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Seeing and Believing





-m u niversity of Rochester Press



Animals in Human Histories: The Mirror 0/ Nature and Culture
Edited by Mary J. Henninger-Voss

The Animal/Human Boundary: Historical Perspectives
Edited by Angela N. H. Creager and William Chester Jordan

Conversion: Old Worlds and New
Edi ted by Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton

Conversion in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages
Seeing and Believing
Edited by Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton

A Publication of the
Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies
Princeton U niversity

Lawrence Stone (1974-1988)
Natalie Zemon Davis (1988-1994)
William Chester Jordan (1994-1999)
Anthony T. Grafton (1999- )

Copyright © 2003 Kenneth ~ills and Anthony Grafton

All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation, no part of this work may be
photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast,
transmitted, recorded, oe reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of
the copyright owner.

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Conversion in late antiquity and the Middle Ages : seeing and believing / edited by
Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton
p. cm. - (Studies in comparative history, ISSN 1539-4905)
HA publication of the Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies, Princeton University."
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-58°46-125-5 (alk. paper)
1. Conversion-Christianity-History-To 1500-Congresses. 1. Mills,
Kenneth, 1964- H. Grafton, Anthony. IU. Series.

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Acknowledgments vu

i ntroductitm ix

1. Inscriptions and Conversions: Gregory of Nazianzus on Baptism
(Gr. 38-4°) I

2. The Politics of Passing: ]ustin Martyr's Conversion as a
Problem of "Hellenization" 36

3. Conversion and Burial in the Late Roman Empire 6I

4. Converting the Un-Christianizable: The Baptism of Stage Performers
in Late Antiquity 84

5. The Many Conversions of the Emperor Constantine 127

6. "Delivered from Their Ancient Customs": Christianity and the
Question of Cultural Change in Early Byzantine Ethnography 152

7. "Emending Evil Ways and Praising God's Omnipotence":
Einhard and the U ses of Roman Martyrs 189



8. Seeing and Believing:
Aspects of Conversion from Antoninus Pius to Louis the Pious 224

Notes on Contributors 27 I

Index 273

who has copy-edited each of the contributions with sensitivity and skill. and it' gathered a complementary essay Oulia M. H. Susanna Elm and Peter Brown. as weIl as the many participants'in. Smith's) the following spring. Vll . And finally we thank Gavin Lewis. and the contributors to the symposium.discussions both on that day and throughout the Davis Center's concentration upon the theme of conver- sion between 1999 and 2001. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book began from a set of papers presented at a symposium on conver- sion in late antiquity at Princeton's Davis Center for Historical Studies in the fall semester of 1999. We are also grateful to Kari Hoover for facilitating the Center's events and to Timothy Madigan and Molly Cort at the U niversity of Rochester Press for their interest and for shepherding the project into print. Thus the editors wish first to thank the organizers.


This book is one of two collections of essays on religious conversion drawn from the activities of the Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies at Princeton University between 1999 and 2001. Complete conversion- strictly defined and lived--is a chimera. but with an eye also to preparing the reader for the thematic pairings and comparisons proposed by Neil McLynn's concluding discussion. gradual and incomplete social processes lurk behind their words. ancient authors allowed apparently compet- ing vocabularies of change to merge. preached. Time and again. something to be imagined. While the other volume treats cases of religious conversion across a broad temporal and geographie expanse. constituted. officially prescribed Christianity comes uJ? against the limits of its ability to steer converts and dictate the terms of their belief and practice. this one concentrates upon late antique and early medieval Europe. long one of this theme's most celebrated playing fields. with the latter conceptual pair capturing neatly the role of texts and exege- sis in these thinkers' spiritual and intellectuallives. a measured process of illumination is joined by images of impression and inscription. Susanna Elm. 1 The essays follow a basically chronological sequence. contends that in describing the shift of affiliation that was religious conversion. which was presented before the Davis Center seminar as an individual paper in the spring of 2000) began as contributions to a memorable symposium organized by Susanna Elm and Peter Brown in the autumn of 1999. though much evoked in late antique and early medi- eval times and written about ever since. within. Both collections focus upon conversion to. a con- tributor to this volume. In their understanding. INTRODUCTION KENNETH MILLS AND ANTHONY GRAFTON Religious conversion. and pleaded for. While conversion was commonly represented by ancient and early medieval writers as a singular and personally momentous mental event. was not often publicly observable. Thus Susanna Elm's study of three orations on baptism by Gregory of Nazianzus in the late fourth century as clues towards an ancient understanding of religious conversion accompanies 1X . All but one of the book's essays Qulia Smith's. and around forms of Western Christianity.

x INTRODUCTION Rebecca Lyman's interpretation of the conversion of Justin Martyr within the religious and cultural atmosphere of Roman Hellenism in the second century. The focus of the book remains in the Greek East with Michael Maas's study of the Christianization of different kinds of early Byzantine ethnographie writing. The full tide of the Davis Center's two-year theme was "Conversion: Sacred and Profane." The other collection of essays is Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton .. 2°°3)· .Y. and change far beyond the fields of Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Converts "retain their room for maneuver. an eighth chapter that not only thinks through and across what he character- izes as the volume's "seven experiments along the line of the 'Rise of Chris- tianity. Smith shows how the skillful appropriation of a sacred Roman past fired the Carolingian programs of religious and moral correction which followed baptism and continued conversion. diffusion. N. eds." These words are among the summarizing remarks of Neil McLynn in an afterword that renders much in the way of introductory words to this book unnecessary.'" but also suggests further lines of inquiry for students of religious conversion and related processes of cultural interaction. Eric Rebillard's investigation of the meaning behind the funerary inscriptions and burial places of converts to new cults (such as Christianity) in the fourth and fifth centuries precedes a piece by Richard Lim exploring the baptism of stage performers and Christian narratives of their conversion in these late Roman times. Raymond Van Dam's contemplation of the life of Constantine through the ambiguous and changing meanings of the bronze statue of the emperor in the centuries after its placement as the triumphant center of his eastern capital of Constantinople in 330 comes next. The final essay by Julia Smith makes a leap from Maas's sixth. McLynn's afterword is in fact a contribution of its own. Through her reading of a transfer of early Christian relics from Rome to a newly constructed church in Germany. McLynn's contribu- tion would have become the book's introduction were it not for the fact that it began as an oral commentary and retains the nature of a concluding set of thoughts.and seventh-century East back to the Latin West and on to the ninth century. NOTES I. Conversion: Old Worlds and New (Rochester.



" the ancient authors studied he re employed the vocabulary of "inscription" and "imprinting" with its wide range of associated meanings to denote the moment initiating the process of shifting religious affiliation. which are frequently shaped by a narrow concept of it as a "flash of illumi- nation" signaling the moment of intense personal rejection of a previously held belief in favor of another one (or at least the narrative representation of such an intense personal experience). employ the terminology of illumination. which resulted over time in something one might characterize as "conversion". rather than describing such a moment as a "flash of light. of course. 1 write in you the synopsis (enlv't'o. . did. Cappadocian "Church Father" Gregory of Nazianzus to argue three interrelated points. 1 am /or you Moses . -Gr. their illumination language carried a different meaning than that implied by many of their post-Enlightenment interpreters. I INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS ON BAPTISM (Gr. although in their understanding such a process was initiated in amoment. the possibility of salvation through continuous adherence to a new "religious" VlSlOn.45 This paper will focus on three orations on baptism by the late fourth- century C. contrary to "modern" notions of conversion. the I . Naz.E.l many ancient authors told a very different story when describing a shift in religious affiliation. and 1 write in )lou with God's fingers a new Decalogue. 2 The ancient authors used the terminology of illumination to describe a process. Let us enter . Ancient au- thors who wrote personal accounts of such a shift. . like Gregory of Nazian- zus or Augustine. . First. Or. However. that is. Second. 40. 38-4°) SUSANNA ELM lt is today that we must write in you and impress you (wJrw(}fjvar) towards per/ection. . give me the tablets (JrAaICaq) 0/ your heart.uov) 0/ salvation.

those of his contemporary Basil of Caesarea. the event that crystallized both moment and process and the context within which ancient authors elaborated much of the above was baptism. While this might be a commonplace." or "Messalian. the secondary literature on the topic rarely places accounts of baptism into their context. Aristotelian (sublunar ones). This cosmology in turn reflected his interpretation of salvation and the human capacity to achieve it. unchangeable (heav- enly) spheres and their corresponding material (earthly) realities capable of change (humanity). focusing instead on a more diachronic reconstruction of the ritual event. the degree to which Gregory's views were . and its interpretation and representation were intrinsically related to each author's cosmology. each in turn clearly defined by Platonic (celestial spheres). These competing cosmologies and their associated notions of baptism are weIl known under such labels as "Arian. even in that respect Gregory of Nazianzus's writings on baptism are frequently disregarded." "No- vatian. however. The rare secondary scholarly works utilizing his writings on the subject tend to resort to them only in support of the reconstruction of "orthodox" Constantinopolitan and Cappadocian practices at the end of the fourth century as gleaned from other sources. 3 Third. those under- gone voluntarily and less so). Both. for example. an author like Gregory of Nazianzus made it clear that such a moment and process denoted a very specific kind of change: inscription and illumination accomplished a true transformation of cosmological significance by realign- ing the individual in his relationship to the imagined. in response to compet- ing cosmologies. Further. by combining the language of inscription (de- notio-g the moment) with that of illumination (denoting the process). that is. Baptism." The continuing use of such polemical labels in much of the scholarly literature obscures. How- ever. because of the density of meanings associated with "inscriptions. of groups. the secondary literature overlooks the fact that Gregory developed his own (later orthodox) notions of baptism and salvation in direct response to sev- eral other competing notions and practices." Further.2 SEEING AND BELIEVING process of conversion. later scholars did not consider hirn a model bishop and thus did not consider his writings on baptism as significant as. the "inscription" vocabulary as weIl as that used to define "process" permitted ancient authors to describe and prescribe a great variety of "conversions" (those of individuals. its rituals. ethereal materiality under- stood as intelligible light) concepts. Though he was an "orthodox" author of tremendous influence in the Greek-speaking part of the Roman Empire." "Eunomian. by concentrating solelyon Constantinopolitan ritual practices. Gregory wrote his orations on baptism during his brief tenure as bishop of Constantinople in 38 I. and Stoic (divine.

Yet again others. mistakes in the under- standing of the cosmos and the means by which humans were aligned within it affected everything. in 380." "Son. 28: 19). that is. Hence the profound significance of the act of inscribing. in writing . What made these differences so vital was the fact that man and cosmos. 4 To rephrase my point. considered baptism an act of such profound purification that subsequent sin became an unpardonable impos- sibility. while others baptized into Christ's death. Moreover. of the correct adaptation of Genesis and Scripture into each author's understand- ing of Platonic notions of cosmology. what had to be inscribed into the soul of the newly baptized were not only the words "Father. and hence the order and prosperity of the entire imperial realm were seen as one continuous whole. the new emperor Theodosius had just reversed a twenty-year-old formula ac- cording to which Father and Son were similar in essence. Placing the focus on the language of inscription and impression com- bined with that of illumination. He was on the defensive and had to persuade others who were very influential in the capital and beyond of his views over and against their own. Only the "right" exegesis of Plato through the Old and New Testaments could guarantee salvation of the individual as weIl as the entire community. Rather than "pagan- ism" and "Christianity. They precluded salvation and implied the failure ·to serve God and his subjects. the Greek-speaking elite of the later Roman Empire. At stake was the question whether or not "matter." "Holy Spirit." the most profound dividing lines opposed those who thought that physical matter could ascend and hence be saved and those who doubted that very much. illumination) with those with whom he argued. rather than on conversion understood as a "flash of lightening. Thus. However. All the protagonists were bishops and priests. by the 380s. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 3 those of a distinct minority." that is. the Son. which could only be assured if aligned correctly within the correct cosmology. could be saved. While Gregory stressed that one was baptized into Christ's incarnation." the sacred and the secular. Therefore. all of them present and active at Constantinople. others declared that baptism was into Christ's resurrec- tion. that be- tween Middle and Neo-Platonism. the human body. All of these men were engaged in a continuing philosophical debate of long standing. and all baptized into "the name of the Father. the "inner" and the "outer." highlights the fact that for Gregory and his contem- poraries "conversion" was a matter of cosmology and exegesis. Such a shift in focus also high- lights the degree to which Gregory shared his fundamental concepts as weIl as his idiom (inscription. the precise meaning of each of these terms and their relation to each other had been under debate for at least seventy years." but their correct meaning. declaring them now to be the same. and the Holy Spirit" (Mt.

who was Gregory. Naz. special- . secondly. as importandy. 789." GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS AND HIS ÜRATIONS 38-4° o newmixture! 0 paradoxical fusion! -Gr. . second only to the Scriptures. Gregory of Nazianzus's Orations 38 and 40 form part of a set of three interrelated orations Gregory held on and around the Feast of the Nativity in 380/381. Naz.44 "Write it on the memory tab/ets of your mind (aV IlVr.5 just after his ordination as bishop of Constantinople. On the Nativity 38. Today. I am not without talent to write that into you. Gregory needed to "convert" those who believed in different cosmologies regardless of whether they were described as "pagans"or "heretics. come here. Gregory combined three elements quintessential to the kind of change one might define as "conversion": first. Yet. In these orations. modification or change. so what has been written in you will be modified. 1." If one has written in you something other than my sernlOn has set out. I write what has been written into me. Gr. so what has been written in you will be modified. On Baptism 40. though one could easily argue that his influence in the East was more direct and equally lasting. come here. in the same sentence in which he mentioned these three elements Gregory also added the fourth concept of interest. his writings (together with those of Cyril of Alexandria) were the most frequently cited in Byzantium. what was his agenda.13 {/(I attest before God and the elected angels that you will be baptized with this faith. and third. and against whom did he have to compete? Gregory of Nazianzus is an interesting phenomenon.JlOal v 8iMolQ fjJpevmv). inscription: "If one has written in you something other than my sermon has set out. baptism (initiation into a new belief system). God and the angels or the heavenly realm. and what did he identify as its vehicles and their location? And.4 SEEING AND BELIEVING about baptism and illumination." -Aeschylus. the question arises why Gregory of Nazianzus combined these notions not only in one sermon but in one sentence. what vocabulary did a member of the Greek-speaking elite of the later Roman Empire use to describe religious change. Prometheus Bound. In fact." Thus. he is no Augustine. 6 Given the tide "The Theologian" in 451-previously only John the Evangelist had been thus honored-Gregory was one of the most influential thinkers of the Greek Christian world. However. In other words.

has usuaIly been diseussed (though "mined" is perhaps the more . his writings take on a different weight. they were a far ery from the musings of an idiosynerat- ie individual. Gregory's program. Programmatie. with the eentral theme of Christ's Inearnation. or as those of a man who exeeIled at theology but was ineapable of making up his ~ind and stieking to his decisions. against intense eompetition and in lieu of the very popular "Arian" bishop Demophilus. and take their eue from Christ's Baptism." the so-eaIled Cappadoeian Fathers of the Chureh. whom the emperor had relegated to the sub- urbs. he portrayed this ideal as "torn" between the desire for retreat and eontemplation on the one hand. whereas Oration 38. While thus weIl known and weIl studied as a theologian and by theolo- gians. Orations 38-4° were held within weeks of Gregory's ordination as bish- op of Constantinople at the instigation of the newly aeclaimed emperor Theodosius. onee one takes seriously the possibility that Gregory was a prod- uet of his time." and his writings. This is in large part the result of the manner in whieh Gregory wrote his own life. and influential. and henee plaees his notions of the Christian leadership into their eontext. whieh had not remained uneontested even at his own time. Gregory beeame ahistoriographie oddity. and the (onerous) duty to serve (as priest) on the other hand. 7 Orations 39 and 40 were held on eonseeutive days. 8 With few exeeptions-for example Claudio Moresehini-Gregory's Ora- tion 40. eelebrating the Theophany or birth of Christ as weIl as the adoration of the Magi. inveetives. aIl three instrumental in formulating the eommon. While eonsidered a gifted theologian. polit- ieal. panegyries. "ortho- dox" understanding of the Trinity as one in three. letters. Over time. was perhaps held as early as 25 Deeember 380. Gregory understood hirnself as a philosopher and man of letters and made it his life's ambition to produee a eanon of "classie" Christian literature in aIl genres available at the time: orations. beeause he adver- tised a life eonsisting of periods of aetivity interspersed with ones of reflee- tion and withdrawal. depending on the seholar's personal and eonEessional preferenee and disposition. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 5 ists know hirn as part of a "triumvirate. espeeially when Gregory wrote as bishop oE Constantinople. as the refleetions of a romantie soul repulsed by ehureh polities. FoIlowing the classie paradigm. no longer refleeted (Western medieval) notions of Christian leadership as embodied by later eoneepts of the bishop. Gregory of Nazianzus simultaneously has been sidelined intoa histo- riographical niehe. However. Thus. probably 5 and 6 January 381. Henee his historio- graphie downfall. Central to his program was the eon- struction and promotion of his ideal of Christian leadership as a "philosoph- ieal" life. As a result. modern seholars eonsider hirn an idiosyneratie "individualist. he was seen as an eeclesiastieal failure. poems.

two utterly incommensurable essences. first. In classic Pla- tonic manner.14 Baptism. Christ's Incarnation is thus . baptism into Christ's Incarnation. and secondly. the fusion (~t~tS) of two paradoxa. crKta- ypa<\>ot) to describe a historically defined "moment" of change in cosmolog- ical affiliation. unchanging. and divine with that of the material or human that is capable of change. baptism. namely the fusion of the transcenden- tal divine essence with its ontological opposite." "impressing. the marker aligning the individual within this cos- mological process. matter. such a "paradoxical fusion" occurred twice. is the act of a moment yet at the same time a la langue dude. Hence. to~. a term frequently translated and interpreted as "conver- sion" (and/or penitence). that he uses the language of illumination to describe that lifelong process of metanoia." "sealing. for the first time when God decided to create the sensible world and man. 7tAaKat. according to Gregory. to his prelapsarian state as Adam. Correspond- ingly. change. was both: the moment as well as the process it initiated. moment. 12 and whether or not the Roman festival calendar had already been adopted in Constantinople. that Gregory uses the vocabulary of "inscription" and "imprinting" ("marking. 13 Though much can and should be said about these and other questions. that of the unknown realm of the immaterial. 10 how catechumens were instructed. 16 According to Gregory.6 SEEING AND BELIEVING appropriate expression) to gain insights into specific liturgical questions. 'tU7tOS.9 whether or not confirmation and baptism were one or two separate ceremonies. baptism as illumination actualized and made personal for each indi- vidual two singular yet eternal cosmological events: 'tou 7tapa86~ou KpacrtS. what precise developments regarding penirential regulations might be gleaned from Gregory. In Gregory's understanding. which initiates a lifelong process of transformation. such as the precise order in which baptism was celebrated in the Constan- tinopolitan church in the 380s. The act of inscription symbolized and made vivid the act of the fusion of two incommensurable notions: an inscription. I will consider the three sermons as a unit to argue. 15 Gregory's cosmology is deeply Platonic yet marshaled to ex- plain something utterly non-Platonic. is both a one-time historie event as well as an ongoing process intended to res tore man to his original dignity. and a second time when the Logos became flesh to save man from the consequences of his disobedi- ence. intelligible." "writing into"-xapaKTIlP. cr<\>payts. illumination in Gregory's writing is "code" for cosmology. illuminated. Thus. baptism is the actualization of the second fusion in each human.l1 to what degree Gregory's descriptions are representative of Syrian or Cappadocian practices. ypa~~a'ta. too. and process together. Gregory's understanding of "illumination" is the red thread that holds inscription. baptism.

let me step back to discuss briefly notions of "conversion" and "inscriptions" and their relevance to Gregory's orations on baptism. and Karl Morrison. 19 As shown by recent studies. his deliberate turning from indifference or from an earlier form of piety to another. not least because it was an inno- vation. and William James. Max We- ber. Attis and Cybele. 20 According to Morrison. as Peter Brown has recently demonstrated. Nock's definition of conversion as a dramatic turning point is most strongly indebted to the two paradigmatic sources tradition- ally called upon to support the notion of conversion as decisive turning point. initiated and sustained by God . Au- gustine used the term "conversion" (conversio) sparingly in his Confessions. and distinct from . that of Luke in the Acts of the Apostles describing the "conversion" of Paul and. at times stretched out over years. a turning which implies a consciousness that a great change is involved. "to denote a sequence of action and response . Nock's concept of conversion as a dramatic moment of recognition in which the old darkness is consciously rejected in favor of the new light. . the Lukan narrative of Paul's conversion and Augustine's Confessions stress instead notions of process. in particular those of Peter Brown.. primarily relating to the so-called mystery cults (Isis. owes more to Nock's own Sitz im Leben. Paula Fredriksen. But before plunging more deeply into Gregory's texts describing baptism and illumination. As mentioned above." Though informed by a number of pre-Chris- tian sourees. 18 However. formulated in 1933. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 7 for Gregory the model event through which the underlying Platonic struc- ture is personalized and transcended. that the old was wrong and the new is right. Augustine's later adaptation of the Lukan Paul-motive in his own conversion narrative." He argued that for Augustine conversion signified "the unfolding of a supernatural process. more importantly. Gregory's concept of baptism as the actualization of the Incarnation was highly controversial. than to the actual Christian sources. CONVERSIONS AND INSCRIPTIONS: INSCRIPTION AS (TRANS)FORMATION "By conversion we me an the reorientation of the soul of an individual.. Mithras). namely his own historiographie position vis-a-vis David Hume. 4°-45). is still the paradigmatic un- derstanding of "conversion."17 Arthur Derby Nock's classic definition. . and before attempting to reconstruct some of the context that apparently prompted hirn to "divulge as much ab out our mys- teries as is not forbidden to the ears of the many" (Or. the Confessions.

more importantly. public offices held. nor does he stress the concept of rebirth." "marking. virtual- ly the only nonliterary indicators of the way in wh ich individuals sought to present themselves. (which include baptism). or a soul with the intention of making the writing known and last. much the same is true for Gregory of Nazianzus.-peeded it to dO. Prominent among inscriptions of private individuals were epitaphs. 29 The frequency of these exhortations suggests that the authors of these inscriptions hoped for lasting memorials.8 SEEING AND BELIEVING its formal signs . Illumination does not occur through the Lukan flash of light. "21 In fact. acts of benevolence performed. most frequent- ly by exhorting the reader to preserve the inscription-stressing that in- scriptions and tombstones (anlAut) will last long after the corpse itself has gone 28-and by appealing to the gods to ensure the longevity of the inscrip- tion by punishing all who dare to modify or destroy it. 27 They also sought to order posterity in a number of different ways. slaves.25 Inscriptions took shape and appear in numerous different settings and for a wide variety of purpos- es. which declared to the immediate community how a person defined himself or herself. for eternity. the most important aspect of "conversion" is that of a process. together with visual remains such as sarcophagi and portraits. but were all too aware of the fact that even things written in stone could be altered and destroyed. etc. however. Not only are they." "writing. that of writing some- thing into stone. 22 His signifiers are the entire concept of inscription and imprint. the following is a rather condensed overview. and how he or she wished to order posterity. a forehead. family status (number of children. Given the broad spectrum of the material. they em- ployed well-regulated sets of standard formulae assembled and reassembled with relatively few but revealing variations. even though much of the . ideally. but. "writing" and "inscribing" does precisely what Gregory. signaled the "initiation" of that "process" through language that relates only tangential- ly to scriptural precepts. By erasing a small part. 26 Most epitaphs recorded a person's genealogy." as well as those that de- noted the surfaces upon which these operations were performed. status qua. too. they were the most ubiquitous me ans of communication available for a fairly broad spectrum of society (even though the elite produced the lion's share). educa- tion. and stability." "impressing. Therefore.24 Inscriptions are exceed- ingly important sources for the study of the ancient world. ranging from the individual to the imperial. 23 An inscription marked a historically specific moment. seeking pri- marily to illustrate the weight and density of connotation of words such as "inscribing. the content could become an entirely different one. this might seem astrange choice since inscriptions appear by their very nature to represent the opposite of change: fixation. and so on.). However. On first glance. Gregory. In his writings. a tablet.

deity. The inscription of official documents into bronze tablets (MA:tOl. proclaimed both the virtues of the donor as weIl as that of the city. doing much the same then as today: Glaukos was here. were graffiti. including stat- ues and temples. and countercurses (tabttlae defixionttm)J magie formulae. wrote back: long inscriptions list. it is now clear that the primary function of bronze tablets was their visual-religious impact. and so on. curses. prostitute so and so is fabulous. in aes incisa) and their display were of fundamental imperial and religious significance. may the Gods curse z. bronze tables suggested the eternity (aes perennittm) both of the laws and the . or community in whose honor the building was erected. both of which had. 33 Another type of private inscriptions on buildings. a clean slate was preferable. masturbating while on the premises. 34 However. long live the gladiator Maximus. a slave dedicated/recruited to his service as hierodottlos. personal inscriptions honoring the divinity. walls of buildings also displayed the official acts of the city and the empire.30 An entire class of inscriptions publicized rrespasses. the tavern of x stinks. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 9 general structure remained the same. how one ought to approach the shrines. Such "confession" inscriptions list cases of perjury. by the fourth century. Special walls displayed imperial letters as weIl as imperial edicts. for example. Shrines and temples carried. wooden. Papyrus slips (libelli) and lead. that is. Polished and gleaming. but a palimpsest could also do. and hence to the god. particularly on baths and gymnasia. Such inscriptions heralded the ways in which a public person represented her social status within a community. In rela- tively rare cases such laws were engraved in bronze. 31 Writings to the gods were also inscribed on other. less durable materials. A second kind of inscriptions placed on public buildings. stealing from the sanctuary and its estate. cr't1lAat. the force of law. x proposes to do y to a certain slave boy. They also "confess" failure to "write down" (Ka'ta'Ypa~Elv) or enroll slaves into the sanctuary's roster. and pleas to the god. what one was expected to do there. a modified writing was as effec- tive as one that had been carved into a completely new surface. begging for eures. visiting the temple in rags or in astate of defile- ment. further- more. Lucius loves Aurelia. and wax tablets were inscribed with oaths. affixed to temple walls. against the gods and begged for forgiveness. and how much the sanctuary's services would cost. Equally to the point. to actually deliver to the sanctuary. wealthy persons might even write entire odes to a god on stone slabs affixed to shrines (or the walls of their own house). 35 Rather than providing the master copy of special laws. whereby the act of writing itself was part of the ritual and its powerY The sanctuaries. and thanking the divinity for favors rendered. of course. as scholars have long as- sumed.

regulated by many of the laws inscribed into bronze tablets. through dress. so that their bodies and physical appearance maintained and enhanced the social order and the prosperity of the imperial realm. were thus inscriptions prescribing and enforcing a social status quo. the nineteenth- century category of race. soldiers. laws also required all persons to inscribe their outward appearance in a manner consistent with their status. registers of citizenship. or wooden tablets.. By the same token. social status was also inscribed into the person himself: slaves. objects belonging to and protected by the gods. the emperor could overwrite what had been written into bronze or stone. diplomas of military discharge. gladiators. and gestures. and other stage performers were fre- quently tattooed or branded with symbols of their status. stone. and this (hereditary) status. especially when written in bronze. hair style. those by which all inhabitants were "inscribed" into their social status. access to privileges. 37 Such bronze tablets also contained some of the most crucial inscriptions of the late antique world. speaking voice. and they "create symbolic displays of Roman law and government.10 SEEING AND BELIEVING Roman Empire. or infamous person. or stood outside humanity entirely as a slave. Accordingly. freedman. 38 Inscription into the census list or roster of citizenship (politographos) . for example. they also advertised a city's special relationship with the imperial power. 39 Thus inscribed into bronze. and honors granted. professions." "worthier. 40 This was done through habitus acquired from birth. A person's lifelong and hereditary . privileges such as exemptions from compulsory public services. But in particular. and the difference between a worthy person and an infamous one was conceived and represented as being as irreducible as. official documents inscribed in bronze tablets or stelai were primarily treatises. The tablets themselves were considered sacrosanct." or "truly worthy." or not worthy of participation in society at all as a debtor. foreigner. and thus their very humanitas. governed virtually every aspect of a person's life.. Also inscribed (steliteuein) were persons who had fled capital punishment. whom one was permitted to marry. taxation levels. prostitutes. with those persons who belonged to parts of society where social mobility was subject to especially stringent mecha- nisms of control. not only defined a person's status but also that of his offspring in subsequent generations. whether a person was "worthy. 41 Laws and imperial edicts. they were immensely powerful agents of change. Conversely. With one imperial edict or letter. of Roman presence" wherever they were displayed. seemingly for eternity. the precise place inscribed into the roster. It determined fiscal and other obligations. all inhab- itants of the Roman Empire were ordered in a finely tuned hierarchy. . and who were thus marked and shamed forever and for all to see as if they were present. 36 Thus. levels and kinds of punishment.

too. questions. A self-declared philosopher king. subsequent generations. infamy eradicated. and who was present in person. obligations removed. runs the greatest danger. responded. programmata). was an awe-inspiring act. of course. Thus."43 Another description from John Chrysostom paints a similar scene: "A profound silence reigns when those letters are read. that some of their prostitutes were Christian. it was the emperor who spoke. did the imperial letters and edicts. or-as was usually the case-on less durable materials. fear. and the like (libelli). just as the bronze tablets embodied the presence of Rome. and. An uprising or stasis frequently began with the tearing down of imperial acts. "A king sent out his order to a city. Embraced and kissed upon their arrival. and sealed with the imperial seal. everyone listens most attentively to the orders contained in them. Citizenship could be granted. it is not surprising that the publication of "imperial writings" (ßUO"tA1K<l ypaflflu-ra) executed in "celestialletters. and the entire hierarchi- cal construct of later Roman society. citizens also "posted" their opinions about emperors (and each oth- er) in the form of pamphlets (libelli /amosi. and trepidation. uncovered their heads and read it in awe. and less dramatic acts of registering discontent were the norm. exhorted. or papyrus. Whoever makes the slightest noise."44 Again. or informed the citizens of Damascus. slandered widows. and alte red. and posters on the same surfaces that carried imperial letters and edicts. accused emperors of being usurpers. Julian chose to chastise his subjects through elaborate speeches and philosophical treatises. posted onto pillars (stelai) just like his imperial letters and edicts and of no less momentous impact. 46 Which does not me an that such things did not happen. Such programmata "pasted up on walls" chastised the beaten emperor Jovian upon his return from a disastrous Persian campaign in 363. trembling. 48 Also illuminating in our context are the exchanges between the emperor Julian and some of his subjects. What did the people in the city do? They rose to their feet. to modify or destroy such a writing. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS I I inscription into one social place could oe instantly modified. thereby interrupting the reading. There is not the slightest noise. ordered. lectured."42 whether written in stone or bronze. by order of the emperor. 47 Aside from writ- ings directed to the emperor containing petitions. so. lampoons. with conse- quences affecting himself. the reverse could also take place. such as wax or wooden tablets. 49 One of these letters prohibited teachers who were Christian to instruct students in the time-honored subjects and methods' of classical paideia. 50 One of those affected by this law was Gregory . a near unthinkable act of sacrilege. To interrupt such a proclamation.45 they embodied the emperor's sacred person. was to do harm to the imperial person. When his edicts were thus pro- claimed.

55 The formation of the self and its place in the social order through writing and memory began early. Significant for our context is the Greek term Gregory used in the conduding paragraph to characterize his invective: it was astelographia (O"'t1lA..t'teuetV) you and your deeds.oypa<l>ia.. speech. through competitive displays of reading. education. 52 Essen- tial for this conceptualization of "writing" were two related aspects. that iS. "54 But he could only do so because underlying cosmological and anthropological notions held that the human being. and thus the whole person formed. morals. especially its sen- tient parts or its soul. a writing onto a stele through which Gregory inscribed Julian as a criminal. beginning with orders to their slaves.. namely those derived from the context of pedagogy: schooling. writing and reciting. pillaring/pillorying (O"'t1lA. higher and more visible than the Pillars (stelai) of Herades . capable of forming and inscribing individuals as well as communities seemingly forever. and their external manifestation were inscribed with each inter- linked act of thought. and. and writing. the traditional term denoting an invective).I2 SEEING AND BELIEVING of Nazianzus. at the same time possessing the power of instant transformation. namely the link between writing and memory and the assumption that the act of writing was itself transformative. ethics. lists of gods and of distinguished teachers-each act of writing and ."51 Much more could be said concerning the exchange of philosophical trea- tises and invectives.. therefore. philosophy. to~. which will inevitably become known everywhere by everyone as it (contrary to Herades' stelai} moves about . rather than a 'V0yo<.. with the so-called hermenettmata. commemorative. was like a wax tablet into which social dass. bilingual memo- rization exercises in which schoolboys wrote and then recited their day. and he responded in kind.. but ahabit of mind and training-the insistence that texts and tests.. are essential to the socialization of the young"-the young of the elite. "The enduring legacy of Roman education is not the seven liberal arts . greetings of others in hierarchical order. in public view for all eternity: "Here is a pillar (stele) for you from me. sacred. and intellectual-personal formation. we find the same complex array of meanings touched upon in the public and private writings on stone and bronze mentioned above: religious. he practices a kind of social distinction. Here. 53 "When first the child puts pen to paper or stylus to wax. He writes himself into one dass. lang duration. After Julian's death. he composed two invectives that have shaped Julian's image to this day. but with this we have arrived at yet another central set of meanings associated with writing. and alerting all men not to have the audacity to ferment such arevolt (stasis) against God for fear of exposing themselves to this same punishment by committing such a crime.

" In taking on his father's role. he gave voice to all those who were dependent on his father and thus had to seek advocacy through his voice. the son refracted as through a prism the community of all those who depended on hirn and whose well-being was determined by his prowess as writer and speaker in competition with others. so a central tenet. divine (or at least part of a sphere just beneath that of the gods). most notably among the followers of Carneades. Moreover. to have a voicel word was the equivalent of existing as a social being. that is. Once a student advanced to higher education under a rhetor. which linked the philo- sophical-pedagogic aspects of "writing" directly with the cosmological realm: astrology.59 of a soldier who had deserted. Thus. 58 By being a paterfamilias. he took on the speaking role of his father. Both were tremendously formative acts. the son became. . of a prostitute who wanted to be a priestess. Underscoring the necessity for such training were notions of the powerful efficacy of the spoken and written word. the son was trained. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS its correction reifying the social order. the stronger the formative power of written and recited words. Thus. 60 Therefore. and of the same essence (ether) as the human soul. through his writings and his speech. Most members of the elite governing the later Roman empire had re- ceived such declamatory training in advocacy. in sets of exercises called "declamations. of a freedman seeking to marry a person above his status. without voice/word there was no social existence. etc. He learned to speak as them and for them through the "repre- sentation of character" (~e01tot"ta) of a woman (not a person under the law). reifying at the same time the authority and the transformative powers of the person performing them. the fate of each individual was determined by the precise location of the stars at the moment of birth. Fundamental to most ancient concepts of astrology was the notion that the stars were alive. which they guided according to divine precepts. But before returning to a discussion of Gre- gory of Nazianzus's use of the vocabulary of inscription in light of the above. be he the governor or the teacher (paidagögos). the son not only spoke in his master's voice while also acting the master. he gave at the same time voice (through the master's voice and it alone) to his (father's) speak in the voice and with the emotions of his father as weH as that of his father's dependents. 56 The more advanced the student. so that individuals required as a consequence interpreta- tion and guidance through the wisdom of astrologers. through such performative acts of speech. the father. 1tP0O"co1to1totla) was more than "theater. Thus. through mimesis. Such implicitly fatal- istic interpretations of the relationship between the stars and human destiny also found their opponents. one further context needs to be mentioned."57 Such an assumption of an adult persona lfictio personae. his father. the paterfamilias.

the most appropriately festive words were those of Gregory (Or. . Since the sermon was about the Logos it was according to Gregory about God. lift yourselves upward"-thus Gregory's open- ing. that is. the human soul retained free will and hence moral judgment. Indeed. GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS ON BAPTISM I ncarnation "Christ is born. Those whose debts of bad deeds had been erased through good works would be inscribed into the roster of heavenly citizenship. For many ancient authors. or rather letters written once for all time which move. This was so because according to Plotinus "the stars were like letters which are written in each instance into the sky. erase bad ones as if a debt (XEtPOypa<j>ov) had been canceled. go out to meet hirn. and. 2: I 2. the celebration of the Word required words. it changed what the stars signified. . Christ is on earth. 64 Ir rewrote the heavenly letters and their notations. first. the comparison of the stars to heavenly letters was a new element." Good deeds could. conceded that astrologers could read the stars. written into a heavenly book. 63 Yet while those capable of reading these letters and hence the human fate they indicated correctly were human for Plotinus. In both cases. to the interaction of the divine with its .I 5. for example. In Origen's case. too. Origen accorded that faculty solely to God. 61 Such antifatalistic arguments did not have to deny the value of astrology." Instead. Such a celebration could not replicate the "material feast" as performed by "the Greeks. they were merely its indica- tors (semaiein). 38-4-6). The stars did not produce (poiein) human fate. most of the remainder of Oration 38 is devoted. and the theme of Oration 38. With this. thus. and this event required the most exalted celebration."62 Origen argued likewise. because of long-standing Jewish-Christian notions according to which good as well as evil deeds were recorded into a heavenly book of "deeds" or "works. and naturally. Plotinus.I4 SEEING AND BELIEVING who argued instead that astral figuration did not predestine human fate. however. give praise. they also have the power to signify. . the Word flesh. it is time to address Gregory and his writings on baptism in greater detail. the stars were letters. to Gregory's interpretation of the nature of the divinity (theologia) . The divine had become human. For hirn. baptism was the equivalent of such an enrollment because it erased prior debt by concluding a new contract. Christ has come from the heavens. so Paul in Col. the comparison was all the more relevant for our subject. sec- ondly and in even greater detail.

The nature of all three remains one and the same. like an ocean of being" (Or.11. 38. Thus. which led to the creation of the sensible world and First Man. it is neither constricted into a monad nor a construct of subordinate beings. Thus. 38.65 Gregory begins by stating that "God is. created the universe (Or. the Father is the beginning of two other beings. The Son as weIl as the Spirit have "proceeded" from the Father (E. in part because God wanted "to show not only his own nature." This aspect of the divine alone is easy to grasp for humans. According to Gregory.7). expanded itself. the "initiate into the visible world. I intend to say Father.. While the divinity does not extend beyond those three to form more divine persons. this cohesion.10) occupy the lion's share of Oration 38. Son and Holy Spirit" (Or. 38.9).66 God is timeless. was the first instance of a great fusion of two incommensurable entities: the mysterious commingling of intelligible and sensible elements. 40-41).10). namely that God is timeless and limitless. the mystery of its mixture with things "entirely alien to its nature" (Or. Illumination. This moment.).) this is not so. VOT\'to<. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 15 opposite. "Thus the second splendors were created.11). but also his capacity to create a nature utterly alien to his own" (Or.e.. that "he possesses being without beginning and end. rather by "saying God. However. of service to the first. while this may lead one to believe that God's nature is therefore simple (a1tA:ilc. All that changed in the resulting formation of the Son and the Spirit were their properties (iOio'tT\'teC." i. 38. it is an infinite cohesion of three limitless beings (e. 39. 38.8-9). even if there are three different hypostaseis (Or. and Baptism with his exposition and exegesis of Plato's cosmology through Genesis and Luke's account of the Nativity.) led to that of the sensi- ble one. entirely within the structure of the Platonic cosmology employed so far. At this juncture Gregory commences his exegesis of Genesis. 39. must not be understood as a sequence of time or cause. God. neither simplicity nor composition completely comprise the nature of the divine. Having made that point-which he elaborates further in each of the two subsequent sermons-Gregory focuses on the manner in which this su- preme divinity. However. in an act of divine euergetism. according to Gregory. the cosmos and man (oikonomia). but they are not inferior or different in nature. most importantly." This "visible world" was a second universe. Not content to con- template itself the supreme Good. itself a mixture of invisible and visible natures (Or.11). 67 Such a "procession" leaves the divine "nature" unchanged. "without limit and hence difficult to contemplate. despite the fact that the Son has taken his origin from the Father. Instead. 38. Or.g. Gregory opens the entire cycle of his three orations on the Nativ- ity. "This being ." The creation of the intelligible universe (1C00"110<. The unfolding and expansion of the divine and.K1tOpe:UeO"Sm) in seamless expansion.

12). First Man thus ereated as the perfeet mixture of divine and sensible elements was given free will and ageney "so that the good would be the labor of hirn who ehooses it.5).!E'tpWV. and. aeeording to Gregory. lt resulted from a proeess yet was erystallized in amoment. 38 ." This half-sentenee eomprises the sum total of Gregory's diseussion of the subjeet of Paradise. Coneomitant with Plato's master narrative. aeeording to an eeonomy repeated in all three sermons. the raison d'etre not only for all three sermons but for baptism itself: the extraordinary mixing. whieh led to the Fall and in turn eaused sin. 40. 0 new mixture! 0 paradoxie al fusion!" (Gr. the theme of Oration 39.70 Ae- eordingly." a state of being rather than a geographie loeation (Gr. Gregory eonsidered heaven a "divine sphere. going baek to his first orations eomposed in 362/363. not eomprised by the spirit and not expressed by the word.!f. 38. "God eame forth with that whieh he has assumed. thus it was also the fusion of moment and proeess. Indeed. "God is the supreme light inaeeessible and unknowable. 40.."68 Choiee implied the possibility of disagree- ment and disobedienee. unique being out of two opposites: flesh and spirit. The agent that permitted this extraordinary fusion to oeeur was. the other is made divine.. finally (after some failed divine attempts at prior warning) to the seeond and even more spee- taeular fusion of two ineommensurable natures: the Inearnation of the Logos ("the immutable seal. transhistorieal. "light" (<\lcOe. aeeording the Gregory. the formation of a unique being out of two opposites.16 SEEING AND BELIEVING [First Man or the first fusion of two ineommensurables} God plaeed in Paradise-what was then Paradise. lt [the light} eon- templates and eomprehends itself' (Gr. 'tU7tlKOV Kat enJf. 13). the angels the seeond. providing an illusion (O"Kwypa<\lcOv. illumination..6).71 God is the first light. is Gregory's funda- mental metaphor in explieating Genesis and Exodus: "The first eommand- ment given to the first man was also light . lit. 69 Disobedienee and sin led to a eontinuous decline. the paradoxieal fusion of the divine splendid light wirh sensible matter. Illumination Gregory's "terminology of light" was fundamental to his entire eosmologi- eal eonstruet. The written law was a <\lcOe. and. illumination. the true imprint of the model") for the salvation of mankind. and man the third. The Inearnation was the eentral event. But even though this divine light is in essenee inaeeessible-sinee it is God-it nonetheless does not elude man entirely beeause of his original partieipation . "painting in shadows") of the truth and the mystery of the light" (Gr. It was a historie event that was at the same time of eternal and timeless signifieanee. one makes divine.) .

like the Incarnation. He had already adduced a spiritual baptism by demanding metanoia.5-7). More to the point. It represented their passage from darkness to light. and was as such a journey between two utterly incommensurable states of being. 72 In fact. now properly introduced (and hopefully un- derstood). Moses had baptized. may be illuminated. and so is his gift. but all three also make such contemplation possible through their potential to restore man to his original dignity. was a moment and a process.77 Baptism Christians.) and is also both." solely in water. to~. thus had many reasons to celebrate bap- tism. baptism actualized in each individual the two great moments of fusion-especially. a "change of . The logical consequence was therefore. when and by whom baptism. Gregory proceeds "to philosophize" about how. namely his salvation. purification.78 Histor- ically. But Gregory took yet a further step. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 17 in it. . from paganism to Christianity (Or. initiating and manifesting man's restoration to his original nature. 73 Provided the human soul is properly purified. 40. 76 Likewise. And.3-6). namely the Incarnation. to~. humans are linked to the divine through light.74 Illumination. in Gregory's opinion. 75 God demands purity but also is purity. baptism" (Or. it. and this link between man and God (OIlOtrocrtC. The higher the degree of purification the greater that of illumination and the doser the link between man and the divine. reflecting the history of salvation (Or. from ignorance to the knowledge of truth. that illumination is purification and vice versa. indicat- ing the manner in which man may return to the divine splendor. a historie event of timeless consequence. Illumina- tion therefore requires purification. 39. Now. so Gregory. it is also baptism (also <j>oo'tt 0"110 C. Illumination (<j>oo'tt0"1l0C. and baptism (Or. None of these issues are obvious. is called by multiple and various names. however.): in water. baptism. 39. by guiding his people through the Red Sea. 8EOO) finds expression in the sun. according to Gregory.17). should be administered and who should receive it. Oration 40 begins by resuming the theme with which Oration 39 ended: it restates the central identity of illumination. the second great mingling of two incommensurables. All three are necessary first conditions to contemplate the divine. They are synonymous. J ohn the Baptist had also baptized. illumination and purification. a traditional word denoting bap- tism). not least because "Christ. 40-4). however. who gave this gift. purification.) is not only purifi- cation. but no longer "in the Jewish manner. but only figuratively (-rU1ttKooc. there were five types of baptism. baptism both demands purification and illumination (<j>OrttO"Il0C. he demands illumi- nation and is illumination. and baptism were mutual preconditions as weH as synonyms.

a changeable being of unstable nature.79 Child baptism is permitted. allegorically rep- resented by matter. the baptism of the martyrs. "that was perfection. Expressed through this tripartite preparation was the dual nature of baptism as purification and illumination-essentially. Marking the child with the seal of baptism will be its "greatest and most beautiful talisman (tjroAaK-nlPtoV)" (ar. Following Jesus' example. "being human and. all three aspects are present in each human being. and sons. This was the case because in baptism "all the old xapaK'tiipe~ (letters or external markers] disappear. 26). but only if death seems imminent. Christ will have been imposed on all in one form (Ilt~ Iloptjrt\ (ar. sense. Hence. Nor should one ins ist on being baptized by a metropolitan bishop.17. 39." namely slaves." or penitence.18 SEEING AND BELIEVING heart and mind. Gregory identified three types of the "elect. Therefore. . as stated above. I transmit it to others" (ar. and all three must be therefore be re born. This "baptism of tears" was the baptism for the rest of mankind. Thus. Jesus. 4°. How did such an erasure and reimpression occur in practice? In this context. one where that which had been purified was now "prepared" and protected through anointing and sealing. a single act. 40. he devotes the remainder of his-very long-Oration 40 to the precise mech- anism according to which this "transmission" ought to unfold. Thus.2. 40. the entire process of baptism required three stages: one of purification (exorcism and washing). that is. failing hirn. "I accept this baptism with an open heart.11). lt was also intended and neces- sary for the poor. and intellectllogos (ar. 13).25. purified. then. 4°.18). Other bishops and priests could also baptize. therefore. Baptism-Gregory stressed this at least seven times in Oration 40 alone-was not a rite reserved for the elite. baptism should be administered around the age of thirty. 4°." had received baptism in the fifth manner.29). 38. I venerate hirn who gave it to me. 4°.27). or. What kind of dignity is exhibited by a baptism where the priest has to fight with the physicians and the lawyers at the bedside?" (ar. one "should not postpone baptism too close to death. namely the baptism "of tears. baptized purely in the SpUlt. Gregory likened baptism to rebirth. 81 Resorting to Platonic as well as scriptural notions. and one in which the new "faith" was written onto the surface thus cleansed and prepared.17-18). Accordingly. but it is even harder" (ar. exorcism and washing purified while anointing. at the very least a pneumatikosJ abishop who was not married (ar. and it is the one Gregory will now transmit to his catechumens. while one is in the fullness of reason yet has time to lead a life of continuing purification (ar. Of equal significance as the time of baptism were Gregory's following points. 80 Baptism did not require the attendance of family." Christ hirns elf received the fourth baptism: the bap- tism of blood. friends. Gregory. and retinue. 28). mercenaries.

safeguard that which has been written and in the middle of changeable circumstanc- es.. Washing accomplished purification. . faulty writings through erasing parts or the whole of old inscriptions (Gr. 27.2-3. 4°. further enhancing it through its transformative powers. the writing thus made indelible completed the fu- sion: it signaled the assumption of the new XUPUK'tftp. since I am the administrator of your soul (\jfuXilS OiKOVO/lOS).82 Yet it also marked the intimacy of fusing two opposing "essences. 31-38. I write into you with the fingers of God a new covenant.44-45). All acts were powerful. baptism as a tripie yet single act reenacted and actualized the fusion of two incommensurable na- tures. and especially writing illuminated. who give you the perfection through baptism.. writing contin- ued this process of fusion.. I wrote Dohn 19:22]. I write what has been written into me. . INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS sealing. 35." (40.10. God through Gregory not only erased the evil. so what has been written in you will be modified.. . If one has written in you something other than my sermon has set out.. come here. Finally. . yet Gregory's inscriptions were powerful enough to modify earlier. writing should ideally be performed on a clean slate. I am not without talent to write that into you (KUAAtyPU<j>OS).. 36). . and hence the Incarnation. sealing pro- tected the newly purified against the continuous and even intensifying attacks of demons." the seal and the flesh/soul.. Thus. a summary of salvation. Imitate (/lt/lll0-at) but improve upon Pilate who wrote a defective writing-in you the good has been written- and say to those who want to change your writing: "That which I wrote. give me the tablets of your heart (7tAUKUS 'tfts crils KUp8tuS). but inscribed the good in its place ..44-45) Written into the tablet of the soul and the memory (like a teacher writing into those of a pupil).12. If you are of the correct disposi- tion. 40. I will baptize you in instructing you in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost . It is today that we must write in you and impress you ('t'\. neither a good nor a bad writing (YPu/l/lu'tos). for me also the reward. By writing into the catechumen's soul the characters of the formu- lation of faith.. . I am for you Moses . I teach what has been taught to me from my youth to my present old age.. now homing in on the newly cleaned space with partic- ular ferocity (Gr. For me the risk. if it is the good text that is written into you.)7tcoSilvm) towards perfection. Let us enter . keep it unchanged . Nothing has as yet been marked (-nJ7tOS) into your soul. .. the new letter of the one form in Christ. Bere. 5-8.

13). Oration 40 in its present form as revised for publication. Gregory's interpretation of baptism was neither the only. RIVAL COSMOLOGIES. baptism was a moment and a process. This profound mixture was the Incarnation. one had to be .18-19). 44. fusion. Thus. And these competing interpretations of all aspects of baptism and its cosmological implications enjoyed great favor. especially among those who counted and whose favor Gregory. and baptism (Or. 4°.) (Or. good works needed to be accrued since bad deeds also continued. all the "actualizers" or markers of baptism demanded human choice and agency because they were all part of an ongo- ing process of purification. is Gregory's second longest oration?83 Why reveal these mysteries to such a degree to uninitiated ears (Or. fusion. too.20 SEEING AND BELIEVING In Gregory's interpretation. The "signs" actualized and marked the potential. Of course. The "impression" of baptism aided in maintaining such purity and in its recuperation if lost through negligence. and thus provided the model for and guarantor of salva- tion-if properly carried out. They initiated a process of purification. As his own sermons make clear. vigils. change. ." was an intensely elite event. where all parts. 84 As Gregory hirnself implied. All thoughts. the rite that marked the "belonging to Christ. and the sharing of one's possessions. in fact.22. had to win. for which the signs and markers in turn provided support and strength. 38). RIVAL BAPTISMS Why did Gregory feel it necessary to elaborate to such an extent on baptism- in three sermons. tears. heaven. other emphases placed on divine essence and activity. which baptism actualized in each individual. inscription. everything formed a coherent whole. earth. 40-45)? The reasons are clear. there were other ways in which Platonic cosmology could be reinterpreted. 4°. but daily actualization was called for in order to restore the purity of the "first birth" (Or. one of which. nor necessarily the most widely favored one in Constantinople at the time. 39. and limbs had to be cleansed continually through fasting.. but it is the entirety of the moment that this 'now' indicates" ('I80u vuv lWtpO<. compassion towards the needy. The nature of the divine essence "caused" the "paradoxical" fusion of the divine and the material. Thus.. resulting in seemingly similar but structurally very different ac counts of cosmology. senses. he appears to have represented the minority opinion. namely the members of the Constantinopolitan elite. 4°. baptism itself.31. oUX Eva KatpOV. UAAU mlV'ta 'tou "Nuv" 6pi~ov'to<. were brought into a coherent whole: the "now" of baptism was "not a determined mo- ment. Tears had to be shed day and night because demons and sins did not cease.

There he continued to celebrate Mass. Indeed. those who denied the divinity of the Spirit. should they seek to renounce their heresy. 38.14). Demophilus's precursor. for example. considering it a one-time act of complete puri- fication. 89 These and other prominent ascetics like Isaac. Saturnius and Victor. and which were supported by men of great influence at court. And there were many who presented themselves as powerful initiators. had only been dispatched to the suburbs on 26 November 380. Demophi- lus." who were very popular among the elite. but "Novatians" had been excepted from that stipulation. according to Gregory. Gregory clearly sought to "convert" "Novatians" to his point of view by offering them inclusion into his fold without rebaptism." as weIl as the "acerbic calculators of the divinity" (Or." and "Novatians. Constantino- politans preferred to be baptized by a metropolitan (Or. 88 A significant number of persons belonging to the creme de la creme of the Constantinopolitan ascetics denied the divinity of the Spirit. even worse. indeed. misdirecting the enor- mous potency of the act (Or. attract- ed vast numbers of faithful who sought them out on a daily basis. those who misunderstood the nature of Christ's fu- sion. views with an illustrious pedigree since they continued the tradition of Bishop Macedo- nius. In their case. pre- ferred baptism late in life. rebaptism had repeatedly been prohibited by imperial law. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 2 I baptized in the presence of one's full retinue by the person who possessed the highest power and hence could administer the powerful rite of baptism appropriately without contaminating or. 90 Each and every single one of them promoted different interpretations of the meaning and function of baptism and its theological-cosmological signifi- cance. a simple anointing suf- ficed. the possibility of sin after baptism. Their baptism was in essence accepted as "right"." "Sabellians. foremost among those whom Gregory described as "cal- culators of divinity. 91 . and Gregory's concepts had to answer to and win out over each. just a month prior to the occasion of Gregory's sermons. The so-called "Novatians." was at that moment the toast of the town. and those who misconstrued baptism's power to purify. it sufficed to "modify what had been written into" them. 40. for twenty years the "Arian" bishop of Constantinople.26). 85 or by a pneumatikos. who had just then been offered housing for himself and his followers on the suburb an estates of not one but two powerful courtiers. There were "Arians. 4°. requiring the accumulation of "good works" to counteract evil ones even after baptism. Thus. They rejected all notion of penitence. 87 Eunomius.26). drawing crowds including some court eunuchs to his estate in nearby Chalcedon.86 Behind Gregory's labels and allusions stood influential men. and punished the lapsed draconically-in diametric opposi- tion to Gregory's view of purification as a lifelong process.

even worse. you who are rich. 95 On the one hand. or even a slave: "do not refuse to be baptized with a poor person. "poor" ascetics who deemed baptism superfluous. these remarks polemicized against competing pneuma- tikoi. a debtor. 92 It would be accepted as such some five months later at the ecumenical council gathered in Constantinople in May 38 I. where he becomes perfectible. which celebrated charismatic poverty. the "fusion of two paradoxa.22 SEEING AND BELIEVING Controversies regarding the divinity of the Holy Spirit had been on Gre- gory's mind for quite some time. or you the master with your own slave" (Or. in particular the relationship between Father and Son and the latter's mixture with the human. 39. the kind of transformation he envisages is not one between social registers. the fact that many of the city's ascetic stars doubted that the Spirit was divine presented a true challenge." A significant number of these ascetic "poor" were of the opinion that their daily regime of "tears and groaning. that is.11. but Gregory's orations delivered in December and J anuary were still "campaign speeches. 4°. "filled with the Spirit." in no small part because of their life-style.96 Therefore.20-21). Grego- ry's insistence that Christ took on the form of a slave countered those who denied the complete mixture of the divine and the human in the Incarna- tion. In fact. These star ascetics were also known as pneumatikoi.98 .12. or you the noble with a low-dass person. In addition. each person is transformed within his dass.8. but when he delivered his orations on baptism the "orthodoxy" of his interpretation was by no means assured. 94 Given this background. a shift in "social" inscription would be miraculous. Others separated them too rigidly." abounded. according to Gregory." combined with fasting and constant prayer. Gregory's insistence that baptism was necessary for the "poor" takes on a dual meaning. The "Sabellians" erred because they unduly reduced Father and Son into one ("like the Jews"). a multiplicity of divinities ("pagan- ism"). he stressed that one should not feel humiliated when baptized next to a vendor. Yet others denied Christ's complete mixture with the humble aspects of mankind ("Apollinarists") (Or. "93 In this regard. thus introducing sub- ordination ("Arians") or. Yet. He had formulated his notion of the divine essence as one in three partially in response to such doubts. Gregory certainly sought to emphasize that the transformative powers of baptism were not reserved for the social elite. 27). 38. these men were also known as "the poor. 4°. but encompassed nearly all strata on the social scale (he does not mention the infamous). made baptism entirely superflu- ous since their life of continuous purification provided direct access to the divine.25. 97 On the other hand. wrong teachings regarding the Incarna- tion. Therefore. 14-15.

the divine could only come in contact with created matter "as the servant of the intention of theFather.loo Following Aristotle's dictum that "essence does not admit of degree." Eunomius explained the relationship between Father and Son as one of difference in essence. nor in his Resurrection. lOl Thus. 102 Such epistemological differences had cosmological implications. achieved genuine incarnation (without the mixing in of a soul). After all. was fully aware of the fact that matter was the complete opposite of all that is divine. as proposed by Gregory. and then ascended to return. a dispensation. Son and Father differed. led hirn to formulate a seemingly similar. too.2). he main- tained that God was not boundless despite being immaterial and hence without spatial limits. But . Ir is against these notions that Gregory developed his own. according to Eunomius. since essences in the infinite chain of being are differentiated by their nature--an understanding diametrically opposed to Gregory's concept of the procession of the divine essence. which resulted in the hypostasis of the Son and the Spirit. Indeed. 38. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 23 The consequences of such different notions of baptism become perhaps most clearly apparent in the thought of Eunomius. In order for the Son to become incarnate. "99 Eunomius's interpretation of divine essence and agency. carried it through the history of Israel. but "into the death of Christ. 104 The initial difference in the understanding of cosmol- ogy led to a difference in its personalization in Christ in the Incarnation. prompted by a different understanding of Aristotelian language theory. In Demophilus's words. this was precisely the precondition making the Incarnation so powerful: this was the paradox of the fusion. Eunomius's popularity among the classically trained elite of Constantino- pIe is easily explained when one considers that he maintained the inherent difference between the divine and the material in his interpretation of the incarnate Christ. Eunomius and a signif- icant proportion ofEastern Christians propagated a baptism neither in Christ's Incarnation." Otherwise. the creat- ed would have dissolved upon impact with the divine "like a crate of milk dispersed into the ocean. the inherent inferiority of matter implicit in his cosmology was much more in accord with traditional Neo-Platonic cosmol- ogies. and he knew that the idea of divine essence merging with matter was "laughable to the Greeks" (Or. which made the Son into a "Iesser" divinity."103 For Eunomius. no friends of matter. however. In his view. essence implied difference. Gregory. opposing concept of complete fusion. the Incarnation itself was proof of the Son's essential inferiority. the Son began his saving journey at the Father's throne. Because. God had to grant an alteration of essence. yet structurally very different Chris- tian exegesis of Platonic cosmology. For hirn.

and remodel correctly. on the contrary. since the appropriate words had been written into hirn. Because Gregory demonstrably under- stood the mysterious nature (physis) of the divine as perfectly as anyone and could prove such perfect understanding through his own physis as a xenos. and his virtuoso mixing of these two worlds. inscribe. reflected these underlying differences. Hence. the chrism is the confir- rnation of the confession. but as for any good citizen. a poor person. a shift that guaranteed salvation. The Father is mentioned because he is the source and the sender. Moreover. Gregory's baptism illumi- nated by "converting" those thus inscribed towards God. 38. he could overwrite the false inscriptions of others. impress. He could write." the writings in the heavenly books. Plato through Scripture. 105 Baptism. is administered into the Son's death: the water is instead of burial. by initiating a process of cosmological realignment. the demand for good works continued.1°7 Theodosius issued a law banning the heretical teachings of the "Arians" and the "Eunomians. an awesome power because it realigned the "letters in heaven.6). Otherwise. these concerns were vital for Gregory as bishop of Constantinople. after all . edited in a Eunomian milieu: "Baptism. Because he understood cosmology correctly he could align those into whose souls he wrote the words of the baptismal faith correctly within that cosmology. the Spirit is included because he is the witness. SEEING AND BELIEVING where he plunged ahead and affirmed full mixture. his constant re course to his exegesis of the most powerful cosmologies of the day. Baptism was the initiation into a mystery. stamp." but not those of the "Novatians. And he proved persuasive. "106 Hence Gregory's expense of time and effort in demonstrating that bap- tism is both moment and process. as shown by the following quote from the Apostolic Constitutions. the ascent the rising with hirn. it required lifelong purification. as one who possessed the power to transform. Such writing signified a shift in cosmological affiliation. Thus. application of a seal on a cleansed slate yet also an inscription that can be modified. while interesting for modern scholars studying notions of conversion." . the entire economy of salvation was disrupted. he could administer the appropriate form of illumination and initiate correctly into the mystery of baptism. actualization of a perfect fusion yet requiring continuous purification. Hence. others like Eunomius considered such thinking dangerously reckless. and Gregory needed to establish hirns elf as mystagögos and pneu- matikos. Baptism added the baptized into the citizenship of heaven. thereby granting human matter the possibility of salvation. the seal instead of the Cross. But such conver- sion did not occur in a flash of light. On 10 January 381. an ascetic-looking countryman without a court (Or. of course. The immer- sion is the dying with Christ.

6. i. and the second.." in Congreso Internacional La Hispania di Teodosio I (Segovia. 1997). but the more recent consensus is 380/381." Arethusa 33 (2000): 411-27. (Bonn. The date is controversial. 5. and the Nicene Faith. Gregoire de Nazianze. celebrated on 6 January." in Conversion: Old Worlds and New. Religionsgeschichtliche Untersu- chungen. Les rites de l'initiation chretienne du IIe au VIe siede: Esquisse historique et signi/ication d'apres leurs principaux temoins (Spoleto. Discours 38-4I. 1988). For a detailed discussion of post-Enlightenment concepts of conver- sion see David Murray. Western Aristocracies and the Imperial Court. 7. La predication des peres cappa- dociens (Paris. "Theodosius. p. 17 1-7 8 . p. 11-17. Hermann Usener. 38). Apparently two separate days of celebration emerged in Constantino- pIe around 380. Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford. pp. 364-425 (Oxford. see Susanna Elm. "A Programmatic Life: Gregory of Nazianzus' Orations 42 and 43 and the Constantinopolitan Elites. 1968).Y. pp. and 2-3. ed. Jean Bernardi. pp. 1999). Chris- tian Initiation: A Comparative Study 0/ the Interpretation 0/ the Baptismal Liturgy . 2d. This day would have occa- sioned 01. For specifics of the following. 237-46. later one was dedicated to Christ's Epiphany and Baptism. 191 I). ed. pp. 1967). 205. 39 and 40. eds. Moreschini. Still best encapsulated in the definition given by Arthur Derby Nock. Les /etes de NOel et d'Epiphanie d'apres les sources litteraires cappadociennes du IVe siede (Louvain. tr. 3. Polymnia Athanassiadi and Michael Frede. Discours 38-4I. 297-332. Matthews. 1933). 19. Sources Chretiennes 358 (Paris. 7. vol. Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton (Rochester. 9. 1965). Claudio Moreschini. p. 120-24. 2. and was perhaps celebrated on 25 December (evoked in Gregory's 01. Victor Saxer. pp. prior to Gregory's nomination as bishop. for example. A. pp. The earlier one was dedicated to the birth of Christ and the adoration of the Magi.e. Paul Gallay. the study by Hugh M. 1975). forthcoming). For more detail see my forthcoming book on Gregory of Nazianzus.. 8. ed.. pp.D. 149-90. including bibliography. "Object Lessons: Fetishism and the Hierarchies of Race and Religion. pp. 260-69. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS NOTES I.. The Seal 0/ the Spirit: A Study in the Doctrine 0/ Baptism and Con/irmation in the New Testament and the Fathers (London. Jean Mossay. Conversion: The Old and the New Religion /rom Alexander the Great to Augustine 0/ Hippo (London. I: Das Weihnachtsfest. Representative is. Riley. Geoffrey William Hugo Lampe. 34. N. Neil McLynn. 10. 249-57. 4. 1990). Spain. Earlier scholarship favored 379/380. John F. 16-22.

64- 12 7. 202-4. 1993).. John Chrysostom. Nock. 17. see John F. ed. Orig. I had no wish to read any further. Jahrhunderts. pp. G. Bettine Menken and Barbara Vinken (Weimar. For historiographie reasons why so many authors on the subjecr of baptism skip Gregory's Oration 40 altogether. "A Pro- grammatie Life." in The Divine lamblichus. ed. 57-60 . Bradshaw. not in eontention and envy. Das armenische Initiationsritttale: Entwick- lttngsgeschichtliche ttnd litttrgievergleichende U ntersttchungen der Quellen des 3. and 2-3. Heinz Althaus. Conversion. ed. ed. and Baptism in the Early Chttrch (New York. those of Plotinus and Iambliehus. 1997). 1992). but put ye on the Lord J esus Christ . D. For Platonie illumination language see also John F. Sarah Iles Johnston. and espeeially eadem. 18. . "Not in rioting and drunkenness. pp. 1974). with . "Ploti- nus and Iambliehus on Magie and Theurgy. These issues were also debated in non-Christian Platonie theurgie eircles. Finamore. Orientalia Christiana Analeeta 217 (Rome. pp. Conversion.. 200 3). I explore the eoneepts of eonseious ehoiee and internal change assoeiated wirh "Noekian" notions of eonversion further in "Inseriptions: Marking the Self in Late Antiquity. 1993). 1982)." Dionysitts 17 (1999): 83-94. Everett Ferguson. and no need. not in ehambering and wanton- ness. bis IO. 12. and I-Ü~l<. Gabriele Winkler's study. Catechttmenate. and Ambrose 0/ Milan (Washington. pp. Henry J. SEEING AND BELIEVING in the Mystagogical Writings 0/ Cyril 0/ Jerttsalem. 1972). pp. "Converting the Unehristianizable: the Baptism of Stage Performers in Late Antiquity. Finamore. 411-15. 1979). Michel Dujarier." in Stigmata: Kiirperinschri/ten. 14. are originally Stoie notions. De Princ. is still fundamental.3. For the use of the term metanoia to deseribe eonversion see Riehard Lim. A History 0/ the Catechtt- menate: The First Six Centttries. fiat ritus: Divine Light and the Late Antique Defense of Ritual" (fortheoming). 165-94. "Rising to the Oeeasion: Theurgieal Aseent in its Cul- tural Milieu. Edward Haasl (New York. "Fiat Lux. Kippenberg (Leiden. Clark (London. See the overview and eritieal remarks of Paul F. 16. Theodore 0/ Mopsttestia. .6." pp. 100-175. The Search tor the Origins 0/ Christian Worship: Sources and Methods tor the Study 0/ Early Liturgy (New York. see Elm." in Envisioning Magic: A Princeton Seminar and Symposium. For in that instanee. Blumenthal and E. Ir. esp." in this volume. 161-74. who omits Gregory entirely. Peter Schäfer and Hans G. 7. 2. "Iambliehus on Light and the Transparent. 13.g. 15. Kpacru. Die Heilslehre des heiligen Gregors von Nazianz (Münster. e. 55-6 4. pp. pp.C. tr.

pp. 283-324." a crisis of will rather than a flash of insight. and Constantine Tsatsos (Charlottesville. Peter Brown. see Nicholas H. within which such language is avoided. pp. Augustine 0/ Hippo: A Biog- raphy (Berkeley. 1995). Bio herself. For a social scientist's view of early Christian conversion as process. pp. For a different context.12. pp. Richard Lim and Carole Straw (Berkeley. 1-27. viii-x. p. Conversion and Text: The Cases 0/ Augustine 0/ Hippo. I cite from the Davis Center manuscript. 19. pp. on conversion and met- aphor. "'Sklave Gottes': Stigmata. Karl Frederick Morrison.. Christian Initiation. Va. 23.29). See now his reedition with a new epilogue (Berkeley. Understanding Conversion (Char- lottesville. heavily influenced by Shaye Cohen's work. forthcoming). Understanding Conversion. Peter Brown. 1992). Karl Frederick Morrison. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 27 the veryending of the sentence.. Les Rites. begins his section on Gregory by stating that he considered baptism a spiritual rebirth. Gregory does not make frequent use of it. it was as though a light of utter confidence shone in all my heart. Or- thodox Traditions. Morrison. 266-79. 113. 1992). For example. 21. had already described Augustine's conversion as "an astonishingly tranquil process. 24." in The Challenge 0/ New Historiographies in Late Antiquity. "The Social Nature of Conversion in the Early Christian World. see Elaine Pagels. One form of inscription not discussed here was those on coins. 316-28. Calif. 22. ed. 1967). ed.. but does not adduce citations supporting that statement. Calif. and the Retrospective Self. 1-5. 1997). Esler (London. 26. pp. "Five daughters and five sons did Bio bear to Didymon. Bischöfe und anti-häre- tische Propaganda im vierten Jahrhundert n. 20." in The Nag Hatnmadi Library after Fifty Years: Proceedings 0/ the I995 Society 0/ Biblical Literature Commemoration. Herman-Judah. Though Pauline baptismal language is of course present. "Ritual in the Gospel 0/ Phillip. but she got no joy from one of either. for other roughly contemporary authors." Historische Anthropologie 8 (1999): 345-6 3. 2 5. Paula Fredricksen. 4-27. Calif. Saxer. ed. and all the darkness of uncertainty vanished away" (Con! 8.. "Conversion and Christianization in Late Antiquity: The Case of Augustine. the preserve of civic authorities 'and the emperors. Philip F. Susanna Elm." Journal 0/ Theological Stttdies 37 (1986): 3-34. See Riley.. "Paul and Augustine: Conversion Narratives. 280-91. John D. 2000). 128-36. pp. Turner and Anne McGuire (Leiden. Va. so excellent a mother of . pp. 304- 8. Taylor. C." in Modelling Early Christianity: Social-Scientific Studies 0/ the New Testament in Its Context..

1967). Helmut Häusle. "we call upon the great divinity that no one offend against the stele" (TAM I. 3 I. Re! 5. was not buried by her children.. vol. p. 1989). Georg Petzl} Die Beichtinschriften im römischen Kleinasien und der From- me und Gerechte Gott (Opladen. "so that no one offends against this stele or the memorial. Tempsky." (Ant. 32. no. F. SEEING AND BELIEVING such fine babes. I (Oxford. "The Epigraphy of Hellenistic Asia Minor. no.20. 608). 1998). no. 7A84). Gottesna'he und Schadenzauber: Die Magie in der griechisch- römischen Antike (Munich. F. V.. The literature and body of evidence are vast. "Cursed Be He That Moves My Bones. Christopher A. may he leave behind his children as orphans." Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990): 74-96. 1991). Das Denkmal als Garant des Nachruhms: Beitrage zur Geschichte und Thematik eines Motivs in lateinischen Inschriften} Zetemata 75 (Munich. M. Strubbe. I am focusing here on Asia Minor in late antiquity. pp. or the following: "whosoever lays his heavy hands on this stele. eds. William V Harris. 1993). Frankfurt/Main. 187-97. (Vienna. Gr. 1296. 29. pp. here stands the staff of the god ofAxiotta and of Anaeitis" (TAM I. Hipp. Susanna Elm. 479). Ancient Literacy} pp. "'Pierced by Bronze Needles': Anti-Montanist Charges of Ritual Stigmatization in Their Fourth- Century Context. 2. Cf. Faraone and Dirk Obbink (New York. 28. 33-59· 30. Hoelder." American Journal of Archaeology 104 (2000): 95-12 1. Anatolia: Land} Men} and Gods in Asia Minor. See also J. pp. curses that bind ("weigh down") the victim or dissolve hirn. "Fifty-five New Fragments of Diogenes of Oenoanda. John Ma. was once a rounded and unworn cylinder. to speak to me and to approach the stone. Harris. "I. 434). pp. 218-19. Stephen Mitchell. his wife a widow. nos. Anatolia} 1:2°7-17. Pichler. the stone coffin that contain the head of Heraclitus. Defixionum tabellae: Quotquot innotuerunt tam in Graecis Orientis quam in totius Occidentis partibus praeter Atticas in Corpore inscriptionum Atticarum (1904. ApolI. 172). Philostr. and his household a desert" (TAM I. but be not ashamed. 27. 7:450). 1299." Journal of Early Christian Studies 4 (1996): 418-20. . 1980). Mitchell.5-7. and G. 1996).. 4 1 -91. Augustus Audollent. 33. For example. "Explaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Epitaphs. ed." Anatolian Studies 28 (197 8): 44.30. 1901- 78). Tituli Asiae Minoris} 5 vols. see Fritz Graf. Smith. Meyer. but Time has worn me like a shingle" (ibid. Mass. but by strange hands" (Ant. Gr. pp. A. 108-83. 4. "The tomb is that of Samian Philaenis. re- print ed.." in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion} ed.. 221-22. Ancient Literacy (Cambridge. Elizabeth A. Sir.

42. 2 . V Pyth. Conn. Beitrage zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde mit einem Anhange über die öffentliche Au/zeichung von Urkunden (Vienna. or now Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress. pp.-Plut. div. I thank Peter Brown for the reference to this excellent article. 35. time of Diocletian. 188.6. Laying Down the Law! p." Eirene 6 (1970): 79-96. haer 30. Matthews. CTh 12. another one. Harris. 260-61 . Peter Brown's tide. The Body and Society! really says it all. Philo. Laying Down the Law: A Study 0/ the Theodosian Code (New Haven. Mark Sainsbury (Chicago. "Inscripta in fronte: Penal Tattooing in Late Antiquity." Classical Antiquity 16 (1997): 79-105. 838b. Apa John. 39. 44. 43. 328 F 134. "Monuments of Bronze: Roman Legal Documents on Bronze Tablets. Homo hierarchicus: An Essay on the Caste System! tr." pp. Tessera /rumentaria: Les procidures de distribution du bte public a Rome a la /in de la Republique et au dibut de tEmpire (Rome. Ant. Catherine Virlouvet. 16.5. "Stigmata/' pp. 2000). 81-103. A distinctive type of writing: Matthews. H. 345-63. Mark Gustafson. Examples of laws explicidy cut into bronze include a Constantinian law from 336/337 ex- empting municipal officeholders from "compulsory services of an inferior kind". John F." Classical Antiquity 6 (1987): 180-81. For the inscribing of convicts see PS.2. note his argument that graffiti need not correlate to low social status." Bulletin 0/ the American Society 0/ Papyrologists 32 (1995): 183-94. 14. Ancient Literacy! pp. eadem. 1970). Constantine Zuckerman. 38. 35 (1944-45): 6-10. The Evolution 0/ the Late Antique World (Cambridge. also from Constantine. pp. "Roman Legal Insdtu- dons in Early Rabbinics and in the Acta Martyrum!" ] ewish Quarterly Review! n. V decem Gr.. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 29 34.7. Elm. A. a Valentinian law specified that those registered as citizens of Rome and therefore entided to free bread distributions should be engraved and their names displayed at the distribu- tion site. For a different methodological angle see Louis Dumont. Jones's classic "The Caste System in the Later Roman Empire.5. "Pierced by Bronze Needles. Saul Lieberman. Quis rer. J. 239-49. 41. Homily on Genesis! PG 53:112. Chrys. W. exempts officials associated with the court (palatini) from menial public services. 19°9). 36. pp. 1995). 409-39.s. Rist. Philochoros! Fr. 37. Iambl. Isaac. pp. 195-99. Callie Williamson. M. R. 243-3 08 . 252. see e. For an overview of the terminology see Alfred Wilhelm. 40. 6·35-4. 2000). . Jos. The literature on this subject is vast. "The Hapless Recruit Psois and the Mighty Anchorite.g. Gr.

and social order see. Thomas M." Ancient World 24 (1993): 5. Margareta Benner. See also Catherine Atherton.1-2.34. Derek Krueger. "Reves et vie spiri- tuelle d'apres Evagre le Pontique." in Studies in Perception: Interrelations in the History 0/ Philosophy and Science. 170-206 on the iden- tity of imperial image and person. Jaqueline Long. R. Machamer and Robert G. Frag. esp.5.." Ancient World 24 (1993): 15-23. Clifford Ando. "Structures of Irony in Julian's Misopogon. pp. Calif. Mass. 53. "Evagrius Ponticus' Sententiae ad Virginem. and the Making 0/ Images. 5-42 (Bernardi). Naz. 39-130. 50." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 45 (199 1): 26 5-95. 54. Matthews. HE 9. See also Paul J.5 and Ep.3. 60. and pp. 13. Theod. 1984). Matthews. Ohio." La Vie Spirituelle 14 (1961): 47°-516." Classical Antiquity 16 (1997): 58.1. Jocelyn Penny Small. and Franc. Mil. Mary Carruthers. Peter K. Laying Down the Law. "Festive Satire: Julian's Misopogon and the New Year at Antioch. 29.. The Cra/t 0/ Thought: Medita- tion. Eus. S. Banchieh. 72-159 and passim. "Julian's School Laws: Cod. Rituals and Power. pp. e.ois Refoule. 102. Price. Or. 87-100. 106-19. 400-I200 (New York. "Writing and the Liturgy of Memory in Gregory of Nyssa's Life 0/ Macrina. 49. 1975). The Emperor Says: Studies in the Rhetorical Style in Edicts 0/ the Early Empire (Göteborg. "The Stoic Theory of Perception and its 'Platonic' Critics. 1997). "Schooling. 55. combines a discussion of the technical aspects of writing and archiving and ancient and modern theories of memory. Martin Bloomer." Journal 0/ Roman Studies 76 (1986): 106-19. The Stoics on Ambiguity (Cambridge. "Roman Legal Institutions. Eunap. Rhetoric. 47. 42. 188-91. 1993). 8. Bas. "Schooling in Persona: Imagination and Subor- dination in Roman Education. Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (Berkeley. 289. 1997). Gleason. Opt. pp. 69-88. 46.14. 19. lVIagic and Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Cambridge.g. . Susanna Elm. Maud Gleason. 48. 52. 2000). pp. Bloomer. magie. pp. 1975). pp.. 1998). 187-91. J acqueline de Romilly. 51. Wax Tablets 0/ the Mind: Cognitive Studies 0/ Memory and Literacy in Classical Antiquity (New York. Laying Down the Law. Re-reading Saussure: The Dynamics 0/ Signs in Social Life (London." p. 1978). CTh 9. Thibault. For discussions of memory." pp. F. Lieberman. SEEING AND BELIEVING 45. Gr. Ep. " Journal 0/ Early Christian Studies 8 (2000): 483-510. pp." p.1 (Blockley) 401. 73-117. p. writing. What is true for words is also true of images.17 CSEL 26. "Festive Satire. W. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge. 1. For the Stoic origins of much of this see Heinrich von Staden. ed. Turnbull (Columbus.

1988). 1983). ed. Pierre Bourdieu's remarks regarding authority are interesting in this context. 222. christianisme. "From Ausonius' Schooldays? A Schoolbook and Its Relations. 1998). Most of the few studies on declamations are based upon the Latin materials. 227. 1997). 1999). and Antonella Romano (Rome. Mich. Sopatros the Rhetor: Studies in the Text 0/ the Diaireseis Zetematon (London. pp. Emmanuel Amand de Mendieta. "Schooling. 59. 1991). pp. pp. Power and Knowledge: Astrology. especially Quintilian. D. Christianity. 2000). Philosophy in the Flesh: The Embodied Mind and fts Challenge to Western Thought (New York. A.. Also helpful is Judith Butler. 1976). Doreen Innes and Michael Winterbottom. 27-94· 61. 77-78. Barton. 1991).. Dionisotti. Origenes and the Lift 0/ the Stars (Oxford." in Orthodoxie. Robert A. Bloomer. Most significant for the following are Eric Junod. 337-414. Language and Symbolic Power. . INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 31 56.. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge. Das himmlische Buch in Antike und Christentum. Theophaneia 8 (Bonn. Russell. hence stars were not destiny.. does not do justice to this phenomenon: the point is precisely that this is not mimicry or imitation but actually "becoming" the person though mimesis. Carneades made this argument based on the fact that "barbarians" had numerous different customs though they were born under the same astral signs. Tamsyn S. "The Diagnostic Gaze: Gregory of Nazian- zus' Theory of Orthodox Priesthood in his Orations 6 De Pace and 2 Apolo- gia de Fuga Sua. Guardians 0/ Language: the Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity (Berke- ley. 58. 57. 1952). Libanius. Thompson. A. Again. tr. 3-62. especially her critique of Bourdieu (and Derrida). Catherine Atherton. and tr." uses the term "mimicry" to describe this pro- cess. Bhabha). histoirelOrthodoxy. and its own vast bibliography. Calif.of Gregory ( ibid. Theabove is prima- rily derived from the Greek. 83-100. 60. pp. esp. pp. George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. ed. pp. and more generally. 4-9). and Hime- rius. Form and Content in Didactic Poetry (Bari. From a different angle (and with a slightly disingenuous title).. ed. Sources Chretiennes 226 (Paris. pp. Philocalie 2I-27: Sur le libre arbitre. 141-59. Kaster. and Medicine zmder the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor. C. Alan Scott. 24-65. I think that this term (which in Bloomer's case does not appear to have been informed by the rich notions of postcolonial theorists such as H. History. John B. Mass. See also Susanna Elm. ed. Also. Susanna Elm. this is a complex topic with a long and varied history within Greco-Roman philosophy. pp. Origene. 1988)." Journal 0/ Roman Studies 72 (1982): 83-125. especially from Sopatros. Excitable Speech: A Politics 0/ the Per/orma- tive (London. Eric Rebillard.. 192. 1994). contemporaries and teachers. pp. Leo Koep. Greek Declamation (Cambridge. Phys- iognomics.

Karl Holl. of course. Gr. 58-59. Origen. Gregory's interpretation of the Fall is both pedagog- ical and "external" : God intended man to be able to contemplate hirn but not without labor. Discours 38-4I. 55-71. "Augustinus und Gregor von Nazianz." in Kleine Patristische Schriften. the "external" aspect.13 and 17. 277-85. Gregor von Nyssa. 19. Origene.5. 67. This raises. which Gregory. Naz. pp. Enn. Alt haus . J. Poem. 36. Amphilochius von Ikonium in seinem Verhä'ltnis zu den grossen Kappadoziern (Tübingen. Light is also quintessential for Gregory's understanding of the Trin- ity: "The Trinity sparkies with the splendor of the entire divinity". Origene. "Gregoire de Nazianze et le peche. 1969). 1954).3. 64. Plato. 1. 6. 200-201. ed.5. Moreschini. Poem. I 15-16. Das himm- lische Buch. I 17.100-102. 62. Die Heilslehre. Tradux peccati: Alle /onti della dottrina agostiniana deI peccato originale (Milan. Gr. Sei." Augustinianum 13 (1973): 535-49· 7 I. 36. 1. 1. Orig. 1945). see Berthold Altaner. Naz. Or. 2. "Luce e purificazione nella dottrina di Gregorio Nazian- zeno. Gr. p.1. 23. pp. see Koep. Man needed to prove through the potentiality and then the actuality of sin that he was capable of choosing the good. 3. Szymu- siak. 68-78. PG 35:1°57 and 1064." in Atti dell'Academia Toscana di Science e Lettere La Columbaria 44 (1979): 35- 57· 66. . For the widespread notion of the heavenly book. 54-93. Strom. Naz. reprint ed. Günter Glockmann (Berlin. 40. Ottilien. Or. Discours 38-4I.8. pp.. 210d.1. 76-1°3. I. 1967). pp. 3-49. pp.5. Scott.6." Studia Patristica 9 (1966): 288- 3°5. 1978). 160-70. the thorny issues of sin and the origins of evil. pp. 617e.7. 63. 70. relying on Plato. For the ramifications of Gregory's thought on original sin. 18-2 4. Or. Gr. 130. Junod. 69. especially for Augustine. Naz. Plot. 62-70.4-6.96.20. 65.5. Das himmlische Buch. 2. 1904. and Pier Franco Beatrice. solved in the tradition of Clement. 68. Or. V. Philoc. Die gb'ttliche Paidagogia bei Gregor von Nazianz (St. Moreschini. 38. Plato Symp. Darmstadt.64-66. "Influenze di Origine su Gregorio di Nazianzo. Exod. "Terminology of light" is Claudio Moreschini's very apt expression. M. apparently derived from Babylo- nian sources. 41-42.7. I.32 SEEING AND BELIEVING Fatalisme et liberte dans Fantiquite grecque: Recherehes sur la survivance de Fargumentation morale anti/ataliste de Carneade chez les philosophes grecs et les theologiens chdtiens des quatre premiers siecles (Louvain. 68. in ps. pp. Rep. First Man's disobedience was thus the cause of sin yet suggested by a jealous demon. 3:10. pp. Protr. Koep. Jun- od. pp. 39. 1. pp. Franz Xaver Portmann. 54-60. pp. Claudio Moreschini.

2. 32 . This notion plays a truly minimal role in Gregory's conceptualization. 4 "Against Julian" and 43 "In Praise of Basil" are slightly longer. 4 (1974): 1347-92. 45 b-c. for example in North Africa. Gr. p. 17. 4°9-23.2 and 6 are brief allusions to the widespread notion of baptism as rebirth following J ohn 3: 5-6. 75· Gr. 261-96. or by the metropolitan in J erusalem. and numerous others. 1962 ). . 73.5. Pinault.3 0 . 25-27. 84. pp. Claudio Moreschini. 304. Plato Phaidon} 67 b . Gr. Naz. J ean Danü§lou. Gr. Lampe. 40.3. 2I. 79)." in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten} vol. 40·5.8. 39. "11 platonismo cristiano di Gregorio Nazianzeno.36. Le platonisme de saint Gregoire de Nazianze (La-Roche-sur- Yon. Rites} p. 285-92. Plato Rep.5.2. The Seal 0/ the Spirit} pp.7. no. I (Münster. 17· 76. " in Augustin predicateur (395- 4I I)} ed. 1 5. 82. 77. (Paris. 1998). 39) und ihre geistesgeschichtliche Bedeutung. 85. so Gregory. those referring to light and purity predominate. H. 357· 79. To cite a remark of Emperor Julian: "The whole sum of Christian philosophy consists in two things. pp. Moreschini. For example. 1970). Naz. Gr. Platonisme et theologie mystique: Doctrine spirituelle de Saint Gregoire de Nysse} 2d ed.1.3. 17. Gr. Gr. I. Moreschini. 80. Origen.8. N aissance d} une capitale: Constantinople et ses [nstitutions de 330 a 45 I (Paris. 8I. by the metropolitan at that time still resident in Her- acleia. 52. Discours 3 8-4 I } p. pace Saxer. Naz." (Ep. 19 8 4). Joseph Ysebaert..l.2.19. 4°. only Gr. 37. whistling to keep away the demons and making the sign of the cross on their foreheads. For the rarity of delayed baptism." Rebirth is used very rarely. See his explicit recommendation of baptism as essential for those engaged in public office. 44 6 . Greek Baptismal Terminology: [ts Grigins and Early Development (Nijmegen. Madec (Paris. 44·3. Gr. Gr. Gr. Gilbert Dagron. also Plotinus Enn. pp. 459· 86. 8. 162S.22 . 1954). Discours 38-4I} p. "Le figure du catechumene et le probleme du delai du bapteme dans la pastorale de saint Augustin. 30. Hermann Dörrie. Naz. 7. 4°. 1925). 9. Gr. Naz. 74. followed by those denoting "mark- ing. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 33 72 .20. 10." Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa 3. 167-74. Tim. 78. 21. 27. 5. 4°. Note also Gregory's use of baptism as purifying fire in Gr. 3I. 508c. see Eric Rebillard. 38. Gr. Gregory uses approximately twenty-one expressions of baptism. pp.4°. Poem. G. 83. 28. Naz. "Die Epiphanias-Predigt des Gregor von Nazianz (Horn. see note 81 below.

