. Consequently, the Mayor Ivo Aruza immediately dismissed the master
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plan. This called for a rather radical but a sustainable approach towards urban planning that

would not only save the city from the current scenario but also pave a path towards a better life

for the inhabitant of the city.

In 1964, the Mayor solicited proposals for the same2. Architect Jaime Lerner3, who later

also became mayor of Curitiba, led a team from the Universidade Federal do Paraná that

suggested strict controls on urban sprawl, a reduction of traffic in the downtown area,

preservation of Curitiba's Historic Sector, and a convenient and affordable public transit system.

But not a Master Plan to do the same. These were more like guidelines. These directives led to

the formalization of the principle directive of the preliminary plan of 1965(“subsequently know

as the Master Plan”) which aimed to transform the city‟s radial configuration of growth to a

linear model of urban expansion.

Fig 2.2:(Source:

Fig 2.1: (Source: The new Plano Diretor; with guidelines to
Agache‟s Plan; showing the beaux de arts direct the growth of the city, through the
approach of planning- creation of five structural axes.
The municipality of Curitiba opened a public completion to create new urban plan of the city. A planning and
architectural form from Sao Paulo, Sociedade Serte de Estudos e Projectos Ltd., in collaboration with Arguitetir
Associates, led by architect /planner Jorge Willheim, was selected in 1965 to create the Plano diretor, which was
developed in consultation with some city architects „Jamie Lerner’ and city officials in Curitiba and the
participation of some elite groups, and was approved in 1966.
On top of his professional and political skills, Jamie Lerner has enjoyed abundant good fortune in his political
career. The first term of Lerner as mayor (1971-74) coincided with the prosperous phase of national development
known as the “Brazilian miracle‟. In his third term as mayor, he administered a city budget of $R 850 million, $R
600 million more than the budget of his predecessor Requiao.
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By this time, Curitiba had almost 500,000 inhabitants and an annual growth rate of 5.6 percent.

Not like Agache‟s Plan. Which was based on concentric circles, the Plano diretor was based on a

city growth concept of, linear expansion of city from its center, employing integrated

transportation of growth, the promotion of industry, and the improvement of the environmental

and urban quality of the city.

Fig 2.4: (Source:

Fig 2.3: (Source: Creation of structural axes to promote
Radial approach proposed by Alfred Agache. transit oriented development.

The Plano diretor 4conceived major physical interventions in the city, including a

number of significant urban design projects. The greatest intervention was the creation of the

five structural axes of transportation radiating from the center of the city, guiding the direction

and concentration of growth. The structural axes plan combined massive public transportation

infrastructure with zoning that allowed mixed uses and significant density. Although the zoning

had begun with the precious plan in the 1950‟s, the new plan instituted creative approaches to

shaping the urban fabric, channeling growth and defining the establishment of specific zones

such as central zone, the structural Sectors for business and other services, and residential Zones.

The Plano diretor is the Portuguese word for urban master plan guidelines
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Residential growth was encouraged near street with concentrations of transportation and

services. Special interest Preservation Units were established to restore buildings of historical

significance. It also laid the guiding principle that mobility and land use cannot be disassociated

with each other if the city's future design is to succeed. In order to fulfill these goals of providing

access for all citizens, the main transport arteries were modified over time to give public

transport the highest priority.

This approach not only bought about a new revelation in urban planning but also made

the inhabitants realize the importance of transport in cities, which in Delhi has always been given

a back seat considering the previous state of affairs. I will discuss here three key aspects of this

approach in Curitiba—Policy implementation, road system, land-use, and Mass Transit.

Firstly-One of major directives derived from the new Plano diretor was the creation in

1966 of the institute of urban research and Planning of Curitiba (IPPUC) to implement the plan

and to develop all complementary projects. IPPUC established a team of planners working

outside the institutional framework, able to respond to developmental pressures with agility.

Since its founding, IPPUC has efficiently led the transformation of Curitiba physical structures,

devising the projects and facilitating their translation into works.

