2016 Election Analysis: Washington

Written and compiled by Bill Baugh, Win/Win

(Asian Pacific Americans for Civic Empowerment (Win/Win, the Washington Bus, and Washington Student
register voters in the International District) Association registering voters at the UW)

(Our Votes Count campaign organizing field volunteers
to canvass in Pierce and King County)
2016 Voting Participation ................................................................................ 3
Declining Voter Turnout......................................................................................... 3
Two Historically Unpopular Candidates for President ............................................ 3
Turnout by Demographics...................................................................................... 4
Record High Participation among People of Color and Youth ................................ 4
Record High Voter Registration among People of Color and Youth........................ 5
Asian & Pacific Islander and Latino Voter Registration ........................................... 6

Dissecting the Election Results ....................................................................... 7
Urban/Rural Divide ................................................................................................ 7
Hillary Clinton Versus Jay Inslee ............................................................................. 7
Jay Inslee: 2012 Versus 2016 ................................................................................. 8
Small, but Very Democratic Cities ........................................................................ 10
Looking Ahead - the 15th Legislative District ....................................................... 10
Support, or Lack Thereof, for Trump .................................................................... 13

Lay of the land in the legislature ................................................................. 14
Swing Districts Trending Republican .................................................................... 14
Swing Districts Trending Democratic ................................................................... 14
Candidates Matter ............................................................................................... 15
Under-performing Districts .................................................................................. 15
Over-performing Districts .................................................................................... 15
2017 LD Rankings: Cheat Sheet …………………………………………………………………………. 16
Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 18

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2016 Voting Participation

Declining Voter Turnout
Voter turnout has steadily declined since 2008. Turnout in presidential-years declined from 85% in 2008,
to 81% in 2012, to 79% in 2016. In mid-term elections, turnout declined from 71% in 2010 to 54% in
2014. In the 2015 odd-year election, turnout declined to its lowest point in recent memory at 38%.
Voter turnout peaked across the country in 2008 and the steady decrease over time in Washington State
is consistent with the rest of the country1.

Declining Voter Turnout
100%
85% 81%
80% 79%
71%
60% 54%
51% 53%
40% 45%
38%
20%

0%
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Presidential Year Mid-Term Odd-Year

Two Historically Unpopular Candidates for President
In addition to the consistent drop in turnout, support for the two major presidential candidates dropped
dramatically in 2016. Nearly 12% of the people who cast a ballot in 2016 did not vote for Hillary Clinton
or Donald Trump. This is three times higher than the percentage in 2012 and four times that in 2008.
Among the people not voting for Clinton or Trump, 7.6% supported third party candidates and 4.5%
skipped voting (or wrote-in a candidate) in the Presidential election.

Support for Major Party Candidates
Major Non-Voters +
3rd Party
Candidates Write-in
2008 97.0% 1.8% 1.1%
2012 96.0% 2.5% 1.5%
2016 88.1% 7.3% 4.6%

1
https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/no-voter-turnout-wasnt-way-down-from-2012/

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Turnout by Demographics
While turnout is down among all demographics and communities across the state, this rate is not
consistent between all demographics. The most significant decrease in turnout was among the black
community, whose turnout dropped 8 percentage points from 2012 to 2016. A possible explanation of
this sharp drop could be that black voters, who supported Barack Obama at 93% in 20122, were less
motivated to vote without Obama on the ballot. What we do know is that this creates an opportunity to
connect with leaders in the black community to better understand these numbers and see what can be
done to close these disparities. In addition, the decline in turnout among youth voters was slightly more
pronounced (3.1% drop), while the decline in older voters was slightly less (1.5% drop). The decline in
turnout among Asian and Pacific Islander, Latino, and White voters was within the normal 2-3% range
and doesn’t show any signs of anything out of the ordinary.

Change in Turnout by Race and Age
2012 2016
Change
Turnout Turnout

Asian or Pacific Islander 69.7% 66.9% -2.8%
Black 72.6% 64.3% -8.3%
Hispanic or Latino 64.8% 62.5% -2.3%
White 82.5% 80.4% -2.1%
Young Voters (<35) 66.7% 63.6% -3.1%
Older Voters (>65) 90.9% 89.4% -1.5%

Record high participation among People of Color and Youth
While there was a fairly consistent decline in turnout across the state, vote share (the percent of all
ballots cast) among people of color (POC) and youth (under 35)3 reached new highs in 2016, especially in
the Asian and Pacific Islander (API) and Latino communities. People of color and youth voters accounted
for 28.5% of all ballots cast (vote share) in the 2016 general election, the highest rate it’s ever been.4