Theod. pp. 7. Soz." Journal 0/ Ancient Christianity I (1997): 257-63. Laod. HE 10-4. 228-30. "Die Pneumatomachen: Eine Un- tersuchung zur Dogmengeschichte des vierten Jahrhunderts" (Diss. Arist.5." in Rufino di Concordia e il SZIO tempoJ vol.33-37)· . ascetics and "poor" had "stoned" Gregory." Studia Patristica 37 (2001): 69-85. "Converting the Unchristianizable: The Baptism 0/ Stage Performers in Late Antiquity.7. Philip Rousseau. AmphilochiusJ pp. Daniel Caner. Gr. As in Augustine's City 0/ God? Gregory's Orations 38 and 39 were certainly among those used by Augustine. Soc.. HE 5." at the "anti-Messalian" synod of Antioch in the early 380s. "Die Epiphanias-Predigt. pp.26. I.2. Claudio Moreschini. tr. 122. while he was in the process of baptizing. pp. 4°9-23. 1967). 1987). 74-112. 1947).8. Calif.7. 4. 2002).6. "Die Epiphanias-Predigt.88. 83. Soc. HE 5.7.H." pp. Haer. Martin Wall raff. A year earlier. "Rufino traduttore di Gregorio di Nazianzeno. Soz.20. Bas. Ep.. Susanna Elm. Wandering J Begging Monks: Spiritual Authority and the Promotion 0/ Monasticism in Late Antiquity (Berkeley. HE 6. De Spirit.5-7. Caner.3. Western AristocraciesJ p. 52. 9. pp. Hauschild. 78.11.. 77. 101. Bas. 190- 99· 91. "Die Geschichte des Novatianismus seit dem vierten Jahr- hundert im Osten. p. Basil 0/ Caesarea (Berkeley. De Spirit. 92. 2002).22-23. "Orthodoxy and the True Philosophical Life: Julian and Gregory of Nazianzus. Naz." in this volume for the continuing exclusion of actors and other infamous persons. 245-69. CTh 16. 188. 94. HE 6. Theod.26-4. Ham- burg. 98. 1-3. Dörrie.. Ep. 93. 5 (3. 1994). pp. 88. 7. 97. Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman EmpireJ The Menachem Stern J erusalem Lectures 2000 (Ha- nover. 89.6. See Richard Lim.2. 170-201. 99. HE 5. 4°9-11.. Matthews.1 57. Soc. HE 7. 12. Wolf D.. Basile de Cisaree: Traiti du Saint-EspritJ Sources Chretiennes 17 (Paris. 39. 96. HE 7. WanderingJ Begging Monks J pp.2. 90.18-19.1-4. Photius Bib.34 SEEING AND BELIEVING 87. Philostorgius described this as the practice of his own church in Constantinople.28.17. Antichira altoadri- atiche 31 (Udine. 160-70. Soc.1-7· 100. Cat. Can. in Rufinus's Latin translation made in 399/400. Soz. Dörrie. HE 4. N. See Adelphius's "confession" that "there is no benefit from baptism for those who receive it for only continuous prayer can drive out the in- dwelling demon. 95. Gr. Peter Brown. Calif. Benoit Pruche. Bas." pp. cf. Holl.

23-4. I03. Barnes (Edinburgh. CTh. I04. probably around 383/ 384. In fact. Apol.27-32. fiat ritus. 2. Expos. Const. Maurice Wiles. England. Mass. 3. Ettnomius. the "Eunomian" circles appear to have alte red their baptismal ritual in the early 380s. pp.20-I7. "Tripie and Single Immersion: Baptism in the Arian Controversy. "Rising to the Occasion.33-42. Theurgy and its teachings of heavenly ascent (for example in Iam- blichus) was part and parcel of that debate. "At the Seizure of the Moon: The Absence of the Moon in the Mithras Liturgy" (unpublished paper).I2. Didasc.IO. I993)." Studia Patristica 30 (I997): 337-49." pp. Michel R.3." in Arian- ism after Arius: Essays on the Development of the Fourth Century Trinitarian Conf/icts. "The Arian Doctrine of the Incarnation. September 5-IO. 328- 29. INSCRIPTIONS AND CONVERSIONS 35 I02.22. 324-42.I6.6. Robert C. I-2 I. Edmonds III. ed. ed.5. 3. pp. Johnston. and here too the language of illumination and inscription was prevalent.I4. cf." in Arianism: Historical and Theological Reassessments: Papers from the Ninth Inter- national Conference on Patristic Studies. I07. I8I-2 I I. I983. Eunomius of Cyzicus and the Nicene Revolution (Oxford. reflecting the alterations of the fourth- century editor. Fidei 3. Hanson. Eun. Rowan Williams. pp. Vaggione. HE 9. I65-94. Philost. "Piat Lux. and especially eadem. pp. Gregg (Cambridge. C. pp. Bas." I06. Eun. Richard P.. I6. "Baptism and the Arian Controversy. I49-80. I985). Radcliffe G. Eun. .-IO. Oxford. I05. 2000). App. Richard Vag- gione.

" i. or Oriental..e. Figures such as Justin who cross such boundaries appear either muddled or duplicitous. white.4 In this paper I will examine how these oppositions have obscured our understanding of Justin and his "conversion. as if that was all human life was about."3 Sorting out ancient identities is an old historical problem. and cultural geographies." the multiple and often enculturated forms of belief. normative Christianity. No one can deny the persisting continuities of long traditions . they also make their cultures and ethnic identities. exclusively. mainly. but unfortunately centuries of scholarship have been based on comparison and opposition. 2 THE POLITICS OF PASSING ]USTIN MARTYR'S CONVERSION AS A PROBLEM OF "HELLENIZATION" REBECCA LYMAN At the end of his book Culture and Imperialism} Edward Said summarized the ironie legacy of European imperialism for the twentieth century: "Imperial- ism consolidated the mixture of cultures and legacies on a global scale. but there seems no reason except fear and preju- dice to keep insisting on the separation and distinctiveness." The contrast between "Christianity" and "Hellenism" is often coded through a contrast of "bishops" and "teachers" who in turn embody "orthodoxy. national languages. and "heresy."l Recent studies of the history of religion in late antiquity have begun to make similar claims regarding the false clarity of the traditional narrative of emerging "Christianity" in contrast to "Judaism" or "Hellenism. or Western. the ancient era does share social and ideological issues of multiple identities shaped by varied local traditions and centralized po- litical power. usually linked to the institutional self-identity of a single normative Christianity. Black. But its worst and most paradoxical gift was to allow people to believe that they were only. Drawing on the theoretical work of postco- lonialism concerning identities and cultures as well as on recent work on . "Yet just as human beings make their own history. As Said went on to say.."2 While the Roman imperial context is of course not strictly equivalent to the nineteenth century.

especially the attempt by "outsiders" to master attributes or tools of "insid- ers" in order to gain recognition and power through the hegemonic culture itself. convictions. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 37 late antique religion. The ancient authors of varying status. Educated authors of Christian identifica- tion need to be understood within the same cultural context. Justin's "double" commitment . This proce~s of mobility. but these can be turned in various directions. if common." This shift in histor- ical reconstruction will help us to locate Justin's conversion to Christianity in new conceptual space. but not quite." and Roman political dominance. 5 Given this complex and individual social reality. "barbar- ian origins. we note that figures of "doubling" disrupt normatiye structures of authority by their simultaneous resemblance and disavowal: "The ambivalence of colonial authority repeat- edly turns from mimicry--the difference which is almost nothing but not quite--to menace--a difference that is almost total. equally inadequate and destructive. preserve complex evidence of how multiple choices were negotiated. I want to read the Christian authors of the second century as direcdy addressing issues of multiple authorities and identities in Roman Hellenism. and experiences of each person. "Passing" as used he re simply refers to the successful participa- tion by individuals in multiple layers of dominant and dominated culture. By unraveling strategies of assimilation as weIl as real- ities of estrangement in the theological writings of Justin. assimilation in being an acquired state necessarily contains aspects of alienation. yet do these profoundly philosophical inter- ests prevent hirn from "passing" as orthodox in the later Christian narrative? Drawing on Homi Bhabha's work on mimicry. pseudo-philosophy. I will recover a difIerent ideological and social context for the emergence of the first Chris- tian literary works of "heresiology" and "apologetics. in "orthodox" discourse philosophy is the "rnenace" which leads to heresy. but ultimately destructive. Justin was an Asian immigrant to the West as weIl as a convert to a persecuted cult. whose Hellenistic education allowed hirn to "pass" in sev- eral worlds.8 yet."7 This description of "mimicry" and "rnenace" echoes the criticisms of ancient Christianityas an inadequate. is also highly nuanced and individual according to the ambitions. the simple contrast of "Christianity" to "Hellenism" is not sufficient to unravel the cultural and historical real- ities of second-century provinciallife. as weIl as the elite literary and philosophical paideia of Hellenism. who defined themselves and others by relation to local traditions. 6 The persist- ing historiographical ambivalence concerning Justin as a Christian philosopher therefore reveals the inadequacy of the traditional categories: is Justin merely "passing" in the Hellenic literary culture through the lan- guage and form of his Apology.

From this perspective his account of conver- sion and truth may reveal innovation and creativity rather than inadequacy."ll If one acknowledges the multiplicity of forms of pre-Nicene Christianity as well as its incessant internal conflict over theological and exegetical authority. . this analysis of "hybridity" as problematic and unstable rather than a tertium quid which balances difference is helpful to understanding the emergence of our authors and textsY Justin's mimesis of philosophical forms together with his self- identification as a philosopher therefore represented both critique and de- pendence. If traditional oppositions such as "Hellenie" and "barbarian" have been set to stabilize intellectual and social power. or at least questions. re- fleets therefore an indeterminacy of religion and culture in Roman Hellenism itself. The political expansion and revitalized Hellenism of Trajan and Hadrian had led to a new order of centralized imperial authority. but reflects an attempt within Roman Hellenism as an Asian provincial to address contemporary problems of religious authenticity and cultural mul- tiplicity. 13 As an "apologist" he did not translate an existing "religion" into another "culture" for explanation and defense as often assumed. . authors and discourses which display different cultural relations or readings destabilize existing ideologies: "Hy- bridity intervenes in the exercise of authority not merely to indicate the impossibility of its identity. and therefore the dose juxtaposition of many formerly local traditions of . the differences in cultures can no longer be identified or evaluated as objects of epistemological or moral contemplation: cultural differences are not simply there to be seen or appropriated." es- pecially in the interpretation of second-century figures such as Justin. and by its very exist- ence denies. SEEING AND BELIEVING therefore makes hirn suspect as a Christian as well as a philosopher. Baptism and conversion only began rather than ended a conversa- tion about religious identity."lO In the initial appearance hybridity is therefore "subversive" for it transgresses the traditional ideological boundaries. the assumed reality of such contrasting categories: "What is irremediably estranging is the presence of thehybrid . but to represent the unpredictability of its presence. we may begin to recover an intelligible social space of selection and self-definition among competing ideologies which he inhabit- ed as a second-century teacher. In the second century religious energy focused not on a failure of nerve. fitting the definition of neither dialectical philosophy nor orthodox Christianity. Postcolonial theorists have noted the "terror" and "instability" which the appearance of "hybridity" creates in the midst of traditional authorities.9 However.14 The continuing reevaluation of the "Hellenization" of "Christianity. if we restore a reading of Justin as a "coionial" subject as well as a religious one. but on a necessity of choice among a growing complexity of philos- ophies and local cults.

Per- sian. "Hellenism . 20 The tensions between the horizontal expansion of the elites through the literary acquisition of a dominant Greek culture and the reality of cultural distinctions of the Roman Empire were visible in different choices of provincial intellectuals. we should no longer dismiss this period as merely "syncretistic": it was an era of unique religious opportuni- ty and creativity. in such an era of political destabilization. each seeking to provide a compelling account of the common traditions which could become a dominant cultural narrative for the political transitions of the empire. however ambitious. this context provoked searches for univer- salism. if conservative. and to some extent universalized cultural package of manners and education provided legitimate social mobility as some young men used rhetorical competence to gain status and income.15 Ideologically. for minority peoples or groups this was a bid for religious legitimacy as weIl as political survival under Roman hegemony. and Eusebius. both in Hellenistic histories of particular peoples as weIl as in scholastic philosophies. represented language.16 Within Platonism a lively. an author popular with Christian intellectuals such as Justin. mythology. 17 This age of the genos apology and the scholastic philosopher was therefore simultaneously innovative and conservative as individuals argued the antiquity and universality of their own religion or philosophy and the counterfeit nature of others. offered a uni- versal philosophy which lay behind Plato and Pythagoras in Egyptian. but were an example of Hellenism itself. often chafing. conserva- tive. claiming to recover and res tore the pure teachings of Plato. and Hebrew wisdom. and images that constituted an extraordinarily flexible medium of both cultural and religious expression. yet this was a treacherous and complex negotiation up a steep cultural slope in the age of ambition and Roman dominance. these were not "permeated" with Hellenism. . . it equally became more difficult . Paideia as the traditional. thought. Our collective label of "Roman Hellenism" therefore overshadows a lively. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 39 piety and thought beneath an uneasy and negotiated Roman tolerance. there was tremendous pressure for self-invention. as the iden- tity of being Greek became more universal. Ir was a medium not necessarily antithet- ical to local or indigenous traditions. In fact. Numenius of Apamea in the second century. multi- plicity of locative and intellectual traditions which were shaped in turn by the challenges and influences of Roman hegemony and Hellenistic tradi- tion. 19 These broad cultural generalizations about late antique culture omit the concrete particulars of who was writing on these problems. scholasticism orig- inated in Asia Minor. Given the burst of literary activity which produced new forms of religion and philosophy in the imperial period. Origen. As Maude Glea- son has pointed out."lS As Erich Gruen has noted concern- ing the writings of first-century Judaism.

for example. Embarrassing provincial origins or new religious conversionscan in fact provide yet another means to display philotimia in the right hands: Lucian. simple truth. to use a Californian image. esoteric and intellectual at once. and competition as central to the literary construction of the late antique "self. these conflicts however were occurring within "Christian" and "Jewish" communities as weIl as in relation to those outside.27 Distinctions both religious and cultural of course existed with regard to authoritative texts. used parodies of his Syrian back- ground to show his ambition and upward mobility as an educated man. especially not the socially mobile provincial intelligentsia who wrote the majority of contemporary literature. or use of the dialectic. the "rationalism" of philosophy. notably Origen. 22 In the politics of personal ambition which undergirds the produc- tion of literary works in this period. in the literary conflicts of Roman Hellenism. therefore. The defeat of "Gnosticism" in the second century. no one in the end was purely one thing. It is not at all clear. However. but physical violence. surfing over it aIl-by defensive theology. writing self-consciously in Greek and embracing a philosophy which had been labeled traitorous a century be- fore. and superstition. Averil Cameron comments that Christians talked themselves into power. can be seen as a sort of cultural exorcism of Hellenistic rationalism. clear spiritual authority in the succession of bishops."24 Traditionally. and provoked not only literary polemic. practices of monotheism or poly- theism. ideological and philosophical creativity. and those who embraced it too seriously were in peril. the issues of local and universal or innovation and tradition are central factors to be negotiated personally and demonstrated textually. such wit however would not preclude criticism of Roman political and cultural limitations in contrast to Hellenic culture. SEEING AND BELIEVING to exhibit and maintain. normative Christianity has been seen as surviving this plu- rality--or perhaps. 25 This traditional narrative creates and sustains Christian uniqueness by selective contrasts to the "inchoate" plurality of paganism. 26 The polemical contrast of "Hellenism" to "Christianity" was a prod- uct of the fourth century. and the priority of a revealed. a central cultic community. the poster child of overenthusiastic Christi an intellectuais. not even the emperor Marcus Aurelius himself. whether converts to Christianity were "defecting" . Cer- tain individuals participated in competitive intellectual culture only out of apologetic necessity. the "static" forms of Judaism. but largely every- one did. to return to the insights of Edward Said. 21 Competition for patronage was the sharp and very public reality of this new climate of opportunity." we now recognize in this period unprecedented social and geograph- ical mobility. 23 Bringing together the earlier descriptions of this imperial age such as "anxiety" or "claustropho- bia. and the "speculative elitism" of Gnosticism.

Wisse in an important article on diversity in second-century Christianity noted that multiplicity was "tolerated because there was not equipment to refute it. Justin.e."34 Our limited and scattered liturgical and archaeological evidence should also make us extremely cautious about assuming the existence of a normative "church" rather than a group of individual and varied communities. rather than a finished canonical subject. successful polemics against . A. U.e. remains the primary source for liturgical acts in Rome in the second centu- ry." or "competitive". the contrast of "teachers" and "bishops" marks degrees of assimilation "toward" culture and therefore "away" from cult. recent historical studies challenge such categorization in the second century. has a long historiographical trail in which the later definitions of leadership. is adeparture from the existing norm. i. and dissenters are commonly described in pejora- tive terms which locate them closer to the "Hellenic" culture around them. However. then. 36 The problem. 33 Following the work of P. i."31 This characterization. Brent has argued that in the early centuries "school and church are simply value judgments applied to what in appearance and organization are very similar organizations.e. if not mystically revealed." "speculative. i."30 Such a statement historicizes a consistent "orthodox" strategy as well as a normative concern for unity. Lampe on the variety of house churches in Rome." "teachers. 29 If we must conceive of Hellenism more broadly. and later Irenaeus's. Williams. knowledge. Neymeyr has confirmed a primary Christian self-identity of the many "teachers" of the era. in contrast the mainstream community is described as "communal" and "worship cen- tered" with "episcopal leadership. of trying to read Justin as a cultural work in progress. 28 Pythagorean Platonists such as Numenius or Ammonius were willing to embrace forms of philosophy which incorporated local. then we also need to reevaluate our assumptions concerning Christianity. is part of our struggle historically and ideolog- ically to read second-century Christianity itself as a work in progress. Multiplicity itself. when it is in fact being created through the literary works and letters of the period.35 We cannot therefore assume the existence of a normative institutional identity or piety." sources of ancient wisdom as well as an appeal to transcendent. Brakke and R. For example F. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING from Hellenism in the second century.32 Most simply. due to Justin's. community. lron- ically. most recently maintained by D. as an Apologist. such as "scholastic. therefore. a teacher. supposedly identifying primary religious or cultural identity and motiva- tion. "barbarian. as a Christian teacher or philosopher. and spiritual- ity have been used to sift the ambiguities and silences of second-century Christianity. or rather participating in a cultural shift in which some individuals revised sources of Greek culture in order to embrace diversity and antiquity of traditions.

one that conditions other people's lives. 38 Restoring the cultural necessities as well as the intellectual agency of Justin are essential to unraveling his religion: "The issue here is not whether a local culture is pure or derivative.." Framed by anachronistic images of a nor- mative "church. as a Christian. the "systematic- ity" of identity. Millar notes that Justin is unusual in reflecting so much of his local culture and languages in his work. especially for .37 However. the goal of second-century Hellenism. . Historically."43 Within the overarching hermeneutical contrast of Christianity and Hellenism. so for Justin Christianity provides a universalizing identity. just as his cultural interests have been flattened into "Hellenism. SEEING AND BELIEVING "deviant" teachers.." we receive Justin the "Apologist" whose philosophical credentials are essential to protecting the intellectual origins of Christian theology. Justin. and "Syria-Pales- tine" of course came into existence after the Bar Kochba war in 132."39 Justin's literary presentation of "Chris- tianity" as the sum of ancient wisdom preserves the view. I am concerned with how systematicity . city. son of Priscus and grandson of Bacchius. with a new imperial identity. . and province are Latin. Justin's own name and those of his father. Justin's provincial origins usually disappear. I." we may be able to give more credence to the multiple identities and mixed genres of the authors them- selves. noting hirn as one of many uprooted and dislocated men of Asia Minor who came west. unitary or contested. Nor is it being proposed that there is a super causality . myself being one of them:"40 Embodying the contemporary palimpsest of Roman identity in the East. The complexity of his relation to Roman hegemony is framed only in religious terms. his town in Samaria acquired this name relatively recently. that determines how everybody on the ground must live. if we con- ceive of the creative space of the second century as including the negotia- tion of various cultural streams as "hybrids. is apprehended. The social historians Millar and Brown point out Justin's colonial past. Just as paideia provided another provincial. He hirnself outlines his genealogy in the First Apology: "On behalf of people of every nation who are unjustly hated and grossly abused. from Flavia Neapolis in Syria-Palestine. we hesitate to give hirn as a "teacher" a central place in the construction of orthodox Christianity identity. of one provincial intellectual. most theological historians have tended to overlook or minimize this evidence. 41 Indeed. 42 Notably. this primary ideological identity in fact represents Justin's provincial success.. preferring to focus upon and confirm Justin's Hellenistic pedigree: Grant noted that Justin called hirnself a "Samaritan". Fa- vorinus. . represented and used ras} a mode of human agency. Justin's complex colonial background has generally been overshadowed by the universalism of his theology.. though his family names "reflect a family fully tuned to Hellenism.

"I found this philosophy alone to be safe and profitable. "a serious philos- opher.. remains problematic within the conventional narrative.. but I came to accept the true teachings of the Christians".. I am a philosopher. was to unite and transcend local identities through philosophy. The underlying dis- comfort is the parallel."46 If historically and culturally essential to his social mobility and intellec- tual authority. dearly a member of a Roman Christian community. conversion to Christianity. draws between his own philosophical searches and his own. for this reason."50 Justin's identity in these historical narratives has been split and prioritized in order to fit the conven- tional opposition of Hellenism and Christianity as weIl as the taxonomy of communal bishops and marginal teachers.51 His de- scription of a philosophical search in both his Dialogtte and the Acta of his martyrdom reveal that Christianity in practice and teaching summed up the partial answers he al ready knew: "I have tried to learn from all teachings. it is impossible to make cities prosper. at least in second century Rome. especially in defending local religious practice. as we have seen. a literary trapping to make his new Christian discourse palatable in the mainstream or to distinguish hirn from Judaism."49 Even Grant's recent attempt at balance maintains the binary ring: "Justin was not simply a philosopher . For unless both rulers and ruled love wisdom." found only one?53 The problem lies perhaps less in Justin's choice of dress after baptism than in our suspicions about "Christianity" and "Hellenism. Hellenism also provided the means to chal- lenge Roman dominance. that Justin. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 43 certain educated young men.44 However. however triumphant. Justin's literary work is highly conventional. Justin's philosophical identity. he must by definition be idiosyncratic and if a Christian. " When framed by the larger intellectual culture. was not much concerned with philosophical or theological matters. and is explicitly personal- ized in order to preserve the primacy of a baptismal identityY His narrative of conversion from Stoic to Peripatetic to Pythagorean to Platonist to Chris- tian has often been explained as "conventional. 48 Such descriptions reflect the assump- ti on that J ustin's work as a teacher was distinct from or ancillary to a normative Christianity of the time: "Such schools were only indirectly sub- ject to the discipline of the church which.. Ir is almost impossible to visual- ize Justin as a free-willed agent of philosophical Christianity when the social or ideological space for such action has been erased: if a philosopher. he was a churchman. 45 Paideia as weIl as conversion therefore allowed a Samaritan to address the emperors critically as fellow philosophers: "For thus both rulers and sub- jects would reap benefit . his philosophical interests must be subordinate to his religious identity."52 Do we detect a double truth where Justin. Thus." like his gown. . if not others'..

not mere adornments acguired in order to "pass" undisturbed. The Apologies followed the usual forms for defending the cultural antiguity of a people. by a claim of original wisdom. for he was no sophist. a profound sense of cultural interconnection as well as distinction and hierarchy common to provincial life of the period: "That Zenobia could be a Roman to the Romans and an Arab to the Arabs can only be explained by the miraculous refracting power of Hellenism. the ambivalence or duplicity of Justin for many lies exactly here. Mortley. Justin's reconciliation of contemporary multiplicity or skepticism is thus shown in his "hybrid.55 Underlying such arguments about reli- gious hegemony was. For Justin. Yet." In bringing together revealed texts and the history of philosophy he has shifted cultural categories rather than destroyed them. These onto- logical gualities were essential to authority in contemporary intellectual culture. "60 . his critical and creative use of concepts has displaced the authority of philosophy." we see Justin's answer to a "safe" and "profitable" philosophy as reflecting both opposition and assimilation. so his potentially barbaric faith was legitimated by its Platonic analogies and its fulfillment of ancient prophecies. was congruent with philosophy: "Brief and concise speech fell from hirn. The traditional authority of philosophy is present. who accepts a unity of cultures and litera- tures. but it has been displaced. the gown of Justin to be shed at will. 59 This is coherent culturally only for a Hellenist.54 As Wazink. in spite of his provincial background." which the philosophers of various schools sought. but his word was the power of God. but it is potentially powerful precisely because of its Hellenistic lineage in establishing truth through antiguity and transcen- dence. although emphasizing. 57 However. and profession as a teacher in Rome. yet the truth of its concepts such as transcen- dence and mediation remain essential to his thought. out of Hellenism entirely.44 SEEING AND BELIEVING if contentious in arguing for Christian superiority as the fullness of divine truth. is confrontational. if not overshadowed. it is precisely this one transcendent and revealed truth which continues to confirm the value of Plato or the heroism of Socrates as weIl as the salvation of Christians. Christianity.58 Returning to the concept of "hybrid. in light of Numenian Pla- tonism. dress. rather than their opposition. appeals to universality based on hierarchies of tradition and strategies of assimilation were com- monplace in the second century. the original truth sought by human philos- ophers. if superior. "beyond demonstration. as he claimed to remain a philosopher. and Droge point out."56 Justin's appeal to the ultimate authority of divine revelation in prophetic texts or to Jesus as the Logos. that the original and transcendent truth was now revealed in Chris- tianity. language of faith or revelation takes us out of philosophical discourse and for some. however. Just as Justin's identity was confirmed by his education.

and attributes these developments to the institutional growth of the "church" which necessitated defense and definition in regard to Hellenism and dis- sent. I wish to show how Justin's intellectual argument of mimicry to subvert philosophical authority necessarily led to the subversion of orthodox Christianity itself. As Justin pointed out. is one thing. Revealed truth may be readily accessible."67 Yet". Although Justin asserted the absolute authority of his new philosophy based on Hebrew Scripture and the incarnation of the true Logos in Jesus. Christians had no right to either Jewish wisdom or Hellenie philosophy to defend their recent and supersti- tious practices. Hairesis in Justin was no longer a neutral opinion or sect. not because the teachings of Plato are different from those of Christ. philosophy had been "passing" as Christianity. . 62 The transcendent unity of Pythagorean Pla- tonism therefore allowed Justin to claim the monotheism of philosophy and Hebrew Scripture while criticizing polytheistic practice and Hebrew law. but a diabolical error: "her- esy. and another is the thing itself. the construction of apologetics was the birth of heresiology. For the seed and imitation of something . that is as "truth. texts." when in fact the complete truth lay only in the Word. but it is remains difficult to discern.. truth and falsity remain intertwined within the multiplicity of locative religions. The contemporary problem with truth as Justin unravels it in his Apologies is less opposition of traditions than decep- tive likeness and diabolical imitation. Tatian." As Le Boulluec has pointed out. Justin ridiculed the tradition- al cults or myths for their immorality: these in fact were demonie imita- tions of Christian acts. upon which I am gratefully dependent. "I confess that I both pray and with all my strehgth strive to be found a Christian. or Tertullian. focuses however only on the rhetorical forms of Justin. 65 Le Boulluec's master- ful study of the development of heresiology. since to be so poody Hellenized was not to be Greek at al1. who attacked the menace of Christian mimicry by defend- ing the true Word of ancient Hellenism. 63 Such distinctions between cult and philosophy of course appeared illegiti- mate to Celsus. since the same historiographical traditions allowed Justin to marginalize those teachers he considered to be false. but not quite--is further reflected in his description of dissent as "heresy. . THE POLITICS OF PASSING 45 The discomfort and ambiguity for Christians and critics alike therefore lie in this hybrid vision of philosophical Christianity. and competing philosophies. in contrast to his successors such as Irenaeus. but be- cause they are not in every respect equal. however transcendent philosophy provided the very means to criticize the cult. 66 Rather than locate the historical agency in a proto-Catholic commu- nity whose existence and character are largely assumed. .. sto- ries. ."61 Indeed. 64 The unsetding power of Justin's "mimicry" of Hellenism while describ- ing Christianity as a transcendent philosophy--almost the same.

and ignorance. so hairesis was the demonie counterfeit of the truth."72 On the other hand. the existence of multiplicity shows the corruption of the original single truth. human ingenuity. 68 By their association with these lower forms of religious belief. interpretation."69 The authority and attributes of a philosophical transcendence therefore characterized "orthodox" Christianity. Justin's powerful construction of a Logos Christianity therefore demonstrated infinite possibilities for assimilation and alienation. and more. Hairesis has therefore become the destructive mimicry of orthodoxy. nor is hairesis aseparate school or succession. and multiplicity: "For those who are called demons strive for nothing else than to take away people from God who made them and from Christ .. character- ized by innovation. this construction of Christianity as the origin of philosophy itself was a serious play for life and death by a colonial intellectual such as Justin. Hairesis is a wrong opinion or perversion of truth. divine revelation. Heresy is there- fore "bad" Hellenism in its association with magie and falsity. as in the understanding of Numenius. reflecting superstition... ?"71 Christianity could be both a philosophy. but not quite" creates an indeterminacy at the boundary . The attempted task was focusing the spectrum of traditions and identities into a single light through ranking... Such a construction of "universal" truth did not in fact provide the dogmat- ic stability or secure identity which is often assumed in narratives of "ortho- doxy. is both a Roman and a Samaritan. and unless we had seen that things had thus happened--the devastation of the land of the J ews and men and women of every race persuaded by the teaching .. and simple morality. just as Justin wears a cloak and is baptized." The dynamic argument of "almost the same.. they have pinned down by earthly things [idolatry} . the same quotation proclaims the authority of origins to discipline diversity in light of one Christian truth. unless we had found testimonies .. On one hand he included various traditions since one Word is the source of all knowledge: "Whatever were rightly said among all people are the property of us Christians. SEEING AND BELIEVING Justin does not describe philosophy as hairesis. which through the authority of He- brew Scripture claimed the positive attributes of "good" Hellenism in its appeal to antiquity. heretics are to the orthodox as "Christians' would be to Celsus. but not quite" or "almost totaIly different. J ust as the pagan sacrifices were demo nie counterfeits of the sacraments..70 Given the high stakes of persecution and philosophical truth in the second century. and comparison. such as magie or Gnosticism.. obsti- nacy. and even trip up those who devote themselves to the contemplation of things divine. Jesus as the "whoie" Logos could summarize ancient wisdom as weIl as universal en- lightenment: "For with what reason should we believe of a crucified man that He is the First-begotten of the Unbegotten .

Jus- tin's adaptation of contemporary philosophical structure to reveal Christian superiority and transcendence therefore encouraged the suspicion of the continuing subversion of truth itself. and most importantly. genders. "75 Irenaeus went beyond both Tatian and Justin to discard philosophy as a representation of Christianity at all. le Boulluec reads this rhetorical and theological development in line with an assumed institutional develop- me nt of Christianity: if Justin had used philosophy to distinguish the "church" from Judaism. transcendent. showing Christianity to be the superior philosophy since it acknowledged its ancestry as "barbarian. whether inside or outside of the com- munity." and allowed a variety of people. and even more stridently. provides a more concrete and suggestive inter- pretation of the attitude of Irenaeus. and classes to flourish as "philosophers. but no longer in overt comparison to Christian revelation. discernment. and exegesis within the community of the one logos. Tatian: Justin's apology had failed. Not only an intellec- tual problem. He ex- tended mimicry to philosophy itself. the demonization of hairesis spiritually did not throw argu- ment and opinion into stark contrast with revealed truth. Writing about thirty years later after a bitter and well-publicized persecu- tion. Sophists-and were even worse than pagans. As with Justin. he had been killed. and the persecution at lyons had revealed the fragility of Christian everyday existence. simple). these are no longer named in relation to philosophy. attacking the lives and successions of the schools. Philosophical cate- gories are of course still used and assumed by Irenaeus in his theological arguments. however. he took a distinctly different line than his teacher. 76 If or- thodoxy still contains the attributes of good Hellenism (aneient. Irenaeus must now balance assimilation with "Hel- lenism. Irenaeus shifted this vision of philosophical incompleteness into a stark confrontation between Christianity and Hellenism. orthodoxy and heresy."73 Grant. public genealogy of Christian apostolic . an acute need for ongoing distinction. Philosophy no longer contained pieces of truth. 74 Tatian's attack therefore focused on the knowing deception of Romans and Greeks who fail to acknowledge their dependence on ancient "barbarian" wisdom. but embodied as the transcendent divine truth of God conveyed exclusively in the "apostolic" succession of Scripture and teaching." The "heretics" repre- sented therefore the intellectual and religious deceptions of the surrounding society-magicians. associating heresy explicitly with philosophy. but in fact was the inspiration for "heresy. universal. 77 Error both heretical and pagan can now be traced through aseparate succes- sion in contrast to the ancient. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 47 which encourages both resistance to and acceptance of surrounding cultures. but rather provoked more intense need for control and definition to maintain authenticity.

Irenaeus's concern with identifying valid sacraments. 79 I am suggesting that problems of assimilation and authority were al ready present in the form of universal Christianity taught by Justin." defined simply as a pagan tradition outside it. This is not a transformation of "Helle- nism" by "Christianity. his appeal to the polemics of the Sophists. lasting conversions. and cult of the true community. and lies within it. which is orthodoxy. has led to a theological and historical understanding of philosophy as simply a "guise" for Christian truth." but a reconfiguring within the culture itself as a means of understanding universality and identity. the controversial rhetoric of his text reflects a continuing debate over identity and authority by competitive intellectuals within the community rather than a defensive protection against outsiders. Ideologically. and a focus on doctrine rather than on issues of common life. in opposition to "Hellenism. The paradox- ical "alterite" and "negativite" of heresiology in Irenaeus therefore evinces the cultural ambivalence of the orthodox discourse: even as baptized Chris- tians within a shared community. the continuing unease concerning the authority of philosophy or Hellenism within Christianity reveals that Justin's mimicry of Hellenism created an indeterminate hybrid which made Tertullian as uneasy as Celsus: Can orthodoxy itself be simply a guise for Hellenism? . SEEING AND BELIEVING truth. Yet. and the necessity of establishing the correct diadoche and belief within the baptized community itself. Michael Williams in his recent critical revision of "Gnosticism" suggests by analogy to modern sociology that the "Gnostics" may have been more assimilationist in their thought and practice. If we restore a primary teaching identity to Irenaeus as aleader. which could lead to the polemical invention of "Gnosticism" as philosophical and superstitious at once. the separate diadoche. whatever may have actually been taught by Valentinus or Ptolemy. error as heresy therefore mimics the succession. 78 Le Boulluec suggests that the intellectual style of the "Gnostics" may have provoked the form of the refutation of Irenaeus." defined as a universal transcendent truth. In the second century Christian "orthodoxy" therefore could replace "phi- losophy" as a universal system because it could occupy many of the same cognitive and authoritative spaces.80 In Lyons the necessity to identify the saving transcendent truth of the persecuted immigrant community therefore provoked sharper philosophical and cultural distinctions inside and outside the community. even if it explicitly attacked the culture and religion of traditional paideia. This tradition of belief and exegesis was the means to discern jewels from glass or sheep from wolves who were in the community itself. "heretics" can be "idolaters" and "Soph- ists" for these are the corruptions of true philosophy. and legitimate successions reveals the instability of the inherited discourse of Justin. canonical writings. The ideological reception of "Christianity.

but rather to construct an "essential" Chris- tianity as the universal truth within and beyond the perceived problems or limits of intellectual culture.83 This adaptation of paideia in Justin was inherently unsta- ble since it was both true "Christianity. speculation. transcendent truth.82 I am suggesting therefore that the creation of orthodoxy was a philosophical project of the marginalized. and plurality into a harsher and more menacing light. that is." but also true "Hellenism" in its declaration of cultural unity. which instead of uniting and separating Christians from surrounding cul- tures and philosophies increased the necessity to discipline diversity and boundaries of assimilation. and authentic truth to human disorder and error. Christianity confirmed its singular authority. in Irenaeus this "orthodoxy" threw the boundaries. Competition. "philosophy" itself were ex- ternalized in "orthodoxy" not because of an apriori essential· Christian identity as unified or dogmatic. demonized human opinion in contrast to revealed truth. Christianity as "orthodoxy" provoked endless negotiation of authority and boundary precisely along the lines of assimilation and con- flict: Who was the true Word? If transcendent. By refusing to be a "philosophy. However. how immanent? If univer- sal. yet adopting the central notions of transcendent unity and historical succession. negoti- ations. the mimicry of philosophy in Justin attempted to contrast a transcendent. 81 I have tried to locate the historical agency for this discourse within a group of immigrant Christian teachers rather than in general assumptions of institutional inevitability or a need for coherence based on an essentialized or transhistorical Christianity. universal truth. However. final. ironically increasing adesire and necessity to discipline and normalize the existence of plurality and dissonance. resulting in a seeming rejection of the authority of philosophy." Christianity was able to "pass" as the sole transcendent truth in Justin. and at least overtly. the supposedly decisive elements of revealed truth in ancient texts or public succession had to be constantly monitored in regard to proximity . To parallel Homi Bhabha's analysis of nine- teenth-century colonialism. by rejecting all dissent as hairesis. and universal claims. as a "hybrid" the very discourse of orthodoxy disavowed these rhetorical assurances of the security of divine authority and human reception in the apostolic succes- sion. A fundamental ambivalence lay within the development of "orthodoxy" as a transcendent. THE POLITICS OF PASSING 49 Justin's presentation of Jesus as the Logos was both subversive and legiti- mating. not the intellectual expression of an inevitable "dogmatism" of Christianity. how locative? Justin himself therefore bequeathed the tension of philosophical conver- sions within the history of Christianity. There- fore. This construction depended on contemporary historiographical and philosophical forms for its theological and cultural power and persuasion. Instead.

Genealogies 0/ Religion: Discipline and Reasons 0/ Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore. including the diversity of forms of Christianity. 1990). and their integration into Roman life are best outlined in the reeent study of M. Drudgery Divine: On the Comparison 0/ Early Christianities and the Religions 0/ Late Antiquity (Chieago.. 5. "For it hardly needs to be said that personal identity is not a homog- enous mass . See eomments by G. see A. and orthodoxy. C. 9-15.. 1993). North. 9. Culture and Imperialism! p. E. Beard. "Comparative Identities: Exile in the Writings of Frantz Fanon and W. Deseriptions of heresy as "philos- ophy" or "magie" wi thin Christian hegemonie speech ereated yet another level of diseursive mimiery and menaee." in Borders! Bottndaries! and Frames: Essays in Cultural Criticism and Cultural Studies! ed. Priee In Religions 0/ Rome: A History! vol. p. A Critique 0/ Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History 0/ the Vanishing Present (Cambridge. M. On the history of Protestant and Roman Catholie scholarship behind eomparisons of early Christianity and Hellenism. 1993). The neeessity of understanding religion as dis- course within eulture is argued by T. Du Bois. Calif. 2." were themselves limited by later developments of their own model of transeendent. 6. as Tertullian. On the wider politieal plane there is a degree of contradie- tion between their Greek and Roman identities. the "Apologists. 1999). 6. Goldman. 33 6.. 4. H. B.. revealed truth. 1999).5° SEEING AND BELIEVING both to eulture and to traditions reeeived. ]. p. 1998). arguments eon- eerning the relation of eulture. and S. 107-32. on eontrasting individual politieal and ideologieal responses to a dominant eulture. pp. Henderson (New York. Smith. if quite different. 336. 1995). 3. 211-312. Asad. philosophy. Hippolytus. G. see ]. Culture and Imperialism (New York. and their errors laid at the feet of Hellenie philosophy. I (Cambridge. This is not surprising.. For it is preeisely when a people is under foreign domination that ehoiees have . p. pp. However. Spivak. NOTES I. in Dying tor God: Martyrdom and the Making 0/ Christianity and Judaism (Stan- ford. the final sueeess of "orthodoxy" is revealed in how the authority of its historieal arehiteets. Mass. The multiplicity of forms of religion. D. and Origen offered inereasingly sophistieated.84 yet even this aet eould disclose the legaey of both ]esus and Socrates. Boyarin suggests a "wave theory" of religion to understand the eonvergenee and divergenee of Christianity and ]udaism in late antiquity. pp. Martyrdom perhaps resolved any linge ring ambiguities about ]ustin's eonversion.

Power and Sodal Order in Late Antiquity [Berkeley. "Talk- ing at Trypho: Christi an Apologetic as Anti-]udaism in ]ustin's Dialogue with Trypho the Jew.. "Like- wise. Theol- ogie Historique I05 (Paris. and Power in the Greek World. "Pla- tonism is given the most space in ]ustin's account of his personal quest. 193. A. the more Greek philosophy had to respond" (Swain. Christianity offers a way to "re- ject" the "burdens of Greek identity". and S." Church History 39 (1970): 45 6 . Os born presents a more optimistic view in The Beginnings 0/ Christian Philosophy (Cambridge. B. ed. see "Defending Hellenism: Philostra- tus. The Location 0/ Culture (London." in Apologetics in the Roman Empire: Pagans. he contrasts Christianity to "Hellenism". However. Calif. ed. "Toward a Social Interpretation of Early Christian Apologetics. Apologetics in the Roman Empire. 67). p. 9. p." pp. Ham- man finds his "double fidelite" problematic. M. p. 50.. Du Bois of course discussed the "double consciousness" of the African American in The Souls 0/ Black Folks. he would not extend this negotiation of local identity. "] ustin knew weIl his own arguments were unsatisfactory from a philo- sophical perspective" (R. p." S. 1995}. Swain oudines the complexity of literary and political identity for provincial individuals in the second century in his Hellenism and Empire: Language. 1999). the more Christianity fancied itself a philosophy..D. 125-27. 1994). Classicism. Rajak. Pouderon and J. 7. 86. 1998). 185). Dore. 8. Goodman. but that is pardy because its pretensions were greatest at this period . Wilken. in Die christlichen Lehrer im Zweiten Jahrhundert: Ihre Lehrtiitigkeit." both religious and philosophi- eal. Stead offers arguments on whether Christianity could be a philosophy in Philosophy in Christian Antiq- uity (Cambridge. Neymeyr concluded that ]ustin's conversion must include "beide Motive. .. M. Goldman contrasts their strate- gies of civil disobedience and defensive violence in "Comparative Identi- ties. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 5I to be made between acceptance and resistance and about preferences wi thin these alternatives. p. but modern commentators often echo the implication of a pseudo-philosophy. "Defending Hellenism. E. Edwards. 7 I. Price (Oxford. In Honour 0/ Apollonius." in Edwards et al." p. C. Lim. Hellenie inheritance. White Masks explicidy addressed the dif- ficulties of self-definition or authentie freedom when defined and socially controlled through a dominant discourse." in Les apologistes chritiens et la culture grecque. and Christians. References to ]ustin's "double" nature are generally critical: A. and criticism of Rome to "Christians". ihr .. Fanon in Black Skin. 1996). "Dialogue entre le christianis- me et la culture grecque des origines a ]ustin: Genese et etapes. 1994). ]ustin continues to seduce by means of his philosophical posture" (T. 198I). Public Disputation. 8). R. Jews. pp. This was the attitude of ancient critics such as Celsus. 50-250 (Oxford. 157-58.

Bhabha. p. p. p. Separate religions and literatures in her definition indicate separate "cultures. . SEEING AND BELIEVING Sebstverstiindnis und ihre Geschichte (Leiden. p. 113. p. 1999).." Journal 0/ Theological Studies 42 (1991): 32. . 12. Ibid." "Hellenism" in this frame- work is defined as the stable culture against which "Christians" define themselves. 53-54. Rajak describes hirn as follows: "Ir is a reasonable surmise that Justin continued through life to wear two hats. 20. 66). 8 I. 1997). is the adoption of a contemporary preoccupation with the history of culture for the purposes of relativising that culture in relation to an alien body of literature offered as a substitute for the established classics . I suggest. he also notes that most scholars consider Justin to be "two people. it is the place of the free will or agency of the sexed subject as female that is successfully effaced. 65. Apologetics in the Roman Empire.. namely the appropriation of an alien canon of literature to which these upstarts might be regarded as having no claim and the attempt to subvert the established basis of Hellenistic cul- ture. 235.. 69. Critique 0/ Postcolonial Reason." Biblical Exegesis and the Formation 0/ Christian Culture (Cambridge. pp. Droge ." consciously constructed as distinct from both "Judaism" and "Hellenism. it is dubious whether the balance was perfecdy maintained" ("Talking at Trypho. p. Ir fits instead the fourth-century categories of Eusebius and Epiphanius. p. This is scandalous on both counts." A Critique 0/ Postcolonial Reason." the biblical theologian of the Dialogue and the Hellenist of the Apologies. M. T. 1989). Barbarian Philosophy: The Religious Revolution 0/ Early Christianity (Tübingen." so she sees the work of Justin and Tatian as audacious outsiders consciously overthrowing Hellenic tradition by the appeal to biblical authority: "What we are observ- ing. The Location 0/ Culture. whom she cites. Spivak comments on the difficulty of evaluating "hybrids" which can often legitimate our preconceptions of the "pure" and obscure the fact of our continuing ignorance about the past." p." Journal 0/ Early Christian Studies 3 (1995): 261. 11.. 114. Strousma. For a similar view. in "Justin's Logos and the Word of God. which is certainly not the case with Justin. emphasizing Christianity as a "third race. Some scholars have interpreted second-century apologetics in this fash- ion. though given a character of such extremism and intensity . . as in Frances Young. "Greek Apologists of the Second Century. Spivak's comments on the interpre- tation of Sati in India may by analogy be transferred to the problems of recovering the religious agency of Justin: "Between patriarchal subject- formation and imperial object-constitution. see G." in Edwards et al. This analysis assurnes second-century authors to be out~ side or alien to Hellenism. A. Edwards notes that he carried his theology in "two wallets" in "On the Platonic Schooling of Justin Martyr. 10.

Aubin. J. M. 15. 1989).. and Price on the proliferation of religious choices. Wilson (Waterloo. p. pp. Geyer. Religions 0/ Rome! pp. Philosophical and Christian conversion are generally contrasted as alternatives with regard to which community joined or belief in a biblical God. pp. North.-F. "On the Platonic School- ing of Justin Martyr. On later developments see P. 13. Brown. Religion und Diskurs: Die Hellenisierung des Christentums aus der Perspektive der Religions- philosophie (Stuttgart..: Numenius. Ont. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 53 cautions against overemphasizing the concept of the "third race" in Homer or Moses? Early Christian Interpretation 0/ the History 0/ Culture (Tübingen. 16.. Antiochus and the Late Academy! Hypomnemata 56 (Göttingen. Droge. no. 134-45." pp. 1995). Heritage and Hellenism." Anti-Judaism in Early Christianity: Separation and Polemic! ed. 199 6 ). 186-200. La notion d!heresie dans la litterature grecque IIe-IIIe sücles! vol. 14. 17.-C. G. Calif.].. 70. Mich. Wis. Dillon. See Beard. Making Men: Sophists and Self-Presentation in Ancient Rome (Princeton. 1977). des Places. 37-42. 17-34. Atticus. The Middle Platonists (London. "Platonisme moyen et apologe- tique chretienne au He siede apo J. "Syncretism" of course is itself a negative term. Given the arguments ab out authentie baptism and the status of "lapsed" Christians. see P. 1962). pp. I (1984): 432-41. pp." in Les apologistes chretiens et la culture grecqtte! pp. 7· 19. Dorival discusses the mimesis of the literary genre of the Apolo- gists in ''L'apologetique chretienne et la culture grecque. 361-79. N. G. 1998). 1990). Drudgery Divine! pp. Le probleme de la IlconversionJ! (Paris. The links between Christi ans and this form of Platonism are discussed in A." Studia Patristica 15. in part provoked by the persecutions. pp. 1985). p. 49-5 I. E. Homer or Moses? pp. W. which split Christian communities from the second to the fifth century. implying an illegitimate mixture of cultures. 18. 70-80. Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire (Madison. we should be cautious in assuming too much theological consistency or institutional stability. Edwards.. 1992). Glucker. 292. 462-65. On Numenius see J. see Smith. 20. The Reinvention 0/ jewish Tradition (Berkeley. p. Homer or Moses? pp. especially the conclusion. Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Ann Arbor. in "Justin Martyr's Argument with Judaism. see also C. pp. 1978). 1986). Bowersock. xii-xxv. 245-46. G. I (Paris. Justin. Le Boulluec. . Droge.. annihilate his former social and cultural worlds" to embrace the axioms and practices of the new community. p. H. S. Remus noted that "in Justin's conversion he should . 19 6 . 19-22. 9-10..

" in Nag Hammadi. J.. pp. P. 328-29. W. P. Mass. The Roman Near East 3IB. p. 1996). Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford. pp. Hall describes the second century in a chapter entitled. 337 (Cambridge. see for example the discussion of philosophical self-mastery in M. p. ibid. Swain. pp. 3 of The History 0/ Sexuality (New York.. 4- 5.D. The End 0/ Ancient Christianity (Cambridge." p. 23. A. MilIar. Hellenism and Empire. Hellenism and Empire. W. 194f. F. The Su/fering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Church Era (London. The construction of the "self. 29. within the diversity of Roman Hellenism continues to provoke analysis. T.. pp. and Early Christianity. Does Augustine's Confessions represent the final synthesis of suffering as self-mastery in late antiquity? 25. 10-1 I. Swain used the term "defect. as does R. Jones. 21-50. "Excess and Proliferation. 27. 421-22. 36-48. Perkins. 246 . pp. 1995)." in Doctrine and Practice in the Early Church (London. Swain noted that Pythagoreanism made Hellenism "less Greek". 1969). "Defend- ing Hellenism. W. G. "The Use of Early Christian Literature as Evidence for Inner Diver- sity and Conflict. pp.. 26. pp. 167. Calif. on Lucian's complex. p. 1986). 1990). p.. ." therefore.. Culture and Society in Lucian (Cambridge. Making Men. On the Greek education of Marcus. and sometimes critical relation to Rome. 14. 1984).54 SEEING AND BELIEVING 21. cf. G. Fantham. pp. Burtchaell. ed. 28." S. Markus. Subversive Virtue: Asceticism and Authority in the Second Century Pagan World (University Park. 173. Pa. Francis. p. Bowersock. Bowersock discusses the fourth-century origins of "Hellenism" in Hellenism in Late Antiquity. pp. 1991)." noting that the disparagement of the barbaroi might be asking too much for more and more provincials. 1991). and the "suffering self' in J. C. Foucault. Gleeson on Favorinus. Roman Literary Culture: From Cicero to Apuleius (Baltimore. 24.. Calif. Mass. vol. Brown contrasted Dodd's "anxiety" concerning rootlessness to "claus- trophobia" in The Making 0/ Late Antiquity (Berkeley. 17°-73· 30. 1988). Christianity and the Rhetoric 0/ Empire: The Development 0/ Christian Discourse (Berkeley. The Care 0/ the Sel/. 1992).. see Swain. helter-skelter adolescence without a coherent discipline .C-A. 22. see E. A typical example of this view is J. 28. 312: "The communities could not have survived beyond their heady. Gnosticism. 1976). From Synagogue to Church: Public Services and Offices in the Earliest Christian Communities (Cam- bridge. 239-246. The new overseers were made by the church rather than the other way around. Frend entitled his chapter "Acute Hellenization" in The Rise 0/ Christianity (Philadelphia. 1993). 1995).

"Canon Formation and Social Conflict in Fourth Century Egypt: Athanasius of Alexandria's Thirty-ninth Festal Lette~" Harvard Theo- logical Review 87 (1994): 395-419. Coakley and D. 1999). p. "Diogenes Laertius and the Apostolic Succession.. ). 9. 32." a tide he never used for himself. 1987). The Search tor the Origins 0/ Christian Worship (Oxford. 1995). Arius: Heresy and Tradition (London. Bradshaw. D.. if traditional. 59-68. D. 1-23. Hodgson (Peabody. pp. Ortho- doxy. N." Biblical ExegesisJ p. Lebreton. whose teaching though centered on Christ. "Le desaccord de la foi populaire et de la theologie savante dans l'Eglise chretienne du III siede. Williams (Cambridge. pp. A. Buell recendy argued that if Clement is a "teacher". One Right Reading? A Guide to lrenaeus (Collegeville. accepted Scripture as only one source . 36. S. 108-9. Donovan. 189-90. 1993). 3 54-66. Hedrick and R. Williams. " Rise 0/ ChristianitYJ p.. However. pp. 29. 182. 1-8. on problems of recovering "pop- ular piety" to use as a theological norm. see further my remarks on "heretical" Christianity and Hellenism in Christology and Cosmology: Models 0/ Divine Activity in OrigenJ EusebiusJ and Athanasius (Oxford.Y. p. F. See R. pp. 1-9· 31. Frend described the second century as a time of "the emergence of a Christian orthodoxy representing a coalition of men and ideas almost as varied as it had been in the previous period. W. K. Harnack. On the problems of Irenaeus as a "bishop. 33. pp. her comment reflects a common reading: "Irenaeus functioned as abishop. Lampe. 13 1-42.. R. he must be a predecessor of Arius.)." in The Making and Remaking 0/ Christian Doctrine: Essays in Honour 0/ Maurice Wiles J ed. outside an episcopal community: Making Christians: Clement 0/ Alexandria and the Rhet- oric 0/ Legitimacy (Princeton. pp. the evidence is summarized in M. pp. R. 1992). Palin (New York. 236-38..e. see my "Lex Orandi: Heresy. But it was identifiably a church. view when she asserts that the "norm" may in fact be found by reading the "Fathers. Williams. )." Journal 0/ Ecclesias- tical History 44 (1993): 347-75. Die stadtriimischen Christen in den ersten beiden Jahrhunderten (Tübingen. See comments of P. pp. "Does Ir Make Sense to Speak of a Pre-Nicene Ortho- doxy?" in The Making o/Orthodoxy: Essays in Honour 0/ Henry ChadwickJ ed. Athanasius and the Politics 0/ Asceticism (Oxford. whereas its Gnostic opponents were leaders of schools. The Mission and Expansion 0/ Christianity in the First Three Centuries J tr. Brakke. 1997)." Revue dJhistoire ecclesiastique 19 (19 2 3): 4 81 -5 06 . 87- 88. Die Christlichen Lehrer. pp. with philosophical interests. 35. 1993). 1989). Md. 37. i. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 55 c. P. 34. Young represents a common. idem. and Popular Religion. Moffatt (Gloucester" 1972). I I 1-12. N. but he was chary of the . 1987). 1986). A. 194. 20 (19 24): 5-37.

"one of our Founding Fathers. MilIar. Barnard more defensively sums up Justin as "no mere academic philoso- pher but a man with a mission . wherever it may lead. p. 73. 23. tr. Grillmeier noted ab out Irenaeus. 81-82. Ancient Christian Writers 56 (New York. 227-28. The Making o[ Late Antiquity. "He was not a philosopher as his master Justin was. 50. 42. J . we need to follow Justin in adhering to. Bowden (Atlanta. 43. 7· 40." Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 38 (1992): 219-34. p. The First and Second Apologies. . 19 67). The Roman Near East. 41 (1995): 201-26. 41. 237.. A. 5: . 100. Religion und Diskurs. The Roman Near East. and following the truth. 50. Burrus. pp. p. He assimilated Jesus to the Logos of an eclectic Platonic and Stoic philosophy arbitrarily. ''L'apologetique chretienne antique: Naissance d'un genre lit- teraire. 1." ibid. Brown. . Barnard. 21. J.-C." in The Rise o[ Christianity. he never grasped the essential incompatibilities between Pla- tonism and Christianity. see V. Fredouille. Subordination is generally the error attributed to Platonism in Justin as in Hamman's critical remarks in "Dialogue. 38. p. Today." "christliche Philosophie". 228. I Apology 1 (tr. W. SEEING AND BELIEVING tide. "Hierarchalization and Genderization of Leadership in the Writings of Irenaeus. in a very different world." For a more critical view. 1964). Genealogies o[ Religion. Justin Martyr: His Lift and Work (Cambridge." Studia Patris- tica 21 (1989): 42-48." Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge. with a confidence in its power while remaining loyal to the Church and to Christi an tradition". 39. vol. Geyer notes Justin's varied labels ("christlicher Platonismus. 1. p. 19. In his day the office seems to have been more clearly developed than the terminology. Stead minimizes the problem by noting that Justin's philosophical skills were not particularly great. he is most importantly a teacher. 1997). and ''L'apologetique chretienne antique: Metamorphoses d'un genre polymor- phe." p. and in fact "his attachment to Christianity was in many ways an advantage. p. . p. 1988). see 1. but above all a biblical theologian. p. Asad. Frend says of Justin that he was "A Platonist before he became a Christian. 1994). p. Arecent study of apologetic literature concludes that most Christian works are "hybrids" and their "richness" and "diversity" can only be recov- ered by understanding the particular historical context of the authors. MilIar. as setting hirn new prob- lems outside the traditional agenda of the Platonic schools". introduction to his translation of Justin. Barnard)." Christ in the Christian Tradition. pp. The Greek Apologists o[ the Second Century (Philadelphia. "hellenisiertes Christentum") as signaling inter- pretations of culture. p.

61. 56. this tract walks in philosopher's garb." See also Young. 1984). I I: "He only found the truth after much search- ing. The character of Justin's language concerning baptism (I Apol. Droge discusses these arguments in reference to perceptions of Justin as a philosopher in "Justin Martyr and the Restoration of Philosophy. pp.3-6. p. " 50." R. but important to military activity and therefore open to an exceptional degree of Romanizing influence. pp." in Studies in Early Christianity. pp. Die christlichen Lehrer. and P. The Roman Near East. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 57 nothing in his writings suggests that he was familiar with Samaritan traditions or religion. Grant. 49. 234-35· 46. it has walked effectively. Conn.. See Gleason's comments on Favorinus's paideia as diasporic rather than native. Wilken. 66-68. call himself a philosopher and invite men to enter his school." see remarks above by Barnard in note 39." p. 24. Berner. 168. Greek Apologists. The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven. 7. ed. Ir is therefore natural that he should wear the philosopher's cloak. utopian rather than localized. p. Dial. E. Skarsaune. I Apology 3 (tr. Barnard. MilIar suggested that ci ti es on the "frontier" were of second rank in the Greek world. presented his conversion to Christianity as a conversion to philosophy. . 67. Barnard. Justin Martyr. Ferguson. 17-18. And. pp. 3 I." 44. Tertullian. Scholer. The arguments concerning the historicity of Justin's conversion are summarized in Neymeyr. See also Lebreton. 7. Barnard. in spite of its unsophisticated and unappealing use of the Greek language. 1993). pp. especially as "apologetic" in genre. Making lVIen. Justin." "Talking at Trypho. 174-75." See Bradshaw. 65. wrote a tract defending the right of Christians to the pallium. ironicalIy. Search tor the Origins. See general comments by Swain in Hellenism and Empire. on account of the terminology of "illumination" and "rebirth. p. 7 I. 13. p.. 308. Dial. p. 51. even after his conversion. vol. see also U. "still wearing his philosopher's gown. Tessa Rajak. "The Conversion of Justin Martyr. 47.. altered). and O. Richard Lim implies a naive self-deception. describes the duplicity of his literary genre as weIl as dress: "Like Justin." Theological Studies 30 (1976): 53-73· 48. C. 89." Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 17 (1997). D. 2. "Desaccord de la foi populaire. 83: "Justin . "Die Bekehrung Justins." p. 14) has also been much discussed. Finney (New York. p. 45. 67. Biblical Exegesis. critical of his Platonism. pp. On Justin's gown as a "convention.

H. 91. La notion d!heresie! pp. . and while turning his words in my mind." in Melanges offerts a Mademoiselle Christine Mohrmann (Utrecht. for this reason. Thus. "Platonic Schooling of Justin Martyr". J ustin's definition is found in Dial. At the conclusion of his conversation with the teacher in the Dialogue 8. See far example comments by Remus on cultic piety as opposed to philosophy. 60." in Antike und Universalgeschichte: Festschrift für H. but the logical order of the discourse of authority. R. Rajak. He notes that neither J ustin's knowledge of Greek philosophy nor his martyrdom was in doubt. Justin states. Donaldson (Grand Rapids. Irenaeus preserves an interesting fragment from Justin's now lost work against Marcion: "I would not have . was altered. 50-54. 119. 1996). Bhabha noted in his discussion of "hybridity. 280. 58. Droge. Dörrie. 2. "Some Observations on the Appreciation of the 'Philosophy of the Barbarians' in Early Christian Liter- ature. 1981). 54. I Apology 14 (tr. 10. "Justin's Logos. Mich. Act. 21. I found this phi- losophy alone to be safe and profitable. 63-65. 66-7 1 . 8." pp." pp. On the Pythagore- an beliefs about ancient wisdom. for Jus tin and Nume- nius. Homer or Moses? pp. Edwards. p..e. "Justin Martyr. 53. . 29-30." pp.. Mark Edwards has defended Justin's integrity as "an intelligent but sceptical disciple . I: "I found this philosophy alone to be safe and profitable. 8. Swain. 1963). 24- 25." p. a love of the prophets. I. I am a philos- opher. The ldea 0/ Universal History /rom Hellenistic Philoso- phy to Early Church Historiography (Philadelphia. see Le Boulluec." using the Hindi Bible as an example.58 SEEING AND BELIEVING 52. 41-56." In The Ante-Nicene Fathers! vol. H. and one of these men who are friends of Christ possessed me.. 57. Homer or Moses?. A. Mordey. that the "paradigmatic presence of the Word of God" was preserved. 63. E. Wazink. "Die Wertung der Barbaren im Urteil der Griechen. 60. the dominance of the English missionaries. Barnard). Stier (Münster. Roberts and J.3." pp. 198. 32. Homer or Moses? p. 2 Apol. one who on the eve of a great conversion is already beginning to calculate the distance between his master's thoughts and his own . but his own construction based on biblical texts and philosophical images. i. "Defending Hellenism. ed. 44-46. 56. " in "Platonic Schooling of Justin Martyr. 146-75." Christianity is the original truth which precedes all philosophers: I Apol. in The Location 0/ Culture! p. "Platonic Schooling of Justin Martyr. pp. Bowersock. Edwards describes Justin's original reflection on the Logos as not derivative from philosophy. "Straightaway a flame was kindled in my soul. p. 70-7 I. See Droge. 59." pp. 170-73. 198. pp. "Talking at Trypho. 1967). J. see Droge. 55. Just. Hellenism in Late Antiquity! p.

on magic as the common charge to discredit an opponent socially and religiously. Boyarin.. The Greek ApologistsJ pp. 67.. Mordey. Dial. Arecent review article of the scholarship on the development of the term hairesis is Michel Desjardin.. which by implication. Ankarloo and S. 84." Chureh History 70. 75. B. 9-10. 24-25. Honzer or Moses? p. See Droge. Some ] ews would of course have the same reaction.. is also seen as inimical to or destructive of religion. 98. 64." in Witeh- craft and Magie in Europe: Ancient Greece and RonzeJ ed. 80. See Francis's comments on "superstition": "The use of the term in antiq- uity is notoriously slippery. 2 Apology 13 (tr. "Imagining Greek and Roman Magic. Compare Dial. I Apology 53 (tr. Gordon. "We reject all that is based on human opinion. got some things right." Subversive VirtueJ p. cf.. La notion dJheresieJ p. 54-55: myths imi- tate Christ incorrecdy.. Honzer or Moses? p. La notion dJheresieJ pp. pp. 1998). Barnard). Droge. Ibid. but Plato. and not only the rich philosophize. "] ustin Martyr Invents ]udaism. I Apology 58 (tr. THE POLITICS OF P ASSING 59 believed the Lord hirnself if he had announced any other than He who is our framer. 36. 83. Le Boulluec. maker. Droge on second-century Christian discussion of "counterfeit. and nourisher. 63. superstitio seems to be operationally defined as 'a religious expression of which one disapproves' .. p. 60. 118. 66. cf. 69. 69. 154. Le Boulluec. 112-13. p. All who . Le Boulluec." Against Heresies 4. 74." in Honzer or Moses? p. Barnard). 71. 26. see D. 35-36. Idea 0/ Universal HistorYJ pp. if not understanding completely. 49-56. p. 73. 59-60. Simply speaking. "Bauer and Beyond: On Recent Scholarly Discussions of Hairesis in the Early Christian Era.2. p. Clark (Philadelphia. p. 2 Apology 13 (tr. no." Seeond Century 8 (1991): 65-82 . 1999). 72. 61. 64. Barnard). For the argument on the Christian invention of a nonlocative "religion. see I Apol. Honzer or Moses? pp. traditional religion. Sachot. 10. but the poor also enjoy teaching without charge . Barnard). 53. see R. 68. 62-63. Droge. any belief or practice foreign to. I Apol. 217. 47 with I Apol. 62. 70. La notion dJheresieJ p.. But because the only begotten Son came to us from the one God . Grant. see comments by Bhabha on the gulf between being "Anglicanized" and being "English. 62.6. 3 (Spring 2001): 427-61. 65-66. 149. L'invention du Christ: Genese dJune religion (Paris. my faith's foundation is steadfast and my love for God immovable." see M. 71. 65. cf. 72-79. or exceeding the bounds of." in The Loeation 0/ CttltureJ p.

27) and is open to all (pp. Richard Lim contras ted the essentially "dogmatic" character of Chris- tianity to Hellenistic philosophy. and Porphyry. Celsus. M. Hamman suggests the double loyalty of Jus tin is focused in the single lasting name of "Martyr" in "Dialogue. ed. Stead summarized the mixed analysis by scholars of Irenaeus." The Location of Culture! p." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde des Urchristentums 43 (1950): 195-22 4. heretics in debate with dogmatic ortho- doxy: Public Disputation! pp." Mnenzosyne 3 I (1978): 360-88. 124. 106-7. Le Boulluec discusses these qualities in La notion d!heresie! pp. Dodds. 89. Le Boulluec. For further discussion of "essential" Christianity in late antiquity see my "Historical Methodologies and Ancient Theological Conflicts. La notion d!heresie! p.. Christianity as paideia has no divisions (p..J. 186- 87· 8 I. I). 25-27)..9." p. 8-16. 80. Gib- bon.. R.. denies diversity of origins (p. tr. Against Heresies Pref. myths-are the effects of a disavowal that denies the differences of the Other but produces in its stead forms of author- ity and multiple belief that alienate the assumptions of "civiI" discourse ... not surprisingly. drawing on E. and by allegOry subverts its own religion and gods (p. 203. 76. 59-61.. Against Heresies 2. " Oratio ad Graecos 2. 199 8 ).1. 75--'-95. enlightened claims of its enunciatory modality. and classifications can be seen as the des- perate effort to 'normalize' fornzally the disturbance of the discourse of split- ting that violates the rational. spurious authorities.60 SEEING AND BELIEVING wish to philosophize are at horne with us. 1996). JJ Stark in Rethinking uGnosticism An Argument for Dismantling a Dubious . 84. pp. 2 I). in Philosophy in Christian Antiquity! pp. pp. 2. On Justin's conscious literary imitation of Socrates. see Fredouille. pp. "Problems concerning Justin Martyr. 79. ]. "Such contradictory articulations of reality and desire-seen in racist stereotypes. 118. Zyniewicz (Atlanta. 91. 82. Williams follows R. Le Boulluec. naissance d'un genre. we do not scrutinize appearances or judge those who come to us by their looks . Greek philosophy is divided against itself (pp." p. jokes. superstition. La notion d!heresie! pp. 32-33). cf. "Christus und Sokrates in der alten Kirche." that is. 90-94. Whittaker (Oxford. M. . C." in The Papers of the Henry Luce III Fellows in Theology! vol. Category (Princeton. ''L'apologetique . N.. 77. 78. 20. 3. statements. 50. De Vogel. Tertullian. 83. 1982). intra-Christian debates were caused by "intellectuals. 3. Benz. E.

. or sib- lings. This percentage increases from the fourth century onwards. adherence to a group whose primary purpose was to promote the cult of one or more divinities. re marks that "the most sensitive criterion available to us as to the degree of commitment asked by a cult . that is to say. indeed the nuclear family. in their wake." NEW CULTS For Franz Cumont. 2 Even if epigraph dedications do not pertain to every stratum of the Roman population. but the samples examined from the period are all Christian and thus less represen- tative of the whole. children. writing on the various religious groups shaping the evolution of paganism from the second century C. would be the incidence of conflict with the families of members. 80 percent were spouses. in that society. The question might be asked whether the emergence of new cults and. distinct sepulchre? "MYSTERY CULTS. in short. was first and foremost a family affair."l The question of the choice of burial place is decisive. of new religious groups resulted in tension between the family and the reli- gious group on the subject of burial choice. Statistical studies of funerary inscriptions pertaining to the civilian population in the Western Roman Empire show in fact that. whenever it was thought pertinent to state the relationship to the deceased of the individuals who took care of the burial and the epitaph. conversion to a particular religion. for example. mean that the convert had to choose to be buried among his fellow believers rather than amidst his family. it was patently obvious that conversion went hand in hand with the election of a specific burial site.. Did. 3 CONVERSION AND BURIAL IN THE LATE ROMAN EMPIRE ERle REBILLARD John North. In a discussion of the adepts 61 . the figures do lead to the conclusion that it was traditionally the family.. that shouldered responsibility for burial of its members in the Roman Empire. therefore. since burial.E. in a specific." "ORIENTAL CULTS. parents.

"3 The origin of statements of this kind is a document which.C. 4 The text proclaims-and in terms that extend.. Recently. making it impossible to associate this group of tombs with Pythagoreanism. to examine the archaeological context of the inscrip- tion.. however.. at Vibo Valentia (the antique Hipponion).C. the abiding feeling was of being in one big family. SEEING AND BELIEVING of Mithras. after death. 6 It does not appear on a stele. Burkert concludes that "individual distinction prevailed over group identity. though it dates from the fifth century B. as they evoke religious sanction. therefore. beyond mere sublunary law-that it is forbidden for a noninitiate to be entombed in the place. the inscription provides a "link between initiation and the world beyond. a number of scholars have seen this inscription as offering proof that the Dionysian societies possessed their own burial grounds. each was probably laid in a collective grave. for example. "7 Moreover."l0 Such inscriptions. 5 It is also necessary. 9 An- cient data. archaeology has unearthed further examples of tombs which demonstrate that separate buri- al was not in fact the rule: in Calabria. From an analysis of epitaphs whose dedicatees belonged to one of the new cults in the Roman Empire. it was proved that the tomb belongs to a female and dates from the beginning of the second century B. he noted that "In such closed religious groupings. the function of the Cumae inscription probably differed little from Orphic inscriptions on gold tablets whose primary purpose was to proclaim salvation.E. the necessary condition for burial apparently being conversion to the cult. however. It therefore does not seem to have been especially pertinent in the case of mere adepts to signal . the tomb of an Orphic initiate has been found among tombs of noninitiates in the same necropolis. This means that the inscription could never have been read from the exterior. Archaeologists erroneously thought that what had been unearthed in the middle of the necropolis was the tomb of Archytas. Following Cumont. 8 It was similarly long believed that in Taranto.E. the fourth-century B. constitutes the necessary point of depar- ture of all discussions of the funerary practices of such cults: the famous inscription from Cumae that seems to point to a special burial site reserved for the initiates of Bacchus. but is carved on the inner face of the tufa gravestone that served as a lid. Pythagorean strategius of Taranto..C. Rather than an interdict..E. Despite the strict religious prohibi- tion that it records. and the dedicatees are almost exclusively priests. do not support the notion of the separation of the dead by religion. an area comprising one hundred tombs laid out very reg- ularly formed aburial site for a Pythagorean community. occur very in- frequently compared to our other evidence regarding the diffusion of these cults. where every- one knew everyone else and each helped his neighbor.

next to one or more mortuary monuments. form associations which financed burial for their members. There is nothing to indicate that the worshipers. the latter officiating at the major annual festivals held in March.C. stele on Rhodes. 16 One inscription is particularly interesting. but a number indicate that general worshipers of Cybele and Attis marked their affiliation in epitaphs by calling themselves religiosi. the remains of a Mithraic cemetery. Evidence for this comes from a first- century B. the tombs discov- ered near the Mithraeum are not. we may con- clude that the new cults rarely ente red into conflict with the family as regards their members' choice of tomb. Another piece of evidence shows that an association of Sabaziasts in Teos in Asia Minor (modern Sigacik. known as the ga/li} Roman officials. 12 Thus it seems that the choice of a family tomb would not necessarily conflict with the requirements of conversion to the Mithraic cult. however..E. or members of official associations. ne ar Hanau in Germany.E. Those who opted to worship the Thracian divinity Sabazios also did not specify their religious affiliation in their epitaphs.. of Mithras had collective graves. epitaphs attest to scattered examples of individual sepul- chres. At Gross-Krotzenburg. closely linked to that of Attis. CONVERSION AND BURIAL adherence to the cult on funerary inscriptions. 13 They did. was organized around a special clergy attached to the sanctuary. because they reuse blocks from the Mithraeum's wallsY In Italy and Gaul. however. various constructions intended for the cult of the dead or simply for social . The majority of the funerary inscriptions preserved concern galli} priests. the cult of Cybele. 14 The evidence is insufficient. in which there stand. There is no specific indication of the need for separate burial. it mentions a "field of believers" (ager religiosorum) in which Caius Iulius Aquilinus had a porti co erected and some seats installed at his own expenseY What exactly does this expression ager religiosorum designate? Ir might well signify a "funerary garden.E. and the dedicators are all closely related to the deceased. Turkey) endowed tombs for its members' wives although they themselves had no connection with the cult. for the conclusion to be drawn that a Sabaziast graveyard as such existed. Consequently. 15 The cult of Cybele provides more ample material. A public cult that was introduced officially in Rome in 204 B. as was formerly believed. The stele was found in the context of a pair of contiguous burial chambers that might well be a monument of the Sabazi- ast association. on which a certain Ariston of Syracuse receives honors for the devotion and the care he lavished on the tombs belonging to the association. but none of these contains stipulations for the form of a Mithraic tomb." as referred to in various epitaphs. From Puteoli (Pozzuoli) in Campania and likely dating from the second century C. and associations (the dendro- phori and cannophori).C.

if evidenee in the Historia Augusta on Septimus Severus is to be be- lieved. a faet that led Leon to eonclude that whereas proselytes earned the right to a . THE ]EWS Conversion to Judaism had been illegal in the Roman Empire sinee 198-99 C. SEEING AND BELIEVING gatherings. Another inseription from Pozzuoli refers to a field measuring seven jugeri (more than a heetare). No inseription belong- ing to a sympathizer. Turkey). Ir is therefore not neeessary to see it as a "private eemetery. sinee Paul's SententiaeJ eom- piled around 295. 24 Harry J. legal aets whieh demonstrate that eonversions did indeed oeeur. 21 No epitaph pertaining to a regular member of the Jupiter Doliehenus eon- gregation is known and the three epitaphs belonging to priests that survive bear no indieations as to the plaee of burial. it is impossible to deeide one way or the other.E. modern Dülüek. mention legislation that punishes eonverts with exile and eonfiseation of property. the number of attested proselytes remains relatively low. 23 However.. two from the Vigna Randanini Cataeomb on the Via Appia and two from eat- aeombs in the Villa Torlonia on the Via Nomentana.E. four of whieh eome from the Jewish eataeombs. portieos and seats being mentioned frequently in sueh eon- texts. however. be explieitly assoeiated with the eult. and at least sinee the third eentury C. without mentioning the use to whieh the site might have been put. however." Onee again. The Theodosian Code preserves a number of impe- rial eonstitutions of the fourth and fifth eenturies that forbid eonversion to J udaism.. Leon lists seven eases. a speeifieally funereal role of the land eoneerned is not explieitly stated. 18 But the term eould just as well refer more generally to a meeting plaee. 22 All in all. where a eonsiderable quantity of material has been unearthed from a temple. the inseription mentions a eistern and taverns and stresses only the right to enter the field. The only inseription Hettner advaneed as referring specifieally to the eemetery eannot. 19 As this inseription was diseovered out of its original eontext. whieh is the property of "members of the eorporation of the faithful of Jupiter Heliopolitanus."20 Felix Hettner ventured a hypothesis aeeording to whieh a similar eemetery existed on the Roman Aventine for worshipers of Jupiter Doliehenus (from Doliehe. His argument rests wholly on the parallel drawn with the Pozzuoli inseription. has ever been found in the eataeombs. The only inseriptions relating to eonverts to Judaism eome from Rome. it would seem that eonversion to one or other of the Oriental eults did not entail the ehoiee of a speeial burial plaee assoeiated with the new religious eommunity.

In the past. and thatJews and Christians were inhumed there side by side for centuries. Margaret H. especially since the epitaph of her unde M. There a certain Marcus. sympathizers were exduded. 34 Ir is quite impossible to assert with confidence that this separation is linked to Aurelia Artemeis's conversion. especially because it was her own father who was responsible for her burial arrangements. as has often been repeated. lay not far apart in the same tomb. but it is by no means beyond question. referred to as a theuseues-a Latin transcription of the Greek signi- fying "God-fearing. 25 An exception to the rule would appear to be an inscription from Venosa. Aurelios Hermaios wrote that the sarcophagus was destined for "his daughter Aurelia Artemeis.26 Was this sympathizer actually buried. The two sarcophagi. in Basilicata. for her alone. 29 The whole notion of a "] ewish cemetery" is to be treated in this case with the utmost caution. Williams believes that the term implies "the separateness of her burial. not a single ]ewish symbol or word of Hebrew has ever been found. and hence possibly related to the snake and other symbols carved at the entrance to the hypogeum. as in the case of one Aurelia Artemeis Ioudea of Termessos. most of which remain to be excavated. 28 Moreover. too. however. unlike in the inscriptions discovered in the great catacomb." an epithet normally reserved for sympathizers-lies in a tomb dug within a sm all hypogeum next to the great J ewish catacomb of La Magdalena. her unde shared his with his wife. contains no indication of J udaismY The word mone. it should be noted that the hilI of La Magdalena is peppered with hypogea. they might be Mith- raic titles. Robert notes that it "marks a firm inten- tion. Aurelios Moles. 30 The epithet Ioudea may indicate that Aurelia Artemeis was indeed a proselyte. Jewess. whereas. 35 Archaeologists and epigraphists are generally more circumspect than previously in the identification of ]ewish . a site known since the mid-nineteenth century."32 though he does not venture to say what that intention might be. buried in a sarcophagus near her in the same tomb. More subtle forms of separate burial are imaginable. M. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 65 ]ewish grave. Yet all we know for certain of ] ewish mortuary practices in the Diaspora and of the way their graves were organized points to the fact that this was not necessarily the case. the very few extant examples of converts' and sympathizers' burials were all discussed from the point of view that ] ews were indeed buried separately. for example. The titles pater and pater patrum are not in themselves specificalIy]ewish."33 Aurelia Artemeis had a sarcophagus of her own. has also been the subject of some comment: 1." and stipulated a fine in the event of violation. In fact. In the epitaph he composed for his daughter. in a ]ewish ceme- tery?27 The ]ewish character of the other inscriptions from the hypogeum has always been accepted.

45 In the other. this time from Acmonia. 36 Thanks to work in this area. 43 The curses. More numerous and more powerful urban Jewish communities are today often credited with having had their own burial grounds. is nonetheless attested elsewhere and does not necessarily evince a community burial area. Aurelius Aristeas bequeaths some land to a neighborhood association. though rare. 39 This type of euergetism. The ancient J ewish necropolis of Alexandria. who erected it at his own expense for hirnself and for his son. found at EI Ibrahimiya. are actually carved for their own performative power. The situation in the larger cities of the empire may weH have been different.38 not a single Jewish cemetery has been identified to date. as weH as to the abandonment of the preconceived idea that Jews kept themselves apart. called the "Neighborhood of the First Gate. dated to the first century C. That J ews too adopted such practices again presupposes a greater degree of integration into society than was previously acknowledged by scholars in the past and makes it decidedl y difficult to argue that funerary segregation was actually the ruleY As these examples from Asia Minor ShOW. and not for the genuine terror they might have instiHed in the hearts of tomb robbers who might eventually read them. Ailios Glykon donates money to two associations to put wreaths on his tomb: purple-dyers for Passover and carpet-weavers for Pentecost and Cal- ends. for example.37 it is now accepted that Jewish and non-Jewish tombs often lay in the same funerary areas. seems to . where Jewish communities are weH documented. 44 Two Jewish inscriptions from Asia Mi- nor also record funds set up for associations. at both Hier- apolis and Corycus.E. An inscription discov- ered at Tlos in Lycia.66 SEEING AND BELIEVING graves or inscriptions. 41 The large number of epitaphs containing imprecations against tomb robbers found at Acmonia has been proposed as an argument in favor of the existence of a Jewish cemetery in the cityY The curses refer to texts from Deuteronomy or to divine vengeance. In one of them. Jewish graves seem to have been genuinely mixed with those of non-Jews. 40 Wher- ever the facts can be ascertained.48 Jews were in the habit of burying their dead in the same areas as pagans and Christians .. 46 Celebrating the rosalia and crowning tombs with roses were widespread traditional forms of commemoration in the Greco-Roman world. This is the case. The donation simply meant that the Jewish community became the owners of a tomb." in order that they might festoon the tomb of his wife with roses every year. powers that would a priori have been expected to offer scant deterrent to non-Jews. though nothing indicates that these were exclusively Jewish affairs. In Asia Minor. from Hierapolis. records a gift of a funerary monument made to the city's J ewish community by a certain Ptolemaeus. however. however. P.

Most often. however. 55 Margaret H. the choice of catacomb seems to have de- pended on an individual's synagogue affiliation. 49 At Carthage. but nearly all scholars are of the opinion that each of the separate catacombs was reserved for the exclusive use of the Jewish community. facts which might point to the role of these developers. but merely a small agglomeration of hypogea occupied by members of that community. divide the space into more or less sizeable funerary chambers or simple tombs.51 Although this assumption is quite impossible to prove. the J ewish population preferred to be buried together. the evidence to the contrary is not sufficiently strong. no inscriptions have been found attributing a role to a synagogue in the selection or assignment of a grave.58 Jewish inscriptions mention neither the sale of a tomb nor its tide deeds.50 The situation in Rome is better documented if also more complex. At the beginning of the last century. 56 The catacombs at Beth She' ar im in Palestine may weIl have been managed in this fashion. 57 In Rome. might have purchased their graves from "funerary complex developers" who would take on the expense of preparing the underground spaces of the catacombs. and then seIl them. 53 Margaret H. Williams voices the hypothesis that the J ewish populations. a form of centralized system is even more difficult to envisage. More generally. The idea that the choice of a grave's location might be determined by which synagogue the deceased belonged to can thus be dismissed. it is now known to contain only two hundred tombs and cannot therefore be the one and only Jewish necropolis of Carthage. According to Harry J. however. and that the members of at least three synagogues used several different cata- combs. In fact. they sim- ply indicate in which synagogue the dedicatee exercised an office mentioned in the epitaph. 54 Moreover. The six known J ewish catacombs are in burial areas also used by pagans and Christians. Williams. Jean Juster argued for the concep- tion of "the confessional separatism oE corpses" as a specifically Jewish phenomenon. such consortia unfortunately remain insufficient- ly researched. Leon. has recendy demonstrated that there exists but one synagogue whose known members are all interred together in a single catacomb. from the end of the second century (the period in which these catacombs began to be used). and unlike the situation in Christian catacombs. like their contemporary pagan counterparts. CONVERSION AND BURIAL have been a place where both Jews and non-Jews who had some relationship to each other were interred. the necropolis of Gamart has been found to be less extensive than formerly believed. 52 The implication is that at Rome. 59 To justify this assertion Juster simply notes a few inscrip- tions whose wording presents numerous parallels with both pagan and Christian examples in which the subject is certainly ius sepulchri but not .

which was in the field where Abraham and Sarah lay. The founding event is Abraham's purchase of the Tomb of the Patriarchs at Hebron (Gen. For the lews.63 As we read in a discussion of the Sabbath. burial with the family or amongst people of the same religion is one and the same thing."60 As for rabbinical teaching. 2 I: 12-14). but if the tomb was dug for a Gentile. Gideon and Samson. Leah. includes no such interdicts. their dwellings may weIl present a source of contamination in so far as aborted fetuses might be buried in their vicinity. but one should participate at the lamentation. At most the treatise prescribes that "in the case of heathens and slaves. together with Isaac and Rebecca. on the other hand. but there is nothing to prevent hirn being interred in a tomb originally intended for a non-]ew. therefore. The treatise Semahot. 64 Even though neither the Mishna nor the Tosefta should be interpreted as documents relating directly to the interaction between lews and non-]ews. it must be noted that in the case of the ]ewish faith. in accor- dance with the instructions of the Old Testament. no rites should be observed. In short. 5°:25). Of course. A lew should not make a Gentile work for hirn on the Sabbath day. which seems to have been composed in the third century and whose sole subject is death and mourning. the choice of grave seems to fall more to the family. It can be concluded. too. Kish (2 Sam. 23)." 61 This means. if a Gentile digs a tomb for a lew on the Sabbath day. but that no ritual displays of mourning should be provided for them.65 nothing points to a rule of funerary segregation." and back to the country of Abraham (Gen. 49:29-31 to be interred near his forefathers. ]oseph too makes his family swear they will carry his "bones from hence. 8:32. . not that non-lews should be refused interment. the ] ews should do their best to provide graves for the poor whether of the ]ewish faith or not. and those of the seven men hanged in Gibeah in the tomb of Saul's own father. 16:31). It is ]acob's wish in Gen. David placed the bones of Saul. but neither text gives any indication as to place of buria1. the distinction between family and community is not as clear as it is with devotees of the cult of Mithras or of Cybele.68 SEEING AND BELIEVING "confessional separatism. the latter cannot use it. in the same place where he hirnself buried his wife. were interred in the tomb of their fathers (Judg. Jonathan. no rules concerning the separation of lews and non-lews at burial are stipulated. Possession of a place where the dead can be buried is a consistently recur- ring theme. then a lew can employ it. 62 No impurity appears to be attached to Gentile burial places. the Tosefta (third to fourth centuries) and the ]erusalem Talmud (fifth century) both recommend that in cities in which a ]ewish population lives among a substantial proportion of pagans. Moreover. that there are no hard and fast doctrinal mIes regarding the choice of grave: the model followed is merely that of family burial.