IPPUC also paid attention to the preservation of the city‟s history and enhancement of its

identity with the help of Revitalization Plan for Historic District in Curitiba. In 1971 the first

revitalization plans was established, resulting in the variation of cultural facilities as well as the

rehabilitation of historic buildings. Old abandoned or underutilized buildings became home to

orchestras, art workshops, theatres, and museums; an old army headquarters facility was

transformed into the Curitiba Cultural Foundation; a gunpowder deposit became theaters; and a

glue factory became the Creativity Center. In 1972, the city‟s first main street-Rua XV de
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Novembro-became Brazil‟s first pedestrian mall.5Later its popularity made it a model emulated

in other cities of Brazil.

The success of Curitiban planning primarily comes from the cohesion of various public

offices working in parity6, and delivering rapid action strategies required in time for smooth

function of the city. Just like revitalization plan in the 1970-That transformed old vacant

buildings, and the slum relocation plan 1976- To assist families living in squatter settlements in

risk areas were introduced to comprehend the rapid growth of the city.

Fig 2.5: (Source: IPPUC homepage) Fig 2.6: (Source:

Street planning in Curitiba View of a boulevard street in Curitiba
with pedestrian lanes in the middle.
Secondly- Probably the epitome of Curitiban Urban policy- achieving much more benefit

for much less investment- has been the transportation program(cerevo,1195; Ravinovitch and

lietman, 1993) The structural main transit axes began to operate in 1974, significantly, the

transportation program has been used to promote development along these axes. A new street

system created priority avenues, and re direct traffic away from downtown by establishing

connector streets between neighborhoods and major avenues. Also at this time new streets were

built to connect established avenues, and new traffic circulation patterns were established. The

The way this action was carried out was very bold and fast. Quick implementation has been a hallmark of the
Curitiba experience. The pedestrian mall was built during a weekend to prevent opposing shop owners from taking
any legal action against it until it was too late. Then, children were invited to hold a painting fair in the middle of the
street, further preventing any action against the works. Curitiba‟s mayor convinced the opposition to give the project
a try. Meanwhile, the children‟s fair became a weekly event.
It is relevant to note here that the coincidence of interest groups around a major vision is also a key in the
development of the Curitiba experience, together with the concurrency of the three aforementioned factors, namely,
the creation of supportive political institutions, the continuation of political regimes, and the participation of elites.
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ternary System was also established were principle artery was divided into three parts…The

three- tier road system of each axis is made up of one central street with exclusive lanes for

efficient public transportation and slow local access traffic lanes with parking. To either side of

the central street are one-way Arterial Street of traffic (express lanes) headed into or away from

the downtown area. This road system was created through a re-definition of the existing street,

not by resizing the street or constructing overpasses.

Fig 2.7: (Source: IPPUC homepage)

Change in the densities with various
hierarchies of roads.
Simultaneously actions were taken to build the city in accordance to the transit and road

system introduced demarcating a clear direction for the growth of the city and the primary tool

that helped to achieve this was land use planning. The land use here is reconfigured into built-

form—importance was given not to assign single-use zones, rather the correlation of built form

with transit system. TOD before the term was canonized. The road hierarchy was directly

responsible for the density of the built form. The highest density of residential and commercial

development are concentrated in the two blocks at the center of the spine, with diminishing

densities in the blocks to either side, thus preserving large areas for low-rise residential

development in the sectors between axes.

As the need for economic support for a city that was growing at rates higher than five

percent a year in the 1960‟s led to the creation of Curitiba‟s industrial district(cidade industrial

de Curitiba, CIC), and special connecting sectors were designated to effectively integrate the

industrial district into the rest of the city. The CIC was designed with suitable urban
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infrastructure, providing basic services, housing, preservation areas, and integration with urban

transit system.

Fig 2.8: (Source: Fig 2.9: (Source:

Development along transit routes in Transit oriented development in Curitiba
Curitiba reached the 1970‟s with 650,000 inhabitants and a population growth rate of 5.3

percent a year. This reasoned out the need for zoning for specific purposes and occupation

parameters guided public and private investments and projects in Curitiba. A 1975 law further

defined land use in the city, creating areas for residential, services, manufacturing, and rural

activities. The law also defined structural sectors, pedestrian areas, natural and riverside

preservation areas, parks, and the Historic District. To solve environmental problems in fragile

areas, special land-use and occupation sectors were created.

