The Early Development of the Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet: A Study of IOL Tib J 644 and Pelliot tibétain 307

Author(s): Jacob Dalton Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 124, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 2004), pp. 759772 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4132116 Accessed: 19/11/2009 00:47
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The Early Development of the PadmasambhavaLegend in Tibet: A Study of IOL Tib J 644 and Pelliot tib6tain 307
JACOB DALTON
YALE UNIVERSITY

This article offers some new evidence on Padmasambhava, Indian master who, accordthe to legend, was instrumentalin establishing Buddhism in Tibet. In the course of my reing search on tantrain the Tibetan manuscriptsdiscovered near Dunhuang, I have found two this famous Buddhist passages relatingto the early development of the legends surrounding neither of which have been studied to date.I The two passages are presentedbelow master, in translation,and discussed in light of the other available early evidence. The results of this study reveal a mutabilityin the early biographiesof Padmasambhava. The master's role in the Tibetanimagination grew and evolved in dramaticways duringthe ninth to eleventh centuries, so that by the time of his first complete biography,the twelfthhad century Zangs gling ma by Nyang ral nyi ma'i 'od zer (1124-1192), Padmasambhava become the single most importantfigure in Tibetan narrativesof their early conversion to Buddhism. The new evidence presentedhere contributesto our understandingof how these Tibetanconversion narrativesgrew over the early years. The presentinquiryis thereforeless concernedwith Padmasambhava a historicalperson than with his legend and the thematic as lines along which it developed.2 An evaluation of the early evidence helps to clarify both how Tibetans perceived themselves and how they understoodtheir first encounters with the Buddhist religion. This new evidence indicates that the Padmasambhava legend initially flourished during the so-called "darkperiod"of Tibetanhistory.This period stretchedfrom 842 C.E.when the Tibetan empire collapsed, to roughly 978 c.E. when a royal court and Buddhist monastic institutionsbegan to reappear,bringingwith them a new orthodoxy.According to traditional Tibetanhistorical sources, this period of one and a half centurieswitnessed a horrificdegradation of Buddhism, as monasteries were persecuted and the teachings corrupted.Recent scholarshiphas begun to question this traditionalversion of events.3 Certainly,the Tibetans who emerged from the dark period were far more Buddhist, however such affiliation is measured, than the Tibetans who had entered it. It seems that despite the closing of the monasteries Buddhism continued to flourish at the local level. The forms Buddhism took during these years may well have been "corrupt"in the view of later Tibetans, but these same corruptionswere fundamentalto the formationof the TibetanBuddhist identity.Freed from the watchful eye of the imperialcourt and the monastic orthodoxy,Tibetansof the dark period were able to make Buddhism their own. The themes, the imagery, and the strategies Tibetansdeveloped duringthe inchoateyears of the darkage formedthe culturalfoundations upon which TibetanBuddhismwas built. Only by excavatingthese foundationsand shedding

1. My thanks to the International Dunhuang Project based at the British Library for making this research possible. 2. For some speculations (which remainjust that) on the historicity of Padmasambhava, Bischoff 1978. see 3. See Karmay 1988: 8-10; Yamaguchi 1996; Kapstein 2000: 11-12.