Delehaye writes in Les origines du culte des martyrs that "the custom. 69 A phrase from De Idololatria by Tertullian (d. Paul explains that. which soon became widespread. and is not to be taken as an ordinance prohibiting certain burial places to Christians. which is permitted by no one. It is. protesting against the persecutions in 2 12. H. c. is occasionally put forward. Other associations or groups had introduced similar forms of solidarity after death into their own customs. then. die with them we may not. this time of an indirect na- ture. "71 The death Tertullian is referring to is that which results from sin: the second phrase is thus arestatement of the first. the Christian should also avoid giving offense to the heathen. 67 However that may be. A number of texts which are referred to in support of this concept of "funerary separatism" need to be examined first. he entertains no doubts: Christians were interred together and separately from members of other confessions. for the grouping of family graves in the same catacomb in Rome? The idea that it originated in adesire to be clearly differentiated from non-Jews 66 seems to be contradicted by an absence of parallels elsewhere among the Jewish communities of the Diaspora. Tertullian concludes: "Where there is social intercourse. CONVERSION AND BURIAL What is the explanation. "68 Like many scholars. the question of conversion to Christianity and its relation to the choice of aburial place remains to be addressed. of not mixing their graves with those of heathens but of reserving special burial plots for themselves was far from being without precedent. far instance. then it must be refused. which is permitted by the apostle. permitted to accept a nonbeliever's invitation to dine and to con- sume whatever is served without scruple. THE CHRISTIANS Finally. It is the passage in Ad Scapulam J an open letter addressed to Scapula. 10: 14ff. proconsul of Africa (2 I 1-13).social behavior. in which St."70 Tertullian is commenting on I Cor. We may live with the heathens. nor the choice of a specific burial place. there is also sinning. though idolatry must naturally be spurned at all costs. though perhaps the sheer scale of the Eternal City might account for variants in . Tertullian alerts the persecutor to divine vengeance and quotes from an episode during the persecutions of 202 in which the . die with them we may not. but if the food is offered as part of a sacrificial meal. 220) has often been lifted out of context in this conn~ction: "We may live with the heathens. conversion to Judaism seems not to have entailed a priari the abandonment of familial mortuary practices. Another piece of evidence from Tertullian.

and buried them together with strangers. when Hilarianus was governor. in the monument or area it owned for the burial . confined to obtaining these "certificates. but he had also applied to the same collegium to ensure the burial of his sons. but it does furnish a number of details on the implications for mortuary practice of conversion to Christianity. He had at his disposal two "actual" events: pagan desecra- tion of Christian burial grounds and the shortages occasioned by the crops fai li ng . weIl attested in epigraphy. Their churches nonetheless judged their conduct unacceptable and had them deposed. among profane sepul- chres." The case of Martialis. The two bish- ops' misdeeds were not."76 The forceful way in which Cyprian depicts pagan rites as being alien to Christians is noteworthy. the populace protested about the areas [areis] in which our graves were situated-'No areas for them!'-but it was they who were deprived of their areas: for they harvested no cropS. At that time. who had obtained "certificates of idol- atry" allowing them to escape the persecutions of Decius (c. then at least by their owners and contemporaries. it is therefore unwarranted to ascribe to Christians adesire to separate their dead from the pagan. 258) should be examined. the Spanish prelates decided to contact their African colleagues. The letter is a response of Cyprian and his African colleagues to the Spanish communities of Astorga-leon and Merida on the subject of the bishops Basilides and Martialis. however. the bishop of Rome. that is. Not only had the bishop attended banquets at the collegium. after the manner of foreign nations. 77 Martialis did not only apply to the collegium for the funeral of his sons.7° SEEING AND BELIEVING population of Carthage attacked the Christians by desecrating their graves: "This is what happened. It may not offer confirmation of the existence of teach- ings encouraging the separate burial of Christians. He combines the two in a pun on the word area that has both the very common meaning of "threshing floor" and another. but also obtained tombs in its locus sepulturae.· was aggravated by his belonging to a collegium. 73 The choice of an enclosure is not of itself significant since the pagans possessed them too: on this basis. 75 Because Basilides had requested and obtained the support of Stephen. 74 It is in this context that a letter written by Cyprian of Carthage (d. The collegia were particularly sought after for the pompa funebris provided for their members. in particular."72 Tertullian's purpose is to eite a suffieiently gripping example of divine vengeance on pagan oppression of the Christians. if not by archaeologists. for instance. but the key to interpreting his indignation is the role played by the collegium." Tertullian thus provides evidence of the existence of funerary enclosures clearl y identified as being Christian. 250) without taking part in the sacrifices themselves. of a (funerary) "enclosure. Cyprian's words all too clearly voice his indignation: "He placed his sons in the same college.

Effros has rightly pointed out. subscription to a particular religion is less important than being a freed slave (or one of the descendants of a freed . 79 The scandal occasioned by the proximity of tombs belonging to nonbelievers does not reflect a principle of total segregation of Christians and pagans after death. its specifically Chris- tian character is difficult to affirm. 82 Paleographical analysis dates the inscrip- tion to the end of the second century. proclaimed in the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae. The church seems to have left the question of burial up to the family and not to have sought to interfere with i ts wishes in this area. sufficient grounds were provided by the use of the expression religio mea. bereft of any exact archeological context. but to attack a powerful symbol of the Saxon nobility by outlawing its traditional funerary customs. adepts of Cybele. It is as weIl. Since ecclesiastical teaching makes no such recommendations. but censures more specifically the recourse to a pagan collegium for funeral and grave. 81 It is impossible to assert that the exclusive nature of Christian burial places dates back to ancient times. when referring to their cult. however. the intention behind Char- lemagne's edict was not to enforce a Christian practice. Cyprian's letter does not condemn in general the juxtaposition of pagan and Christian tombs ir: the same necropolis. as weIl as those of the goddess Isis. are there any clues in other sources attesting to a specific Christian preference for burial with fellow believers? Christians did not make any religious stipulation for being buried in a family or hereditary sepulchre. "We hereby command. therefore. and on such occasions performed libations and sacrifices expressly forbidden to Christians. Insofar as it was discovered among pagan inscriptions or fragments of inscriptions in the Villa Patrizi on the Nomentana."80 As B. a collection of measures directed at the recently van- quished Saxons. and even styled themselves religi- OSi. also employed the word religio. to briefly discuss two apparent exceptions to this tendency." he says. "that the bodies of Saxon Christians be inhumed in the cemeteries of the church and not in pagan tumuli. Yet. For De Rossi. The first interdict forbidding the mixing of pagan and Christian graves seems to be that of Charlemagne in 782. as we have seen. 83 Whatever the precise situation. that a convert to Christianity may have been expected to forgo prior arrangements for funeral and burial to which he had a right through a collegium. The letter suggests. The first is an inscription published by De Rossi in r865 that allows burial for freed slaves and their descendants in the family mausoleum as long as they belong to the same religion as their master. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 7 I of its members. 78 The choice of such a sepulchre had religious repercussions since the members of a collegium commemorated their dead collectively.

what Faltonia did was simply to open the doors of a funerary basilica that she had paid for to house her own tomb. Even if it were true. cultor uerbi. Severianus. "who built this cemetery (coemeterium) at her own expense and gave it to her religion (huhic religio- ni).72 SEEING AND BELIEVING slave) of Valerius Mercurius and his wife. One example is that of Faltonia Hilaritas. 86 Mortuary funds dedicated to fellow Christians are not particularly nu- merous. The term cella is rather imprecise. 89 The original titulus has not been preserved. only a commemorative inscription of the donation carved by order of the Church of Caesarea." or is simply a declaration of their faith. but Severianus's donation might well antedate the Peace of the Church. dubbed. that is to say a (monumental) tomb. The whole plot-structure is referred to as a memoria. the most illustrious Severianus. and did not in fact found a communal burying place. "84 This epitaph comes from the Catacomb of Domi tilla at Rome. Paleographically. Cella signifies either the tomb itself or the edifice in which it was housed. The circumstances surrounding the find are unknown: 9o any description of the area is therefore entirely dependent on the inscription. its discoverer believes that the inscription was originally hung up at the entrance to the basilica which Faltonia probably donated to her fellow believers. not far from Rome. A celebrated inscription from Cherchel in Algeria (ancient Caesarea) records a gift of burial ground to the church made by a pious euergete. but an accurate account of the discovery is not forthcoming: it might have originated in a me re cubiculum or come from a more extensive group. though appealing. The same might be said of the tomb that Marcus Antonius Restitutus recorded as constructing "for hirnself and his own [suis} faithful in the Lord.85 It is difficult to determine whether the expression "faithful in the Lord" is a restrictive phrase meaning "so long as they remain faithful in the Lord. this hypothesis. a place that would also have been used for the performance of funerary rites.88 Since the marble slab showed marks of having been affixed to a hook. Gifts like those made by Faltonia and Severianus are not expressions of a desire to separate Christians from non-Christians in death. selected a plot as a graveyard and built a cella there at his own cost. The monument thus remains simply a family tomb. on the Appian Way. is scarcely demonstrable. As the context of the inscription cannot be taken for granted."87 The inscription was reused on another tomb found in the vicinity of the small funerary basilica at Solluna. in the territory of what was ancient Velitrae. but instead acts . As no martyr is mentioned in the commemorative inscription. rather poetically. the inscription dates from the fourth century. we can exclude the possibility that the chapel had been dedicated to martyrs.

"92 The fact that the church was chosen. even at the beginning of its development. Conversion to Christianity does not appear to involve the choice of a particular place of burial. one must conclude that conversion to one of these cults has no specific implication. Rogata. however. Neither religious teaching. How- ever. as it were. with regard to burial practice. and J ewish tombs has been attested. Such a conclusion has impor- tant consequences for our understanding of these religious groups. including that of his own mother. 93 The present investiga- tion. This is not the place to list all the localities where a mix of pagan. but such gifts in no way entail that the Christians are con- cerned to be buried together and separately from others ."91 Another example resembling pagan euergetism comes from a Lydian inscription dated to the fourth century that records how Gennadios purchased a monument "with what God had seen fit to give hirn. it is an indirect confirrnation of what a whole new trend of scholarship has now proved. ventures to suggest that-since communal burial is not a constitutive condition for the identity of the various religious groups in the late Roman Empire and the teaching of the Christian Church itself had no definable position on the question-there is apriori no reason to suppose a desire on the part of Christians to be buried exclusively among their own. . and perhaps even Juda- ism if one considers its capacity to attract-involves the same pro ces ses and has the same impact on its members as conversion to any other cult. and its converts might not have been as concerned by the separation from their traditional links to the Greco-Roman society as scholars have long been accustomed to believe. particu- larly for the Jews and the Christians. The comparison which has been attempted in this paper is not intended to suggest that conversion to one of the new cults in the Roman Empire- Christianity could be safely included among them. He donated the accubitoriunz to "all the brothers. nor to address the general question of Roman catacombs. . it requires that the question of their interac- tion with non-Christians has to be asked again and on new grounds. The church. Christian. or a feature particular to one of them. who had an accubitoriunz made to lodge several tombs." endowing it as a "tomb for the Christians of the Catholic Church. Regarding the Christians. a certain Victor. nor the actual practice of worshipers allows for the conclusion that separate burial in a place specific to one's cult is either a common feature of the new cults. namely that Jews were not living in isolation from the Greco-Roman soci- ety. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 73 of euergetism that bear comparison with similar deeds by their pagan con- temporaries. Regarding the Jews. The same can be said of a further inscription at Cherchel that originated with a priest. to serve as intermediary between the donator and the eventual beneficiaries of his gift is remarkable.

Lieu. 1913). 3. 5 I-58. p. Archeologia della salvezza: Vescatologia greca nelle testimoni- anze archeologiche Biblioteca di archeologia 17 (Milan. Soldiers and Slaves. A. pp. 6. "Bacchoi ou bacchants? De la dissidence des vivants a la segregation des morts. pp. Cf. 227-46. "Altre note tarantine. 120 (Paris. 1962). Cumont. by religious belief. (Brussels. 180- 81. definitively excludes the possi- bility that the tomb could have ever been that of Archytas.aise d'Athenes. has been published by F. 2." Historia 33 (1984): 457-97. I I 1-26. Turcan. 3. North." Journal 0/ Roman Studies 74 (1984): 124-56. and B. A. for example. Pailler. pp.-M. Travaux et memoires 11. pp. discovered in 1903 by A. For the traditional hypothesis." in Bacchus: Figures et pouvoirs (Paris. W Burkert. North." in Vassociation dionysiaque dans les societes anciennes J Collection de l'Ecole franc. "Latin Funerary Epigraphy and Family Life in the Later Roman Empire. Cf. Tarente des origines a la conquete romaineJ Bibliotheque des Ecoles franc. 9. R. D.C. has advanced the proposition that the document concerned might be Orphic. Rajak (London. pp. 1992). Les mysteres de Mithra J 3d ed. 48. pp. p. F. whereas J. See. F. pt. Wuilleumier. 135-36. pp. . G. 184. 253.aise de Rome 89 (Rome. '''Sepulture interdite aux non bacchises.'" p. esp. and T. p. D.aises d'Athenes et de Rome 148 (Paris. Sokolowski in Lois sacrees des cites grecques: SupplementJ Ecole franc. no. 1987). 10. Sogliano (Notizie degli scavi di antichita [1905]: 380). at least not only explained. Lippolis. 8. Archeologia della salvezzaJ pp. 4. the lack of effect of conversion to a new cult on burial practices also confirms that burial is not primarily a religious concern and that burial rites cannot be explained. 1949). 5. Saller. E. P. NOTES I. 1992). Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge. J. J. I: Taranto J la necropoli: Aspetti e problem i della documentazione archeologica tra VII e I sec. "The Development of Religious Pluralism. 1939). J 7. 58-62. Bottini. see P." in The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Worl~ ed. "Tombstones and Roman Family Re- lations in the Principate: Civilians. and B. 58. 118. 202-3. (Taranto." Taras 12 (1992): 135-41. R. This inscription. Lux perpetua (Paris. Shaw. Shaw. J. 405-6. Bottini. Guzzo. in Catalogo deI Museo nazionale archeologico di Taranto J vol.74 SEEING AND BELIEVING Moreover. 1986). Cumont. 1994). pp. 548-49. Pailler has defended the traditional Dionysian hypothesis in '''Sepulture interdite aux non bacchises': Dissidence orphique et veture di- onysiaque. 1995).

Etttde historiqtte sur les corporations professionnelles chez les Romains depuis les origines jusqu'J. 71-79.. 17. 94-100.708. 142 (Sitifis). for the masculine char- acter of the Sabazios cult. Le culte des divinites orientales en Campanie en dehors de Pompei. 7 vols. 22. vol. 46. no. -C. C 9 (= CIL X.67. Corpus cultus Cybelae Attidisque. (Louvain..-P. p.. 12. The inscription does not appear in M.206. See especially the exhaustive commentary by V. 149-50 for the text ofthe inscription (= CIL X. p. de Stabies et d'Herculanum. nos. 2 vols. pp. 13. V. p. 1895-1900). See pp.}upiter Dolichenus: Essai d'interpretation et de synthese. Corpus cttltus Iovis Sabazii. 20. pIs. 5. 4. nos. 1996). Waltzing. Corpus inscriptionum et monumentoyum religionis Mithriacae. la chttte de I'Empire d'Occident. no.123. Tarn Tinh Tran. Archaeologia transatlantica 6. Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire ro- main 106 (Leiden. Hettner. C. Merlat. Lane.. pp. 4:448. M. 105 (Larinum). For Waltzing.. no. Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain 100/3 (Leiden. Verrnaseren. Toynbee. CCIS 2. lbid. 45. Hörig's inventory in Corpus Cultus Iovis Dolicheni. av. (The Hague. no. See an inventory of assembly places of the collegia in J. vol. Cumont. See M. F. 501I-501] (Leiden.623-624. no. 4. 157). vol. 4:447 ff. N. no. 15. Bonn. J. 1896). vol. Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain. Corpus cultus Iovis Sabazii. p. 1977-89). 3. Etude historique. I: Rhodiaka. 19. 107. 14. p.. Cf. 337 (Rome). ed. I. "De love Dolicheno" (Diss. P. 1983). 1894). lbid. See the inscriptions collected in E. 1985). vol. Tarn Tinh Tran. Death and Burial in the Roman World (197 I. and E. Kontorini. Textes et monuments flgures relatifs aux l1zysteres de Mithra. Publi- cations d'histoire de l'art et d'archeologie de l'Universite catholique de Louvain 42 (Louvain-Ia-Neuve. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 75 I I. the field was in fact just a meeting-place. See the material collected by J. 113-15. 1987). See ibid. 133. J.511. 353. 4 vols. N. p. 18. Inscriptions inedites relatives J. Lane. 22. 1985). Etudes pn§limi- naires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain 100/2 (hereafter CCIS 2). X-Xl. Culte des divinites orientales. 2. vol. F. Baltimore. 1877). lbid. Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain 27 (Leiden. 16. 17. 3: Conclusions. 2: The Other Monuments and Literary Evidence.. no. no. J. M. 1148. 21. Cf.885. l'histoire et aux cultes de Rhodes au lle et au Ier s. 28 for the inscription. 2: Textes et monuments (Brussels. 3. 1956-60). vol. 1972). Verrnaseren. (Leiden. 16. Contra V. vols. Publications de l'lnstitut d'art et d'archeologie de l'Universite .

. 29." Aufstieg und Niedergang der riimischen Welt. Ancient jewish Art and Archaeol- ogy in the Diaspora. 52." Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica 40 (I9 62 ): 367-71." Zeitschrift für Papyrologie . H.'" jewish Quarterly Review 85 (I995): 36I -95. Cf. See D. See L. 34· Cf. revised by c. p. 33. I: Italy (Exclud- ing the City of Rome)." journal for the Study ofjudaism 24. 32. 23. L. Mass. H. 448. See E. H." American journal of Archeology 96 (I992): I I2. L. H. I90-2 IO. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 20 (Louvain. I960). Leon. N. The Hidden Heritage of Diaspora judaism. but see L. 688 n. Ibid. jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to justin- ian (Princeton. 35. Ibid. 6I2. pp. no. 49. Hachili. "Les Juifs de Venosa. and Gaul (hereafter JIWE I) (Cambridge. 383ff. A. "The Organisation of J ewish Burials in Ancient Rome in the Light of Evidence from Palestine and the Diaspora.). xvii. 25. 31. 253-55· 26. 44 8 . vol. jew and Gentile in the Ancient World. The whole discussion was opened by M.. I94I). Feldman. pt. Feldman. V. See B. SEEING AND BELIEVING de Paris 5 (Paris.). "Epitaphes juives d'Ephese et de Nicomedie. and Fifth Centuries. I46-47. M. I993). I993). TAM 3/ I. no. I04.. 2. 2d ed. 28..2. p." p. R. cf. General introduction in R. reprinted in L. I998). Feldman. p. Handbuch der Orientalistik I. V. L. p.. vol. jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe. Williams. pp." Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik I I6 (I997): 262. L.. Noy." Vetera Christianorum 20 (I983): 445-59. Osiek (Peabody. "Report on the Excavations at the Venosa Cata- combs I98I. 4-I4 concerning Roman law. I (I993): I-58. I: Tituli Termessi et agri Termessensis (hereafter TAM 3/I) (Vienna. Kant. pp. pp. M. 3: Tituli Pisidiae linguis Graeca et Latina conscripti. Tituli Asiae minoris. Spain. contains no records as to the "Doli- chenian communities'" burial rites or sepulchres. Cf. Robert.. V. Meyers. H. "Proselytism by Jews. "The Meaning and Function of Ioudaios in Graeco- Roman Inscriptions. H. p. 368. "Jewish Inscriptions in Greek and Latin. The jews of Ancient Rome (I960). I995). ed. Rutgers's critique in "Attitudes to Judaism in the Greco-Roman Period: Reflections on Feld- man's 'Jewand Gentile in the Ancient World. Feldman. Rutgers. I99.2 34· 24. Fourth. Heberdey. "Proselytism by Jews in the Third. 263-3IO. no. pp. Lifshitz. Cf. no. I998). 386. Nahe und Mittlere Osten 35 (Leiden. 358 and n. 30. "Archeological Evidence for the Interaction of Jews and Non-Jews in Late Antiquity." Hellenica I I-I2 (I960). see in particular pp. Rutgers.20. 27. Williams. pp.

. and T. 2 vols. Trebilco. Jewish inscriptions have been discovered in each of the editors' three arbitrarily designated zones. van Henten and A. pp. and C. North. The northern necropolis from which the majority of the Jewish inscriptions come is in the course of publication. 71. W. which records but one case where two Jewish tombs lie next to each other whereas the others simply line the road (p. "Archeological Evidence. Bij de Vaate. M. "Jewish or Non-Jewish? Some Remarks on the Identification of Jewish Inscriptions from Asia Minor. no. S. J. See Rutgers. 38. Goodman (Oxford. A. 3 (Vatican City. "The Jews of Corycus: A Neglected Diasporan Community from Roman Times. eds." Seienze del/'antiehita 6-7 (1992- 93): 4 1-43. I 10-1 I." journal /or the Study 0/ judaism 25 (1994): 27 8 and nn. lews in a Graeeo- Roman World. for a description of the necropolis that stretches along the coast. "Curses against Violation of the Grave in Jewish Epitaphs of Asia Minor." Bibliotheea Orientalis 53 (1996): 16-28." pp. Cf.24. V. M. Strubbe. 1931). 612. and E. Frey. Rutgers. Cf. Rajak. D. M. ed. Kalinka. 1930) (hereafter TAM 212). Cf.. "La comunira giudaica di Hierapolis di Frigia. J. H. see T. pp. Text and translation in J. R. ed. "Jewish Tuna and Christian Fish: Identifying Religious Affiliation in Epi- graphie Sourees. 757. see J. I on the historiography of the discov- ery of the Jewish catacombs. 2 (Vienna." in Studies in Early jewish Epigraphy. 75-89. J. 37. p. 1991). The jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman World (London. Ritti. 3: Denkmäler aus dem rauhen Kilikien (Manchester. 199 8 ). Far Corycus. =E. Williams. 39. 46). Noy. 41. See P." Harvard Theologieal Review 84 (1991): 141-62. 36. Monograph Series 69 (Cambridge. For Hierapolis. "Nuovi dati su una nota epigrafe sepol- crale con stefanotico da Hierapolis di Frigia. B. including a map (pI. H. Monumenta Asiae Minoris antiqua. jewish Conununities in Asia Minor. pt. 120-22. vol. R. See below for this type of euergetism. 1. "Where Were the Jews of the Diaspora Buried?" in jews in a Graeeo-Roman World. 227 n. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 77 und Epigraphik 101 (1994): 165-82. 42. ed. Lieu. specifically chap.. 1995). 2: Tituli Lyeiae linguis Graeea et Latina eonseripti. vol.. 1936-52) no." Epigraphiea Anatoliea 31 (1999): 109-55. Tituli Asiae minoris. 1992). Trebilco. 146). Corpus inseriptionum iudaiearum: Reeueil des inseriptions juives qui vont du IIIe siede avant jesus-Christ au VIIe siede de notre ere (hereafter CIJ). J. van . W. Goodman. Sussidi allo studio delle antichira cristiane I. J. Keil. 40.jewish Communities in Asia Minor. The lews in Late Aneient Rome: Evidenee 0/ Cul- turallnteraction in the Roman Diaspora. Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 12 (Leiden. Miranda. Society for New Testament Studies. 23. ed. Kraemer.-B..

jewish Com- munities in Asia Minor. but simply a "sympathizer. most of which come from burial chambers dug into the walls of abandoned quarries to the west of the city. with detailed commentary pp. 1979). p. 777 (incomplete). W. S. pp. 140- 45. 69. "The Jewish Community of Hellenis- tic and Roman Teucheira in Cyrenaica. p. to which number he has added 144 others from tombs confi- dently ascribed to Jews. Ritti. 45. 78-81). Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 21 (Leiden. M. under- scores just how flimsy Strubbe's arguments are. S. As Strubbe himself knows. 4 (cf.. "Meaning and Function of Ioudaios/' p. 256 and n. 44. p. 78-81. . xv). "Curses against Violation of the Grave. The city of Tukrah (ancient Taucheira) in Libya furnishes another interesting example. H. jewish Communities in Asia Minor. 100. 144-60. others contain no Jewish graves at all . 1992). against C. 47. W Horbury and D. 49." no. and others again comprise tight-knit areas of Jewish graves among others belonging to non-Jews. 81 n. 43. van der Horst. he was apparently not Jewish. Text. jewish Inscriptions 0/ Graeco-Roman Egypt: With an Index 0/ the jewish Inscriptions 0/ Egypt and Cyrenaica (Cam- bridge. p. "La comunira giudaica di Hierapolis. Cf. and there is indeed nothing to suggest the contrary." 46. "Nuovi dati su una nota epigrafe. According to Trebilco (pp." Scripta Hierosolymitana 7 (1961): 27-5 2 . The implication is that one and the same tomb houses only Jewish burials. 48." In both cases the arguments proposed are not wholly compelling. 375-76. im- plies that the population in cities such as Acmonia was aware of and ac- knowledged the Mosaic law. in E. 30. the association of the "Neighbor- hood of the First Gate" was a Jewish association. Miranda. eds. "Where Were the Jews of the Diaspora buried?" p. 227 n. 83. Applebaum has positively identified 109 Jewish inscriptions. Ailios Glykon himself. Williams. 23. and commentary in Trebilco. Ir has thrown up a total of 440 inscriptions. pp. English translation. idem. Noy. Trebilco. As for P. CI] 2. Cf. SEEING AND BELIEVING Henten and P. contra Trebilco. 100. pp. jews and Greeks in Ancient Cyrene Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity 28 J (Leiden. 67-68. new ed. 1994). 101- 2. Clermont-Ganneau's old hy- pothesis to be found in ''L'antique necropole juive d'Alexandrie. Applebaum. similar comments in D. On the other hand-and against the opinion formerly held by other scholars-Applebaum has demonstrated that if one of the quarries seems indeed to have served almost exclusively as aburial ground for J ews. 131. 71. S." Comptes rendus de FAcademie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1907): 23 6-39. pp. 70-128. no. jewish Communities in Asia Minor. Noy." p.

pp.village. 228-30). and 1. Collezione storica (Bari." in van Henten and van der Horst. Studies in Early jewish EpigraphYJ rightly sounds a note of warning as regards our highly fragmentary knowledge of these catacombs (pp. See A. Williams. T." p. 56. "I cimiteri ebraici di Roma. 35 1-389. Williams. 2: The Greek Inscriptions 0erusalem. see C. Rajak.virginia. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 79 50. 45-71). Delattre. "Where Were the Jews of the Diaspora Buried?" p." in Societa romana e impero tardoantico J vol. Beth SheJarim J vol. eds. Rajak. Satlow (U niversity of Virginia) and uploaded onto the Internet at: www. 239. Giardina. but which have not been discovered in their original context. where the same reasoning is applied to epitaphs in which the pagan formula Dis Manibus appears. Gamart ou la necropole juive de Carthage (Lyon. V. opts to leave the question undecided.J. pp. Beth SheJarim J vol. 1974).html. 1.. and chap. Beth SheJarim J vol. and see the review in S.. The only concrete evidence of the role of funeral consortia is confined to an inscription discovered in the synagogue which indicates the seats occupied by two individuals involved in the preparation and laying out of the bodies: Schwabe-and Lifschitz." in Rut- gers. lews of Ancient RomeJ p. Lifschitz. 2. 55. Vismarra.iath." Melanges dJarcheologie et dJhistoire 15 (1895): 829. M. The Hidden Heritage of Diaspora judaism J pp. "Inscription and Context: Reading the Jewish Catacombs of Rome. Rutgers. 5 I. V. See 1. 168 and 180-89 for the inscriptions. 179-81 . pp. Ibid. no. "Inscription and Context. 54. 53. "Chronique archeologique africaine. for some sarcophagi which are decorated in a pagan style. 7 passim. "Inscriptions juives et juda'isantes de l'Afrique romaine. "Überlegungen zu den jüdischen Katakomben Roms. Noy. 3: The Archaeological Excavations during 1953-1958: The Catacombs 12-13 (New Brunswick." pp. Schwabe and B." pp. 57. "Dating the Jewish catacombs of ancient Rome. Gli insediamentiJ ed. N. . See B. T.. N. 1976). . 53-55.. 1986). Gsell. pp. for an examination of chambers I and II of the catacomb at Villa Randanini where the paintings contain motifs which are explicitly pagan but which might originally have belonged to aseparate hypogeum. A guided tour of these catacombs (complete with maps allowing viewers to see the photographs and read the inscriptions) has been compiled by Michael 1. "Organisation of Jewish Burials. Rutgers. 52. 2: Le merci. A." Antiquites africaines 17 (1981 ): 165-2°7. 1973). Beth SheJarim J vol. See also Y Le Bohec. ed. pp. 269-72. 54. The jews of Late Ancient RomeJ pp. For a detailed description of these catacombs. 165-7°. 181-82. Leon." jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 33 (1990) 140-57 (revised En- glish translation. Mazar. followed by D. Avigad. 1: Catacombs 1-4 0erusalem. 1895). ed. 87 . "Organisation of Jewish Burials.. 202.

Cf. Guyon. pp. I: Shabbat: Translation and Explanation! Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity 34/1 (Leiden." Journal 0/ Jewish Studies 48 (1997): 300- 3 I I. cf. Noy. and hence Jewish. "Archaeological Evidence. whose Jewish character is not accepted. Neusner. pp. 63. translation and commentary in J. TAM 2/2. G. See Porton's note of methodological caution. see the introduction. 1966). 65. Mishna! Shabbat! 23. and Tosefta! Shabbat! 17. 16.80 SEEING AND BELIEVING 58. 220. A History 0/ the Mishnaic Law 0/ Purity! vol. 88-89. no. Goyim! pp. 378 = CI] I. ed. Mishna! Ohalot! 18. where the place of burial is once again not mentioned (contra L. in which a wife reserves a loculus next to that of her spouse. I (Paris. "Writing in Tongues: The Use of Greek.17. Neusner. no. 612 = CI] 2. Goyim! pp. Latin and Hebrew in Jewish Inscriptions from Roman Italy. wording. 3." Melanges de FEcole /ranfaise de Rome! Antiquite 86 (r974): 549-96. Rutgers. 114). 757. Semahot I. Conn. n. 4: Ohalot: Commentary! Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity 6/4 (Leiden." p. Juster. D.. Aboda zara! I. Zlotnick. Porton." see the recent Megapoles mediterraneennes: Geographie urbaine retrospective: Actes du col- loque organise par FEcole /ranfaise de Rome et la Maison mediterraneenne des sciences de Fhomme (Rome. 66. "Where Were the Jews of the Diaspora Buried?" pp.. makes mention of such a wish but does not furnish further illustration. translation and commentary in J. 8-11 May 1996). 480. Jerusalem Talmud! Demai! I. J. where he suggests that the choice of Greek as the language for epi- taphs (approximately 74 percent of the total) coincides with the selection of a specific. 61.. Cf. 4. 60. G. 59. in contradistinction to Latin epitaphs whose phraseology conforms more closely to contemporary pagan inscrip- tions. Babylonian Talmud! Gittin! 61a. D. V. On the implications of the status of such a "megalopolis. Ibid. 208. which makes a gift of an individual grave to the Jewish community of Tlos (see above). A History 0/ the Mishnaic Law 0/ Appointed Times! vol. p. 200-201. 4-5. 1975). 1988). 67. no. . 4. 1914). 1981). 14-15. 4. a colloquium chaired by C. Tosefta! Gittin! 5. See J. 10412. no. 28-29. The Tractate !!Mourning!! (Semahot): Regulations Relating to Death! Burial! and Mourning! Yale J udaica series 17 (New Haven. cf. Goyim: Gentiles and Israelites in Mishnah-Tosefta! Brown Judaic Studies 155 (Atlanta. which cites the following three inscriptions: JIWE 2. 32. 62. CIL VI.Jerusalem Talmud. "La vente des tombes a travers l' epigraphie de la Rome chretienne (IIIe-VIIe siecles): Le rale des /ossores! mansionarii! praepositi et pretres. 340-41. 274· 64. pp. 9. 5. for the date. Por- ton. p. Les juijs clans FEmpire romain: Leur condition juridique! economique et sodale! vol. idem. 7-8.

vol. vol. Van Winden. "Pagan-Christian Burial Practices of the Fourth Century: Shared Tombs?" Journal 0/ Early Christian Studies 5. 1883). no. 73. 1-4 recording comments made on those who had become Christians. Clarke. F. Cf. 107-8. Ep. 67. 5. "Contributo alla storia dei collegi romani. Les origines du culte des martyrs. sciences sodales 54. C. Ep. Tertullian." Annales: Histoire. I (199 6 ): 175-89. Ilbert. Cyprian. See TertuHian. See E. no. "Les areae carthagi- noises (TertuHien. 74. 1996). everyone knew who had converted to that faith. Effros. for a list. and J. 4. See Commodian. no. 76. 33. Tertullian. ed. For a detailed demonstration. I): Cimetieres communautaires ou enclos funeraires de chretiens?" Melanges de I'Ecole /ranfaise de Rome. 79.aise de Rome 261 (Paris. 72. . Capitularia regum Francorum. 3. Rebillard. Johnson. 4:487-95. 78. Etude historique." Studi e ricerche dell'Istituto di Storia. 68. 70. for the circumstances behind the events and a bibliography. See G. Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae. M. Cafissi. "De partibus Saxoniae and the Regulation of Mortuary Cus- tom: A Carolingian Campaign of Christianization or the Suppression of Saxon Identity?" Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire 75. p. 1933). 69. Waszink and J. Apologeticum. B. 6. 2000). showing that even in a city the size of Carthage. 67. "Contributo aHa storia dei collegi romani. 30. ed. 1954). Cf. Boretius. 80. 69. Subsidia hagiographica 20 (Brussels. The Letters 0/ Cyprian. Ad Scapulam 3. see E. 139- 42. 456-57. W. 77." p. p. ed. "Eglise et sepulture dans l'Antiquite tardive (Occi- dent latin. 107. Corpus Christianorum. 446-62. translation. Series Latina 2 (Turnhout. A. E. 3e-6e siecles). 1129. Depaule. pp. 14. Cyprian. A study of the social practices peculiar to large cities remains to be undertaken. 1987). 22. Diercks. 75. "Contributo aHa storia dei collegi romani: I collegia /uneraticia. H. I (Ha- nover. Delehaye. Ancient Christian Writers 47 (New York. 7 I.-c. 3. Instructiones. Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia. no." pp. Corpus Christianorum. See Cafissi. I (1997): 45-4 6 . Rebillard. 5 (1999): 1029-32. Series Latina 3C (Turnhout. Ad Scapulam. p. A. J. pp. Cafissi. pp. 2 (1997): 267- 86. I. 1989). 50-5 I. G. De idololatria. in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Universita di Firenze 2 (1983): 89-1 I I. and Waltzing. M. and com- mentary by J. 81. critical text. Antiquite 108. Ibid. pp. Legum sectio 2. Collection de l'Ecole franc. CONVERSION AND BURIAL 81 Nicolet. R. H. Dekkers. Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae I (Leiden.

See the doctoral thesis by P. 1878)." Bullettino di archeologia cristiana (1865): 53-54· 83. ILCV 3681 = Supplementa Italica J vol. G. 1°412 = ICVR VIII. pp. but these did not furnish the results anticipated since the discovery concerned a pagan area. no. 380-83. Contrary to statements elsewhere: see. pp. (Paris. 1983). 6555: "Marcus Antonius Restitutus fecit ypogeu sibi et suis fidentibus in Domino. ICVR III. il vario grado di liberta dell'arte cristiana. p. "Scoperta di un antico sepolcreto cristiano nel terri- torio veliterno. Pergola. "Les cimetieres chretiens de Rome depuis leurs origines jusqu' au neuvieme siede: Le cas du 'praedium Domitillae' et de la catacombe homonyme sur la 'Via Ardeatina'" (These d'etat. 1901). e la legalira della medesima religione nel primo secolo verificate dalle recenti scoperte nel cemetero di Domitilla. in localira Solluna. 6555) compares this wording to 2 Cor. dei cemeteri. 179. "Le iscrizioni trovate nei sepolcri all'aperto cielo nella villa Patrizi.-B. Hermann." See G. 1:9: "non simus fidentes in nobis sed in deo qui suscitat mortuos. 1:14." Antiquites africaines 12 (197 8): 93-95. A. P. no. Gsell. Neue Inschriften zur historischen Landeskunde von Lydien und angrenzenden Gebieten J Denkschriften der Österreichischen Akademie der . Les mon- uments antiques de l'AlgerieJ vol. see the publication of these excava- tions by P. Ferrua (ICVR III. 1992). SEEING AND BELIEVING 82. 86. 88.-B. "Fouilles anciennes sur les necropoles antiques de Cher- chel. Leveau. CIL VI. 91. CIL VIII. La religion romaine dJAuguste aux AntoninsJ vol. 2 (Paris. Cf." 87. See G. 383 n. 345-46. 958s: text and commentary in Y Duval." Notizie degli scavi di antichita (r924): 34 1-53. S. 305-6.aise de Rome 58 (Rome. 9586. 66. 20737: "Monumentum Valeri Mercuri et Iulittes Iuliani et Quintilies Verecundes libertis libertabusque posteris- que eorum at religionem pertinentes meam hoc amplius in circuitum circa monumentum lati longi per pedes binos quod pertinet at ipsum monument(um). Histoire litteraire de l'Afrique chritienne: Depuis les origines jusquJa l'invasion arabeJ 7 vols. I (Paris. Aix-en-Provence. De Rossi. Collection de l'Ecole franc. 1982). De Rossi. 2 (Rome. Cf." 8 5. 19°1-23). 2:125-3°. for example. 5. ILCV 1179 = CIL VIII. 84. 398-400. Mancini. Cardinal Lavigerie did indeed undertake excavations in the zone in which the inscription was actually unearthed." Bullettino di archeologia cristiana ( 1865): 89-99. 89. G. and P. pp. "Le varie e successive condizioni di legalira. Mon- ceaux. esp. I. 90. 92. Loca Sanctorum Africae: Le culte des martyrs en Afrique du IVe au VIIe siedeJ vol. Boissier. pp.

719)." Milanges de I'Ecole franfaise de RomeJ Antiquiti l0S. CONVERSION AND BURIAL Wissenschaften. no. and ''L'eglise de Rome et le developpement des catacombes: Apropos de l'origine des cimetieres chretiens. . 77. necropole. 10. Rebillard. p." ibid. no. no. 93. 1959). 13 (= SEC 19 [1963]. no. 2 (1993): 975-1001. no. "Pagan-Christian Burial Practic- es. 1 (Vienna.. see E. see Johnson. On mixing of tombs. 1°9. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse." For an oudine of the question of Roman catacombs. "KOIMHTHRION et COEMETERIUM: Tombe. 2 (1997): 741-63. tombe sainte.

Pelagia was al ready a Christian catechumen in the text. then he brought the city of Baalbek/Heliopolis over to Chris- tianity. and the conversion of individuals. he even snatched away his (the devil's) prized disciple. By moving an infamous mime actress to accept baptism. the transformation of the ancient city. and the conversion of the foremost mime actress of an important city would have been an immense coup indeed. having presumably been signed with the cross while an infant. without any claims to exhaustiveness but with a focus on the Greek East. by that time. to top his trouble-making career. The opposition between church and stage remained a live issue weH into the sixth century despite the fact that. Further. the shows were patronized. the bishop has snatched his "last hope" away. The devil accuses the bishop of being aserial miscreant: first he converted thirty thousand Arab tribesmen. 4 CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE THE BAPTISM OF STAGE PERFORMERS IN LATE ANTIQUITY RICHARD LIM In the Lift 0/ St. Thus while narratives of the baptism of perform- . Nevertheless the author had good reasons for speaking through the devil in this way. the devil appears before Bishop Nonnus to remonstrate with hirn over his most recent deed. The devil's assessment may appear surprising at first. attended. Surely the conse- quences of the evangelization of thirty thousand Arabs and the population of an entire city outweigh those of the conversion of a single individual. the prima donna of the Antiochene stage. the author manages to capture in this one simple comment some of the most notable aspects of conversion and Christianization in late antiquity: the mission to barbarian peoples. the devil confesses. Pelagia (32). Interestingly. The public stage of late antiquity represents one of those conspicuous features of civic life that remained more or less impervious to Christianization. and now. This paper examines select late antique evidence for the baptism of stage performers as weH as Christian narratives of their conversion. and staffed by Chrisrians.

gradually allowed a Christian imprint to be placed on late antique society through the application of imperial authori- ty. With re- spect to the Roman spectacles. 312. Ramsay MacMullen has even cited the eventual disappearance of gladiatorial games in the early fifth century as the only decisive impact Christianity had on them. many other practices and institutions could stay. Roman urban administration . being in fact addressed to people who al ready participated to varying de- grees in a Christian identity.l The latter process." remains one of the central themes in the study of late antiquity. which has come to be termed "Christianization. While certain scholars have revised earlier narratives of decisive change and now emphasize continuity or slow adaptation. For emperots and elites.D. the nature of which continues to be debated among scholars. CHRISTIANIZATION. sacrifices. they speak more to the challenge of Christian- izing post-Constantinian Christian communities. CONVERSION. the old was not always bad. 3 The attitudes and actions of the emperors and the political elite remained critical to the success of Christianization. The emperors and the elite at court and in the ci ti es retained an interest in keeping the ancient system going even as elements of it were transformed or adapted to the needs of an increasingly Christianized society: while public sacrifices must go. The co operation of the Roman state in securing its progress was neither unconditional nor motivated by the same considerations held by ecclesiastical writers or which they attrib- uted to the imperial court. 4 The late antique city represents a prime opportunity for scholars to ex- amine the nature and scope of Christianization. given that it cannot just be equated with the suppression and disappearance of traditional prac- tices or institutions. Some scholars regard Christianization as a conflictual process involving mainly pagans and Christians. 2 But the survival and disappear- ance of certain forms of spectacles may not always provide the most mean- ingful standard by which to measure Christianization. and proceed to judge its progress according to the ability of Christians to defeat the re ar guards of the old religion in areas such as the status of the public cult. This by and large conforms to the triumphal narrative of late antique Chris- tians themselves. AND SECULARIZATION: THE CASE OF THE LATE ROMAN STAGE The conversion of Constantine in A. and priesthoods. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 85 ers appear to address the tensions between the pagan and Christian worlds. temples. the fun- damental premise regarding Christianization remains the same.

5 The Roman stage was never effectively Christianized in late antiquity for reasons that still await full investigation. The urban spectacles consisted mainly of circus. Cities were also the showcases of empire and proof that the Romans surpassed barbarians in achievement. it remained a cornerstone of the im- perial system in political. amphitheatrical. Among these. the most ubiquitous as well as the most enduring were the theatrical shows. In this respect. 7 Many ecclesiastical leaders still preferred to brand them as pagan but. they became voluptates designed to amuse the people. Rather than being ludi dedicated to the gods. Refinements in urban life. they could only effect incremental changes such as causing the emperors to ban public shows during important Chris- tian holidays.8 This paper adopts the position that the baptism of stage performers furnished late antique Christians with an occasion for debating with each other over what Christianization ought to mean. and the provision of large-scale entertain- ments made the ci ti es desirable pI aces in which to live despite drawbacks such as crowding. Once public sacrifices had been banned and the link between the games and pagan festivals severed. and theatrical games. even now. they could and did work to transform the mores of their own congregations and their documented predilection for the shows. . These more rigorist preachers advocated a set of behavior and beliefs thought to set the genuine Christian apart from the semi-Christian or crypto-pagan. the city represented the best that the Greco-Roman world had to offer. it remained astapie of civic and imperial entertainments and an ideological challenge to Christian- ity of the first order. and economic terms. Moreover. when faced with the contrary instinct of the political elite. But increasing attention is also being paid to the outlook of the local Christian communities or the preacher's audiences. Central to the definition and prestige of an ancient city was its provision of public entertainments. Christianization involved the slow molding of atti- tudes and habits of life through pastoral care. 6 Instead.86 SEEING AND BELIEVING grew out of centuries of experience and experimentation from the coopera- tion between central and civic elites. Roman public spectacles could be and were presented by the political elite as belonging to the saeculum. Historians. social. On the other hand. lavish amenities. so that the anti thesis between the church and the stage no longer reflects the conflict between Christians and pagans but one among Christians. often adopt the stance of Christi an writers and preachers who sought to persuade fellow Christians to live wh at they considered a more Christian way of life. neither explic- itly pagan nor Christian. recognizing that Chris- tianization involved a process of persuasion and negotiation over the mean- ing of a Christian identity.

In Roman law. EVIDENCE. secular world that was litde affected by Christianization. the stage could also be seen as the embodiment of the hostile. being subject to negotia- tions between the secular and ecclesiastical elites. they long suffered from the penalty of infamia in perpetuity and were seen as personae probosae. Significant mentions of the actual conversion and baptism of stage person- nel first appear in written sources during the late fourth century.9 Stage performers were the popular heroes of the profane. The antipathy between the Christian church and the civic stagehad become a commonplace by the fourth century. Augustine denied the sacraments to prostitutes. 14 As the Roman population graduaIly embraced Christianity. public performers. and "anyone else who promotes public turpitude. lO The age-old practice of assigning public performers the status of infames continued weIl into the Christian empire. In 393. unsympathetic pagan world that stubbornly resisted the Gospel. Hippolytus of Rome. performers were refused the sacrament of baptism. 12 This rigorist stance did not soften markedly in the post-Constantinian era. But for some Christians. elite pagan and Christian writers alike regarded the theater as essentiaIly amoral as weIl as a powerful source of corruption for those who attended it. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 87 THE CONVERSION OF STAGE PERFORMERS: BACKGROUND.15 This type of conversion was anything but straightforward. Actors who wished to be counted among the plebs Christiana were required by the ecclesiastical authorities to forsake their life in entertainment." alongside gladiators and pimpsY Ecclesi- astical canons from church councils also consistendy forbid baptized Chris- tians from practicing the theatrical arts. the rite of passage through which one passed into the fuIl Christian community. By the fourth century. unless they first abandoned their profession. rejected active stage performers as weIl as those who were currendy involved in the business of prostitution. as witnessed by the Liber Syroro- manusJ a textbook of legal instruction based upon a Greek original from around 475 Y Within the Christian church. in commenting on the screening of candidates for admission to the catechumenate. Various references in late Roman law codes and in a letter found among the spuria of Sulpicius Severus reflect evolving official attitudes regarding stage performers. after many collegia had been transformed by the state into involuntary and hereditary associations. particularly actresses. who wished to receive baptism. the children of parents involved in those public professions were required by law to take up their . the conver- sion of stage performers became a matter of public interest and discussion. AND KEY ISSUES Excepting a few apologists.

city supervisors.88 SEEING AND BELIEVING parents' metiers. former actors must not perform in public ever again. This reminds us that not all changes in such areas should be attributed to Christianization. he is not culpable for. com- pulsory service. 21 However. The writer also states that the young actor. In this one area. . they stipulated that baptism could only be granted to ac tors certified by their local bishops and curatores. to be near death. we can find an interesting tension between the official restrietions placed on the social mobility of members of certain professions and the prospect of greater social mobility promised by Christian conversion and baptism. of public stage performanceY The writer of the letter ar- gues that while the boy ente red the acting profession at a very young age. from the munus. Valens. inviolatatam existimationem. It is likely that the petition was granted. In order to avoid having no stage performers for the popular shows. who had recently been converted and baptized. 16 Stage performers were among those corporibus obligati whose social mobility was circumscribed because their service was deemed vital to the public interest. he ought to be allowed to perform a full purification (plena purgatio) by means of baptism. 19 Throughout the later fourth century. the emperors were aware that this might give undue encour- agement to scaenici to desert their obligatory profession by joining the ranks of the baptized. local officials were confronted with the question as to whether actors who had received deathbed baptism but who subsequently lived could be made to return to their former trade. renouatus sacro baptismate. the common fate of all public actors. 20 The political elite faced a difficult dilemma. His stage career is also a thing of the past. thereby making a blot on his early life (ut annorum suorum initia macularet). once baptized. and Gratian ruled that baptism was a potent sacrament that could not be trifled with and that. In an imperial rescript. Valentinian. The anonymous author of a pseudepigraphic letter of Sulpicius Severus urges the notables (primates. Diocletian and Maximian had issued a ruling that the minority of young performers constituted a mitigating circum- stance that spared them from being branded infames personae for the rest of their lives. being an infant. Now that the enlightened young man has come to see the life of the stage as a perverted one (inte!!exit uitam scenicam consilio meliore damnandam). has al ready pledged to avoid the theater and shun the public eye in the future. Already in 290. We do not know the outcome of the story. he has done wrong without knowl- edge. decuriones) of an African city to excuse a young actor. 18 Roman law had long provided for the protection of minors in matters of property and inheritance and this tetrarchie law extended this proteetion to humiliores by allowing young actors who no longer performed to be restored to respectable social standing. A similar situation prompted imperial legislation on several occasions.

the shortage of actresses and dancers becoming especially noticeable in Western cities. ut probabiles habeantu". the emperors aimed to ensure the proper discharge of the /unctiones publicaeJ foremost among which was the provision of voluptates for the people. By admitting only dying performers to baptism and in other laws forbidding members of this and other essential professions from deserting into the Christian clergy. proconsul of Africa. 27 As stated in the laws. 22 The situation on the ground added to the emperors' concern. Yet not every scaenica who left the stage led a life that met with the approval of the emperors. permits every actress who so petitions to be released from her duty. 23 Around 371. Gratian. They dared not deny baptism outright to a dying individual whose salvation depended on receiving the sacrament whilst alive. Many com- munities experienced difficulty in recruiting and retaining sta. The latter was a weighty consideration for the emperors. urban prefect of performers sufficient for their needs. The resulting dispute eventually reached the emperors. the authorities must judge whether former actresses could be made to return to stage service on the basis of their postbaptismal moral conduct. in 380. and Theodosius issued a law in which they note with displeasure that thynzelicae were being abducted from Rome to perform elsewhere. former male actors were reincorporated into society as respectable persons. Valentinian. 25 Imperiallegislation on performers from the Theodosian age onward man- ifests a concern over their moral as weIl as legal status. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 89 This law epitomizes the essential compromise upon which the political elite settled. certain individuals in Roman North Africa apparently took to compelling former members of the acting profession to go on stage. it dweIls insistently on the evil consequences that will result if she fails to follow this commitment through with appropriate actions. FinaIly. they did not want to provide an easy escape clause that would allow performers to forsake their nzunera to the detriment of the urban entertainments. . specifically whether they offered sexual favors for money. Neither would they flout the established ecclesiastical teaching forbidding a bap- tized Christian from participating in public performances. Interestingly. the same emperors instructed Anicius Paulinus. who ordered Julianus.26 Former actresses were also to be released from the praeiudiciunz that had hitherto adhered to them. While a law of 381 to Valerianus. to allow only women born into the acting profession "who appear to be living and to have lived a vulgar life in their manner of living and in their morals" to be press- ganged back into service. 24 A decade on. then urban prefect of Rome. that baptized scaenicae from the lower orders (ex viliori sorte) must not be forced to act again provided that they continued to exhibit a reformed way of life (nzelior vivendi USUS). in contravention of both ecclesiastical teaching and imperial law. In 380.

31 Given a dose connection between the Roman actress and prostitute. Leo I (457-68) forbids them from allowing a woman. furthermore. laws on prostitution have a bearing on our present discussion. SEEING AND BELIEVING without any scrutiny of their behavior after baptism. under threat of stiff penalties. a constitution of Justinian from 531 renders it unlawful for a master to prostitute a slave. 29 Public officials and masters of slaves who were engaged in the provision of ludi scaenici often applied pressure on individuals to go into or remain in service. 33 Given the entrenched legal right. This change resulted from a certain Christianization of the social mores and discourse of order of late antigue society. In 413. to be forced into participating in mime shows or dance performances as weIl in acts of prostitution. They hailed from the lower orders.28 I have suggested elsewhere that the background for this law was the peculiar and unsettled situation in Carthage following the Gothic sack of Rome in 4 10. there emerged a growing imperial interest in the fate of these socially and legally marginal women. 34 Later. being the "dregs" of society as one imperial law indelicately puts it. the emperors asked Dioge- ni anus . Such a discriminatory treatment of scaenicae might have had more to do with their perceived scarcity than with elite male views regarding the need of women for tutela. guaranteed by the Twelve Tables. a master would immediately lose his power over the slave through the commission of such an act. and the extensive rights a master held over a slave. The imperial rulings in this area . 30 Justinian reiterates the same principle in a later law: women must not be coerced into becoming or remaining performers. even to sell them into slavery. the tribunus voluptatum of Carthage. 35 In partial summary. Demands for urban entertainment sometimes caused public officials and emperors to reverse their usual policy of allowing performers to be baptized and hence excused from stage service. Both actress and pros ti tute served useful social functions and were essential to the overall welfare of Roman society. should this happen. in order to provide popular voluptates for the celebra- ti on of festal days. of the paterfamilias to dispose of family members in his power. whether slave or free. In a general law to local governors and bishops. A law of 428 forbids fathers and masters from selling daughters and female slaves into prostitution and threatens them with the loss of potestatis ius over the women. see that the law was properly carried out. substantial obstades stood in the way of stage per- formers who planned to receive baptism. they were often lumped together as disreputable persons (humilis abiectaque persona). to compel actresses and female mimes freed from their mztnus by former imperial annotations to return to service summa instantia. the law marks a signal departure from precedent.32 Yet from the mid-fifth century on. they could appeal to local governors and bishops who must.

These imperial laws regarding the baptism of performers suggest that the extent and limits of Christianization were a complex issue. and the performers themselves. In reading these works. imposed a doser scrutiny upon the moral conduct of former actresses. Further. Such narratives therefore furnished an opportunity for certain Christians to for- mulate a response to its perceived challenge. Ultimate- ly.36 As these passiones mostly share the same dramatic context-the enactment of the rite of baptism on the public stage-Werner Weismann and others have labeled the martyr . which continued to be a popular civic institution. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 91 normally recognize their right to baptism and hence retirement from the stage. no drama has emerged from this body of evidence that remotely rivals what late antique Christian texts would offer in connection with the baptism of stage performers. one that involved the different and often conflicting interests of the imperial and loeal elites. as what eedesiastical leaders had the most direct control over was the terms of entry for those who sought to become (full) members of the Christian community. discussed below. we need to take into account the broader context of the church's repeated failure to effect the suppression of the public stage. There are two main genres in wh ich this theme features prominently: the martyrology of (mostly male) stage performers and the hagiography of (mostly female) penitent actor-saints. ecdesiastical leaders. Martyrology 0/ Actor-Saints The Acta Sanctorum contains a number of martyrologies of stage performers who purportedly lived during late antiquity. Even so. on occasion. an otherwise individual decision might have given rise to a public drama of sorts. THE CONVERSION OF STAGE PERFORMERS IN THE CHRISTIAN TRADITION The evidence of imperial and ecdesiastical legislation reviewed above shows that the baptism of stage performers involved certain negotiations among the elite and that. the imperial authorities allowed everyone who so wished the ability to receive baptism but. the rite of baptism became a central feature in defining the relationship between the Christian chureh and the theater and its personnel. The burgeoning elite interest in supervising the morality of women from the humiliores represents a new twist that is an unintended consequence of the historical developments we have deseribed as well as the universalizing tendency of Christian moral discourse. as part of the compromise.

the story exhibits God's mercy and power to effect conversions even among the most daring satirists of His church. the author calls hirn "the Most Blessed Porphyry" (2." narrates the story of a second- century stage performer from Ephesus. dated by its editor to the ninth century. Genesius. The usual context for the conversion and martyrdom of the so-called Tau/mimus is a civic performance in which pagan mimes enact Christian baptism and which then results in the dramatic and miraculous conversion of the stupidus} the mime immersed by his fellows in the baptismal font. others as presbyters.37 The passio of yet another mime. 41 To stress this point. according to our narrator. A review of the first two martyrologies cited will suffice to reveal the normal shape of these accounts. the story speaks to the nature of the baptismal sacrament.2). p. SEEING AND BELIEVING figure they represent as a Tau/mimus} connecting hirn especially with Syria and Palestine. suggest the wide- spread popularity of this story-type. 271. the narrator refers to the person who acted out the role of the baptizing bishop as "the bishop of actresses and not Chris- tians" (2. p. psalmists. and lectors. The mimes act out the skit in accordance with the rituals of the church. That baptism is a valid and efficacious rite even with- . 270). Recruited by a comes named Alex- ander to entertain the citizens of Caesarea on the civic stage. In addition. who was martyred in Cappadocian Caesarea. 38 The passio of St. the Holy Spirit descends upon hirn and he receives a genuine baptism. At that instant. In one such passio} a mime called Porphyry receives martyrdom in Cappadocian Caesarea under Aurelian following his public conversion to Christianity. go es through the rite of baptism at the hands of his fellow mimes and is thrown into the water in the best slapstick tradi- tion. aland famous for its mime and pantomime shows. From that moment onward.40 The mime troupe dons the garb of the Christian clergy: one appears as abishop. p. also shows a closely parallel structure to that of Por- phyry. set in 297.31-32). Gelasius or Gelasinus of Baalbek/Heliopo- lis. p. so resembles that of Porphyry that a common source has been suggested for both of them. still in jest. 271. Porphyry hirnself plays the role of the catechumen preparing to receive baptism. the Holy and Glorious Martyr of Christ.39 The copious intertextual references and similarities in these passiones} in which one saint easily assimilates the traits of another. deacons. The Lift 0/ Porphyry the Mime} which the Greek titulus introduces as the "Witness (/lOP'tUPlOV) of Porphyrius. making the "Mystery of the Christians" an object of mockery and laughter before the assembled citizens (2. Porphyry and his troupe stage a skit calculated to bring laughter to that particular audi- ence (2. The anti- Christian Tau/mimus has become a Christian while acting out a skit de- signed to mock Christian beliefs! Indeed. Porphyry. 270).

27-274. Porphyry. including Apollo. and all the other gods. who was martyred during the reign of a certain Maxi- mus Licinianius. the deuteros in a mime troupe. Gelasinus emerges from the water and is clothed in the white 'garb of the recently baptized.I4). on account of which Porphyry receives his crown of martyrdom as punishment. 673. surveying these statues. The stone agalmata promptly fall off their bases and 'are dashed to pieces. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 93 out the involvement of a properly consecrated priest was a theological issue that was debated and decided upon during the disputes regarding the treat- ment of the lapsi. Urged on by the local priest of Apollo. Everyone is still laughing when he . A bull having been introduced into the theater. p. p. In the event-this being a Christian narrative- the priest of Apollo utterly fails in the task even after he has called upon not only Apollo. p. 274. having accepted baptism. I5-I9).3-I I). pp. another Tau/mimus. invokes the Trinity one more time to destroy the idols by making them fall to the ground (9. The author describes a chorus of angelic voices filling the theater and the city. Porphyry. to the great astonishment of the thronging crowds (3. Porphyry prays to the east. Count Alexanderhrings Porphyry back into the theater for a test (6. 271. The statue of Apollo lands on the head of his hapless priest and kills hirn. Inside the theater are statues of the gods. Yet martyrdom follows triumph as the devil moves the comes to deny what he has just witnessed. began to don the white robes of the baptized' within the theater itself. 43 His story is recounted in the sixth century by John Malalas at the end of book I2 of his Chronographia.26). 44 Gelasinus. particularly in the course of the Donatist controversy. Porphyry's conversion arises from a marvelous vision that he and others in the theater received. After he has been thrown into the large baptismal font. This newly bap- tized group then proceeds to the Christian church of the city and is only there received by the bishop (4. A far briefer story is told regarding Gelasinus of Baalbek/Heliopolis. swiftly raises the bull to life by invoking the Holy Trinity in a lengthy prayer and thereby wins this miracle test (6.34- 273. and Aphrodite. 272. but also Ares. But more is to come. 272.I5-3I).42 In the text. The bull will be slain and both parties will then essay to bring it back to life by invoking the names of their respective divine patrons. Artemis. performs a mock baptismal scene before the citizenry of a city famed for its theater and cult. Asclepius. others in the audience are likewise so im- pressed by this epiphany that many. the priest explains that they will stage a contest to see whether the Christian God is more powerful than the traditional deities. pp. Kron~s. The spatial movement from theater to church parallels the symbolic passage from an old form of life to a new one. on the other hand. toward Christ and the angelic hosts.

hagiographie accounts of converted performers deal with more subtle issues linked to the rite of baptism and the meaning of the sanctified life. Christians and pagans. in one of his Homilies on the Gospel 0/ Matthew. For I have just beheld the fearful power of God in my baptism and I will die a Christian. the entire audience becomes enraged and. these ac counts retain their relevance in a Christianizing society where real pagans. Hagiography 0/ Penitent Actresses While the passiones of Tau/mimi highlight and reify the implacable divide between the Christian and pagan worlds. With the various acta. other. 45 lohn Chrysostom. especially of stage performers. saying: "I am a Christian. Pelagia. describes how a certain unnamed prostitute (1topvrj). These narratives are therefore highl y unrealistic in that they depict a kind of eschatological conversion so prominent in early Christian accounts. Often one finds litde or no involvement of the Christian clergy and church. The parodies of Christian rites would appear to be a natural extension of the traditional practice of mocking the Mysteries on stage. by. Baptism in these stories serves as the key plot device that moves the individuals along an inexorable and curtailed career from mocking outsider to baptized Christian to martyr. " Upon this declaration. were increasingly difficult to come. the authors of these texts spare themselves the task of oudining the challenges of living out a Christian way of life in the post- Constantinian world. they belong in terms of narrative genre to the same family as the Acts 0/ the Apostles. One of the most famous lives from this tradition is connected with the figure of St. stones hirn to death. The historical veracity of the passiones of actor-saints aside. a former mime-actress of Antioch. and they dramatize these oppositions by pitting the civic stage against the Christian church.94 SEEING AND BELIEVING addresses the entire audience. the apocryphal acts and accounts of martyrdoms. In this manner. persecuted Chris- tianity and persecuting paganism. who . particularly amidst the carnavalesque atmosphere of festivals. Neither are there many discernible traces of pre. They reveal litde ab out the complexities of actual conversions. By killing off the converted performers so quickly and expediendy. obstinate magistrates. in la te antiquity. miraculous conversions.or postbaptismal catechesis (a subject that we will take up later on). these martyr- ologies of actor-saints share the premise that the world remains divided between Christ and the old gods. let alone persecut- ing pagans. having dragged hirn from the theater. The two are thereby represented as irreconcilable communities such that membership in one bars a person from the other. most of which feature miracles. and martyrdom.

CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 95 also used to perform on the public stage. 51 Nonnus. Nonnus. has been summoned by the metropolitan bishop of Antioch. the bishops and the Antiochene congregation gather at the Martyrium of St. the foremost mime actress of the city- bejeweled. 50 The story in its present multiform state might have arisen as early as the fifth or sixth centuries. 700) as the earlier extant text." as well as on the Syriac text of Bedjan. Julian where the visiting bishops also hap- pen to be staying.53 This seductress is Margarito. 49 The extensive manuscript traditions of the Vita Pelagiae have been studied with care by Pierre Petitmengin and other scholars. the staunch defenders of the morality of Christian communities.52 This may help explain why a visiting bishop. perfumed. It is rather tempting to conjecture that the historical figure behind the latter is the Porphyry described by Palladius as being a lover of luxury. the "Pearl. N onnus turns to inquire of his fellow bishops whether they have been seduced by her beauty. has been cast in the primary role with respect to the conversion of Pelagia. In my discussion. and sumptuously turned out-appears at the scene and overcomes everyone present with the radiance of her beauty. a character never named in the story. who regard the Syriac manu- script (c. the one who excelled all in wantonness. encoun- ter enables the author to show how the temptations of the world affect even bishops. something to which his colleagues are at first reluctant . In any event. on the Saturday of the week before Easter. the fictive narrator of the vita! sets the stage for the encounter between Nonnus and Pelagia in Antioch one week before Eas- ter. converted to Christianity and forsook her former way of life: "Did you not hear how that prostitute. The Story as Told J acob the Deacon. the so-called "harlot-saint. the figure we will be examining was a female mime and/or a prostitute in Antioch. I will mainly draw on the Greek manuscripts from the tradition that Petitmengin has labeled "Group y . together with other bishops. 54 She is also a courtesan. the hero and main protagonist of the Vita Pelagiae! marvels at her also and be comes so saddened by her condition that he begins to pray to God to change her ways. Quite by chance. Pelagia. Indeed. "48 Among the several saint Pelagias known to the tradition. a fact that comes to light later in the narrative." the most renowned and desired female performer of Antioch. otherwise extraneous. containing many of the most ancient elements. surpassed all in piety?"46 These and other examples show God's ability to work paradoxical miraclesY The un- named prostitute of this story most likely formed the basis of the later traditions surrounding St. this first. 55 Nonnus.

as a result. exclaims that three happy results will ensue: "It will please Christ. being of the world. On the following day. Pelagia then sends her servants to seek the bishop after the homily and herself pleads with Nonnus to baptize her forthwith. giving his hearty assent. Nonnus' sermon ad populum moves Margarito to the point that a torrent of tears streams out of her eyes as she listens to the bishop's words. I am Satan's evil snare: he set me and through me he has caught many people for destrucrion . rooted in the permanence of Heavenly Jerusalem. for as she groaned out aloud. to the all ures of earthly temptations that are by nature. I am a prostitute. she was greatly moved and her conscience was pricked: tears poured down as she sobbed. . she who never used to come to church. the Greek MS Group y omits these comments and. has all of a sudden come to penitence. Nonnus is asked by the bishop of Anti- och to preach to the people in the Great Church of Antioch. "58 Nonnus then seeks permission from the bishop of Antioch to baptize Pelagia. have pity on me a sinner. who had never paid the slightest attention to her sins. a Sunday. The metropolitan.. SEEING AND BELIEVING to admit. She. As he beg ins a homily on the final judgment and the eternal hope of the saints. never having previously entered a church despite the fact that she has long been a catechumen. In the Syriac version. and it will edify the entire . gives a more subtle meaning to Pelagia's spiritual transformation. Here the Syriac text significantly diverges from the Group y manuscripts in that it describes Margarito as being instantly transformed and afterward making a public show of her repentance. and amid heavy sighs she recalled all her sins.. Marga- rito arrives with her retinue of slaves. "Ir really is the sinful woman. people were telling each other. all of a sudden has had her mind turned to religion and to prayer as a result of the divine words she has heard from the mouth of the holy bishop Nonnos."56 In contrast. I quote from Sebastian Brock and Susan Harvey's translation from the Syriac: . and she's been con- verted by the teaching of the God-loving and holy bishop Nonnos. Nonnus then confesses to having himself been aroused by the sight of Pelagia and then proceeds to preach on the superiority of Christian virtues. 57 Her confession captures the ideological significance of the penitent actress to the Christian tradition: "I beg you. She was groaning so much over her life as a prostitute that the congregation became aware of her emotions. . Everyone recognized her as the city's famous playgirl. impermanent. a disgusting stone upon which many people have tripped up and gone to perdition.

to ci te but one example. Indeed. the Greek text of Group 'Y contains a rather lengthy ac count of Pelagia's elaborate preparation for baptism. have proved just as fascinating for scholars today as they have been for pious Christian readers through the centuries. as it can indeed be attested in early modern Spain. thereby ad- dressing an important tension within a Christianizing society. both insist on a strict division between the sanctified or Christianized aspects of life and those that remain secular or unsanctified/unsanctifiable."59 His artic- ulated hopes are exceeded in the Syriac text. which she receives a week after her repentance or conversion. scholars have returned to the lives of female penitents. with the rise in interest in late antique female spiri- tuality. A few decades ago. the Vita Pelagiae is commonly read alongside the lives of other har- lot-saints as a text about female asceticism and spirituality. which assume the reality of perse- cution and a sharply dichotomized world featuring a pagan majority and a Christian minority. Yet both the transvestism and the ascetic career of Pelagia are minor. Analysis Comparison between the martyrologies of actor-saints and hagiographies of penitent actresses may be made on several levels. 61 But it is the function of this narratival development that con- cerns us most here. to the Mount of Olives. including those of actresses. But since texts of both genres in fact come from the post-Constantinian era. with new and interesting questions. Nonnus appoints Romana. A facile juxtaposition of the two suggests that the martyrologies. as Pelagia's spiritual mother to help her through the catechesis and prepare for baptism. Hagiographie accounts of female penitents. al- though the two genres differ greatly in their specific emphases. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 97 church. Today. After she has been duly baptized and received into the church. as weIl as bring salvation to the life of this prostitute. for many of Pelagia's former associates also repent and abandon their former careers as prostitutes. On the other hand. such as Mary the Egyptian and Pelagia of Antioch. chief deaconess of the church of Antioch. 60 The journey from the public stage to the cloistered community of the monastery is not an apriori implausible event. even peripheral and . such an analysis cannot be accepted. this detail is omitted in the Greek. express Christian concerns from the time of persecutions while the hagiographies of penitent actresses speak to issues relevant to the post-Constantinian age. 62 More recently. the theme of cross-dressing and gender inversion became a topic of scholarly investiga- tion. Pelagia makes her way to Jerusalem. where she lives out her life as an ascetic disguised in male garb.

and the Lift 0/ MarylMarinus. which for Michel Dujarer represents the "Golden Age" of the catechumenate as an institution. adjuncts of the main story. This becomes apparent when these aspects are placed within the larger context of the work. Hippolytus of Rome outlined a program of catechetical instruction and prebaptismal preparation that required some three years to complete. Nonnus rather than Pelagia features so much as the central protag- onist of the Vita Pelagiae that for the sake of accuracy the work ought perhaps to be renamed Acta Nonni. the Vita Pelagiae appears as a dramatization of the process whereby a catechumen became a baptized Christian in any late antique city. 66 The church of Alexandria appears to have had a similarly elaborate catechetical system at that time. the transformation of an individual sinner holding a nominal Christian identity into a baptized Christian was often a more elusive prize. Placed within this context. the ascetic life of the heroine serves as the central theme of the story. only earnest . While the wholesale conversion of barbarian tribes and Roman cities. The work focuses upon the issues related to catechumens and baptism within an urban community rather than the practice of desert asceticism. Given the threat of sporadic persecutions and the length of the catechesis. 65 In contrast. which indeed informs other works such as the Lift 0/ Mary the Egyptian J63 one of the Vita PelagiaeJs ancient competitors. 64 The priorities of the author of the Vita Pelagiae are also clearly revealed in the relative lengths of the sections. The narrative transformation of Margari to to Pelagia through the agency of Nonnus speaks to what some Christi an leaders with pastoral concerns regarded as the paramount challenge of their day: the sanctification of the large number of catechumens. chapters 1-42 deal with the events that transpire in Antioch (ending with Pelagia's disappearance from the city eight days after her baptism) and only chapters 43-5 I are connected with her career as an ascetic. Whereas in the many biographies of female ascetics. the Vita Pelagiae treats Pelagia's postbaptis- mal career in Jerusalem in a perfunctory way. might be taken for granted in Christian triumphalist narratives. In the modern chapter divisions of the work. the ascetic career of the heroine becomes the focus of the narrative al ready by chapter 4 (of twenty-one) in the Lift 0/ Maryl Marinus. CATECHUMENS AND BAPTISM IN LATE ANTIQUITY During the third century. which the author of the Vita Pelagiae attributes to Nonnus. observing it from the distant perspective of the narrator J acob. SEEING AND BELIEVING incidental.

many who became "Christians" postponed their baptism as late as possible. often had to commit acts regarded as sinful for a baptized Christian to perform. chose to put off baptism as long as possible since. 69 Salient aspects of patristic preaching from this time may be traced to such an attempt at persuasion. First. the length of prebaptismal catechesis was shortened significantly. an emphasis on the immediacy and terror of the final judgment. few nonreli- gious incentives existed for catechumens to become baptized Christians. Gregory of N yssa. and the heightened mystery surrounding the sacrament of the Eucharist. The conversion of Constantine and the establishment of Christianity as a religio licita introduced two new developments. This phenomenon became a noted feature of post-Constan- tinian Christianity until the practice of infant baptism gained in impor- tance. Christian leaders-who often themselves did precisely that earlier in their lives-opposed it. Notable figures such as Basil of Caesarea. may be seen as responses to the phenomenon of delayed baptism. in their capacity as magis- trates. and new career opportunities. a rite denied to catechumens. 67 Second. Ambrose of Milan. patronage. rulers. 70 Yet neither moral exhortations nor threats produced the full desired effect in the short term. or so it was believed. to quote Eric RebiHard. an important consideration for elite males who. These developments may be seen as the unintended consequences of the increasing influx of converts into a church that was transformed from a persecuted institution to a privileged one that could dispose of legal priv- ileges. and ] ohn Chrysostom exhorted Christians to put themselves up for baptism earlier rather than later. Since most of these worldly benefits accrued to baptized Christians and catechumens alike. The suggestion that deathbed baptisms are highl y risky. Postponing baptism until the end of one's life also enabled more of one's sins to be wiped clean."68 While the practice of delaying baptism appeared prudent and attractive from the point of view of the catechumens. when August- ine refused deceased catechumens burial in sanctified burial ground con- trolled by the church in spite of intense appeals. sometimes until their deathbeds. Thus many. . "Le bapteme exige du chretien une telle perfeetion que beaucoup choisiraient de le differer jusqu' au moment OU ils se sentiraient capables de respecter les engagements demandes. his decision stemmed from the same concern. most famously Con- stantine himself. A catechumen could avoid the stigma of being a pagan as weH as defer the strenuous demands placed on a baptized Christian. Likewise. and military leaders. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 99 and sincere individuals would have aspired· to seek baptism.

71 In many of his Antiochene exegetical and catechetical homilies. aperiod of fasting and penitence that emerged in the fourth century. Nor was he even a Jew-and we know that there were plenty of judaizing Christians in Antioch at the time. The period of prebaptismal preparation was drasticall y compressed in the fourth century. was not a pagan. they are not citizens of the same city. the roof of their house-nothing is the same. While he rarely discusses the precise nature of the catechumens' theological standing. This process was for- malized to include the following elements. 75 Cyril (or John) of Jerusalem's Mystagogical Catecheses! delivered to the already baptized as part of the postbaptismal catechesis. everything in heaven for the other. 73 It may safely be assumed that many among this preacher's audience would have demurred. Christ is the king for one. later fourth century. 74 In the mid. after all. which equates the difference between the baptized and catechumens with that between human beings and animals. he tries to make the catechumens in the audience realize that their present status is not tenable for the long term and that indeed they are not true members of the community of Christ. The pilgrim Egeria witnessed a seven-week catechesis in Jerusalem. We may surmise that Chrysostom advanced this doubtless controversial position partly to motivate catechumens to accept baptism as so on as possible. A catechumen. 200 does not link baptism with Easter.raa SEEING AND BELIEVING Among those who urged catechumens to prepare for baptism as soon as possible was John Chrysostom. 76 John Chrysostom prepared catechumens for baptism in a mere thirty to forty days during February and April. Food. They do not have. catechu- mens were receiving "crash course" catecheses that lasted only thirty to fifty days. whose priestly duty in Antioch from 386 to 398 was to prepare catechumens for baptism. describes a forty-day penitential prepa- ration leading up to baptism. the same master. table. While the (probably Antiochene) Didascalia Apostolorum from c. clothing. sin and the devil king for the other. most catechumens in the later fourth century prepared for baptism during the four weeks of Lent (the Quadragesima) and received baptism around Easter. A duration of two to three years appears to have been the norm in the pre-Constantinian period. They were then examined by the clergy for their suitability to . Everything is of the world for one."72 This theme is repeated in his Homily on the Gospel 0/ Matthew! another Antiochene work. In one of his Antiochene Homilies on the Gospel 0/ John! he draws the contrast with rather stark language: "The catechumen is for the faithful an alien person. he unequivocally distinguishes them from the baptized. they do not have the same father. 77 This abridged baptismal preparation became closely associated with the observance of Lent. Candidates first had their names inscribed on a list of those seeking baptism in a solemn ritual at the begin- ning of Lent.

and all such vanity. The baptismal vow defined the ideal outlook of the baptized Christian. and his pomps. Since the ecclesiastical authorities expected a high degree of moral transformation of baptized Christians. The notion of defection from Satan is emphasized in the Vita Pelagiae when the devil appears to accuse Pelagia of betraying her former master. The catechesis continued for one week after Easter. in theological terms. The Apostolic Constitutions gives the typical formula: "I renounce Satan. Tertullian associated the pompa Diaboli in the baptismal vow with the spectacula put on in Roman cities. "78 With its renunciation of Satan and adhesion to Christ. He does so in On Idolatry and Against the Spectacles to establish a legal premise for arguing that the baptized could not claim the right to continue to attend the shows (which he said they were in the habit of claiming) since they had sworn to reject the pompa/ spectacula. Ir is noteworthy that the catechumen was. In their newly baptized state. anim"al hunts. The shortened catechesis coincided with a greater expression of anxiety over the postbaptismal behavior of those who made ready for baptism in just over a month. Central to the baptismal vow is the renunciation of the devil and all his pomp.s and renounced Satan wirh a formula of abjuration. circus races. After having sworn baptismal vow. the candidates attended sermons and were exorcised by the clergy on a daily basis. At the very end of the second century. the baptismal rite thereby satisfies one of the demands that Arthur Darby Nock placed on a genuine conversion: that it involve the transformative belief that the old is bad and the new is good. Throughout Lent. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE ror receive baptism. and his works. they then participated in the Eucharist for the first time. regarded as still living within the domain of Satan and that only the baptized was seen as an adherent of Christ. Tertullian's lead was followed by many. during which the newly baptized returned to church to hear daily expositions on the meaning of the sacrament--these were the so-called mystagogical catecheses. and his angels. addressing the cat- echumens preparing for baptism as folIows: The pomp of the Devil is the mania for the theater. Cyril (or John) of Jerusalem reiterates Ter- tullian's equation of the pompa Diaboli with the games. and his service. and his inventions. they sought to introduce into the baptismal rite elements that would reinforce the separation be- tween the ethos of the catechumen and that of the baptized. and all things that are under hirn. they were admitted to baptism the day before Easter. In the Mystagogical Catecheses. from which the holy one prays to . One of the consistently emphasized themes is the need to alter one's previ- ous inclination to view the public spectacles.

"Avert my eyes lest they be hold vanity. saying. the lewd and unseemly antics of actors and the crazed dancing of degenerate men [he then denounces the amphitheater and the circus as weIl}. I shall not administer the sacraments to hirn nor allow hirn to come into contact with the holy altar. Those who were baptized assumed the duty to abide by stricter norms in part so as not to scandalize other Christians and provide outsiders such as lews and polytheists with apretext to criticize the faith. . Any one who could not or did not wish to adhere to this moral code. . I shall not welcome hirn within these [the church's} walls." Do not become readily addicted to the theater. Chrysostom threatened those who might still be tempted to attend the theater on Christian holy days: Indeed I predict and pro claim with a clear voice that if someone after this exhortation and teaching should run out to the wicked destruction of the theater. Toward the end of a later Constantinopolitan sermon against the spectacles. but let hirn be reproached by you and be an enemy to all. 82 Many were the requirements of this new postbaptismal Christian life. And so let no one out of those who remain in the midst of the same fornication come into the church. make note of hirn and do not associate with hirn [2 Thess. ought to refrain from receiving baptism in the first place. went freely to the theater to gaze upon the immoral spectacle put on by seductive actresses. in which [one finds} the spectacle of the licentiousness. . 81 He noted that Christians of all types. the Roman penchant for the public spectacles represented one of the most visible out ward signs of the unsanctified life prior to baptism.102 SEEING AND BELIEVING God to be liberated. If anyone does not obey our instruction in this letter. 80 This was not an idle concern for apparently many Christians chose to attend the races and the theater during the weeks before Easter and. Chrysostom advised. according to Chrysostom. 3: 14}. The renunciation of a highly successful career on the stage would have been seen as a radical and difficult choice. 79 lohn Chrysostom explicitly incorporated admonitions against attendance at the spectacles in his prebaptismal catechesis from Antioch. The concern over the moral conduct of baptized Christians . old and young. 83 The Vita Pelagiae addresses these concerns about baptism and the status of the catechumens in a memorable way. For some Christians. Flee the circus games. the mad spectacle that perverts the souls! For all these are the pomp of the Devil. yet Pelagia did not hesitate to renounce the pompa Diaboli with her words and deeds. even on the day of Easter itself.

CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 103 also finds expression in the vita. Pelagia instructed her servants to dissipate her wealth by donating it to the church for distribution to the poor. While many late antique catechumens must have thought long and hard about whether they should enroll for baptism. the decision of Pelagia to undergo baptism is not presented as the result of deliberation. From the self-indulgent sinfulness of an acclaimed actressl courtesan to the self-denying sanctity of a "male" ascetic: Pelagia's spiritual transformation could not have been more complete. weighing in their minds the pros and cons of such a choice. This connection be- tween proper almsgiving to the poor and repentance is a theme repeatedly emphasized by late antique preachers such as ] ohn Chrysostom. Pelagia . the story of Pelagia's radical transformation may be read as a calcu- lated effort to persuade ordinary Christians of the importance of changing one's behavior after baptism. cited in the Vita PelagiaeJ that no courtesan might enroll as a candidate for baptism unless she had a sponsor (or a godparent) who would vouch for the sincerity of her decision and her com- mitment to a reformed life. Concerns over just such backsliding could have prompted the requirement. Pelagia decamped qui- edy for the Mount of Olives. yet their determination to receive mar- tyrdom afterwards speaks to the authenticity of their conversion. We have already seen how some baptized actresses returned to their careers on stage despite ecclesiastical and imperial regula- tions forbidding this practice. 85 But even ordinary Christians with ordinary lives often failed to live up to the standards expected of the baptized. Here the author editorializes to emphasize the need to ensure that donated funds earmarked for the poor actually go to the poor and do not become diverted to other purposes or simply rest within the church. There appears no hint of hesitation even though the impact of her decision proves nothing short of life-changing. particularly at a time when prebaptismal preparation took litde over a month. 84 After remaining in Antioch for just over a week. At issue was the authenticity of the decisions of those who sought bap- tism. The emphasis on the decisive and even miraculous quality of the spiritual transformation that produced actor/actress-saints serves to under- score the authenticity of the individual conversions. The postbaptismal conduct of Pelagia set a high standard that most Christians could not and probably did not want to meer. The reality was more often otherwise. Many a late antique bishop would have prayed that all his baptized Christians could have been as serious about their baptism even if he might not have wished for too many of his flock to become desert ascetics overnight. where she took up the ascetic life in the guise of a male monk. The passiones depict the Tau/mimi as pagan illusion-makers who were immediately and truly bap- tized against their personal wishes. In this respect.

and therefore authentie and genuine. But such a not ion of conversion must be seen within the context of the late antique debate ab out what being a Christian should mean in terms of participation in public life. and desires. that the true Christian identity (as embodied in the status of a baptized Christian) in- volves a radical rupture with the ways of the world and requires a visible change in one's former habits. The new Christian attitudes toward the theater and its personnel mark. Fascination with the implications of this suppos- edly very radical shift in these women's moral careers fired the imagination of writers in the fifth and sixth centuries. in certain key respects. The solicitude for the fate of the actress cum prostitute in the Vita Pelagiae and the confidence in her ability to redeem herself in the eyes of God and men find echoes in the tone of nearly contemporary imperial legislation. adeparture from classical elite attitudes. a baptized Christian. baptized Christians had no trouble justifying how their new identity was compatible with their previous habits and actions. 88 The extent to which the theater had become a secular-that is. defends himself by saying that his attendance at the theater has nothing to do with idolatry and everything to do with wanting to be made to laugh. the transformation is described as instant and unplanned. From the time of Tertullian to that of Jacob of Sarugh (and beyond). thoughts. Certainly her post- baptismal career serves to confirm this impression. There came to be an interest in the moral standing not only of the spectators but of the performers themselves. including attending the theater. neither pagan nor Christian-institution in the wider public discourse has to be recog- nized and taken into consideration when examining Christian narratives about the conversion or baptism of performers. so that John . it was popularly accepted that stage performers and courtesans represented the antithesis of Christian holy persons. 86 It reinforces the attractive notion. While not exactly a miracle. The dramatic tale of the transformation of a secular "pop star" into a Christian heroine offers ample opportunity for extolling ascetic virtues and Christian ideals of social and sexual conduct. for many Christian preachers and writers at least. THE REHABILITATION OF STAGE PERFORMERS IN A CHRISTIAN EMPIRE In the sixth century. 87 An imaginary interlocutor in one of J ac ob of Sarugh's sermons denouncing the stage. SEEING AND BELIEVING is described as having been moved to repent of her former life by the preaching of Nonnus. particularly when they quit compulsory stage ser- vice by means of baptism.

to be raised by Imperial indulgence to the status of men who are born free. We should seem to be unworthy of pardon Our- selves were We to fai! to act in this manner with reference to those subject to our empire. should be corrected by a display of proper moderation. and. but former actressesl courtesans also appeared in the retinue of Severus of Antioch. the critic and opponent of J ustinian and Theodora. and bring us to a better condition. abandoned their infamous occupation (inhonestam professionem) and obtairted better repute (mefiorem sententiam). and after- wards having become disgusted with this degraded status (mafa condicione). For We believe that the benevolence of God. they have chosen to be guilty of dishonor- able conduct (indignam honore conversationem). taking this into consideration. so that. be placed in the same position as if they had never been slaves. Not only was Empress Theodora. (I) Therefore. The language is so remarkable that the law is quoted below at some length: Believing that it is a peculiar duty of Imperial beneficence at all times not only to consider the convenience of Our subjects. but also to attempt to supply their needs. accept Our repentance. but were freeborn. they may the more readily abandon the improvi- dent and disgraceful choice of life which they have made. whose career is discussed below. We have determined that the errors of women (lapsus mufierum) on ac count of which. and His exceeding clemency towards the human race. should be imitated by Us (as far as Our nature will permit). 90 Yet here I wish to focus on the ideological responses to the rehabilitation of actresses and how these re- sponses embody changes that signal the advent of a Christian empire. and they should by no means be de- prived of the hope of an improvement of status. through the weakness of their sex (imbeciffitate sexus). praetorian prefect of the East from 521 to 522. 89 Penitent actresses in particular figured largely in public affairs during the reign of Justinian. should have no hope of . who is always willing to pardon the sins daily committed by man. by the effect of an Imperial privilege of this kind. I will begin by considering a well-known law that directly addresses these issues. Justin issued a fex generafis to Demosthenes. Hence. as it would be unjust for slaves. a former actress.91 that speIls out how penitent actresses ought ·to be treated. and that women who had devoted them- selves to theatrical performances (scaenicis fudis immiscuerunt). to whom their liberty has been given. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 105 of Ephesus thought it especially noteworthy that a spiritual Antiochene couple masqueraded as a male mime and a female prostitute to hide their saintly way of life.

taking their cue from Procopius. it is the imputation that she was also a flamboyant prostitute that should attract our suspicion. In time.106 SEEING AND BELIEVING obtaining any benefit from the Emperor.95 Allegedly ungifted in music and dancing. his scandalous description of Theodora's involvement in prostitution has been rightly called into ques- tion. 97 Still there is litde doubt regarding Theodora's former career as a mime actress. having deserted their evil and disgraceful condition. have tended to read this law as an ad hominem piece of legislation occasioned by Justinian's marriage to a former actress. by the present most mer- ciful law. as it were. and. they shall be permitted to petition Us to grant them Our Divine permission to contract legal marriage when they are unquestionably worthy of it . who had the power to place them in the condition in which they could have remained. the mother put her several children on the stage as they came of age. According to Procopius. A far from hostile contemporary author described her as "formerly shameless but later chaste. and conduct themselves honorably. if they had never been guilty of dishonorable acts. restored to the condition in which they were born. including indecent exposure and lewd performances on the stage. they em- brace a more proper life. For women of this kind having been purified from all blemishes (mac- ttla) . First. According to the Secret History! these perfor- mances were linked direcdy with the offer of sexual favors for money. 93 After the death of her father..92 There are two main provisions in this enactment that are also found in the section De nttptiis in Justinian's Code. Historians.. an animal keeper for the Greens. her mother remar- ried to a bear keeper for the animal shows. We desire that no disgraceful epithet (vocabttlttm inhonestam) be applied to them. a repentant female performer is to be granted full rehabilitation as if she had never been a scaenica.96 Someone with this kind of past was clearly unsuited for the role of empress. We. she resorted to other means to entertain her audience."98 . The marriage of Justinian and Theodora took place during the reign of Justin when Justinian was a patrician. the future empress hailed from a family connected with urban entertainment. and that no difference shall exist between them and those who have never committed a similar breach of morality (pec- caverttnt). Theodora assumed the roles of mime actress as well as prostitute (E'taipa). Theodora. second. But since Procopius's principal aim was to shock and outrage his readers with the sordid past of an empress he loathed. 94 When it came to her turn. grant them this Imperial benefit under the condition that where. she should no longer be referred to as actress or even ex-actress.