Thirdly- The transit system began to operate in the year 1974, when architect Jaime

Lerner was the Mayor of Curitiba, in coordination with the Master Plan they began to construct

the first two out of five arterial structural roads that would eventually form the structural growth

corridors and dictate the growth pattern in the city. These structural corridors were composed of

a triple road system with the central road having two restricted lanes dedicated to express busses.

These restricted buses lanes succeeded in providing excellent access and mobility. The two
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features essential for the success of this all-bus network transit system are7 (1) reliable high-

capacity buses running along trunk lines on the structural axes where the greatest population

lives and works, featuring exclusive lanes with a limited number of cross streets, signal pre-

emption, high platforms for entry and exit, and pre-paid boarding; and (2) a complementary

network of color-coded feeder and express buses, all with free transfer, providing dense coverage

of the entire city.

Fig 2.10: (Source: IPPUC homepage) Fig 2.11: (Source:

Double articulated buses Dedicated corridors for buses

Next is the question of the acceptance of such an all-bus system by the citizens as the

fares of the bus transit system reflected the operational cost of each line separately. Because they

were less lucrative, the longer lines had higher fares, posing high costs for the low-income

population located at the periphery of the city. The government began what came to be known as

„single fare‟ with one single fare reflecting the cost of the entire system, persons commuting long

distances (often the low-income population) are subsidized by those making shorter trips.

Besides being socially just, the single fare facilitated the implementation of fare integration

between different companies. It was estimated that around 80% of users benefited by the

Curiously enough, alcohol-fueled buses were indeed used for tourist routes. This tells us that the government was-
aware of the greater ecological value of the alcohol-base buses, and wanted their use to be linked to the image of the
city and the environmental concerns it carried with them.
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The bus system is organized by URBS (Urbanization of Curitiba S/A), the public

transportation corporation, and 16 private companies are sub-contracted to operate and maintain

the buses. In 1986 the operating companies, which until then had received income directly from

their passengers, changed to a system whereby they were paid per kilometer. The municipal

government collects detailed operational information (fleet, timetable, kilometers run, etc.),

audits the implementation, collects income received daily from the whole system, and pays the

operators for services rendered in real costs. Detailed regulations establish the rights and

obligations of the operating companies, define the faults and penalties, and seek to eliminate

waste while constantly improving the quality of service. This arrangement ensures the fair

distribution of income among operators and prevents unhealthy competition among drivers over

specific routes.

Fig 2.12: (Source: IPPUC homepage) Fig 2.13: (Source:

Tube station View of the tube station from outside

The Tube Station, started in 1984, is a bus platform elevated to the level of the

entrances/exits of the bus, where automatic doors operated by the tube conductor open parallel to

the bus doors. Passengers pay an entrance fare at the turnstile and wait for their respective direct

or express bus to pass. Disembarking passengers leave the stations through a direct exit. The

Tube can allow controlled access and safe and secure embarkation. The establishment of the
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Tube Stations guarantees that the bi-articulated buses have the necessary operational conditions

to support the growth in demand predicted for the next coming years. The bi-articulated bus has

a large capacity (270passengers) and travels in an exclusive lane. It has no steps or fare

collection and use the Tube Station for passenger embarking and disembarking. The first line

was implemented in December 1992, with 33 vehicles carrying 100,000 passengers per day on

the downtown areas.

The low congestion consequently made it easier to promote other means of travel in the

city center. Hence, the city created a pedestrian network, covering an area equivalent to nearly

fifty blocks, in the downtown area. Although at first local merchants were opposed to the idea,

they quickly found the pedestrian zone to be a tremendous economic boost; much more space

was available in the area for customers rather than vehicles, the shopping environment was more

pleasant, and people had more time to shop when they did not have to drive and park. Bus

terminals on the periphery provide frequent access to the area. Furthermore, the Curitiba Public

Works Plan for 1992 calls for 150 km of bicycle paths to be built, following river bottom valleys

and railway tracks and connecting the city's districts to make the entire city accessible to


Due to the system design with special lanes, prepaid passenger boarding and the priority

the buses receive in road hierarchy, the bus system can operate with a much higher capacity than

traditional city bus systems. In terms of cost-effectiveness, the bi-articulated bus system in