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some light on the darkperiod can we gain a clearerappreciationof the Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism. The manuscriptsdiscovered at Dunhuangprovide a glimpse of the events of this era. It is increasinglyclear thatmost of the Dunhuangmaterialsdate from the darkperiod,well after the collapse of the Tibetan empire,4 and what the Dunhuang collections reveal about the Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism is the central role that tantric Buddhism played in this process.5 Earlier, during the empire, the exoteric traditions enjoyed far greater support, thanks particularlyto the patronageof the royal court, while the translationof tantrictexts was carefully controlled, if not prohibited.With the collapse of the empire, these controls were lifted, and Tibetans plunged eagerly into the world of Buddhist tantra. One of the constant motifs of Tibetanreligion over the centurieshas been the animated, and often malevolent, landscape, and the need to mollify, pacify, or subjugateit. The materials I will examine here suggest that, rather than being something projected back into Tibetan history by later histories and chronicles, this motif is a key element in some of the earliest TibetanBuddhistlegends. The Tibetansseem to have been attractedto tantrain part for its effectiveness in controlling spirits and demons. The Tibetan universe is infused with spirits-spirits that live in the rocks, the trees, and the mountains, spirits that live in one's body, that wander the landscape, that live undergroundand in the sky, spirits that cause illness or naturaldisasters. The spirit world of Tibet is an unrulydomain. Spirits demandrecognition and respect, yet they are forever changing names, can be associated with multiple locations, appear in different groups, escape classification, and manifest themselves in accordance with shifting iconographies. Conversely, tantricritual is often guided by metaphors of power and control, with the practitionerseated as a virtual sovereign at the center of the mandalapalace, ruling over the realm by threatof violence. Buddhismprovidedboth ritualmethods of control and overarchingnarrativeschemes for explaining the spirits' roles in Tibetan life. Throughtantrathe spirits could be mapped onto the Tibetan landscape and correlatedwith the more orderly Buddhist system of deities. The evidence presented below suggests that the legends surroundingthe Indian tantric masterPadmasambhava shouldbe understoodas partof this tantricconversion of Tibet. The theme of demon subjugationis crucial to Tibetanculture,and Padmasambhava the demon is tamerpar excellence. He is also often depicted as the principalfigureresponsible for bringing Buddhism to Tibet. Todaythe geographyof Tibet is covered with countless sacred sites where the tantricsaint is said to have subjugatedlocal Tibetanpre-Buddhistspiritsand converted them to Buddhism.The new evidence offered here reveals much abouthow these two themes, of Padmasambhavaand Tibetan tantra,developed in concert.

of 4. HereI amsetting asidethemassesof professionally copiedMahdyana sitras,many whichmayhavebeen 2002:136-37). the (see sponsored theTibetan Ralpa canduring firsthalf of theninthcentury vanSchaik by king
Some preliminarywork on post-Tibetan-occupation Dunhuangmanuscriptshas been done by TsuguhitoTakeuchi (2004). In my opinion, Takeuchi'sconclusions can be taken even further:the vast majorityof the Tibetan tantric materials (and possibly much of the suitric materialstoo) date from the tenth century.I am currentlycompleting a book on these issues, in collaborationwith Sam van Schaik. 5. By distinguishingthe tantricelements from the other forces at work in the conversion of Tibet, I do not mean to underestimatethe influences of the sitras. However, the tantrasin particularappearto have capturedthe Tibetan imagination,and many of the more creativeTibetanadaptationsof Buddhismseem to have involved tantricthemes, from new developments in Rdzogs chen to new mythic narratives.In any case, the legends relating to Padmasambhava grew out of the tantricsphere, and these are our present focus.

DALTON: Early Developmentof the PadmasambhavaLegend in Tibet The
I. ITJ644:6 PADMASAMBHAVAAT THE ASURA CAVE