These speculations went beyond Theodora's reputation to the legitimacy
of the dynasty. If she had truly been a stage performer or, less likely, a
prostitute, this fact would have entailed grave consequences for the legality
and offspring of the union between her and J ustinian. U nder the J ulian
legislation of Augustus, persons of senatorial rank were forbidden marriage
(iustum matrimonium) with actresses or former actresses. 99 The restrietion on
such mixed-status marriages was broadly affirmed in the later empire by
Christian emperors such as Marcian in a law of 454. 100 It remains debatable
whether the elevation of Theodora to the patriciate would have effectively
annulled the legal objection to their marriage. On the whole, this legal
consideration forms the basis of certain historians' claim that this law of
Justin was designed to make possible a iustum matrimonium between Justin-
ian and Theodora.
Yet was a iustum matrimonium necessary to a late Roman dynastie re-
gime?101 Constantine was widely known in antiquity to have been born
from the humble concubine of Constantius, Helena, who is referred to in
both sympathetic and ho stile sources as a stabularia. 102 Normally, a woman
who was associated with tavern keeping would legally have been deemed a
humilis et abiecta persona unless she was the landlady and not a hireling or
slave engaged in that service. 103 The excellent reputation of Helena as em-
press would seem to militate against the argument of those who wish to
claim that Justinian needed to rehabilitate Theodora for political reasons.
Further, given the background of the earlier fourth- and fifth-century
laws on penitent performers, the present law may instead be seen as a
product of the logical progression of late Roman legal thinking regarding
the status of such individuals. And the expressed rationalization of this law
shows how Roman legal thinking can be joined to a new Christian imperial
rhetoric. 104
The avowed goal of the law of Justin, as expressed in the preamble, was
to imitate as much as humanly possible the divine mercy that moved God
to forgive penitent sinners by providing a way to remove the blemishes of
past transgressions. Just as it was possible under Roman law for certain
slaves to regain a pristine freeborn status as if they had never been slaves
(quasi numquam deservissent sed ingenui essent), so too should stage women be

given the hope of redemption and a better life. David Daube reasonably
finds fault with this reasoning: "Slaves are wh at they are without fault,
actresses by their own choice."105 But the status of the individual will in
assenting to a person's condition is precisely at issue here. As many men and
especially women in late antiquity found themselves constrained to serve as
stage performers, it can hardly be said that all performers were performers
by choice. The law may thus reflect an honest appreciation of the new


conditions that attended the careers of such people and therefore as a rem-
edy of the apparent injustice of permanently blacklisting individuals for
carrying out duties that they were bound to perform by law.
Indeed, Justinian dispatched a law in 536 to John, praetorian prefect of
the East, giving leave to scaenicae sworn to perform on stage to abandon the
profession without danger of prosecution, saying that pleasing God was
more important than observing oaths. 106 But such laws also hint at the
diversity and complexity of local situations and the continued demand for
performers which at times became so great that officials had to compel
retired scaenici to appear on stage. The emperor eventually forbade officials
from forcing actresses to swear oaths to the effect that they would continue
to perform and threatened offending magistrates with stiff fines. 107
During the fifth and sixth centuries, Christian rulers publicized their
firm commitment to the chastity of actresses, circa castitatem stttdittm. 108 In
Ostrogothic Italy, Cassiodorus included in the Formttla tribttni volttptatttm a
"job description" for a tribttntts volttptatttm, an official who would undertake
the moral tute lage and supervision of stage actresses committed to the
public shows in Italian cities. 109
Laws that permitted actresses to escape the life of the stage, and prosti-
tutes to cease their acts of venal immorality, now began to express a concern
for their "chastity." This word had been largely absent in previous Roman
legal usage regarding these classes of women, who occupied a social space
that was worlds apart from that of respectable virgins and matronsYo JoHle
Beaucamp has noted that when describing the legal rationale for treating
women differently from men, the Justinianic laws invariably employ the
te.t;m fragilitas where classical jurists would have used the familiar phrase
inflrmitas sextts. 111 She further suggests that this may point to a shift in
official concern from feminine weakness to the need of females for protec-
tion. Even so, she describes this imperial position as aimed at "la protection
de la moralite des femmes plus que celle des femmes elles-memes."1l2
The sixth-century laws on performers demonstrate a definite departure
from earlier Roman discourses of order that are based on hierarchicall y
distributed notions of appropriate action and behavior. These legal formu-
lations now feature instead a discourse of universal moral order, in which
the fragilitas httmana that is common to all increasingly became a factor in
the rationalization of imperiallegislation. 113 In the law of Justin and Justin-
ian above, it is said that rulers who fail to extend the opportunity for
rehabilitation to actresses would themselves fail to merit the indulgence of
God (qttod si circa nostro sttbiectos imperio nos etiam facere differamtts, nttlla venia
digni videbimttr). Ideologically it was no longer possible to remain concerned
only with the welfare and conduct of the great and the good. Even members


of the httmiliores and personae probosae must now be considered. Thus official
edicts voice concern not just with transgression of social boundaries by the
respectable classes, as for instance in Augustus' Julian laws, but with the
moral condition of all and sundry, including socially marginal performers.
Yet this imperial concern for penitent actresses was never fully extended
to prostitutes, who could not hope to be fully rehabilitated even after
retirement. "Harlots who repented were never relieved of their disabilities
even by Justinian-contrary to the prevalent view which credits his great
reform Novel with a range it does not have."1l4 Instead of being reintegrat-
ed without blemish into society, as penitent actresses were thanks to the
new law by Justin, retired prostitutes retained their lifelong in/amia and
had to be institutionalized. Thus a convent or monastery named Metanoia,
"Repentance," was founded by Theodora to accommodate the former pros-
titutes of Constantinople; this may be ci ted as a uniquely Christian brand
of benefaction in that the classical world had not known such an institu-
tionY5 But we should not see Theodora as a pioneer in this regard, as this
would play into the hands of Procopius who wished this detail to lend
verisimilitude to his salacious comments about the empress's former career.
Earlier, under the guidance of Severus of Antioch, certain former prostitutes
had al ready begun to live together and were given protection through being
attached to a monasteryY6 The traditions of St. Pelagia, current in early
sixth-century Syria, might also have disposed lay and ascetic Christians to
favor such a change in attitude towards these public women. It is not clear,
however, why official attitudes towards performers and prostitutes should
have begun to diverge at this stage. Being an actress became far less repre-
hensible than being a prostitute; an actress was also regarded as more sus-
ceptible to reform.


Ir is not easy to draw comprehensive conclusions from the disparate mate-
rial we have examined. Looking at the circumstances that surround the
baptism of stage performers in late antiquity allows us to understand more
clearly the often competing interests of the groups that were involved in the
process. The ecclesiastical elite favored allowing scaenici/ae to become bap-
tized so long as they then quit the stage. The secular elite was wary that
this might enable performers bound to theatrical service to quit the civic
stage, but was ultimately unwilling to oppose their baptism. The perform-
ers themselves saw' baptism not only as a potent salvific sacrament but as
also an avenue of social mobility that might allow them to leave a compul-


sory hereditary profession. These often riyal claims and interests generated
complications for and shape both the nature and the pace of Christianiza-
The Christian narratives that dramatize these conversions/baptisms reveal
somewhat different concerns. In the hagiographical subgenre, as exempli-
fied by the Vita Pelagiae, the presentation of the central baptismal theme
highlights a model of conversion or repentance that one can readily describe
as "Nockian." Pelagia's metanoia signals a deeply felt spiritual transforma-
tion, and such a narrative of religious change became all the more expedi-
ent, as a form of religious persuasion, within a context in which conversion
and baptism were at risk of becoming munda ne and uneventful. Certain
Christians simply did not appear ready to accept the views promoted by
other Christians that there was and ought to be a sharp divide between the
sanctified Christian life and their long-standing and beloved customs and
practices. As many institutions, such as the theater, became secularized,
narratives such as the Vita Pelagiae helped to reinforce the notion that the
wall between the city (and the stage) and the church was a thick and
insurmountable one, not the permeable one that many indeed supposed. To
those Christians, unbaptized as well as baptized, who argued back that the
spectacles were not of Satan but merely of the world, such narratives trum-
peted the uncomfortable view that Satan remained the master of the world
and even of unbaptized Christians. Why penitent actresses and not penitent
actors? The figure of the actress embodied extreme elements of the devalued
and rejected Other; both the female gender and the profession of the actressl
prostitute brought horne the idea of an individual's ultimate debasement
prior to the grace of baptism. The resulting change seemed that much
sharper and more miraculous when the starting position was portrayed as so
very low. To take on male identity through transvestism as well as the
ascetic life, the highest vocation for a Christian in late antiquity, was to
reach the pinnacle of human achievement. The success of this genre must
have been due in part to the sheer miraculous nature of this thoroughgoing
Finally, the late antique debate over the meaning of baptism influenced
if not produced the Christian narratives of actor/actress-saints. In these
texts, the emphasis is not only on the figure of the spiritual overachiever
but also on the ambivalent figure of the Christian catechumen. Recently,
the history of the catechumen has received much attention due in part to
the scholarship that has grown up around the Dolbeau Sermons of St. Augus-
tine; but this literature deals mainly with the Latin West. Yet I hope I have
shown that many of the same concerns and contexts are also relevant to the


study of late antique Christian communities in the East, especially given
the abundance of relevant sources connected with Antioch.

Pantomimes were last heard of in the sixth century. Mimes did not cease to
perform but increasingly appeared only in private entertainmentsY7 No
longer compelled to perform on the public stage at a cost to their own
salvation and their standing before the law, actors themselves receded from
public attention as most permanent stone theaters were put out of operation
in the seventh century. This decline of the late Roman public theater was a
development that many Christianssuch as Tertullian, J ohn Chrysostom and
Severus of Antioch had long hoped for.
But the decline of the public stage was not a victory that the church
could rightfully claim as due to its own efforts. Political and economic
transformations within the cities and the empire-these and other assorted
factors caused the cities to give up their entertainments much more than
ongoing ecclesiastical critiques. Stage shows continued as dinner entertain-
ment or at certain festivals, but now they took place in domestic settings
and not in the grand public places of the late antique city where they had
long been enshrined.
Even so, while the church was unable to take over or suppress the public
stage, which remained to some Christian writers an irremediably pagan and
polluted place, it could claim a triumph by making the most of the conver-
sion of individuals from the theatrical profession. By circulating edifying
narratives about martyr saints and penitent actresses, Christian leaders could
finally claim a moral victory over a secularized institution that they other-
wise found ultimately un-Christianizable. But the batde was not wholly or
even mainly fought with those who stood outside of the Christian commu-
nities. Instead, much of this rhetoric aimed to Christianize Christians, in-
cluding catechumens, who entertained views about the Christian life that
were often at odds with those advocated by many of the ascetically minded
preachers of late antiquity.


I.I would like to acknowledge my especial debt to Peter Brown, Sus-
anna Elm, Anthony Grafton , Judith Herrin, Bonnie S. Kim, Samuel Lieu,
Michael Maas, Neil McLynn, Kenneth Mills, Eric Rebillard, Charlotte
Roueche, Raymond Van Dam, and Ruth Webb for their generous help. See
P. Brown, "Conversion and Christianization in Late Antiquity: The Case of

see R. N. 1965). Webb. as would be the case with just about everything else in the late Roman world. see G. Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries (New Haven. See R. "People as Power: Games. Wiedemann. pp. for a fine discussion of the social roles and perceptions of stage performers. Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto di filologia classica 5 (Genoa. Opera Minora Selecta. 2 (Berlin. reprinted in his Changes in the Roman Empire (Princeton. Roueche. Robert. Lim and C. 19°3). . 6." Nikephorus 8 (1995): 145-59· 3. pp. MacMullen." in Byzantinische Forschungen 34. On the Christianization and secularization of the public spectacles in late antiquity.. Reich. and T. pp. see 1. 1955). "Das Ende der römischen Gladiatorenspiele. See Lim. Thomas Dillon and Linda Garland (Amsterdam. On the fate of munera in particular.. Romani Mimi (Rome. I (Amsterdam. For studies that take the inscriptional evidence seriously into account. The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge. ed. I. 5. 1991). see R. Conn. Lim. 1988). The ancient testimony regarding mimes and pantomimes is collected in M. vol. 1997). 7. R. the stage surely also succumbed to the process of Chris- tianization. Munificence and Contes ted To- pography. Straw. "Consensus and Dissensus on Public Spectacles in Early Byzantium. Whenever the Nachleben of the Roman theater becomes a topic of discussion in learned circles. "What Difference Did Christianity Make?" Historia 35 (1986): 322-43. see H. vol. V. "Pantomimen im griechischen Orient. 159-79. 654- 70. Markus.]. The Roman Theatre and [ts Audience (Cambridge. Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzan- tiuml ed. See R. Bonaria. 1993). a question that is commonly raised is whether the shows continued in a Christianized form as the liturgical dramas we know well from the Middle Ages." Hermes 65 (1930): 106-22. A. 2. The poser of such a question reasonably surmises that. Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods (London. 1997).112 SEEING AND BELIEVING Augustine. 1. 4. Der Mimus: Ein literar- entwicklungsgeschichtlicher Versuch. James (London. Beachem. "Salome's Sisters: The Rhetoric and Realities of Dance in Late Antiquity and Byzantium. MacMullen. Ville. "Les jeux de gladiateurs dans l'empire chretien. Mass. 1990) and R. which supersedes idem. Mimorum Romanorum Fragmenta. For a general treatment of the Roman stage in English. and C.." MEFRA 72 (1960): 273-335. pp. pt." in a forthcoming volume in the Bibliotheque de l'Antiquite Tardive series edited by R." in The Transformation of Urbs Roma in Late AntiquitYI ed. 119-48. 142-56." in Women. reprinted in idem. W. For a treatment of the literary and performative aspects. 1997). 1969).

J. See W." Chiron 26 (193 I): I I-20. [Paris. Sources Chretiennes I I bis." The passage then goes on to say much the same thing about charioteers. see C. e. Supplementary Series 33 (Portsmouth. 171-243. Kirche und Schauspiele: Die Schauspiele im Urteil der lateinischen Kirchenvater unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Augustin. Bruns and E." 14. Leppin. Decreta Eccl. "The Status of Actors at Rome. 1966). vel qui nutrit meretrices (nopvr." in Theater und Gesellschaft im Imperi- um Romanum. "La condition des acteurs a Rome: Donnees juridiques et sociales. 10. Frank. 12. ad christiana sacramenta non per- mittuntur accedere. T. Blänsdorf (Tübingen. Si quis est scenicus (8Ea1:pt KO'.) vel qui faci t demonstrationem (i)1tOÖEt~t'. 7°-71): "Inquiretur autem de operibus et occupationibus eorum qui adducuntur ut instruuntur (KUTIlX!=. 26 5-8 1.. Selb. See. R. 1990). Histrionen: Untersuchungen zur sozialen Stellung von Bühnenkünstlern im Westen des römischen Reiches zur Zeit der Republik und des Principats (Bonn. nisi solutis aut disruptis talibus vinculis.. Africae canon 45: "Ut scenicis histrionibus ceterisque huiusmodi personis vel apostaticis conversis vel reversis ad Dominum.. On how the work treats the legal status of performers. Ducos. E. Klingshirn. Journal of Roman Archaeology. G. Liber Syromanus 9 (London MS). Traditio Apostolica 16 (Hippolyte de Rome.t0'8at) in quo sinto Si quis est nopvoßoO'KO'." Münchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtgeschichte 49-5 I (1964): 262-63.g. 7." Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 72 (1962): 217-62. "Die bürgerliche Stellung des Schauspielers in alten Rom. Andresen. Cassi- acum 27 (Würzburg. On Christian polemics against the theater and dancing generally. "Zur Bedeutung des syrisch-römischen Rechtsbuchs. . pp. Spruit.I." NJA 17 (1914): 95-1°9. see W. E. Warnecke. German translation in K. See W. Hippolytus. Syrisch-römisches Rechtbuch aus dem fünften Jahrhundert (Leipzig.) vel ces set vel reiciatur. 236-38. 8. pp. La Tradition apostolique d'apres les anciennes versions.33: "Quia nescio ubi peregrinatur. I I. ed. pp. p. 1999). esp. Caesarius of Ar/es: The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge. De fide et operibus 18. 9. B. Die juridische en sociale positie van de romeinse acteurs (Assen. 1968].) in theatro (8eu'tpov) vel cesset vel reiciatur. gladiators. pp. 2d ed. On this work as used and transmitted within an ecclesiastical context. Sachau. quando meretrices et histriones et quilibet alii publicae turpitudinis professores. see Spruit. 33-54. Aug. J. gra- . and H. 1972). 1992). M. Weissmann. "Altchristliche Kritik am Tanz: Ein Ausschnitt aus dem Kampf der Alten Kirche gegen heidnische Sitte. possibly in connection with' the episcopalis audientia. and anima1 fighters. pp. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 113 Harris. 1994). Romeinse acteurs. 1880). 72-77. 13.

pp. pp. see J.114 SEEING AND BELIEVING tia vel re conciliatio non negetur". Lepelley. Il fenomeno associativo nel mondo romano. "Tendances nouvelles de la legislation familiale au IVe siecle. oportet laudabilitatem uestram bonis fauere propositis. tarnen mihi fas fuit eundem litteris commendare. 1955). vol. Concilium Illiberitanum canon 62: "Si auriga aut pantomimus credere voluerint. 16. The text was originally published by the Maurist Dom Luc d'Achery. usum si bi loci turpioris negauit seque ab oculis popularibus uindicauit. Huic enim nocuerit puerilis culpa est error aetatis incertae. proiiciantur ab ecclesia. A fourth-century inscription from Rome is particularly relevant to these collegia in the city: see R. 1896). Nam se ubi ad bonam mentem considerationemque conuertit." in Transformation et conflits au IVe siede apres J." .-P. ut annorum suorum initia macularet. "Trois documents mecon- nus sur l'histoire sociale et religieuse de l'Afrique romaine tardive retrouves parmi les spuria de Sulpice Severe. Etude historique sur les corporations professionnelles chez les Romains depuis les origines jusq'a la chute de l'Empire d'Occident. 191-92. si quis sacro baptismate renouatus in ueterem lasciuiam reuocetur. Vestrum tarnen omnium iudicium non recusat." 15. ut is qui beneficio Dei pium munus indeptus est. pp. 1939). Huic autem plena non pos set euenire purgatio. 298-320.. ut conduplicata petitione tutior habeatur. de Robertis. A. quomodo itaque et diuinae leges et publicae fidele corpus et sanctificatos animos non permit- tunt inhonestas exhibere delicias et uulgares edere uoluptates. 2 (Louvain. also. si quidem cathol- icae religionis remedio conmutatus." Bulletino della commissione circheologica deI governatorato di Roma (Rome. Waltzing. qui se facere contra interdictum tentaverint. pp. De baptismo contra Donatistas. 17. 1978). nisi diuinitatis accessu delicta dilueret. dai collegi della repubblica alle corporazioni del Basso Impero (Napies. see J. placuit ut prius artibus suis re- nuntient. 85-94. proprie sine culpa peccauit. and F. The rise of collegia necessaria dedicated to the performance of public functions occurred some time during the later third century but their his- tory is only adequately known with the coming of the fourth. maxime cum castae deuotionis quodammodo uideatur inuria. intellexit uitam scenicam consilio meliore damnandam. the more recent redaction appears in C. Domini (ut supra). Straub (Bonn." Antiquites africaines 25 (1989): 258: "Licet domnus et germanus meus de uestra petierit honestate ut Tutum uelitis esse tutissimum. "Riferimenti all'ordinamento associativo romano. Alföldi and J.-c. in foueam theatralern cadere non cogatur. si alias iniungatis congruas pro necessitate communis patriae functiones. M. ita ut ulterius ad ea non revertantur. et tunc demum suscipiantur. PL 43:1°7-244. On the impact of this development on families.. See Aug. ed. Gaudemet. sed qui necdum sciret quid bonis moribus deberetur. Ambrosino. 162-85.

VI Convegno Internazionale (Napies.D. Sirks. Dig. French. 3. esp." in Atti deff'Accademia Romanistica Costantiniana. notes that most of the laws on the baptism of scaenici originated in the Western court. University of California at Berkeley. M. 129-34. qui in ultimo vitae ac necessitate cogente interitus inminentis ad dei summi sacramenta proper- arunt. Hunt. 15. and J. 2. Etudes sur l'infamie en droit romain (Paris. see Spruit. 22. which is true as regards the earlier laws.2I. "The Purpose of the Roman Law Codes. Comparison of these two collections is usually focused on the respective functions of the codes themselves. lust. 188. BEFAR 284 (Rome. Laying Down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code (New Haven. See Cod. Honore.15.: The Theodosian Dynasty and lts Quaestors (with a Palingenesia of Laws of the Dynasty) (Oxford." Generally on the status of actors in Cod. Cod. 14. Law in the Crisis of Empire 379-455 A. Pommeray.. 2000).2 ("De his qui notantur infamia"). "lnfamia und ignominia in den römischen Rechtsquellen. 382-525" (Ph. Rebillard. 2. 23. Greenidge. p. W. 1984). Their popularity with the . It is not clear to me exactly why female performers in particular became the object of such predatory poaching. pp.12 ("De causis. The major classical sources on infamia are: lust. These laws are preserved in the mid-fifth-century Theodosian Code and the mid-sixth-century Justinianic Digest and Code. 2: 3 I 2. R.. "From the Theodosian to the Justinian Code.11. See Cod. Etude historique sur les corpora- tions proJessionneffes.1I. H." Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte 73 (195 6): 220-78. see E. Turpin. 20. Theod. Matthews.D.1. and Waltzing. ex quibus infamia alicui inrogatur"). pp. T." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte 104 (1987): 620- 30. 108- 10. see B.D. N. In hora mortis: Evolution de la pastorale chretienne de la mort aux IVe et Ve siecfes dans l'Occident latin. 19. See now the contributions in J. si fortasse evaserint. For modern discussions of the implications of infamia. Theod.7. diss. lnfamia: lts Place in Roman Pubfic and Private Law (Oxford. 15.3.Y." Journal of Roman Studies 73 (1983): 97-115.7. "Christianizing the Roman Empire: The Evidence of the Code. Conn. pp. Theod. Kaser. 116. eds. "Christian Emperors and Pagan Spectacles: The Secu- larization of the ludi. 1. especially D. Cod. Romeinse acteurs. Romeinse acteurs.." pp. and Tabula Heracfeensis (= Lex lufia Mu- nicipalis). I: "Scaenici et scaenicae. Theod. 1986). 265-3°2. D. A. 1993). Cod lust. Wood.. see A. J. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 115 18. nulla posthac in theatralis spectaculi conventione revocentur. 2 I. 1937). p. "The Senatus consul- tum from Larinum. The Theodo- sian Code (Ithaca. Barbara Levick. esp. and Spruit. On the Christian fear of death and judgment and the need for baptism prior to this eventuality. 1998). 1894). 143-60. Harries and 1. 197-225. 1985).

41.704: "Mulieres. obtentu quidem petitionis venia ei non desit. Theod.8: "Scaenae mulier si vacationem religionis nomine postularit. 27. retrahi vetamus. lust.7. "Maintaining Boundaries: The Status of Actresses in Early Christian Society. ludicris ministeriis deputentur. Eas enim ad scaenam de scaenicis natas aequum est revocari. proconsul of Africa. whose duty it was to ensure regular theatrical performances in Rome and elsewhere. Illas etiam feminas liberatas contubernio scaenici praeiudicii durare praecipimus. quae mansuetudinis nostrae beneficio expertes muneris turpioris esse meruerunt." 2 5. donec anus .7. quas melior vivendi usus vinculo naturalis condicionis evolvit. ludicris minis- teriis deputentur. verum si post turpibus volutata conplexibus et religionem quam expetierit prodidisse et gerere quod officio desierat animo tarnen scaenica detegetur. tua sinceritas ab inquietantium fraude direptionibusque submoveat. 15. C od. Cod. si ita se gesserint. Theod. Lim. On the tribunus vo- luptatum. T heod.7. 15.9: "Quaecumque ex huiusmodi faece progenitae scaenica officia declinarint." Vigiliae Christianae 52 (1998): 293-3 18 . eas enim. see Cod. ut proba- biles habeantur.7. I 5 ." An almost identical law containing this provision was ad- dressed by the same emperors to Herasius. "The tribunus voluptatum in the Later Roman Empire. See now also idem. This law added venatores and scaenici to the list of "protected persons" which had previously included charioteers." On the theft of actors. quas necdum tarnen consideratio sacratissimae religionis et Christianae legis reverentia suae fidei mancipavit.5: "Quisquis thymelicam ex urbe venerabili inmemor honestatis abduxerit eandemque in longinqua transtulerit seu etiam intra domum propriam. and R. Theod." The language of this law is con- siderably more abusive: the women were characterized as originating ex huiusmodi /aece. retracta in pulpitum sine spe absolutionis uHius ibi eo usque permaneat. Cod. 15. Illas etiam feminas liberas a contubernio scaenici praeiudicii durare praecipimus. Theod." Memoirs 0/ the American Academy in Rome 4 1 (1996): 163-73. quas necdum tarnen sanctissi- mae religionis et in perenne servandae Christianae legis secretorum reveren- tia suae fidei vindicarit. 11. ita ut voluptatibus publicis non serviat. retentarit.7. quinque librarum auri inlatione multetur. 15.2: "Ex scaenicis natas. 15.13.116 SEEING AND BELIEVING people as weH as the insufficient numbers of those in post must have con- tributed to the problem. quae ex viliori sorte progenitae spec- taculorum debentur obsequiis. Cod. 24. quae mansuetudinis nostrae beneficio ex- pertes muneris turpioris esse meruerunt. see Cod. see Cod. Theod. si scaenica officia declinarint.5 (409). quas vulgarem vitam conversatione et moribus exercere et exercuisse constabit. 26.


ridicula senectute deformis nec tunc quidem absolutione potiatur, cum ali-
ud quam casta esse non possit."
28. Cod. Theod. 15.7.13: "Mimas diversis adnotationibus liberatas ad pro-
prium officium summa instantia revocari decernimus, ut voluptatibus pop-
uli ac festis die bus solitus ornatus deesse non possit."
29. Aug., Civ. Dei 1.3. The theatrical shows were offered daily in Carthage
in the period just after the sack of Rome. Augustine notes with great
disapproval the zeal that these dislocated Romans exhibited for the shows.
See Lim, "Tribunus voluptatum."
30. Cod. lust. I A. 14: Myrte OOUAOV /lyrte €.Aeu8epov crro/lU 'toA/la'tffi 'tt~ ei~
1tOpveiuv 1tp6uyetv ~ 1tpOl(r'taVat, /ll1OE el 8U/leAtKO~ eLll Tl äAAffi~ crKllvtK6~ ... ot~
/leATtO'et 'to /l110e äKOUO'UV YUVUtKU OOUAllV EAeu8epuv O'UVetVat O'uYXopetV /li/lot~ Ti
äAAllV 8euv €.v 'tot~ 8ea'tpot~ €.K'teAetV avuYKaSe0'8at.
3 I. On the legal status of actions performed by individuals under duress
and how they could be nullified, see lust. Dig. 4.2.1-23.
32. See lust. Dig. 23.2A4 for different definitions of who should count as
a humilis abiectaque persona.
33. Cod. Theod. 15.8.2 (issued in 428): "Lenones patres et dominos, qui
suis filiis vel ancillis peccandi necessitatem inponunt, nec iure frui dominii
nec tanti criminis patimur libertate gaudere." This principle was repeated
in Cod. lust. 1.4.12 and 11.41.6 where it readsjiliabus instead ofjiliis. By
the sixth century, the trend of female children being sold into prostitution
might have become the dominant one.
34. See Table IV.I-4 on patria potestas. On its application during the
Empire, see A. M. Rabello, Effetti personali della ('patria potestas lJ : 1. Dalle
origini al periodo degli Antonini (Milan, 1979); and P. Voci, "Storia della
patria potestas da Augusto a Diocleziano," lura 31 (1980), 37-100. The
absolute authority of the paterfamilias over offsprings was reaffirmed by law
in the sixth century, see lust. lnst. 1.9: "Ius autem potestatis, quod in
liberos habemus, proprium est civium Romanorun: nulli enim alii sunt
homines, qui talern in liberos habeant potestatem, qualern nos habemus. "
Indeed arecent study demonstrates how the disciplinary authority of the pater-
familias influenced the development of late antique Christian mores, see T. S. De
Bmyn, "Flogging a Son: The Emergence of the pater flagellans in Latin Christian
Discourse," Journal of Early Christian Studies 7 (1999): 249--90.
35. Cod. lust. 6A·4·
36. Acta Sanctorum J 15 September and 4 November (1894), pp. 227-32:
Porphyrius, the one discussed in the text above; 15 September (1755), p.
37: another Porphyrius (d. 362); 18 April (1675), p. 213: Ardalion; 18
April (1675), p. 213: Glaucus; and J. Link, "Die Geschichte der Schauspieler


nach einem syrischen Manuscript der königlichen Bibliothek in Berlin"
(Diss., Bern, 1904), vol. 1. See B. Von der Lage, Studien zur Genesius Legende
(Berlin, 1898), pp. 263-64.
37. C. Van der Vorst, "Une passion inedite de S. Porphyre le mime,"
Anal. Boll. 29 (1910): 258-75; Greek text, pp. 270-75.
38. See Joh. Mal., Chron. 12 and Chron. Pasch. 297; and W. Weismann,
"Gelasinos von Heliopolis, Ein Schauspieler-Märtyrer," Anal. Boll. 93 (1975):
39-66. On their similarity, see Van der Vorst, "Une passion inedite," p. 266.
39. See Van der Vorst, "Une passion inedite," pp. 259-63. A cult of
Genesius, supposedly martyred in the early fourth century, already existed
in Rome later during that same century. One scholar has conjectured that
this actor-saint was originally the same as aSt. Genesius of Ades, whose
cu:lt was popular throughout Gaul and Spain.
40. References in the text are to chapters of the Vita Porphyrii, and to
pages in Van der Vorst, "Une passion inedite."
41. See French, "Christian Emperors and Pagan Spectacles," pp. 178-84.
42. This position was decided upon at the Council of Ades in 314. For
Augustine, this strong sacramental theology worked well as a defense against
Donatist charges that sacraments carried out by priests who were also lapsi
should not be valid. See Aug., De baptismo contra Donatistas 22, PL 43:121:
"Non est baptismum ille schismaticorum vel haereticorum, sed Dei et Ec-
clesiae, ubicumque fuerit inventus et quocumque translatus."
43. According to Weismamm, "Gelasinus von Heliopolis," p. 44, the
author has Valerius Licinianus Licinius in mind here.
44. Chronicon Paschale 269, ed. Niebuhr, p. 513. See A. S. G. von Stauffen-
berg, Die riimische Kaisergeschichte bei Malalas (Stuttgart, 193 I), p. 78.
45. The body of literature on St. Pelagia of Antioch is a copious one,
beginning with the text and critical study published by H. Usener, Legenden
der heiligen Pelagia (Bonn, 1879). Important recent works of French scholars
on the MS tradition are collected in P. Petitmengin, ed., Pelagie la penitente:
Metamorphoses d'une legende, 2 vols. (Paris, 1981), esp. vol. I; and his "La
diffusion de la 'Penitence de Pelagie,'" in Hagiographie, cultures et societes: IVe
a XIle siecles (Paris, 1981 ), pp. 33-47.
46. John Chrysostom, Hom. 67-68 in Matthaeum (PG 58, 636): "H OUK
TtKOUcrO'tE 7tros E.KEivTl 7tOPVTl, T, E7tt OcrEAYEi~ mxv'tos 1tOpEAacrcro, 1tav't0S 01tEKPU\jf-
EV EV EUAOßEi~; This prostitute hailed from Phoenicia and held 'tu 1tPOHEtO
E1tt 't'ils crKTlVlls·
47. Ibid.
48. On vitae of hadot-saints as a distinct hagiographie genre, see B.
Ward, Harlots 0/ the Desert: A Study 0/ Repentance in Early Monastic Sources
(Oxford, 1987).


49. The female mime and her seductive ways are contrasted with the
virtuous decorum of virgins by lohn Chrysostom: see French, "Christian
Emperors and Pagan Spectacles," pp. I92-93.
50. The Syriac text is in 1. Gildemeister, Acta S. Pelagiae Syriacae (Bonn,
I879); the text was revised and reissued by P. Bedjan in Acta Martyrum et
Sanctorum vo1. 4 (Paris, I896; reprint ed., Hildesheim, I968). An English

translation is available in Sebastian Brock and Susan A. Harvey, Holy Women
0/ the Syrian Orient (Berkeley, Calif., I987). For an evaluation of the textual
traditions, see Petitmengin, Pilagie la Pinitente I: I7, 290. See also idem,

"Diffusion de la 'Penitence de Pelagie,'" pp. 33-47.
5 I. The connection between the baptism of Pelagia and the time around
Easter is not explicitly corroborated by the text, as Neil McLynn astutely
observes, but is the most likely conjecture based upon existing internal and
external evidence. Within the text, bishops from nearby towns have been
summoned by the metropolitan bishop of Antioch to come to his city to
stay for more than two weeks, an occurrence certainly connected with a
major Christian holy day. The time around Easter would appear to be the
most fitting occasion for visiting clergy to come to Antioch: see F. Van de
Paverd, St. John Chrysostom The Homilies on the Statues (Rome, I99I), pp.

290-9I. Also, in the story the narrator ]acob seeks permission from his
bishop Nonnus to visit ]erusalem three years later in order to worship the
resurrected Christ in situ (V. Pelag. 43); presumably he re the reader is to
understand that ]acob's request comes exactly three years after Pelagia's
metanoia and conversion. External evidence consists of the fact that it has
become customary in the Greek East for catechumens to be baptized only
once a year--during Easter (see discussion in text, pp. IOO-I02).
52. Palladius, Dialogus I6, PG 47:53. On penitence as a "second bap-
tism" and the eucharistie rite as a form of remission for sins in daily life in
late antiquity, see Paul De Clerck, Pinitence seconde et conversion quotidienne
aux Illeme et IVeme siedes Studia Patristica 20 (Leuven, I989), pp. 352-74.

53. V. Pe/ag. 4, ed. Petitmengin, pp. 94-96,11. I8-25. Female perform-
ers are explicitly forbidden from wearing certain kinds of precious stones
and gems by an imperial decree of 393, see Cod. Theod. I5.7.II.
54. V. Pelag. 4. ed. Petitmengin, p. 96 ,11. 2I-22, 23-34; iöou napeXE'tat
Öt' ~,.Hilty ~ nproTII 'tmv I-UIHXÖffiV Av'ttoxEia<; Kat äUTII ÖE ~v nproTII 'tmv XOpEtl'tptmv
'tou OPXllcr'tpou.Margarito resumes her birth name, Pelagia, following her
baptism, suggesting that her former stage persona has died with her stage
55. V. Pelag. 4, ed. Bedjan, pp. 6I8-6I8; Latin translation in Petitmengin,
Pilagie la Pinitente I:293. The other versions are remarkably similar on this

point except that not all versions portray Pelagia as a courtesan as weH as an


actress. Her role as a prostitute is only explicitly stated in the Syriac and
Armenian versions. In this regard, the epithet "harlot-saint" may not be entirely
justified. On the other hand, her role as a stage performer is a consistent theme.
The Syriac text even retains the Greek word mimas in this context
56. V. Pelag. 18, ed. Bedjan, pp. 626-27; Brock and Harvey, Holy Women,
pp. 47-4 8 .
57· V. Pelag. 23- 24, ed. Bedjan, pp. 62 9-3 1; Brock and Harvey, Holy i'

Women, pp. 49-50. I

58. V. Pelag. 23, ed. Bedjan, p. 629; Brock and Harvey, Holy Women, pp.
49-50. The admission that she hails from a "deep ditch of mire" (V. Pelag. ,
23, 26) recalls t!fe imperial rhetoric in Cod. T heod. 15.7.9 that brands
scaenicae as women ex huiusmodi /aece.
59. V. Pelag. 28, ed. Bedjan, pp. 632-33; Brock and Harvey, Holy Women,
p. 51.
60. On Pelagia's place in the tradition of early Byzantine female saints
who cross-dressed as male monks, see E. Patlagean, "L'histoire de la femme
deguisee en moine et l'evolutionde la saintete feminine a Byzance," Studi
Medievali, 3d ser., 17 (1976): 61 I: "Elle [Pelagial represente la feminite
charnelle poussee a son extreme, mais elle n'est pas liee a un partenaire
masculin qui ait le droit de la retenir." The hagiographie genre of transves-
tite female saints remained popular up to the ninth century at least.
61. Admittedly, such references are few and in the minority even for
actresses. Notable is the career of one Baltasara de los Reyes, who left the
performing profession at the height of her farne in the first few years of the
seventeenth century and entered a monastery dedicated to John the Baptist
near Cartagena. A generation later, Maria Calderon, a married woman, joined
the nunnery of Villahermoso in Guadalajara where she later served as abbess
and "repenting of her sins, there are those who assure us that she died in the
odor of sanctity." See H. A. Rennert, "Spanish Actors and Actresses between
1560 and 168o," Revue Hispanique 16 (1907): 362-63 (Calderon), 476 (Reyes).
62. Patlagean, "L'histoire de la femme deguisee en moine."
63. 1. 1. Coon, Sacred Fictions: Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiq-
uity (Philadelphia, 1997), pp. 71-94, builds a chapter around the two vitae
and suggests that they share common concerns regarding "desert spirituality."
64. See M. Richard, "La vie ancienne de sainte Marie surnommee Mari-
nos," in Corona Gratiarum: Miscellanea Patristica et Liturgica Eligio Dekkers
O.S.B. XII lustra complenti oblata, vol. I (Bruges, 1975), pp. 83-115; Greek
text, pp. 87-94.
65. The Greek MSS of Group y of the Acta Pelagiae have as their titulus:
ME'tclVOW TIj<; 6aia<; IIEAayia<;. Overall, the moral of the vita has to do with


66. M. Dujarer, A History 01 the Catechumenate: The First Six CenturiesJ tr.
Edward J. Haasl (New York, 1979), passim. See A. Laurentin and M. Du-
jarer, Catechumenat; Donnees de l'histoire et perspectives nouvelles (Paris, 1969).
67. See J. Jeremias, Le bapteme des enlants pendant les quatres premiers südes
(Lyons, 1967); and E. Ferguson, "Inscriptions and the Origin of Infant
Baptism," jTSJ n.s. 30 (1979): 37-46. But even in the fifth century, the
baptism of infants was often reserved for those who were at risk of dying,
see S. Poque, "Un souci d'Augustin: La perseverance des chretiens baptises
dans leur enfance," Bulletin de Litterature Ecdesiastique 88 (1987): 273-86.
68. E. Rebillard, "La figure du catechumene et le probleme du delai du
bapteme dans la pastorale d' Augustin: Apropos du post-tractatum Dolbeau
7: De sepultura catehcumenorum J" in Augustin pridicateur (395-4II)JJ ed. G.
Madec, Actes du Colloque International de Chantilly (5-7 septembre 1996)
(Paris, 1998), p. 285.
69. See A. Piedagnel, ed., jean Chrysostome: Trois catecheses baptismalesJ
Sources Chretiennes 366 (Paris, 1990), appendix 3: "Bapteme tardif et bap-
terne des enfants."
70. On Augustine's De sepultura catechumenorum J see Rebillard, "La figure
du catechumene."
7 I. See M. von Bonsdorff, Zur Predigttä'tigkeit des johannes Chrysostomus:
Biographisch-chronologische Studien über seine Homilienserien zu neutestamentlichen
Büchern (Helsinki, 1922), pp. 3-13. On the liturgical setting of Chrysos-
tom's Antioch, see now Wendy Mayer and Pauline Allen, john Chrysostom
(London, 2000), pp. 17-25.
72. John Chrysostom, Homilia 25 in Iohannem J PG 59:151; my transla-
tion. Bonsdorff, Zur Predigttä'tigkeit des johannes Chrysostomus J pp. 28-29,
dates these sermons· to 391.
73. John Chrysostom, Homilia 4 in Matthaeum 8, PG 58:48-49. Bons-
dorff, Zur Predigttä'tigkeit des johannes Chrysostomus J p. 14, dates this sermon
to 15 April 390.
74. The work that I have found most useful in parsing the views of the
various patristic authors on the baptismal rite is V. Saxer, Les rites de !'initiation
chritiennes du IIe au Vle siede: Esquisse historique et signification dJapres leur
principaux temoins (Spoleto, 1988).
75. Peregrinatio Silviae (Egeriae) 45. See T. Finn, Early Christian Baptism
and the Catechumenate: West and East Syria (Collegeville, Minn., 1992), esp.
p. 52; and A. Bludau, "Das Katechumenat in Jerusalem im 4. Jahrhundert,"
Theologie und Glaube 16 (1924): 225-42.
76. See Saxer, Les rites de !'initiation chritiennesJ pp. 196-98. These ser-
mons are also attributed to John of Jerusalem (387-417), Cyril's successor,
see ibid:, p. 195.

88. Catechesis ad illuminandos 2.5. see Z. The Liturgy 0/ Baptism in the Baptismal Instruction 0/lohn Chrysostom (Washington. 2002). Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire} The Menachem Stern Jerusalem Lectures 2000 (Hanover.. 82. ed. John of Ephesus. PG 49:239. Homilia de eleemosyna} PG 5I:26I-72. I957). see M. 1. my translation. Schwartz = Collectio Sabbaitica contra Acephalos et Origenistas Des- . lohn Chrysostom} pp. 86. "The Life of St. 81. pp. ed. ed. The popularity of the Acta Pelagiae might have to do with its suc- cessful use of the storytelling conventions of the ancient romance. See Actio apud Praesidem Provinciae. Princeton University. 80.C. I976).. See J. Wenger. On Chrysostom's views regarding the theater generally. 66-I04. 84. John Chrysostom.3. D. E. John Chrysostom. Le parrainage des adultes aux trois siecles de tEglise: Recherche historique sur t evolution des garanties et des etapes catichumenales avant 3 I3 (Paris. Pasquato. Catechesis ad illuminandos 2. diss. esp. I I8-2 5. 57. E. Contra ludos et theatra} PG 56:263-70. not too long after his arrival from Antioch: see now introduction and translation in Mayer and Allen. I' Wenger. Gli spettacoli in S. Contra ludos et theatra} PG 56:269. I.39-43. dated to early July of 399 in Constantinople. Dujarer.I22 SEEING AND BELIEVING 1 77. 89. See Finn. Cat. and see now Peter Brown. Les rites de Finitiation chretiennes} p. chap. Moss.6.. 248: "la catechese Chrysosto- mienne est avant tout une exhortation et une initiation a la penitence quadragesimale. 5 on the habits and customs of the Christians of Antioch. esp. W Brooks. pp. Finn. pp. I 962). lean Chrysostome: Huit catfcheses baptismales inedites} Sources Chretiennes 5012 (Paris. PG 49:23 I-40. PG 49:234. PG 33:I069- 72). C. 87. Maxwell. I28-3 0 . Pelagia the Harlot: Hagiographic Adaptation of Pagan Romance. I9 of Patrologia Orientalis} ed. I 64-79. " 78. ed. John Chrysostom.H. and T. 90. See A. Saxer." Le Museon 48 (I935): 87-I I2." Classical Folia 30 (I97 6): I38-49. see O. John Chrysostom. John Chrysostom. Liturgy 0/ Baptism} p. 83. On this institution in the pre-Constantinian period. Pavloskis. 85. N. 79. R. in Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorttm 3.. Lives 0/ the Eastern Saints 52. Mystagogical Catecheses 1. 2000). See John Chrysostom. eds. vol. Nau (Paris. "Jacob of Sarugh's Homilies on the Spectacles of the The- ater. 360/380 and connected with Antioch). Graffin and F. my translation. I926). Giovanni Crisostomo: Paganesimo e cristianesimo ad Antiochia e Costantinopoli nel quarto secolo} Orientalia Chris- tiana Analecta 20I (Rome. D. 2. I967). Cyril Uohn} of Jerusalem. Catechesis ad illuminandos Cat. Apostolic Constitution 7 AI (dated c.. "Preaching to the Converted: John Chrysostom and His Audience in Antioch" (Ph.

Theod.23. 1985). See Marcian.. 18:690ff. Scott. 98. Marcian's law defines who constitute humiles abiectaeque personae and is therefore unfit for legal marriage. 100. Ibid. 1984). p." Annali della Facolta di Giurisprudenza della Universita di Bari 2 (1939): 45-69. tavern owners. 5-4. 271. 91. vol. . Haury. The Civil Law. 93. 95-96. In reacting to a Constantinian law of July 321 (Cod. pimps.1-34. Her- rin (Leiden. I wish to thank Peter Brown for bring- ing this reference to my attention. in Lives of Eastern Saints. tr. fall into this category. see E.. Omitted from the above is a much longer section treating the status of the children of such women. S. and all those who offer themselves in public for money. pp. 380-99. see D. 9. 97.. 19: 1 53ff. "Theodora and Anton- ina in the Historia Arcana: History and/or Fiction?" Arethusa 11 (1978): 253-79. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 123 tinata 5 (Berlin. and Averil Cameron. E1tt <JKTJvfje.v. For the earlier period. and arenarii. 58: E1tEt8il 8E 'tclXHJ"ta Ee. see F. P.6." 92. E. vol. Theodorus Petrus Demosthenes 4. 1932). See PLRE 2:353-54. On the legal issues involved. 239-50. 4 ("De matrimoniis senatorum"). Procop. "La condizione sociale e gli impedimenti al matrimonio nel Basso Impero. "The Marriage of Justinian and Theodora: Legal and Theological Reflections. 'tue. 67-83. ed. Ca- lif. vols. 9. Generally. Anecd. Treggiari. and Spruit. "Fl. this law allows the marriage between members of the senatorial ordo with freeborn hu- miliores provided that the latter are not the infames personae mentioned above. Daube. ed. de Robertis. 94. Fisher. Parastaseis Syntomai Chronikai 80. 1940).. E'taipa E'USue. pp. M. 7 (Cincinnati. p.3). esp. 1991). 15 0-51. John of Ephesus even characterizes Theodora as having originated in a brothel. 99. The story is told by Procopius in his Anecdota 9. 1923-25). in Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century: The Parastaseis Syntomai Chronikai. ed. 228ff. 61-62. Ka9fjKEv a'\)'tTJv. Romeinse acteurs. W. Nov. lust. Eie. 7. Averil Cameron and J. pp. is not immediately germane to our discussion. Roman Marriage: lusti Coniunges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford. A. EYEyOVEt. s." Catholic University of America Law Review· 16 (1967). 'tE nlV +\ßTJV aiKE'to Kat ropaia ~V 118TJ. a topic that though certainly central to the framers of the law. 4. In its basic thrust. 96. The literature on this subject is vast. 57-62 . 18 and 19 of Patrologia Orientalis. 95. Procopius and the Sixth Century (Berkeley. see S. Brooks (Paris. pp. Cod. On the literary and political aims behind Procopius's scandalous description of Theodora's early life. The law rules that the freeborn poor are not to be considered as belonging to this category and that only women and the children of actress- es.

Amministranda est enim sub quadam disciplina exhibitio uoluptatum. hae autem immunes a iudiciaria severitate praestentur. 283-84." in Studi giuridici in onore di Carlo Fadda per XXV anno deI suo insegnamento.. requiri debebit. pp. quas vilitas dignas legum observatione non credidit.10 (CCSL 96:27°-71): "Formula Tribuni Vo- luptatum-Quamuis artes lubricae honestis moribus si nt remotae et histri- onum uita uaga uideatur efferri posse licentia. 1995). On Helena as stabularia. 29°-9 1 .2. diss.7). Philos- torgius. esp.2 (= Chronica Minora 1. and Judith Evans Grubbs. Cassiod. 1970). Epilogue: "Quae igitur placuerunt nobis et per praesentem sacram declarata sunt legern. Ibid. The work has now been published as Relena Augus- ta: the Mother 0/ Constantine the Great and the Legend 0/ Rer Finding the True Cross (Leiden. ut plerumque ipsa intemperantiae vina praebuerit. uel umbratilis ordo iudicii. ''L'influenza dell'imperatrice Teodora neUa legis- lazione Giustinianea. si vero potantibus ministe- rium praebuit.7. Eutropius. pp.: "Ne a scaenicis mulieribus aut fideiussio aut iusiurandum perseverantiae exigatur. 105. ut in totum non effluerent. pp." 108. Theod. cum et ipsae iudicem sustinerent. ut. JJ 109. Rist. 1991). De obitu Theodosii 42. Rist. "Un critere de differenciation sociale: La situation de la fernrne. cum ab is feminis pudicitiae ratio requiratur. and Zosimus." See also Theodosius 11. see Ambrose. 4 (Napies. 388.8.2 and 2.D. On nonelite women and the practice of matrimonium. Gianturco." p. Nov. See Cod.16a (= Passio Artemii). 9. 275- 86.. 2. si domina tabernae fuerit.1 (326): "Quae adulterium commisit utrum domina cauponae an ministra fuerit.9. Breviarium 10. sine periculo discedere." 1°7. vol. 102. Nov. 1989). Law and Family in Late Antiquity: The Emperor Constantine's Marriage Legislation (Oxford. Te- neat scaenicos si non uerus. see J. See discussion of this question in J. Variae 7. et ita obsequio famu- lata servili. tua celsitudo praeceptionibus propriis omni- bus faciat manifesta. Nova 2. tarnen moderatrix prouidit antiquitas. Origo Constantini Imperatoris 2. Le GaU. "Marriage of Justinian and Theodora. 106. "Helena Augusta: Waarheid en Legende" (Ph. non sit a vinculis iuris. pp." 104. Drijvers. pro vilitate eius quae in reatum deducitur accusatione ex- clusa liberi qui accusantur abscedant. See E. lust. sed etiam si iusiurandum dent. Ibid. W. 18 (439) on the emperor's concern for those who might be forced into prostitution: "nostrae amore pudicitae castatisque.12 4 SEEING AND BELIEVING 101. Temperentur et haec . 51: "Scenicas non solum si fidesiussorem praestent. University of Gronin- gen. pp. Ecel. 1906). Daube. quae iuris nexibus detineatur. 16-20. 3-12. excepta. ut agnoscant nostri imperii circa castitatem studium. 103." in Recher- ches sur les structures sociales dans I'antiquite classique (Paris.2.

cui subiacent prostitutae: ut magna laude dicatur: 'uirtutibus studuit. districtio praenuntiata mod- ificat. "Infirmitas sexus: Womanly Weakness in Roman Law. 14 (535). 116. Student enim illi non tantum iucunditati suae. See also S. J. 1974).. 50 n. hatpm yap ~(mv Kat ou8aflo8Ev EUYEVEtS. I: Le theatre profane. Inst. (3) Quapropter tribunum te uoluptatum per illam indictionem nostra facit electio. These women had served a public function and were quite lowly in social status and origins: 811flro811 yuvata . "Marriage of J ustinian and Theodora. Nam sicut illi aetates teneras adhibita cautela custodiunt. CONVERTING THE UN-CHRISTIANIZABLE 125 legum qualitate negotia. et quibusdam regulis uiuant. Anecd. 2 (Milan. 395.. quaeadmodum tibi uota ciuitatis adiungas. pp.5-6 and Aed. in Schwartz. See also A. 43. 113. 18." Augustiniana 41 (1991): 815-28. Age bonis institutis quod nimia prudentia constat inuenisse maiores. "Fragilitas humana chez saint Ambroise. G. Locus quippe tuus his gregibus hominum ueluti quidam tutor est positus. 112. I I I. Daube." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiednis 52 (19 8 4): 343-71. ut omnia sic agas.173. Leue desiderium etsi uerecundia non cohibet. Statut de la fimmeJ p. Pros- tituzione e tutela giuridica della schiavaJ p. qui se nesciunt iuridica conuersatione tractare. 115. Acta Con- ciliorum Oecumenicorum 3. I.5-10. (2) Dignum fuit ergo moderatorem suscipere.. qui uiam rectae conuersationis ignorant. and idem. and John Malalas. Beaucamp." Ambro- sius Episcopus: Atti deI Congresso internazionale di studi ambrosiani nel XVI centenario della elevazione del santJAmbroglio alla Catedra episcopaleJ Milano 2-7 dicembre I974J ed. Bartelink.9. seruire potius animas com- pulerunt. Beaucamp. Statut de la fimmeJ p. Sicari. 117. 132. CHSB 28:440-1 and Nov." 110. 54 (1976): 504-6. quasi honestas imperet inhonestis. 17. "Le theatre a Byzance et dans l'empire du IVe au XIIle siede. Lazzati. See Libellus monachorum ApameaeJ 1°7." Revue historique de droit franfais et etrange~ 4th ser.14-17. quantum alienae laetitiae et condicione pe- ruersa cum dominaturn suis corporibus tradunt. quia nec illi pos- sunt inuenire gratiam.' Optamus enim ut per ludicram am- ministrationem ad seriam peruenias. Casti- tatem dilige." p. ne quod ad laetitiam constat inuentum. Procop. Cum fama diminutis salua tua opinione uersare. Chron. J. "Fragilitas (infirmi- tas) humana chez Augustin. Dixon. Beaucamp. Vogt. I 14. M. sic a te uoluptates feruidae impensa maturitate frenan- dae sunt. See G. "Le vocabulaire de la faiblesse feminine dans les textes juridiques romains du Ille au Vle siedes." Revue des Questions Historiques 59 (r93 1): 257- . See A. qui uoluptatibus miscebatur. 13°-42. 1. tuis temporibus ad culpas uideatur fuisse transmissum. 132. nisi imitati fuerint aliquam disciplinam. Agantur spectacula suis consuetudinibus ordinata. vol..

Prostitution and the Stage as Seen in the Lives of the Saints of the Sixth and Seventh Centuries. dancers. SEEING AND BELIEVING 96. Easterling and E." Epeteris Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon 38 (197 1 ): 233-5 2 . P. and Bonaria. such as banquets. 2002). See now R. . On the persistence of the popular culture in which mimes. 282-3°3. see H. Romani Mimi) pp." in Creek and Roman Ac- tors: Aspects 0/ an Ancient Profession) ed. "Female Performers in Late Antiquity. "Bathhouse. rnn. Tavern. Webb. and prostitutes featured. Mime performances and dancing would have continued in more private settings. 16-17. pp. Magoulias. Hall (Cambridge.

During the fourth century the new capital was a boom town. The statue faced east. a large decorative capital. the Bosphorus. One tradition claimed that the figure had originally been astatue of Apollo in his guise as Helios.rays of light shooting from his head. almost cubical pedestal. Yet from the beginning the significance of this statue was ambiguous. the sun god crowned with. 5 THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE RAYMOND VAN DAM CONSTANTINE'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY For almost eight hundred years a colossal statue of Constantine would pre- side over his new capital of Constantinople. From bottom to top the monu- ment consisted of five steps leading up to a large platform. a circular base. The Forum of Constantine was located on the crown of one of the city's seven hills. the seven huge drums making up the column shaft. and that it had been brought to the capital from a provincial city and reworked into astatue of 12 7 . During the formal inauguration of the new capital in 330 a procession first celebrated the placement of this statue on top of the column. and behind it a main street led out of the forum past the Church of the Holy Apostles to the city's massive land walls. This forum was a central focus for the city. This statue of Constantine hence marked the emplacement of a new legendary center for the city. the statue monitored the construction. before proceeding to the Hippodrome. a square plinth. and from the top of this column. almost deli berate- ly equivocal in its many meanings. its vast open circular plaza designed to be areminder of the boundless ocean. about 120 feet high. and the statue. and in its center the great bronze statue of the emperor stood on a tall porphyry column. an enormous. Its vista then continued beyond the houses and monasteries and sea walls to the shimmering waves of the Golden Horn. Before its gaze the street ran past the Hippodrome to the imperial palace and the Church of Holy Wisdom. and the Sea of Marmara.

but in nonre- . Since he was thought to have spirited away this image. thought Constantine was responsible for the collapse of the frontiers because he had supposedly removed troops to the cities. In later times. The Constan- tine of the statue could have been almost any other Roman emperor. I versary of the city's foundation. Noticeably missing. This smaller statue may have been a dose replica of the large statue on the column. Since Constantine had appropriated for hirnself the tide of "Victor" after his final victory in the civil wars. the current emperor was supposed to bow in honor. Constantine had once considered founding his new eastern capital at Troy. and criticized hirn as the first emperor to have appointed barbarians as consuls. ruler. 1 For over a year before the inauguration of the capital Constantine had been residing in or near Thrace. his victories.128 SEEING AND BELIEVING the emperor. its transfer seemed to imply that Constantinople was to be the proper successor to both Troy and Rome. during the annual ceremonies that celebrated the anni. In its left hand the statue carried a globe as a sign of the universality of his imperial rule. The emperor J ulian dassified hirn as a revolutionary for having upset old laws and ancient traditions. founder of New Rome. Constantine had been an innovator all right. but also many of the legendary images and associations that had already grown up around Constantine. This colossal bronze emperor seems not to have been aware of any conversion to Chris- tianity. an ancient image of Pallas Athena that had supposedly been conveyed from Troy to Rome as a guarantee of Rome's safety. was any overt indication of his devotion to Christianity. The statue was his story ab out his life and reign so far. In its right hand the statue held a spear. The absence of overt Christian allusions should not be surprising. 3 The historian Zosimus. his imperial power. this spear was areminder of his military successes. drawing upon the earlier historian Eu- napius. Presumably he had inspected the new construction and helped plan the dedication ceremony. then it is possible to think of the statue as a fragment of Constantine's autobiography. imperial forebear: the colos- sal statue memorialized not just the foundation of the new capital and its revered founder. 2 The historian Ammianus criticized Constantine as the first emperor to condone the greed of his courtiers. conqueror. and when it finally arrived at the imperial box. Pagan deity. soldiers escorted a gilded statue of Constan- tine through the Hippodrome. If in fact he had imposed his own preferences. and at the time he had wanted to memorialize many different images of hirnself. Al- ready soon after Constantine's reign historians were judging hirn against other criteria. 4 According to these interpretations. Another tradition daimed that buried in the base of the column was the Palladium. a text about hirns elf. flush with his divine support. how- ever.

Eusebius' . . Constantine apart from his relations hip with Christianity. a particular situation. and then made choices. The study of conversion in late antiquity suffers from being placed so exclusively in a religious context or. they then presented themselves. and the retrospective self. imagining themselves. . This is an unfortunately limiting outcome. Eusebius. were additional readings of those stories.. A conversion experience was a reading of. too often the goal among modern historians is to find a single trajectory to Constantine's career. They are all interpretations. Some of Constantine's own let- ters have survived. "The historian works with the available evidence. The following sections will discuss Eusebius' model of Constantine's conversion. People looked inside themselves. and he himself was the source of the famous story ab out his visions in 3 I 2. both then and now. constructing mon- uments. As such. A second important context involved stories and narratives. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE I29 ligious concerns. inventing themselves. Constantine's own stories about his life. a response to. but also interpreted them. the stories about them. more commonly. composed a Lift of the emperor in which he not only collected many of Constantine's letters and stories. The conversion of Constantine was particularly rich in both images and stories. Already in late antiquity It was possible to evaluate. While the bronze statue of Constantine is allowed to have many meanings. even getting dressed and put- ting on make-up: people presented themselves in public. Eusebius constructed a consistent life story."5 We his tori ans should have a special sympathy for all who claimed or described conversions. and imagine. reli- gious conversion was an aspect of larger trends and processes. for public scrutiny and public evaluation. Choices about religious preferences were similar to decisions about funding new buildings. While Constantine was contributing fragmentary stories and images to his autobiography. After the emperor's death. But having made those decisions. bishop of Caesarea in Palestine. One involved self-representatiob. Euse- bius provided a context for some of Constantine's texts. and religious conversion was but one manifestation of this process of self-repre- sentation. and that narrative can reveal . since the experienc- es themselves. and historical narratives. in a Christian context. "Conversion" almost always implies conversion to Christianity. Eusebius' perspective has re- mained powerfully influential. Conversion was simultaneously very private and very public. the conver- sion narrative. both representations and narratives. the original experience was already an interpretation oE a situation. their new selves. People were always converting themselves. In fact. Stories about the conversion were subsequent readings of the original experience. participating in municipal festivals. and the historical narratives built on those stories are so similar. only the retrospective moment.

where he served under the eastern emperors Diocletian and Galerius. Constantine had succeeded his father. with having forced Maximinus to end the persecu- tion ofChristiansY A few years later. Eusebius completed the first edition of his History in 3 I 3 or soon after- wards. during all this time that Eusebius spent writing and revising his History he had no . 8 If. he seemed to protest too much. Eusebius produced an expanded edition of his History. first as a possible supporter of the policies of Diocletian. as emperor in Britain in 306. During the decades when he was writing and revising his History! Euse- bius would have thought of Constantine primarily in terms of persecution. in which he cited six of the edicts issued by Constantine and Licinius in support of Christianity. it would have been easy for hirn to classify Constantine as another eager supporter of a hostile imperial regime. anoth- er emperor in the East. and a member of Diocletian's entourage.10 By then he also knew about Constantine's victories in the Western Empire. at the time he was drafting his History! Eusebius still remembered the young tribune. starting in February 303. and the fates of Eusebius' Lift and Constantine's statue. EUSEBIUS' BIOGRAPHY As Eusebius wrote his Ecclesiastical History! he barely knew anything about Constantine. The future emperor had started his career in the early 290S as a tribune in the Roman army. Constantius. The principal modification was the addition of a tenth book. SEEING AND BELIEVING reasons for appreciating one later change in Constantine's representation of hirnself. before autumn 316. Constantine hirnself would later note that he had been at Diocletian's court in Nicome- dia at the time. Even though his narrative eventually culminated with the immediate aftermath of Constantine's victory in 312. Upon the publication of the first edict aprefeet led a band of soldiers and destroyed the church at Nicomedia. then as a magnif- icent patron of toleration. and in October 312 he had defeated Maxentius. 6 Constantine was already almost thirty years old. Diocletian and Galerius would revive persecution of Christians by issuing aseries of edicts. Eusebius first saw Constantine in Palestine during the winter of 30 1-2. 7 The soldiers who destroyed the church had included tribunes. About a year later. In his description of the batde Eusebius claimed only that Constantine had summoned God and Jesus Christ as his alliesY At the end of this first edition he credited Constantine and Licinius. a riyal emperor at Rome. 9 By then he could describe the termination of the persecution through the edicts of toleration issued by Galerius in 3 I land the emperor Maximi- nus in May 313. although by describing hirnself as a me re spectator.

first composed about twenty-five years earlier. Setting up this transition required a carefully ambiguous narrative. however. and his own running commentary. During the remainder of Constantine's reign Eusebius had only intermittent contact with the emperor. 22). and Eusebius visited the imperial court at Constantinople in 335 and 336. In 305 Constantine left Galerius' court and joined his father in northern Gaul. but still very public. acceptance of Chris- tianity just before the batde of 3 I 2. in the emper- or's life. His Lift was a com- bination of a panegyric. An early highlight in the narra- tive was Constantine's personal. In 325 Eusebius finally met Constantine for the first time at the Council of Nicaea. In order to highlight the magnitude of Constantine's conversion in 3 I2. Even though he then campaigned with his father in Britain for over a year. and even though he was then an . and Eusebius had already lighdy revised his History yet again to include a few derogatory chapters about licinius. Of all the emperors.I2. Yet Eusebius still preferred not to make Constantine's Christianity a direct legacy of his father's influence. Constantius alone had had "a friendship wirh God" (I. of the emperor's life that started with his early years and ended with his funeral. Diocletian and Galerius. He certainly did not know about any conversion experience.I. that Constantius. less than a year before the emperor had defeated his riyal licin- ius to establish his control over the entire empire. Constan- tine's father. But Eusebius was not an intimate confidant of the emperor. Eusebius nevertheless decided to wrire a biography. had been a sympathizer of Christianity." until God finally sum- moned hirn to become "leader of the entire people. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE I3I firsthand contact with Constantine. a collection of the emperor's letters and edicts. the young Constantine had been raised among "the tyrants of our time. . Eusebius now turned the events leading up to the batde into ~ clear transition. Eusebius placed the youngish Constantine in a thoroughly pagan context by emphasizing that he had grown up in the entourages of the Eastern emperors." until his own rectitude led hirn toward "a life of piety and grace in God" (I.I3. 2I)." In the same manner. p. p. Euse- bius in fact knew nothing about Constantine's own religious affiliation during his early years. A comparison with Moses helped. Instead. a conversion. The young Moses had been raised among "tyrants. Eusebius had to distance the emperor from the allegedly Christian atmosphere of his father's court. according to Eusebius. They exchanged some letters. more or less. Eusebius then combined these disparate ele- ments into a narrative. they probably met again at a council in late 327. The account that Eusebius offered in this Lift was much more elaborate than the account in the History. He did claim.

then his riyal emperors could not have been sympathetic to Christians. Constantine shared imperial rule with Licinius. modern scholars question whether Constan- tine did so. As he prayed to this god. and a positive outcome. Eusebius then presented the events of 312 as a dilemma. By having Constantine go into this batde almost at once from a background of service at the courts of persecuting emperors.28-29. Eusebius could imply that he was still not yet a Christian. in the letter Constantine tolerandy extended the blessings of peace to "those in . Soon afterwards he had another vision. in the History Eusebius had cited some of the edicts he had issued with Constantine. adecision. SEEING AND BELIEVING emperor for another six years before his batde at Rome. pp. In fact. a confirmation. 66-67). He used it. he had avision of the cross in the sky. Licinius too had been generally favorable to Christians.5I. p. he had found a pattern for the rest of the emperor's life. guilty of all sorts of despicable behavior. 29). and he then had Con- stantine invade Italy almost immediately. He claimed that the emperor issued an edict forbidding pagan sacrifices (2-45. secondly.13 But in the Lift Eusebius emphasized that Maxentius had been just another tyrant. and eventually he ordered that they could recover any property confiscated during earlier persecutions. 42). p. Eusebius also. first." then Licinius could only be "God's enemy" (I. to denigrate Constantine's opponents. Once Eusebius had transformed Constantine into a pious Christi an. 29- 30). Eusebius construct- ed Constantine's background in such a way that he seemed to approach this batde direcdy from his upbringing at these pagan courts. a revelation. The discrepancy between Eusebius' claims and Constantine's actual behavior is also apparent in a document ci ted in the Lift. as Constantine pondered "what sort of god he ought to enroll as his supporrer. insisted that after his conversion Constantine had been consistent in matching support for Christianity with opposition to paganism. In the Lift Euse- bius had Constantius die soon after his son's arrival. If Constantine was "God's friend. The basic elements in Constantine's conversion included a crisis. At Rome Maxentius had in fact already decided to end the persecution of Christians. this time of "the Christ of God" who suggested that he construct a military standard modeled on this symbol (I. But in the Lift Eusebius instead stressed only his measures against Christians and their bishops." Eventually he decided that he should honor "only his father's god" (I. Seven years had vanished from his narrative. I.2. Although Eusebius introduced one letter (of 324) as a refutation of paganism. In his earlier account in the History Eusebius had hinted at Maxentius' support for Christianity. pp. a sign. emperor in the East.27. After defeating Maxentius. Con- stantine was victorious. If Constantine was now a devout Chris- tian.

He had accepted his "Christianizing mission" early in life. pp. and he remained consistent." There- after Constantine never wavered. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 133 error.. from his subsequent life of piety. concedes a transformation in Constantine's pol- icies after 3 12. in Constantine and the Bishops. As a result.1. which defines conversion as a "deli berate turning . "After 28 October 312 the emperor con- sistendy thought of himself as God's servant. "Constantine's religious pol- icy was coherent and comprehensive. Even though Constantine had still been tolerant.1. "He was throughout his imperial career a man with a mission. Drake.56. But Elliott still finds a straight line running through Constantine's career. Nock's Conversion. A new man. that led to a spontaneous choice. argues that Constantine had accept- ed Christianity already while he was at Diocletian's court. and that Eusebius himself had simply "invented the conversion" in 312. Elliott. had emerged from the revelation."15 Two recent books offer somewhat similar interpretations. which implies a consciousness that a great change is involved."17 Eusebius (and Nock!) . A. D. toward the end of one account and toward the beginnirtg of another. In the History Constantine had represented the end of per- secution." and insisted that "the customs of temples" were not to be harmed (2-47. D. Eusebius was clearly trying to interpret this letter to suit his own purposes. an unexpected revelation. a sudden insight. the batde against Maxentius marked "the moment of psychological conviction.70-72). Barnes' Constantine and Eusebius." He nevertheless finds a "surprising consistency" in Constantine's subsequent actions: "he was acting for a church that would be inclusive and flexible. G. entrusted with a divine mission to convert the Roman Empire to Christianity."14 In the Lift Eusebius distinguished Constantine's early life. Eusebius' Lift reflected his later thinking about the significance of Con- stantine's reign. despite their other disagreements. Barnes suggested that although Constantine may have been a Christian before 312." Barnes also found an unwa- vering consistency in his subsequent decisions. the Lift has been more influential in setting the pattern for modern interpretations of Con- stantine's reign too. The consequences of this decision were steadfast resolution and redemption. in the Lift he was to represent the beginning of the expansion of Christianity. 68. The events of 312 were the pivot. in The Christianity 0/ Constantine the Great. and a new empire. During the past twenty years the most influential book ab out Constan- tine has been T. By the time he wrote the Lift Eusebius seems to have read A.2.60. The transition was a moment of decision."16 H. T.. but he prefers to interpret it in terms of "the context of contemporary power politics and political thought. which by impli- cation was misguided. in his retrospective judgment Eusebius could not allow the emper- or to waver in his opposition to paganism.

A marriage had sealed the alliance. affairs of state. p. p.12. These visions had helped Constantine decide about battles. and hence to the shaping of the interpretations." could recount thousands of visions of the Savior." he attacked (2. CONSTANTINE' S LIFE Constantine was a visionary. in fact. and in 324 when he fought against Licinius. In the first years of his reign Constantine was rather desperately looking for recognition from other emperors. Initial uncertainty. decision. the army. but it could become an effective par- adigm for others contemplating the same decision. "if there were time. 18 With this flattery Eusebius acknowledged that when Constantine told stories of his life. and legislation.3. he used the language of visions. they still accept the idea of a singular conversion in Constantine's career. 53).2. according to Eusebius. "God often honored hirn with avision" (1. subsequent certainty: this sequence of conversion was powerfully attractive in part because it had an almost liturgical quality. In 310 Constantine had a falling-out with Maximian. redemption. Eusebius imposed a coherence in his Lift in order to compensate for the messiness and ambiguity in the emperor's career. Constantine apparendy did talk about some of these visions. In the ear- lier years of his reign there had been at least three moments of crisis and uncertainty when he faced clear threats to his rule: in 3 10 when he defeated arevolt by Maximian. each of these three moments of crisis had included avision of a deity. not so surprisingly. each had the potential to become a moment of religious conversion. In each case Constantine hirnself contributed to the subsequent shaping of the stories and narratives. This sequence was also seductive because it was an interpretive fiction. Throughout his life. in 3 12 when he fought against Maxentius. insight. Since.47.134 SEEING AND BELIEVING would have appreciated all these interpretations. or hoping for the same redemption. 40). In fact. Maximian was a former imperial colleague of Diocletian who had returned from retirement to support Constantine. and Maximian was now Constantine's father-in-Iaw. In a speech he delivered to the emperor in 335 Eusebius noted that Constantine hirnself. his own life. But . Constantine even prepared for batde by waiting for avision: as soon as he felt hirns elf "moved by divine inspiration. Even when they disagree with Eusebius' version of the events in 3 12. The most daunting obstacle to seeing Constantine's life in terms of one sudden transition and a subsequent consistency is. Not only did Constantine's life fall into place in Eusebius' historical interpretation. and they still find a single consistent trajectory to his life.

On ce defeated. and the sun god Sol remained on Constan- tine's coins for over a decade. In addition to all his other concerns. who was wearing a solar crown. and from Constan- tius. and was the first to mention a dream. 21 In the mid-330s he was still permitting the construction of a new temple in Italy.20 Nor did the emperor terminate his support for pagan priests and practices after he began to patronize Chris- tianity." and a "divine power. you saw your Apollo." "Armed with this symbol" his troops had .22 Constantine's vision of Apollo should qualify as a conver- sion experience. "Constantine. A gold me- dallion minted in early 3 I 3 depicted the emperor in profile with Apollo. something happened to bolster his confidence. The second moment of crisis was. In 320 he allowed the consultation of soothsayers when buildings were struck by lightning. Sol also appeared in a medallion on Constan- tine's triumphal arch at Rome. He claimed that Constantine had first prayed to "God in heaven and His Logos." The orator also mentioned Constantine's re cent visit to a temple of Apollo in Gaul."23 At about the same time Eusebius was concluding the first edition of his History with an explicitly Christian account of Constantine's victory at Rome. the Savior of all . In a panegyric delivered in the next year at Trier an orator was rather vague in attributing the motivation for Constantine's recent "liberation of Rome" to a "god. now hailed by Jupiter hirnself as "a god in heaven." and that he had then been assisted by "the power of God. accompanied by Victory. This revolt had exposed a weakness in Constantine's position. Constantine retained this connection with Apollo for years. Jesus Christ. "19 With an enhanced pedigree and this vision of divine support. This orator noted that Constantine was descended both from Claudius Gothicus. offer- ing you wreaths of laurel. and after 324 he extended his support to a pagan priest. You recognized yourself in the appearance of hirn to whom the poets' divine verses have prophesied that rule over the entire world is owed. of course. As Constantine prepared for batde."24 At about the same time the Christian rhetorician Lactantius offered another Christian interpretation. A few years later a panegyrist in Gaul provided new justifications for Constantine's rule. he killed hirnself." the "divine mind. neady correlated with a frieze depicting the emperor's arrival at Rome in 312. There the emperor had had a vision in which he essentially identified hirns elf with Apollo. Constantine was now facing in Maxentius his own brother- in-law. an earlier emperor of the later third century. In his ver- sion Constantine had been advised in a dream to mark his soldiers' shields with "the heavenly sign of God. Different accounts were soon in circulation. Constantine had found new ideologies of legitimation. in 3 12. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 135 Maximian eventually tried to seduce away some of Constantine's troops.

SEEING AND BELIEVING been victorious: "the hand of God influenced the batde."25 In 321 a rheto- rician at Rome provided a pagan interpretation of the vision. and a successful outcome: all the elements were in place for this moment to be considered another transformative religious experience. Eusebius of course decided that 312 would be the turning point. prayers. and a rhetorician at Rome all had vers ions of his victory. visions. but so did Licinius' soldiers."27 In contrast. 50-51).6. and he simply declined to mention any examples of Constantine's subsequent patronage of pagan cults. Not only did Constantine receive avision. Even when the emperor himself commented on his victory. 5 I). As a corollary.1.2. leading the way (2. pp. Christian sym- bols. 53). when Constantine defeated Licin- ius. Within a few \ years a panegyrist in Gaul. 29 Eusebius also preferred not to consider the victory of 324 as another conversion experience. If Constantine had had one such experi- ence in 312. Before setting out. a riyal emperor in the East. and clearly contested. In his version "armies appeared that claimed they had been divinely sent. people might suggest an alter- native perspective. p."26 The news that Constantine had enjoyed divine support in his victory over Maxentius obviously traveled quickly throughout the empire.6. p. and that the dedica- tory inscription should commemorate his devotion to the Savior: "I have liberated your city by this sign of salvation. Constantine's troops advanced with the "trophy of salvation. Constantine's only (surviving) comment at the time was again in his iconography. who claims that Constantine had been a devout Christian at least since 303. some modern scholars apparently wish they did not know about this vision of Apollo either." a military standard in the shape of a cross. who saw Constantine's soldiers marching in their midst. as if al- ready victorious (2. and from the beginning the religious meaning of Constan- tine's victory in 312 was contestable. the emperor prayed to God and waited for a "revelation" (2."28 The third moment of crisis was in 324. Neither a vision of a pagan deity nor another commitment to Christianity would be . Barnes dismisses it as "the fiction". Elliott.12. a Greek bishop in Palestine. suggests that the ac count reflects only the paganism of the panegyrist. He most likely did not even know about the vision of 310. This victory included some of the same characteristics that had distinguished Constantine's victory in 312. the dedicatory inscription on the huge triumphal arch completed at Rome in 3 I 5 was much more bland and noncommittal. he could not have had another twelve years later. a Latin rhetorician at Nicomedia in Bithynia.2. An uncertain prognosis. Apparendy he requested that a giant statue of himself at Rome should hold a cross in its right hand. Both pagans and Christians were claiming some credit for the em- peror's success. It attributed Constantine's success merely to "the impulse of a divinity.

In his interpretation. Eusebius' "biographical" account was an interpretation of Constantine's "autobiographical" story. Constantine hirnself apparendy liked to tell stories ab out his many visions and conversion experiences. CONSTANTINE'S STORY The events of 312 deserve additional scrutiny in their own right. Constantine might weH have raId the story to make a different point. and that his religious beliefs throughout his reign were not as con- sistent as Eusebius presented them. and it is possible to imagine different contexts for Constantine's story that are as sensible as. Obvious alternative readings would highlight three of the important participants in the story: the army. Since Eusebius noted that he had heard the story direcdy from Constantine. which was already an interpretation of the original moment. the bishops. There is no need to accept Eusebius' context of a religious conversion as the exclusively correct interpretation. In other words. he could not have heard it before meeting the emperor for the first time at the Council of Nicaea. a singular moment of conversion. In distinction from the context that Eusebius provided for the story. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 137 allowed to upset the smooth consistency of Eusebius' interpretation of the emperor. But his account in the Lift was over twenty-five years removed from the events. Eusebius contextu- alized Constantine's story to fit the demands of his interpretive perspective. we need to imagine Constantine's possible motives when he raId it. In the Lift Eusebius located the story of those events in his own peculiar perspective of the emperor's reign. Consideration of only these three episodes suggests that Constantine may have had many conversion mo- ments. In contrast. "Since the victorious emperor raId this story ra me a long time later when I was worthy of his acquaintance and conversation. contradic- tions. 30). it was anormal life. if not more sensible than Eusebius' reading. his life included changes of mind. But in his story Constantine had al ready contextualized the original expe- rience to fit the demands of his situation after 325. Even though Constantine recounted this story at least a decade later. who would hesi- tate to believe the account?" (1. p. those events had marked a singu- lar religious experience. and there was at least one intermediate account. especially when he recounted it over a decade after the batde. and ] esus Christ.1.28. The inter- pretive context that he supplied in the Lift was hence only his retrospective gloss on the emperor's own retrospective interpretation. he apparendy made a point of . Despite his evident patronage of Christianity. uncertainties. and ambiguities.

The religious symbols ensured the loyalty of the troops to the emperor and his dynasty.31. Constantine's story made this connection clear. p. which included both an expression of gratitude to "the only God" for victories. the loyalty of his troops. 31).2. 127). he participated in arguments among bishops. p.1. but only a layman-and an unbaptized layman at that. it too had significance for his troops. Since Eusebius himself was prepared to minimize the significance of military support (1. According to his telling. p. Constantine was an oddity as a Christian emperor.2. Eventually Constantine also taught his soldiers to recite a prayer. The story about his visions in 312 would link up nicely wirh this comment. Significandy. a golden icon of the emperor and his sons (1. In 3 12 Constantine's prima- ry concern had been.28. again. p. in addition to its religious symbols. and Con- stantine himself. It had certainly marked a turning point. SEEING AND BELIEVING insisting that the vision of the cross in the sky had been a shared one: "His entire army wirnessed this miracle" (1. the standard included. and both were designed to guarantee the faithfulness of the sol- diers.24. 30). But military support was fickle. since they were proof that he had received . During a dinner with Eusebius and other bishops he tried to define himself: "You are bish- ops of those inside the church. since Jesus Christ had suggested turning this symbol of the cross into a military standard. but a military turning point and not necessarily a religious conver- sion. But all the while he was not abishop. had al ready linked himself with Apollo. his army too had seen the cross in the sky. And with good reason. In this reading Constantine's telling of the visions in 312 had been a story ab out the loyalty of his troops. 128). Diocletian and his fellow emper- ors had associated their imperial rule with Jupiter and Hercules. and emperors were looking for alternative justifications for their rule. he scolded bishops. Although his subsequent vision of Jesus Christ had apparendy been a private one. this insistence on the participation of the army presumably reflected Constantine's own concern. but I might be abishop appointed by God for those outside" (4. At some point Constantine seems to have wanted to resolve the anomaly of himself with a pun by identifying himself as an episkoposJ abishop or (more gene rally) an overseer. 28). precisely when he had faced a potential mutiny among his troops. not even a cleric. The prayer was the liturgical equivalent of the military standard. A second possible context for this story involves the bishops. The civil wars of the third and early fourth centuries had demonstrated the necessity of military support for anyone who wished to remain as emperor. and a supplication for the safety of Constantine and his sons (4. He presided over councils of bishops. One alternative was an ideology that located the source of imperial power in its association with divine power.27. p.20.

pp.69. 62). His primary interest was the enhancement of Jerusalem. 76-77). THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 139 his consecration as abishop of sorts directly from God." and then urged them to accept the advice of "your fellow servant" (2. he started associating hirnself with bishops and other churchmen by referring to hirns elf as their fellow servant. This description again corresponded with Constantine's own conception of him- self as he started to interact with eastern Greek bishops. As a result of his unification of the empire in 324 he had inherited (an ongoing controversy over theological orthodoxy. p. In a letter to the priest Arius and Bishop Alexander of Alexandria he identified hirns elf with them as "servants of the great God. Instead of being merely God's servant. Constantine also modified his image of hirns elf."30 A few years after the council he tried to convince Bishop Alexander to reconcile with Arius: "I am your. When he explained the emperor's participation at councils.2. Eusebius was one bishop who seems to have accepted this view of Con- stantine. This story about the visions of the cross and of J esus Christ implied that the emperor had a special relationship with the Savior. p. When he de- scribed his participation with the bishops in the Council of Nicaea in 325. A year after the Council of Nicaea Constantine became interested in honoring some of the important sites in Jesus' life in Palestine. he again described hirnself as "your fellow servant. where he funded the construction of the magnificent Church of the Holy Sepulchre that commemo- . At first Constantine presented hirns elf simply as a "servant" of God. and his early transformation into the equivalent of abishop."31 By associating hirnself with the bishops. In this context Constantine's story about the events of 3 12 marked the moment of his "episcopal" consecration. p. 27). even identifying hirns elf with them.2. he used the same terminology to describe hirn as "a common bishop appointed by God" (1. A third possible context for this story involves J esus Christ.44.24. so He had selected hirn as His "servant" (1.2. 71. Eventually he contributed to the construction of a church at Bethlehem that commemorated J esus' birth and another on the Mount of Olives that commemorated His ascension into heaven. But as he became more involved in the theological disputes. "I am proud to be a servant of God.31.2. The telling of the story of his visions in 3 I 2 might well have provided the warranty of his divine consecration as a fellow bishop. p. Constantine became a fellow participant in these doctri- nal disputes. After he acquired control of the Eastern Empire he began increasingly to take this relationship more seriously. fellow servant who has suffered every anxiety on behalf of our peace and harmony. 38). 17).5." he wrote when he introduced hirnself to the eastern provincials soon after becoming their emperor (2. Just as God had selected Constantine as emperor (1. This story hence justified his subsequent direct meddling in ecclesiastical affairs.2.


rated J esus' crucifixion, burial, and resurrection. Constantine might weIl have
tald the story ab out his earlier visions in order to justify this patronage. Just as
Eusebius would later draw upon his familiarity with Constantine to compose
the emperor's biography (1.10.2, pp. 19-20), so Constantine could now draw
upon his intimacy with Jesus Christ to commemorate His life's story in the holy
land of Palestine. Constantine was an appropriate author for this new narrative
of Jesus' life, because he had had direct conversations with Hirn. In one of these
visions he had even talked with "the Christ of God" (1.29, p. 30).
Just as Constantine's relationship with the bishops had developed over
the years, so his relationship wirh Jesus Christ also changed. In some re-
spects he now converted hirns elf again, this time from an adherent of J esus
Christ inta a direct analogue. In addition to commemorating His life, Con-
stantine also began increasingly to identify hirnself with Jesus Christ. This
association was especially apparent at the new capital. According to later
traditions, Constantine placed a relic of the True Cross in the giant statue
of himself. 32 Some inhabitants of Constantinople so thoroughly identified
the emperor and J esus Christ that they began offering prayers to the statue
"as if to a god."33 Over the entrance to the palace Constantine erected a
portrait of hirnself and his sons, with a cross over their heads and a serpent
beneath their feet. This portrait commemorated the emperor's victary in
324 over Licinius, his imperial riyal whom he had hirns elf once character-
ized as a serpent. It also presented the emperor as another savior who had
defeated evil with the assistance of the cross. Eusebius hirns elf interpreted
this portrait in terms of a prophecy from Isaiah that was conventionally
applied to the soteriological role of Jesus Christ (2.46 .2, 3.3, pp. 67, 82).
Eventually Constantine constructed a shrine, either a separate mausoleum or
the Church of the Holy Apostles, to serve as his funerary memorial in the
new capital. This shrine contained a niche for his sarcophagus surrounded
by twelve cenotaphs that represented, and were possibly inscribed with the
names of, the twelve apostles (4.58-60, pp. 144-45). Since the emperor had
presented to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem the twelve
columns encircling the apse that commemorated the twelve apostles (3.38,
p. 100), he was certainly aware of the significance of placing his own tomb
in the middle of these twelve symbolic tombs. During his final illness
Constantine acknowledged that he had always hoped to imitate the Savior
by being baptized in the Jordan (4.62.2, p. 146). Now, even after his death
the placement of his sarcophagus would continue to remind people of his
standing as the equivalent of Jesus Christ.
Eusebius' context of a religious conversion is hence not the only interpre-
tation that can be attached to Constantine's story about his visions in 312.
In telling this story Constantine may have also been thinking about the


loyalty of his troops, his relationship with bishops, and his relationship
with ]esus Christ. With so many different interpretive contexts possible for
just this one story, it is difficult to insist upon the necessity of finding an
unswerving trajectory in our interpretations of Constantine. His own ac-
tions and words undermined any image of consistency. He continued to
have visions, he continued to support pagan cults despite his patronage of
Christianity, and he changed in his relationships with bishops. In the later
fourth century the author of abrief historical epitome divided Constantine's
reign into representative periods. "For [the first} ten years [of his reign} he
was truly extraordinary. For the next twelve years he was a bandit. For the
last ten years he was a little boy, because of his unrestrained generosity."34
Even though both the chronology and the characterizations were odd, this
historian had sensed that there had been no consistency to Constantine.
Throughout his reign he had repeatedly reinvented himself.
Since Eusebius was a recipient of imperial letters and an occasional guest at
the imperial dining table, he too could presumably sense these changes, even if
he did not want to acknowledge them for the sake of maintaining consistency
in his historical interpretation. In his Life there could be no deviation after the
events of 3I2, and certainly no more conversions. But Constantine's increasing
identification of himself with ]esus Christ was a change that Eusebius would
have found attractive. Eusebius had his own reasons for liking, and even encour-
aging, this particular transformation of Constantine.