The chart below looks at the vote share of POC and youth voters over the past seven years. As expected,
their vote share is the highest in high-saliency elections (Presidential elections) and lowest in low-
saliency elections (odd-year elections). Though we see a lull from 2013 – 2015, the spike in 2016 shows

2
http://www.nytimes.com/elections/2012/results/president/exit-polls.html
3
Due to various data challenges, single women was not included in the analysis.
4
Good voter data only goes back to 2010

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evidence that POC and youth vote share is back on track. If POC and youth vote share is higher in 2017
than it was in 2015, it would be further evidence that their vote share is trending in the right direction.

Historic Vote Share of POC and Youth
Voters
30% 27.5% 28.5%
25%
21.3%
20% 18.9%
17.1% 16.1%
16.8%
15%
10%
5%
0%
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Record high voter registration among People of Color and youth
The increase in vote share was driven by voter registration, particularly from the API and Latino
communities: 71.3% of all new voter registrations in 2016 were from POC and youth registrants, the
highest rate it’s been. The chart below looks at all new voter registrations in the state, excluding re-
registrations, and shows the percentage of POC and youth registrations among all voter registrations in
the state. From 2010 to 2012, this rate was steadily increasing, but dropped significantly in 2013,
followed by a steady increase every year since. If this rate continues to increase in 2017, that would be a
very promising sign that the some disparities in voting behavior are steadily improving.

POC and Youth % of New Registrations
72%
71.3%
71%
71% 70.5% 70.2% 70.5%
70%
69.8%
70%
69% 68.9%
69% 68.6%
68%
68%
67%
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

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Asian & Pacific Islander and Latino Voter Registration
The most significant increase in the registration rate among POC and youth demographics came from
API and Latino communities. Among all new voter registrations last year, API and Latino voters made up
8.1% and 9.2%, respectively. Considering that APIs and Latinos make up 6.4% and 6.6% of all eligible
voters, respectively, these high registration rates are an encouraging sign that the voting disparities in
these communities are decreasing – highlighted in the two charts below. (Win/Win has created
separate documents that details the API and Latino voter participation. For more information, please
visit winwinnetwork.org/programs/data-and-technology/)

API % of New Registrations Latino % of New Registrations
10% 10% 9.7%
8.8%
8% 8.1% 8% 7.5% 7.7% 7.7%
7.2% 6.8% 7.0%
6.1% 6.5% 6.1%
6% 5.7% 5.6% 6%

4% 4%

2% 2%

0% 0%
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

The chart below shows the breakdown of all new voter registrations in Washington in 2016. Of the
300,000+ new voter registrations last year, over 70% were POC and youth registrants.

2016 New Voter Registrations

POC and Youth White Youth;
Voters; 218,895 146,261

Non-NAM;
88,242 Latino;
29,669
API;
Unknown Race; 24,954
7,102

Black; 10,909

Youth voters of color are counted as Latino, API, Black, or Unknown

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Dissecting the Election Results

Urban/Rural Divide
There is a significant correlation in the election results that highlight the urban/rural divide in
Washington State, with evidence from two separate data points: the difference in support for Hillary
Clinton versus Jay Inslee, and the change in support for Jay Inslee from 2012 to 2016. These data points
show that wealthy, urban regions in the state tend to support Hillary Clinton at much higher rates than
Jay Inslee, while at the same time, supporting Jay Inslee at a much higher rate in 2016 than in 2012. The
opposite is true for more rural, lower-income regions of the state: these regions supported Jay Inslee at
a much higher rate than Hillary Clinton, while at the same time, supporting Jay Inslee at a lower rate in
2016 than in 2012. While this correlation is strong, we can’t be sure what it means exactly. That said, it
is consistent with a national narrative around Clinton’s weakness (and/or Trump’s strength) with rural
and lower-income voters. This could also mean that Inslee has more traction in rural communities, or
lack of traction in wealthy communities. A combination of all four is also possible.

Hillary Clinton versus Jay Inslee
The difference in support between Hillary Clinton and Jay Inslee (“Clinton/Inslee Difference”) provides
anecdotal information about the popularity of the candidates. Statewide, Hillary Clinton and Jay Inslee
received nearly the same amount of support: Clinton 54.3% and Inslee 54.4%. However, their support
came from different places. Many cities supported Clinton at a higher rate than Inslee (large
Clinton/Inslee difference), and many other cities supported Inslee at a higher rate than Clinton (small
Clinton/Inslee difference).
The five cities in the state with the largest Clinton/Inslee difference are Hunts Point, Clyde Hill, Medina,
Yarrow Point, and Mercer Island, all of which are extremely wealthy cities in the Seattle suburbs. Even
though four of those cities are very small in population, the trend is on par with larger cities. The chart
below includes cities with at least 5,000 registered voters.