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The first piece of evidence appears in a short manuscriptheld in the Stein collection. Though catalogued by Louis de la Vall6e Poussin in 1918, ITJ644 has been overlooked by scholars, apparentlybecause of the unremarkable entry it received: "A treatiseon the Phalas XXIV)."7 The remainderof the entry (compare Abhidharma-kosa,VI, Madhyamaka-vrtti, is limited to the manuscript's opening and closing lines, neither of which provide any indication of the work's actual significance. There are in fact two items in the manuscript, which are closely related. The first item is a presentationof a nine vehicles (theg pa dgu) doxographicalsystem, the second a discussion of the differentvidyidhara levels, which are also grouped by vehicle.8 The relevant passage appearsin the second item, in the context of the three vidyadhara levels associatedwith the vehicle of Kriyatantra.Here vidyadhara'knowledgebearer'refers to one who has masteredthe teachings of the Buddhisttantras.A vidyddhara's"knowledge" is specifically one of magic spells, and throughoutIndian literaturethese beings are endowed with abilities to fly, to travel to other realms, and to perform spells.9 According to our text, there are three vidyddharalevels that can be attained through the practice of the Kriya tantras:the vidyddhara of accomplishments (grub pa'i rigs 'dzin), the vidyadhara who dwells on the levels (sa la gnas pa'i rigs 'dzin), and the spontaneously accomplishing vidyadhara (lhun kyis grub pa'i rigs 'dzin). The description of the second of these, the vidyddharawho dwells on the levels, reads as follows: ThenVajrapani arrived granted siddhis.Thenhe wentto theAsuraCave,anduponbeand the thevisageof anemanation Vajrapani of the there,he struck rockwithhis foot. holding present It seemedas if he had stuckit into dough.Fromthatfootprint sacrament the (samaya)deand witheightstreams. flowedto the south One scended, fromwithinthattherecamea spring face of Mt. Meru,so thatthe springwas calledAsvakamra. Sevenof themfell insideof the AsuraCave.In this [spring] cleansed he himselfandgainedaccomplishment. he became Thus one who is calleda vidyadhara dwellson thelevels.10 who Unfortunatelythe protagonistof this short story remainsunnamed,but several links between this story and the later depictions of Padmasambhava. is First, Padmasambhava commonly associatedwith an AsuraCave at Yangle shod, locatednearmodem-dayPharpingon the edge of KathmanduValley in Nepal. ' Today this is one of the most importantPadmasambhava
6. Scholars haveuseda confusing of for to heldatthe British variety acronyms referring the Steincollection and nationale. have optedfor ITJ,an abbreviation I of Library the Pelliotcollectionheld at the Bibliothbque OfficeLibrary] materials identified theBritare at J," Tib[etan] sincethisis howtheTibetan "IOL[India Dunhua'ng ish Library. PT materials Paris. in Similarly, will be usedto referto the"Pelliot tib6tain" 7. de la Vall6ePoussin1962:205. 8. A discussion theninevehiclessystemoffered thismanuscript be foundin my forthcoming of in can article on thetantric Buddhism. doxographical systemsof earlyTibetan 9. Onvidyadharas, Przyluski see 2000. 1923;Granoff
10. ITJ644, 2a.6-2b.1. de nas phyag na rdo rje gshegs nas/ dngos grub sbyin ba dang/ a su ra'i brag phug du phyin pa dang/ de na phyag na rdo rje'i sprul pa gcig bzhugspa'i zhal mthong nas brag la rkangpa gcig brgyab pa dang/ zan la brgyab bzhin snang ngo/ rjes de nas dam babs nas/ nang de na chu myig yan lag brgyaddang Idan ba brgyadyod pa la/ gcig ni ri rab kyi lho ngos su rdol te chu myig rta rna zhes bya 'o/bdun a su ra'i nang na 'bab pa la khrus byed cing bsgrubpa de/ sa la gnas pa'i rigs 'dzin ces bya'o.

11. We should cautious, be as Asuracavesarementioned Tibetan in tantric literature. however, multiple See, forexample, 1975:45.3 and51.4, whereotherAsura cavesarediscussed. particular Of interest the are Dharmairi mentions twoChinese of translations earlyKriya of texts to Vajrakumfra (see Mayer1991:186;mythanks Mayer forbringing theseto my attention).