When Eusebius first met Constantine in 325, he was a convicted heretie.
In addition to his historical writings Eusebius had long been publishing
theological and apologetic treatises in which he had adopted a subordina-
tionist theology ab out the relationship between God the Father and ]esus
Christ His Son: "The Son does not coexist with the Father, but the Father
existed before the Son"; "The Son of God is a perfect creature of God, but
not as one of the other creatures."35 As a result, Eusebius had defended the
similar doctrines of Arius, a priest at Alexandria. These doctrines were soon
condemned. A council that met at Antioch in early 325 issued a creed that
claimed that the Lord ]esus Christ was the only-begotten Son, begotten
from the Father, "truly begotten and not created." It also condemned those
who argued that the Son was a creature, or that there had been a time when
He had not existed. This council clearly directed its statements against the
teachings of Arius and his supporters. Only three bishops declined to en-
dorse this council's creed. 36 One of them was Eusebius.


This Council of Antioch nevertheless held out the possibility of forgive-
ness at a subsequent council. In ]une 325 Constantine hirnself convened an
ecumenical council at Nicaea that eventually produced a statement of be-
liefs that was meant to repudiate the doctrines of Arius and his supporters.
Almost all of the participants subscribed to this creed. This time Eusebius
joined them, although not without strong misgivings. He had come to this
council with a prepared statement of faith that declared that ]esus Christ,
the only-begotten Son, was nevertheless a creature, "firstborn of all cre-
ation." According to Eusebius' own account, when he recited this creed in
the emperor's presence, Constantine immediately pronounced it "most cor-
rect" and suggested that it could be the basis for the council's general creed.
He furthermore suggested that the council's creed include the word homoou-
sios} "of the same essence," as a characterization of the Son's relationship to
the Father. Sameness of essence should have excluded subordinationist doc-
trines, such as those promoted by Arius and Eusebius. In an embarrassed
letter to his own congregation at Caesarea Eusebius explained why he had
nevertheless endorsed the creed with this word. According to his own ac-
count, he had convinced the other participants to agree that "of the same
essence" meant only that "the Son was from the Father, but did not exist as
apart of the Father's essence." Eusebius had hence provided an Arianizing
interpretation of the Nicene Creed that reflected his own emphasis on the
subordination of the Son to the Father and the clear distinction between
Father and Son. Constantine, he claimed, had agreed with his perspective.
"The emperor, the most beloved of God, presented [my interpretations} in
his oration."37
These controversies over Arianizing and Nicene doctrines lingered through-
out the fourth century. After the Council of N icaea Constantine was more
interested in reconciliation and harmony than in insisting upon a strict
Nicene interpretation. Unrepentant Nicene bishops fell from his favor, while
temporizing Arian bishops, like Eusebius, enjoyed his support. Eventually
the emperor even reinstated Arius. He invited Arius to enjoy "my goodwill"
at the court,38 and he then recommended that yet another council readmit
Arius and some of his supporters who had been exiled after the Council of
Yet Arius never recanted his doctrines. When he had submitted a state-
ment of his faith for the emperor's consideration, he too, like Eusebius, had
proposed a rather strained interpretation of the Nicene creed, and he had
avoided any reference to the suggestion that the Son was "of the same
essence" as the Father. 39 Eusebius too, especially since Constantine was now
favoring hirn, never gave up on his subordinationist theology. At the end of
his life he composed two more major works of theology. One, Contra


Marcellum, was a thrashing of a theological riyal, Bishop Marcellus of An-
cyra, who had continued to condemn Arius and his supporters, among them
Eusebius, despite Constantine's search for harmony. In a second treatise, De
ecclesiastica theologia, Eusebius complemented his rebuttal of Marcellus with
a more positive reassertion of his own theology that again highlighted the
differences between Father and Son.
Eusebius composed these two works after Constantine's death in 337. At
the same time he was writing his Lift of Constantine. Eusebius hence com-
posed this Lift with theology, and not necessarily history, predominantly on
his mind. His days as ahistorian, the author of an Ecclesiastical History and
a Chronicle, were long over, and he was more intent on defending his own
theology. In addition to its functions as a biography, a panegyric, and a
collection of imperial documents, the Lift could serve as another exposition
of Eusebius' theology. The similarity between emperor and Jesus Christ was
especially useful as a theological idea that supported his doctrines.
In recent orations Eusebius had already associated the two. In 335 he
delivered some orations at Jerusalem during the dedication ceremonies for
the new Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Later in the year he traveled to
Constantinople, where he spoke on "the Savior's memorial" (4.33.1, p. 132)
in the emperor's presence. This oration at the capital was presumably a
repeat of one of his earlier orations about the Church of the Holy Sepulchre,
or apart of an earlier oration, or a composite of ideas from some of them.
An extant oration may weIl be the one that Eusebius now delivered at
Constantinople, or at least most likely represents its main themes. In it
Eusebius explained the successes of "our Savior God" after His death and
resurrection. But he also noted the emperor's own role. Since the emperor
was God's "good servant and minister of goodness," Eusebius suggested that
he should be the one to teach them more about the Savior, especially since
he had had so many visions. 40 This compliment was a recollection of the
emperor's vision of Christ, an acknowledgment that he had had many more
such visions, and a declaration that only Constantine was capable of reveal-
ing examples of God's assistance.
In 336 Eusebius was again at Constantinople, this time to celebrate the
thirtieth jubilee of Constantine's accession as emperor. In honor of this
anniversary he delivered another oration. Given the occasion, it is not sur-
prising that he extolled the emperor and his accomplishments. But Euse-
bius added an intriguing identification. Rather than simply cataloguing the
emperor's virtues and achievements, he compared hirn with the Savior Log-
os, and essentially equated the two. Since God, the great Emperor, was
shrouded in his heavenly palace, He needed intermediaries to reveal Him-
self. arie was the only-begotten Logos, "the governor of the entire universe";


the other was the emperor, "the friend of God," who directed everything on
earth. 41 The Logos commanded the heavenly armies while Constantine led
his troops to victory over the barbarians and defeated the demons of the
pagan cults. As he celebrated the successes of both mediators, Eusebius
described each with the same metaphor: "like aprefeet of the great Emper-
or. "42 In his estimation, J esus Christ the Logos and the Christian emperor
were coordinate rulers, identical because they were both commanders for
In the Life Eusebius continued the identification. The most notable ex-
ample was in his description of the proceedings of the Council of Nicaea.
Since the creed from this council had insisted that the Father and the Son
shared the same essence, at the time Eusebius had struggled to reconcile it
with his own subordinationist doctrines. In his later ac count he compared
Constantine, upon his arrival at the council, to "a heavenly angel ['messen-
ger') of God" (3.10.3, p. 86). The culmination of his depiction of Constan-
tine as God's special representative was his ecstatic description of the banquet
that the emperor hosted for the bishops after the council, and which Euse-
bius of course attended: "one might think that an image of Christ's kingdom
was becoming apparent" (3.15.2, p. 89). The Nicene Creed had associated
God the Father with the Son; Eusebius' description of the council instead
associated Jesus Christ the Son with the Christian emperor. Constantine
was an analogue of J esus Christ, and both were sub ordinate to God the
Among many modern scholars Eusebius has a reputation as a political
theorist, responsible for introducing Greek political thought into Christian
thinking. But as he composed this Life Eusebius may have considered a
political philosophy of a Christian emperor only one of his objectives, and
perhaps not the most important one. For political philosophy the compar-
isons with Jesus Christ were important for defining a Christian emperor.
But these comparisons would have worked in both directions. From a re-
verse angle the comparisons with an emperor were important for defining
Jesus Christ. By stressing the similarity between the two, Eusebius could
more readily argue that both were subordinate to God. As Constantine
increasingly associated hirnself with Jesus Christ, Eusebius seems to have
become increasingly interested in the emperor as a theological construct, a
doctrinal idea. He could use the idea of a Christian emperor who was
identified with J esus Christ to help hirn promote his doctrine that J esus
Christ was subordinate to God the Father. His vision in the Life of a
Constantine who was loyally subordinate to God would reinforce his doc-
trine that Jesus Christ, too, was always subordinate to God.

Since the Constantine of Socrates' and Sozomen's histories first appeared as a middle-aged emperor with no earlier life to present as a contrast. now this was no longer a story about religious conversion. the identification of the emperor with ]esus Christ became increasingly difficult to sustain. subordina- tionist theology was rejected. and the prominence of the church shifted the emphasis from the tombs of the emperors to commemoration of the apos- tles. they transformed the meaning of the story by making it a beginning. In the long run his sort of Arianizing. With this reas- sertion that the Father and the Son shared the same essence. and he explicitly ci ted Eusebius as his source. Socrates had clearly lifted this story from Euse- bius' Lift. At the Council of Constantinople in 381 the bishops again endorsed Nicene doctrines. rather than a transition point. According to Socrates' interpretation. Neither of them repeated Euse- bius' analogies that identified emperor and Christ. Sozomen more explicitly highlighted the rising status . THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 145 THE STATUE Eusebius had matched his heterodox theology to a heterodox interpretation of a Christian emperor. Sozomen likewise started his Ecclesiastical History by mentioning this story about Constantine's visions. They further modified Euse- bius' vision by declining to accept the theological agenda than had led hirn to identify the emperor and ]esus Christ. but it completely transformed the story's significance. Even as Socrates and Sozomen retained Eusebius' sense of the importance of the visions in 3 12. "43 Not only did Socrates now associate emperors with clerics. Socrates explicitly stated that the starting point for his Ecclesiastical History should be an account of "how the emperor Constantine came to Christianity. Having rejected Eusebius' theology. By the later fourth century the imperial mausoleum was linked with the Church of the Holy Apostles. and the emperor Theodosius add- ed his heavy-handed support in aseries of imperial edicts. Using this story as a starting point may have been an effective rhetorical technique. In the first half of the fifth century two historians continued Eusebius' History. For Socrates and Sozomen it was simply a story about a tactical decision to ensure military success." The very first episode he included was the story ab out Con- stantine's visions in 312. Their new reading of Constantine's life and Eusebius' Lift was especially apparent in their ac- counts of the emperor's mausoleum. but he had subordinated both to the pres- tige of the apostles. Constantine and subsequent emperors had been buried in this mausoleum "so that emperors and clerics might not fall short of the apostolic remains. churchmen also had to modify his pe- culiar view of a Christian emperor.

the Lift had to be read differently. at best. Urban magistrates and senators would welcome emperors there when they returned to the city. They would use the Lift as a source. Other traditions claimed that he had placed in the monument the very ax that N oah had used to build the ark. he was struck with such feelings of guilt that he soon died. and even takes precedence in churches. Despite this pride and devotion. Eusebius had rather liked that identification. The dignity of the priesthood is equal to that of the emperor. since it support- ed his theology. 45 The monument was a symbol of the city's eminence. The monu- ment was their bulwark against heresy. saying. To survive as a source. Most of all. submerging even the lofty Church of Holy Wisdom. Even when the Ottoman Turks surged through the walls. the inhabitants be- lieved that an angel would help them make their last stand at the columnY Even as the monument retained its considerable prestige. SEEING AND BELIEVING of bishops. an apparently indestructible monument that was neverthe- less repeatedly reinterpreted. hunched over in a latrine behind the forum. at the same time the statue and the column were literally falling apart. so that the ships will come and tie up their ropes to it and weep and wail for this Babylon. as weIl as baskets filled with the bread left over from Jesus' feeding of the multi- tude. and emperors would cele- brate their victories at the foot of the column. pointedly demoted the emperor's standing by suggesting that he had been. These later historians. the monument was a symbol of the survival of both the capital and its empire. the statue. So were bishops. and even sometimes reconstructed. One legend claimed that Constantine had inserted in the statue's head some of the nails from the True Cross."44 By having hirnself interred in the midst of cenotaphs of the twelve apostles Constantine seems to have wanted to imply that he was the equivalent of Jesus Christ. The bronze statue and its porphyry column should seemingly have en- dured forever. Only this will remain and be saved. "Thereafter Christian emperors who died at Constantinople were buried [in the mausoleum). In one apocalyptic vision about the end of the world the column and its statue were all that would remain of the capital. Its fate had to resemble the fate of the statue of Constantine at Constantinople. In the early fifth century a piece broke off the base of the column. and their meanings were nevertheless changing constantly. When the heretic Arius once strolled by the column. "Only the column in the forum will remain. 'Woe to us! Our great city has disappeared into the depths of the seal "'46 To the end people believed that invaders would never pass this column. the column. The people of the capital certainly thought so. in contrast. because it contains the precious nails [from the True Cross). An immense flood would engulf the city. and the column was then bound in a truss of . but they could not accept its perspective on Constantine. the thirteenth apostle.

The emperor Manuel Comnenus finally repaired the monument in the later twelfth cen- tury. there will then be many ways of welding his life back together. But he did not replace the statue of Constantine. and in the mid-ninth century another earthquake shook it out again. This time it was replaced with a scepter. In 1106 a stiff gust toppled the statue. or by modern accounts. 50 Apparendy it was easier to think . It crashed to the ground and buried itself five feet deep. In the end. We should approach the stories about visions with greater respect for the many possible interpreta- tions they offer. From the beginning Constantinople had sometimes been known as "Christoupolis. To stabilize the base he may have added four supporting arches around the pedestal. people did not refer to it as "Constantine" or "Christian emperor. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 147 iron hoops. and apparendy also the huge capital on which it stood . Many people were killed. As with Constantine's statue."48 Now Con- stantine's city seemed to have truly become Christ's city. In the mid-sixth century yet another earthquake shook the spear out of the statue's right hand. its top empty. the statue did represent a conversion experience.49 That revival offers us the opportunity to rethink Constan- tine's conversion. they called it Anelios. as one aspect of all the many ways in which people represented themselves in public. Today the monument is a stub of its former eminence. especially with the recent appearance of a fine new translation and commentary. on top of the block he erected a huge cross. Eusebius' Lift is meanwhile enjoying a revival. The globe was replaced. until it had been reworked into an image of Constan- tine. its bottom encased in a bulky sheath of concrete and rough stonework. We should think about conversion in a much larger sense. Instead. Now everyone could imagine Constantine's vi- sion of a cross in the sky. In the later fifth century an earthquake knocked the globe out of the statue's left hand. But it was not the conversion preferred by Eusebius. who had early on been an adherent of Apollo. and not try so quickly to belitde some of them in favor of finding a single consistent trajectory. Constantine's life must first be top- pled off the column of Eusebius' Lift." Instead. In the later eleventh century lightning struck the column and split three of the iron bands. its steps buried beneath the current street level. It was just a matter of time until the entire statue of Constantine fell off the column. But after the statue had been converted. and religious conversion in general. Popular gossip claimed that the statue had once depicted Apollo in his guise as Helios the sun god. the drums of its column charred and corset- ed in metal hoops. and he topped the cölumn with some courses of masonry and a large marble block. with a large cross floating over its silhouette. The conversion of the statue mimicked the transformation of Constan- tine.

Ettsebitts Werke I: Über das Leben Constantins. 5. Loeb Classical Library. A. I:I07. Tricennatsrede an Constantin. C. and the Retrospective Self. Mich. and tr. p." NOTES I." "Constantine's Column..8. 8. I99I). p. P. Heikel. I902). Paschoud. Karamouzi. Ammiantts Mar- cellintts. Constantine. Creed. Ortho- dox Traditions. ed. "Das Forum und die Säule Constantini in Konstantinopel: Gegebenheiten und Probleme.I2. This statue was. Ettsebitts Werke I. F. 3 vols. SEEING AND BELIEVING of the emperor in terms of what he had left behind. 7. Mass. Eusebius. see M. Res gestae 2 I. Oratio ad sanctorttm coetttm 25. Ammianus Marcellinus. Fredriksen.2. W Burgess." and "Constantine's Porphyry Column and the Chapel of St. Lactantitts: De mortibtts persectttomm. 2d ser.s. (Cambridge. Subseguent references to the Vita Constantini are in the text. I90. pp. simply." Jottrnal 0/ Theological Stttdies. I:238. I99I). n." Balkan Stttdies 27 (r986): 2 I9-36. Ammiantts Marcellintts. 2. 1. Grand Rapids. I993). . 2d ed. and Oration in Praise 0/ Constantine. R. chaps. Collection Bude. De mortibtts persectttorttm I2. 20. Constantine. Zosimus. n. I9. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte 7 (Leipzig. Io. rather than in terms of what he had become. reprint ed. Ammianus Marcellinus. all translations in the text are by the author. F. Zosime: Histoire nottvelle. Winkelmann. Historia nova 2. Res gestae I6. I935-I940). Constantins Rede an die heilige Versamm- lttng. Lift 0/ Constantine the Great. ed.2.s. (Berlin. I984). "Paul and Augustine: Conversion Narratives. and tr. C.8. Nicene and Post- Nicene Fathers of the Christi an Church. Lactantius. 3. 37 (I9 86 ): 3-34· 6. 2:I3 8 . I97I-89). 25- 26. ed. Oxford Early Christian Texts (Oxford. in Rolfe. J. ed. Rolfe. A translation of the Oratio is available by E. 4. pp. 9. 48 (r997): 482-86. I: Über das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin. I (I890. Richardson. and C. and tr. 1. Die griechischen christlichen Schrift- steller der ersten Jahrhunderte. "Constanti- nopolitana. 2-4. For references to the column and statue.34. 3 vols. J... "Not the Sun. Mango. Vita Constantini 1. 56I-80. (Paris. in Ettsebitts: Chttrch History.." all reprinted in his Stttdies on Constan- tinople (Ashgate. "The Dates and Editions of Eusebius' Chronici Canones and Historia Ecclesiastica. " Jottrnal 0/ Theological Stttdies. Eusebius LI. ed.

. Rodgers.. Curran. Eusebius. Mommsen. Historia ecclesiastica 9. Inscriptiones latinae selectae. and an oration about the Church of the Holy Sepulchre delivered in 335 (paras.I. 7. 3 vols. Mass. 22. reprint ed. . In Praise 0/ Constantine: A Historical Stttdy and New Translation 0/ Ettsebitts' Tricennial Orations (Berkeley. p. I4. Historia ecclesiastica 8. I-IO). D. H. The De lattdibtts Constantini consists of two orations. Nock. I964). I I. 23. Chicago. ed. 20I-2. in Schwarz et al.I 8). I99 6 ). V. Pharr et al. Mynors. pp. Historia ecclesiastica. I905). D. a panegyric delivered at Constantinople in July 336 (paras.I2 7· I9.I. tr.. pp. T. I I . Westport. 2000). pp. (I892-I9I6. Drake.I4. Constantine and Ettsebitts (Cambridge. A. 4.I7. I2. pp. 43. I5. and J.. A. 2:462. I3. Priest: W. B. Oxford Classical Texts (Oxford. G. K. ed. Elliott. 2 vols. 2I. A translation of the Latin panegyrics is available in C. Mynors (Berkeley. J. Eusebius. The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constittt- tions (I952. Oulton. Codex T heodosiantts I. pp. Historia ecclesiastica 9. Panegyrici latini I2.9. T. I8.. 8. 2:3I6-20.7-II. in Schwartz et al. 83. XII Panegyrici Latini. Lawlor. in Mynors. In Praise 0/ Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini: Introdttction.8. 3 28 .. Ettsebitts The Ecclesiastical History. Dessau. 2000). Calif. A. ed. Panegyrici latini 6. Calif. I903-5). S. J.. Conn. I98I).. I969). 897. Mass. Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge. E. Eusebius. no. A translation of the Theodosian Code is available in C. Eusebius.. in Heikel. p.IO.2A-5. p. Ettsebitts Werke I.I. Dittenberger. Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae: Sttppiementttm sylloges in- scriptionttm graecarttm. Soothsayers: Codex Theodosiantts I6. 27 2 -73. 705. 9.II. pp.. E. 2:358. p. A.. I97 6 ) pp. Ettsebitts. 2: T heodosiani libri XVI ettm Constittttionibtts Sirmondi[a }nis (Berlin. and Historical Commentary with the Latin Text 0/ R. The Christianity 0/ Constantine the Great (Scranton. Ettsebitts. Lake.. I926-32). Schwartz. Ettsebitts.. . (Leipzig. Pagan City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fottrth Centttry (Oxford. 259. Pa. ed. Eusebius. I9I. A translation of both orations is available in H. 72I. E. I:I58-59. 374-78. Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion /rom Alexander the Great to Attgttstine 0/ Hippo (Oxford. 2:386. B. in Schwartz et al. Barnes. Drake. 89. 3-486. re- print ed. Translation. R. no. R. A. I979).IO. De lattdibtts Constantini. Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics o/Intolerance (Baitimore. 2:302. ed. 1. H. 67. 37. XII Panegyrici Latini. 247· I6. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE I49 IO. I994)· 20..2.2 I A-5. Nixon and B. 270. I7. I933). Th.

34. in Opitz.D. 324 to A.2. I970). repeated in Eusebius.I. I995). I973). Vita Constantini} I. pp. De mortibus persecutorum} 44.3. Sexti Aurelii Victoris Liber de CaesaribttS} Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et to- manorum Teubneriana (Leipzig. Epitome de Caesaribus} 4I. in Opitz. in Opitz. 4. 29. (Berlin. 62-64. LactantitlS} pp.9. 32.2. p. 440. Historia ecclesiastica} I. A translation of Socrates' Ecclesiastical History by A. G. Urkunden} pp. Barnes. Eusebius. I855). in Opitz. Urkunden 3· I . pp. in Opitz.8-9. 2 (I890. 57. 36. in Schwartz et al. Philostorgius Kirchengeschichte: Mit dem Leben des Lucian von Antiochien und den Fragmenten eines arianischen Historiographen} Die griechischen christli- chen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte 2 I. ed. 42-47.40 . 26. Urkunde 30. ed. Sirinian. 429-52 I. Gruendel. 5.. I6. EtlSebius} 2:35 8. 28. I: I 56. reprint ed. Socrates. 26. n.2-3. Urkunden} pp. Grand Rapids. pp. Eusebius} 2:362-64. The Ecclesiastical History 0/ Sozomen} Comprising a History 0/ the Church} /rom A. . SEEING AND BELIEVING 24. XII Panegyrici Latini} pp. I (Berlin.-G. pt. 52. Pan. in Mynors. I: Urkunden zur Geschichte des arianischen Streites 3 I8-328 (Berlin.D. Pichlmayr and R. Christianity 0/ Constan- tine} p. 27.5-6. Urkunden} p. 64· . in Creed. Urkunden} p. Sokrates} Kirchengeschichte} Die griechischen christlichen Schriftstell- er der ersten Jahrhunderte. Lactantius.s. F. Constantine and Eusebius} p.} 4.I7-20. 3d ed. 9. Wat- ford. 694. pp. 2d ser. Eusebius. Athanasius Werke} vol. J. Lat. I54-55..60 . I4· 36. Zenos is available in Socrates} Sozo- menus: Church Histories} A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. 37. I7. 89-93· 3I. 39. 28. I67. 2.9. Also the Ecclesiastical History 0/ Philostorgius} as Epitomised by Photius} Patriarch 0/ Constantinople} Bohn's Ecclesiastiocal Library (London. ed. Urkunde 32. ed. Historia ecclesiastica} 9. I934-35). 38. I-I7 8 . 7. Hansen. with M. rev.2. H. Opitz. 22). IO-I I. Mich. Urkunde I8. no.I4. Urkunden 25. 35. 63. 66. p. I7 . 33. C. 3. C. p. Historia ecclesiastica} 2. 5. 55· Eusebius quoted Urkunde 26 in Vita Constantini 3. Urkunde 22. 30. in Schwarz et al. F. 2. in Opitz. A translation of Philostorgius' Ecclesiastical History is available in E. 25. Elliott. ILS (n. pp. Translated /rom the Greek} with a Memoir 0/ the Author. I98I). . 53. Bidez. 36-4I. Urkunden} p. Urkunde 29. Historia ecclesiastica 9. Winkel- mann. Philostorgius.. 36-37. Urkunden} pp.

2d ed.38. rev. 100.6. Michael Attaleiates. 48. 19 8-99. Magoulias. 44. Eusebius: Lift 0/ Constantine (Oxford. Historia ecclesiastica} 2. 42. 215. 45. C. Sozomen. 1.7. Hartranft is available in Socrates} Sozomenus: Church Histories (n. Historia ecclesiastica} 1. .4°. J. 1995). 2 vols. De laudibus Constantini} 18. Decline and Fall 0/ Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks} by Doukas: An Annotated Translation 0/ ((Historia Turco-Byzantina JJ (Detroit.13. in Hansen and Sirinian. Cameron and S. Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae. 1. Sozomenus} Kirchengeschichte} Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte. ed. (Berlin. Hansen. J. Eusebius Werke I} pp. A. Socrates.1. 2:149- 51. Hall. 46. Anna Comnena. Bidez. in Hansen and Sirinian. De laudibus Constantini} 1.6.34. in Bidez and Hansen. 310. 89. G. Eusebius. Sokrates} Kirchengeschichte} p. 7. Ducas. 1839-78). 32). Annae Comnenae Alexiadis libri Xv. 53. Michaelis Attaliotae Histo- rial Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn.s. Historia ecclesiastica} 2. 43. Bekker. 289-9°. Historia} ed. (Bonn. Bekker. 91. 1853). G. Eusebius Werke I} P·259· 41. Eusebius. pp. pp. Sozomentts} Kirchengeschichte} p. Socrates. 1999)· 50. 202. in Heikel. D. THE MANY CONVERSIONS OF CONSTANTINE 151 40. Sokrates} Kirchengeschichte} p. Historia 39. p. 1975). L. 49. Schopen.7-8. in Heikel. A translation of Sozomen's Ecclesiastical History by C. ed. Alexias 12-4. Ducae Michaelis Ducae nepotis Historia byzantina} Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn.6. Vita Andreae Sa/i} PG I I I :868. Eusebius Werke I} pp. De laudibus Constantini} 3. Eusebius. ed. p.18. n. A translation of Ducas' history is available in H. 1834). 236-427. 4. 47.3. Sozomen. in Heikel. Historia ecclesiastica} 1.

-James Clifford. inclusion and exclusion. and genders. Avars. Ethnography decodes and recodes."2 It is well known that Roman ethnographers. drawing on Greek models throughout the imperial period. cu!tures. but because it. aperiod in which the roots of the resilient medieval Byzantine state tookhold. they encountered a Christian state drained by warfare with Persians. During this period Byzantines found great strength in their identity as a Christian people. to~. not simply through the data it records about Romans and other peoples. inclusion and exclusion. changed in step with the times. It poses its questions at the boundaries 0/ civilizations. 1 The venerable genre of classical ethnography that was devoted to telling the differences between cul- tures reflects these developments. in Writing Cu!ture: The Poetics and Politics 0/ Ethnography (1986) ISSUES AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS When Islamic armies first challenged Byzantium in the middle years of the seventh century. described in great detail the distance between . classes. 6 "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" CHRISTIANITY AND THE QUESTION OF CULTURAL CHANGE IN EARLY BYZANTINE ETHNOGRAPHY MICHAEL MAAS Ethnography is actively situated between power/ul systems o/llleaning. races. Roman culture had undergone a significant transformation between the reigns of Justinian (527-65) and Heraclius (610-41). but nevertheless exhibiting a vigorous and hard- won confidence. telling the grounds 0/ collective order and diversity. and their perception of domestic populations and foreigners in imperial affairs acquired a completely religious cast. a society with new "grounds of collective order and diversity. and Slavs. Ethnography can be seen as a kind of barometer of how Christianity became identified with imperial authority and how the Byzantine elite imagined a society that was first of all Christian.

however. During the period between Justinian and Heraclius. different kinds of knowledge about non-Romans. Three Varieties 0/ Ethnographie Writing Three main bodies of ethnographie description coexisted in the late Roman empire that distinguished Romans from non-Romans in different ways.4 It is not merely that they had distinct criteria for distinguishing civilized from noncivilized peoples. As a result of this perception of the empire as a community of Christians. but they did not derive from one another. As a taxonomie exercise. and different principles of accommodation with non-Romans. The Christianization of ethnography profoundly altered understanding of how and why non-Roman communities both within and beyond imperial borders might change their character. These traditions were not necessarily incompatible. regardless of how savage and barbaric some of their habits might have been. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 153 uncivilized peoples and their own normative society. for the ruling elite had long believed that lesser cultures might change their way of life under Roman tutelage." "Barbarians" were people not yet under Roman rule and so assumed to be hostile and uncivilized. and so served as the catalyst for the emergence of medieval Byzantine society. The governing classes of the empire felt sure that by imposing imperial rule upon uncivilized peoples they would transform bar- barians into Romans. Romans' view of their empire required such an attitude. the terms of inclusion within the empire and the nature of Rome's "civilizing mission" changed. were ever described as "barbarians. Notions of civilization and cultural change were intimately linked to Roman rule. of their interest in the equally significant issue of how cultural change was possible within the uncivilized communities they wrote about. Christianity perme- ated all aspects of Roman society more deeply than ever before. the different ethnographie traditions based their interpre- tations of culture on different value judgments. They understood that human communities constantly change. We are less aware. but Romans knew quite well that the uncivilized peoples of the world lived in communities that were anything but static. 3 That is why none of Rome's subjects. it was not until they converged that a genuinely Byzantine attitude toward . This paper is concerned with the turn to Christianity within different sorts of ethnographie writing during this formative period. While they did not live entirely separate lives. The tropes in wh ich they described uncivilized peoples had not changed much since the time of Herodotus. ethnography helped map out a new vision of the world and its communities through Byzantine eyes. and consequently how an integrated imperial community might be achieved.

Syriae. and Latin beeame the tongues of new eommunities of faith that adhered to variant interpretations of the nature of Christ and his relation to God the Father. status. Coptie. inclusion. The seeond main corpus of ethnographie thought was the classieal liter- ary genre of ethnography. and many other groups of all sorts did not surren- der their sense of eommunal identity under Roman domination even though they had a reeognized plaee in the Roman system. By the end of the sixth eentury. and other offieial mark- ers of Roman identity may be understood as a set of ethnographie eatego- ries. 9 Loeal legal traditions faded away. and differentiation in literary texts. espeeially . whieh found a plaee within a Christian firma- ment. and systematieally differentiated the domestie eommunities of the realm. The first. was at heart an ethnographie enterprise beeause it objeetified.13 Classieal ethnography dealt with issues of eul- tural deseription. for example. It pertained to people living within the empire and gave a total definition of society. and most important body of imperial ethnographie thought lay in Roman law.154 SEEING AND BELIEVING eultural inclusion and differentiation took shape. 12 The dialogue between imperial and loeal. beeame an instrument to pursue eonformist religious goals. 8 And so. legal differenees between eitizen and subjeet populations lost resonaneeY New regional iden- tities defined by language and religious beliefs emerged: Greek. 5 Beeause they were eonsistently applied. and espeeially through granting eitizenship. no eities maintained any signifieant indepen- dent laws of their own. eitizenship. Romans gave the inhabit- ants of the empire reeognized status in eategories of Roman law. For this to be eom- plete. "loeal" traditions of law and eustom. however. 7 Cities stood as the embodiment of independent. 6 Rome had always per- mitted its subjeet peoples who were not eitizens to maintain their own eustomary laws in an urban eontext. maintained their own subjeetive identities that had his tori es independent of Roman rule. evaluated. expressed in law. Through such means as levying taxes. eultural differenees had to be rethought in Christian terms. Isaurians. Jews. mapping and naming provin- ces. when in 212 an imperial grant of citizenship to virtually all free people in the empire elim- inated the various gradations of eitizenship that had aeeumulated sinee the Republie. the subjeetive identities of provincial populations slowly began to ehange. Roman law. When Romans organized their subject peoples for the purpose of ruling them they imposed objeetive identifieations upon them. Subordinate peoples within the empire. For example. among other things. and during late antiquity eities declined as important markers of legal identifieation. 10 As Christianity eame to predominate in city and eountryside in this long proeess of eommunal redefinition.

Literary ethnography provided a systematic approach to separating Ro- man from barbarian by positioning uncivilized peoples primarily in relation to Roman power and authority. Theories of the emperor's role in God's providential plan for humanity developed. Sometimes they were idealized for purposes of moral contrast with decadent Romans.17 Orthodoxy and heresy arose as important diagnostic catego- ries in the fifth century. Unlike Roman law. they delineated communities of faith that coexisted with imperial administration. in the sixth . barbarians displayed either indolence and weak- ness or ferocity and violence. Christianity did not require the state to be the arbiter of civilization and was not limited to the empire's inhabitants. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 155 history. they were often described as living in astate of permanent impermanence and instability. it became his obligation to enable the redemption of pagans. with Roman identity the constant referent. The introduction of providential history into the narrative of imperial history fostered a new kind of teleological ethnogra- phy. with primitive urges to destroy civilization. heresiology became a new kind of ethnography. clerics cast the relation of the Gentiles to the church in ways that chal- lenged the opposition of Roman and barbarian. Perhaps unaware of their own past and incapable of rational thought. literary ethnography could offer nuanced interpretations of cultural differences. As we will see. described in the early fourth century a divine plan for humanity that required conversion to Christianity through Rome's agency. the keystone of legal iden- tifications of community and a fundamental principle of literary ethnography. At its best. Outsiders were people not yet saved. Because the emperor was God's prime earthly agent in a providential plan for all humanity. but not dependent on them. Building on Paul's foundation.14 but in their more familiar role barbarians embodied the opposite of Roman virtuesY Always inferior.g in two general guises. for example. both materially and morally. They developed a sophisticated set of ideas ab out the relation of the Gen- tiles to the church that offered the possibility of building a bridge between the Roman and the barbarian worlds. and missions of conversion at horne and abroad became imperial objectives. and when civilization came to be understood as redemptive. Definitions of civilization and judgments of non-Romans derived from time-honored patterns of urban life. though its descriptions of foreign social structures lacked the precision found in Roman law that dealt with domestic popula- tions and their moral and political significance. Barbarians appeared in ethnographie writin.16 Christianity offered a third range of ethnographie identifications based on principles of faith that were compatible with developments within the Roman state. Eusebius of Caesarea.

Some Aspects 0/ Roman Ethnography be/ore Justinian Ethnography began with the Greeks as a medium of seientifie investigation. Greek models would influenee the genre for more than a millennium as it eame into Roman hands." Above all else. Byzantium was a eom- munity of faith. By providing the emperor with new reasons for intervening in the eommunities of his subjects and negotiating with his neighbors. including the reports that aeeompanied inter- national diplomaey. the emperor briefly entered ethnography as a Christian agent of eultural transformation. 19 Thus there was in plaee from an early period a repertoire of tropes and images that were employed again and again. The experienee of eonquest and government of many peoples. The ethnography of medieval Byzantium would display new prineiples of "eolleetive order and diversity. responding to different politieal eoneerns and personal talents.15 6 SEEING AND BELIEVING eentury. Perhaps the most familiar example is the name "Seythian. ethnogra- phy remained a plastie medium in their hands. classieal ethnography was "eonverted"-out of existenee. Avars." given by Herodotus to steppe nomads and then in later eenturies applied to Huns. inclusion and exclusion. 20 Rome assumed a dominant position in the ethno- graphie pieture and displaeed other models of eultural eentrality. when classieal eth- nography was eited by Byzantine authors. and eventually Mongois. ensured that ethnographie writing would flourish in the Roman empire. and following the lead of Herodotus it soon beeame an integral part of historieal eomposition and other literary forms. ethnographie deseription was not part of Christian imperial propaganda before Justinian. and quite naturally ithad a profound effeet on ethnographie writing as well. In the Christian tradition barbarian eommunities were seen first of all in terms of preparation for Christianity. Christianity played a signifieant role in shaping the imperial ideology of eultural transformation in a Byzantine eontext. But while Roman writers savored arehaizing eonventions. Chazars.21 Exeur- . Chureh writers did not pay attention to the seeular genre of ethnography. By the time of the rise of Islam in the early deeades of the seventh eentury. it was always from a Christian perspeetive and gene rally with an antiquarian flavor. and by offering new eriteria for deseribing and judging non-Roman eommunities.18 and while eonversion of individuals and eommuni- ties beeame an imperial goal and missionary aetivity an imperial eoneern. In later eenturies. We will see that und er the influenee of Christianity. classieal ethnography had lost its force as an independent agent of social analysis. Turks.

climate. especially if they could be linked to classical myth. agriculture. trying to "amuse and edify. As inheritors of Greek literary culture. 29 Yet at the same time that universalist beliefs embraced . but one element recurred throughout: the opposition of Roman and barbarian. because historical lineage gave a strong identity to a people. First. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 157 suses. the often lengthy asides found especially in the writing of history. and a host of other topics occupied the attention of ethnographers. What did foreigners look like? Lying behind this question were astrological and physiognomie theo- ries. These were also susceptible to change. Roman ethnographers generally kept "ways of life" and "religion" separate in their discussion. Little interest was displayed in the languages of non-Romans though it was recognized that language was an important marker of identity. to the function and ideology of the state: Rome had a civilizing mission. that is of a barbarian becoming a Roman. and exotic flora and fauna of a region in which a people dwelled. The origins of foreign peoples were important. Romans assumed that every people had a particular way of life marked by distinguishing characteristics and capable of change. They are now understood to have been integral parts of the works in which they appeared. 22 Ethnography brought the unknown and unfamiliar to the attention of its readers. 26 Romans understood that different peoples had different "belief sys- tems" that included religion. Thus. and the formation of the character of peoples. not simply learned and decorative afterthoughts. laws andinstitutions. The range of topics discussed was quite broad. thereby enabling assimilation. religious beliefs were part of a way of life but did not define that way of life. 28 The opposition lay at the heart of Roman reflections about their imperial power and contained the possibility of cultural transformation. the Roman governing elite took on board a well-developed contrast between civilized and barbarian society which they developed to suit Roman needs. natural resources. cultic practice.27 Authors developed such themes in different ways. 24 Romans also took for granted that there were intimate connections between geography. and they linked this possibility of cultural transformation. and philosophical speculation of different sorts. Ro- mans made the contrast between civilization and barbarism their own in two somewhat contradictory ways. they had adynamie and quite important belief in the transformative power of Roman law and society. 25 For this reason they had a wide curiosity and looked forward to finding out about the physical geography. sexual habits. were the traditional vehicle for ethnographie descriptions. military organization. the arrangement of the stars."23 but at the same time it supported the larger political or literary goals of the document in which it appeared.

31 The contradictory needs to incorporate conquered peoples and to distinguish oneself from them created a basic tension of great significance in Roman ethnographie thought. the continuing presence of local laws with their own centrifugal force kept the question of becoming Roman alive. Roman self-definition required the barbarian. offers the most articu- . 35 Many authors put speeches in the mouths of soon-to-be-defeated enemies of Rome that described the consequences of defeat at Roman hands. The terms of their transformation had to be negotiated and rene- gotiated on every level of society. 34 Roman writers could be cynical ab out the cost to indigenous popula- tions of becoming Roman. for example. Romanization was always an unfinished busi- ness. for example. even while local customs were also respect- ed. The intellectual movement known as the Second Sophistic. presumed that conquered peoples might be civilized by living under the rule of Roman law. Romans continued to rely on the contrast between civilization and barbarian life to justify their imperialism. we may legitimately speak of a Roman ethnography shaped by the problematics of conquest and assimilation. and they maintained a deep-seated antagonism to the barbar- ian as a type. for example."32 Even after the Constitutio Antonini- ana granted Roman citizenship to all free people in the empire in 212. 33 On a literary plane. It must be emphasized that resolving the conflict between inclusion and exclusion was the heart of Roman daily experience. That is to say. While acknowledging the debt to its classical Greek origins. Romans watched other people becoming Romans. determining the distance between the familiar and the exotic was at the base of value judg- ments within ethnography. Greg Woolf points out that nothing was more characteristic of life in the Roman empire than to be "eulturally peripheralized. which flour- ished in the first two centuries of the Pax Romana. Tacitus. SEEING AND BELIEVING the possibility of remaking the world in their image. 30 In the early empire. In real life people did assimilate to Roman culture to different degrees. Rome's imperial mission. Stoic psychology developed the opposition into a potent metaphor that linked internal self-control to mastery of the world. and it occurred at different rates in different locales. Writing about Cultural Change The idea that cultures might change had a considerable history in Roman literature. as articulated ·in Vergil's Aeneid. How much cultural baggage had to be abandoned? How much-or how little-did Rome require to become a Roman? In every city and on every military post. is well known for his remark that by taking baths and learning Latin conquered Britons thought they were becoming civilized but instead were becoming slaves.

believed that his paideia could in turn influence Greeks themselves. nor was it associated with the Ro- man Empire. of course. and the rapid development of Constantinople as the symbolic center of the Christian imperial community. who understood his own Hellenization as an active engagement with Greek ideas. From Jttstinian to Heraclitts A new attitude toward outsiders had been growing at Constantinople since the loss of the Western Empire in the fifth century. 39 And. In some legal contexts law and ethnography become intertwined in a fresh way. and Lucian. Under Justinian Christianity and Roman culture were so closely identified that imperial Chalcedonian belief was necessary for participation in public life. Celtic. Plutarch pre- sented Alexander the Great as a man who spread Greek civilization and imposed Greek culture on passive Syria. but now the emperor ap- pears in the written sources more forthrightly in Christian terms as the facilitator of that inclusiveness. These developments fell in step with the reemphasis under Justinian of the emperor as the ideological and institutional center of society. Christianity offered new paradigms of change through conversion. or any other background might transcend their culture of origin and enter into an international elite fraternity of prestigious learning and above all facility with Attic Greek. presented himself as the model of a "barbarian" who had become civilized through the force of paideia. Writers who drew on the conventional contrast of civilized Greek versus uncivilized barbarian distinguished between ethnic identity and cul- tural identity. 36 (It should be noted. as the other essays in this volume show. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 159 late and self-conscious reflection on the possibilities of personal transforma- tion. the ever fuller integration of Christianity with programmatic state ideology. however. for example. 40 The old Roman willing- ness to bring foreigners into the Roman world by force or attraction still was clearly visible in J ustinian's foreign policy. 41 As the relation between city and countryside . J Syrian. By accepting Greek paideia intellectuals of Roman. 37 More than individual transformation was possible. 38 These ideas of the Second Sophistic influenced the Cappadocian Fathers. whose work was weIl known to Justinian and his circle. and the entry of the figure of the Christian emperor into ethnographie description. that the trans- formation of an elite individual through paideia was not the same as the transformation of an entire community. and during Justinian's reign there is evidence of a fresh specificity in Byzantine perceptions and treatment of foreigners in Constantinople's orbit. We will see quite clearly the entry of eth- nography into Christian imperial rhetoric.) Lucian of Samosata.

a reartieulated view of the Roman tradition. For this reason the reign of Heraclius will provide a good stopping point for our diseussion. The religion set clear terms for a Byz- antine view of the peoples of the world and politieal interaction with them. but only if they were orthodox. One eharaeteristie of Heraclius's empire at mid-seventh eentury was the full integration of Christianity into imperial theory. After an abortive rebellion by some groups of Tzani in 558. and at the same time clas- sieal historiography. whieh are diseussed in more detail below. . Enforeement of belief was harsh. 43 A Byzantine sense of identity erystallized around the Greek language. 45 Byzantine pereeption of the role of foreigners in imperial affairs aequired a fundamentally Christian eharaeter. THE CASE OF THE TZANI In the year 528 the armies of Justinian eonquered the Tzani. Aeeordingly. the emperor. The reign of Justinian was far rieher in different kinds of ethnographie writing than those of his sue- eessors. old poles of identity fell away. as some loeal languages gradually beeame obsolete. 48 Justinian fortified the region in order to eon- trol the interior as weIl as the Blaek Sea eoast. and as pagan- ism was eradieated in huge swaths in the eountryside. Justinian imposed punitive payments upon them.160 SEEING AND BELIEVING ehanged. and above all . a bellicose people living in the foothills of the Taurus mountain range ne ar Armenia with whom imperial forees had clashed many times in previous reignsY This military action was a small part of a grander strategy of reorganizing and stabilizing the eastern frontier to inerease politieal influenee and to maintain peaee with Persia. under Justinian missionary and diplomatie aetivity reeeived a joint emphasis. and an imperial Christianity met areal need to artieulate new onesY In Byzantium people of all ethne were welcome to partieipate. It was the making of Greek Byzantium in a fashion analogous to the develop- ment of Coptie and Syriae eultures. Christianity. 44 There was less and less room in this Byzantine world for an ethnography in whieh Christianity had no role. and the passages chosen for diseussion here illustrate some of that variety. and he built several towns in Tzaniea. 46 The following examples illustrate important preoeeupations of ethno- graphie writers between Justinian and Heraclius. eeased to be written. Their land was ineorporated into the empire though it was not made into a provinee. 49 The Tzani were foreed to eonvert to Christianity and to eontrib- ute troops to the Roman army. the usual vehicle for extended ethnographie deserip- tions.

for example have stated that the territory of the Trapezuntines adjoined either by the Sani. and has brought about constant changes along with the . as it is called. But apart from this. political inclusion within the empire. This produces in the end three rather different ethnographie statements. . The Tzani in ProcopiusJs Wars In his account of Justinian's wars Procopius describes the conquest of the Tzani in some detail. For in the first place. Each of the various sources makes a different sort of value judgment about the Tzani and locates the reader in relation to them in a different way. At this point in my narrative it has seemed to me not inappropriate to pause a moment. Some of these writers. like men fighting shadows. so that they may not be compelled to discuss matters which are obscure to them. taking care that his readers understand his historio- graphical concerns. My purpose is not to sift these versions and produce a "correct" historical account. but to point out the ways the sources articulate questions of the Tzani's cultural transformation. It is worth reproducing his description at length. not that I am ignorant that these things have been written down by some of the men of earlier times. cafions from which it is impossible to climb out. but also that I believe that not all of their statements are accurate. . And yet neither of these statements is true. . who at the present day are called Tzani . and there is an extensive area always devoid of human habitation. . and many mountains stand between which are thoroughly impassable and altogether precipitous. . history. the Tzani live at a very great distance from the coast as neighbors of the Armenians in the interior. in order that the geography of Lazica may be clear to those who read this history and that they may know what races of men inhabit that region. and law. and the influence of Christianity upon them. Each involves a different sort of knowledge ab out them. forested heights. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 161 The story of the Tzani is an interesting illustration of J ustinianic ethnog- raphy because their sad history is discussed in three different sorts of con- temporary writing: panegyric. Thus we can see particularly weIl how each genre influenced the description of the Tzani and posed different sorts of questions within a Justinianic framework. I shall therefore give an account of the distribution of the peoples who live about the Euxine Sea. a long period of time has elapsed since these accounts were" written. and impassable chasms-all these prevent the Tzani from being on the sea.

they would immediately betake themselves again . Wherefore also the Ro- man emperor sent them each year a fixed amount of gold. but stating accurately and in order both the names of each of those places and the facts that apply to them at the present day. disregarding what they had sworn.. who had been settled from of old in Roman territory.50 Here Procopius adopts the pose of an empirical historian. with the condition that they should never plunder the country thereabout. He explains the need for scrutiny and skepticism by stating rather baldly that "circumstances change" causing people to move about and names to be altered. subject to no one. Procopius describes the Tzani when introducing the subject of war on the Persian frontier: It happened also that a short time before this they had reduced to subjection the Tzanic nation. but also the Romans who lived next to them as far as the sea. because of the migrations of nations and successive changes of rulers and of names.. as an autonomous people. and to these things. EIsewhere. they had been accustomed for a long time to make unexpected attacks and to injure not only the Armenians. the manner in which they were accomplished will be related here and now. and always living upon what they stole. they made plundering expedi- tions among the Romans who ·lived round about. And the barbarians had sworn to observe this agreement with the oaths peculiar to their nation. however. maintaining a most difficult existence. He endeavors to present correct information to his readers so that they might understand better the militaryactions that are his chief concern at this point in his narrative. He considers ethnographic knowledge as something that a historian must renew because of the passage of time. In this place from the beginning lived barbarians. then.. SEEING AND BELIEVING march of events. after completing their inroad in a short space of time. More important for the purposes of this paper than any accuracy that he may have achieved. for their land produced for them nothing good to eat. As one go es from the land of Armenia into Persarmenia the Taurus lies on the right. and then.. These things it has seemed to me very necessary to investigate. extending into Iberia and the peoples there . called Sani in early times. not relating mythological tales about them nor other antiquated mater- ial . is the very fact that he pursues it while describing people and geography That is to say an attempt at historical accuracy controls his presentation.. the Tzanic nation. with the result that many of the conditions which formerly obtained have been replaced by new conditions.

53 His account combines ethnographie data ab out . For they changed their manner of life to one of a more civilized sort ('ti]v 'tE yap öiat 'tuv E. These themes are further developed in Buildings. They also abandoned their own religion for a more righteous faith ('ti]v 'tE ö6~uv E. In this way Sittas had defeated them in batde before this war and then by many manifestations of kindness in word and deed he had been able to win them over completely. The historical picture that emerges is not one of the Tzani living in primitive and timeless isolation as will be the case in his panegyric. And whenever they encountered a Roman army they were always defeated in batde. their mode of subsistence (raiding and plun- dering) and the reasons for it. and by his recognition of Justinian as the ultimate agent of their transformation.1tl 't0 EucmßEO''tEpOV IlE'tESEV'tO). Panegyric: Procopius's Buildings Procopius described the defeat of the Tzani in a lengthy passage in Build- ings. His picture reflects imperial ideology of the day by emphasizing the importance of the Tzani's conversion to Christianity and consequent adop- tion of civilized life. but they proved to be absolutely be- yond capture owing to the strength of their fastnesses.OV'tES) and enrolled themselves among the Roman troops. Description of the Tzani in the Wars is determined by the requirements of the historical narrative for accurate information. and all of them became Christians. a panegyrical work on the emperor's building policy probably written late in Justinian's reign. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 163 to their hornes. Buildings. Such then was the his tory of the Tzani. Procopius also places the Tzani in a literary context. and from that time they have gone forth against the enemy with the rest of the Roman army.1tl 't0 T1I1EPol'tEpov IlE'taßUt. and invites his readers to appreciate them in terms of what other writers of earlier times have said. Though his sketch is full of diches (elsewhere he describes the conversion and setdement of the Heruls in nearly the same terms). but of their having been an extremely problematical people for a very long time.52 it is also a good account of life in the mountains of Pontus. as the objects of knowledge and the subjects of research. The Tzani are presented as people about whom accurate things might be known. Christianity has entered the picture to com- pete with law and urbanism as a marker of civilized life. and their political relation to Rome as recip- ients of subsidies. He employs familiar contrasts of Romans and hostile barbarians.. 51 In the tradition of dassical ethnography Procopius specifies the Tzani's political condition of self rule.

fearing that the Tzani at some time might alter their way of life ('t11V Otat'tov) and change their habits ('tu 118r1> back to the wilder sort.. The material is presumably derived from the passage in the Wars just discussed. giving up all brigandage and always marching with the Romans whenever they went against their enemies. . but during the reign of J ustinian they were defeated in batde . . . living as they did a life of solitude among themselves in the manner of wild beasts. and gave the Tzani unhampered dealings ('tu<. and they altered their manner of life ('t11v Otat 'tov) to a milder way. and worshipping them.. following a savage-like manner of life. And it has seemed to me not inappropriate to record at this point in my account what he did for the Tzani. SEEING AND BELIEVING the Tzani with formal observations about the activity of the emperor and the goals of imperial power..54 he brought it ab out that they mingled with other peoples in the manner of men in general and consent- ed to have dealings (E7ttlltyvucr8m) with their neighbors.. but robbing and living always on their plunder.. and caused them to conduct services and to partake of the sacraments and propitiate God with prayers and perform other acts of worship. and cultivating no land whatever. This the Emperor Justinian restored .. For this reason the Tzani in ancient times used to live in independence. . 55 . and spending their whole lives among mountains reaching to the sky and covered wirh forests.. And they immediately changed their belief (TItv 86~ov) to piety. . assigned to them very strong garrisons of Roman soldiers... devised the following measures. . and transforming the rough places and making them smooth and passable for horses. without rulers. From ancient times the Tzani have lived as an indepen- dent people.) with other peoples. and abandoning the struggle they straightway yielded to hirn. he built these forts .. As a result of this it was impossible for the Tzani to mingle with their neighbors. Accordingly he cut down all the trees by which the routes chanced to be obstructed. And he built forts in all parts of the land. all of them becoming Christian. E1tllll~tO<.. I shall now tell where .. which long before had become a ruin through neglect. Tzanica was a very inaccessible country. And at a place two days journey from Horonon. regarding as gods the trees and birds and sundry creatures besides. for they are neighbors of the Armenians. preferring toilless servitude to dangerous liberty. where the territory of the Tzani who are called Ocenitae commences (for the Tzani are divided into many tribes) there was a sott of stronghold built of men of former times . so that they should know they were human beings. And the emperor Justinian. After this he built a church for them ..

he ties the deseription of a people and their eulture to an elaborate theory of empire at the he art 'of Buildings. they have no arts of agrieulture.59 but it should be emphasized that Christianity does not determine all of the deseription of the Tzani. He establishes distanee from Roman eivilization on different planes: the Tzani have no rulers and no law. First. the opposition of barbarian to Roman must be eonsidered as a form of politieal and soeial self-definition."58 That Proeopius singles out Christianity as the eatalyst for making the Tzani entirely human is not at all surprising. separated from other peoples. they live in forests like beasts. they worship animals and trees. Several lines of thought are in play here. The methods by whieh these barbarie cireumstanees are ehanged to make the Tzani civilized are partieularly evocative of Roman attitudes. Eneouraging the growth of eities had long been a prop of the Roman imperial order though not a deli berate goal of empire. as though the empire was restored and revitalized solely through his efforts and within a short spaee of time. they are beyond the Roman state and its influenee. and to separate them from surrounding enemies of Rome. 57 Buildings empha- sizes Justinian's energy and produees "the impression that a sudden and overwhelming ehange was brought about by Justinian's building polieies. takes it for granted that Justinian's building poliey was partly direeted to bringing pagans to the Chureh. Proeopius imposes on the Tzani eertain cliched attributes of barbarism that have a very long history in the Greeo-Roman ethnographie tradition and must not be aeeepted as the literal truth. This theory held that the Christian emperor would restore the grandeur of Roman antiquity and thereby ensure divine favor for himself and his people. Proeopius judges the Tzani harshly. The terms in whieh he deseribes them provide an exeellent statement of Romanitas-in reverse: we learn what was eonsidered un-Roman and therefore bad. though in some exaggerated ways they may be appropriate to the eondition of the Tzani. a fundamentally Christi an text. Buildings. We also see Christianity presented as the final and proper expression of belief. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 165 Six elements in this deseription des erve eomment.56 When Proeopius explains aeeurately that the emperor built forts to in- clude the Tzani and proteet them. The next fundamental element in Proeopius's deseription of the Tzani is the possibility of eultural transformation. Justinian takes them from isolation so that they may have relations with surrounding . We find a view of progress based on a rise to urbanism in keeping with the Roman view of the primaey of city life and also with the Buildings' emphasis on the rehabilitation of urban life. they live in the solitude of high mountains. As in his aeeount in the Wars. This attitude was embodied in Justinian's sponsorship of foreed eonversions and missionary aetivity. they gain their livelihood from plunder.

60 Regrettably. who brought Greek culture to a barbarous warld. Ir is Justinian who cuts away obstructions. he brings it about that the Tzani mix with their neighbors. he causes the Tzani to worship as Christians. had been understood to be the artisan. unchanging life of savagery in aland of eternal winter. Justinian takes the Tzani from a timeless. focuses on the person of the emperor as he changes the ways of life of the Tzani. civilization is presented as a political condition of cultural interchange and osmosis. in . A long history of the development of the emperor's central position lies behind this emergence of the emperor at center stage. like Alexander the Great and Herades. in eadier periods the Roman state in a general sense. 62 Pulling them into a world susceptible to change brings the Tzani into not only the range of imperial law and government.64 This notion of backsliding. He not only raises them from the level of animals. 63 Procopius's remark that Justinian took these steps because he feared "that the Tzani at some time might alter their way of life and change their habits back to the wilder sort" contains historical as weH as propagandistic information. The cultural transformation described by Procopius has a more abstract as- pect as weH that goes beyond habits of life. in other words. and Buildings praises the emperar in these time-honored terms. brings us directly to a central tenet of Justinian's view of legislation: since the wodd was in astate of constant flux the emperar must constantly enact new laws to earn and keep the favor of GOd. 66 Note particu- lady how the language of this passage. 67 There mayaiso be a connection to the culture heroes of the Second Sophistic. Justinian habit- uaHy presented hirnself as a restorer of the state in official statements. not the emperor hirnself.r66 SEEING AND BELIEVING peoples. The possibility of cultural regression (rarely expressed in Roman imperial ethnogra- phy) may be understood as a polite reference to the revolt of some tribes of the Tzani in 558. 61 to the wodd of history in which change may occur and in which history may be written. the panegyric gives hirn here and elsewhere a monumental role as Christian artifex in cultural trans- formation. but also the arena of contemporary philosophical speculation about the nature of change. 65 The third element to emphasize in this ethnographie passage is the spe- cial status of the emperar as the facilitator of social change. Ir is the custom of imperial writers of many historical periods to categorize their subjects as primitive and stuck in a rut of permanent routine. entirely appropriately for a panegy- ric. Procopius does not have anything more to say about how this interaction is to work. In Procopius's description. he welcomes them into a community of nations dominated by the Roman Empire. which belies the conceit that culture may be changed by Bat. 68 Here. he transforms the rough places. and Justinian's reign was noteworthy for new coalescence of Christian legitimization of imperial power in law and art and in the formulation of religious doctrine. In short.

law. we note the presence of Christianity. are determined by the imperial ideological concerns on which the panegyric rests. not a science of humanity. The changes imposed on the Tzani are of interest to hirn only because they illustrate assumptions about Rome as a civilizing power. leads them to fundamental social change. Charles Pazdernik correcdy explains Procopius's mention of the Tzani's replacing a "dangerous liberty" with a "servitude free from care" as a reference to Justinian's benef- icent shouldering of the weight of all their troubles. The description oE the Tzani is in the service of the pane- gyric. the Tzani exist simply as players in an old imperial drama of conquest and assimilation. namely their isolation and consequent barbarism. The rhetoric oE authority. All of this information is not relevant in the panegyric. hidden behind the glorification of Romanization. Procopius describes the conquest of the Tzani in more empirical terms. In his History 0/ the Wars. and the accompanying description of their transformation into Roman subjects. the description of the Tzani gains its authority because of how it reinforces beliefs about the emperor's mission of restoration and conversion. as celebrated in Buildings. subsidies. and frequent defeat in batde. Just as it made itself felt in art. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" r67 the description of the Tzani's transformation. The description of the Tzani reinEorces beliefs about the emperor's mission of restoration and conversion and celebrates Justinian's power over them through the medium of the cultural progress that he enables. and this of course alters his description of them. . and politics. Finally. Imperial arrogance marks the fourth element: Procopius is utterly blind to what this forced conversion and cultural transformation actually entailed for the Tzani themselves. With Procopius. marked by broken agreements. 69 Servitude to the emperor did not mean slavery but a natural dependence upon a wise and helpful ruler who would guide them to the true liberation of Christianity. animates the ethnog- raphy. One thing is certain: Justinian's power over the Tzani. In the panegyric. Christianity animates these concerns. we see one more aggrandize- ment: the intrusion of the emperor into ethnographie description. the totalitarian presence of the emperor Justinian appears here in ethnographie description. and claims to have conducted research on them. 70 In the historical discussion he explains that the Tzani do not live in isolation but have had a long history of relations with the Romans. He would have known as well from classical authors other episodes in the Tzani's long history. The fifth point pertains to the authority of the passage. Justinian's "system of belief' which gives a coherence to the entire passage and afEects nearly every aspect of Procopius's treatment. The fact of imperial violation of Tzanic culture is imma- terial. Ir is clear that the chief characteristics oE the Tzani in the panegyric.

and in which the description of foreigners had a role. issued in 535.. Whereupon Justinian bade hirn im- pose upon them a fixed annual tribute to be paid in perpetuity. the Carthaginians have recovered their former freedom. After that they were affiliated with Rome through a treaty. which most likely resumed full citizenship after being reconquered by Justinian's armies. and a new province of Tzania was not created for them. the Vandals and Moors obedient. now emblematic of Justinian's far-ranging achievements. Italy. been subjected to the Roman domination which is something that God has not permitted to take place up to this time and until our reign. 71 Before their conquest in 528 the Tzani were "autonomous" within the empire and received subsidies. but it does place them in the context of a carefully thought-out imperial theory of law. This is apreface to a law and not literary ethnography. They had never been Romanized or been part of a Roman province. and Spain. numerous demands have been presented to us by our subjects. Theodorus sent a report of what had happened to the emperor and asked what further measures he wished hirn to take. to each of which we shall pay attention in the most suitable manner . and restoration that was in place in the first decade of Justinian's reign. 73 Having thus forcibl y subdued the entire nation.r68 SEEING AND BELIEVING The Tzani in the Law Justinian's first Novel. the Tzani were newly conquered. now that the Persians are quiet. and unlike the federate Heruls who settled within the empire by treaty. presumably as part of direct Roman administration. the significant fact about the Tzani is their subjugation. and the Tzani have. What was the official status of the Tzani and what place were they actually given in the imperial system after their defeat? Unlike the highly Romanized populations of North Africa. What this Novel does not make clear. conquest. mentions the Tzani in the same breath as the military reconquest of some of the old western provinces of the Roman empire: While we were formerly occupied with the cares of the entire govern- ment and could think of nothing of inferior importance..72 This state of affairs lasted until 558 when arevolt was crushed and a tribute was imposed on them. It was his purpose that in this way they should become aware of their posi- . is the precise nature of their subjugation. In this passage. however. for the first time.

BARBARISM AND LEGAL REFORM IN ARMENIA How a subject people became assimilated into the empire through the agency of law is well illustrated by Justinian's law of 536 regarding inher- itance practices in Armenia. have delivered it from irs ancient customs 81 and have familiarized it with those of the Romans. In none of these circumstances were the Tzani dealt wirh as normal provincial citizens who did not receive subsidies or pay tribute. The difference between subjects and citizens had effectively been eliminated by the Constitutio Antoniniana75 and the word subiecti (subjects) was in fact the word for citizens most frequently used in Justinian's laws. recently conquered subjects who remained in a "condition of suspended political existence until arrangements are made for their permanent organization as Roman allies or provincial subjects. Accordingly their names were all inscribed in a register. We think. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" r69 tion as his obedient subjects. Proconsul of Armenia: Desiring that the country of Armenia should be governed by good laws. 79 Yet."77 J ustinian. for all of the peculiarity of their subjection to the empire. Roman law clearly applied to them. and they were subjected to the payment of a tribute which to this very day they are still paying. and in no respect differ from the rest of our empire. ordering that it shall have no other laws than theirs. by means of a special enactment. seems to have abolished at least some aspects of this status in 530.78 Perhaps J ustinian felt that the law would contribute to the Romanization of the Tzani. how- ever. 74 But was this tribute the same as the taxes that all citizens in the empire paid? It is difficult to identify their status. Procopius and Agathias refer to them as citizens. for among . paying tribute and totally under his power. 80 The conclusion must be drawn that the Roman community as imagined in the law embraced people who were subject to the state in very different ways. Citizenship in effect had come to mean simply recognizing the au- thority of the emperor. to abolish a barbarous practice which the Armenians have preserved. however. The contrast between Roman civilization and barbarism is an important issue in the legislation: The Emperor J ustinian to Acacius. We have conferred upon it a Roman administration. that is. that it is necessary. 76 If anything the Tzani seem to have been in the condition of dediticii (though this term is not mentioned). a beneficent father.

82 Because the Armenians were Roman subjects. 1. While the novel recognizes dif- ferences among peoples. that is. shall be observed in Armenia. from a legal point of view the significant things that the Armenians now have in common wirh the rest oE Justinian's sub- jects are law and Christianity. and are purchased by their future husbands. They are neither fully Roman nor fuHy barbarian. Therefore we decree by this imperial enactment that the laws in force in our Empire. it desires to treat them all equally by establishing certain legal norms. With its blend oE Christianity and . and finally. which have reference to the right of women to succeed to estates. . or by Our predecessors. they are married without a dowry. These barbarous customs they have observed up to the present time. Precise knowledge of Armenian customs allows J ustinian to legislate in this matter. 83 There is at the same time no doubt that J ustinian will fully civilize them with his legislation. and they are not the only ones who act in this cruel manner. and are under our government like many other peoples. their women shall not be the only ones deprived of our justice. which makes a clear claim to cultural transformation ("having delivered it from its ancient customs"). This is Justinianic imperialism at its most high-handed. as if it was utterly vile.17° SEEING AND BELIEVING them women are excluded not only from succession to the estates of their ascendants. Hence the Armenians shall no longer be subject to laws different from those of the Empire. contemptible. as framed by the emperor's laws. a combination oE "way oE life" and "belief system" (oat'tu and 06~u). a universalizing act that transcends (or levels) cul- tural difEerences among imperial subjects. and they shall all enjoy the benefit of our laws. the Armenians take a place in an imperial Christian world view. and not entitled to any honor. The law's stated purpose is to integrate Armenia com- pletely into the Roman administrative system so that it will be the same as all the other provinces. Thus. Ch. Promulgated by Ourself. or whether they are called upon to obey the Imperial Constitu- tions. for there are other races that dishonor nature in the same way. whether they have come down to Us from former ages and have been inserted into Our Institutes and Digest. and took part in the propagation of the human race. imposing the imperial fantasy of bringing civilization and God's order. and enjoy the benefits conferred by Us. but also from those of their own brothers and or blood relatives. As receivers oE civilization. . . but he does call them barbarous in one regard: they do not live by Roman inheritance law. and if they form part of our subjects. Justinian could not call them barbarians. and that no difference shall hereafter exist between the sexes in this respect. and injure the female sex just as if it were not created by God.

86 Like earlier writ- ers. Agathias wishes to describe cultural change accurately. within the traditional format of the ethnographie excursus. He was certainly a Christian. 84 The historical accuracy of these long descrip- tions was thoroughly studied some years ago by Averil Cameron. 89 He distinguishes three aspects of . Agathias discussed at considerable length the Persians.. 87 The best example of this comes in his description of the Lazi. even at second hand. 580). 88 Agathias understood Roman civilization to work as weH through inter- mediaries. may have a civilizing effect.. he emphasizes that contact with Rome. as seen in his discussion of the influence of the orthodox Chris- ti an Franks on the pagan Alamanni. They pride themselves on their connection with the ancient name of the Colchians and have an exaggeratedly. though perhaps understandably. the Franks. with such an abundance of all the necessaries of life and with such a high standard of civilization and refinement . He also makes a few remarks about loss of cultural identity. with such an ideal geographical position. . "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" I7I imperial agency. . though he should not be considered an official or "court" histo- rian. worked as a lawyer in Constantinople and had associations dose to the palace. and the Alamanni. long association with the Romans having led them to adopt a civilized and law abiding style of life. It points to a hierarchy of civilized and uncivilized peoples based on criteria that are both Christian and Roman. the law provides areal specificity to cultural difference-an example of a Byzantine ethnography. AFTER JUSTINIAN Cultural Interaction and Cultural Relativisnz: Agathias Agathias of Myrina (C.85 but several points may still be made about Agathias's treatment of cultural transformation and the related issue of cultural relativism. a fierce people that lived on the eastern shore of the Black Sea: The Lazi are a great and a proud people and they rule over other very considerable peoples. I certainly know of no other subject race with such ample resources of manpower at its command or which is blessed with such a superfluity of wealth. whose history began where Procopius's ended.532-C. So that . conditions are now very much better than they were in the past. Nor are they barbarians in any other respect. high opinion of themselves.

but their system of government. marriage and religious observance. strike me as extremely well-bred and civilized and as practically the same as ourselves except for their uncouth style of dress and peculiar language . But contact with the Franks is having a beneficial effect and is reforming them in this respect too. and. . for political reasons. Indeed I know of no other society which has been subjected to such a bewildering variety of transformations or which through its submis- .. the Franks are not nomads.. that is. and imagine that they are performing an act of piety thereby. are in turn described as being very nearly Roman: . with the last of these receiving the greatest attention: [The Alamanni) worship certain trees." His rosy picture of the Franks is an almost total projection of Roman views. ever since they have come under the spell of the doctrines of Zoroaster the son of Horamasdes. hills and mountain valleys. 92 Similarly. I think. . Agathias be- lieved that the Persians had been corrupted by Zoroastrianism: But the present day Persians have almost completely abandoned their old ways ('tu npo'tEpa E81l). and religious observance.. . 90 The Franks.17 2 SEEING AND BELIEVING Alamannic society: traditional mode of living. before a saner view wins universal acceptance. the waters of rivers. They also have magistrates in their cities and priests and celebrate the feasts in the same wayas we do. They are in fact all Christians and adhere to the strictest orthodoxy. government and administra- tion. al ready it is influencing the more rational among them and it will not be long.. as indeed some of the barbarian peoples are. namely orthodoxy and Roman customs. and countless other animals by beheading them. terms involving "system of belief' and "way of life. for a barbarian people. administration and laws are modeled more or less on the Roman pattern. dose contact might have negative consequences. cattle.. an upheaval which has been marked by the wholesale adoption of alien and degenerate manners. I admire them for their other attributes and especially for the spirit of justice and harmony which prevails amongst them. 91 The patent inaccuracies of this description are less important than the terms in which similarity is stated. in whose honor they sacrifice horses. apart from which they uphold similar standards with regard to contracts.

contemptible and unworthy of serious consideration. to strike even those who practise them. but in their search for moral goodness they form a wrong judg- ment. I think. in recounting a political quarrel among the Lazi about whether allegiance to Rome or Persia would be better. Small wonder then that it still bears the stamp of many different forms and conventions. whereas whatever runs counter to it is deemed deplorable. . .. 93 According to Agathias. shape behavior and the character of society. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" I73 sion to an endless succession of foreign dominations has failed so sig- nally to achieve any degree of continuity. On this occasion he took full advantage of the greater conviction his arguments seemed to carry and tried to magnify the affair out of all proportion. which all people have.94 In two further passages Agathias remarks on cultural change and loss of cultural identity. of course. daiming that in view of the . that these are superior to anyone else's. so it does not strike me as particu- lady surprising that the Persians too should try to prove. and not urbanism or law. Such arguments may indeed be true. that each of the various nations of man- kind considers that any custom whatsoever which is both universally accepted in their society and deepl y rooted in their past cannot fail to be perfect and sacrosanct. religion. He is aware of the consequences of Roman imperialism: One of the most distinguished people present was a man called Aeetes. he seems to imply that political subordination would lead directly to great cultural change. unless they happen to be complete fools. when ac- counting for their own customs. All those who do not attain to the truth merit pity rather than censure and fully deserve to be forgiven. .. lt is not after all of their own accord that they fall into error. then.. For the irrationality and foUy of their beliefs can hardly fail. and as such can be easily eradicated. His anger and indignation at what had happened was greater than anyone else's for he had always hated the Romans and been sympathet- ically indined towards Persia. Nev- ertheless people have always managed to find and enlist the support of reasoned arguments from all quarters when their own conventions are involved. First. and thereafter ding tenaciously to what ever condusions they have arrived at. but they mayaiso very weIl be specious fabrications . He feels that choice of religion 1S susceptible to reason. but reason may mislead: lt is quite obvious.

their Chalcedonian orthodoxy made them eivilized and helped them enter a larger world of Christian belief. Agathias's attitudes are more frankly and openly Christian than Proeopius's. Agathias quite naturally presumes that being Roman is being civilized and that being orthodox is being Roman-but "Roman" is no longer deseribed in the old terms.95 but that they should first embark on a eareful and lengthy diseussion of the issues involved. However. When the others said that it was not advisable to proeeed to ehange their whole way of life ('tov ÖAOV ßiov ~E'tEO"KE'UaO"eat) on the spur of the moment. 100 Menander Proteetor was so redueed by Constantine Porphyrogenitus's editors that no extended exeursus on the classieal model is left.96 Agathias reveals he re through the words of the Lazi how he imagines the dilemma of politieal affiliation and its terrible eonsequenees. so severe has been the penalty whieh they have paid for their earlier misdeeds. His knowledge about them is clearly limited. In a more extreme ease a group of Huns have lost even their names: "The seattered remnant of these Hunnie tribes has in faet been redueed to servitude in the lands of other peoples whose names they have assumed. Agathias has imposed his notion of Romanness on the Franks. The fragments of lohn of Epiphania do not eontain ethnographie material."97 In sum. rushed into their midst and began to harangue them like an orator in a popular assembly.101 Two examples illustrate the keenness of his presentation. though the examples are from beyond Rome's borders. it . he leapt up angrily. what distinguishes the Franks from other barbarians is the way in whieh they are like the Romans. Decline of Ethnographie Writing after Agathias In the writers of history who follow Agathias the evidenee of extended ethnographie diseussion dries up fast. 98 Politieal reasons may have determined his deeision to write a positive pie- ture of the Franks (and a negative one of the Alamanni) but not the terms in whieh he did so. Agathias is prepared to include them within a Christian oikoumene dominated by Constantinople. They have a plaee in a Byzantine eultural hierarehy.174 SEEING AND BELIEVING situation there was no need for diseussion but that it was a ease for immediately embracing the eause of Persia. No Roman dreamed of including the Franks within the empire. though he does provide ample and preeise informa- tion about the Turks. 99 The possibility of transformation is fundamental to his view of eulture. Furthermore. and Huns in his narration of diplomatie aetivity. If the aneedotes may be taken as reliable aeeounts of diplomatie exehanges. Persians.

"DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 175 would seem that the diplomats themselves (as weIl as Menander) gave some thought to issues of cultural definition. Sandilkh. The book considers Persians. including Turks . were you not Romans and we Persians. "For they not only speak our language. Scythians (by whom he means all steppe nomads. 103 In short. In one incident during negotiations over disputed territory the Persian ambassador mocks his Roman counterpart on the question of civilization and barbarism: When he had listened to this. but they are our kin. who wished to be on friendly terms with the Romans.. a military treatise on tactics and strategy probably written in the first decades of the seventh century. seeking your own advantage . we shall deprive the Kutrig- urs of their horses and take possession of them ourselves. said the following in reply: "Who. I should have been taken in by your fine words. "102 When Menander discusses negotiations between Justinian and a Hunnic king. who was an extremely intelligent man and able to speak briefly and to the point in his native tongue. he reveals. Do not imagine that your convoluted arguments hide from us what kind of men you are who have come here. 104 Its author. certain categories in which he understands ethnic identity to rest: Justinian added in his messages to Sandilkh that if he destroyed the Kutrigurs the Emperor would transfer to hirn all the yeady tribute- monies that were paid by the Roman Empire to Zabergan. so that with- out their mounts they will be unable to pillage the Romans. Nevertheless. devotes a long chapter to the attributes of foreign peoples and their military habits. Therefore. the Zikh [the ambassador}." This Justinian asked hirn to dO. even if they follow other leaders. re- plied that utterly to destroy one's fellow tribesmen was unholy and altogether improper. The Strategikon 0/ Maurice. through the speech he attributes to the Hun. the fragments suggest that Menander's narrative contained sub- stantial discussion of the factors that unify humanity and the means by which individuals and groups can change. wanted to share with other offi- cers his experience gained fighting on many fronts.. dweIl in tents like us. dress like us and live like us. Romans. obviously an experienced general. is so uncivilized and savage as to say your mission is not appropriate and just? All men agree in regarding Peace as a blessing.

They are both independent. His world was ringed by enemies (except on the empire's southern flank) but protected by the Christi an deity. who received from the Father as his inheritance the inhabired world and the ends of the earth as his pos- sessions. SEEING AND BELIEVING and Avars). is forth- righdy Christian. by no means aIlowed his kingdom to be unwitnessed by the Chagan [of the Avars}. . however. They are populous and hardy. Because this is a manual about warfare. Persians. our Jesus. in these days. 108 The author did not artificially disguise his Chris- tianity as did Procopius and other writers in earlier periods. and Slavs and Antae. absolutely refusing to be enslaved or governed. as seen for example. who recorded the wars of the emperor Maurice at the turn of the seventh century. nakedness and scarcity of provisions . it shows interest only in defeating foreigners. He began his treatise with a prayer to the Trinity which also asked for the intercession of Mary and the saints. they are not acquainted with an order of batde. . He does not mention Arabs. cold. but at the same time patriotic and obedient. the author of the Strategikon is particularly valuable as a source for everyday attitudes. was the last historian in the classicizing tradition. "107 Because he was not trying to write a set piece within the historiograph- ical genre." while Avars are "scoundrels and devious. whose power extends over aIl the nations. are "wick- ed. The author's treatment of foreigners indicates that he has been influenced by classical ethnography. but the absence of classicizing elements is marked. in whom we trust. Theophylact Simocatta. thus conforming to classical ethnogra- phy's interest in the effect of climate on human character and institutions. dissembling and servile. however. in this passage describing an incident in 598: Accordingly. notably in his confused presentation of the Avars and their origins. He was also the last historian in the seventh century to attempt extended ethnographic description. not changing or assimilating them. for example. have the ring of direct observation: "The nations of the Slavs and the Antae live in the same way and have the same customs. 105 Certain ethnic stereotypes appear as well. rain. 109 His treatment of the Persians is somewhat more trustworthyYo His approach to barbarians in the rest of the narrative. least of all in their own land. . For the barbarian hordes were stricken by a . owing to their lack of government and their ill feeling toward one another. "the light-haired races" of western Europe. to associate the char- acter of each group of people with the terrain they inhabit as weIl as wirh the sort of government they possess. He takes pains. for example."106 Most of his comments on tech- niques of warfare. bearing readily heat.

His actions identified "way of life" and "system of belief. one traditional means of reeording observations and attitudes. with eaeh kind of text putting its own appropriate spin on the deseriptions. and waves of laughter. For he was assailed by an- gelie hosts. In eaeh example from the time of Justinian it was assumed that the barbarians might beeome receivers of Christian Roman eulture. law. and bringer of Christianity. te ars . There were other . . Aeeordingly. ineon- solable griefs and intolerable punishment." Christianity shaped his view of eivilization. had been displaeed by more explieitly Christian deseriptions. Justin- ian appeared as a faeilitator of eultural change as a law-giver. who deseribed a divinely protected empire in whieh godless barbarians punish Romans or are themselves injured as God desires. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 177 sudden visitation of plague. In the Justinianie period extended ethnographie deseription on the Ro- man model appeared in panegyrie. hymns. Like George. and we saw in eaeh the old contrast of Roman and barbarian reeast in a Christian seheme of empire. . also similar to those developed by George of Pisidia in his panegyries to Heraclius. harmonious ehoirs. knowing that it ean be only part of a larger story of changing attitudes. songs. There is not enough ethno- graphie material to permit too mueh generalization. CONCLUSIONS This paper has suggested that the remnants of the Roman ethnographie tradition between Justinian and Heraclius may to some small degree be a measure of the transformation of Byzantine soeiety in that period. 113 indieates simply the degree to whieh classicizing deseriptions had been pushed aside. And so in this way the Chagan had ill-fated good fortune in vietory eelebra- tions: for in the plaee of paeans. memorable penalties were exaeted from the Chagan for his dishonour of the martyr Alexander. How new attitudes developed in other media re- mains to be seen. and historiography. more partieularly. but by the eve of the rise of Islam it seems as though ethnography. road-builder. he had dirges. I have limited myself to only one sort of evidenee. whose blows were manifest but whose array was invisible. . He does not address the possibility of changing the eharaeter of their soeiety. Theophylaet sees barbarians not merely as the enemies of Rome but as the enemies of God. l l l That his overtly religious opinions are similar to those expressed by eecle- siastieal writers 1l2 and. and their trouble was inexorable and would not admit any artifiee. clapping of hands.

though to a diminishing degree. 2000). See the remarks of Patrick Geary. W.. and Imperial Power at the End of Antiquity (Princeton." Complete consistency is impossible. NOTES I. G. Late Antiquity. 106). For a preliminary discussion see M. Where Procopius and his successor Agathias were rich and subtle in their use of ethnographie material. classical ethnography was displaced by Christianity as an independent medium of observation. Mary Whitby. The picture is far less complete in the post-Justinianic period." The inhabitants of that empire called themselves "Ro- mans. 1999). pp. ll3 Roman ethnography had always re- flected contemporary attitudes and politics. ed." and I use the term "Roman" rather loosely to refer to the empire and its inhabitants through the age of Justin- ian up to Heraclius." in Ethnic- ity and Cldture in Late Antiquity. . E. The Conqueror's Gift: Ethnography. 4. pp. if in its classical guise it found little place in a Byzantine state where Christianity and "way of life" were equivalent. "Roman Identity in the Sixth Century. "Ethnography. "A New Image for a New Age: George of Pisidia on the Emperor Heraclius. "Barbarians and Ethnicity.J. Theophylact was quite impoverished and awkward. SEEING AND BELIEVING I signs of the possibilities of a life for a Christianized traditional ethnography in imperial service. and Oleg Grabar (Cambridge. The material will be discussed more fully in my book. After that I use "Byzantine. pp." and thought of themselves as "Byzantines" only inasmuch as they lived in the city of Constantinople. 267-92. ed. formerly known as Byzantion. Geoffrey Greatrex.. Dabrowa (Cracow. Identity. in preparation). Stephen Mitchell and Geoffrey Greatrex (London. 2." in Bower- sock et al." in The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East. 1994). 435-36. its demise was at least appropriate to its character. Bowersock.. In this paper I consider the period between J ustinian and Heraclius as a time when "Romans" turned into "Byzantines." in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World. Peter Brown. provides insightful introduction and current bibliography. 107-29. Geary suggests that "the concept of ethnogenesis was alien to the Roman under- standing of their neighbors" (p. It is conventional to call the Roman empire that continued in the eastern Mediterranean until 1453 the "Byzantine Empire" and its inhabit- ants "Byzantines. pp. but meaning should be clear from context. ed. Mass. By the time of Heraclius the classicizing pretensions of writers like Procopius and Agathias had crumbled. N. 197-225. Maas. but these did not develop. but it is clear that questions of cultural difference I and transformation continued to be discussed. 3.