Curitiba is very effective with the cost of U.S.$3 million per kilometer to construct compared

with U.S.$8-12 million per kilometer for a tram system and around U.S.$50-100 million per

kilometer for a subway. The new system offered riders greater comfort, and operating costs fell

6% lower than the other systems. The new system has evolved since then linking downtown to
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the neighborhoods through exclusive traffic lanes. The lanes enable a considerably higher

average bus speed without jeopardizing passenger safety. Today there are now 58 Km of

exclusive bus lanes which crisscross the city along all the cardinal directions. The structural axes

created are complemented by 270 km of feeder routes and 185 Km of inter- district routes,

serving about 65% of the urban area. The integrated Transportation Network promoted the use of

public transport and reduced the use of private cars. Around 1.9 million passengers use the bus

transit system daily with an 89% user satisfaction rate. This change reduces congestion, fuel

consumption, and air pollution, and result in a better environment for the entire population.

Actually, Curitiba has shown one of the lowest levels of ambient air pollution in Brazil.

Fig 2.14: (Source: Fig 2.15: (Source:

Botanical gardens in the city Low lying areas converted into natural green

The most crucial piece or the crown jewel in this whole scheme would be the green

intervention done by the city planners, they managed not only to reclaim land from low lying

basins in the regions but proposed and intervened larger green spaces interlinked with each other

forming a network throughout the city, thus preserving the ecological life present in the lakes and

maintaining an ecological balance with the forces of nature. The city has about 50 square meters

of parkland per person (i.e. 12 acres per 1000), most of which has been created in the last 30
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years. The protected land is complemented by compact housing, as the city of 1.5 million has a

population density of 10,750 per square mile (which is around the same as Philadelphia or

Washington, D.C.).

Roughly 21 million square meters (5,190 acres) are linear parks along rivers and streams

that act as buffers between flood-prone rivers and the city. Legislation set aside certain low-lying

areas and river basins as special protection and management areas. The city also used a loan to

purchase land at a number of critical sites around the city. Engineers built small damns and

created new lakes that act as holding basins when flooding occurs. In effect, these green spaces

are giant storm water facilities.

None of this would have been achieved if a Master Plan was being followed. The mass

transit integration was only possible when one realizes the clear co-relation of land use and

transit. Today, Curitiba boasts 70% of the citizens use the public transit systems instead of

private automobiles. This reduction in automobile use in seen regardless of the fact that, Curitiba

has among the highest household incomes and the second highest automobile ownership rate in

Brazil. If a master plan was being followed it would have taken years beyond reckoning to built

the infrastructure prior to the implementation of the master plan- Delivering the city into the a

state of chaos, The dismissal of the master plan came as a blessing in disguise for the Curitibans-

They could run a number of programmes simultaneously, with the formulation of strategies and

even structure new strategies for upcoming problems in the city. Thus, Making the city

economically sustainable in itself, and harnessing prospects for future growth as a pollution free

city. The scenario would not be the same, if a master plan was been followed. The reason being

that even for a microscopic change or addition of new interventions takes months even years of

approval and discussion in the state assembly for them to be inculcated in the master plan.
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Today the planning effort of the city of Curitiba is a model for how to integrate

sustainable transport considerations into business development, road infrastructure development,

and local community development without a master plan. The city thrives as a unique example of

how transit oriented development can help evolve cities into more livable urban environments.

It‟s a city that has valued three primary aspects that are essential for the future of the society:

mobility, sustainability, and identity. There are four key elements in the success story of


First, a low cost metropolitan transport system. By utilizing the existing corridors and

adopting measures to intensify development along these corridor roads, public transport systems

can be established at relatively low cost. This low-cost public transportation system showed the

ability to more quickly and more effectively serve an entire metropolitan population.

Second, the integration of land use, road systems and mass transit is a powerful tool.

Through the use of land-use instruments, local governments can direct population growth and

thereby establish effective systems of transportation.

Third, vision, leadership, and flexibility lead to success of urban planning. Curitiba is one

of the few cities that realized its urban intention. The factors of Curitiba‟s success are these: a

clear long-term vision, strong leadership to implement the plan, and flexibility in adjustments by

utilizing a step-by-step approach.

Fourth, understanding the people and your society. The sole purpose of planning a city is

to create a livable environment for the citizens to thrive for the construction of a successful city.