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religious sites and is recognized by most Newar and Tibetan Buddhists as the place where Padmasambhava perfected the ritual systems for the deity Vajrakilaya. This modern belief is generally consistent with the principal Dunhuangsource on Padmasambhavathat has alreadybeen studied. PT44 is a work devoted to the ritual traditions of Vajrakilaya.12It relates how Acarya Sambhava, as he is called, practiced meditation, battled demons, and performedmiracles at the Asura Cave at Yang la shod: in Afterarriving Yang[-la]-shod Nepal,he performed practices at the [to belonging alltheclasses each of yoga]fromthe general He proclaimed andeverytransmisKriyaup through Atiyoga. of Thousand sionof theKila,forthepurposes all thevehicles,fromtheHundred [Verse]Tantra in In as established of Vajrakila, [is affirmed] all the secrettantras. thatway,havingdefinitively and the Thousand thetransmissions attainment, having [back concerning againescorted Hundred in Sambhava performed ritesof attainment the Asura then the cave withthe to Nepal],Acarya and the NewariSer-po,Indra-shu-gu-ta, Pra-be-se, others.Andthushe performed rites,impelthefourBse goddesses, whoseembodied formshadnotpassedaway. named He themGreat ling WitchBestowingGlory,andLifeSorceress OuterSplendor, of Miraculous Great Nourisher, bethe for Granting Conjuress. Havingperformed greatattainment sevendays,he manifestly heldthe visageof Vajrakumara Adamant an of Youth, epithet Vajrakila]. [the the of of] [his Havingacquired accomplishment the Kila,concerning attainment the signs, Padmasambhava, havingset a limitlessforestablaze,thrust[the Kila]at the blaze.Srigupta, it forestof India, broke rockintofour the havingstruck at therockin theregionof the frontier and it The it the fragments thus"thrust at stone." NewariSer-pothrust at waterandso reversed center. Suchwerethemiraculous water's course, thereby establishing Nepalitself as a mercantile abilitiesandpowersthatemerged.13 A number of parallels between this account and ITJ644 immediately present themselves. Until now PT44 had been our earliest evidence of the Padmasambhava legend. In light of the parallels in ITJ644, PT44 now appearsto be just one renditionof a popular story. Both accounts have their respective protagoniststravel to the Asura cave, practice Kriya yoga, behold a vision of a wrathfuldeity's "visage"(zhal mthong),andthen performmiracles involving the alterationof naturalformationsin the landscape. Takingthese broadparallels as our focus, we can compare the more specific differences to reveal thematic lines along which the story may have developed. In ITJ644 the master practices only Kriya, while in PT44 he practices all the tantric vehicles from Kriya to Atiyoga. Similarly, in the former manuscripthe venerates the deity Vajrapani,while in the latter Vajrakilaya.Both of these differences-the additional vehicles and the altered deity-suggest that the Pelliot manuscript representsa later version of the Asura cave narrativethan our shorterStein passage. Recent scholarshiphas noted a markedincrease in the popularityof Atiyoga and Mahayoga (with which Vajrakilayais usually associated) among Tibetans during the ninth and tenth centuries, and we might expect these shifts to be reflected in the Dunhuangdocuments that date from this same period.14 The impression that PT44 representsa later version of events may be supportedby Tsuguhito Takeuchi'srecent dating of the manuscriptto the late tenth century,near the time of

12. The entire item was introduced,transliterated, and translatedin Bischoff and Hartman1971: 11-27. The more recently in Kapstein2000: 158-59. section on Padmasambhava's activities has been retranslated 13. PT44, la.3-9a.5. As translatedin Kapstein2000: 158. of 14. On the "gradual articulation a self-conscious GreatPerfectionmovementin Tibet"duringthe darkperiod, see Germano 1994: 219.

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the closing of the Dunhuang cave. 15As Bischoff and Hartmannoted in their 1971 article, a fragmentof a Tibetandate is found on the cover page of PT44 that reads "the second year, the tiger year" (lo gnyis stag gi lo). They were unable to identify this date, but Takeuchi succeeds where they did not. The paper used to make PT44 was apparentlyrecycled; in its previous incarnationit had been a letter from the Khotanese king to the Chinese ruler of Shazhou.On the basis of the Tibetandate notedby Bischoff, a Chinese seal, and a still legible fragment of the original letter written in Khotanese, Takeuchi was able to date the Khotanese letter to the year 978. This means, concludes Takeuchi, "that the Buddhist text on was written even later, namely after the 980s."16 Padmasambhava Thus PT44 may be one of the latest of the Dunhuang documents (given that the cave was sealed in the early eleventh century), a fact that at least does not contradict the idea that ITJ644 representsan earlier traditionof the legends surroundingAsura caves. In short, certain details of an earlier Asura cave story appear to have been reworked, as in PT44, into a more elaborate form that supportedthe Padmasambhavaand the Vajrakilayaritual traditions.17 A similar reworkingof the legend may be seen in the Zangs gling ma, the early Padmasambhavabiographyby Nyang ral nyi ma'i 'od zer. Where ITJ644 says that our unnamed hero attainedthe vidyddharaof "dwelling on the levels" while meditatingat the AsuraCave, Nyang ral has him attainingthe vidyddharaof mahamudra.The vidycdharaof mahdmudra does appear in ITJ644, but later, as the highest level of vidyddhara, attained through the level of practice duringhis visit to practice of Mahayoga.'8 As in PT44, Padmasambhava's Nepal was made higher in the Zangs gling ma, possibly updated to appeal to later Tibetan interests. There is a furtherelement in ITJ644 that deserves attention:the account of the springthat site was createdout of the miraculousfootprintin the rock. The modem-day Padmasambhava in Nepal is located near a naturalspring.Moreover, accordingto the laterBuddhisttradition,