For discussion and the considerable bibliography see Patricia Crone. 1987). The problem has been much studied in other polyethnic empires. 1-17. Ir. Christoph Sasse. W. Maas. 425-600. see Philippe Pergola with Palmira Maria Barbini. al. Roman. 15 (1965): 329-66. "Administration and Politics in the Cities of the Fifth to the Mid- Seventh Century: 425-640." in L'impero Romano e le strutture economiche e sociafi delle province." Journal of Juristic Papyrology 14 (1962): 109-49. Ethnicity and Culture. 2000). Liebe- schuetz. Alle origini della parrocchia rurale (IV-VIII sec. A. 2001) pro- vides a more detailed interpretation." 12. Walter Pohl and Max Diesenberger. J. 6. "Mores et Moenia: Ethnography and the Decline of Urban Constitutional Autonomy in Late Antiquity. 1998). "The Nature of the Sixth Century Isaurians. 95-1 :(0.. "Territory. G. Ray Laurence and Joanne Berry (Lon- don. and idem. Michael Maas with Edward Mathews. "Bürger. Crawford. Bürgertum: Byzantinisches Reich. 1958). (Cambridge.8. 14: Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors. 13-2 7." in Culture and Identity in the Roman Empire. ed. pp. "Literaturübersicht zur Constitutio Antoniniana. 207-37. ed. pp. 10. M. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 179 5.D. 2002). Alfredo Rabello. Die Constitutio Antoniniana (Wiesbaden." Lexikon des Mittelafters. Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 3 (Vienna. Maas. 7." in The Cambridge Ancient History.): Atti della giornata tematica dei Seminafi di Archeologia Cristiana (Ecole Francaise de Rome- I9 marzo I988) (Vatican City. reprinted in Rabello." in Integration und Herrschaft: Ethnische Identitiiten und kulturelle Muster im frühen Mittelafter. Biblioteca di Athenae- um 4 (Corno: 1986)." in Mitchell and Greatrex. vol." Israel Law Review 33 (1999): 51-66. for basic discussion and bibliography. 25-35. pp. "Mores et Moenia. 108). 9. and Hartrnut Galsterer. pp. 2000). H. ed. for an overview with recent literature. pp. "Civil Jewish Jurisdiction in the Days of Emperor Justinian (527-565): Codex Justinianus 1. Exegesis and Empire in the Early Byzantine Mediterranean: Junellus Africantls and the Instituta Regularia Divinae . ed. M. 1039-40. offers a case study from the early Roman Empire that shows how "the naming of Italy by geographers fixed the populations of regions with an ethnicity that would continue to be associated with the individual regions" (p. TheJews in the Roman Empire: Legal Problems from Herod to Justinian (Aldershot. vol 2 (Munich. "Roman Law in the Prov- inces: Some Problems of Transmission.9. For changes in the countryside. 1999). 293-308. Provincial and Islamic Law: The Origins of the Islamic Patronate (Cam- bridge. pp. 8. pp. Liebeschuetz's The Decfine and Fall of the Roman City (Oxford. H. Ray Laurence. Peter Schreiner. 1983). Hugh Elton. but Rome has received litde attention. ed. Averil Cameron et.

esp. 1998). Laurence and Berry. "Studien zur Geschichte der griechisch-römischen Ethnographie" (Diss. p. Mitchell and Greatrex. Thomas. Rich- ard Miles. Droge. 7 (Cambridge 1982). Stuttgart. 101-5. 1993). 14. Patrick Amory. Die Germanische Urgeschichte in Tacitus Germania (Leipzig. "De ethnograph- iae antiquae locis communibus. 1959). pp. Lee. Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity. (Wiesbaden. D. "Idealisierung." Studi Classici e Orientali 31 (1982): 189-215. "Et- nografia e geografia nella visione storica di Procopio di Cesarea. 1999). 1983). Cultural Identity in the Roman Empire. Many of the sources are usefully collected in Arthur O. 300-800 (Leiden. 1965). pp.. pp. Saddington." Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur 62 (1925): 226-32. "Roman Attitudes to the 'Externae Gentes' of the North. 39-65. Ernst Meyer. 1997). Tacitus." Saeculum 6 (1955): 292-306. Important studies include: Karl Trüdinger. Kapitanffy. 1-7." Acta Classica 4 (1961): 90-102. 315-45." pp. Graeme Clarke. 30-35. Walter Pohl wirh Helmut Reimetz. Le Barbare: Recherches sur la conception romaine de la barbarie et de la civilisation (Brussels. Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in Antiquity. 16 on moralizing. eds. Kingdoms of the Empire: The Integration of the Barbarians in Late Antiquity (Leiden. 5th ed. Constructing Identities in Late Antiquity (London.. Geschichte der antiken Ethnographie. . Eduard Norden. 1918). 1989). Arthur J. s. on the ethnographie tradition. Walter Pohl." 2:560.180 SEEING AND BELIEVING Legis (Tübingen. 13. D. Schroeder. "Byzanz und die Barbaren. Lovejoy and George Boas. Geschichte der antiken Ethnographie und ethnologischen Theoriebildung. Yves Dauge. Müller. Müller. 1999). index. Richard F. explores these developments during the Three Chap- ters Controversy. 1. 1981). 2 vols. "De ethnographiae antiquae locis quibusdam communibus observationes" (Diss. Halle. ed. pp. James B. Alfred Schroed- er. A. Information and Frontiers: Roman Foreign Relations in Late Antiquity (Cambridge.. Murray. pp. Germania: Translated with Introduction and Commentary (Oxford." Annales Univer- sitatis Scientiarum Budapestinensis de Rolando Eö"tviis Nominatae: sectio classica 5- 6 (r977-78): 130-43. People and Identity in Os- trogothic Italy. Basel. 489-554 (Cambridge. "Das antike Idealbild von den Natur- völkern und die Nachrichten des Caesar und Tacitus. Germanic Kinship Structure: Studies in Law and Society in Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Toronto. 2003).v.. Lands and Peo- pIes in Roman Poetry: The Ethnographical Tradition. "Griechische Geschichtsschreibung und Ethnographie in der Spätantike. Strategies of Distinc- tion: The Construction of Ethnic Communities. Maria Cesa.. 1997). Alexander C. 1921). 1972-80). Kilian Lechner. Philological Society Sup- plementary Volume no. Primitivism and Related Ideas in Antiquity (New York. B. 11-2 I. Klaus E. 1922. Med- iterranean Archaeology I I (1998). Homer or Moses? Early Christian Interpretations of the History of Culture (Tübingen. Rives.

Dauge. Roman writers recognized different degrees of barbarism. 1915-33).. Si- mon Goldhill.8. Frank Williams.." 23. 424. Lands and Peoples in Roman Poetry! pp.." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 19 (1995): 146-60. Physiognomics in the Ancient World! Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. "Ethnography. Le barbare! pp. A clear demonstration in Cesa. 18. 102. the ferocia of the Burgundians is not that of the Franks or the Alamanni: Dauge. 22." p. James H. Daniel Richter. 5 (Philadelphia.. 43. 101. pp. 90-102. 1950). 1996). History! 3. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 181 15. See the Panarion of Ephiphanius of Salamis. 24. For example." pp.2 (trans.D. 1-7. 2 I. 2000). diss. 25. Oliver. 1969). and tr. 2 vols. 2. see Simon Swain. Information and Frontiers! p. Elizabeth C. Hellenism and Empire: Language! Classicism! and Power in the Greek World! A. 341- 43. 1953). F. which brings ethnography and heresy together. "Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century A. sectio 1. "Fugitives and Ethnography in Priscus of Panium. Arnaldo Mo- migliano (Oxford.s. Saddington. Le barbare! p.D. as a survey of the literature. e. University of Chicago. Ptolemy. 2001).g. Being Greek under Rome: Cultural Identity! the Second So- phistic! and the Development of Empire (Cambridge. "Etnografia e geografia nella visione storica di Procopio di Cesarea. ed. J acques J ouanna. Karl Holl. 1980-85). Schnayder. 50-250 (Oxford. For discussion and overview of literature. 20. n. p. and 1dentity in the Early Roman Empire" (Ph. 1963). Hans Leitzmann. Evans. (Leipzig. 4 (Philadelphia. 341." in The Conf/ict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century! ed. (Lodz. . and Walter Eltester. for example. Dauge.2 (Paris. 2d ed. Archaism. (Leiden.s. The best short summary in English of the Greco-Roman ethnograph- ie tradition through Tacitus is to be found in Thomas. "Roman Attitudes. vol. n. 59. On attitudes to historiography in general. Tetrabiblos! ed. Robbins. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. E. on diplomatie reports and ethnography. The Ruling Power. 98. ed. 17.1.. see Arnaldo Momigliano. Travel books contained accounts of the laws of different countries: see Aelius Aristides. 1987-94).. 19. ed. 2 vols.D. De periegetarum graecorum reliquiis! Societas Scien- tarum Lodziensis. Lee.. Le barbare! p. "Roman Attitudes. Agathias. 424. Ephiphanius. ed.' 2 vols. 1996) for introduction and current bibliography to this widely influential text. pt. 16. Opera! ed. Oliver cites J. the first systematic hand- book of heresy written near the end of the fourth century. p. 11. Jürgen Dummer. 88. (Berlin. pt. 26. 121-27). see Michael Maas. The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis! tr. H ippocrate! Airs! Eaux! Lieux! vol. and treatment could be nuanced: Saddington.

. see John and Jean Comaroff. P. written in the first years of Justin II's reign. Pierre Courcelle. Ibid. A very useful discussion is Karl Christ. ed. 1993). and Andrea Giardina (Turin. the pillars ofHeracles do not limit this power. 30. Aeneid 6. 49-67. 32. 851-53. see Maas. Information and Frontiers. "Diritto romano e diritti locali. 36. 3 I." in Storia di Roma. 37. pp. Agricola. I call this the great dominion of the Athenians. ed. Lellia Cracco Ruggini. M.. 1976). 1992). pp. Hellenism and Empire. 985-1°°9. "The Romanization of the Local Ruling Classes in the Roman Empire." Saecttlum 10 (1959): 273-88. Becoming Roman. Memoires de [jAcadimie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres. D. Pippidi (Paris.." 28. 33. 25. see Lee. esp. pp. Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder.' not the substance of those identities. Lecteurs pai'ens et lecteurs chretiens de l'Eneide." Coma- roff and Comaroff. esp. 11. 21. 50-52. gathers references to the most important Vergilian pas- sages found in later authors. 310-65. 35 . Le barbare. . and tr.. pp. Flavius Cresconius Corippus. 4. ed.. p. 1929). nor is it bounded by the hills of Libya or by either Bosphorus or by the gates of Syria and Cilicia. pp. "Ethnography. 2 off. 12. but over the whole earth. it is the marking of relations-of identities in opposition to one another-that is 'primordial. 66-67. Brunt. 1976). p. 1984) = Institut de France. on the importance of interpreters. vo1. Die Sieben Klimata und die IIOAEIL EIIILHMOI: Eine Unter- suchung zur Geschichte der Geographie und Astrologie im Altertum und Mittelalter (Heidelberg. there comes a yearning for your wisdom and YOUf way of life and this one idiom all have ordained to be the common language of the human race. pp. Aeneid 6. Archaism. cf. Aelius Aristides: ". paraphrase this passage with a Christian interpretation. Averil Cameron (London.11.. Vergil. A. Ethnography and the Historical Imagination. p. See ibid. Dauge.. Vergil. 34. Sept. . "Römer und Barbaren in der hohen Kaiserzeit. 19°-91..2: [jEta tardoantica: I luoghi e le culture. 29. for discussion. And so through you the whole civilized world had come to be united by a common tongue. " . Swain. "Fugitives and Ethnography in Priscus of Panium." p.182 SEEING AND BELIEVING Ernst Honigmann. I: Les temoignages litteraires (Paris. Richter. Andrea Carandini. n. for an anthropological treat- ment.s. by some divine fortune. Colo.. Taci tus.. 170. vo1.11. p. I 1 1 27." in Assimilation et resistance a la cttlture greco-romaine dans le monde ancien: Travaux du VIe Congres International d'Etudes Classiques (Madrid. Joseph Meleze Modrzejewski." Panathenaicus 26-27. 241. 38. In laudem Iustini Augusti minoris Libri IV. 18. 690-9 I .. and Identity in the Early Roman Empire. I974).851-853. Woolf. vol 3. 5 I.

I: Problems in the Literary Source Material. 3. 47. I (Munieh. 1993-94). 45." Settimane di studio dei Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo. Isrun Engelhardt. ed. Sons of Hellenism and Fathers 0/ the Church (forthcoming) diseusses in detail the shaping of paideia among the Greek Fathers of the late fourth century." Harvard Ukrainian Studies 12-13 (1988-89): 7-27. or heretics. p. Samaritans. Liebeschuetz. 1988). The loss of the account of Non- nosus. Blockley. is particularly regrettable in this regard. 1974). Michael Whitby.J. 120- 25. C. (Leiden. 1972). Henry. 1990). Lee. 1992). Conrad (Princeton. John Lydus and the Roman Past: Antiquarianism and Politics in the Reign 0/Justinian (London. . Information and Frontiers (Cambridge. 3. See the recent studies of R. vol. see the essays in lohn Rich. "Greek Historical Writing after Procopius: Variety and Vitality. Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Princeton. for bibliography. Trombley. 168. P. 303. 1959). I (Paris. 1932). Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner. iusiurandum (535). reprinted in Ideen und Realitäten in Byzanz (London." in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East. 425-35. vol. Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. Hans-Georg Beck. 1928). 1993). N. Garth Fowden. Peter Charanis. 16-17: The New Constitutions ofJustinian (Cincinnati. 66-74. Translations are based on S. 2 vols. Bibliotheca. 1992). The Civil Law. Corpus Iuris Civilis. Haldon. cod. Except for curiales.. Procopius (Berkeley. 1993). Averil Cameron.. "Ethnic Changes in the Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century. pp. Lee. the precise links to the circle of ] ustinian remain to be traced. Information and Frontiers. and a strong sense of local tradition. 5 (Berlin. on the disappearance of local languages. 102-5. John F. 1992).]. Col. ed. vols. 39. 37°-529. "Religious Missions Seen from Byzantium. ed. pp. 43. N. Kroll. "Christliche Mission und politische Propaganda im byz- antinischen Reich. I have used the text of the Novels prepared by R. pp. The Decline and Fall of the Roman City. see also Novel 8. 7°-72. East Roman Foreign Policy: Formation and Conduct /rom Diocletian to Anastasius (Leeds. within a Christian matrix.. 1978). Herbert Hunger. ed. Michael Maas. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 183 39. Byzantium in the Sev- enth Centitry: The Transformation of a Culture (Cambridge. vol.. Averil Cameron and Lawrence 1. who might be lews. Calif. vol. 40. 1992). stereotypa. pp. See Photius. pp. Mission und Politik in Byzanz: Ein Beitrag zur Struk- turanalyse byzantinischer Mission zur Zeit Justins undJ ustinians (Munieh. 42. Frank R. and on the disappearance of paganism. Susanna Elm. R. Ihor Sevcenko. Novel 45(537). real or imagined. writing.. Schoell and G. 41. The City in Late Antiquity (London. Scott. On city and countryside." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 13 (1959): 25-26. 44. who undertook missions to Ethiopia and south Arabia. Compare the contemporary development of Syriac and Coptic cul- tures that combined language. 14 (1967): 649-74.

and Michel Kazanski. Most recently. H. tr. 2 (Amsterdam. Jones. Downey (1928. see Constantine Zuckerman. David Braund.1 (1928). p. "Contri- bution a l'histoire de la defense de la frontiere pontique au Bas Empire. Ibid. 1968). Dewing and Downey.15. 14-18. Wars 1. Georgia in Antiquity: A History 0/ Colchis and Transcau- casian Iberia.1. .14. Economic and Administrative Survey (Oxford. pp. "The Early Byzantine Strongholds in Eastern Pontus. 57. 7:205-11. see also Maas. Buildings IIr. Cambridge. 7:22 I). 141-48.6. the emperor Justinian .. "Justinian's Bridge over the Sangarius and the Date of Procopius' de Aedificiis. 1992). Dewing and Downey. pp. Novel 28 (535). 51. 53.45- 48 . 197-225. Cameron. Dewing and Downey. 55.18-25. A. 112." in Dabrowa. 291. 1994) for the most recent study of the region. 550 B. who paid them an annual tribute. p. 1964)." Travaux et Memoires (Centre de recherche d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance) I I (1991): 527-53. 54. Ernest Stein. See note 44. 56. 5:59-61. Wars. 52.1-14." Real-Encyklopa'die der klassischen Alter- tumswissenschaft 14. 27 I. Cameron. p. 526 (Oxford.33-34. Stein.6. was obliged to throw innumerable fortresses about the country ." ibid. Histoire du Bas Empire. Dewing and Downey. Perhaps a reference to Isaiah 10:33-34. I ! 47. 49. 109. 815. with slight alterations. 50. 59. 487-526. 60. Wars 6.1. reprint ed.John Lydus. ed. ed. 58. 89-90.. The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East. esp. for a list of ancient sources that discuss the Tzani: "Makrones. 105.. "A New Image for a New Age: George of Pisidia on the Emperor Heraclius. 2:303. pp. col. See Buildings 4. I thank Hagith Sivan for the suggestion. The Later Roman Empire 284-602: A Soda I. pp. Procopius.7-9. ed. Histoire du Bas Empire. Dewing and G. which discusses the inroads of Slavs into the Balkans: "And in his determination to resist these barbarians who were endlessly making war. 8.. for background on Byzantine policy in the Pontic region... Procopius.D.c'-A. pp. Mary Whitby. 1:135-37. and to set up all other possible obstacles to an enemy who attacked without warning and who permitted no dealings with others" (ed. the Tzani had invaded the Pontic prov- inces in 506 during the reign of Anastasius." Journal 0/ Hellenic Studies 105 (1985): 129-48. Mass. Michael Whitby. SEEING AND BELIEVING 46. 48. B. 19. All translations of Procopius below are theirs. . 3=411-13. . 516. perhaps continuing earlier practice. H. M. vol. pp.

6. 1. 7 I. but stating accurately and in order both the names of each of those places and the facts that apply to them at the present day" (ed. 63.D. Wars 1. 65. . 66. . Princeton University.2.1. diss. 62. 64. 69. with the result that many of the conditions which formerly obtained have been replaced by new conditions. Historiarum Libri Quinque} ed. Maas. J. The Histories} tr. 97-1°4.18-25. 25-3 I.7-13: " . idem.. V. 1975). In Gothic War 4.. "DELIVERED FROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 185 61. Keydell (Berlin. Maas. R. because of the migrations qf nations and successive changes of rulers and of names. Agathias. "A Dangerous Liberty and a Servitude Free From Care: Political Eleutheria and Douleia in Procopius of Caesarea and Thucy- dides of Athens" (Ph. p. Le barbare} pp. VIII. 1967). pp. not that I am ignorant that these things have been written down by some of the men of earlier times. Pierangelo Catalano and Paulo Siniscalo (Napies. and has brought ab out constant changes along with the march of events. For this idea see A. 233." Byzantine Studies Conference Abstracts} 1999. "The Sangarius Bridge and Procopius. "A Dangerous Liberty and a Servitude Free from Care: The Case of Victori- nus. "Roman History and Christian Ideology. John Lydus} pp.15. but also that I believe that not all of their statements are accurate . .." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 40 (1986): 29-31. Buildings 3. This would be another argument for a late date of composition of Buildings} on which see Michael Whitby. Sherwin-White. Ibid. But apart from this. pp." in La nozione di !!Romano'} tra cittadinanza e universalita} ed. D. These things it has seemed to me very necessary to investigate.5. 30-3 I. "Roman History and Christian Ideology. Maas. 59-61). a long period of time has elapsed since these accounts were written." pp. An analogue may be found in Justinian's explanation of the need for new leg- islation: Michael Maas.3. . N." Journal 0/ Hellenic Studies 105 (19 8 5): 14 1-47. 28-29 67.9 he explains that a discussion of the Tzani is necessary because of the many changes that have occurred over the years. Dauge. Racial Prejudice in Ancient Rome (Cam- bridge. "Roman History and Christian Ideology in Justin- ianic Reform Legislation. Dewing and Downey.. Frendo (Berlin. 23-25. not relating mythological tales about them nor other antiquated material . Politics 1. 1967). idem." pp. Procopius is not echoing the older Roman sentiment that liberty and empire were incompatible. 70.. 682-86 for citations. Charles Pazdernik.. 68. pp. "Romani} cittadinanza ed estensione deUa legislazione imperiale neUe Costituzioni di Giustiniano. 83-96. John Lydus} pp. 1997). 45-48.2. Fausto Goria. Servitude was commonly understood to be a natural condition of barbarians: Aristotle.

2I-22. 28I-85. 1V23-30 (Persians). proern." pp. p.I4 (Franks and Alamanni). 83. pp. Jones. Novel I2 (535) forbidding incestuous marriages within the empire. Thurman. 80. eadem." in Catalano and Siniscalo. N. Ibid. 1. with some changes. 77. Temporini. "The Appli- cation of Sttbiecti!" p. Histoire dtt Bas Empire! 2:4I3. La nozione di !IRomano! " pp. 309-I7. pp. 456. Goria. "The Roman Citizenship: A Survey of Its Development into a World Franchise. see also Basilica 46. Later Roman Empire! pp. The Later Roman Empire! p. 30I-2. 3IO . Histories II. A. Agathias. 78.'" in Catalano and Siniscalo." Greek! Roman and Byzantine Stttdies 29 (I988): 403- I3. Gothic War 2. Procopius. "Romani! cittadinanza. I039-40. I36. Attilio Mastino.I9. Gillian Clark. See A. As part of a sequential account." p. 6I4.I4 (I3)· 76. 84. 665. Digest I." pp. 3 I 3. Jones. "The Application of Sttbiecti to Roman Citizens in the Imperial Laws of the Later Roman Empire. see ibid. on Osrhoene. S. "How Did the Merovingian Kings Wear Their Hair?" Revtte BeIge de philologie et d!histoire 48 (I965): I203-I6. an investigative panel is created to determine the truth of charges of this crime. "Antonino Magno. Thurman." p. Goria. on the survival of the status of civis Romantts in Byzantium for free inhabitants..I86 SEEING AND BELIEVING I982). "Les Romains et les 'au- tres. 563. Lee. 285. 11.2 (Berlin. Averil Cameron.33. p." pp." Annali della Smola Normale Sttperiore di Pisa! 2d ." Klio 52 (I970): 457. II. 75. "Agathias on the Early Merovingians. pp. 620.5. Novel 2I. p. 1. "Romani! cittadinanza." Attfstieg ttnd Niedergang der römischen Welt! ed.5. I. La nozione di !lRomano/' p. Women in Late Antiqttity: Pagan and Christian Lifestyles (Oxford. I993). 57. e l'Impero uni- versale. which forbids incestuous marriages in Mes- opotamia and Osrhoene. I039-40.22. tr.f. 72. vol. on the Heruls. Agathias. "Close-Kin Marriage in Late Antique Mesopotamia. Schreiner. Jean Gaudemet. On the resumption of citizenship in reconquered Ro- manized territories. c. Wars 1.5.I8. Wm.3. On the different specialized meanings of romantts and civis romantts! see Goria. D. "Bürger.2-7. 663. The Histories V2. I6-I 7.I. 82. Stein. la cittadinanza. Sherwin-White.. "Romani! cittadinanza. I972). Bürgertum. 79. In Novel I54 (535-86). 8I. 22-23. Frendo. 44-45." p. 307. the latter passage does not indicate that they received the subsidies after their defeat by Sittas. Bürgertum. 74. 200. H. Goria. Code 7. "Romani! cittadinanza.I5.. Schrein- er.I4. 73.5. Justinian's laws concerning the Constittttio Antoniniana: Novel 78. see Procopius. "Bürger.

58. 57. could refer to the transformation brought through baptism. Frendo. they held orthodox views in matters of religion.5. Wilken. "Merovingians.1. 59. 5. tr.25.27. 38-39. eds. 97. whose beliefs were quite different. estimates that 90 percent of Menander is lost. "Rel- ativity of Moral Codes: Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity. p. lI. p. and were of more or less the same persuasion as the Romans. 4 0 4-5. Zepos and 1. 94. 1857). Frendo. Agathias. Zachariae von Lingenthal." pp. Barry Baldwin. Hist. Frendo pp.25.2. "Agathias on the Sassanians. as I have already pointed out. Agathias. or to changes in names such as that of Byzantium to Constantinople. Hist. p. lI1. ed." 89. Frendo.1. p. R. as was to be expected since.. Agathias. 3 (Leipzig. 15· 93.8. lI1. But the Alamanni. Hist. 98. 92 . Ius graecoromanum (Athens. 91. Agathias. vol. Agathias.8. 1. "Close-Kin Marriage. tr. 95. 137 99. Frendo. lI. as indicated by a scholiast on ." in Early Chris- tian Literature and the C lassical I ntellectual Tradition in honorem Robert M. Schoedel and Robert 1." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23 (1969): 69-183. Grant. 88. 193 I). Ibid. The History 0/ Menander the Guardsman: Introductory Essay. pil- laged the churches with complete abandon and robbed them of their pre- cious ornaments. 10. William R. p. 50. E. lI. 100. p.6-7. tr. Agathias. eadem. Hist. Frendo. to the transformation of the elements in the Eucharist. see her Agathias.24. Menander was regarded as a reliable source on the Persians in antiquity. 150-5 I on Agathias. 72. Frendo. 1. Agathias. p. pp. "Merovingians. 15. Whitby. esp. Cameron. Agathias. flEWO"KEU- asO). tr.3. Text. Blockley. Agathias." pp. Agathias. 76. 32: "Those among the invad- ers who were Franks showed restraint and respect towards the churches. 1. 96. p. "Greek Historical Writing. Henry Chadwick. "DELIVERED PROM THEIR ANCIENT CUSTOMS" 187 ser. 37 (1968): 95-14°. 162. 11.Jus graeco-romanum. tr. "Menander Protector.. 86. tr. 87. 85. Hist.. C. Translation. On Agathias in general. 39..7. reprinted in P. 6 and 13 on his classicism and formal digressions. 114-16. 3. discussed by Lee. Ir is perhaps worth pointing out that the verb used here. Hist. Hist. Zepos. Cameron. p.23· 8-9.5. 1985). tr. p. and Historiographical Notes (Liverpool. Hist. Frendo.7·3. pp. Histories lI." pp. eadem." p. ed. The continuation of sub-Roman culture under the Franks makes this a complex historical issue. V. 1. p. A law of Justin II assumes that it is human nature to imitate one's neighbors: Novel 3." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 32 (1978): 1°9-10. in C.. 90. Theologie Historique 53 (1979): 135-53.7. tr.5.

W. 1991). "Greek Historical Writing. Michael Whitby. on his interest in diplomacy: Whitby. Dennis. Patrologia Orientalis. Maurice's Strategikon: Handbook 0/ Byzantine Military Strategy (Philadelphia." I 13.15. pp. . vol. tr.. 1981). 2:481-520. I: Panegyrici Epici. B. 3 (Oxford. 1923). R. Book 11 of Das Strategikon des Maurikios. On book I I. M. deserves closer examination. 2. vol. I I I. Ibid. ed. E. 1900-1901. Maas. diss. Menander Protector. 1972). 19 (Life of Zura). 104. The Emperor Maurice and His Historian (Oxford." p. E." pp. Maurice's Strategikon. Graffin and F. antiquarian excerpting of classical ethnographers in the de Administrando Imperio of Constantine Porphyrgeni- tus. 1984). Corpus fontium historiae byzantinae 17 (Vienna. Theophylact Simocatta. Hist. Tacitus. 101. p. pp. Dennis and E. Baldwin. "The Ethnika in Byzantine Military Treatises" (Ph. G. p. 43-45. 540-44.g. frag. 108. "Fugitives and Ethnog- raphy in Priscus of Panium.1-3. esp.6- 9. Gamillscheg. ed.D. xv. de Boor. "A New Image fora New Age. 40. on his ethnographie writing: Whitby. XIA. VII. 106. and the David Plates. 109. 1986). tr. 1977). Alexander. 314-2 I. "Simokattes. Theophylact Simocatta. John 0/ Ephesus. vol 17 (Paris.200. tr. 2 (Oxford. Hist. 102. 105. Emperor Maurice.. vol. 16-17. Historiae. Wirth (Stuttgart. Dennis. Dennis. A. The History 0/ Theophylact Simocatta (Oxford. Dennis." pp. p. 1959). ed. 1988). for references.12. see lohn Wiita.. Though it did not disappear.188 SEEING AND BELIEVING Strabo (Paris. itself founded on a developed Byzantine vision of empire. University of Minnesota. 120-2 I. Geschichte der antiken Eth- nographie. Germania. 1338.N. rev.1-18A. G. Ibid. Giorgio di Pisidia. Whitby and Michael Whitby. Die Sieben Klimata und die IIOAEI~ EIII~HMOI. the attribution to Maurice is uncertain. 2 (r977): 217-37. 116." Ox/ord Dictionary 0/ Byzantium. pp.7.. no. P. trans. C. Pertusi (Ettal. "Heraclius. trans. pp. Poemi. gr. T. pp. Blockley. Whitby and Whitby. S. Byzantine Imperial Ideology. On these negotiations see Kazanski. XLI. p. 110. tr. for some material. 221. Whitby. 2. 107. 1393) cited by B. Baldwin. 1. B. Lives 0/ the Eastern Saints. p. 1991). pp. Brooks. 78 (Lives of Abraham and Maro). "Contribution a l'histoire de la defense de la frontiere pontique. see Müller. Nau. tr." Speculum 552. VII. see S. 146-49. Rives. I 12. IIL9. ed. 103. Ox/ord Dictionary 0/ Byzantium. Honigmann. Strategikon. Theophylaktos.

"1 Correctio-the adjustment of Christians' behavior to bring it into line with the teaehing of Seripture and the ehureh fathers-was a major preoe- eupation of Louis the Pious. "Alas!" exclaimed Einhard when he had finished reading. for the girl had been possessed by Wiggo. in whieh our teaehers are not good men but evil demons. a courtier of Satan. and disobedienee to God's eommands. death and disease for sev- eral years. a messenger arrived at the imperial court at Aaehen and sought out Einhard. to the effeet that this was punishment for the wiekedness of the Frankish people. and that with his retinue he had been ravaging the Frankish empire. one of the most senior and trusted eoun- selors of the emperor Louis the Pious (814-40). SMITH In the closing weeks of 828. This was no ordinary exoreism. an eloquent Latin-speaking demon. spreading famine. At Mulinheim! his estate on the banks of the River Main. however. the hatred whieh divided friends and brothers. In front of the altar where the saints' relies lay. By 18 9 . Wiggo went on to offer an explanation. In the booklet. the iniquity of their rulers. who allowed himself to be interrogated by the priest. The servant brought his master a libel- lus! a litde parehment book eontaining an aeeount of an exoreism whieh had just been performed at Mulinheim in the presenee of many witnesses. 7 "EMENDING EVIL WAYS AND PRAISING GOD'S OMNIPOTENCE" EINHARD AND THE USES OF ROMAN MARTYRS ]ULIA M. a priest had eondueted the ritual over a sixteen-year-old German-speaking peasant girl. Mareellinus and Peter. Einhard had built a ehureh to house the relies of two early Christian martyrs whose remains had reeendy been brought from Rome. Einhard read an aeeount of the eonversation between demon and priest: Wiggo declared that he was the former door- keeper of hell. "to what miseries our age has sunk. as of his father Charlemagne (768-814). and those who incite people to viee and persuade them to sin also warn us about how to eorreet our behavior (de nostra nos correctione commonent). H.

excise the inappropriate. and pastoral provision. indeed." that ongoing effort to redefine behavior and mores which was the long. Emendation was "the correction of errors which are made in writing or actions." In short. Ir takes the shrine of Marcellinus and Peter at Mulinheim as the focus of a case study which asks several interrelated questions. this paper seeks out the connec- tions between "emending evil ways" and relic cults. slow aftermath of baptism and conversion to Christianity. the batde to change the habits (whether tradition or habitus) of Christians. Why was Einhard. just as the emendation of a text brought it into line with grammatical and orthographical rules and upheld a tradition rooted in textual authorities. 4 The zealous Carolingian drive to implement what we may call "correct Christianity" has been much studied in recent years. these more commonly locate cults within their institutional context than within any political or pastoral one. foster Christian ethics."2 Correction and emendation thus lead us direcdy to the heart of the Carolingian push for what we might loosely call "Christianization. confining themselves instead to royal and conciliar legis- lative activity." the Frankish king set out to "correct the erroneous. By contrast. Yet these discussions usually ignore the role of saints' cults in promulgating this vision of a Christian society. Ir was. Along with the virtually synonymous emendatio} it es- tablished normative practice. Charlemagne and his ecclesiastical advisors found their own way to conduct that "unrelieved batde with the past" which Augustine and his contemporaries had launched. whether that of imperial legislation. preaching. rustic religion. Correctio resonated with authority. and overhaul Christian institutions. a scholar upheld as the epitome of the Carolingians' renewed interest in classical culture on the basis of the brilliant erudition of his Vita Karoli} also interested in prophetic demons."3 Differently put. and encourage the right. SEEING AND BELIEVING Einhard's time. or bishops acting together in council. his bishops and secular officials should "correct that which must be corrected. education. modeling himself upon the way the biblical King Josiah had urged his subjects to turn to God by "traveling around his kingdom. the task Charlemagne took upon himself in his widely circu- lated Admonitio generalis of 789 when. the word implied both an ideology and a program in which ruler and bishops together strove to enhance Christian observance. prayer. and saints' bones? How was Rome's early Christian past recovered and reinterpreted in ninth-century Germany? How was a balance between local religion and newfound imperial norms negotiated? What part did the lay elite play in the promulgation of correct Christian- ity? What can Wiggo's tale tell us ab out the politics of emendation in both court and country? . canon law. 5 AI- though early medieval saints' cults are a burgeoning field of analysis. correcting and admonishing.

Although historians concur in acknowledging the importance of the Carolingian age (C. EMENDING EVIL WAYS Answering these questions requires awareness of historiographical tangles and conceptual quagmires. and interiorized. the challenge of rapidly changing Christian churches in the late twentieth century has brought revised approaches to the study of the Christian past but at the same time shattered any coherent understandingY These ways of thinking all require that early medieval relic culJs be evaluated." All three words imply a "before" and an "after" that are in some way discernibly different. they cannot agree how to evaluate it. Durkheimian anthropology with its identification of the elementary wirh the collective. Did it witness "the birth of medieval Christianity" or "the rise of magic"?6 Should it be characterized as "archaic Christianity" or "the bases for the subsequent development of the western church"?7 In a culture nota- ble for both the transmission of rare dassical texts and the belief in the mirade-working power of the dust of long-dead bodies. The portmanteau term "reform" is particularly problematic for an early medievalist. thereby condemn- ing everything else to the twilight of folk belief and superstirion. inevitably encoding value judgments and imposing interpretations.and twentieth-century social sciences. Two of them.750-900) within the master nar- ratives of Europe's religious and cultural history. arguably. polemical contexts. 9 One might add the reinforcement brought by nineteenth. but they differ in what that evaluation should be. reformatiolreformare was the vocabulary of . Enlightenment thinkers locat- ed real religion in the abstract. still do). "conversion" and "reform." have long histories in their own right within the re alm of the history of ideas. Ir is not simply that riyal efforts of sixteenth. Other pitfalls lurk in the very terms which commonly structure narra- tives of religious change: "conversion" and its dose cousins "Christianiza- tion" and "reform. 12 They nevertheless remain key concepts within all the differ- ent master narratives of European religious history. 10 Finally. and ambivalent connotations. whether Weberian demystification ("Entzauberung") of the modernizing world. There is also that pervasive Enlightenment episteme which rein- forced an established preference for the dassical: by ranking religious beliefs and practices from "less" to "more" rational. 13 For patristic writers. should we stress "the invasion of the miraculous" or a "renaissance before the Renaissance"?8 One reason for such conflicting assessments is that medievalists are liable to be trapped in powerful historiographical discourses not oftheir own making. involving changing meanings.and early seven- teenth-century confessional historians to appropriate or repudiate Christen- dom's medieval past continued to reverberate until recently (and. or Marxian structuralism positing a conflict of popular and elite religious cultures. ethical.

At some point before 796. a place of exemplary holiness for empire and locality alike. The project also relied upon its instigator's familiarity with the program- matic ideology of the Carolingian rulers. specific situa- tions requiring the restoration of buildings. Born c. bridges. Charlemagne entrusted hirn with a mission to Pope Leo III. 15 Moreover. or spiritual. but is profoundly anachronistic for the Carolingian period. behavior."17 In this way. however. being specific about his role at court. His avowed aim was "to arouse the minds of all. through examples of the lives and deeds of the just. to emending evil ways and praising God's omnipotence. 18 His project was simul- taneously intensely personal and pointedly political: to make it succeed. yet implied that they might be successfully altered by enforce- ment of the authoritative decrees of bishops in council and the edicts of rulers."20 His integrity made hirn a valued political counselor: in 806. he did so within the framework of correctio and emendatio. They used instead the vocabulary of correctio for the royal and episcopal task of disciplining morals. few would have been more familiar with the imperial goals of Christian action and correction than Einhard. only in the late eleventh century did its usage extend to include a generalized renewal of the entire church. we know hirn to have been "a man greatly praised among all the courtiers of the day not only for his learning but also for his completely honorable behavior. Indeed. Einhard deployed to the full his exceptional literary talents and architec- tural interests. the notion of correctio itself lacks the cyclical. iterative implications of "re- form" or "re-newal. or sometimes for the restitution of the property rights of individual churches. and ecclesiastical organization. Carolingian writers confined the vocabulary of reformare and renovare to inner spiritual regeneration or. where he became a friend and confidant of Charlemagne. Einhard recorded his debts to the emperor in the preface to his Lift 0/ Charlemagne without. more rarely. SEEING AND BELIEVING the spiritual renewal of the human soul through the operation of divine grace. whether juridical. 770. and the like. administra- tive. orchestrating the emergence of their shrine at Mulinheim as a new center of correct Christianity. 19 From the testimony of others. and in 813 it appears to have . he first showed intellectual abilities whilst a pupil at the prestigious monastery of Fulda. property. 14 This latter institutional meaning has become normative. 16 When Einhard came to write about the miracle-working activities of Mar- cellinus and Peter." Ir acknowledged the inadequacy of current Christian practices. he associated hirnself and his saints with the program of imperial and episcopal correction. Like their patris- tic predecessors. Abbot Bau- gulf sent the outstanding young scholar to the royal court.

About ten years older than the new emperor. 25 The years from 827 until 840 were dominated on the one hand by Einhard's promotion of the cult of Marcellinus and Peter."22 Thus his epitaph would read: Einhard had an insider's knowledge of Char- lemagne's court and its policy of correctio. it is the last thirteen years of Einhard's life which are the best documented. and by 827 was pondering which saint to choose as its dedicatee. three months before the emperor's demise triggered civil war. 26 Early in his reign. Emperor Charles raised hirn in his own court and through hirn the emperor carried out many great works. Einhard seems to have managed to avoid taking sides during the revolts of 830 and 833-34. Indeed. 31 Since acquiring Michelstadt.29 Einhard probably retained pos session of the latter until his death. for he buried Imma he re in 835 and was hirns elf laid to rest beside her. who entrusted his eldest. and adept in the art of many things. Einhard relates the upshot vividly: he sent to Rome his personal notary Ratleic who. Marcellinus and Peter reveal much of the man hirns elf.28 The couple passed on the former to the monastery of Lorsch in 819 whilst reserving rights to it for the remainder of their own lives. Einhard was evidently something of a senior advisor to Louis the Pious. even though his personal presence cannot be proven. Louis the Pious had rewarded Einhard for his loyalty and good counsel with several choice lay abbacies and a grant of property. he had built a church on the estate. upright in action. he was one of the few courtiers who managed to retain influ- ence after Charlemagne's death in 814. Michelstadt and Mulinheim J gifted to Einhard and his wife Imma on 11 January 815. but the tale he told began a few years earlier.27 The latter consisted of two estates. corruption and aristocratic factionalism fueled succession disputes between Louis's sons. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 193 been Einhard who persuaded the aged emperor to make firm provisions for the succession. he died on 14 March 840. Moreover. for both his letter collection and the Translation and Miracles 0/ Sts. managed to plunder a catacomb on the Via· Labicana and return north with the relics of the third-century martyrs . in contrast to his self-effacing role as the emperor's biographer.24 Thereafter. 23 Despite advancing years. The Translation and Miracles opens with a conversation in the imperial palace at Aachen between Einhard and a visiting deacon from Rome during which the possibility of acquiring martyr relics from the holy city was raised. Einhard continued to attend Louis's court until at least 830. and on the other by crisis at the imperial court. 21 "He was prudent by nature. with breathtaking audacity. son ancl) co-emperor Lothar to his guid- ance. 30 Internal evidence suggests that the latter was composed in the dosing months of 830. as . eloquent in speech. Once established as a man of property he took up his pen: all Einhard's extant literary output dates from Louis's reign. he certainly remained in dose contact.

a new cult had to have an impact on the locality and its inhabitants. from then on. but in January 828 transferred the relics to lVIttlinheim} where he shortly afterwards began constructing the purpose- built church which became their permanent home.194 SEEING AND BELIEVING Marcellinus and Peter. and jurisdictional implications."36 Although it is almost impossible to map the spread of Christianity east of the Rhine before the central decades of the eighth century. For centuries. There had been Christians since the late fourth century in the eities and settlements of the middle Rhine valley. 33 A sketch of the political and religious landscape of the region before the martyrs' arrival provides the context. with its bishoprics and martyrial shrines. Michelstadt in the woodlands to the west. To be successful. This area lacked any political or ethnic identity before the late eighth century. as weIl as relics. the ways in which this was linked to cultural change. The growth of this church's property and its role as the central point of a substantial estate. wedged between the duchies of Alemannia to the south and Thuringia to the northeast and the region of Hesse to the northwest (figure I). forms the institutional and economic backdrop against which to focus on the ways in which the relics' arrival changed the local religious landscape. fiscal. and the spread of Christian- ity remain disputed. referred to as the orientales Franci} or osterliztdi} the "eastern folk. Einhard rushed to join them. Although the approximate chronology of the extension of Frankish hege- mony east of the Rhine is clear. 35 We are concerned with one subregion in particular. and inaugurated correctio.37 That there was an easy acculturation to local customs is suggested by various grave finds: seventh- century women's girdle hangings incorporating the symbol of the cross. However much the frontier was a zone of cultural interaction and accommodation. it marked the limit of an organized imperial church. and eighth-century cru- eiform brooches. flat bronze crosses themselves worn as girdle pendants. inspired new devotions. it does seem to have seeped in unobtrusively in various ways. the Roman Empire had met the Germanic world along the Rhine. 250. 32 The establishment of a new shrine for imported saints required effort and resources. 34 When Frankish kings asserted control over their area. with all its tenurial. its inhabitants were simply. In November 827. Here the River Main twisted arid turned its way through sparsely inhabited wooded uplands: Mttlinheim lay on the western bank ab out thirty kilometers up- stream from Frankfurt. if vaguely. local aristocratic landholding. 38 Local churches were certainly being built here and there . Ratleic and his holy baggagereached Michelstadt. with a temporary extension of the limes as far east as the Main valley until c. most espeeially in and around Mainz. the surviv- ing Christian ·communities fell within their purview too.

Charlemagne's COltrtier. maps I. and 3· \D VI . Northern Francia in the time of Einhard. N + E THC:. H Fig. 1.0 . 40 kilometres 80. 30 miles . 2. Based on Dutton. GIA t:d ~ t:r:l Z t) H Z Cl t:d <: t-< ~ BAVARIAI >- ~ C/l .

With it came struggle over what constituted appropriate Christianity-whose terms should be regarded as normative. just three-quarters of a century before Einhard brought Marcellinus and Peter to Mulinheim. in time he also acquired decisive political backing from the Carolingian mayors of the palace Pippin and Carloman. 39 By and large. weH meshed with familial and political patterns. hardly even Christian. and through them may even have had occasional contact with Rome. however. this translated into adetermination to organize ecclesiasti- cal life into formal monastic and episcopal institutions and to eradicate whatever worship he deemed debased. and lacking an infrastruc- ture of bishoprics and of saints' shrines. the bishops of Mainz or Worms (such as there were) kept to themselves in their more urban milieux. iocal priests who serviced the customary religious life of the localities were turned into "false priests. 41 This was correctio and emendatio in action. The Anglo-Saxon missionary's legacy was powerful. But for the most part. how to enforce them. his heirs and suc- cessors further imposed themselves by overwriting the history of the region. as for example that built at Hammelberg on the Saale by WiHi- brord in 7I7. not organized or institution- al. 40 iocal rulers thus supported the holy men who came and went through the region. 44 Boniface had been martyred in Frisia and buried at his Thuringian mon- astery of Fulda in 754. On the ground. Boniface's own see and. bishop of Mainz. and harbingers of Antichrist. until the Anglo-Saxon monk-missionary-bishop Boniface took it upon hirnself to preach in the region in 723. 42 Boniface's activities were closely associated with the assertion of Carolingian control over the region-the Duchy of Alemannia definitively in 746 at the batde of Canstatt. Christianity remained informal and familial. duke of Thuringia. from 780. superstitious. 43 Boniface." heretics. an . Perhaps nowhere were the disparities and dichotomies sharper than in the diocese of Mainz. SEEING AND BELIEVING by the early eighth century-such as the one constructed by the priest Adalhuno at Nilkheim (ne ar Aschaffenburg) and consecrated in 7I I/7I6 by Rigibert. on land given to hirn by Heden. Irish and Anglo-Saxon monks-cum-missionaries also founded the occasional church. for his ideals fed straight into the determination of the Carolingian kings Pippin III (75 I -68) and his son Charlemagne to alter the religious life of their subjects. Christianity here seems to have been a homegrown affair. Thuringia appar- endy in rather more gradual and piecemeal fashion in the mid-eighth cen- tury-and resulted in the establishment of a network of bishoprics in the area. He arrived with an uncompromising vision and a papal mandate. dependent now on the Frankish church. claiming the historiographical and hagiographical limelight in much the same way as they rode roughshod over local Christian communities and their practices.

These rural churches would gradually devel- op into the nodes of a protoparochial network of ecclesiastical organization and jurisdiction. from the courtly to the backwoods. at Lorsch imported relics of the Milanese martyr Nazarius worked miracles of heal- ingY These saints' patronage exerted a powerful centripetal puU not only on patterns of worship but also in tenurial and political terms. to the disciplined life of Christian prayer of the many hundreds of monks at Fulda. or the late antique martyrial shrine of Alban in the city of Mainz itself. EMENDING EVIL WAYS I97 archbishopric with far-flung jurisdiction. 4S In between these poles lay many shades of ordinary Christianity. Many tiny family monasteries. however. With his Fulda education and intimate knowledge of the imperial court. Einhard shared this perspective. in essence the Carolingian pursuit of correctio interpreted this gray-scale in stark black- and-white terms and then sought to eliminate the black. the monastic to the missionary. Fulda to the north (found- ed 744) and Lorsch to the southwest (founded 764). often no more than a few pious women-a widow and her daughters and a servant or two-passed into the lordship of one or other of these powerful monasteries.46 Within the ecclesiastical province of Mainz. and the length of the Main vaUey had been transformed by a massive growth in monastic landowning. the archdiocese embraced the huge spectrum of religious life that characterized the eighth. In the second half of the eighth and the early ninth centuries Hesse. Through the exception- aUy rich charter coUections of both monasteries. First as abbot of Fulda (822-42) and latterly as archbishop of Mainz (847-56). both that of aristocratic familial foundations and-of even greater importance-that of two royal monasteries. as Einhard's younger contemporary and admirer Hrabanus Maurus knew. we not only glimpse the impact of ecclesiastical landlordship on a huge scale but also witness the local Christianity of the region in a process of reorganization. On the borders of the bishoprics of Mainz and Würz burg . 48 And local religious practices fell under the scrutiny of the agents of the ambitious program of religious correctio which Charle- mag ne and Louis the Pious were striving to implement. Both monas- teries housed important saints' shrines-Boniface's grave at Fulda attracted large crowds to the annual commemoration of his martyrdom. His disdain for the local.and ninth-century Carolingian lands. from the outright paganism of regions along and beyond the Slav fron tier. Hrabanus had in- timate familiarity with the full range of Carolingian Christianities and their attendant problems. Mulinheim lay at the geographical center of this sprawling archdiocese. small religious . Thuringia. applied. Stretching as it did from Mainz southwards into the Alps and northwards almost to the base of the Danish peninsula. and chaUenged. the Carolingian rhetoric of reform was sharpened. The practical realities of this challenge were not so simple.

trans- ferring them to Mttlinheim in the manner the saints themselves stipulated. worthy of our complete admiration. there is no documentary reference to the area before 755/6. He responded by acceding to their demands. 49 But this was the milieu in which he built his churches at Michelstadt and Mttlin- heim: in part. and he dismissed them for their inadequate observances ("propter rudern in his locis eius conversationis in- stitutionem") and lack of inhabitants of any holiness whatsoever. 62 Einhard's narrative at this point can be read in several ways. scattered settlement prior to the expansion of monastic landowning in the second half of the eighth century. 59 Next blood was discovered oozing from their reliquary: Einhard and his priests found themselves confronting an "astonishing miracle.51 Apparently a royal forest.56 and then in the early to mid-82oS he built the magnificent stone church which still stands." demanding that Einhard be told to move them to a different home."60 Then one of the youths in Einhard's own retinue had avision of the saints who "menaced hirn in frightening ways. with personalities and wills of their own. 52 Lay landholders also participated in opening the area up: in the four years between Louis the Pious granting Michelstadt to Einhard in 8 I 5 and his passing ownership on to Lorsch in 8I9. under the aegis of royal patronage. When Einhard received Michelstadt. and which was intended to be their permanent resting place (figure 2). One of the saints had asked a member of his clerical staff in avision: "Why is Einhard so hard-hearted and so obstinate that he does not believe so many visions and warnings and thinks he may spurn messages sent to hirn from heav- en?"63 But he did finally obey: and at one level this is a conversion narrative. a small wooden one. The wooded uplands of the Odenwald-the "forest of Germany" as Ein- hard called i t 50-seem to have had very thin. in the interstices of the presti- gious imperial monasteries of Fulda and Lorsch.57 But Einhard soon realized that his relics were not simply inert tokens of Rome's early Christian heritage. . the monks moved in as colonizers.53 Einhard's activities here were thus a direct and vig- orous contribution to "the humanisation of the landscape. but the Lorsch charters reveal how. 55 Four years later it had at least two churches. their significance derives from their local context. SEEING AND BELIEVING commulllties of the region is evident. it had only a single church. 58 First oneof Ratleic's servants had avision in which he was told that Ratleic had brought the saints to the wrong place and that they had decided to move. although now muti- lated. set among the local proprietary churches of the region."54 They also contributed to its Christianization. new buildings had been erected and the population in- creased significantly. 61 More visions followed: Einhard was learning that Marcellinus and Peter were terrifying wonder-workers. This is the church for which the Roman relics were intended.

Die Einhards-Basilika in Steinbach bei Michelstadt im Odemvald. 2. EMENDING EVIL W AYS 199 Main floar of the church _ Extant ___ !1ci1>:t Presumed Reconstrudion Crypt and foundations 5metres . Adapted from Thomas Ludwig. (Mainz. val. . 2 vols. 1996). Einhard's church at Michelstadt. 2. 10 I 15 feet I 30I Fig. plate 143. Otto Müller. and Irmgard Widdra-Spiess.

liturgieal. Einhard had turned Michelstadt into something of a regional center for the distribution of alms: as the proeession bearing the relies left Miehelstadt under heavy winter skies. Einhard turned his back on Michelstadt. it had a erypt. the overnight journey from Michelstadt to Mttlinheim marked their "eoming out" as mirade-working saints of great appeal. and also aeeessible along old Roman roads. we may view the oozing blood and the visions as the mirades neeessary to authentieate the eult that followed. Einhard designed this with a unique eruciform plan. Ir seems that. These were the foundation stories of the basiliea at Mttlinheim. it was an out-of-the-way loeation. 69 Mareellinus and Peter had told hirn where to take them. the chief proponent of a revised Benedietine monastieism and dose eounse- lor of Louis the Pious. entered only from the side aisles in the lay part of the ehureh. We should also read the text against the standing arehiteeture of Ein- hard's two ehurehes. Michelstadt would have eoped with diffi- eulty with the erowds whieh the relies would eome to attraet. 66 The ehureh at Mttlinheim to whieh the relies moved would seem to have been substantial. upper and lower. Moreover. the design of Michelstadt sharply separated priests from laity and also aeeommodated the multiple altars neeessary for a liturgy in whieh private eommemorative masses played a prominent role. In presenting hirnself as the obedient servant of the martyrs' demands. by eontrast. end of the ehureh? We do not know. N ext to the altar at Michelstadt Mareellinus and Peter shed their blood in a seeond martyr- dom. 68 On r6 January 828. the large one whieh Einhard would go on to build there was speeifieally designed for a relie eult and its pilgrims. beneath the ehoir but not aeeessible to the priests who served at the altar? Or were they to be enshrined in the eastern.200 SEEING AND BELIEVING On the other hand. triple-apsed rectangular ehoir-was dosely in line with the ehurehes re- eently built to house showease monastie eommunities for Benediet of Aniane. he was masking hirnself with the persona of the saints in good late antique tradition. Michelstadt and Mttlinheim. 67 The decision to transfer the relies may thus have marked a major change in Einhard's plans as the deeision to launeh a major new eult site formed in his mind. Could he have intended to install the saints' ashes here. and was an old Roman fort and eivilian settlement right on the banks of the River Main. an arterial waterway linking Bavaria with the middle Rhineland. their appearanees in angelie form affirmed their heavenly existenee. 65 Mttlinheim. Like the model eommunities at Maursmünster and Inden (Kornelimünster). far from the madding erowd" as Einhard deseribed it. Miehelstadt's ground plan- a central nave with side aisles. in the years sinee 8 r 5. separated by a sereen from a trieellular. effeetively abandoning it. Either way. 64 Unlike these ehurehes. however. had two nudei. if not quite the "place apart. it was aeeompanied by a group of .

Aaehen was replete with the mixed population at- traeted to any plaee of power-eareerist courtiers. On 17 January. litigants and eriminals. we may glimpse in some detail the ways in whieh the eult of the relies of Mareellinus and Peter aequired and maintained its momentum. determined that they should reeeive "fitting honors. Einhard's strategies were politieal. Immediately after the relies' move to Mulinheim. witnesses. a day as warm. Einhard returned to the imperial court at Aaehen. Einhard made the neeessary preparations for reeeiving the saints. 71 Mareellinus and Peter had eome horne. But he also passed around the word: the saints who had left Michelstadt without the loeal population realizing what was going were greeted en route the next morn- ing by "a huge multitude of neighbors" who had traveled out from Mulin- heim. instead an open-air Mass was eelebrat- ed in a nearby field. and balmy as if it were spring. exeited by the news of the saints' arrival. All three indieate the eonneetion between relies and correctio. But he rose to the challenge. The first of these will detain us for a while. Einhard did not know why these powerful saints had deigned to take up residenee with hirn. 70 By the time the proeession reaehed there. But if the veneration was not to remain a flash in the pan. Plans for a splendid new reliquary at Michelstadt had al ready been overtaken by the deeision to move to Mulinheim. but that deeision was not in itself suffieient. it needed energetie maintenanee. the throng was so large that any attempt to take the relies into the ehureh had to be abandoned. In the litde ehureh at Ostheim. The move had initiated this. aeeording to Einhard. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 201 poor folk who had floeked there to reeeive eharity. bright. meanwhile at Mulinheim."73 It demands an audienee-miracutes. Doubdess he arranged their liturgieal reeeption. Those earrying the relies made an overnight stop at Ostheim (near Aschaffenburg) whilst Einhard hirns elf rode ahead to Mulinheim. Hagiographieal narratives are normally more eoneerned to represent saindy virtus in action than to demonstrate how it was inaugurated and sustained. textual. Christian and Jewish merehants. the relies announeed their arrival at Mulinheim with many miraeulous eures. Only then eould the clergy enter the ehureh and eelebrate another Mass indoors. administrators whether effieient or lazy. and arehiteetural. the saints worked their first healing miracle. for a sueeessful eult site requires "a moment um of miraeulous- ness. and gossipers-and presupposes that its devotees are reeeptive to divine power working in this manner. but at Mulin- heim. . 74 By this date a rapidly growing market town."72 His understanding of what that implied ehanged in step with his growing aeeeptanee of the martyrs' own will. that January night marked the inaugura- tion of a publie eult whieh was to have huge repereussions.

80 On one occasion. the devil lay in wait for unwary kings. and had stolen part of the relics during the return journey. Ghent. had accompanied Einhard's men to Rome. the first potent saints to arrive at court: and once safe in Einhard's possession. spiritual healing. Built as the exemplary center of an exemplary empire. healing. Their beautiful fragrance perfumed the town. No miracle-working relics had been interred or enshrined there-doubtless in fear lest the drama of thaumaturgy disrupt the splendor of imperial liturgy. pimps and prostitutes. found the devil at work. the sick were healed. The remaining lameness Einhard interpreted as an outer sign that the man still needed to continue to work towards his inner. Hilduin abbot of Saint-Denis (Paris) and Saint-Medard (Soissons). crowds flocked to Einhard's house from the town and its hinterland. Maas- tricht. 77 Einhard was able to negotiate the return of the missing portions. 79 Jews witnessed the miracles of the Christian God and gave thanks. Aachen had become a place of almsgiving. it seems. and reconciliation: veneration of Marcellinus and Peter inspired correct Chris- tianity in )the midst of courtly corruption. at Valenciennes. On arrival in late January 828. his own men provided a variant but conceded that the Roman cleric who had been helping them in Rome had been bribed by Hilduin's man to rob Ratleic of part of the relics. but not until after the octave of Easter 828 did he actually take the box containing the relics into his own hands. the palace was the primary stage on which Carol- ingian rituals of rulership were enacted. Einhard's courtly skills had won the return of the missing portions. and Trier. 82 By the end of that summer. 78 Louis the Pious and the empress Judith gave gifts. an itinerant builder working on the palace who had been crippled was carried in by his friends and placed in front of the saints' altar. now he used them to promote their cult far and wide. Watched by all bystanders.202 SEEING AND BELIEVING builders and beggars. albeit limping. He installed them in a makeshift chapel within his own townhouse at Aachen. according to Notker the Stammerer. he was appalled to learn the latest gossip. the "execrable story spread about by the cunning of the devil": 76 that a priest in the service of the imperial arch-chaplain. too. The court had celebrated Easter in the palatine chapel dedicated to Christ and the Virgin. shady characters lurked. Ir was even the place where. they imme- diately started working miracles. 81 Miracles of physical correction were thus the tokens of interior correction. each except Trier had sent on . he became straightened-"corrected"-and walked away unaided. Einhard's political finesse enabled hirn to extract one version of truth from Hilduin. His web of court contacts turned into a network for dissemination as he distributed small portions of the relics to other churches in the region. but away from the limelight. Marcellinus and Peter were. 75 In the corridors of power Einhard.

Having established the saints' reputation at court. attracted by the presence of saints' relics in their midst for the first time. priests and pilgrims: Einhard took care to stress the universality of his saints' appeal. 83 By then. the infirm and the mad."91 In those parts of Francia where Christianity had been strongly rooted from the fourth century· onwards (and in some places. 90 Not until his dosing words is it evident just how polemical he knew he was being: he urged "the unbelievers and those who disparage the glory of the saints" not to bot her to read his words lest they respond with "blasphemy and spite. women and men. 85 Marcellinus and Peter's transfor- mative effect on both lands cape and weather had again been demonstrated. ]esus Christ our lord. Those who trusted themselves to the curative power of Marcellinus and Peter shared a belief that shrines were places where they might become whole again. Eighteen months later (December 829). 89 These visitors induded landowners and peasants. They shared too apredisposition to try out the new shrine at Mulinheim. Einhard had hirnself returned to Mulinheim. 86 There is little surprise in this. From their places of origin. to "The true worshipers and the not false lovers of the true God. and merchandise. and extended shimmers of lightning showed them the path they had lost and dispelled the frosty douds. dark fog in the forests there." hints that Einhard was arguing a case. They invoked the martyrs. The opening salutation of the Translation and Miracles. when Einhard's baggage train got lost in a dense. a new shrine had to . 87 In this case. 88 But the rest came from much further away. where mirades were continuing in his absence. his servants stumbled upon the wayside cross. and his saints. These were people who made real choices about which shrines to visit. or the reports of the circumstances which brought them to Mulin- heim. his journey with the recovered portions of the bodies was a triumphal six- day procession through the countryside. grain. lust outside Wiesbaden. even earlier). it is evident that the Rhine was as much the conduit of gossip about new shrines as ir was of people. EMENDING EVIL W AYS 2°3 to Einhard a libeflus containing a formal wrltten memorandum of the mir- ades which had occurred there. the townsfolk erected a cross at the spot where they met the relic-bearing procession: this too created a new sire of divine power. Approximately half of the people cured there came from within the Maingau. 84 The devotion of the villagers was manifest everywhere-and commemorated in a way which left a permanent mark on the landscape. for men and women often trav- eled far and wide in the ninth century in search of healing at saints' shrines. But we should not be duped into mistaking this for consensus. the information which Einhard and his notaries took care to record enables us to gauge something of the spread of the shrine's reputa- tion.

We find it by returning to the imperial court. Louis the Pious's empire was sliding into crisis. Louis and Lothar convened an assembly at Aachen to deliberate. the atmosphere of contestation within which Marcellinus and Peter flourished requires a different explana- tion. and sins which he considered beset the Franks. Here Wala. corruptions. In view of this. Aristocratic factionalism and riyal imperial ideologies were beginning to fuse with a succession crisis. 98 By lifting words and phrases from it he crafted a savage.2°4 SEEING AND BELIEVING establish itself alongside preexisting ones. 99 Hilduin. exceptional weather conditions. In the spring of 828. was the "false lover of the true God" whose evil ways must be corrected. and the recording and publiciz- ing of miracles was a means of achieving this. the object of Einhard's attack. in accor- dance with divine authority. The conflict between Einhard and Hilduin ran deeper than that. the "model of salvation. failed harvests and cattle disease. to inquire into the behavior of royal officials and clergy alike. including the emperors' general letter. In this highly charged political atmosphere. when he wrote the Translation and Miracles. attack on the arch-chaplain. 93 After lengthy discussions. by contrast. Hilduin. Louis's senior surviving male relative (he was Charlemagne's cousin. architect of the theft of parts of Marcellinus and Peter. just as Marcellinus and Peter were settling down at Mulinheim. formerly a count but now abbot of Corbie)." but that they had nevertheless sinned: for this they desired God's pardon." in all things and to be the ones "to correct depraved deeds by imperial author- ity. 95 The synods' agenda included the huge issues of the appropriate relation- ship of royal and ecclesiastical authority together with problems of church property and the conduct of prelates and priests. circulated a memorandum setting out all the vices. accusations of malpractice and corruption. the emperors sent out missi (imperial officials). however. 92 But this was hardly the case on the banks of the Main. 96 Of the four regional synods summoned to formulate the route to correctio. only the text of that which met in Paris in June 829 has survived. both men exploited the relics . In November 828. There were military problems along all the frontiers." The emperors went on to acknowledge that they themselves ought to be the forma salutatis. Hilduin was also central to the political tensions swirling around Louis the Pious: in 830 he would be found among the rebellion's ringleaders. would apparently remain loyal to both the aging emperor and his rebellious sons. which would result in his banishment from court. 94 They also issued a general letter calling for regional church councils to meet the following spring. if veiled. 97 Einhard demonstrably had access to its dossier. Einhard. There the arch- bishops and their suffragans would "discover by inquiry [what should be done} about their own correctio and emendatio and that of all of us.

If Hilduin thought he had acquired the trump card by obtaining Sebastian. As summarized by Einhard. bringing a booklet which Alberic. 100 In 826." "Everywhere the saints brought into this realm from hither and yon". The first was Ratleic. a blind man resident at the shrine. and was hirns elf a skilIed hagiographer and promoter of saints' cults. disguised as St. and both Hilduin and Einhard knew that martyrs' bones were "good to argue with. Ratleic's detailed information ab out . EMENDING EVIL WAYS 2°5 of martyrs. the Translation and Miracles was thus a re- newed call for penance and correction in the aftermath of that spring's revolt against Louis the Pious. It con- tained an agenda of twelve bullet-points (capitula) which the Archangel Gabriel. had dictated to Alberic. Marcellinus. which Einhard did. Einhard had already demonstrated his saints' curative powers and political importance." Carolingian churchmen did not tolerate living thaumaturges. Hilduin had much experience of this."103 But cocks crow in competition as well as unison. two envoys came from Mulinheim. 106 God's most potent messenger (disguised as a martyr speak- ing to a blind man who dictated the message to Ratleic to give to Einhard to give to Louis) and a devil (whose name looks suspiciously like a pun on the emperor's name) combined to bring to court the same message of the urgent need to deanse the empire of evil at all levels of society. He crafted it from a wide range of sources: his own recollections. 104 We know that Louis read it but ignored its contents-and a later generation believed hirn to burn in hell as a result.107 The call for correctio emanating from the shrine at Mulinheim was unambiguous. and in 830 he informed Louis the Pious that Marcellinus and Peter had arrived in Francia for "the raising up and protection" of the troubled empire. the second messenger arrived: he brought the account of the exorcism of Wiggo. Wiggo's words very dosely resembled the general letter circu- lated in the winter of 828 and then attached to the text of the 829 Paris reform counci1. Pascasius Radbettus noted the sudden outpouring of mira- des by saints "long since asleep in Christ. with the firm instruction to pass it on to the emperor. As abbot of Saint-Denis and Saint-Medard. As he sat in that difficult winter assembly of 828. 105 Shortly afterwards. 101 Einhard's determination in 827 to get relics from Rome must have been a direct riposte to this much-acdaimed coup. now he turned to his literary skills to further the development of their cult. Written at the end of 830. Sebastian. this was the first translation of corporeal relics from Rome in almost fifty years. he wrote "have aroused each other in symphony of song as at cockcroW. Einhard outmaneu- vered hirn. and so long-dead saints became apt holy mouthpieces for political rivalries. he had importuned Pope Eugenius III to let hirn have the body of St. 102 Retrospectively writing of the accumulating signs of imminent disaster in 830. had dictated to hirn.

the records of mirades kept by his staff at Mttlinhei17z.206 SEEING AND BELIEVING his trip to Rome. from the saints' patron to their dient. Accessible via a semicircular passage around the interior of the apse.llo The martyrs' literary farne ensured. the Translation and lvIiracles combined surface panegyric and covert polemic. a far larger textual community than merely the staff of his church at lvIttlinheim and the pilgrims who flocked there: it induded all proponents of correctio. abbots.111 and his letters testify to the great effort involved in summoning the necessary political will. expressly designed for pilgrims to venerate the relics. and with comparable influence on subsequent writers. seems. Like the Lift 0/ Charlemagne.u2 Its design reveals much about the long-term role which Einhard intended Marcellinus and Peter to play (figure 3). Still standing. material from the crisis deliberations of 828-29. it had an even more precise referent in one of the new churches which Ratleic would have seen being completed in Rome in 827. and a crypt for the relics located exactly under the high altar. and libelli sub- mitted by the dergy of the shrines to which relics had been distributed. Peter's in this respect (both Saint-Denis and Fulda preceded it). The decision to build it had been taken in principle by the spring of 830. Peter's: a nave with side aisles (albeit single not double). exercising as much creative literary talent as in his invention of the genre of royal biography. His intended audience was. the tale also told of his own conversion from the courtier skeptical of unusual mirades to the enthusiastic proponent of the saints' cult. a continuous transept off which opens a semicircular western .113 Its plan is a reduced version of St. An energetic restorer of old churches and builder of new ones. Einhard's final move to maintain the momentum of the miraculous was to build another church at Mttlinheim. These he blended with panache. labor force. Peter's in Rome. whether bishops. The grave chamber for Einhard and Imma lies imme- diately to the west of the relic crypt. Whilst NIttlinheim was not the first Carolingian church to copy St. 600 to improve access for pilgrims (figure 4). or laity. his finest extant achievement is the church of Sta Prassede (figure 5). this layout reflected that of the most impor- tant shrine of the Latin West. it. its central feature is an extended continuous transept with an apsidal east end opening off it. where an annular crypt had been inserted c. 108 As he presented it. No pope of the Carolingian period was more dosely connected to the revival of early Christian forms of church architecture in Rome than Paschal I (817-24). the many stories circulating as rumor and gossip which he had strained his ears to catch. and material resources necessary to undertake it. St. 109 Its survival in more manuscript copies than is usual for ninth-century accounts of relic translations strongly suggests that Einhard had copies distributed.

Earl)' lVIedieval Architectttre (Oxford. 25 m. Adapted from A. Einhard's church at lvIttlinheilll." Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 15 (1938): fig. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 207 E E A = Ring crypt beneath apse B = Confessio behind altar C = ReHes of Saints Marcellinus and Peter D =Tomb of Einhard and Imma E =Steps down to crypt F = Steps up to choir 10 m. 3. fig.0 30 feet ! 60I Fig.etres 2. . Adapted from Roger Stalley. Schubert. Marcellino e Pietro a Mulinheim sul Meno secondo recenti scavi. 4. 1999). 6. St.0 75 ~eet 1~0 Fig. 4. Peter's. "La basilica dei SS. Rome.etres 5.

1990). 1l6 He deviated from the plan of St. the apse depicts Paschal himself in the company of St. .208 SEEING AND BELIEVING . Adapted from Rotraut Wisskirchen. Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Ergänzungsband 17 (Münster. Rome.. apse. This. . . Sta Prassede. a relic confessio direcdy under the high altar accessible from a ring crypt underneath the apse (figure 6). Praxedis herself being presented to Christ by Sts. . . . was a funerary chapel for his mother Theodora.. . Pet er and Paul. appendix 1. Peter's to add three side chapels. 5. . the Zeno chapel. it too is decorated . Paschal interred the relics of twenty-three hundred saints whose relics he had translated from Rome's catacombs. .. only one of which is still standing.11 4 In the crypt. Prassede in Rom: Ikonographie lind Ikonologie.11 5 He also decorated the church's triumphal arch and apse with mosaics harking direcdy back to the sixth-century ones in SS Cosma e Damiano: the triumphal arch depicts the entry of martyrs and saints into the heavenly Jerusalem. _:________ _ ~1IIIIiIIIIiIIII1iIIIIIIIIIIIII==-:_: Fig. Das ivlosaikprogralllJJl von S. .

" in his StIldies in Earl)' Christiall. Adapted from Richard Krautheimer. a slavish copy. it was being emulated both to the south of Rome. both were purpose-built to house the relics of saints translated from the cata- combs. both were simultaneously pilgrimage and funerary churchesY9 Sad- . fig. Unlike Sta Prassede. lVledieval. And its nave arcades are made of round arches set upon square pillars. Yet in other respects. Peter's in having the liturgical east at the geographical west end. lHltlinheilll. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 2°9 ~ lLlJ 25 m. drawn to same scale. and Renaissance Alt (New York. whereas Sta Prassede followed St. at Farfa. Within a few years of its completion. 6. Sta Prassede. yet Sta Prassede has architraves resting upon columns. Both employ brick as a major building material.etres 5. at lvIttlinheim. 118 Einhard's church was not. with a sophisticated iconographical program in sparkling mosaic. 117 Con- ceivably Paschal hirns elf was buried here: whatever the case. Comparative plans of (from left to right) St Peter's. 14a. and far to the north. he associated hirnself more intimately with this church than with any other. For astart. the parallels between Sta Prassede and lvIttlinheim are dose and precise. 1969).0 Fig. "The Carolingian Revival of Early Christian Architecture. however. Sta Prassede rapidly established itself as a template for churches housing translated Roman relics. it was oriented to the east. it lacked an atrium.

A cult had been instituted that would endure for centuries: the feet of· generations of pilgrims abraded the steps leading down into the martyrs' crypt until it was blocked off c. It might also have been designed with an eye to close observance of Roman liturgical practices. U nlike Aachen."124 Although in keeping with the attitudes of his own day. 122 Perhaps he despaired of the emperor ever being able to fulfill that role. Marcellinus and Peter's presence transformed Mulinheim into an echo of Rome in Germany. it uni ted clergy and laity in the veneration of Marcellinus and Peter. They made it a holy city: within seven years of Einhard's death we find it referred to as Saligunstat. to which people flocked from ne ar and far. and the most recent pilgrimage there was in 1993. celebrat- ed. In this. Einhard's new church was. It was built to accommodate the pil- grims who came to seek divine grace at the shrine of Marcellinus and Peter. it was quite unlike the church at Michelstadt. Here the message of correctio was broadcast in many ways: through the messages which archangels and demons entrusted to blind men and peasant girls. promulgated. an area previously devoid of saint's shrines had now acquired its own focus of devotion.210 SEEING AND BELIEVING ly. Seligenstadt was a place of true faith in Christ and his saints. 120 By enabling the laity to enter the transepts en route to the crypt via the stairs beside the altar. an architecturally self-conscious state- ment of contemporary Romanness. a model of salvation to younger people. whose layout was intended to keep clergy and laity apart. Not only relics but also brick-and-stone ecclesiology had been translated from the Tiber to the Main. 123 In 1911. then. united congregation. where there was no room for evil ways. The change of name took hold: it is now the town of Seligenstadt. 121 Had Einhard hirnself chosen the new name? He certainly enjoined exemplary behavior on its clerical staff: they were to be a forma salutis. Mulinheim-Seligenstadt was the model of correct Christianity in a de- vout. Also at Seligenstadt. through the model life of the religious community. The momentum of the miraculous which had been unleashed at Michelstadt had been institutionalized. through the miracles which made men and women whole both spiritually and physically. where God's omnipotence was praised. all trace of Einhard's original interior decorations has vanished. defended. the holy place. Max Manitius commented on the Translation and Miracles that "its highly gifted author fully shared the superstitions of his age. and we can he only speculate whether he also echoed in fresco Pascal's distinctive mosaic ecclesiology. his condemnation of the miraculous activities of Marcellinus and Peter as "superstitions" could not . 1250.

Their personal religious enthusiasms and hopes varied. and political argument. preoccupations and proponents. Under- neath the rhetoric of religious uniformity. Those individuals in- cluded married laity as weH as bishops. Throughout the Carol- ingian empire-at its very heart. physical and spiritual health. institutional advantage. in the sense of the baptism of pagans. at least in the verdict of those who subscribed to the ideals of correct Christianity. even-the task was not conver- sion. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 2II have been more misconceived. at Aachen. correctio provided a vocabulary. the elimination of inappropriate customs. however. is the argument that he promoted their cult as a localization of the teaching of a universalizing church. Rather. At Mulinheim. or court from country. lay and monastic. At the core of this paper. For Einhard used the Roman martyr relics he acquired to argue the case for correctio. Certainly. their cult shows how the miraculous and tangible was in no way antithetical to ethical and educated religion. as competitive. traditional and corrected. In an age when paganism persisted only around western Europe's northern and eastern periphery. as something which congealed around specific nodes-here and there an aristocratic residence. a repertoire of norms. More than this. Religious change in the Carolingian empire was multiple in motifs. a devout audience receptive to preaching whether in word or in deed. Rather. embracing personal commemoration. serving boys as weH as kings. urban and rural. 125 In his townhouse at Aachen. and the substitution of authorized forms of devotion and morality. It emerges from this analysis as a many-stranded endeavor. but rather the upgrading of Christian observance. the beliefs and practices of many of Europe's Christians left much scope for improvement. the relics offered correction and salvation in the presence of a corrupt court. the mandate for change rein- forced the plurality of Carolingian Christianities-imperial and local. The uses to which Einhard put MarceHinus and Peter included personal devotion. built brick. Einhard showed what the veneration of martyrs could contribute to this goal. Einhard's account reminds us that the definition and fostering of correct Christianity was a matter of political negotiation and was by no means consensual. an imperial monastery. Mulinheim became a new holy place-ao Seligenstadt-from wh ich evils could be denounced and where a . the exemplary became the particular in writ- ten text. and an array of procedures from which a wide range of individuals and institutions could appropriate whichever elements each cared to select. and ritual cult: it thereby changed the landscape of the Maingau and the behavior of its inhabitants. at least within the elite. a relic shrine. clerical from lay. conjugal commemoration. correctio was at the heart of the Carolingian royal vision of society. peasants as weH as aristocrats. but early medieval religious politics did not neatly divide elite from popular.

Also William Klingshirn. I am of course responsible for any remaining mistakes. Davis Center seminar paper. R. ed. 350-I IOO (Cambridge. 11. Donald Bullough. Einhard could "warn [others} ab out how to correct [their} behavior. Calif. saints and relics have remained marginal to studies of "correct Christianity. ed. MGH Capit." Viator 18 (1987): 39. . p. 2. pp. cf. Benedieti.14. 1994). pp. pt. 1975). III.C. Waitz. forth- coming). and Larry Nees all subsequently provided specialist Carolingian expertise for which I am extremely grateful. Ont. as quoted by David Ganz. Charlemagne's Court- ier: The Complete Einhard (Peterborough. Einhard. Les reliqttes des saints: Formation coutumiere d'un droit (Paris. no. see Eugene A. ed. and to all the participants in the Davis Center seminar whose responses to the first version of this paper did much to improve it. Mayke de Jong. 35. p.. esp. MGH SS XV. 1. Caesarius 0/ Arles: The Making 0/ a Christian Commttnity in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge. 1998). 1880). Peter Brown. 253-4. Expositio regulae S. ed. pp. Here. 10 on the important reception of Caesarius in the Carolingian era. All translations are my own. I. David Ganz. Mittermüller (Regens- burg. Translatio et Miracttla Sanetorum Mareellini et Petri.. 74-7 8. 69-130. Since the regulation of saints' cults was a very modest topic of legislative attention." in The World 0/ Late Antiquity: The Challenge 0/ New Historiographies. The Making 0/ Textual Culture: Grammatiea and Literary Theory. Hildemar. 280-87. 3. p... and trans. 1931). 1. 5. I. D. 3."126 for relic cult and emendation were insep- arable." For regulation of relic cults. "Conversion and Christianization in Late Antiquity: The Case of Augustine. The lack of attention to saints' cults in this context reflects the ways in which studies of religious change in the Carolingian era still confine their scope to those issues on which kings and bishops legislated insistently. NOTES I am greatly indebted to the Davis Center for electing me to the fellow- ship which enabled me to carry out this research. 298-313. chap. Prologue to Admonitio generalis. John Contreni. 54. G.212 SEEING AND BELIEVING holy way of life could be fostered. For important comments on the relation- ship between emendation and authority in the early Middle Ages see Mar- tin Irvine. "The Preconditions for Caroline Minuscule. I. 1994). Chureh Law on Saered Relies (Washington. 22. 41. Dooley. Nicole Hermann-Mascard. 53. 4. the translation in Paul Edward Dutton. Richard Lim and Carole Straw (Berkeley.

ed. ed. See the pointed remarks of Gerd Tellenbach. societes IVe-XIIe siecles (Paris. Valerie Flint. 1981). I I. forthcoming). 1990). p. 1994) conveniently sur- veys shifting responses and growing tensions in attitudes towards saints and relics from the sixteenth century onwards. pp. The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century. and bibliography there cited." in Karl . 157-62. 847· 8. Warren Treadgold (Stan- ford.Y. 1991). vol. 59-74. 221-46. 8 vols. Early medievalists have gene rally avoided these wide-ranging controversies. 10. 43-45. For recent reflections on historiographical trends and tensions by high-Iate medieval historians. the only contribution known to me is the Fragestellung of Arnold Angenendt. ed. pp. "The Carolingian Renaissance. N. Timothy Reuter. Conversion: Old Worlds and New. pp. Geschichte der Religiosität im Mittelalter (Darmstadt. 1997). N. I-3°· 12." New Cambridge Medieval History." in Conversion: Old Worlds and New.]. pp. Werner Conze. The English word "Christianization" is a nineteenth-century neologism. 9. "La controverse biblique et patristique autour du miracle." in Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland. Peter Biller. The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Eltrope (Princeton. 1991). Mills and Grafton . Otto Brunner. "Popular Religion in the Central and Later Middle Ages. p. ed. tr. 1997). "The Christian Middle Ages as an Historiographical Problem. see John Van Engen. (Stuttgart.. 13.. 700-c. et ses repercussions sur l'hagiographie dans l'Antiquite tardive et le haut moyen age latin. Arnold Angenendt. Reformation. 5:313-60. cultures. pp. and Reinhart Koselleck. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 21 3 6. 1995). '''Kirchenreform' und 'Kirch- enpolitik" im Zeitalter Karl Martells: Begriffe und Wirklichkeit." American Historical Review 91 (1986): 5 19-52 . Jean Chelini. 1993). John Contreni. 2: c. David Murray. Das Frithmittelalter: Die abendlä'ndische Christenheit von 400 bis 900 (Stuttgart. Rosamond McKitterick. Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton (Rochester. "Conclusion. Arnold Angenendt. 205. "Object Lessons: Fetishism and Hierarchies of Religion and Race. Cf. Valtbe du moyen age: Naissance de la chretiente medirfvale (Paris. Michael Bentley (London." in Renaissances Be/ore the Renaissance: Cultural Revivals of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. 1972-97). Heilige und Reliquien: Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart (Munich. 7." in Companion to Historiography. 1984). on "reform" see the essay "Reform. Timothy Reuter (Cam- bridge. Calif. For "conversion" see the papers in this volume and its companion volume." Hagio- graphie.. Jacques Le Goff as cited by Marc van Uytfanghe. 900 (Cam- bridge.

pp. Fürsten- spiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit. Giles Constable. 24. 338. 290. I I. La Royaute clans la litterature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville. cl. 30.1. It is used occasionally in Visigothic church councils. pp. cl. ed. . cl. 5 I I-A. cls. 14. 95---96. emendatio. idem. On the connection between correction and ruling (corrigere-regere). renovare applies to bridges. 18. His correspondence occasionally uses re/ormatio in a spiritual sense. 81. 249.vv. 1997)· Correctio was also the vocabulary of sixth-century canon law. I. correctio. Admonitio und Praedicatio: Zur religiös-pastoralen Dimension von Kapitularien und kapitulariennahen Texten (507-8I4). 37-67. and MGH Conc. no. s. Council of Chalon. Council of Tours. Bibliotheque des Ecoles Franc. epistola ad plebem. Beihefte der Francia 37 (Sigmaringen. U sage of re/ormare is confined to two instances referring to the monastic office and one to polluted holy places (MGH Capit. pp. Council of Merida. pp. no. 10. a renewed correspondence. in addition to spiritual regeneration. ed. 2. Ladner. 18. Benson and Giles Constable (Oxford. 1981). relationships. make clear the heavy preponderance of the vocabulary of correction and emendation. cls. corrigere.. 1986). "Renewal and Reform in Religious Life: Concepts and Reali- ties. 14. Freiburger Beiträge zur Mittelalterlichen Geschichte 9 (Frankfurt. A. esp. 1963). The grounding of the notion of correctio in late Roman legislative tradi- tion is pointed out by Ladner. I. 15-16. p. reformare." ibid. and 11th Council of Toledo. cl. Robert 1. 179. Concilios visig6ticos e hispano-romanos. IV) are full of the language of correctiol corrigere (but rarely emendatiolemendare) in his letters of advice to kings and bishops. 369).21 4 SEEING AND BELIEVING Martell in seiner Zeit." in her Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London. pp. Nelson. Bonner Historische Forschungen 32 (Bonn. 40-42. 16. Concilia Galliae. Council of Cler- mont. Thomas Martin Buck. pp. pp. 141. These generalizations rest on two lexical anal yses. or the recovery of a person's physical energy. 575-58. 35-59. pp. cl.aises d'Athenes et de Rome 243 (Rome. renovare. 360-61. "Gregory the Great and Gregory VII: A Compar- ison of Their Concepts of Renewal. (2) Alcuin's letters (MGH Epp. p. reformare mayaiso refer to the resump- tion of ecclesiastical order. Jose Vives (Barcelona. Marc Reydellet." in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twe/fth Century. no. 19. 1982). 4th Council of Orleans. and Michael Richter. I. 57-58. and more frequently in Merovingian councils together with emendatio (for example Ist Council of Orleans. cl. 7- 8. cls. Ulrich Nonn. 13. Gerhart B. and by Janet 1. 5. emendare. p. 1-33. etc. (I) The indices to MGH Capit. "Gregory the Great and Gregory VII. see Hans Hubert Anton. I 5. "On the Limits of the Carolingian Renaissance. 53-4 (first published in Studies in Church History 14 [1977): 51-67)." p. 1968). ed Jörg Jarnut. for example 7th Council of To- ledo." Viator 4 (1973): 1-31. 1994). "Terms and Ideas of Renewal.

Epp. p. see Max Manitius. p. 111) and the correction of a written document (Translatio et miracula II. extending from Charlemagne's overhaul of the liturgy (Vita Karoli 26. 639-46. eds. 191 I. 21. Geschichte der latein- ischen Literatur des Mittelalters. 5.. Hrabanus Maurus. 1. 7. 1911. 6. Translatio et miracula. 49. Severe illness prevented hirn attending in the spring of 830 (Einhard.I3. His usage of emendare is more wide-ranging. Fleckenstein. Poeme sur Louis le Pieux et epitres au roi Pepin (Paris. ed. Einhard's vocabulary of change is typical of his day. I48A (Turnhout. Ermold le noir. 5. p. 1965). 10. 33. p.. EMENDING EVIL W AYS 21 5 695. 1984). reprint ed. pp. ed. vo1. 1997). 14. prologue to the vita Karoli. 54. 1-2. praef. a. 20. Charles de Clercg. I 16-18). Vita Karoli. ut vestri curam gere rem. 136 . 109) to the repair of buildings (Ep. 114. Philippe Depreux. 21. ed. and Translatio et miracula 1.1. 11.1. letter to Lupus of Ferrieres: Servati Lupi epistolae. V. See also Epp. 1. 11. no.. vol.. pp. 177-85. praef. ed. 3 I 1. and of his own responsibil- ities towards Lothar: "[Hludowicus] meaegue parvitati praecepit. 25 2 . 13 2 . 14). For the vast bibliogra- phy on Einhard and the vita Karoli. 19. see Egon Boshof. p. 26. 1964)." Prosopographie de l'entourage de Louis le Pieux (781-84°) (Sigmaringen. Hampe. pp. 46). 12 9-3°. Ep. Correctio/corrigere occurs in the typically legislative context of Charlemagne's intention to revise the ethnic law codes of his peoples. ed. Epitaphium Einhardi. 9. 113. MGH SSRG (Hanover. Corpus Christianorum series latina. Charlemagne's Courti~ pp." Einhardi epistolae I I. sedulo commonerem. 23. 239. in Dutton. Einhard. pp. the evidence does not permit us to say when or whether he returned to Aachen. p. ed. 1996) and Peter Godman and Roger Collins. 17. p. xviii-xxiv. In Honorem Hludowici. 25. through a penitential turn towards God (Ep. MGH Epp. Annales Regni Francorum. 22. 1737- 39. There is an excellent summary of re cent thinking on the vita Karoli. Holder-Egger. pp. 237-38. 1974). Holder-Egger. 1963). ed. 3: cols. 24. I (Munich. Marshall (Leipzig. pp. Peter K. O. pp. K. 243. 3°5-7. p. 121. 15. 134. p. 44. Vita Karoli 29. J. Ep. MGH SSRG (Hanover: Hahn. reprint ed. Friedrich Kurze. MGH PLAC II. 13. p. his single usage of renovare comes in the context of hu- man emotions. xxviii. "Eginhard. and the intense controversy surrounding its date. Ludwig der Fromme (Darmstadt. pp. pp. Edmond Faral. 197. On the reign of Louis the Pious. Ermoldus Nigellus. 106. 40.. He never uses re/ormatiolreformare. 3. "Einhard. Walahfrid Strabo. p. 18. 2. p. 1895). ac vos de moribus corrigendis et honestis atgue utilibus sectandis. Charle- . ed.682-97. 114-15. 806." in Lexicon des Mittelalters. Holder-Egger. 43.