One that understands the needs of the people. At the core of Curitiba's success is the vision of a

city as a structure where people both live and work. Citizens are happy in their environment and

take pride in their city because they are creating and maintaining systems that work, such as
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transportation, recreation, and education. As Lerner states, the city has become "more intelligent

and more humane," (Curitiba video, 1992) and, above all, there is a strong sense of solidarity

among citizens


Total Floor Area

Commercial area 4319860
Residential Area 1216850

Average number of people at any given time

3103010/10 = 310301 ~ 300000
Daily Passenger Demands
Car 90000 30% of Total Demand
Metro 90000 30% of Total Demand with 2 Stns
Bus 180000 60% of Total Demand
Total 300000

Peak Hour Demands

Car 45000 50% of Daily Demand
Metro 32000 Maximum Designed Capacity
Bus 90000 10% of Demand
Total 167000

Peak Parking Estimates

Car 11250 25% of Peak hour Demand
Bus 140 40 Passengers per bus
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Built Open Comparison...

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common parking systemfor accessing the building without crossing the road

Multiple looping system for better and efficient road networking, this also includes features like

direct access from periphery roads for destination traffic via a joint parking mechanism

underground, resulting in the decongestion of the internal roads during peak hours
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IT’S ABOUT PEOPLE:A city is its people. People are at

the core of why we do things and how we do things in the

Centre City. People should be involved and engaged in the

community. Any action taken in the Centre City is intended

to leave people better off than they were before



must be fostered and supported in order to

excel and achieve great things. Along with

this comes an element of risk taking.Playing

it safe will not result in a great place. It is

accepted and expected that sometimes initiatives

or projects may not achieve the desired result. However, valuable learning and experience is

always a positive outcome of any creative endeavour

IT’S ABOUT FLEXIBILITY: No matter how well a plan is thought out or researched during

its preparation, there will always be new information, circumstances, opportunities or ideas that

present themselves that may require a different approach than originally planned. The

implementation of the Plan will be fexible to achieve the best possible outcome that is

consistent with the Vision and Fundamental Principles.

IT’S ABOUT COLLABORATION: Great things can be achieved when the talents and

resources of many work together toward common objectives.The scale and scope of
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what is envisioned in the Centre City will require collaborative efforts involving diverse

interests, including government, education, business, arts and culture, community and

the non-profit sector.


Podium of high rise runs like a continuous colonnade maintaining human scale proportion

between people and built

Various Street Sections Proposed

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Final Renders....
Aerial View Of The Scheme

Aerial View Of The Scheme

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View From The Pedestrian Mall Street

View Of The Bus Terminal

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Perspective Of The High Density Commercial In Front Of the Leisure


View From Sky Walk

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Final Model

Aerial View

View From Transit Hub

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SITE AREA: 6.02 Acres


F.A.R: 100






Waiting Block+ Foyer 210

Director 48

Enquiry and Booking 40

Staff 35

Admin. Office 20

Director‟s Toilet 10

Public Toilet 25



Display Area 1000

Staff 35

Repair Workshop 90

Inspection Room 50



Foyer 100

Stack Area 150

Reading Area 115

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Librarian 40

Store 30

Photostat 15

Issue/ Return 100

Toilet 30



Foyer 250

Seating Area 450

Main Stage+Wings 80

Projection Room 10

G. green room 30

L. green room 30

Toilet 60

Snack Bar 12

Ticket 12

Backstage 60


O.A.T (150 PPL)

Seating 150

Stage 25

G.Green room 20

L.Ladies room 20

Store 12



Conf. Room I (110) 165 (x2)

Conf. Room II (30) 60 (x4)

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Conf. Room III (50) 120 (x2)



Hall I 850

Hall II 850

Foyer 500

Lawn 1000



100 X 20 2000

300 X 10 3000



25 X80 rooms 2000



THEATRE 600 (X2)





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Stage I
Making Connections!!!!
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Stage II
creating urban vistas by treating the civic center as an screen between the civic and the non civic

Taking View Angles From Various Levels

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Some Conceptual Renderings

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final blocking...
Stage III
Perforating the block to create hegemonic civic space
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Creating Perforations

The Folly concept

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Final Plans

Ground Floor
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Final Model ...

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View From The Front Plaza

View From The Street

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