Largest Clinton/Inslee Difference
Median HH
City County Clinton % Inslee % Difference
Income
Mercer Island King $126,106 73% 63% 10%
Sammamish King $147,349 66% 57% 9%
Newcastle King $111,967 65% 56% 9%
Snoqualmie King $124,264 60% 52% 8%
Issaquah King $89,776 66% 60% 7%
Bellevue King $94,638 68% 62% 7%
Woodinville King $99,394 64% 58% 6%
Kirkland King $92,127 68% 62% 6%

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The opposite is true for cities with the small Clinton/Inslee difference. Lamont, Elmer City, Malden, and
Kahlotus had the lowest Clinton/Inslee support in the state, all of which are small, rural cities with very
low median household income rates. Even though all of those cities are very small, the same trend
continues for larger cities. The chart below includes cities with at least 5,000 registered voters.

Smallest Clinton/Inslee Difference
Median HH Clinton
City County Inslee % Difference
Income %
Kelso Cowlitz $33,843 44% 51% -7%
Spokane Valley Spokane $47,430 37% 43% -7%
Moses Lake Grant $48,174 31% 37% -6%
Aberdeen Grays Harbor $40,958 47% 53% -6%
Kennewick Benton $51,661 33% 39% -6%
Port Angeles Clallam $40,523 49% 55% -5%
Oak Harbor Island $46,621 39% 44% -5%
Centralia Lewis $37,100 37% 42% -5%

Jay Inslee: 2012 versus 2016
In addition to the Clinton/Inslee difference, change in Jay Inslee’s support from 2012 to 2016 also shows
waning Democratic support in rural areas of the state, and increasing support in urban areas. Statewide,
Jay Inslee received 51.5% support in 2012 against strong Republican candidate Rob McKenna. In 2016,
Inslee faced a weaker opponent, Bill Bryant, and received 54.4% of the vote, an improvement of nearly
3%, which is not consistent across the state. Looking at these results at the legislative district (LD) level
shows further evidence of an urban/rural divide that goes beyond the Trump effect.

Though Inslee’s support increased by 3% across the state, there were six LDs in the state where Inslee
actually lost support from 2012. The chart below looks at these LDs, all of which are in Western
Washington, and three of which voted for Inslee in 2012. This isn’t an anomaly seen only in Republican,
Eastern Washington districts; four of these districts are in rural parts of Western Washington and two
districts - 29 and 38 - are both in in urban, lower income areas in Tacoma and Everett, respectively.

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LDs with Lowest Inslee Gains
Median HH Inslee Inslee
LD Region Change
Income 2012 2016

20 Rural Southwest WA $53,076 39% 35% -4%
19 Rural Southwest WA $45,081 50% 46% -4%
39 Rural Northwest WA $69,158 45% 42% -3%
2 Rural Pierce County $65,270 43% 41% -2%
38 Everett $54,365 55% 54% -1%
29 Tacoma $47,933 57% 57% 0%

Compare the chart above with the chart below, which highlights the districts where Jay Inslee’s
performance improved the most since 2012. These districts show signs of becoming more Democratic,
and with the exception of the 40th LD, all districts are urban districts in King County.

LDs with Largest Inslee Gains
Median HH Inslee Inslee
LD Region Change
Income 2012 2016
41 Eastside King County $114,045 49% 60% 10%
48 Eastside King County $100,310 53% 62% 9%
45 Eastside King County $118,433 50% 58% 8%
46 Seattle $84,046 72% 78% 6%
40 Northwest WA $54,682 59% 63% 5%
34 Seattle $70,277 71% 76% 5%
5 Eastside King County $101,895 45% 50% 4%

The correlation in the two charts above echoes the sentiment of the “Clinton/Inslee difference”
referenced earlier. Rural and lower-income districts are becoming more Republican, while urban
wealthy districts are becoming more Democratic.

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Small, but very Democratic Cities
While it’s well known that cities like Seattle, Bainbridge Island, and Bellingham are liberal hot-spots in
the state, there are other, smaller Democratic cities (under 5,000 people) that go largely unnoticed due
to their small size. Among the top 12 cities where Jay Inslee received his largest support, only one city is
in King County (Seattle) and seven are in central Washington, including four in Yakima County alone.