I999). "Einhard. 36. Exhibition catalogue for the exhibition held at the Reiss-Museum. Franz J.s." Archiv für hessische Geschichte und Altertumskunde. For a discussion of MarceHinus and Peter in the context of Einhard's domestic and personallife. Jahrhundert bis zum Ende der Kurmainzer Herrschaft (Darmstadt. seine Gründung und sein Ver- mächtnis in Seligenstadt. 273. "Heidentum und Christentum in der Germania prima zwischen Antike und Mittelalter. "Einhards Translatio Marcellini et Petri: Eine ha- giographische Reformschrift von 830. 2000). Martin Heinzelmann. 2003).. 20." Archiv für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 30 (I97 8): 9-57. I:30I-2. pp. pp. Codex Laureshamensis I9. I996). The Age of Charles Martel (Harlow. pp. ed. Waldemar Küther. 22 (I94I): I-53. Schulze. 3 I. 6th ser. 2 vols." in Einhard: Studien zu Leben und Werk. pp. Hermann Schefers (Darmstadt. 278. 34. Cf. See also Marguerite Bondois. Quarthai. 400-IOOO (Cambridge." p. reviews the archaeological evidence for Frankish influence. Translatio et miracula I. 27. 28. see my "Einhard: The Sinner and the Saints. I980). Dutton. I :270-84. I907).und Neckargebiet. (Darmstadt. I I7-52. pp. Regesten zur Geschichte von Seligenstadt am Main: Kloster und Stadt vom 9. Matthew Innes. . I3 (forthcoming." in Alemannien und Ost/ranken im frühen Mittelalter. 29. (Mainz." in Die Fran- ken: Wegbereiter Europas. p. 84-I II. State and Society in the Early Middle Ages: The Middle Rhine valley. surveys theories about the development of political organization. I :299-300.2I6 SEEING AND BELIEVING magne's Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (Oxford. H. Äbte und Laienenä'bte im Frankenreich (Stuttgart. Felten. 'Die Wirtschafts. pp. xxiv-xxxi. 30. Franz Staab. Josef Koch. Koch and Koch." in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. idem (Sigmaringen. 283-86. 35. pp. for details of the lay abbacies. ed. Paul Fouracre. ed. with fuH references to earlier literature. pp. I02-I4. 32. Mainz und das Reich. I57-59. J Fleckenstein. " in his Ordnungen und formende Kräfte des Mittelalters (Göttingen. "Ostfranken und Alemannien in der Politik des fränkischen Reiches. "Seligenstadt. I984).und Rechtsverhältnisse der Abtei Seligenstadt im Mittelalter.I 5.. F.I. La Translation des Saints Marcellin et Pierre: Etude sur Einhard et sa vie politique de 827 a 834 (Paris. 33. I929- 36). Mannheim. ed. Ibid. Ingrid Firner. I989). I26-34 gives the political outline. Charlemagne's Courtier. "Die fränkische Expansion ins Main. Karl Glöckner. Veröffentlichungen des Ale- mannischen Instituts Freiburg 48 (Bühl. n. Robert Koch and Ursula Koch. I996-97. esp." in Zur Kontinuität zwischen Antike und Mittelalter im Oberrhein. "Die fränkische Expansion. 2000). 239-45. I994). I3-38. I997). 3 vols. I990).

44. pp. 143- 61. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart. 1984). 1995). MGH Epp V. Franz Staab. 9. Uwe Schultz (Stuttgart. 116. Camille Wampach. 192-93. J. 2. pp. Clemens Köttelwesch.. 4) and fragmentary extracts in fifteenth-century legendaries from Lorsch.und Universitä'tsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main} 6 vols in 10 parts (Frankfurt. 182-83. 43. 41. 38-48 and the collected essays of Heinrich Büttner. Zur vorbonifatianischen Mission in Hessen und Thüringen. on a spectrum of paganisms and forms of Christianization. 1:239~318. 45. 279. All aspects of this spectrum are deal' in Hrabanus's letters. 39. 47-54. Studien zur Herrschaftsgeschichte des frä'nkishen Adels: Der mainlä'ndisch-thüringische Raum vom 7. 379-516. M. 1983). 1975). pp. Petra Kehl. Wallace-Hadrill. 1982). 2001). Kataloge der Stadt." in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalte". Liber aureus Epternacensis 8. "Bonifatius und zwei nützliche Rebellen: Die Häretiker Aldebert und Clemens. Ian Wood. Matthias Werner.'" p. p. Alfred Friese. Heinz Löwe. (Stuttgart. Marie Theres Fögen (Frankfurt. 2 vols (Luxembourg. 200- 201. Places and Power in . 42. Karl Heinemeyer. pt. WeIl emphasized by Nicole Zeddies. Lorsch's liber miraculorum has been lost: see the reference to it in the Lorsch fiber vitae (Codex Laureshamensis 1:282 n. 48. 217-63. 1:63-6 5. 1974-94). pp. bis I I. pp. 31-3 2 . 195 I-52). 40. 1979) pp. "Die Ausbreitung des Christentums und der heilige Bonifatius. The Missionary Lift: Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe} 400-I050 (Harlow. 26. Geschichte der Grundherrschaft Echternach im Frühmittelalter. Reuter. 2 vols. 272-73. 47. Ibid. "Iren und Angelsachsen in Mitteldeutschland. 1993). The inscription recording this is preserved in a transcript of 1582. 2-4 and passim. ed. Hessen im Frühmittel- alter: Archäologie und Kunst (Sigmaringen. 284-85. 4. 15 1 -5 2 . Untersuchungen zur Gesellschaft am Mittelrhein in der Karol- ingerzeit (Wiesbaden. ed. The Frankish Church (Oxford. 43-47. 46. 51-83. '''Kirchenreform' und 'Kirchenpolitik. "People. 1975). pp. Also Büttner. 7 I I n. 1983). Zur frühmit- telalterlichen Reichsgeschichte an Rhein} Main und Necka". EMENDING EVIL W AYS 21 7 37. pp. 38. and see commentary pp. Illustrated in Helmut Roth and Egon Wamers. Kult und Nachleben des heiligen Bonifatius im Mittelalter (754-I200) (Fulda. Alois Gerlich (Darmstadt. 41." in Ordnung und Aufruhr im Mittelalter: Historische und juristische Studien zur Rebellion} ed. pp. vol. ed. for the text see MGH SSRM V. Zur frühmittel- alterlichen Reichsgeschichte} p. Matthew Innes. nos." in Die Geschichte Hessens} ed. 3.

domibus. but might be the small single- celled church of apparently early ninth-century date which underlay the present parish church in Michelstadt. A further uncertainty is the reference in the Annales Fuldenses antiquissimi a. 239. Ludwig. 49. I996). 20. I59. The rapid population growth may well have been the result of imported labor: cf. I3-50. Mayke de Jong and Frans Theuws (Leiden. p. In 8 I 5 Michelstadt had I4 servi plus wives and children and another 40 mancipia. Annales Fuldenses} ed." Journal 0/ Historical Geography 9 (I983): I05- 26. 50 (MGH Epp. I89I). I38." p. Die Einhards-Basilika} pp. I :2-4. Leo Schaefer. et cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus. Translatio et miracula I. . V. Otto Müller. Vorromanische Kirchenbauten: Katalog der Denkmäler bis zum Ausgang der Ottonen} 2 vols and suppl. (Mainz. pp." in Topographies 0/ Power in the Early Middle Ages} ed. id est. basilicis. 520. When the relics arrived at the new basilica. 50. not least to reach the quarries whose stone had built the Roman cities of the Rhine valley. 244. Innes. 3I4-3I. p. Die Einhards-Basil- ika in Steinbach bei Michelstadt im Odenwald} 2 vols. and Hans Rudolf Sennhauser. Untersuchungen} pp. 200I). "European Forests in the Early Middle Ages: Landscape and Land Clearance. 82 I to the "dedicatio ecclesiae Michlin- stat in Otonwald". For Lorsch and internal colonization. p. Zur /rühmittelalterlichen Reichsgeschichte} p. 55. 30I). I:300. (Munich. argues that the entire area was Carolingian /oresta. I :30I: " . 57. "European Forests. .2I8 SEEING AND BELIEVING Carolingian Society.. IOO mancipia diversi sexus et aetatis (Codex Laureshamensis I9. 2:2I5-I6. ceterisque edificiis. " Which churches this refers to is unclear." Settimane di Studio sultAlto Medioevo 37 (I989): 5I6- 2 I. Friedrich Kurze. I34) on acquiring mancipia from other landlords to work on his own estates. cum omnibus appenditiis et terminis suis. Although they were criss-crossed with roads. Dendrochronological dating of the timbers gives a date of 822-25 for the building of this basilica. LI. This cannot have been the existing church. . I4-I6. 54. Büttner. 56. I966-7I). p. 52. comments on the earliest charter for the Odenwald. Wickham. I I. and Irmgard Widdra-Spiess. Müller and Widdra-Spiess. Hans-Jürgen Nitz. Einhard's Ep.. see Staab. which was not yet dedicated in 827. siluis . I:300 . Chris Wickham. MGH SSRG (Hanover. Codex Laureshamensis I9. terris. 53. 5 I. pratis. State and Society} pp. as described by Friedrich Oswald. in 8I9. Ibid.. Tho- mas Ludwig. . 396-437. "The Church as Colonist: The Benedictine Abbey of Lorsch and Planned Waldhufen Colo- nization in the Odenwald. Codex Laureshamesnsis 20.

H. The sequence of churches at Seligenstadt and their dating is unclear. ed. Twelfth-century lorsch tradition certainly regarded Einhard as hav- ing abandoned it even though he retained usufruct until his death. 1. p. p. Cf. There was already a small stone church there when Einhard acquired Mulin- heim in 815 ("basilicam parvo muro factarn": Codex Laureshamensis 19. I: 415. ': Ein Vorber- icht zu den Grabungen 1994/95 am Alten Friedhof in Seligenstadt. pp. ed. On the importance of visions throughout the Translatio et miracula. pp. 58. p. Alfred A. Smith (leiden. and by 828 he had built a nova basilica a litde to the east (Translatio et miracula IlI. 239: "quendam locum secretum. 64. 69. Translatio et miracula LI. p." in Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West: Essays in Honour 0/ Donald Buffough. 243. 1. 243. 67.10." pp. They may underlie the sites of the other medieval churches in the town but archaeological orthodoxy on their location has recendy been overturned by fresh excavations. 63. 1. see Werner Jacobsen.. lIlA. 62. I I. 1983). Schmid (Bologna. "Benedikt von Aniane und die Architektur unter ludwig dem Frommen zwischen 814 und 830." Denk- malpflege in Hessen I (1997): 36-38. p. and on the late antique precedents for saints' decisions about whither to be moved.. Ibid. 243. p. Codex Laureshamensis 141. pp. 68. 244. 15-22. '''Habet basilica parva muro factam . Places and Power. ut quadam die.. Innes." This is a reworking of a common hagio- graphie al topos. "People. 317-39.12. On the architectural dimension of Benedict of Aniane's monastic reforms. see Heinzelmann. p. Der Klosterplan von St. idem.. Ibid. 421-22. my "Old Saints." pp. 250). 59. 1:3°0). 244. "Einhards Translatio. 265-318.9. 66. . 1. cum divina res ageretur. Gaffen und die karolingische Architektur: Entwick- lung und Wandel von Form und Bedeutung im frä'nkischen Kirchenbau zwischen 75 I und 840 (Berlin. 60.7.. 65. p. p. Julia M. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 21 9 their bearers "velut ibi perpetuo permansuros deposuerunt. Ibid. Ibid. 61.11. which was substantial enough to have included a westwork (ibid. New Cults: Roman Relics in Carolingian Fran- cia." in Ri/orma religiosa e arti neff'epoca carolingia. 1.. 199 2 ). Neither of these is extant." Translatio et miracula. et nos in superioribus eiusdem ecclesiae locis constituti super subjectum atque in inferioribus constitutum populum intenderemus"). 244. Translatio et miracula 1. a pop- ulari frequentia valde remotum. See the summary report of Markus Grossbach. 249: "contigit.8.. 280-8 I. 2000).

I-4. 1990). 77. As. William A. 256-57: "ita eorreetus est ut qui manibus alienis subveetus in oratorium venerat. IV.. II. III. 1999). Bibliotheque de la Revue d'Histoire Eedesiastique 82 (Brussels. Nelson.220 SEEING AND BELIEVING 70. for example. 246. Ibid. 247. Baaf's. pp." 82. 257. Janet 1. the deaf-mute girl from Bourges (eentral-southwest Franee) whose father and brother led her from shrine to shrine in seareh of a eure." in de Jong and Theuws. p. II.8-9. 85. III.J.19." 84. 245-6.I-7.8-10. 73. Ibid. 258-59. p. 247· 80.12-14. pp. 81. 1. Translatio et miraeula IIA-5. Einhard. pp. 247. p. Ghent. quoting Notker on p. p.3. 7 I. Topographies 0/ Power.. 75. On the sixth-eentury evidenee for notarial reeords of mi rades .8-14. were both abbeys of whieh Ein- hard was lay abbot. eultures et societes. p. 13 2-33. 1981). N. "Aaehen as a Plaee of Power. 14. and St. 2d ed. Mirades at Aaehen are also reeounted at II'7 and IV. pp. 10. Ibid. 86. the relies of Mareellinus and Peter remain on display in the treasury. Maastrieht. pp. pp. 45. p. Translatio et miraeula II. p.I-2. Bat-Sheva Albert. "Mirades and Horizontal Mobility in the Early Middle Ages: Some . pp. I. pp. 217-41.. 247. Furta Saera: Relie The/ts in the Central Middle Ages. Geary. Einhard also responded to arequest for reHes of Mareellinus and Peter from Hetti. Loeal Religion zn Sixteenth-Century Spain (Prineeton. 256-58. Patriek J. see Martin Heinzelmann. N. pp. Christian Jr. Hedwig Röekelein. "Une souree de base de la litterature hagiographique latine: Le reeueil de mira- des. IV. pp. 5. On the oeeupations of Aaehen's inhabitants see also Translatio et miraeula IV. Cf... 83." in Hagiographie. 74. St. (Prineeton.. 258-62. see p. Servaas. 256-57. 15. 244-45. p. 102. p. 76. 87. propriis pedibus de oratorio proeederet. p. abbot of Saint-Saulve and also a eourt ehaplain. Translatio et miraettla.. Translatio et miraeula I. arehbishop of Trier. 44-49. 79. 113. 78.. Relies were sent to Valeneiennes at the request of George. 235-59. 240 on sixth- eentury reeords at Tours with "le earaetere de proees-verbal.6.. pp. Ibid.2. Ibid. Ibid" I. Ibid. 245· 72. 238-39. IV. 249.J. Translatio et miraeula II. pp. 241 and with translation of a eapitulary on the diseipline of the palaee.. Translatio et miraeula IV. p. Ep. 245. Le peterinage a l'epoque earolingienne. 255. Ep. Ibid. At the latter.

For the allusions to both Augustine and Grego- ry of Tours in this. 187-88. pp. Heinzelmann. philoso- phische und historische Klasse 2 (1900): 61. pp. 289-97. pp. MGH Capit. "Einhards Translatio. 88. 15. IV. Levi- son. J ulia M.18. "The Epitaphium Arsenii and Opposi- tion to Louis the Pious. 263.. 599 and 600. 98.263. from which I have profited.255-56. 319-21. 91. 537-5 0 . 239. Ibid." esp. 1989). sourees. Translatio et miracula III. by Heinz Löwe (Weimar. pp. p. Joyce HilI and Mary Swan (Turnhout. Ernst Dümmler. Topographies 0/ Power. II. are from the longer of the two versions of this letter. 99. pp. pp. the one included in the dossier of the Council of Paris. I. 181-97. 25 1. 93-97. Pascasius Radbertus. 264. pp. Wattenbach and W. "Einhards Translatio. see Heinzelmann. 93.. MGH Conc. pp. 3: Die Karolinger vom Tode Karls des Grossen bis zum Vertrag von Verdun. pp." pp. As for example in western Gaul. who was brought to Mulinheim by grain merchants from Mainz. Epitaphium Arsenii. II. Epistola Generalis. praef. 17. pp. 16. 249. 97. On Hilduin's career and writings. the Family and the Saint: Patterns 0/ Power in Early Medieval Europe.l. 289-90. p. pp. La Translation. Translatio et miracula IV. Die Synoden der Karol- ingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Italien (Paderborn. IV16. presumably so in the case of the pilgrim from England en route for Rome who stopped off there. a native of Aquitaine. ed. Josef Fleckenstein. see W." in Godman and Collins. 249. "Einhards Translatio. 90. at pp. "Aedificatio sancti loei: The Making of a Ninth-Century Holy Place. 92. 50b.20. Quotations. rev. ed. On the date. 96. Translatio et miracula IIIA. 9. 7-10. and Hein- zelmann. 94. 50d. 293-94 nn. Abhandlungen der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Smith. ed. see David Ganz.3. 100." pp. 95. MGH Conc. 137-3 8 . Charlemagne's Heir. no. no. Other miracules from the Rhine- land area can be found in III. 6. 179-87. I am grateful to Mayke de J ong for giving me access to her unpublished work on this and related texts. vol. 89. it is also possible that both the Paris version of the epistola generalis and Einhard depend on it as their common source. 1957). For a succinct account see Wilfried Hartmann. and purpose of this difficult text. pp. 10. As demonstrated by Bondois. 599-601." in de Jong and Theuws. 361-96." in The Community. II. 1998). nos. Since Wala's scedula of 828 is not extant. 6°5-80.254. 249-50. 295-96. pp. H. Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 221 Methodological Reflections. II. Explicitly so in the case of Alberic. Die .

New Cults. 112. 1998). Epp. 61-62. pp. "Some Ciceronian Models for Einhard's Life of Charle- magne. 59. Smith. Discussed in detail by Wisskirchen. in the transla- tion of Allen Cabannis. Prassede in Rom: Ikonographie und Ikonologie! Jahrbuch für Antike und Chris- tentum. 150. I 1-13. 3:235-62. 1994). 107. Mat- thew Kempshall. . see Thomas F. 174. For the vita Karoli as polemic see. p. "Die grosse Reliquieninschrift von Santa Prassede: Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung zur Zeno-Kapelle. Prosopographie! no. "Old Saints. 204." Viator 26 (1995): 11-37. Frankl. 244-45. The word play Wiggo-Hludowicus is pointed out by Boshof.I. I 15.. (Darm- stadt. 10. 113. Corpus Basilicarum Chris- tianarum Romae! 5 vols. 297. 103." p. 1937-77). 10. The Politics of Dream- ing in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln. On Einhard's place within the Carolingian literature of political dreams and visions. 52-56. p.6. W. Ergängzungsband 17 (Münster. see Paul Edward Dutton. and S. Der früh. Depreux. 1990). p. pp. Gunther Binding. Neb. p. Mosaikprogramm. see Rotraut Wisskirchen. Celebration and Power: The Making of a Papal Rome in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries. "Einhards Translatio. Ursula Nilgen. 55-57· 110." pp. I 13." pp." in de Jong and Theuws.13. 323 and n. No- ble. ed. Dümmler. 105. for the political and cultural context of Paschal's building activities. I: Grundlegung: Die karolingische Hofkapelle! MGH Schriften 16/1 (Stuttgart. Dendrochronological dates of 833 and 835 confirm that building work continued into the later 830s.und hoch mittelalterliche Bauherr als usapiens architectus!" 2d ed. 104. dated by Hampe to April 830. 874. 114. For details. pp. pp. 109. "Topography. Charlemagne!s Cousins: Contemporary Lives of Adalard and Wala (Syracuse." Römische Quartal- schrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 69 (1974): 7-29. Translatio et miracula 1lI.222 SEEING AND BELIEVING Hofkapelle der deutschen Kijnige! pt. pp. Ludwig der Fromme! p. Epitaphium Arsenii! lI. pp. 45-91. 36. p. This is the implication of Ep. Corbett. 91-100. 108. Das Mosaikprogramm von S. on very different grounds. 101. 273-77. 157. 1967). 82. 252-53. (Vatican City. Annales Fuldenses! a. Above. 33. Krautheimer. R. Ep. Heinzelmann. I 16. I I 1. 10. Einhard.Y. 102. pp. Topographies of Power. 70. X. On Einhard's role in launching this new genre. and Dutton. 106. "Une source de base. 1959). 25 0. Politics of Dreaming! pp. N. see Heinzelmann.

Charles McClendon. Marshall." Archiv für hessische Geschichte und Altertumskunde. J. I I9. Ep. I25. "Kurze Beschreibung der Einhardsbasilika in Seligen- stadt. Rudolf of Fulda. I I-34. Conn. I26. Der Name Seligenstadt (Speyer. p. I23. Simon Ditchfield. S. "The Chapel of St Zeno in S. EMENDING EVIL WAYS 223 I I7. pp. I24. Textual evidence assigns this to the pontificate of Leo Irr (795-8I6) but recent archaeological evidence attributes it instead to Leo IV (847-55): Krautheimer et al. Medieval and Re- naissance Art (New York. 329. Ep. Schopp. 36 (1978): 87- II6. Miracula Sanctorum in Fuldensis ecclesia translatorum. "The Zeno Chapel: A Prayer for Salvation. I3 6 . I987). Cf. MGH SS XV/I. I2I. n. 53. Marianne Wirenfeldt Asmussen. Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur." ibid. 60. Lupus of Ferrieres. I :644.s. . I969). "'In Search of Local Knowledge": Rewriting Early Modern Italian Religious History.. . 48 (I990): 288. 203-56 (first published in Art Bulletin. The wo rn steps which were sealed off then are noted by Hermann Schefers. Corpus Basilicarum. n. I22. In his seminal discussion of "The Carolingian Revival of Early Christian Architecture. Otto Müller. "Saints' Tombs in Frankish Architecture. pp. note I. Richard Krautheimer instead drew attention to the parallels between Mulinheim and another ninth-century church in Rome. 24 [I942}). I20. The Imperial Abbey 0/ Far/a: Architectural Cur- rents 0/ the Early Middle Ages (New Haven. pp. p. 66-67. Gillian Mackie.s. I964)." Cristianesimo nella Storia I9 (I998): 255-9 6 . see Werner Jacobsen." in his Studies in Early Christian. The new high altar was consecrated in I253 after remodeling of the entire east end of the church. ed." Papers 0/ the British School at Rome 57 (I989): I72-99. I I8. pp." Analecta Romana Instituti Danici I5 (I988): 67-86. Prassede in Rome: New Aspects on the Iconography. Whether or not Ratleic could have seen this church remains unclear. 4:I70-90. Cf. On architecture as liturgical imitatio. 57-62. I have therefore omitted it from this discussion.. "Einhards römische Reliquien. Stefano degli Abessini." Speculum 72 (I997): I I42.

moreover. tarne and wild. and to do so without regard to the distinction of those either administering the sacrament or sharing the font (pp. 21-22): his plaintive tone betrays how far he. peasants from the banks of the Main stand beside volatile tribesmen from eastern Anatolia."l However frequently Christian spokesmen might invoke the solidarity of the faithful. Elm's Gregory meets as diverse an assemblage as ever crowded the nave of Holy Wisdom.224 SEEING AND BELIEVING 8 SEEING AND BELIEVING ASPECTS OF CONVERSION FROM ANTONINUS PlUS TO LOUIS THE PIOUS NEIL McLYNN To the distress of their duly anointed shepherds. their lyrical appeals were as misleading as the brief appearance. The commentator. worthy of the fold above. of a fresh phalanx of white-robed neophytes. with many forms and shapes. 224 . was from being able to impose his own view of what it meant to become a Christian. ambitious intellectuals inhale the perfumes of ac- tresses. In this volume." he knew that in fact he faced an intractably diverse assemblage: "a beast made out of many creatures. When a preacher like Gregory Nazianzen invoked his "resplendent and unblemished flock. as in the cathedral. therefore. the Christian congrega- tions of late antiquity remained stubbornly reluctant to be domesticated. Here an emperor rubs shoulders with ordinary (and obstinately heterogeneous) family groups on the lookout for prime burial plots. or any other church leader of late antiq- uity. here. each Easter. The people of God could be instantiated only fleetingly. Susanna Elm offers a glimpse of pastoral reality when she shows Gregory hectoring the Christians of Constantinople to receive baptism. can no more hope to impose uniformity on his texts than could the bishop on his congregation. large and small. What emerges above all from these papers is instead a sense of the limits of any prescriptive Christianity. any uniformity that might be discovered will be the fruit more of wishful rhetorical artifice than of direct engagement.

We have here seven different experiments conceived along seven rather different lines. Where Rebecca Lyman shows Justin's Rome crackling with the multiple interactions of charged particles. from theories of baptism to burial practices. the principal similarity between the conversions on offer he re is that they are analyzed not as mental events-the decisive inner reorientations at the he art of Nock's classic treatment-but as social processes. a piece of familiar territory is ren- dered somehow strange." Each time. Nock published his classic study of conver- si on in 1933. Christian . A question central to this volume thus concerns religious authority. who have sought their indices of Christianization every- where from imperial statutes to imperial statues. SEEING AND BELIEVING 225 In the seven hundred years between Justin's teaching career and the composition of The Translation 0/ Peter and Marcellinus J the framework with- in which Christians expressed their commitment to the faith changed dra- matically. 170). When Eric Rebillard discusses Cyprian's outraged denunciation of the party-going habits of a Spanish churchman. the solid structures of Christian church and Christian state dissolve beneath detailed scrutiny. or Richard Lim the legislation designed to restriet the baptism of stage performers. even Michael Maas's Justinian. has still not been definitively displaced in the scholarly. Time and again in these essays. although routinely disavowed by modern scholars. for Julia Smith's equally compet- itive Einhard Christian authority congeals around specific nodes. they raise similar questions. Whether it in- volves Justin measuring hirnself against the other intellectuals. The bucca- neering free market in which Smith's Einhard acquires and disposes of his relics shows how far either papal Rome or the court of Aachen were from being controlled environments. D. the degree to which conversions could be controlled. When A. he could treat "Christianity" as a given: here it sits squarely at the center of the problem. But de- spite all the changes to the rules. let alone the popular imagination) of the "Rise of Christianity. For if the only constant among our converts is their incorrigible diversity. in legislating for Armenia. from ancient ethnographie vocabulary to modern post- colonial discourse. and possible new trajectories begin to emerge. Converts (or those effecting conversions) retain their room for maneuver: there is no monolithic "church" (still less a monolithic Christian state) able to dictate to its new members the exact terms of their faith. Conversion continued to me an different things to different converts. the game remains recognizably the same. is merely "imposing the impe- rial fantasy of bringing civilization and God's order" (p. conducted at various points along the grand narrative (which. Elm's Gregory is merely the most obvious case of a Christian leader proclaiming normative state- ments without any realistic means of enforcing them. just as it does to our contributors.

And two as- pects of these negotiations in particular seem to merit fuller investigation. the alertness of the contributors to the nuances of the texts in which conversions are either described (whether in Jacob's account of Pelagia. and the social-and political-tensions that were operative in the background. statues. or Procopius's of the Tzani) or solicited (directly in Gregory's sermons. indi- rectly in Einhard's treatise) invite further questions about the respective authorial strategies and audience responses. And this focus upon the concrete. while retired actresses effectively remain on stage. Our texts are the property not of the church but of readers who bring diverse concerns to bear on them. for themselves and for others. we might also pursue the ques- ti on of how these "conversion texts" might have changed their meaning once in circulation. SEEING AND BELIEVING and otherwise. In these papers our attention is constantly drawn to the impact of such things as graveside commemorations or the clattering pomp of an actress's retinue. The Christian congregation in the cathedral was but one of several overlapping assemblages: many of the same individuals would . and to sketch some further lines of inquiry. and our converts remain under the scrutiny of their peers: graveside mourners conduct their observances under the gaze of different communities. structures the conversion processes discussed here. obliged to act out their com- mitment to Christianity. and in each case shall play one against the other. rather than any ecclesiastical institution. as they were detached from their original contexts. will be to carry this scrutiny one stage further. of Rome. to the commissioning of sculpture or the framing of legislation. or Einhard's discreet hardball at the Carolingian ' court. to bring into the open ideas and arguments that have been left implicit. My own contribution. First. The aim is not to conjure an implausible synthesis. in what follows. Late antique society. from the secular to the spiritual. THE DEVIL'S POMP: FUNERALS AND GAMES Richard Lim and Eric Rebillard both remind us that we are still very much in the ancient city. . and church buildings). by exploring in more detail both the relevant "texts" (which include inscribed tombstones. The second key point is the extent to which the encounters under discussion were publicly observable. but to identify common themes. even the mystery of baptism is made physical. To establish a sense of perspective I have arranged our diverse contributors (much as Gregory sought to do with his baptismal candidates) into unmatched pairs. Christian commitment is something to be negotiated. helps make newly intelligible the bridges that our converts were able to create. I believe.

For whatever the intentions of an individual. remained beyond institutional control. 72) may well have created the same problems of interpretation for immediate posterity as it has for modern scholars. defined as much by the lack of resources of the organization he was joining as by the facilities it provided. In doing so we can make sense of the jumbled iconog- raphy of. Antonius Restitu- tus. perhaps. And what emerges with particular clarity from Rebillard's and Lim's accounts is the mixture of bluster and patient tact with which Christian leaders responded to the challenge. Entertainment and death. as dependents seeking burial at the site pressed for a more restrictive or a looser reading of the Latin. the Via Latina catacomb: here is a scene of vigorous private enterprise. but with more prac- tical issues at stake. Rebillard's examples intro- duce the crucial distinction between the act of burial and the subsequent use of the same burial site: the inscription of Severianus at Cherchel thus seems to show the local church putting its stamp upon what had originally . the latter of the family. were simply too important to be entrusted to the church: so the former remained the preserve of the state. Rebillard's emphasis on the family (or /amilia) deserves par- ticular attention here. like the household. could only extend so far: the inscription discussed by Rebillard (p. for example. at the circus and theater.2 But perhaps we should go further. where market forces triumph over ideology. in death (and at the commemoration of one another's deaths) in the cemetery. Both these papers illustrate starkly the limited reach of the ancient church. building upon Rebillard's paper to scrutinize more closely the daunting impression of posthumous solidarity that the Christian catacombs of Rome still present. ordered different- ly yet again. they would reconvene. and bring horne just how much of the life of the late antique city remained beyond its grasp-and for how long. Pompa scaenica and pompa /unebris both provided especially visible chal- lenges for a religion which made universal claims but could not replace the structures of everyday life-or everyday death. for example. The cemetery. We might usefully ask how much weight should be put upon the blander formulae of Christian epigraphy or the conventions of "Christian" art: there is litde to suggest that the conditions for admission to a Christian loculus were as stringent as were those to the Christian font. The dead hand of a M. seated differendy and with an admixture of different company. and Rebillard's survey invites us to contemplate the succession of individual deals between families and /ossores through which the burial grounds were filled. even in the fourth and fifth centuries. any initial clarity ab out his funerary dispositions could quickly bl ur as the survivors asserted their interests. And this must affect our understanding of what it meant to become a Christian: the convert's experience was still. SEEING AND BELIEVING 227 come together again.

and attractive facilities for family members who would come to tend these. however. No more commitment need be implied in such a preference than in Martialis's choice on behalf of his son.3 his present paper invites us to take the measure of those parts of the Christian cemetery where these com- peting clerical voices did not reach. 6 The more that "Christian" burials depended upon such private initiatives. There was no attempt to incorporate Peter and Marcellinus's remains into the basilica. Rather than looking for a specific "community" within the Roman church that the cemetery might have served. Rebillard's previous work has brought horne the unsystematic and uneven process by which the rituals of death were brought within the scope of Christian pastoral care. Lucilla. from the catacombs of Rome.228 SEEING AND BELIEVING been a private venture (p. which would house the empress Helena. for example. we might think more gene rally of a service being provided to interested parties within a catchment area. but one to which modern archae- ological techniques have been applied by ] ean Guyon in his exemplary survey. So on after the Christian God had granted hirn his victory over Maxentius. two clergymen who secured their berths through the good offices of a pious sponsor. as these are reflected at the Via Labicana cemetery. the more the facilities will have appealed to pious non -Chris tians. by a Christian emperor and by the Roman popes. of the facilities provided by Christians. Such a perspective will allow reconsideration of the two successive fourth- century "conversions" of the city of Rome. We are confronted here with the fluctuations of the funerary market. the graveyard for his defeated rival's troop of bodyguards. 7 This basilica (like Constantine's other grand extramural projects) is in fact a vast enclosed burial site. invites us to consider the converse attractions. Con- stantine authorized the construction of a huge basilica on an adjacent plot. and graves within the building were more obviously aligned with the great imperial mausoleum attached to the east end. the persistence of informal arrangements is apparent in the tradition concerning the interment of the martyrs Peter and Marcel- linus. 8 Rather than serving the existing catacomb complex. The prospects for such an investigation might best be illustrated by adding a further case study to Rebillard's list. for families thinking ahead.4 But where Guyon continues to frame his historical analysis within Christianizing assumptions. But the . 70). A convenient subject for such an analysis is the Via Labicana cemetery three miles southeast of the city: a complex site. At Via Labicana. this lavish structure would completely redefine it. we might seek less rigid categorization. offering simple but presumably prestigious grave plots. in terms of the returns available from a long-term investment in a funerary collegium (p. 5 Rebillard's interpretation of the case of Bishop Martialis. 72).

meanwhile. No doubt most (and perhaps all) users of the basilica would have called themselves Christians. Recent excavation allows a detailed reconstruction of the successive enlargements of the cubiculttm where the martyrs were housed: it might nevertheless be premature to describe the effect as a straightforward conver- sion from a private space to a public place. reveling in the (to them) sinister anonymity of the dark tunnels. or to explain the change by reference to the pressure from increased pilgrim trafficY Other users of the facilities. the ties of graveside duty would doubtless weaken) could officiating clergy claim it definitively for the church of Rome. neither by the emperor's inten- tions nor by the rituals conducted at the site by Roman clergymen. pious young men separated from their own kin and therefore free to create their own imaginative lin- eages. 13 Nor would the si te and its function be changed fundamentally by the most celebrated impresario of the martyr cult in fourth-century Rome. the creation of a martyr sanctuary at the tombs of Peter and Marcelli- nus. SEEING AND BELIEVING 229 magnificent pomp with which Helena's remains were installed would last but a single day. made for the hundreds of individuals interred there. Beneath Constantine's basilica. Prominent among their adoptive children were groups of students from abroad. but they remained free to choose the most appropriate means of relating their religious faith to their family piety. Inside the basilica a familiar collective conversion narrative thus breaks down into a multiplicity of elusive microhistories. Pope Damasus. will instead have seen a (probably gradual) extension of the martyrs' families. 14 The sheer scope of Damasus's interventions-he left his imprint upon eighteen separate extramural sites.lO one can only wonder about the effect of the new building upon the price of underground loculi. and the arrangements for post- humous commemoration. they remained free to use them as they wished-and to subordinate them to their own business. only when the basilica was no longer a focus for family business (and as children gave way to grandchildren. the catacombs remained in use. he re as at other catacombs. Nevertheless. but by the aggregate of the funeral arrangements. But Rebillard's paper also suggests the basis for areinterpretation of the key fourth-century development in this part of the site. 9 The function of this basilica (and the others which Constantine built around Rome) would be determined. even if those tending family graves also began to include the martyrs in their commemorative visits. they made the places their own. leaves little room for doubt that such attentions were encouraged. 12 The remodeling of the catacomb. so that by the mid-fourth century all major routes led to the martyrs. and the lavish provision of liturgical vessels for the basilica implies occasional spectacle rather than a constant routine. and contributed four memorial . during the fourth century.

. Damasus's main contribution was decorative. we must draw a distinction between an initial impact and subsequent use. as elsewhere. to appreciate their impact at ground level. Damasus could no more impose his martyrs than could Constantine his mother: the pace for the eventual transformation of the complex was set not by popes or emperors. coherent vision: Damasus has thus been given credit for an intention "to physically uni te the sites beyond the walls into an almost unirary Christian hinterland of Rome. While their anni- versaries will doubtless have received increased emphasis and more formal commemoration through the mensa that Damasus had (probably) installed adjacent to the two graves. The ceremony when this renovated chamber was opened. but by the fossores."16 But it is misleading simply to plot the pope's initi- atives upon a blank map. Although few of the two dozen burials crammed into the cham- ber are dated. familiar routines would reassert themselves. crowning it (as was his trade- mark) wirh a beautifully carved verse inscription. that is. which both advertised the martyrs and explained his own personal connection with themY Once again. we need to think in terms of individual sites. where such tables were a long-established part of the furniture. 20 Such considerations suggest that we might modify Peter Brown's famous characterization of the rise of the cult of the martyrs in the West as an exuberant response to a crisis of ecclesiastical surplus which compelled the Western bishops "to invent new ways of spending money."21 Instead." and then only to a few especially favored shrines. At Via Labicana. all these (which cannot by their placement have been the latest) are dated to the fifth century. it was then. and take into account their other users. would have had much of the solemniry of an inventio} a formal discovery of martyrs' relics. If martyr cults are to be measured by the density of burials ad sanctos} Peter and Marcellinus must be counted as late developers. SEEING AND BELIEVING tablets to the Via Labicana catacomb alone 15 -has seemed to imply a grand. 19 Once the papal cavalcade had moved on. In doing so we might also reconsider such famous episodes as the fourth-century incident at Milan. He faced the crypt with marble. Our prevailing view of the cult of the martyrs is unabashedly impressionistic: but only on a few days each year did the Christian city "move from its address. too. treading gingerly through territories that they knew they could neither afford to disown nor hope fully to control. we might see the bishops juggling scarce resources to maintain apresence. But there is no reason to suppose that the whole cemetery was immediately and irrevocably reoriented around the martyrs. this only brought them into line with the better-appointed chambers elsewhere in the cemetery. presumably in the papal presence. that burial elsewhere in the catacomb seems to have ceased. 18 Nor were Peter and Marcellinus of this select company.

But the story allows us to sense the constraints of fantasy. the bi shop had asound appreciation of her value. SEEING AND BELIEVING when a porter in the service of the church prevented an African widow from following her usual custom of taking grave offerings to the local martyrsY This is conventionally interpreted as the routine application of a powerful bishop's decree. 23 The gates provided a grandstand view of passersby: a group of bishops could hardly have hoped otherwise for a legitimate opportunity to inspect an actress and her entourage in all their pomp. While Lim's interest is in Pelagia as an actress. at both Rome and Milan-and at places like Cherchel as well-as an incre- mental process. The churches established their ascendancy as the collegia had once established theirs. For this story begins in a cem- etery: the bishop of Antioch had lodged Nonnus and his colleagues in a tomb complex. 24 In other words. three miles from the city. but merely frees its debauchees from temptation. But out-of-towners would be particularly susceptible to episcopal direction-especially in cases like this. not upon the stage. those with no personal stake in Milan's sacred history would be most likely to accept Ambtose's sanitized version of it.ute. where the bishop offered them a place instead in his own. the text is insistent upon reducing her to a prostit. The Lift 0/ Pelagial as discussed by Richard Lim. And . So although Ambrose's atten- tions towards Monica would surprise her son. shows the eventual impact upon the suburbs of episcopal initiatives to celebrate the saints. Certainly. as fewer fam- ily members were left to tend the adjacent ones. The tombs they identified as authentically sanctified inevitably became more conspicuous. Local matrons will have taken much less readily to any interruption of their accustomed rounds of the cemeteries. which had become a monumental mansio with accommodation suitable not only for eight bishops and their retinues but also (as a later source shows) for imperial ambassadors. this is not presented as a "civic" episode at all. The Lift 0/ Pelagia is a text best read as a wish-fulfillment fantasy. Demography was on the bishops' side. the departed and a proven record of posthumous aftercare. Having found material for an impromptu sermon (and a bout of paradoxical self- criticism) even in a passing show of sinful beauty. Nonnus does not rob the city of its legitimate pleasures. We should in any case envisage the episcopal takeover of the cemeteries. which combined observances at family graves with atten- tions to others among the deserving departed. abishop then preaches in a more formal setting and inspires a spontaneous and spectacular conver- sion. by combining a perceived ability to provide an appropriate send-off for. Even when the good citizens of Antioch (in the Syriac version of the tale) fall to gossiping about the groaning sinner they think of her misdeeds in the boudoir. approved services.

He made all his own supporters accomplices after the fact in the crimes of the wicked. visibly "groaning and cast down" by his severity. Nonnus's initial homily is purely for the edifica- tion of his fellow dergymen. the people of Antioch witnessed only her sinful splendor. with much shamelessness. The church instinctively saved face. he could bring the theater compellingly into his church.7. dressed in golden garments . she disappears from view entirely. When banning theatergoers from the sac- raments he leaves the enforcement of the ban to their hapless neighbors. 88-90) indicates that the dergy were occasionally called upon to give testimonials. And after the customary seven days in her baptismal robes. I (addressed to a prefect of Rome during the episco- . Moreover. The legislation on the rights and duties of "converted" ac- tresses (pp. initiative is taken by an outsider. Theod 15. 102). SEEING AND BELIEVING even so. While the reader sees her in three different costumes in the story. likewise knew better than to stake his prestige on a prohibition that he could not enforce. implicating themselves in difficult and delicate deci- sions. in his sermon Against the Games and Theater (p. the dergy were so accustomed to living by the state's rules that they could pretend that they had made them themselves. . this sponsorship is explained as a require- ment not of imperial legislation but of canon law. Instead. who are to pass censure and snub them socially until they me nd their ways. and unlike other famous converts like Augustine at Milan or Marius Vic- torinus at Rome she is never presented to the local community. Cod. and even in the cathedral. he quietly shifts tack during the speech. Having addressed himself initially to a particular offender. The only aspect of Pelagia's story that relates to the workaday world of theatrical conversions so expertly analyzed by Lim is the recruitment of a deaconess to stand surety for her: 25 but here again. . Only rarely would real-life bishops come into direct contact with the real-life stage. Nor again is Pelagia's' baptism integrated into the liturgical rhythms of the cathedral: nothing suggests that it occurred in parallel with the customary Easter initiations. perhaps. lohn thus applied moral pressure upon a congregation already committed to his cause. lohn Chrysostom. not the local bishop-such was the instinctive resistance."When you sit high up [in the theater] where there is so much inducement to unseemliness. do you dare to say that you feel no human re- sponse?"-by the dose (in the passage quoted by Lim) he has moved from the miscreants to their enablers. to episcopal interference in the entertain- ment industry. 26 The technique worked brilliantly as long as the villains themselves remained safely out of reach: while lohn could not remove the Christians from the Antiochene theater. and see a whore make her entrance bareheaded. there is no direct appeal to the actress to abandon her profession. Ir was thus the former who wilted beneath his famously searching gaze.

to protect "even the attendants of female mimes. her cue for disappearance into ascetic obscurity. and avoid being caught "be- traying the religion which she had sought" (15. but "the virgins who had received her. that bishops as well as magistrates should be liable for fines (p. however. He earned great renown by conquering such conspicuous sin. further illus- trates the point. One can perhaps sympathize. who were locked into a cycle of permanent compe- tition that encouraged them to advertise their exclusive claims upon celeb- rities. to be followed by an inspection by the state.7. of Pelagia's (probable) real-life exemplar. maintain her "better way of living" (15. 29 The most obvious culprits for the kidnappings. the ideal case would therefore be where the momentary glory of conversion was followed by convenient disappearance. That collusion between bishops and magistrates might readily be sus- pected is clear from the provision.8). only three years after this law. the bishop must also have been involved in carrying out the inspections provid- ed for in the subsequent laws which link the authenticity of conversion to satisfactory conduct: the actress must prove herself "respectable" (15. as well as three thousand dancers and their choreographers. In the same way that they would scour the empire for racehorses and barbarian combatants for their sons' games. 27 He says much ab out her sin and little about her later sanctity. He also recalls that in this case the state did make an attempt to prevent her retirement. Like Nonnus's Pelagia. Another law mentioned by Lim brings horne another important point: the state was also seriously underresourced.2). Pelagia was perhaps well advised to remain out of sight during her conversion. moreover. not even baptism put an actress safely beyond reach of her past. A prefect of Rome was charged with preventing the abduction of actresses for performance "either in hornes or in other cities." from deportation during a famine. A striking feature of these laws is the imprecision of their terms: as Lim notes. in his sermons on Matthew. 90). in cases of wrongful conscription to the stage. but in claiming his victory he was saddling hirnself with an anxious responsibility for a vessel whose frailty was a given. she was defended from the governor and his soldiers not by the bishop and people. they would be on the lookout for glamorous women. Chrysostom's treatment. . and the combined authority of governor and bishop would suffice to seal her fate."28 For this magistrate was responsible for maintaining the city's dauntingly complex entertainment industry: the scale of his task is indicated by the intervention of another urban prefect." Only after the secular authorities had acknowledged defeat did she receive bap- tism. are the prefect's fellow senators. with abishop who was faced with such a convert.7 -4). and it would serve them well even in "off" years.7. SEEING AND B ELIEVING 233 pate of Damasus) provides for a complex procedure whereby episcopal ap- proval is the first step.

This created ample scope for innuendo. 33 Some of the most lurid associations on re cord cluster around the great impresario of the Christian saints. a church looking to accommodate aristocratic adherents had also to accommodate their cli- ents. as senators fawned eagerly upon newly arrived courtesans- even the most leathery old bawds. Pope Damasus. or to their guests in their own homes-which were of course not "private" in any easily recognizable sense. and in this complex social relations hip . and the plausible "ear-tickler of the matrons". for that matter 32-to seek refuge in the Chris- tian church were in many cases different from the motives bringing senators to Christianity. this should be explained in terms of their competition to secure the favor of new theatrical talent. religious change was not necessarily driven entirely from the top. the master of easy banter with pagan grandees. And in any case. ranging from Gregory Nazian- zen's satirical swipe at a well-born bishop who "only yesterday" had been "in the midst of mimes and theaters. senators in more modern republics have also found themselves debased by the company that the demands of permanent campaigning compel them to keep. Where Ammianus saw merely an eruption of inherent Christian savagery in the bloody episodes that attended the pope's installation in 366. to demonstrate their ability to match the clout of the current magistrates by offering performances to their clients in other Italian cities. the Con- version of the Roman Aristocracy. Friends and enemies alike show hirn at horne among the aristocracy. 30 Senators' associations with actresses might thus recall their dealings with charioteers. First he stirs up "all the charioteers" and the multitude. 35 They report three separate attacks launched by Damasus during the election cam- paign and in its immediate aftermath. charioteers. 234 SEEING AND BELIEVING when not sponsoring shows themselves. and enjoys a three-day rampage in the Basilica of Julius. Lim's case studies might therefore help to illustrate what might be de- scribed as the "seamy side" of that much-discussed phenomenon. However. which Ammi- anus also took to symbolize the moral failure of the aristocracy. conversions at one level will surely have conditioned those at others. and mime artists. the supporters of his defeated riyal Ursinus-in / a pamphlet more valuable for its skillfully organized polemic than as a source of objective information-identified a more sinister coalition. the boon companion of magicians.31 For although the motives that led actresses-and charioteers. given the ready identification between the two professions. This competi- tion would prompt scenes that disgusted the sober historian Ammianus Marcellinus. each time in slightly different com- pany. a week later with "all the oath- .34 but he also appears in less savory company." to Palladius's blistering portrait of Porphyry of Antioch.

instead. with a vast basilica and an impe- rial mausoleum) when the pope again unleashed his hoodlums. like that at Via Labicana. the narrative meanwhile celebrates the obstinate deafness to his message (even when this was driven horne by the combined musculature of the funerary and enter- tainment industries) of the genuine Christian people. We need to take seriously the quiet hum of such devotions: few bishops in late antiquity had the means to amplify their voices sufficiently to be sure of being heard above it. swords and clubs" on the Basilica of Liberius. There is no reason to suppose that the Ursinians ceased their assemblies there. with a beauti- fully carved versified plaque. as in the Life 0/ Pelagial we see the workings of the Christian imagination.39 similarly. their prayers would merge with those of the countless small groups conducting their own pious observances at family graves. ]USTIN MARTYR AND GREGORY NAZIANZEN: Two PHILOSOPHICAL EVANGELISTS AND THEIR CONSTITUENCIES Our second pair. in a suburban cemetery: the U rsinians had gathered. both left accounts of their own "conversion" experiences. and both again suggest the limited reach of the formal ecclesiastical structures of the Christian church." he seizes the Lateran (clubs again being the weapon of choice). 38 But the impression this gives of serene papal preeminence at the site is almost certainly mistaken." not with the baptismal font. Rebecca Lyman's Justin and Susanna Elm's Gregory. is the omission accidental. 40 In neither case. This is a "Black Damasus": an all-powerful antipope (who as the grammatical subject is put squarely at the scene of each successive crime) using his enormous wealth to mobilize gravediggers and entertainers to enforce the "conversion" of an innocent but ignorant city. their conception of their Christian identity individual rather . De Vita Sua. and /ossores-and all the clergy-to launch an assault "with axes. 37 Damasus would eventually honor Agnes. The text ends with a further massacre. charioteers. For both these men were intellectuals. baptism is the most conspicuous lacuna in Gregory's otherwise comprehensive record- ing of his Christian career in his verse autobiography. SEEING AND BELIEVING 235 breakers and the gladiators. with his desperado clique he invites the gladiators. 36 Here. Justin's celebrated description of his seaside encounter with a mys- terious sage concludes with a newfound "passion for the prophets and for the friends of Christ. perhaps. at the tomb of Saint Agnes (in a complex that had been equipped. finally." whom he corrupted "for a huge price. like Peter and Marcellinus. wi th- out any presiding clergy.

Once again. to weigh up in their company the respective benefits of practical e9gagement and contemplative withdrawa1. on the other hand. Gregory attributes the initial modification. But it was dearly in Gregory's interest to play up the strength and cohesion of his enemies: like Damasus for the Ursinians. 41 Gregory. as Elm remarks. at Cassiciacum. Lyman's presen- tation of Justin as a combative colonial intellectual applies also to Gregory. At the critical moment he sum- mons a council of friends. 42 This is a frankly homemade Christianity. reflects the author's own perspective at the time of writing. and partly also to suggest that most of the current episcopate were impostors. In his account of his decisive commitment to a Christian life he is therefore much doser to the Augustine of Cassiciacum than to the Augustine of the Confessions. Our heavily episcopocentric view of late antique Christianity has been shaped by an accidental conspiracy between the bishops' own propaganda and their demonization by their enemies. perhaps. the bishops made a convenient collection of monsters. The arresting image with which he doses. comparison reveals some unexpected similarities between their working conditions. But Justin and Gregory are important less as converts than for the con- vers ions that they themselves effected. was Gregory's sometime ally Max- imus of Alexandria. from acceptance of Christianity to the baptismal font and the embrace of the Catholic church. the Christian Cynic: and Maximus's alleged treachery (in putting hirnself forward for promotion at Gregory's expense) in turn . is typ- ical of the rhetoric that has encouraged modern scholars. Gregory's autobiography also reinforces another point raised earlier. at any rate). of the false bishops strutting vaingloriously to celebrate their victory over hirn. 44 Even doser to Justin's model. the approach that Lyman employs to analyze Justin can usefully be applied to Gregory also. a quite different trajectory is suggested by the works that the newly converted rhetorician had produced the autumn before his bap- tism. constructed his own autobiography partly to argue that he was not abishop (not the bishop of Nazianzus. The latter's younger contemporary Augustine has provided a model of conversion that is. And although much had changed in the two centuries between them. doubly misleading: so captivating are the idiosyncrasies of the Confessions that we easily forget that this is the work of abishop. and ultimate frustration. down to his philosopher's robes. of this plan to the con- straints of filial obligations43-it was not only in funerary arrangements that family ties counted. SEEING AND BELIEVING than institutional. to write hirn off as an ineffectual victim. a recipe devised publidy and specifically designed to maintain a safe distance from the church. The direct path that Augus- tine follows. who was also (for two crucial years) an immigrant freelancer in the fiercely competitive environment of an imperial capita1.

is a single passage of the Oration to the GreeksJ where he recalls how the false philosopher Crescens betrayed his fear of death by scheming to entrap "Justin just as he did me. but had received his Christianity from his parents in CappadociaY Justin's most famous (alleged) pupil. In gauging the impact of Justin and Gregory-and both Lyman and Elm raise the question of their "success" or "failure" (pp. Only one of the six co-defendants. one Euelpistus. SEEING AND BELIEVING 237 recalls the blame for Justin's arrest heaped by posterity upon Crescens the Cynic philosopher. Tatian. Eusebius's presentation shows that the process Lyman identifies in second-century Christian writing was still operational in the föurth: each successive hybrid is absorbed. For he successfully created his own world. 46 Nor was this just an interlude. Tatian-who like Justin was an ambitious freelance writer. he professed. As we shall see. 48 The sole direct evidence for Tatian's relationship with Justin. Tatian inserts the passage only a few lines after he has appealed to Justin's authority (his only other reference to hirn): in doing this."49 Although scholars have treated this merely as happy confirrnation of Justin's own enigmatic reference to Crescens. 45 Much ab out the Maximus episode becomes clear if we follow Lyman's lead and treat Gregory during his career at Constantinople as a "cultural work in progress". in fact claims to have been converted solely by books. and relied on his own charisma to endow the site with religiosity. launeh- ing a book into a narrow circle-was arguably using information familiar to readers of the Apology in order to claim an association with its sainted author. to help produce another. And when Irenaeus subsequently distinguishes an "orthodox" Tatian. we under- estimate both Gregory and the cultural complexity of his environment if we reduce hirn to these points of reference. but the Acts of his martyrdom do not see m to reveal a body of disciples.50 Eusebius. that is. Anyone who wished. Justin's teaching is especially difficult to assess. 4I)-we must distinguish between the direct impact of the men and the more diffuse influence of their books. writing under Justin's tutelage. in turn. would read Justin through Irenaeus. from the swollen-headed heretic who emerged after his teacher's death. Gregory seems to have main- tained the same tone even after he was installed in the cathedral. . 5. could come to his horne and hear hirn speak the "words of truth". he too was held accountable before the city authorities for his behavior there. Much like Justin in his bathhouse lodgings. Gregory operated in a private house. was already defined by his texts. speaks of his relations hip with Justin: and Euelpistus says that he gladly listened to Justin's words. moreover. 51 And despite his claim that these citations from Irenaeus should send readers back to Justin's original text. he is applying much the same schematism that Lyman sees in mod- ern scholarship. although there was now a cathedral and a state apparatus to lend shape and substance to ideas of orthodoxy. Justin.

and the character of their respective deities. True Christian belief. at least during the six . Their respective rhetorics of engagement suggest the room that was available. Like Justin. his abiding influence again depended upon the circulation of his texts in circumstances remote from their original contexts. 55 Whether Justin had imagined or discov- ered this "Roman" cult of Simon. for the benefit of a metropolitan audience. the false claims of another. famously adducing epigraphic evidence from "the statue on the Tiber between the two bridges" to make his case. There is. for both Justin and Gregory. for conversion. and with which he may well have had scant sympathy." where the attention to the mythological allusions in the text makes this hardly recognizable as the same work that Elm discusses. to establish his own pedigree) claims that Gregory could effordessly evoke unthinking applause. Gregory would be transformed by the context within which he was read.r. . seems to begin only in the fifth century. SEEING AND BELIEVING While Gregory. as Tatian did Justin. From the Tiber bridge the famous tem- ple of Asclepius was visible direcdy before hirn. 53 And while we can assurne that most readers were more interested in Gregory's theological co re than in the mythological asides. involved dramatic confrontation with false belief: for both.52 the more profound impact of which Elm speaks. and is to be connected with Gregory's absorption into a "classical" patristic canon. we must not forget the connection between his remarkable prominence in Byzantine libraries and his posthumous pen- etration of the schoolbook market. very litde evidence about his success in changing minds among his own immediate listeners. Like Justin. had a more direct impact upon a much larger audience than Justin could ever have imagined. formulaic tone to the contrast he draws between Christian and pagan cult practices.>0nths when he had the cathedral of Constantinople at his disposal. which he needed to explain before he could de- nounce it. his sudden insistence he re graphically delineates his imaginative horizons. 54 Only when he discusses the Romans' readiness to believe in the divinity of Simon Magus. A good example is the treatment of his oration On Epiphany by the sixth-century commentator "Pseudo-Nonnus. Christianity is defined by reference to heresy rather than to paganism. upon the framework of theological thought. Gregory became the pillar of an orthodox mentality that he would scarcely have recognized. and the great temple of Jupiter on the Capitol towered above: but Justin preferred to pick his fight with a worn inscription." does he begin to argue his point. moreover. Our sole witness to his preaching (who is quoting hirn. again. a Samaritan "from a village called Gitta. In his Apology! J ustin's response to the calumnies against Christianity fo- mented by evil demons is at first dispassionate: there is a routine. at the conceptuallevel. The passage thus shows one colonial teacher setting out to ex- pose.

The brilliant speeches with which he refuted their positions were not in fact calculated to impress them. noting that he has written a book "Against All the Heresies. or anyone else who began from their premises. for example. after Simon and his Samar- itan disciple Menander of Capparetia. 60 Precisely because such litde provision was made to reach out to actual heretics. he appears to have given its congrega- tion-the established representatives of the Christian church-litde thought." he announces that copies are available to the interested reader. too. but one regards the other not as a source of potential converts. The implied situation merits reflection. SEEING AND BELIEVING 239 Something similar could be said about Gregory's Constantinople. will have reminded Gregory vividly of home. remains firmly beyond the re ach of any possible debate. teaching those who believe hirn to believe in a god greater than the demiurge. While a determined heresi- ologist like Epiphanius might note the existence of Marcionist conventicles. we are entided to doubt whether any Marcionists were ever present to concede themselves persuaded. but as an exhibit to be deployed in argument with sympathetic interlocutors. he evidendy had to go out of his way to find these. groups like the Eunomians were more important as enemies than as potential converts. 56 The Pneumatomachoi. the targets of his celebrated "Theological Orations"-and themselves the followers of another inspirational Cappadocian theologian operating in the capital on a freelance basis. 58 Once again comparison with Justin is helpful. Uppermost in his thoughts were undoubtedly the Eunomians. Only a few of the enemies on Elm's formidable list (p. Heretics might rather . who is still alive. Until he was installed in his cathedral. moreover. prompted by demons.62 the question is intended to be rhetorical. the "Sons of Simon Magus" and their Marcionist spawn. 2 r) seem actually to have engaged his attention. among the long catalogue of "strangers to the faith" whom he delighted by his preaching at Constantinople. 63 The same applies to Gregory. Justin's Marcion. 57 When coming to the capi- tal-whether second-century Rome or fourth-century Constantinople-the provincial would thus bring his province with hirn. debate with Marcion's disciples was entirely subordinate to demolition of the heresiarch's books. Gregory Nazianzen. 61 When he asks which member of these sects was so un- moved as not to bend over before his words. heresies could exist independendy of any professed rep- resentatives. and when he encoun- tered them his aim was not to covert but to confute. Rival groupings seem to maintain a watchful relationship. For next on the apologist's list at Rome. was a certain "Marcion of Pontus. However. can count Justin's enemies."59 Justin "knows" that Marcionites are not persecuted or executed (at least for their beliefs). To Gregory. who cannot in fact be proved to have exercised his persuasive powers on any actual doctrinal enemies.

In each of the three sermons Elm discusses Gregory finds occasion to pick a fight. Gregory had no intention of making the compromises necessary to achieve such a goal. the late an- tique bishop could afford a tone of lofty disdain. the greatest festival of the secular year. We might go further. and in 381 the people of Constantinople would see Theodosius present the consular robe to his uncle. as if to compensate hirn for his inability to project hirns elf into the cemeteries and theaters. meanwhile. The point noted by Elm. for the celebration of the Theophany in late December: so Gregory . On balance. 66 There is no previous evidence. For the feasts of Theophany and Epiphany bracketed. 39 he embarks upon a spirited debate with a Novatian schismatic. The New Year celebrations revolved around the formal inaugu- ration of the consuls. His preaching style was not calculated to persuade . more- over. a year later he was freshly installed in the very different environment of Holy Wisdom. Gregory (as has been well said of Justin and his famous dialogue with Trypho)64 seems to have talked not to them but at them. from the campaign trail. in Or. much of Or. presents were exchanged and the popu- lace treated to three days of games. as it were. The combative brilliance of Gregory's rhetoric should be seen as a substitute for conversions. preaching to the Theodosian establishment. For inside his cathedral. This was Grego- ry's preferred technique. SEEING AND BELIEVING be seen as boundary markers. and these arguments grow more involved as the series progresses. While his government sponsors were looking for abishop who would bring the many lost sheep of Constantinople into the fold of a genuinely "catholic" church. Yet Gregory continued to speak. Gregory arguably needed his heretics to be irre- deemable-for this spared hirn the need for converts. not a me ans of effecting them. de- serves particular emphasis in this connection. with near-perfect symmetry. the evidence suggests the later date-when his pugnacity would become more stridently discordant. The presence of the Theodosian court in Gregory's audience would also explain another feature of these orations. but here his prickly approach jars strikingly with his celebratory theme. 6S Far whereas in December 379 Gregory had still been confined to his partisan base in the Anastasia. that we cannot be entirely sure whether these sermons belong to the season of 379/80 or 380/1. Yet such was the consistency of his rhetoric that there is no conclusive evidence either way. The explanation for this is closely connected to a fundamental contradiction in his situation. 38 his interlocutor is a "feast-Iover" who might object to the preacher's austerity. incumben- cy guaranteed preeminence within his own walls. For all his claims to have "tamed" his oppo- nents by his gentleness of speech. In Or. 40 consists of a one-sided dialogue with a reluctant baptismal candidate. the first such ceremony there in over a decade.

so much more compelling than any theatrical display. Gregory's. Elm's Gregory creates a corpus that is "programmatic. when his works became the set texts of Byzantine orthodoxy. But Gregory ignores more than the holiday his audience has just enjoyed: the most remarkable political aspect of these orations is his obliviousness to the most distinguished member of his congregation. were of necessity sophisticated em- peror-watchers.1° and although this harangue was intended to persuade secular officials to accept baptism. 67 He could not compete with the New Year festival.refusal to catch the emperor's eye as he re-creates for his audience . Bleary-eyed courtiers who reappeared du- tifully for the Epiphany service thus had to cope with the abrupt resump- ti on of a train of thought that had begun a forrnight previously. with this quiet restruc- turing of the calendar he presented to the new Theodosian regime a pro- gram that wasindeed highly political. 39 (pp. For both men. 68 Theodosius had been bap- tized by a Nicene bishop the previous spring: yet during his Epiphany speech. 38 to that of Or. To und er- stand Gregory's behavior here we might again compare hirn with Justin. 72 This was a dialogue (whether real or fictive) appropriate for the times. For Theodosius would certainly have been present for Epiphany. he re he says nothing. in their different ways. political. SEEING AND BELIEVING might even have been innovating here. creating a major Christian feast in the run-up to the Kalends. The seamlessness with which Elm moves from the argument of Or. Gregory fails to exploit Theo- dosius's epoch-making reconciliation of the purple and the font. em- perors spoke Greek and comported themselves philosophically: and he duly addressed his first Apology not only to the emperor Antoninus Pius but also to his two adoptive sons Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.71 posterity would improve upon this to devise a special rela- tionship between the Apologist and the most appropriate of his interlocu- tors. where Justin's addressees help define the work for his readers. and influential" (p. and probably for Theophany also. Although in other sermons of this period Gregory is happy to acknowledge the emperor's presence. instead. 15-16) reflects exactly Gregory's own approach. the following day (when the emperor may weH have been absent) his question to a man "soiled by public affairs" what he had to do with Caesar is intended to prompt a self- evidently negative response. styling each a "philosopher". This is not the otherworldly self-absorption of a professor who begins his lecture by completing a sentence which had faded into a pregnant pause the previous week. When Justin wrote his ApologYJ as Lyman points out. Just so. nor could he denounce so important astate occasion in the presence of the imperial court."69 More srrangely still. when Gregory mentions "Caesar" he means only "the world-rulers of those who whirl below. he simply ignored it. 5): if Gregory's real influence came only later.

Instead. it incor- porates two substantial portions (amounting to almost a third of the whole) taken verbatim from the Theophany sermon. However. The prefect Rusticus found ] ustin frustratingly elusive when he tried to assign hirn a particular base and a specific body of disciples. And close attention. Although Gregory could preach to the converted. The size of the baptismal cohort would be an obvious measure of Gregory's success in sowing his harvest among an expectant populace. the "missing" Easter sermon of 38r is also emblematic of a conversion program that seems never to have been consummated.75 his success as abishop could therefore be quantified by his ability to confound such predictions. Gregory's subsequent correspondence with Constantinople shows hirn eager to exploit whatever links he could claim with the great men of the new regime: but nowhere does he claim to have baptized a correspondent. 73 Gregory's orations provide an example of the complications that the conversion of Constantine bequeathed the church: a fourth-century philo- sophical Christian preacher seems to have found it more difficult to face a baptized Christian emperor in the flesh than did his second-century prede- cessor to imagine an encounter with a pagan philosophical Caesar. when catechumens put their names forward for baptism at Easter. as his swan-song in Nazianzus. SEEING AND BELIEVING the progression from Incarnation through Illumination to Baptism-a re- fusal that we can be sure made a much more profound impression on his original audience than it has on later readers-marks a distinct moment in the developing relationship between Christian emperors and Christian bish- ops. would be paid to the number of white-robed neophytes that Gregory led to Holy Wisdom that Easter. as they continued to experiment in finding ways of sharing liturgical space. The crucial test of his Epiphany preaching would come a few weeks later at the beginning of Lent. we can confidently expect. He hirnself records the rumor put about by his enemies. moreover. that (even with the imperial court newly arrived in the city) his congregation "would not even fi11 the doorways" of the cathedral. Gregory would demonstrate. 77 In thus bringing his rhetoric horne. once again. 45 belongs two years later. for example. 74 Ir was much easier to take the measure of Gregory. he could do so only in general terms. 76 But the magnificent Easter sermon to be found among Gregory's( works was not part of the cycle he delivered in Constantinople. whose previous experience at Constantinople in- cluded the disruption of a baptism service by a gang of stone-throwing monks. it also had a personal significance for Gregory. from Constantinople to Nazianzus. he would in 383 remind the . his talent for reinventing hirns elf. 01. There was one further important difference. in the formal inauguration of the new orthodox dispensation after (as he would have it) forty years of heretical misrule.

" Maas's use of Bttildings reminds us that Justinian pinned his identity to his architectural initiatives (or had his identity pinned to his building programs) even more explicitly than had Constantine. and he was seeking to claim hirn for his own agenda by thus presenting a truly global context for his own baptisms. and late in life would baffle posterity by announcing. therefore. For all the undoubted piety of the new Theodosian elite. "78 The modesty of the claim here (which despite assertions to the contrary cannot mean that Gregory had baptized Postumianus) is instructive. nor those at Constantinople Gregory's. once again the two papers allow us an opportunity to observe continuities and changes-and to apply the themes and approaches of the one to the subject-matter of the other. we might add that he enjoyed as hyperactive a spirituallife as Constantine and faced as daunting aseries of crises. religious and otherwise. 79 In fact there is only one contemporary evocation of Gregory's perfor- mance at the font in 381. and adds force to the silence elsewhere. Van Dam's Constantine imposes himself physically upon the attention of his subjects. nevertheless seems much more . the baptisms at Rome were not Damasus's work. a conversion to Apthartodocetism. the same gap as between Justin's Apology and Gregory's baptismal orations. we see abishop effecting his conver- sions with one eye on an attendant emperor. For Ambrose was speaking before Theodosius's colleague Gratian. 81 Here again. We might. by imperial edict. at Milan. FROM CONSTANTINE AND EUSEBIUS TO ]USTINIAN AND PROCOPIUS: CHRISTIAN EMPERORS AND CHRISTIAN COMMENTATORS We can better understand the effort it must have required for Gregory to ignore the emperor after reading Raymond Van Dam and Michael Maas. The Holy Spirit was responsible-and was also at work nearer to horne. triumphantly. That same Easter.80 However. SEEING AND BELIEVING 243 Praetorian Prefect Postumianus of their personal bond: "previously you had been initiated into piety. for example. envisage a paper on "The Many Conversions of the Emperor Justinian. Bishop Ambrose conjured up all the baptisms being conducted elsewhere that day. who in turn clamor to impose their own interpretations of the emperor. 82 Jus- tinian's image. Ambrose insisted. then you claimed it as your own. at Constantinople. newly cleansed of heresy. Maas then takes us to a time when the emperor is much more overtly the driving force. at Rome and Alexandria and finally. it was no easy matter for any bishop to domesticate them. These two emperors are separated by over two hundred years.

the Onomasticon. " For Eusebius of Caesarea deserves more detailed attention in this respect than the scope of Maas's paper allows. Van Dam returns us forcefully to the distinction which we have encountered several times before. Maas's use of Procopius to tackle "The Question of Cultural Change in Late Antique Ethnography" might invite us back to the age of Constantine to consider. the Ethiopians. of his attentiveness in the Onomas- ticon to the niceties of provincial nomenclature will determine our beliefs about the date of his Ecclesiastical History. to his perspectives on the issues that concern Maas. Van Dam invites us to expect self-reinvention as normal or even necessary for late antique leaders faced with changing situations-so it would be a fruitful further step to test his chameleonic Constantine against the sixth century. Cappadocia and Asia. Like our previous examples of Constantine's I ."Even a Persian Bishop was present. such as mission and conver. between initial impact and subsequent use. There is an implicit ethnography. concerns the ethnographic mind-set that can be inferred from Eusebius's writings. 83 The important question. for example. 85 For a whole imaginative oikoumene is reflected in the way Eusebius organizes his catalogue of partic- ipants. in splendid isolation.86 the Spaniards. nor was a Scythian lacking from the choir"- before resuming with a slightly zigzag path across Asia Minor. 87 In using Constantine's public self-representation to explore the meaning of his commitment to Christianity. the passage. Conversely. in his geographical vocabulary elsewhere in his writings." The pairing of Persian and Scyth. and is therefore crucial to our understanding of "Eusebius's intellectual development and literary career"- and so to the pace of conversion in the third century. The bishop's principal formal contribution to the conceptual Christianization of the Roman world is no- tably austere: his biblical gazetteer. The view we take. for example. Pontus and Galatia. "Eusebius the Ethnogra- pher.84 We might also look for clues. SEEING AND BELIEVING determinedly monolithic than Constantine's. in Eusebius's ac count of the "floral garland" of bishops who reenacted Pentecost at the Council of Nicaea. which quite destroys the geographical principle that otherwise governs.(- sion beyond the frontiers of the empire. "even a Spaniard. had been put to work previously (along with the Indians. A list of Eastern provinces is interrupted after Mesopotamia. pertains more to the pages of the Old Testament than to the footprints of Christ. serves to re-create a juxtaposition that Euse- bius had used elsewhere to express the paradoxical contrasts between bar- barian customs. however. too. and makes no obvious concessions to the increasing numbers of pilgrims who were seek- ing to make sense of the Holy Land. as a point of comparison. and so westwards to Epirus with its hinter- land and finally. the Britons and the Moors) to evoke the ends of the earth.

89 And Licinius's predecessor Maximi- nus had suffered a similar fate in 3 I I: Eusebius describes how his toppled statues became "the object of laughter and jokes from anyone who wanted to insult hirn. is preserved pre- cisely because it fell behind the stage. that Maximian (anoth- er who was consigned to the same treatment. just one year before Maximi- nus) was the "first" emperor to receive it. I36). from the theater in Ephesus. 90 This burst of licensed iconoclasm was arecent one: Eusebius. this was a "text" that was unveiled with considerable care (and Van Dam is surely correct to allow Constantine hirns elf a key role in planning so significant a ceremony-p. And in assessing the immediate effect of the statue we might usefully examine the context in which it would first be viewed. but which then inevitably slipped from its author's hands. 91 So in making the erection of a statue the centerpiece of his foundation ritual Constantine was defying a recent trend: his decision to invest so much in the statue might therefore be even more charged than Van Dam suggests. wrongly but significantly. semidivine image and the fat smile which had grinned down upon their public spaces previously from statues of the emperor Licinius. As Van Dam notes (p. following his victory over Maxentius in 3 I2. Licinius's statues had been systematically overturned in 325: the better-preserved of the two surviving examples. 92 Although Van Dam stresses the difference between the inscription reported by Eusebius (which may or may not have belonged to the statue preserved in the Palazzo dei Conservatori) and the noncommittal phraseology in- scribed on the arch. SEEING AND BELIEVING 245 own basilica at the Via Labicana. for with Constantine the Eastern Empire was only just emerging from a golden age of danznatio memoriae." and Gregory Nazianzen tells us that his defaced statues were still visible in provincial towns of Asia Minor fifty years later. who had lived through many reigns. or that non-Christians could have found the statue sufficientfy hedged with traditional divinity to outweigh such novel . we need not doubt either that Eusebius would have been capable of giving the strongest possible reading to "the divinity" mentioned on the arch. continue to compel both admiration and a wide variety of conflicting interpretations. I28). or the sermons that Gregory would preach half a kilometer from the column in Constantinople. have endured rather better than those in Constantinople: the frag- ments of his colossal marble statue. His initiatives at Rome. when Constantine inaugurated his new capital he had already had occasion to experiment in monumentalizing conversion. could claim. 88 The contrast with the Licinian look is doubly important. and his triumphal arch. For (irrespective of the doubts that still attend the precise character of the lost statue) none of the Eastern notables who converged upon Constantinople for the great ceremony of 330 could have failed to notice the difference between this idealized.

The reading of Constantine's statue as a conver- sion text might recall J ustin's hope of bringing the deluded Simonians of Rome to their senses.( ous emphasis upon identifying the victor than on the specific character of his divine assistance. Only recently has scholarship recognized the impact it will have made in its original setting. 93 While he may or may not have been thought to intend the overthrow of false gods. and in the likeness of a statue. Justin's contemporary Apuleius would make his hero Lucius announce his conversion to Isis in the final book of the Golden Ass not through his initiation (about which he is properly reticent) but through his unveiling on a podium before the crowds. The monuments with which he celebrated his divinely assisted victory thus put more obvi. not from Capitoline Jupiter. unlike Maxentius." Only as historians have come to appreciate Maxentius's originality and en- ergy in promoting his image. however. he alleged." an inglorious postclassical anomaly. the highly attractive suggestion that it was crowned by astatue of Diocletian would provide a direct model for Con- stantine's initiative at Constantinople."96 Gregory Nazianzen would in turn recall. he tells us. the central plaza of which was now dominated by a tall column. even when he turned to Christ. Constantine's most urgent task after 312 was to con- vert Rome from Maxentius. how Basil of Caesarea had . 95 But conversions could be marked (or even effected) by statuesque gestures as weIl as by sculpture. belonged to an already usable past. 94 The persecuting emperor Diocletian. rather than its invisible workings. Van Dam keeps the emphasis firmlyon the outward markers of religious commitment. will have been able to ignore the political implications of the two monuments when they first saw them: the statue appropriated a basilica that had orig- inally been labeled "Maxentian. too. dressed up "like the sun. SEEING AND BELIEVING accessories as the labarum. This has fared rather better physically than Constantine's in Constantinople. ten years after the event. if he could secure authority to destroy the statue which. where he stood. there could be no doubt that he intended to obliterate the false emperor. We should note. have they begun to allow for the challenge that Constantine faced in imposing his own. The most dramatic tetrar- chie contribution to the cityscape of Rome had been at the heart of the ancient Forum. In inviting us to look at Constantine's public images rather than at the texts that sought to explain the emperor's motives. Neither Christians nor pagans. what Constantine left unconverted at Rome. One monument that (as far as we know) smiled down undisturbed on the new emperor is especially relevant to Van Dam's theme." while the arch straddled the route along which the emperor marched to celebrate the overthrow of the "tyrant. Claudius had mistakenly erected to their false god. but obtrudes from the present-day Forum as the "Column of Phocas. Constantine remained a true child of the tetrarchie order.

For despite Gregory Nazianzen's claim to the power to "inscribe" the newly baptized. with the passage of time. both Justin and Gregory appear to have been mistaken. On the one hand. we need not doubt. was offered the opportu- nity to give his baptismal pledge privately. like a father his children. not unlike Apuleius's lucius. beneath the white robes. put aside his imperial purple for the baptismal gown. in the last of the many conversions he would undergo during his long career. Gregory. markers of social status. as mentioned earlier. these brethren will have recognized. Dreams enter history only when they are shared. He also brings out the public aspects of other experiences that we tend to regard as private-such as dreaming. 97 Significantly. Such pious immodesty might not always be comfortable for the churchmen trying to impose their own meanings on the ceremony. much as Apuleius's lucius had exhibited his after his initiation."99 The anecdote makes it clear that when he appeared among the neophytes Victorinus was not lost in the crowd. there would have been some new Christians who reserved that right for them- selves. Marius Victorinus. Jacob knew what he was doing when. to reinterpretation. In the Lift 0/ Pelagia Bishop Non- nus thus confides his to the narrator. and in his new costume he pursues an idiosyncratic pastoral program. The emperor comes to his God at his own speed. Here we again confront the social ambiguity of the baptismal rites. 100 By privileging plastic art over text as evidence for Constantine's own presentation of his religious identity. the faithful. The former. whether willfully or not. when Constantine. and he does not invite an . and presented them to their new brethren. his modesty. family members and friends- and also. On the other hand. the public ceremonies of baptism provided an opportunity to exhibit their faith. in the Lift 0/ Pelagia. he kept his heroine invisible while in her neophyte's robe. but Victorinus (who had already had astatue raised in his honor) preferred to take his place with the other converts and. Van Dam thus brings internal process- es into the public domain. Another famaus passage from Augustine's Confessions describes how the celebrated rhetor of Rome. proclaim his faith "from a raised platform. and so protect his verecundia. has probably misconstrued the ceremonial formali ti es of astate occasion. On the other hand. SEEING AND BELIEVING 247 tamed a heretical emperor by striking a pose of heroic immobility at an Epiphany service. since despite his expressed puzzlement the bishop's tone remains serene. For Christi an converts. 98 The two mistakes bring horne once again the extent to which monuments and gest ures alike are liable. the bishop was fully in control as he led the neophytes from the font. he remained (even in Eusebius's account) beyond the reach of episcopal cate- chists. on a Sunday morning-"after the nighttime prayers"-somewhat redundantly. seems to have misread an inscription.

This is aperiod when we see an extension of the visionary franchise. the historian is careful to hint at his own privileged access to imperial visionary experience. 106 Ammianus. would make the subject for a paper in itself: for here we might trace one of the specific cultural consequences of conversion to Christianity. would note almost formulaically how Julian would re- port his successive dreams to "his closer intimates.108 But it is Theodosius. from Constantine's mother Helena on- wards. A reported encounter with his dead brother Caesarius provides dramatic punctuation for a funeral speech. who most faithfully relives Constantine's experience. the dream- conversations he claims to enjoy with Basil mark the climax of his long. The army had been perplexed by a celestial phenomenon. And like all political activity in the fourth century. whose findings were duly announced to the expectant soldiers. contribute their own converging visions. upon his having avision to report to them in the morning. during times of crisis. One of the most sinister figures described by Ammianus is Mercurius. and need to be interpreted accordingly. he re as in so many other areas. albeit by an apostolic delegation rather than by Christ hirns elf. Before his confrontation with paganism at the battle of the Frigidus he too (at least according to Theodoret)109 would have a dream in which he was promised divine assistance. Not only do members of the imperial family. marking the point when he turns from lamentation to moral exhortation. dreaming had its dangers. indeed. 101 But it is Eusebius's account of Constantine's famous VlSlOn in 3 12 that brings horne most clearly the extent to which such matters were played out before an audience. the promise was then authenticated . too. decisive move in a long and subtle act of appropriation. SEEING AND BELIEVING opinion. 105 Gregory Nazianzen. the "Count of Dreams". for example. magnificent commemoration of his old friend-and arguably provide the final. but emperors also begin to feature in their subjects' dreams. several cases of the dire consequences of inappropriate oneiric activity are on record. as anxieties about the emperor's paganism spilled over into the Christian subconscious (and those denied persecution found outlets for their frustration). whose followers might begin to count. Constantine awoke the next morning with a dream. 104 The sophisticated analysis now available of late antique dreams could usefully be supplemented by a study of such aspects of the social and political context. sev- eral times reports his dream experiences-but the two most powerful such reports both occur in prominent parts of formal public orations. 102 This episode (not to mention the "countless personal visions" that Constantine could allegedly describe if he wished)103 helps suggest the expectations that might press upon a man in public life. and re- ported its import to a committee of expert exegetes. Julian is the best-known case."107 Like Eusebius with Constantine. The dream life of the late antique emperor.

two further reported dreams reveal a more fundamental change. Theodosius was much more closely involved with-and personally committed to-individ- ual churchmen and factions inside the church than Constantine had ever been. his nocturnal roaming of the palace could also be held to supply proof positive of his demonic natureY3 In Maas's period as much as in Van Dam's. who passed it up through the chain of command until it reached Theodosius hirnself. SEEING AND BELIEVING 249 by the testimony of a common soldier who had also had the same dream. and duly reported it to his centurion. rioting. once again. albeit on a less elevated level than Constantine. 145) as a counter- point to Constantine's statue. We can trace one such "dialogue" in the evolution of a monu- ment in Constantinople which Van Dam mentions (p. Indeed. on a famous occasion. and repressionY5 A provincial bishop helped . it is significant that the emperor's dreams could be thought to be populated by specific churchmen. With ] ustinian we have an emperor more dreamed about than dreaming. This development. bishop of Antioch. the whole army was implicated in the emperor's experience. Thus. and imperial initiatives to express a distinctive Christian identity continued to prompt responses. Still more remarkable is the dream which Ambrose of Milan. Eusebius describes this. which faced the awk- ward responsibility of upholding an imperial ideology: the consequences were misuhderstandings. 1l4 On the one hand it was a highly individual and idiosyncratic expression of the emperor's own conception of his Christian identity. the emperor's mausoleum at Holy Aposdes. seems to have caused uneasiness both for Constantine's son (who must have feared losing control of the tools of legitimacy) and for the ecclesiastical establishment. Constantine was entrusting to the clergy who would preach there the task of interpreting the structure-and his own posthumous mem- ory. in a famously convoluted passage which neverthe- less brings out the tension between the two aspects of the monument. the emperor was under close scrutiny from his Christian subjects. If this example shows that Theodosius could on occasion enjoy direct access to the divine. ll1 In reporting this dream to the emperor (and gendy suggesting that he might give it wider publicity) Ambrose was able to stake a certain authoritative claim upon hirn. on the basis of a dreamYo whatever the origins of the story. on the other the inclu- sion of an altar and provisions for services meant that whatever symbolism he had intended. would claim to have had involving Theodosius himself. he was famously able to do with a bare minimum of sleepY2 while this asceticism on the one hand indicates a further development in the points of contact men could have (and be seen to have) with the divine. which can be seen as a consequence of the disman- ding of the traditional imperial cult. Ir was reported that on his arrival in Constantinople he recognized the venerable Meletius.

Procopius's vocabulary and style-the more valuable for its formulaic character-shows how a conception of Christian conversion is related to traditional classical ideas of acculturation.. 164). the cultural and the religious. in a cluster of converging passages. in an elegant conceit: having changed their diaita for the gentler they also changed their doxa for the more pious. we are now in aperiod when atten- tion is focused upon the emperor with a new intensity. Dreams also organize themselves around Justinian's projects.25. allowing Constantius to transform Holy Apostles into a more intelligible (and more clearly demarcated) spaceY6 Procopius in his Build- ings then describes a further transformation of the siteY7 The central epi- sode in his account of Justinian's rebuilding is the miraculous reappearance of the relics. where orthodoxy faced the varieties of heterodoxy. For example. above. SEEING AND BELIEVING solve the impasse by announcing that apostolic relics had revealed them- selves to hirn. such then was the history of the Tzani" (2. now clearly operating on an imperial rather than an episcopal frequency: "For when the emperor is pious. 160) indicates how much the student of conversion might learn from detailed attention to Procopius's language. but in reverse order. at the same time. For here. the passage from the Wars which shows conver- sion to Christianity to mark the end of Tzani history. But whereas the former term had been part of the staple conceptual diet of ethnographers from Thucydides onwards. as well as by material resources and political priorities. and the historian receives his own separate. divinity does not walk apart from humanity but mingles with men and delights in their company.. which Justinian was on the brink of canceling: Procopius shows a Christian bishop stiffening the emperor's resolve by reporting a visionary message from God. doxa (which is not quite "reli- gion") strikes a markedly unclassical note: it sees likely that Procopius has here imported his vocabulary from the Christian scheme. Procopius's report is presented within a framework that requires analysis in terms of his own distinctive discourse. 119 Maas's case study of the Tzani (p. the orthodox Christians of Africa are meanwhile being inspired by visions of Saint CyprianYs The interlocking dreams will recall the vi- sions of Constantine and Theodosius before the defining triumphs of their respective careers. The most carefully structured of Procopius's campaign narratives describes the ambitious invasion of Vandal Africa.6. above. we see hints of how the Byzantine missionary program was conditioned by imaginative horizons." As Maas reminds us throughout his paper. That the two categories diaita and doxa are exactly parallel is clear from their recurrence in the Buildings passage (Buildings 3. p. private reassurance. p. however." .120 . 163)-is built around a single long sentence which aligns the two transformations.

"121 The Jews of nearby Bor- eium receive similar treatment: Justinian "brought it about" that they changed their ancestral ethe and became Christian. In Wars. one of which is located at Schamalinichoi. which in turn amount to a cluster of specific practices. for as weIl as thus taming their diaita J ustinian also builds the Tzani a church. l22 From such examples we can reconstruct a Procopian typology of conversion. EIsewhere in Bttildings Procopius shows Justinian effecting similar trans- formations by similar means in two places in outer Libya. First we find hirn "making provision for" the twin ci ti es of Augila. the same place as the church." they change their diaita "for the gentler" (epi to hemeröteron: the phrasing is identical to the account of the Tzani) and decide to adopt Christian conventions (nomoi) "for the most part"-but continue to practice their bestial customs. Closest to the model we have seen in Buildings are the Beruli: Justinian again takes the initiative. "As a result. having made them Christians and transforming their wicked ancestral ethe. where doxa manifests itself in ethe. nor likewise are these forts garrisoned by Tzani recruits. on my interpretation of the puzzling Greek. Signifi- cantly. with the Tzani now converted but with Justinian concerned about the danger of backsliding. The feared regression concerns their diaita and ethe (the logical dependence of habits upon diaita again follows the classical tradition)-not their doxa-and is solved by the classic Roman expedient of road-building. agents of the imperial power working in the shadow of its military presence. where the priests who would anchor the newly Romanized Samaritans in the Roman order were recruited from the local elite. and converted their ancient temple (built by Solomon!) into a church. But the instinctive parallelism remains. which finds expression . Procopius appends to J ustinian's contributions a list of forts. the expressions that Procopius uses to describe the Tzani recur in parallel cases. We are far from Justin's city of Flavia Neapolis. "they might be human beings with sense. previously still "diseased with polytheism": he taught them the doxa of piety." And then. causing them (and the panegyrist credits hirn with as sweeping a range of initiatives as did the Ursinian vituperators Damasus) to hold services so that. Roman priests are now expatriates. just as in the Wars passage where gentler diaita had meant joining the Roman army and more pious doxa joining the Christian church. 123 Less domesticated still are the Franks. purchasing their friend- ship and persuading them to become Christian. the process is sealed with the construction of a church. to preserve their safety and their "truth in respect of the doxa. barbarians who despite "having become Christian!' still preserve most of their ancient doxa. As with the Tzani. likewise. SEEING AND BELIEVING In the Buildings passage Procopius begins his account where the Wars had left off. although the Tzani are Christians they do not build their own church- es.

Persian rule was oppressive because the Persians were harsh in their diaita and in their customs and ordinances. rather than their mlers) chose the Christian dogma and responded enthusiastically when Justinian sem a eunuch to command the abolition of the practice of castration. The first is an attempted conversion from Christianity. The Abasgi. 124 In this example we discover that Christianity is not necessar- ily identical with the doxa maintained by a Christian people. on the basis of which they practice divination. At the same time." The church's task is thus conceived as the inculcation of proper habits rather than correct belief. have changed "for the gender" (the same expression again: epi to hemeröteron) in Justinian's day. The emperor then provided a church and priests to teach them "all the ühe of Christianity. 130 Ir is also suspiciously convenient: where Persian failure in Lazica could be explained as the inevitable result of cultural incompatibility. which (with economic factors relegated to a footnote)129 helps to explain a vital political event. SEEING AND BELIEVING in human sacrifice and unholy rites. They (the people. traditionally pagan and blighted by the trade in eunuchs. when one of their central rituals is threatened: yet Procop- ius's account shifts swiftly and silently to the activities of the king. but again the explanation fails to convince in the face of the abundant evidence for Persian cultural influence in sixth-century Lazica. But the most imeresting paralleis to the Tzani concern aseries of their near neighbors on the Eastern Black Sea coast."126 to follow the customs of his own doxa J and ordered their king to expose the dead to be eaten by birds: which outrage provoked the latter to declare for Rome. l27 We see much the same structure (and several of the same difficulties) in the account of the revolt of the Lazi from Persia. they especially differed from J the Lazi in their thinking and diaita because the Lazi were Christians "most of all men. Here the solidly Christian populace becomes a causal agent. the Romans' own previous alienation of the populace could be attributed to the failings of a few individuals. as the now Christian people eject their kings and "live in freedom"- which means (unlike with the Tzani) subordinate to Roman rule. 131 . conversion is direcdy related to (and serves to legitimize) a fundamental political realign- ment. and no more is heard of Iberian Christianity after the Persians arrive. Persian subjects but Christians. who indeed "preserve the customs of the doxa most of all the men that we know. 125 The political implications of conversion are much more dramatic in our final two examples from the region. other sources meanwhile suggest that the historian has (at the very least) overstated the preeminence of Christian culture. 128 Again Procopius establishes a fundamental cultural division." while the Persians were their direct opposites as regards to theion. The whole sequence of Procopius's Wars is triggered when the Persian king Khavad wished to compel the Iberians.

Consider Procopius's effusive description of the large bronze equestrian statue of J ustinian (in reality a reused image of Theodosius) that crowned a column in the Augusteum. and dressed hirn in makeshift regalia. under the column itself. after an earthquake. by the mid-sixth century. While Constantine had perhaps had so many different meanings pinned upon hirn because he had passed through so many places. there is no record that the clergy took the lead. whose vigorous movements are designed solely to ensure that the enemy stays at horne. events in the provinces tend to be pale reflections of those in the capital. The Book 01 Ceremonies introduces a further "Conversion" . 132 Here again. Like Holy Apostles. Whereas in the fourth century a provincial like Eusebius could spend most of his career at horne and still make a plausible claim to be the emperor's authentic interpreter. and as at Holy Apostles. his sixth-century Caesarean compatriot Procopius sees the world through a Constantinopolitan prism. As the skyline of Constantinople changed. after the Nika riots of 531 had left everything in ruins as far as Constantine's Forum. occupying the forum and intoning prayers. therefore. Ir is therefore probably no coincidence that the most dramatic event associated with the column of Constantine occurred when the founder's statue could look down at an empty wasteland. raising a cross and an outstretched hand at them. it is also entan- gled with political considerations. this was aspace potentially available for appropriation. and Eusebius's Scyths and Persians. so too did the significance of its monuments. albeit a strangely defensive one. The crowd duly returned to the statue two years later. From atop his own column. Justinian faced the east. Justinian remains central to the panegyric of Buildings} to the invective of the Secret History} and to the narrative of the Wars. but Procopius discovered symbolic meaning in his thus directing his course towards the Persians. from where the whole empire (and the world beyond its borders) seems within the emperor's reach. the bronze Constantine would thus look across. Justinian spent half a century rooted in Constantinople. 133 Constantine's statue provided a touchstone of imperiallegitimacy. This might sum up one important change in the two centuries since Constantine. politics and religion remained intertwined. a partnership between emperor and bishops had im- posed ceremonial order. imperial iconography attracted interpretation: like Constantine on his pil- lar. SEEING AND BELIEVING 253 Procopius's ethnographical vision thus not only involves a conceptual scheme that could be applied to three different continents. 134 By the ninth century. During the riots the monument was pressed into service by the crowd who acclaimed Hypatius as emperor: they brought hirn to the top step of the plinth. to the rump of Justinian/Theodosius's horse. The Christian emperor has become a crusader.

136 the popes would duly appropriate the fragments of his great marble statue to adorn their Lateran palace. the "Donation of Constantine" had emerged. or of Saint Constantine. the ceremonies were so organized as to offer a potent display of church and state in harmony. It describes how on the Feast of Mary the imperial party would leave Holy Wisdom and take its place on the steps at the base of the column. The great basilicas with which Constantine had surrounded Rome were meanwhile undergoing their own transformations. The great basilicas on the Via Nomentana and the Via Tiburtana had given way to the adjacent churches directly attached to the graves of the resident martyrs Agnes and Laurence. The patriarch with his attendants would then enter "the chapel of the same column. however. Einhard creates an archaeological impossibility. it remains much less clear whether he was seeking to "cast doubt" on the authenticity . 137 The relics which Einhard procured from Rome return us to the scene of our first section. 138 Or rather. for (despite his vivid description) it has proved impossible to reconcile Einhard's account with the physical remains. and formal greetings would be exchanged.135 FROM EINHARD TO AUGUSTINE Julia Smith takes us to the ninth-century West. 139 In incorporating into his account the remains of Tiburtius.254 SEEING AND BELIEVING of Constantine. the small but spectac- ular creations of popes Honorius and Pelagius. A few generations previously. the patriarch would then arrive. the ac." The first Christian emperor was now a saint. receiving the formal ministrations of the clergy in a tiny church attached to the base of the column. it occurred in a literary approx- imation to this. where the Constantinian past was undergoing different transformations and being put to other uses. Here too. It seems likely enough that adetermination to subordinate these relics (which had gone to his riyal Hilduin) to his own was he re driving his imagination. the outgrowth of the crypt that Damasus had provided for the martyrs. baptizing the emperor-in perhaps the most spectacular of all his many posthumous conversions-into a church that he could not conceivably have imagined. Constantine's vast basilica had been displaced and may well al- ready have been semiderelict. having long outlasted their original funerary function. While some-notably Peter and Paul-were protected by their importance in papal liturgy. one of the other saints in the cemetery to whom (as noted earlier) Damasus had extended his patronage. others had become oversized (and therefore untenable) relics of a no longer relevant past. the cemetery of Peter and Marcellinus on the Via Labicana.:tion is confined to the tiny basilica ad corpus that now stood adjacent.

just before the publication of the Translation} supplying new relics to Einhard and other customers-and sup- plying a provenance for the previous arrivals. 143 Instead.145 And as Justin responded to the cultural cues offered by Antonine Rome. asking only the gift of a mule in return for his services. 204) . such considerations bring horne the competitive pressures that complicated the Carolingian enterprise of appropriating Rome's sacred past to legitimize a program of correctio. the casting of the invention account as a vindication of pious Frankish self-reliance seems calculated to appeal to the readers' self- image. and Gregory to the political opportunity presented by the arrival in Con- stantinople of the Theodosian court. where parties of foreigners (much like Jerome and his friends in the fourth century) find space in the numinous cemeteries to create their own Christianities. SEEING AND BELIEVING 255 of Tiburtius's relics. Smith's Einhard is also another emperor-watching convert. We here see Einhard being pulled in different directions. whose com- mitment to Christianity is plotted against the changing configurations of the Carolingian court at Aachen-where. the entrepreneurial deacon who brokered the acquisition. as represented by freelancers like Deusdona. on the other hand. was still keenly felt in Francia. A further example of the tensions involved is Einhard's portrait of Deusdona. he counters any suspicions that the transaction was merely com- mercial. The evident concern to pro- vide Einhard's saints with an autonomous genealogy suggests that the cul- tural influence of Rome. the delicate hints in which any insinuations about Hilduin's relics are veiled indicates awareness of the self-destructive- ness of overt polemic. the Franks look for guidance to a group of Greek monks installed on the Palatine. Smith's date of 830 for the publication of the Translation (p. 140 Whatever the case. 142 The Translation thus reflects a fine balance. By introducing Deus- dona as a casual traveler. the coded nature of Einhard's criticisms (p. only on the road horne does a party of papal envoys add a frisson of danger. seems to reflect the latter's temporary disgrace. certainly. I93) requires us to read the work against the background of great crisis faced that year by louis the Pious. for Deusdona was back in Francia in early summer 830. The portrait of Hilduin. new generations of viewers would attach fresh meanings to ancient monumental statuary. once again.144 this is the Rome of the pilgrims. The authority of Pope Gregory IV is nowhere apparent in Einhard's Rome. so Einhard's texts were shaped both by the prevailing cultural climate and by their immediate political context. the repeated insistence thereafter on the deacon's unhelpfulness. or to use their unquestioned authenticity to support the disputed credentials of his own. 141 There had been arecent occasion for the ventilation of such suggestions. suggests adetermination to quash any suggestion that the credit for the acquisition in fact belonged to Deusdona.

But in publishing his Translation two years later he was able to reiterate the martyrs' message. for example. 146 Having hirnself validated the martyrs at Easter 828. Einhard. at Aachen. while at the same time he was able to command the emperor's ear. SEEING AND BELIEVING suggests. the winter of 830 was the first that Einhard spent away from the court. the physical dimension of conversion: it reaffirms the link between court and country- side created by the relays of crowds who escorted the martyrs horne from Aachen in 828. A further element also deserves emphasis. and had each provided hirn sanctuary during his pain- ful and inglorious journeying earlier in 830. Ghent. or to comment on his inaction. However. The newly composed text would thus have served there as a substitute for his presence. he too takes on a new identity. since he was sufficiently far from Seligenstadt not to be impli- cated in their composition.148 As Einhard's world assurnes physical shape and spiritual meaning. The martyrs' preferred method of communication is through dreams: and here we see the culmination of the process that had begun with Constantine. however. the prominence given to the two visions directed at the monarch suggests strongly that this was a fundamental element in Einhard's complex apologia: and although the painstaking proof of the martyrs' authenticity in the first two books might seem to lay the foundation for the political critique in the third. Moreover. The text thus brings horne. it is also possible to read the argument in reverse. 149 We should not take for granted Einhard's achievement here. at this distance. the three monasteries from which the saints echoed their chorus-at Valenciennes. where the local Maingau color is combined with hints of more cosmopolitan horizons (the possibility. And in sending it he not only rerninded the king of the martyrs' wise counsel. He might have disappeared from court. yet again. for the benefit of a wider audience: and to suggest the prospect of further revelations to come. a calculation that the resilient arch-chaplain would not be left to shiver in Paderborn indefinitely. Through the Translation Einhard obtains a hinterland. Just six months after Gregory Nazianzen's dazzling Theophany and Epiphany . but also showed hirnself to be more than an ordinary counselor. but he was no Hilduin helplessly stranded arnong the Saxons. where Christian rulers lose con- trol of political dreams. As far as we know. Not only do we find hirn rooted beside his rnartyrs at Seligenstadt. whether publication was intended to prompt action from Louis. that a Rorne-bound Englishman could meet a party of entre- preneurial German merchants there). 147 We cannot tell. Einhard shows equal care in establishing his leverage over his emperor. and Maastricht-were his own possessions. Louis could hardly repudiate the messages that came from them that autumn. was ideally placed to deliver these messages.

But where the pope had left his own story about the martyrs inscribed on their tomb. We might. was his failure to comply with the book of in- structions that the saints had forwarded via Einhardt long ago. to control interpretations of his retire- ment at Constantinople: hence (among other things) the combatively jagged edge of his verse auto biog rap hy. for example. or we could take our lead from Van Dam and once again take seriously the idea of Augustine as aserial convert-with each new conversion the subject of earnest discussion (and formal exhibition) before a group of intimates. he would petition Theodosius for release from Con- stantinople-so that he could live a li fe wholly dedicated to God back in his native Cappadocia. Gregory's "conversion" from court bishop to recluse created a sense of distance that is entirely lacking from Einhard. while critics asked pointed questions ab out his lifestyle and his literary ventures. follow Ly- man and attempt a postcolonial reading of Augustine. on his return Gregory would find it very difficult to win recognition for his new role. astate visit intended both to enhance a nascent cult and to establish a proprietorial claim. would in 874 see hirn in a dream suffering torments in hell. but since the Hilduins of Caesarea retained physical posses- sion of the body he had less scope to reconfigure the local spiritual landscape. However. at any rate. Louis the Pious hirnself would come to visit Einhard and his mar- tyrs. Augustine of Hippo has figured obliquely in each of the previous seetions of this paper. 151 Gregory struggled. his devotions can be com- pared to Damasus's before the same martyrs at Rome nearly four centuries previously. after hearing reports that his own son had been in conference "in the presence of the martyrs" at Seligenstadt: and the cause of the king's agony. Indeed. just as his presence is implicit in several of the papers in this volume-and a test of the utility of this collection of case studies would be to measure the fresh light they throw upon the most famous conversion experience of late antiquity. for example. SEEING AND BELIEVING 257 sermons. 150 His recently dead friend Basil was perhaps Gregory's nearest equivalent to Ein- hard's martyrs. 152 But perhaps the most useful counterpart to Einhard is another earnest intellectual who forged a court career (and recounted an emperor's great deeds) before returning to provincial obscurity and a life of piety and renun- ciation. Or else we might follow Lim and Elm. quite possibly (as Smith has attractively and plausibly suggested) to celebrate the dedication of their church. whose early career could be construed as a politic exercise in "passing". it was confidently stated. and consider (against the thrust of his own narrative) Augustine's baptism as a defining moment in his . His son Louis the German. If so. the king would find that Peter and Marcellinus had their own stories to tell about hirn. too. as the bishops of his province tried to pressgang hirn and the clergy of his city mutinied.

whether they counted for a significant proportion of the year's baptismal intake. he was haunted by "the music of the sweet chants of your Church. Augustine would famously emphasize sounds rather than sights: in the days after Easter. and urgent reports of escalating crisis: there could be no question about the commitment of the neophytes who emerged on Easter morning. back across the Mediterranean to smalltown Africa. one can only wonder how many there had been: and how the numbers the following year compared. 153 It is worth recalling all that we do not know about the context: whether the three represented an isolated clique or part of a harmonious constellation of similar groups. with the Milanese faithful (when he would have recognized his mother-and how many other familiar faces?). as Einhard reminds US). moreover. while he continued to wear the neophyte's gown. SEEING AND BELIEVING conversion. 157 Baptism featured in several of the martyr-related miracles recorded in City 0/ God (one of Char- lemagne's favorite books. direcdy after his baptism. to be passengers belatedly leaping aboard a bandwagon. Again. whether the rhetor stood out as one of the bishop's prize "catches" that year (a modest local counterpart. Was the bishop of Milan's undoubted readiness to reach out to the formerly frigid offset by a reluctance. to Victorinus of Rome) or was merely a face in a crowd. Finally. In 386 the bishop's prebaptismal instruction had been interrupted by the clangor of weaponry in the streets outside. or were three among hundreds. We need also to imagine. to see their heroic purity diluted? All we know is that Augus- tine's conversion would lead to an abrupt departure from metropolitan Milan. year after year. to uncharitable onlookers. and his sensitivity to the many levels of "conversion" that attached to the sacrament.158 which bring out with . as bishop of Hippo. we might consider the baptisms that Augustine himself admin- istered. The party which entered Ambrose's font in 387 seems to come direcdy from one of Rebillard's cemeteries. perhaps.156 Yet we can be sure that the singers themselves will have been keenly aware of the differ- ence the past year had made. since their answers are too often as- sumed in modern studies of Augustine.154 and also the welcome that the faithful in turn accorded the new recruit. for Augustine led a family group consisting of his son and a fellow townsman from Africa. It is not necessarily straightforward to join a church of justi- fied near-martyrs. Perhaps the formidable unanimity expressed by Ambrose's batde hymns had served to exclude as weIl as to unite."155 Modern scholarship has tended to underplay Augustine's reminder that the music which was here incorporated into the liturgy had been improvised under very different circumstances just one year previously. Augustine's first encounter. among some at least among the faithful. But this new intake of 387 might weIl have seemed. Such questions are important.

160 Augustine thus shows the two strangers "converting" the town of Hippo during the fortnight before Easter. the need to take into ac count the role of the audience even at such formalized events as baptism. whom a mother's curse had driven to wander the Mediterranean." the young man dramatically collapsed beside the relics and then arose to stand. "looking upon those who were looking at hirn." as his parishioners obeyed his call to "Turn to the Lord" and give thanks. causing hirn to cut short his Easter sermon so that the people might see."159 The story. brings horne the quasi-magical significance that attached to the con- vert who could be seen to be converted: and this in turn will have had a pow~rful effect in sustaining a conception of the conversion process that was essentially physical. conversio in the Confessions is also a matter of faces being . Our final episode-which also provides the final climax to Augustine's list of miracles-concerns a palsied brother and sister ftom Gregory's Cap- padocia. Every sermon that Augustine preached would end. We also see. significantly immobile. God's message. and wherever they went. rather than hear. pray- ing that God might now be appeased." in such a way as to do justice to the broad spectrum of phenomena that were included in contemporary understanding of the term. once more. and in it specially to the relics of the most glorious Stephen. Two weeks before Easter they arrived at Hippo. which ends with a successful eure." We underestimate at our perit the enduring connotations of what became the language of Christian commitment: for such semantic overlaps will also have done much to shape popular interpretation. for example. SEEING AND BELIEVING 259 particular vividness the concrete." On Easter morning." The news reached Augustine as he prepared to come to the cathedral. This is where the contri- butions of Maas and Van Dam might most usefully come together. "and they came daily to church. suffered from breast cancer-until "on the approach of Easter" she was advised in a dream (which in turn responded to her doctor's orders) "to wait for the first woman that came out from the baptistery after being baptized. they turned to themselves the gaze of the city. physical dimensions that have been cen- tral to this paper. Innocentia of Carthage. indeed. but the ladies of Carthage clearly knew better. Abishop like Gregory Nazianzen might have insisted to his baptismal candidates that it made no difference in what order they emerged from the font. and the way that their agendas will have helped shape the occasion for participants too. with a mass "conversion. by turning its attention upon themselves while they prayed to the martyrs: 161 "convertebant in se civitatis aspectum. "when there was nowa large crowd present. and to ask her to make the sign of Christ upon her sore. For there remains much room for further exploration of the late antique vocab- ulary of "conversion. and restore their former health. There.

. 166 Augustine constructs the episode as a dialogue between hirnself and the congregation. This time. but with the bishop's plodding reaffirmation of the efficacy of those kept in the nearby town of Uzalis. the focus of the congregation's gaze as they sat with the clergy in the sanctuary. allowing us to explore Augustine's predicament more fuIly. but to understand the rhythm of events we must consider one particular group whose presence the bishop studiously ignores. occasioning another "conversion" among the congregation. which had begun with attention directed on the two Cappadocians standing in the apse. the transcript shows hirn breaking an eventual silence on an almost apologetic note.l65 Nor is this the end of the episode. Augustine (we can assurne) was preparing to lead the newly baptized neophytes back to the cathedral for their first full Eucharistie service.167 For the neophytes would have expected a sermon-and would have expected to figure prominently in it themselves.162 The miracle in Hippo involved abishop struggling to cope with a situ- ation that was beyond his direct control. and so brings us back to the scene evoked at the very beginning of this paper. however. Augustine doggedly resumed his original train of thought the following day. can be read as an attempt to shift the rhetorical spotlight back to the in/antes by the altar. When the first miracle occurred on Easter morning. 163 More- over. he had four more days in the Octave to res tore coherence to Easter. SEEING AND BELIEVING physically turned.168 Some may weIl have feIt disap- pointed to be so thoroughly upstaged. Augustine's Tuesday sermon. their hearts full of faith in Christ. with an ingenious play upon the sequence of tenses in a biblical nugget that looks like the improvisation of a preacher who has suddenly found hirns elf caught one step behind the faithful. This probably explains why he finds it necessary to plead exhaustion to excuse hirnself from preaching . there is an unusual wealth of circumstantial detail. 164 And while in the later account Augustine brings the story to a resounding finish with the deafening roar of the exultant people. for it was leading towards a story of a baptism-related miracle. any such plans were thwarted when he was interrupted by the second miracle. we can test Augustine's retelling of the episode in City 0/ God against the transeripts of four sermons he preached during the actual event. We thus end not with the people's cheers at the extraordinary power of their own relics of Stephen. more- over. to God or to man-or indeed to the spectacle of a dog chasing a hare . For the excitement would continue. until the boy's sister was also cured two days later during the middle of the bishop's sermon. Only on Wednesday did Augustine fi- nally bring his story as far as the font. returning to the exact point where the miracle had interrupted his sermon.

demanded. this critical culmination of the conversion process was correspondingly hard to choreo- graph. we should note Augustine's stubborn determi- nation to maintain his train of thought. as he sought an appropriate response to the drama. emphasized several times earlier. or hos- tile. whether a fourth-century emperor im- posing a Christian vision upon a capital or his sixth-century successor im- posing his upon distant provinces. or described such declarations. 117 (the shining flock). which also requires-as each of the papers in this volume demonstrates-a particular quality of attentiveness from ourselves. The relationship between Augustine's homiletic texts and his subse- quent commentary on the affair also brings into sharp focus the significance. BEFAR 264 (Rome. Rebillard. But above all. There is also now a comprehensive . we need to heighten our sensitivity to the nuances of the language-and to the contextual details of the settings-in which they announced. Augustine's successive sermons invite us to consider the shifting locus of authoriry inside the basilica. Gr. whether bishops or apologists. whether unrepentant theatergoers or defiant mourners of the unpopular dead. Guyon. M. J. SEEING AND BELIEVING The miracle at Hippo brings together several key themes of this paper. indifferent. E. Le cirneti'ere aux deux lauriers: Recherehes sur les catacornbes rornaines. Greg. and win a hearing from. All of the figures discussed in this collection. Few Easters. were in some sense required to make a public commitment before. If we are to identify the forces that acted upon the men and women who stood up to declare a commitment. BEFAR 284 (Rome. and although few bishops can have seen their dealings wirh their newly baptized converts so spectacularly disrupted. the episode reminds us of the intense and diverse expectations that attached to the Easter ceremony. In Hora Mortis: Evolution de la pastorale chretienne de la rnort aux IVe et Ve südes dans I'Gccident latin. an audience that might be enthusiastic. 1994). J. 3. 2. no less important. NOTES 1. to the limits of these resources and the constraints affecting their application. of the reshaping of conversion narratives in their retelling. 2-44 (the monster). and. The study of late antique conversion therefore has much to do with a study of late antique modes of attention. Naz. 1987). were ever entirely "ordinary". whether as converts or instigators of conversion. 4. Johnson. we might suspect. "Pagan-Christian Burial Practices of the Fourth Cen- tury: Shared Tombs?" JEeS 5 (1997): 56-58. For much of this volume is con- cerned ultimately wirh the resources available to individuals (and to institutions) that might enable them to command attention.

where--unlike at Peter and MarceHinus--there is independent evidence of fourth-century devotional activity. "Dam- ase. Ferrua. see Guyon. pp. 28. pp. 40. 4°6-10. see Guyon. 29-58." Much of this discussion is based on material associated with the tomb of Lawrence. Pagan City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fourth Century (Oxford. p. VC 3. pp. G. 242. R. 1987). 10." in Saecularia Damasiana: Atti deI Convegno Internazi- onale per il XVI Centenario della morte di papa Damaso I. For Damasus's inscription. BEFAR 284 (Rome. in J. . as recorded in the Liber Pontificalis. see Guyon. Roma Christiana: Recherches sur l'eglise de Rome. pp. eveque de Rome. Curran.. 117. 2°7-63. de Miltiade a Sixte III (JI I-440). sa politique. Mietke. pp.18 . Ir. 8. the pope's contribution is fuHy discussed in Guyon. For Constantine's basilica. 99-102. 7. Guyon. 5.. 9. 1997). pp. 17. and G. I. Seeliger. see C. Epigrammata Damasi (Rome. Jerome Comm. Le cimeti'ere.. SEEING AND BELIEVING account of the paintings in the catacomb. 268-7 1. 14.47. cf. 595-624. Le cimetiere.. Pietri. son organisation. see Eus. Conn.. remains heavil y influenced by the traditional model. 2000). Pietri. 381-415. H. pp. for the provision of liturgical equipment.. 361-81. 104-2 I.5-13 (CCL 7S:556-67). Guyon. il devient un lieu public. In Ezech. ": Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries (New Haven. pp. Le cimetiere. 15. pp. pp. Le cimetiere. The discussion in Guyon. Guyon. might look to their neighbors of another faith . For fourth-century developments see ibid. Studi di Antichita Cristiana 39 (Vatican City. Die Katakombe {{Santi Marcellino e Pietro": Repertorium der Malereien. 6. for Damasus's commemoration of the martyrs Tiburtius and Gorgonius. Roma sotteranea christiana 6 (Vatican City. Curran. For analysis of burials inside the basilica. p. Pagan City and Christian Capital. Le cimetiere. summariz- ing the transformation at p. Le cimetiere. For the honor guard and royal trappings at the funeral of Helena. also J. son ideologie. 16. discusses the physical setting. 36s: "de simple aire privee . 13.. 1986). 12. see above. note 6. Deckers. 146. Le cimetiere. 100-10 3. For Damasus's interventions. 317-29. Particularly apposite here is Ramsay MacMuHen's lively evocation of how "members of one group. no. The circumstances are recorded only in the fourth-century poem by Pope Damasus: A. 1976). pp. 1942). assembling for their recoHections and celebra- tions of an evening and under the genial influence of a fuH stomach and a glass or more of wine. Le cimetiere.

19. from J. 1987). 67 in Matth. 26. 35.-Martyrius on the effect of this technique upon a different audience. pp.5.2. 8. 34. 1. VP 18: S.. Curran. 419-420. Brack and S. 499-509. 16. vol. see F. For the testimony of Ps. 25· VP 24-3 0 . see Pi- etri. Procop.1: "movetur urbs sua sede") need not. 40.2. 381-82. 26. Ashbrook Harvey. 30. Av. p. Mare. 2 (Leipzig. wirh bibliography. 27. pp.195-235 on the natale of Hippolytus- describes an occasion closely linked with the annual feast of Lawrence. 36. Hom. pp. Ibid. Pagan City and Christian Cap- ital. 28. "Jean Chrysostome er le peuple de Constantinople. Hierolym. Wars 2. 27. 116 n.3. Pagan City and Christian Capital. The Roman Empire 0/ Ammianus (London. 28-4. I I 1. 63. SEEING AND BELIEVING 18. I borrow the phrase. Mare. Roma Christiana.12-13. The sole manuscript is here defective.5-7. For the basilica/mausoleum complex at the site. Con! 6. Guyon. 107. 15. p. 25. Le cimetiere.. Peter Brown. 2. Jer.6.9.3." 3 I. 1988). p. Contra Iohann. Greg.12-402-3.10. Palladius portrays Porphyry in Di- alogus de Vita Iohann. 47-51. Amm. and perhaps (in my view probably) conducted in the same basilica. Chrys. . Sey- farth follows the original editor Gelenius to read "meretricem"-Ammianus Marcellinus: Res Gestae. Coll. p. 11. Amm.. pp.9. pp. 137-4 2 . Amm. 3 (PG 58:636-37). 47. 14.8. at Constantinople. refer more broadly than to the contrast between the papally led procession on the annual Feast of the Apostles. 37. Guyon. Naz." Analeeta Bollandiana 99 (19 81 ): 32 9-49. Another canonical text-Prudentius Pe.7.1. Where W. pp.3. 128-29. 19. 1978). Cod.12. 1981). Ibid. Matthews. 20. 1. presents the evidence. Chr. cf. 24. and the implied model of Roman social relations. Coll. The Cult 0/ the Saints (Chicago. Calif. Le cimeti'ere. Mare. 23. 1. 21. 29. 22. MacMullen discusses the mensae in Christianity and Paganism. Av. Theod. Carm. 78-the lacuna of four letters after "m" also admits the conjecture "mimam. Jerame's famous comment (Ep. Av. see Curran. see above. P. For arecent analysis of the episode. J. in its context. 32. Van Ommeslaeghe. 33. Holy Women 0/ the Syrian Orient (Berkeley. 1. Aug. and the solemn pagan rituals formerly conducted on the Capitol at the New Year. Coll.

the Goths. 24-2 5. 1. 51. Pseudo-Nonnus Comm. For Gregory and the Anastasia. 132- 86.. Ibid. Elm." Analecta Bollandiana 100 (1982): 229-36. {{Virgins 0/ God": The Making 0/ Asceticism . 42. The Acts 0/ the Chris- tian Martyrs (Oxford. 26. E. 312-26. 57. ed. 53. "Justin and Crescens. La vie de saint Gregoire de Nazianze (lyons. Saint Gregoire de Nazianze: Le theologien et son temps (33°- 390) (Paris. for Justin and Cre- scens (Justin 2 Apo!. his explanation to Basil. Musurillo." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 52 (1998): 157-96. Reale et al. 3) see A. 19 81 ). Ibid. 39. 1. Gallay. Translated Texts for Historians 37 (liverpool. For complementary assessments of the impact on Cappadocia of Eustathius of Sebaste." in Christian Teaching: Studies in Honor 0/ LeMoine Lewis. Snee. A Christian's Guide to Greek Culture: T he P seudo. 3 12 .. 37. J.18. 1987). L'opera letteraria di Agostino tra Cassiciacum e Milano: Agostino nelle terre di Ambrogio (Palermo. Ibid.. Gregory reports his mysterious brush with the authorities at Constantinople in DVS 668-78. in Greg. Kansas. pp. xix.N onnus Commentaries on Sermons 4.2 7. and Hagiography.28. 55. Saint Justin: Apologies (Paris. cf. eds. 48. "Note sur Heron-Maximus. P. DVS 277-311. ecrivain ec- clesiastique. pp. 1. Wartelle. Eus. 52. 41. 5. 264- 65· 56. 44. 44. pp. or. "Gregory Nazian- zen's Anastasia Church: Arianism. Malherbe. 39 and 43 0/ Gregory 0/ Nazianzus.8. 47· Acta Just. Mossay. 4·7 48. 2-7· 40. Ferguson (Abilene. 1972). Justin's lodgings are identified (and mud- dled in transmission) in Acta Just. Irenaeus Adv. Justin Dial. Epigrammata Damasi. 1995). 2001). 49.1. Ep. 1943). see S. SEEING AND B ELIEVING 38.. Vaggione. 43. Tryph. Eunomius 0/ Cyzicus and the Nicene Revolution (Oxford. pp. Justin I Apol. see now R. Haer. 1987).3: H. Ferrua. pp. A. Naz. For a useful introduction to this work see now J.. 52. 3. For this chapter in Eunomius's career see R. 54. 312-44. Tatian Oratio ad Graecos 29. pp. 46. Bernardi. Gregory notes only that he was not yet baptized when he sailed for Athens to study: DVS 164-66. no. P. 39. 19· 50. Nimmo Smith. 175-97· 45. Various relevant aspects are explored in G. HE 4. For Maximus see J. 2000). Jerome Ep.

"The Transformations of Imperial Churchgoing in the Fourth Century. Edwards and S. 70. 74· Acta lust. 59. 1999). Just. SEEING AND BELIEVING in Late Antiquity (Oxford. I so that only Marcus is styled "philosopher". See my paper. 36. forthcoming). Goodman. T.. Basil of Caesarea (Berkeley. Textes et etudes liturgiques 3 (Louvain. 73. 76. and Christians. 146. pp. 1991). 58. Price (Oxford. Faith Gives Fullness to Reasoning: The Five Theological Grations of Gregory Nazianzen (Leiden. pp. 1994). Collection Latomus I 15 (Brussels." in Apologetics in the Roman Em- pire: Pagans. Parvis. 71. Ibid. 37. 69· Gr. Sal. 1167-7°. 67. 1188-89. Edwards. Les fetes de Noet et d'Epiphanie d'apres les sources litteraires cappadocienes du IVe siede. Mossay. Saint lustin.12 alters I Apol. 64. Ep. 188. I I. 1965). 60. Meslin. 5. at 4. For the chronological difficulties.2 (fourth-century Marcionists). Rousseau. 40. Calif. M.18. I Apol.201: the implications deserve fuller explo- ration. . 3 0 -3 2 . 156.. was addressed not to the senate but to Marcus Aurelius. I Apol. Epiph. M. 66. offers a prudent discussion of the possibilities. 68. 99-102. La fete des kalendes de janvier dans l'empire romain: Etude d'un rituel de Nouvel An. M. ed. 78-79. Norris. Abbaye du Mont Cesar. 90-92. 25 n. Ibid. 61. and S..19. lews. for textual difficulties here see Wartelle. 58. p. 3-4· 75· DVS 1495-9 6 . P. DVS 1144-45. 163. 39·9. 1970)..1." Studia Patristica 36 (2001): 54-60. "Talking at Trypho: Christian Apologetic as Anti-Judaism in Justin's Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. An ingenious solution to the problem is proposed by P. Panarion 42. Naz. 1994). Ibid. 73-7 6.17). Greg. "The Textual Tradition of Justin's Apologies: A Mod- est Proposal. 63. reference to debate with Marcionists at 4 2 . Swain (Oxford. 72. 26. J. 1 1. ed. The emperor is apostrophized in two surviving sermons: Gr. 65. 106-36. pp. pp.2 he claims that 2 Apol. see above. I.11 (trea- tise against Marcion's books. Rajak." in Transformations in Late Antiquity. M. 2 3. There are some shrewd re marks in F. Eusebius HE 4. 42. 62.

23. 31 I. See also Curran.6. 87. I IOI. "The Public Image of the Emperor Licinius. 83. De laud. O. vol. Christians and the Holy Places: The Myth 0/ Jewish-Christian Origins (Oxford. 173. Bernardi. De Spir. 8I. In Ps. Smith. Dem. pp. 84. R. "From the Culture of Spolia to the Cult of Saints: The Arch of Constantine and the Genesis of Late Antique Forms.s. 2000). pp. A. Calif. 307. Culhed. H. J. pp. Eus. 1981). 85· Eus." Studia Patristica 33 (1997): 578-85. 3. 17 1-73. Eus. P. van Esbroek. pp. 38. Greg. 331-36. 93. Steinby. For recent discussion see P. 92. 1968).7. For the circumstances of delivery see J." Studia Patristica 34 (2001): 177-96. E. I I. Drake. I. Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court (Oxford. "Columna Phocae. M. Eus.32." in Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Ro- mae} ed. A. Ep. 17-18. 9I. R. VC 3.-13. Const.2.7 88. M. 110-11. 13. for a different reading. "The Apthartodocetic Edict of Justinian and the Armenian Background. respectively. Evang. There are several useful recent discussions of Justinian's Aptharto- docetism: K.7. 1975). 127-45. "The Date of Eusebius' Historia Ecclesiastica} " JThS 41 (1990): 118-20. 1990). T. esp. Pagan City and Christian Capital} pp. pp." in Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity} ed. " 94. For the context see McLynn.3-9. Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge. 2000). M. Two recent discussions (with reference to previous controversies) are. 86." PBSR} n. Conservator Urbis Suae: Studies in the Politics and Propagan- da 0/ the Emperor Maxentius (Stockholm. 55 (2000): 149-84. Naz. 246-5°.7. Verduchi. Greatrex (London. Matthews. Taylor. Louth. Holy City} Holy Places? (Oxford. 80. 1. Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics o/Intolerance (Baltimore. Comm. D. pp. Nicholson. Walker. La pridication des Peres Cappadociens: Le predicateur et son auditoire (Paris.13. J. Barnes. and J.8. HE 8. Amb. Sanct. 76-9°. p. "Gaelum potius intuens: Lactantius and aStatue of Constantine. I (Rome. Or. Greg.26-27. . pp. pp. 4. 78. I20-2I. Eus. 90. S. aptly notes Maxenti us's resourcefulness "in reaching out to new consti tuencies. Naz. HE 9. Mass. "Justinian and Apthartodocetism.." JRS 87 (1997): 170. 170. 1993) p. 14-15. 89. 42-43. 79. The identical passages are Or. W. 1994). Ibid. 45.202 . 1994). Mitchell and G. Elsner. R. Ambrose 0/ Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley.96.. 19 1-94. matching Or. p. beautifully evokes the headstrong religiosity of the Theodosian court. Adshead. 82. 1993). SEEING AND BELIEVING 77..

58-60. Ibid. Amm. 103. Eus. Averil Cameron. 56. Greg. 183. Dreams in Late Antiquity: Studies in the Imagination 0/ a Culture (Prineeton.38. 1985). pp. 117. 100. 15. 'The Date of the Translation of the Relies of SS. MeLynn.. 62-6 3.I4.10. Greg. Luke and Andrew to Constantinople.35-43. extra coll.3-4. Cox Miller. Naz. For some examples see Sozomen HE 6. Gr. Ambrose claimed to have been warned in avision against admitting Theodosius to the Eueharist. Naz. Eus.22. Proeop. 10 [5 I}. I I I. P." p. diseusses "The Diseourse of Proeopius". Eus. VC I.expedition and its assoeiated dreams.3. 10 I. 12.24: "ad instar Solis . for the intensity of the noeturnal offensive waged by Christi an leaders (a likely stimulus to vision- ary experienee). 105. Gr.). For the moving of Constantine's body.." 97. see Socrates HE 2.31. 118.19-20.7. 404-5. 3. 104. 99.24. 7.. Greg. Comm. 102.' Vigiliae Christianae 45 (1991). 110. in symb. Proeop. "Gregory Nazianzen's Basil: The Literary Construetion of a Christian Friendship. 119. 108. I I 3 . with dis- eussion by G. the ensuing riot. 1974). Proeop. 5. SEEING . 96." Studia Patristica 37 (2001): I8I. 116.3. Apul.IO. 18. see D. Conf 8. Gr.. Procopius and the Sixth Century (London. 112. Aug. pp. 33-46. Ambrose Ep. Mare. 25.6. Constantinople: La naissance d'zme capitale: Constantino- pIe et ses institutions de 330 a 45 I (Paris. 107. "Gregory Nazianzen's Basil.2 I. Woods. Buildings I. Passio Artemii 17. 286-92. I 15. and the downfall of the bishop responsible. Apost.6. P roeop.AND BELIEVING 95. Naz. VC 4. see Socrates HE 4. 1994). 43. VC 4.5. Mereurius: Amm. 14: after the massacre of Thessalon- iea. 2I. . cf. 109. 114.5. Buildings I. Met. 20. Eus. Dagron. et in vieem simulaeri.2. For an example of a fatally empur- pled dream. 106.1-3.10.2. I I . pp.7. cf.2. Just. Theodoret HE 5.80. Mare. Wars 3. 98.52. the rite is deseribed in more detail by Rufinus.28-32. 43. SC 18.4.2. N. 114-15. VP 14-15 . Secret History 12. for the Vandal.I7-25. I Apol.32. for the latter passage see MeLynn. 2I.

Ibid. Procop.C.. Rome: Profile 0/ a City! 312-13°8 (Princeton. pp. SEEING AND BELIEVING I20. Ibid. no doubt strengthened under recent Persian suzerainty.33. Three Christian Capitals (Berkeley.. F. 293-95. Pase..-A. I 27. Procop. Krautheimer. 53I. Buildings 6. I36.8-IO and 6.25. 8. For classical usage of diaita see." in Mango. I34-37. with Braund. I984).]. blaming the generals Peter and lohn Tzi- bus. 2. 282-84.I-I2.I2. I33.6." Deltion tes ehristianikes arehaiologikes IO (I980-8I): pp. Procop. I37. 562 (Oxford.I9. T. Aulae Byzant. for example. Procop. I29. Constan- tine.. Ibid. re- printed in Mango. Braund. pp.I6.30. See ibid. p. Pope Leo IV's decision in the mid-ninth century to host the newly introduced Feast of the Assumption .2.23. 2..I9. I2I.3 (Easter Monday). envisages "a gathering of the faithful without benefit of clergy. 4. with C. Krautheimer..Io.D. Thuc. Braund. 3. I28. I24. Mango. The incoherence of Procopius's analysis overall is emphasized by Braund. s. 26I. Georgia in Antiquity! pp. I34.6.I8 exhibits parallels to the pagan/Christian equivalent. Georgia in Antiquity: A History 0/ Colchis and Transeaueasian Iberia 550 B. Ibid. 296-9 8 . The Republie 0/ Saint Peter: The Birth 0/ the Papal State 680-825 (Philadelphia. Wars 6. "Constantine's Porphyry Column and the Chapel of St.5. For the complexities of Iberian religion see D. 83-87.9. 62. I983)." I35. I994). s. 6. Procopius reveals the subordination only when the Abasgi revolt: ibid.I5.. Mango. I32. Georgia in Antiquity! pp.9. Studies on Constantinople! chap.3. Constant. 5. Chron.IO.a. R. I25." I3I. I980). De Caerim.5.28. pp.27-28 on Lazi-Roman trade.2.2. I23.. Noble. Ibid.g.28.. 6. I30. 2I .26. cf. "The Columns of ]us- tinian and his Successors. Calif. I. I.6. Procop.I 23-24. Buildings I. 8.I4. pp.3 (Annunciation Day). Georgia in Antiquity! pp. R. 292-93. 2. Studies on Constantinople (Aldershot. I993). I26.6-IO. Wars 3. Wars 2. N. I-20. I.2. Porphyr. 533. I I. I.3. X. C. chap. the grammar of conversion from true to heretical doxa at 3.I9 (Triumphal Celebrations). to heresy in 3.6. Wars 2. IO. I03-IO. Doxa is applied to Christian orthodoxy in e. I. I22.a. I. 8 -4. emphasizes Zoroastrian- ism's "deep roots in the his tory of the region. By the eighth century Constantine's basilica on the Via Tiburtana had acquired an association with Mary.

SEEING AND BELIEVING there can be seen as an attempt to find a use for a redundant building. xxiv. ibid." 148. Geary. Translatio et miracula 1." p.8. 121 and n. It is probably not coincidence that the pope's appearance in Translatio et miracula. 1994). Aug. -Ibid. 1978).. 138. 152. 1 4.7. Translatio et miracula 1. Geary suggests elsewhere that Deusdona was in fact acting with papal approval: Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages (Ithaca. 6 .5.. "Gregory Nazianzen's Basil. 1998). For Deusdona's operations.13: the contents ofRatleic's booklet "should be told in another place than here. 144. Translatio et miracula 2. Dutton. 91- 97· 147. 13-15. at 4. 1995). Furta Sacra: Thefts 0/ Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton. Ep.a.. "The 'De imagine Tetrici' of Walahfrid Strabo: Edition and Translation. Guyon. 1994). 190. 14.I. pp. see M. 143. Le ci- metiere. . pp. pp. For this interpretation see McLynn.82 . E. "The Other Olympias: Gregory Nazianzen and the Family of Vitalianus. E. 149. see P. IS0. p.8. pp. 142. and Guyon. Cf. pp." Journal 0/ Medieval Latin I (1991): 118-39.17. For Walahfrid Strabo's remarkable poem on the equestrian statue of Theoderic (with Einhard still harmoniously paired-in 829-with his riyal Hilduin). The Lives 0/ the Ninth-Century Popes. arguing (at pp. p.. pp. Suggested respectively by P. Cf. W.16. 119-20. N. Dutton.. 154. 2-6. Politics 0/ Dreaming. 153. The papal envoys are reported in Translatio et miracula 1. Herren. 42. Neb. 139. 140.Y. 219-22. Translated Texts for Historians 20 (Liverpool. Conf 9. It remains unclear how many of Augustine's "Platonist" friends at Milan were baptized. R. 452-54) for con- struction by the same Pope Honorius who redesigned St. with useful discussion of Einhard's saints at pp. 141. ISS.. Ibid. I 5 I. 9. Agnes. P.. Translatio et miracula 3. 6 . See in general McLynn. N." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 2 (1998): 227-4 6 . At least one fellow Thagastean would attach hirns elf to Augustine after the latter's baptism: ibid. p. Annals 0/ Pulda s. reduces hirn to a fellow bene- ficiary with Einhard of Deusdona's largesse. The Politics 0/ Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln. 18 3. Le cimeti'ere. 47 8. Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard (Peterborough. 874. J. 439-55. 145. Dutton. Ont. Davis. 45-49.]. 480-81. 146. 9.

1995). 10.23: "conversi sunt eo.8-4. Serm. For discussion and references.3 (faces being turned towards Augustine). Harmless. 320-24. 9.. Lift 0/ Charlemagne. Ibid." 168." 164. Aug. 179-8 1.7.). before the reading of the fibellus (Serm. An excellent study is now available: W. Civ. 166. Serm. 1980). see V Saxer. 24. 324. 159. 322.27 0 SEEING AND BELIEVING 15 6 . Baptism and Change in the Early Middfe Ages c. Civ. Ibid.35. pp. 161. 157. . Einhard. 165. Dei 22. Cyprien et Augustin a fa fumiere de l'archeofogie a/ricaine (Paris. "Conversi ad dominum": see F. Dolbeau." RevBen 10 4 (1994): 72-76. Augustine and the Cat- echumenate. 87- 12 9. I I50 (Cambridge. Augustine and the Catechumenate (Collegeville. Ibid. 200-C.. 3 I 3. reliques en A/rique chretienne aux premiers si'ecles: Les temoinages de Tertullien. Aug. Morts." Augus- tine had made but a perfunctory plea for prayers for the sister. martyrs. ad init.. On the question of topography raised by this passage. 167. but part at least of the audience were evidently stirred by her visible suffering to accompany her to the martyrium. Cramer. quia diuturnum non reddo sermonem: nostis etenim meam fatigationem. pp.8.35 ("ad se convertit illa venatio"). 158.2. 322 is the fibellus read out in church two days after the miracle. Minn. "Sermons inedits de saint Augustin preches en 397 (5ieme serie).15. pp. proloquar': nondum prolocutus sum. 1993). Dei 22.15 .. see Harmless. Con! 9. 160. 162. 323-4: '''Dixi. A useful introduction to Augus- tine's theology of baptism in its historical context is P. 320: "Date veniam. 163. Ibid. of which Serm.

and Athanasius (1993) and Early Christian Traditions (1999). with Eric Rebillard. and Exegesis and Empire in the Early Byzantine Mediterranean: J unillus Africanus and the Instituta Regularia Divinae Legis (2002). T he Making 0/ Asceticisms in Late Antiquity (1994. The Footnote: A Curious History (1997). He is the author of Ambrose 0/ Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (1994)· Kenneth Mills is a historian of colonial Latin America and the early modern Spanish world at Princeton University. Neil McLynn is Professor in the Faculty of Law at Keio University. where he is the Director of the Program in Latin American Studies. He is the author of Public Disputation. Anthony Grafton teaches European his tory at Princeton University. Rebecca Lyman is the Samuel Garrett Professor of Church History at The Church Divinity School of the Pacific in The Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley. and Bring Out Your Dead (2001). Power. She is the author of Christology and Cosmology: Models 0/ Divine Aaivity in Origen. Richard Lim is Associate Professor of History at Smith College. His recent work includes Idolatry and 27 1 . the editor of Orthodoxyl History (2000). Readings in Late Antiquity: A Sourcebook (2000). He is the author of John Lydus and the Roman Past: Antiquarianism and Politics in the Age 0/Justinian (1992). Michael Maas is Associate Professor of History at Rice U niversity. His books includeJoseph Scaliger (1983-93). NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS Susanna Elm is Professor of History at the University of California at Berke- ley. She is the author of Virgins 0/ God. and Social Order in Late Antiquity (1995) and is currently writing a book on public spectacles and civic transforma- tion in late antiquity. 1996) and. Japan. Eusebius.


Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion and Extirpation, 1640-1750 (1997) and,
with William B. Taylor and Sandra Lauderdale Graham, Colonial Latin
America: A Documentary History (2002).

Eric Rebillard is a researcher at the Centre National de la Recherche Scien-
tifique in Paris. He is the author of In hora mortis: Evolution de la pastorale
chretienne de la mort aux IVe et Ve südes dans f'Occident latin (1994) and Religion
et sepulture: L'iglise, les vivants et les morts dans l'Antiquiti tardive (forthcoming,

Julia M. H. Smith is Reader in Mediaeval History at the University of St.
Andrews. She is the author of Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolin-
gians (r992) and of many articles on saints' cults and hagiography in late
antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Her After Rome: Western Europe, c. 500-
1000 will shortly be published by Oxford University Press.

Raymond Van Dam is Professor of History at the University of Michigan.
His books include Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul (1985),
Saints and Their Mirades in Late Antique Gaul (1993), and Kingdom 0/ Snow:
Roman Rule and Greek Culture in Cappadocia (2002). Families and Friends in
Late Roman Cappadocia and Becoming Christian: The Conversion 0/ Roman Cap-
padocia will be published in 2003.


Abraham, 68 Armenia, 169-71
Acacius, 169 Artemeis, Aurelia, 65
Acta 0ustin Martyr), 43 Asclepius, 238
Acta Pelagiae, 122n86 Assimilation, 44; away from cuits, 41;
Acta Sanctorum, 91 cultural transformation and, 157;
Acts 0/ the Apostles, 94 degrees of, 41; early presence of
Adalhuno of Nilkheim, 196 problems with, 48; strategies of, 37;
Adelphius, 34n94 of subject peoples, 169; toward
Admonitio generalis (Charlemagne), 190 culture, 41
Ad Scapulam, 69 Asrrology, 13, 14
Aeneid (Virgil), 158 Attis, 63; cult of, 7
Aeschylus, 4 Augustine, 7, 34n97, 236, 247, 254-61;
"Against All the Heresies" 0ustin Martyr), conversion of, 1, 27n20; denial of
239 sacraments to prostitutes, 87; Dolbeau
Against the Spectacles (Tertullian), 101 Sermons of, 110; effort to change the
Agathias of Myrina, 169, 171-74, 178, habits of Christians, 190; model of
187n88 conversion by, 236
Alamanni people, 171, 187n88; aspects of Augustus (Emperor), 109
society, 171-72 Authority: biblical, 52n12; centralized, 38;
Alberic, 205 Christian, 225; conflicts over, 38;
Alexander of Alexandria (Bishop), 139 disruption of normative structures of,
Alexander the Great, 159, 166 37; early presence of problems with, 48;
Alienation, 37 exegetical, 38; imperial, 38, 85;
Amand de Mendieta, Emmanuel, 31n61 negotiation of, 49; philosophieal, 45;
Ambrose (Bishop), 99, 243, 258 religious, 225; spiritual, 40; subversion
Ammianus Marcellinus, 128, 234, 248 of, 45; theologieal, 38
Ammonius, 41
Antoninus Pius, 241 Bacchus, 62
Apollo, 127, 135 Baptism: actualization of moments of
Apologetics, 37 fusion in, 17; administration of, 17;
Apology 0ustin Martyr), 37, 39, 45, 238, authentie, 53n14; benefits of, 34n94; of
241 blood, 18; child, 18; confirmation and,
Apostles, 7 6; cosmology and, 2; death bed, 88, 89,
Apostolic Constitutions, 24, 101 99; delayed, 33n79, 99; denial of, 89;
Apthartodocetism, 243 differing notions of, 22, 23; as elite
Apuleius, 246, 247 event, 2-3, 20-21; as equivalent of
Archytas, 62 heavenly citizenship, 14; figurative, 17;
Aristeas, Aurelius, 66 Gregory of Nazianzus and, 1-24;
Ariston of Syracuse, 63 illumination and, 17; incarnation and,
Aristotle, 185n69 16, 17; into incarnation of ]esus Christ,
Arius, 55n31, 139, 141, 142 6; incentives for, 99; as initiation into



Baptism (continued) crowning tombs with roses, 66; as
mystery, 24; interpretations of meaning family affair, 61, 62, 63, 68, 72, 227,
of, 21; of ]esus Christ, 5, 25n8; 228; for freed slaves, 71; funerary
language of, 27n22; late antiquity gardens, 63; Greco-Roman, 66; hypogea
catechumens and, 98-104; Lent and, and, 65, 67; individual distinction and,
100, 101; light and, 33n78; markers of, 62; individual sepulchres and, 63;
20; of the martyrs, 18; by inscriptions and, 61; ]ewish/Non-
metropolitans, 21; as moment, 20; new ]ewish, 64-69; in late Roman Empire,
faith and, 18; as opportunity to exhibit 61-74; mortuary funds for, 72, 73;
faith, 247; order of celebration of, 6; of necessity of conversion to cult and, 62;
pagans, 211; of the poor, 18, 34n95; role of synagogue in, 67; separate, 65;
preparation for, 18, 98-99, 100; as site selection, 61, 62; sites for, 227
process, 6, 20; programs of correction Byzantium: Christi an identity of, 152; as
after, x; purification and, 3, 17, 18, 20, continuation of Roman empire, 178n2;
21, 33n78, 33n82; as rebirth, 18, resiliency of, 152; sense of identity,
27n22, 33n81; religious conversion and, 160; social transformation of, 177;
1-24; renunciation of the devil and, treatment of foreigners, 159
10 1; rivalries of, 20-24; salvation and,
17; of scaenici, 115n23; shortening of Calderon, Maria, 120n61
preparation for, 99; social status and, Calendars, Roman, 6
247; spiritual, 17, 18; sponsorship for, Cameron, Averil, 40, 171
103; of stage performers, x, 84-111, Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae
225; subsequent conduct and, 102, 103; (Charlemagne), 71
of tears, 18; for those in public office, Cappadocian Fathers, 5, 159, 259, 260
33n84; transformation through, 187n94; Carneades, 13-14, 31n61
writing and, 19 Carolingian era, 191-212
Barbarians: change and, 153; communal Cassiodorus, 108
identities of, 154; in ethnographie Catacombs, 229; Beth She'arim, 67;
writing, 155; exclusion of women from Domitilla, 72; ]ewish, 67; La
succession, 169-70; given citizenship by Magdalena, 65; pagan motifs in, 79n52;
Romans, 154; imperial rule and, 153; Via Labicana, 230; Via Latina, 227;
legal reform and, 169-71; Villa Randanini, 64, 79n52
Romanization of, 157, 158 Catechumens: baptism in late antiquity,
Barnes, T. D., 133 98-104; baptism of tears for, 18;
Basilides (Bishop), 70 instruction of, 6; Pelagia, 84
Basil of Caesarea, 2, 99, 246 Celsus, 45, 46, 48, 51n8
Baugulf (Ab bot), 192 Cemeteries, 64. See also Catacombs; EI
Beaucamp, ]oelle, 108 Ibrahimiya, 66; Gamart, 67; "]ewish,"
Being: formation of, 16; possession by 65; lack of control of, 227; private, 64;
God, 15 Via Labicana, 228
Benedict of Aniane, 200 Change: capability for, 6; cultural, 152-
Bhabha, Homi, 37, 58n59 78; religious, 191, 211, 212n5
Black Damasus, 235 Charlemagne, 71, 190, 193, 196, 215n18,
Boniface, 196 258
Brakke, D., 41 Christianity: acculturation to local custom
Brent, A., 41 by, 194; appropriate, 1%; archaie, 191;
Brown, Peter, 27n20, 230 assumptions on, 41; baptism and, 17;
Buildings (Procopius), 163-67, 184n60, burial and, 69-71; conflict within, 38;
243, 250, 251, 253 confrontation with false belief in, 238;
Burial: Christian, 69-71; collective graves contrast with Hellenism, 36, 37, 43,
and, 62, 63; conversion and, 61-74; 47, 48, 52n12; convergence/divergence


with Judaism, 50n2; conversion of 153;· integrated, 153; mainstream, 41;
Tzani people, 163-69; correct, 190, non-Roman, 156; Pythagorean, 62; true,
192, 211, 212n5; cultural change and, 48
152-78; diversity of forms of, :;On2; Confessions (Augustine), 7, 236, 247, 259
emperors and, 243-54; establishment of Confirrnation: baptism and, 6
as religio licita, 99; ethnography and, Constantine and Ettsebius (Barnes), 133
152-78; expansion of, 133; forced Constantine (Emperor): absence of
conversion to, 160, 167; funerary Christian allusion in statue of, 128;
separatism and, 69; homemade, 236; association with bishops, 139;
imperial, 160; integration with state autobiography of, 127-30; batde with
ideology, 159, 160-69; intellectual Licinius, 134, 135, 136; in Bethlehem,
origins of, 42; limited reach of formal 139; Christian persecution and, 131;
ecclesiastical structures of, 235-43; commitment to Christianity, 244-45;
medieval, 191; mimicry and, 45; comparison with father, 131, 132;
multiplicity in, 38, 41; ordinary, 197; concern with loyalty of troops, 138;
orthodox, 46, 49; paradigms of change conversion of, 85, 98-99, 127-48;
through conversion in, 159; persecution divine support for, 136; ideologies of
of, 53n14, 130; philosophy and, 44; legitimation of, 135; in Jerusalem, 139,
pluralities in, 211; predominance of, 140, 143; life of, 134-37; links with
154; prescriptive, 224; Roman, 153; Apollo, 138; meaning of bronze statue
self-identity of, 36; slow adaptation to, of, x, 145-48; meeting with Eusebius,
85-86; spread of, 194; as sum of 131; moments of crisis for, 134, 135,
ancient wisdom, 42; survival of Roman 136, 13 7; personal acceptance of
plurality by, 40; as third race, 52n12; Christianity, 131; relationship with
traditional narrative of, 36, 40; as truth, Jesus Christ, 139, 140; sequence of
58n57; as work in progress, 41 conversion, 134; significance of reign of,
Christianization: correction and, 190; 133; statue of, 127, 128, 145-48, 246;
emendation and, 190; ethnographie story of, 137-41; in tetrarchie order,
writing and, x; in late antiquity, 85-86; 246; triumphal arch at Rome and, 136;
limits of, 91; nature of, 85-86; process universality of imperial rule of, 128;
of persuasion in, 86; scope of, 85-86; views on paganism, 132, 133, 135,
stage performers, imperviousness to, 84 136; visionary status of, 134, 135, 136,
Chronicle (Eusebius), 143 137, 138
Chronographia (Malalas), 93 Constantinople: Church of Holy Wisdom,
Chrysostom, John, 11, 94, 99, 100, 102, 127; Church of the Holy Aposdes, 127,
103, 111, 119n49, 232, 233 145; development as center of Christian
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, 139, 140, community, 159; Forum of, 127;
143 Hippodrome, 127, 128; statue of
Citizenship: gradations of, 154; granted to Constantine in, 127, 128, 145-48
all in Roman empire, 158; heavenly, 14, Constantius (Emperor), 107, 130, 131,
24; inscription and, 10; Roman, 154; 132
for Tzani people, 169 Constitutio Antoniniana, 158, 169
City 0/ God (Augustine), 258 Contra lvIarcellum (Eusebius), 142-43
Claudius Gothicus (Emperor), 135 Conversion: baptism and, 1-24; burial
Clement, 32n69, 55n31 and, 61-74; to Christianity, 53n14, 69-
Clifford, James, 152 71, 73; community knowledge of,
Column of Phocas, 246 81n73; complete, IX; conscious choice
Community: barbarian, 156; Christian and, 26n17; control of, 225; defining,
imperial, 159; cult of, 48; defining, 41; 4, 7; differing meanings of, 225; as
episcopal, 55n31; of faith, 154, 156; illumination, 1; of individuals, 84;
under Erankish kings, 194; imperial, inscriptions and, 1-24; internal change


Conversion (continued) inclusion, 154; interaction, 171-74;
and, 26n17; to Judaism, 64; as metanoia, interconnections, 44; multiplicity, 38;
6; narratives, 198-99; negotiations over, necessities, 42; osmosis, 166; regression,
87; of Paul, 7; as personal event, ix; 166; relativism, 171-74;
philosophieal, 5 3n14; private/public transformation, 156, 157, 161, 165,
aspects of, 129; as problem of 166, 171
Hellenization, 36-50; as process, 2, 6, Culture: classical, 190; Coptic, 183n42;
7, 8; as reorientation of the soul, 7; as generalizations about, 39; Greek, 39,
response to particular situations, 129; as 41, 166; Greek li terary, 157; Hellenie ,
salvation through continuous adherence, 41; of origin, 159; religious, 191;
1; self-representation and, 129; sequence Roman, 152; Syriac, 183n42
of, 134; of stage performers, 84-111; Cumont, Franz, 61
texts of, 226; tranquil process of, 27n20 Cybele, 63, 68, 71; cult of, 7
Correctio. See Correction Cyprian of Carthage, 70, 71, 225, 250
Correction, 189, 190; Christianization Cyril of Alexandria, 4
and, 190; discipline of morals and, 192; Cyril of Jerusalem, 100, 101
Einhard and, 192; grounding in Roman
legislative tradition, 214n16; interior, Damasus (Pope), 229, 230, 234, 235, 254,
202; relics and, 201; religious practice 262n6
and, 197; route to, 204; vocabulary of, Daube, David, 107
214n15, 214n16 Declamations, 13, 31n57; advocacy
Cosmology: Apollinarist, 22; Arian, 2, 21, training in, 13
22, 24; competing, 2; differing De Idololatria (Tertullian), 69
personalizations of Christ in, 23; Delehaye, H., 69
Eunomian, 2, 24; Messalian, 2; Demophilus (Bishop), 5, 21, 23
moments of change in, 6; Neo-Platonic, Demosthenes, 105
23; Novatian, 2, 21, 24; Platonic, 3, 6, De Vita Sua (Gregory of Nazianzus), 235
15, 23; rivalries of, 20-24; Sabellian, Dialogtle (Justin Martyr), 43
22; understanding of, 23 Diocletian (Emperor), 88, 130, 131, 138,
Cosmos: interaction with divinity, 15 246
Council of Antioch, 141, 142 Discourse: civil, 60n81; cultural
Council of Nicaea, 131, 137, 139, 142, ambivalence of orthodox, 48; dominant,
144, 244 51n7; moral, 91; of order, 108; public,
Crescens the Cynic, 237 104; of splitting, 60n81
Cults: of Attis, 7; burial requirements of, Disobedience: salvation and, 16
61-64; commitment asked by, 61; Divinity: calculators of, 21; of Holy
conflict with families of members and, Spirit, 22; interaction with cosmos, 15;
61; of Cybele, 7, 68, 71; diffusion of, interpretation of, 14-16; light and, 17;
62; funerary inscriptions and, x; material and, 23; nature of, 14-16
funerary practices of, 62; of Genesius, Dolbeau Sermons (Augustine), 110
118n39; immorality of, 45; of Isis, 7, "Donation of Constantine," 254
71, 246; local, 38; of martyrs, 230; of Drake, H. A., 133
Mithras, 7, 68; mystery, 7, 61-64; new, Dujarer, Michel, 98
61-64; Oriental, 61-64; perseeuted, 37; Durkheim, Emile, 191
public, 63, 201; relic, 190; saints', 190,
205, 212n5 Ecclesiastical History (Eusebius), 130, 143
Cultural: ambivalence, 48; centrality, 156; Education: bilingual memorization
change, 152-78; definition, 175; exercises in, 12; competitive displays in,
description, 154; differentiation, 154, 12; legacy of, 12; mimicry and, 31n59;
155; expression, 39; generalizations, 39; representation of character and, 13;
his tory, 191; identity, 159, 171, 17 3; Roman, 12; speech and, 13

Jean. 240. 131. 17. 225. 155. 63 the Pious. 14-16. 192. on illumination. 14-24. 154. P. 237. Epitaphs. 39 Enlightenment. 201 toleration by. 130-34. 1-24. strategies of. Charlemagne's court. 238. bishop of Constantinople. 197 Hilduin. 5. 235-43. 156-58. 5. 255. 188nl13. Erich. 23 timelessness of. 15. Eusebius. at Fulda monastery. Maude. 237 nature of. 47 Feast of the Assumption. 68 of. 196-212. 171. 5. Gregory of Nazianzus. range of topics classical canon of. 40. 255 cultural change and. 240. 15. as supreme Essence: divine. Gratian (Emperor). as 152-78. Gregory of Elm. 99 thinks of Constantine in terms of Gruen. 136 Genesis: adaptation of. 224. 80n66 possession of being by. politics of. 66. Roman Empire and. 15. 16. 193. x Grafton. 2-3. on incarnation. Gregory IV (Pope). abandonment Fredriksen. 45 continuation of sub-Roman culture of. difference in. 131. Roman. conflict with saints' shrines at. as three limitless beings. 159. early Byzantine. 181n17 God: creation of universe by. 157. implication of light. 46. heretical status of. biographical sketch. 129. 14- in. 46. Roman martyrs and. 16. Christianization and. 189-212. 16 238. on Emperor Julian. 16. 157. seen as philosopher. 176. ix-x Ethnography: Christianity and. on heaven. 4-7. Ailios. edicts of 189-212. Nazianzus on. Eugenius III (Pope). 48 Ephiphanius of Salamis. 15. Hebrew Scripture: authority of. 141-44. 23. on baptism. 152-53. 204. on the Fall. 193. meeting with imprinting. Christianization Graffiti. 12. 21. 78n47 Entzattberttng. 224. Gregory of Nazianzus on. use of Justin Martyr. 141. 235. 190. 16. 259. 197. of evil ways. Hebrew law: polytheistic practice and. idiosyncratic Euelpistus. demonization of. Galerius (Emperor). 189-212. 190. 16. as "The Theologian. 130. 16 Frankish people. 181n17. 17. IX. 20. 228 the Fall. 16. 263n18 Hairesis. 6 Constantine. 187n88. 4. 156 32n69. 9 and. Greek as language of. paganism in. 226. 133. 154. 172 monotheism of. 197.' descriptions. stridency of. grants from Louis Funerary garden. 89 classical. 234. as state of First Apology Gustin Martyr). influence of. 16-17. 152. G. 187n97. Einhard and. 38. Anthony. 152-78. 25n5. 193. 24 of. heresy and. 243. See Emendation Germany: early Christianity in. 131 Guyon. 200. 268n137 Heaven: as divine sphere. 152-78. IX. 88. Paula. 128 minority views of. 45 . 6. 42 being. secular genre of. T. 38 Feast of the Apostles. 205 impact of. Eunapius. vocabulary Gideon. 191 Gnosticism. 191 Glykon. relics in. 14-24. x. 15 Ethnographic writing. theology of. 196. x. 25n8. 23." 4. 241. literary. 214n15 Gleason. demand Epiphany. 202. orations Eunomius. 189. of. 257 George of Pisidia. links to man. 39 persecution. 7 of Michelstadt by. Emendation.. descriptions in. 197. use of inscription. integrity of. 130. 254-61. knowledge of understanding of illumination. 3.. 177 Elllendatio. 8. 240 for purity by. Susanna. on divinity. location. 140. terminology of light 54. 32n69 Hadrian (Emperor). 192. Gregory of Nyssa. INDEX 277 Einhard. law and. 49. illumination and. 130 Elliott. 226. 156. 194 190. 225. 155. 139. 6. 237. 39.

94 Isaae. Iambliehus. as means of Herosotus. 71. 12 hierarehies and. 138 7. citizenship and. 6-7. 7 (Chrysostom). 16. 50n6. as sourees of Hippolytus. Felix. 25n8. 42. 5. 16. 45. 3. as bishop. 37. 38. 141. relationship to God. 5. 10. Illumination. as apologeties and. ehallenge to Roman 154. 52n12. as 100 biblieal theologian. 154. 50. 52n12. 64 offieial aets and doeuments as. 42 morality and. 228-29. eult of. 25n8. Hermaios. ethnie. ix. 50. terminology of. 38. personal. 36. 45. Irenaeus. oeeurrenee of. 100 Islam: rise of. 242. error as. language of. life Hermeneumata. universalizing. dissent as. 41. 10. 35n105. 64 7-14. 246. 44. as writings co gods. 45 proof of Son's inferiority. 38. group. eonversion and. 21 Homily on the Gospel 0/ Matthew Isis. interpretations of nature of. William. 152. provineial. 48. 1-24. 7 Christianity. 65 78n48. positive attributes of. signifieanee Himerius. 45. 16. 18. 3. 8. proeess of. 48 (Chrysostom). Helena (Empress). Historia Augusta. Genesis and. 36. 171.47. 17. 49. History (Eusebius). refutation of. Hilaritas. 31n57 of. as Inseriptions: on bronze tablets. 17. as eentral event. eontrast with 50n6. 173. dominanee by. communal. refraeting power of. 249. 70 olltward appearanee and. 204. diagnostie eategory. 23 Heresy: assoeiation with falsity of. 133 voeabulary of. 8. 9. 36. 41. true transformation and. erueifixion/resurreetion. 205. 6. 10. 9. 46. baptism and. 98. 247. 8. 9 Homilies on the Gospel 0/ John (Chrysostom). 39 as purifieation. 38 Jerome. shaping. 8. Christian. Faltonia. 43. 152. 37. 177 Hrabanus Maurus. 10. epitaphs. 47. 10. 68 Hybridity. philosophy and. funerary. 37. 194. 9. eonstruetion of Christ. Hetener. male. 153. politieal expansion of. M. 42.48. 104-5. in philosophical James. 48. 85. 50n6. inearnation of.50 63. 36. 46. 132. 46. 154. 254. 177. 2 Heradius (Emperor). Identity: baptismal. Hellenism. 46. Roman. 156 eommunication. 9. 86. 196 loeal. 5. 181n17. 16. 45. 35n105. 45. 47. soeial status and. 48. 104 evaluating. 242. 10. 166 true transformation and. Hilarianus. misreading of. regional. 36 160. 62. 110. x. 61. Logos. baptism and. 1. 10. 72 11. 42. 1. 58n60. graffiti. on publie Hilduin (Abbot). 197 Hume. 37. 5 5n3 7. 40. birth of. Helios. eultural. Aurelios. Imperialism: legaeies of. 16-17. John of Ephesus. Homilies on the Gospel 0/ Matthew 55n37. 43. 178n2 Inearnation. 154 159. 123n95 . 28n28. Hereules. as the 104. 154. 2. 2. tattoos. Christianity. self. diffieulty of Jacob of Sarugh. as transformations. goals of. ethnography and. 263n18 study. 38. 248 multiple. Greek. 87. 14-16. subjeetive. eult adherenee magie and. purposes of. 58n59. subversive nature of. 63. 17. preservation of. 155. of the Logos. on eoins. 127 politieal. Herades. and. 65 Jesus Christ: baptism of. 95-98. rationalism of. mimicry of.43. 36. 8. INDEX Heden (Duke). interior. David. 35n105 139-40. 7 Jaeob. 51. 202. Jewish. 154. language of. 8. pamphlets. 159. 27n25. Roman. 62. 255. 6. 255 buildings. 263n18 Hypogea. of Jesus Heresiology. 154. systematieity of. 43. x. 107. 194. 42-43. religious.

trans formative effect of. leo In (Pope). Ramsay.251. 225. 64. 144. language: of illumination. 100. 189. miracles by. 229. 42. 6 42. 17 Malalas. role ~f Liber Syroromantls. as work in progress. lothar. 225. 243-54 writings of. 254. 11 leo I (Pope). 36-50. as philosopher. 193. 108. 105. batde ]ulian (Emperor). 32n71 of cultural change. ]ean. lucian of Samosata. 160. 137. 38. 48 ]o~eph. 253. 120n61 lazi people. 189 mimesis of philosophical forms. 29n37. 192. Richard. 204 51n9. 4 leah. 68. P. law of 536. 161. 135 Marcellinus and Peter. 167. 46. 200. 228. 67 Lift 0/ Maryl Marinus. 29n37. 131. 247 38. powers of. 138. 1. tearing lohn of ]erusalem. 243. ]esus Christ dress after baptism. 40. 231. 235 58n59. 205. 50. marriage to Theodora. Rebecca. burial practices. 193. 50n2. 10. 64. 132 ]upiter. 247 252. 237. 205. 190. ]upiter Heliopolitanus. literary louis the Pious. 135. 197 texts. 189. inscribed on 203 . incarnation of. 11. divinity and. 48. 169. 90 ]udaism. laws and edicts: as agents of change. of truth. system 233. 64-69. Michael. 38. 68 Jonathan. 98 ]ustinian (Emperor). Constantinian. Lift 0/ St. of disobedience. local. 257. 47. 36-50. 11. 45. "doubling" and. 16. 132. 68 lent. 68 le Boulluec. 64. 160. 268n137 Christianity. 136. 162. 43-44. Max. 42. saving man from consequences colonial subject/religious subject. 12. 101 down. 84. lim. 192 convergence/divergence with leo IV (Pope).159. 9. 25n8 Knowledge: ethnographie. God as. 143. Maas. libanius. 21 MacMullen. 198. ethnography of. 152-78. Alain. 67 lieinius (Emperor). 177 logos: command of heavenly armies by. 226. 33n82 with Constantine. 246. 205. 58n52. 177. display of relics Roman. 235. 171-74 lohn the Evangelist. 192. light: baptism and. lohn. presentation of Christianity. 159 mimicry and. 140. 5. x. non. choice of 144. 210. 191 transcendent. 204. 231. 202. 69. 147 luster. as facilitator 17. 57n48. universalism of theology of.175. impact of. 33n78. Pelagia. 238 Lift 0/ Charlemagne (Einhard). 41 194. 235. 45. 49. correctio and. 200. 35nl05. Magie: heresy and. 134 of. 35n105. 174 bronze tablets. 106. 206 ]upiter Doliehenus. reflections on logos. 130. 6. 201. 135. 17. conquest of the Tzani. 37 Macedonius (Bishop). 29n37 lohn the Baptist. 93 Manitius. 31 n5 7 punishment for conversion. conversion of. 92-94 152. ]ustin Martyr. 193. defined by lorsch monastery: Nazarius relics at. 225. curative in inscription. 101 ]ovian (Emperor). cult of. Harry. Lift 0/ Porphryr the Mime. x.153. 100. 237. 202. INDEX 279 lohn of Epiphania. 38. Valentinian. 106. Trinity and. 45. lucius. 85-86 Kish. 10. 235-43. 41. conversion to. 11. 67 lack of rules on choice of grave. 245. lampe. 178n2. 225. 257 of belief of. 87 synagogue in burial site. 37. 38. 196. rise of. 220n82. 64 Li/e 0/ Constantine (Eusebius).. as as. 84-111. 210 lactantius. leon. 16. 203. ]ulianus. 107. 134. x. lyman. 157. 41. x. 68 Magi. 89 support for Christianity. of visions. 64 133. 36.

50. 248 Paganism. 194. simple. 41 Maxentius (Emperor). 142 245. 200. 7. 70. 206. Nock. movement of and. 201. ground plan. 39. 3. 61. eult of. Pasehal I (Pope). 40. Nieene Creed. 72. 45. "Neighborhood of the First Gate. 5 Pedagogy: writing and. Kenneth. 12 Origen. 45. 17 Persecution: of Christians. Stoie. physieal. Claudio. eorreetion and. 211. 201. 44. 237 On Baptism (Gregory of Nazianzus). 198 Palladius. 136. 174. 53n14 Mulinheim. 206. 4 Memory: theories of. Philosophy: Christianity and. 63. Paseasius Radbertus. 107. 239 Mareus Aurelius (Emperor). 224-61 On ldolatry (Tertullian). 70 hagiographieal. 61. 16 Mimiery. discourse. 200. 89 Morality: Hellenism and. 219n67. of Hellenism. despieable behavior of. 88. 15 Matter: aseension of. 7 117n34. seholastie. inferiority of. writing and. 90 Monotheism. 223nl19. 133. 200. . 68. 6. 46 Pax Romana. 98 Nature: divine. soure es of wisdom. Karl. 40 Mary the Egyptian. seeond ehureh at. 40. 78n47 saving. 205 destruetive. 4 Mazarius. 42. 236. 30n55. 191 Christian. 49. of. Karl. ix. Aurelios. 131. 41. 48. loeation. 44. plurality of. 6 evolution of. 200. Nachleben. 23. 197. 203. Platonic. 97. 55n37. 23. 158 Moreschini. 189. 186n82 Maximian (Emperor). 194. monotheism 194. 228. rationalism martyrs to. 38. North. 61 support for Christianity. 43. Martialis (Bishop). traditional Marx. 62. oppression of Christians and. of Christianity. 134. as representation of Christianity. Neil. 40. 201. 45. 190. 234 Mills. 187nlOO. settlement Paideia. 14. 37. 197 On Epiphany (Gregory of Nazianzus). 7 Penitenee. 40. rules on disposition of family Moles. 195/ig. 46 Paterfamilias. 241. ix-x Pallas Athena. 135 Numenius of Apamea. 200. Metanoia. Michelstadt. dialeetieal." 66. 31n59. Arthur Derby. 65 members. 193. 47. 246. 26n17. battle with Constantine. 37. 70 194. 46. eopying St. eradieation of. baptism of. heresy 206. 13. 199/ig. adepts of. 195/ig. 60n81 239 Mereurius. 208 Justin Martyr and. 39. the Other: differenees of. relies at. 119n51. 3 Neymeyr. 175. 159 around. abandonment of. 41 Maximinus (Emperor). 3. 39. 130. 12 Morrison. 207fig. 135. 225 135. 192. 46. U. John. 48. 108 Paulinus. 47. 123nlOO 100. and. relies at. loeation. 101. in Germany. 130 Maximus of Alexandria. M. order. 193. 55n37. 197. 58n60. 40 Moral: judgment. 200. Anieius. 14. 13. 37. 143 Mystagogical Catecheses (John of Jerusalem). of orthodoxy. 17.280 INDEX Mareellus of Aneyra (Bishop). 101 Meletius. 132. 238 MeLynn. 160. 198 traditional authority of. 101 Marcion of Pontus. 132 Novel (Justinian). 205. Mareian (Emperor). 207/ig.. 128 Mimesis. incorporating loeal foundation stories of. 45 Patronage: competition for. as opposite of divine. 36. 21 Moses. 50 Menander Protector. 3. 45. 31n59 Paradise. x. Peter's Cathedral. 168. 112n6 265n72 Narratives: conversion. 249 On the Nativity (Gregory of Nazianzus ). Mithras. 198-99. rites of. absolute authority of. settlement around.

87. 152. imperial. 201. 117n33. transvestism and. 41. writing. 232 Quintilian. Platonism. 20 offense to the heathen. 231. culture. x. 208 corruption. as lifelong St.. 201. x. 31n57 St. 24. 7 St. slaves and. 36. panegyrie writing. and. 225. inner spiritual regeneration Plotinus. 69.. identity. 50n6. 61-74. 45 Reform. Publie stage: admonitions against 154. Mareus Antonius. 118n45. 38 Religion: arguments over universality of. 174 proeessions with. 90. 7 Rigibert (Bishop). 192 Plutareh. entertainments. 86. Robert. politieal. martyrs. 86 Christianization. 50n2. 95-98. imperialism. 202. 39. 24 distribution of. 48 justifieation of imperialism. Peter. 86. Paul. 86. 154. urban administration. 234 211. 21. 208 110 St. behavior divine. publie. on idolatry. 44. x. 200. 39 69. Genesius of Ades. in imperial period. Ptolemaeus. 106. 90 ethnography. 87. dominanee Prostitution. 194. self-definition. 109. in Germany. 206. Roman. IX. 153. 66 42. cults of. Said. 2. transeending loeal Radeie. 20. Erie. 61-74. Agnes. of purifieation. 158. 7 33n78. 104. of wave theory of. 226. 250. Power: eentralized. hegemony. 196 Procopius. Numenian. 156-58. 99. reason Proeess: baptism as. 43. 68 Plato. 161-63. 152-53. 19 multiplieity of forms of. 159 Relies: eorreetion and. Edward. entertainments Sabazios. 39. 14 and. 87. relies. 200. 36. 196 Rebeeea. 208 . 51n8. 13. 45. Pythagoras. eurative. Ptolemy. traditional eategories of. 173. 244. shaping and. 102. 242 disappearanee of eertain forms of speetacle and. 38. imperviousness to Saerifiees. proeess of. 118n39 Purifieation: baptism and. prohibition against selling daughters 6. Roman: burial. at Michelstadt. 173. Nachleben and. 85-86. 208fig. 33n82. Pelagia. St. 208. 15 Rebillard. 120n60. St. 87. 64. on giving proeess. Sta Prassede ehureh. x. 185n69. ehildren in. 123n93. as souree of St. ehallenged by Hellenism. edueation. 189-212. 209. 154. Constantine. 6. Cosma. 36. 85-86. Luke. 18. 252. 84. 203. 12. 44. 205. 193. into. 227 Pythagorean. 253. INDEX 28r transeendent. 65 178. fusion of moment with. 44. regarded as amoral. 213nlO Posteolonialism. pantomimes. 226. St. 198. law. 20. 102. 22. 84-111. Restitutus. 24. 85-86 ehureh. 43 223n119 Pippin III (King). love of publie speetacles. 191. 37. 94. 103. 206. 38. of eonversion. Polities: of personal ambition. loeative. 63 offered. 138. 203. 173. miracles Polytheism. 163-67 citizenship. 40 112n6. 36. lifelong. 138. Christianity. 39. Damiano. 155. 94-98. 1. Porphyry of Antioeh. 16. Pneumatikoi. 45. 190. 50n2 illumination. transformative. 109. cosmology of. 209. as antithesis of 158. antipathy to ehureh. 198. 203. Lukan eonversion of. 226. 84. 72 supernatural. 40 surrounding. attendanee at speetacles of. 100 119n55. 166. Rusticus. 235 seeular nature of. Quadragesima. 14. identity through. shifting attitudes toward. 40 189-212. of 39. 21. opposition of ehureh to. 19. 39. 111. parodies of Christian 209fig rites on. authentieity in. Porphyrogenitus. 205. indeterminaey of. conversion and.

141- Simon Magus. 240. renunciation of. 208 Status: hereditary. 107. 163. 24. 105-9. 165. 106. penitent. 47- Speech: Christian. 250-54. Stereotypes: ethnic. 225. martyrologies of. 44 status. intellectual origins of Christian. Tomb of the Patriarchs. former stage Self: formation of. 45. 119n49. Theophany. original. 31n57 210. 3 Tau/mimus. Praxedis. Twelve Tables. conversion of. 109. 233. 107. renewal of. 5. 16. 64 Theodosian Code. Julia. 103 Scythians. 88. 106. 89. 95-98. 247 Trajan (Emperor). 176. 59n70. 17. universal. of Justin Martyr. Marcellinus Sol. purification of. 3. 176. interpretation of. 165. 84. marriage to. 68 Saul. performing after literary context of. 60n81 17. INDEX St. 88 166. in 87. Trinity: light and. 49. revolt by. 68 Tatian (Emperor). apostolic. x. Sopatros. 91. Severus. 50. 101 Tacitus. rehabilitation of. 156. 158. Tzani people. illumination of. 106. 47. 70 Salvation. 5. causes of. hagiography of penitent actresses. 206. education and. revealed. 167. 189. subversion of. refusal of sacraments to. 10 St. late antique. knowledge of. 35n105 Smith. 68 mobility. 191. 38. 44. 10. 126nl17. 7 Theurgy. 50. 168-69. 39. social Procopius's Wars. 237 Scripture: adaptation of. conversion to Christianity. hierarchies of. 104-9. Tosefta. citizens. 68 Structuralism. characteristics of. 238 44. 45. mobility of. 104. elevation of. 159. 64 Severianus. establishing. 69. 90. 3. 255 Social: analysis. 203-4. 101. 175 Superstition. Sin: actuality of. 249. chastity and. order. Sebastian. 205 Stephen (Bishop of Rome). 109 Sententiae (Paul) . social. 92. 68 processes. 87. 193. 255. 175. 163. 161-63. 38 Socrates. 169. 40. as 98. Tradition. 42. 160-69. x. 89. 210 Satan. 88. 87-88. 232. 191 Sandilkh. cultural transformation of. 189-212. 45. of Eusebius. 156 Tertullian. 69. 84-111. simple. 40. 88 241. condition of self-rule of. children of. 72 Theodosius (Emperor). Stage performers. 107. 84. political baptism. 49. 240. 111 Second Sophistic. achieving. 32n71 17. baptism 58n57. difficulty in recruitment of. Secret History (Procopius). 48 111. 44. 50. change. 46. 166. 2 Strategikon 0/ Maurice. mimes. search for. 161- obstacles for in receiving baptism. founding of convent Semahot. 89. 40. transcendent. 254. baptism and. 176 Samson. racist. 241 32n69 Theophylact Simocatta. 225. 178 Sitz im Leben (Nock). of. 192 Truth: accessibility of. hegemonie. 12. 226. 90. 168 . 90 forced back into service. 52n12. 185n62. 111 Theology: defensive. interpretations of. 166 Theodora (Empress). 48 Transvestism. 234. 3. subjugation of. 21 Talmud: on burial. 40. 13. 256 Sophists. 257 Severus of Antioch. 13 44. 158 Saturni us. 42 impossibility of. 254 Tiburtius. 13. 163. Christianity as. 68 by. 40 actress. 94. Sulpicius. 225. 108. 253 208. 32n69. 105. 123n95. 12. 5 8n5 7. in the law. 70. 45. 47. performative acts. 17. 57n47. 44 Translation and Miracles 0/ Sts. 14. 184n47. self-definition. 107. 110 Soul: free will and. 48. 91-94. 135 and Peter (Einhard). 166. 43. 48. 16. baptism and.

12. 155. 12. 14. 95-98. ftee. 158 trans formative aet. 88 12. 102. 161-63. 158-59. transformative Vita Karoli (Einhard). social order Vietor. 155. 234 astrology and. Weber. 163-67. 196 . 88... baptism and. 12. formation of self through. teehnieal aspeets of. 48 Williams. 65. 205 Zenobia. varieties of. Ursinus. 252 Roman empire. 104. 172 Williams. 44 Will: erisis of. Lucius. 48 memory and. 39 Writing: about cultural change. Valentinus. Christianity and. 30n55. 12. decline in. 41 Universalism. F. Werner. 13. 128 Williams. 13. 189-212. 19 Vita Pelagiae. formative power of. 110 Writing. 27n20. 241 pedagogieal aspeets of. Van Dam. meanings assoeiated with. 154. 14. 89 as. 174-77. Margaret. in Roman law. in Wars (Procopius). 190 powers of. 91 Wiggo. R. eanonieal. 41 Willibrord. 19. 156-58. INDEX Wisse. ethnographie. 153-56 Weismann. 12. 13. panegyrie. 101. as Virgil. Wala. 153. philosophieal- Verus. 191 154. 243-54 pedagogy and. 127-48. 21 and. Raymond. Michael. 204 ethnographie thought and. Valens (Emperor). inseriptions Valentinian (Emperor). 251. x. 67 Zosimus. 48. 12. 16 Zoroastrianism. Max.