Cities with Highest Inslee Percentage
City County Clinton Inslee
Nespelem Okanogan 88% 94%
Langley Island 80% 84%
Wapato Yakima 81% 84%
Mattawa Grant 85% 83%
Seattle King 86% 83%
Mabton Yakima 83% 82%
Port Townsend Jefferson 77% 82%
Elmer City Okanogan 55% 77%
Bainbridge Island Kitsap 79% 77%
Toppenish Yakima 75% 75%
Bellingham Whatcom 72% 74%
Granger Yakima 70% 74%

Looking Ahead - the 15th Legislative District
Though these Central Washington cities may seem insignificant on their own, when consolidated into
one single legislative district, there is potential for Democratic candidates to be more successful. During
the 2010 redistricting efforts, Win/Win Network partners advocated that the 15th legislative district
should consolidate regions in Yakima County that have high concentration of people of color (largely
Latino), including the eastern portion of the city of Yakima. If the eastern portion of the city of Yakima
were combined with the rest of southern Yakima County, the district would be over 74% people of color,
allowing for a higher probability of electing someone who truly represents that majority.
However, instead of consolidating these communities, the last redistricting process split the Latino
community between the 14th and 15th legislative districts, continuing to dilute the influence and power
of communities of color in Central Washington. The maps below compare the district that Win/Win
partners advocated for, and the final district approved by the redistricting commission. The egregious
gerrymandering of the Latino community into two separate districts in Yakima County should be
addressed in the upcoming 2020 redistricting process.

15th LD Performance: Proposed vs Actual
POC % Clinton% Inslee %
Proposed 15th LD 74% 53% 57%
Actual 15th LD 60% 43% 47%

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2010 Proposed 15th District
Below is a picture of Yakima County that shows where communities of color (largely Latino) live in the
county. The proposed legislative district that Win/Win partners proposed is outlined in pink and follows
the general pattern of the original district before the 2010 redistricting process.

Below, you see the city of Yakima zoomed in, showing how segregated the Latino community is from the
white population in the city. Win/Win partners proposed consolidating the largely Latino community in
east Yakima city with the largely Latino community in the southern portion of the county.

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2010 Approved 15th District
Below is a picture of Yakima County that shows where communities of color (largely Latino) live in the
county. The current boundary of the 15th LD is outlined in pink, showing how communities of color were
gerrymandered into two separate districts. The new boundaries of the 15th legislative district are
dramatically different from the previous district boundaries.

The city of Yakima is zoomed in on the map below, again, showing how communities of color were
gerrymandered into two separate districts.

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Support, or lack thereof, for Trump
While the city of Mattawa in Grant County showed the least support for Trump, only 13 of the 167
voters (7.8%) in the city voted for Trump, the chart below ranks the cities with at least 5,0000 registered
voters in the state. It’s not surprising that eleven of the top twelve cities are in Western Washington, six
of which are in King County, and three are major college towns (Seattle, Bellingham, and Pullman).

Cities with Lowest Trump Support
City County Clinton Trump 3rd Party Inslee
Seattle King 86% 9% 5% 83%
Port Townsend Jefferson 77% 15% 8% 82%
Bainbridge Island Kitsap 79% 15% 6% 77%
Lake Forrest Park King 77% 17% 6% 72%
Shoreline King 75% 19% 6% 72%
Bellingham Whatcom 72% 19% 8% 74%
Olympia Thurston 69% 21% 9% 72%
Tukwila King 73% 21% 6% 73%
Redmond King 71% 22% 7% 66%
Mercer Island King 73% 22% 5% 63%
Mountlake Terrace Snohomish 68% 23% 8% 66%
Pullman Whitman 65% 23% 11% 65%

Conversely, the chart below looks at cities in the state with at least 5,000 registered voters that had the
highest support for Trump.

Cities with Largest Trump Support
City County Clinton Trump 3rd Party Inslee
Lynden Whatcom 25% 69% 7% 25%
West Richland Benton 29% 61% 10% 33%
Moses Lake Grant 31% 61% 9% 37%
Kennewick Benton 33% 59% 8% 39%
East Wenatchee Douglas 34% 59% 7% 38%
Battle Ground Clark 34% 59% 8% 36%
Liberty Lake Spokane 36% 56% 8% 38%
Centralia Lewis 37% 55% 9% 42%
Spokane Valley Spokane 37% 54% 9% 43%
College Place Walla Walla 36% 53% 11% 39%
Richland Benton 38% 53% 9% 42%
Bonney Lake Pierce 39% 52% 9% 41%

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LAY OF THE LAND IN THE LEGISLATURE

With the growing urban/rural divide in Washington State, it’s important to follow the trends and re-
adjust the assumptions around Democratic support in any given district. Looking at all races in any given
district over time can help us better understand which districts are becoming more Democratic and
which districts are trending Republican. As data in the earlier section suggests, some legislative districts
are becoming more Republican, and some are becoming more Democratic. When only looking at
“swing” districts in the state, a few LDs stand out.

Swing Districts Trending Republican
The following “swing” districts are becoming more Republican: 19, 25, and 35. The most significant
decline in Democratic support is occurring in the 19th despite a longstanding trend in electing a large
number of Democrats to the state legislature. This decline in the 19th district is very significant and it
should now be considered a lean-Republican district. With that said, moderate Democratic legislators in
that district, Dean Takko and Brian Blake, have consistently won re-election by wide margins and appear
to be fairly safe.
The chart below looks at these trending-republican districts and compares their performance in the past
two races for Governor and President. Statewide, Jay Inslee improved on his 2012 performance by 3%
and Hillary Clinton underperformed Obama’s 2012 performance by 2%. When comparing those rates
(listed under “change”), the waning Democratic support in those districts becomes clearer, especially in
LD 19.

Waning Support in Key Districts
Jay Inslee Change Obama/Clinton Change
Obama
2012 2016 Change Clinton Change
2012
19 50% 46% -4% 54% 42% -12%
25 45% 46% 1% 51% 45% -6%
35 46% 47% 0% 51% 44% -7%
Statewide 52% 54% 3% 56% 54% -2%

Swing Districts Trending Democratic
On the other end of the spectrum, the following swing districts are becoming more Democratic: LD 41,
45, and to a lesser degree, 5. These districts, all located on the east side of King County, are supporting
Democratic candidates at a higher rate now, than four years ago, when compared to the state average.

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Gaining Support in Key Districts
Jay Inslee Change Obama/Clinton Change
Obama
2012 2016 Change Clinton Change
2012
5 45% 50% 4% 53% 55% 1%
41 49% 60% 10% 60% 68% 8%
45 50% 58% 8% 58% 65% 7%
State Average 52% 54% 3% 56% 54% -2%

Candidates matter
If one were to only look at the number of Democrats elected to the state legislature as a measure of
how Democratic a district is, it would tell a misleading story. Voters are very capable of voting for both
Democratic and Republican candidates on the same ballot. A prime example of this “ticket splitting” can
be seen in the LD 47 in 2014, when the voters overwhelming elected Republican Joe Fain at 63%, while
in the same election, overwhelmingly electing Democrat Pat Sullivan by nearly 56%. In addition, there
are eight LDs in the state that currently have both a Republican and Democrat representatives: 5, 19, 28,
30, 35, 44, 45, and 47. When comparing the number of Democrats elected to the state legislature with
the support for statewide/federal candidates, five outlying districts emerge.

Under-performing Districts
Three districts in the state seem to be under-performing in electing Democrats to the state legislature:
10, 30, and 42. Despite voting for every Democratic candidate for Governor, US House, US Senate, and
President since 2008 by at least 52% of the vote, on the legislative level, LD 30 has elected only six
Democrats (counting Mark Miloscia as a Democrat in 2010) and five Republicans since 2010. On the
other end of the scale, LD 10 and 42 have supported statewide Democratic candidates with 47% and
48% respectively, results that put them in a lean-Republican category. However, neither district has seen
a Democrat elected to the legislature while ten Republicans have served since 2010. Districts 10, 30, and
42 are more Democratic than they appear on the surface, they’ve just been under-performing,
potentially because of strong Republican candidates and/or weak Democratic candidates.

Over-performing Districts
There are two LDs in the state that seem to be over-performing in electing Democrats to the state
legislature: 19 and 24. Despite supporting statewide candidates at a relatively modest rate, 46% and
51%, respectively, districts 19 and 24 have overwhelming elected Democrats to the state legislature.
Since 2010, the 19th LD has elected nine Democrats and one Republican, and the 24th LD has elected 10
Democrats and no Republicans. These districts are more Republican than they appear on the surface,

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they’ve just been over-performing, possible because of very strong Democratic candidates and/or weak
Republican candidates.
The chart below looks at all “swing” districts in the state, sorted by average support for Democratic
candidates in the 2012 and 2016 Governor and 2016 Presidential races. The districts that seem to be
under-performing are highlighted in red and over-performing districts are highlighted in blue.

Statewide Candidates vs Legislative Candidates
Average Statewide Support Democrats Elected to Republicans Elected to
LD
for Democratic Candidates State Legislature State Legislature
41 59% 9 2
45 57% 8 2
30 55% 6* 5
47 52% 4 6
24 51% 10 0
28 51% 5 6
5 50% 2 8
44 49% 6 4
42 48% 0 10
10 47% 0 10
17 46% 2 8
19 46% 9 1
35 46% 5* 5
25 45% 1 9
26 45% 3 8
*Mark Miloscia (2010) and Tim Sheldon (2010, 2014) are counted as Democrats despite caucusing with Republicans

2017 LD Rankings: Cheat Sheet
The rankings below should serve as a general guideline for evaluating how Democratic any given
legislative district is in the state. These rankings oversimplify the real lay of the land, and is meant to
give an approximate estimate of how a generic Democratic candidate would fare against a generic
Republican candidate. Additional context should always be considered before evaluating any given race.
As stated earlier, candidates matter. A great Republican candidate can win in Democratic districts, and
vice versa.

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Safe Democratic LDs
Average Democrats Elected Republicans Elected
Strength Within Group
LD Democratic to State Legislature to State Legislature
(Sub-Category)
Support Since 2010 Since 2010
43 86% 1: Strong 10 0
37 85% 1: Strong 10 0
36 81% 1: Strong 11 0
46 77% 1: Strong 11 0
34 75% 1: Strong 10 0
32 68% 1: Strong 10 0
11 64% 1: Strong 10 0
27 63% 1: Strong 10 0
33 63% 1: Strong 10 0
40 62% 1: Strong 10 0
48 61% 1: Strong 10 0
22 60% 1: Strong 10 0
21 59% 2: Medium 10 0
1 57% 2: Medium 10 0
29 56% 2: Medium 10 0
23 56% 2: Medium 10 0
49 56% 2: Medium 11 0
3 55% 2: Medium 10 0
38 54% 3: Weak 10 0

Swing LDs
Average Democrats Elected Republicans Elected
Strength Within Group
LD Democratic to State Legislature to State Legislature
(Sub-Category)
Support Since 2010 Since 2010
41 59% 1: Lean Democrat 9 2
45 57% 1: Lean Democrat 8 2
30 55% 1: Lean Democrat 6* 5
24 51% 1: Lean Democrat 10 0
47 52% 2: Pure Swing 4 6
28 51% 2: Pure Swing 5 6
44 49% 2: Pure Swing 6 4
5 50% 3: Lean Republican 2 8
42 48% 3: Lean Republican 0 10
10 47% 3: Lean Republican 0 10
17 46% 3: Lean Republican 2 8
19 46% 3: Lean Republican 9 1
35 46% 3: Lean Republican 5* 5
25 45% 3: Lean Republican 1 9
26 45% 3: Lean Republican 3 8
*Mark Miloscia (2010) and Tim Sheldon (2010, 2014) are counted as Democrats despite caucusing with Republicans

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Safe Republican LDs
Average Democrats Elected Republicans Elected
Strength Within Group
LD Democratic to State Legislature to State Legislature
(Sub-Category)
Support Since 2010 Since 2010
6 45% 1: Weak 0 10
15 45% 1: Weak 0 10
18 42% 2: Medium 0 10
39 42% 2: Medium 0 10
31 42% 2: Medium 3 7
14 41% 2: Medium 0 10
2 41% 2: Medium 0 10
16 38% 3: Strong 0 10
12 38% 3: Strong 0 10
4 38% 3: Strong 0 11
9 37% 3: Strong 0 11
8 36% 3: Strong 0 11
20 35% 3: Strong 0 10
13 33% 3: Strong 0 10
7 33% 3: Strong 0 11

Conclusion
There is hope coming out of the 2016 election if we can build on the record high voter participation
rates and positive trends coming from Latino and Asian Pacific Islander communities and within areas
outside of King County. We believe that the work of Win/Win's partner organizations are doing on the
ground and in community is having an impact in addressing the ongoing disparities we see in
underrepresented communities. As we look ahead, a continued focus on organizing and mobilizing
among these communities will be key to creating a representative democracy in Washington.
Additionally, exploring opportunities for coordinated action, candidate development, and community
engagement in the small but very democratic cities could provide key opportunities in changing the
electoral map over the long-term.

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