15. Most scholarsnow agreethatthe cave containingthe Dunhuangmanuscriptswas sealed in the early eleventh century,c. 1006. On the closing of the cave, see Rong Xinjiang 1999-2000: 247-75. 16. Takeuchi2004: 3. 17. I remain hesitant about this argument,however, given several caveats that should be added here: First, as noted in the introductionto the presentarticle, it is increasinglyclear thatthe overwhelming majorityof the Tibetan tantricmaterials from Dunhuangdate from the tenth century,and perhapseven from the second half of the tenth century.This means that PT44's late date might not be so unusual, and that our ITJ644 manuscriptmay well date alternativeto PT44's Yang le shod narrafrom the same period. However, even if ITJ644representsa contemporary tive, it remains significantthat such alternativesexisted, and the points on which the two accounts differ likely still reflect the kinds of Tibetan concerns that motivated the changing narrative.Second, in the interlinearnotes to the Dunhuangversion of the Thabs kyi zhags pa pad mo 'i 'phrengba commentary(ITJ321),the commentaryis attribIf we uted to Padmasambhava. we accept this attribution(and the existence of a historical Padmasambhava), must also accept that the master was at least aware of the early Vajrakilayaritual system, for in chaptertwenty of that work the famous Phurpa bcu gnyis is cited (ITJ321,64v.6, or P.4717, 119b.8:Ki la ya bcu gnyis kyi ta ntra), as well as its "supplementary tantra"(phurpa bcu gnyis kyi rgyiudphyi ma; ITJ321,70b.4, or P.4717, 122b.4). The tantrais quoted in a section on violent rites, and it is only one among a series of titles cited, but it implies Padmasambhava had at least readthis seminal Vajrakilaya tantra.Finally,regardingthe differencebetween Vajrapani Vajrakilaya, and we should considerthe possibility that these were consideredtwo forms of the same deity. If so, the idea that ITJ644 representsan earlier narrative,in this regardat least, would be less significant. 18. Note that this is differentfrom the later normativeformulationsof the four vidyadharalevels of Mahayoga, in which the vidyddharaof mahamudrais only the second highest level, placed below that of spontaneousaccomplishment (lhun grub).

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when subjugatingthe local ndga spirit, Padmasambhava an imprintof his ritual dagger left (kila) in the rocks directly above the spring. From this imprint "wateremerges at certain auspicious moments."19 Apart from these modern traces of Padmasambhava'slegendary activities, I have been unable to locate any accounts of eight streamsin the later biographies of the master.However, a clue does appearin the recently discovered Dba' bzhed, a narrativehistory of the Tibetan imperial period that may date from as early as the eleventh century.20 The relevant takes us to Padmasambhava's time in centralTibet, when he is said to have assisted passage the Tibetan king (btsan po) Khri srong Ide'u brtsan in the subjugationof demons and the irrigationof the lands aroundBsam yas monastery: his heard Later,as the bTsan was washing hairandthe mKhan [Padmasambhava] about po po the this,he askedwherethe waterusedfor washing headof thebTsan hadbeentakenfrom. po bZheszla [a close servant the king]answered it hadbeentakenfromthe rTsang of that chab riverof 'Ombu tshal.ThemKhan said:"Thisis of no use. Thereis a spring calledrTama po on topof theRi rab[i.e.,Mt.Meru]. thewaterfor washing bTsan hairis takenfrom If the po's there,thiswill bringhimlonglife andhighpoliticalauthority."21 The translatorsof this passage, Wangdu and Diemberger, remarkon the unusual name of the spring: "rTarna, i.e., 'Horse Ears', is known as the Tibetanform for Asvakarna,one of the Golden Mountains aroundMt. Meru/Ri rab. In this legendary story it has turnedinto a from a mountain spring on top of Meru."The Dba' bzhed's transformationof As'vakarna aroundMt. Meru to a spring atop Mt. Meru is easily explained by our short passage from ITJ644. There the miraculous spring created by our unnamed hero during his time at the Asura Cave flowed from the southernface of Mt. Meru, therebygiving the spring its name, in Asvakarna.Furthermore, both passages washing in the waters of that spring grantsgreat of a religious naturefor our hero and of a secular one for the Tibetan blessings, blessings king. Once again the events described in ITJ644 appear to have been reworked towards other purposes, this time in the Dba' bzhed towards linking the master's famous successes in Nepal to the Tibetanking. Whetherthe protagonistin ITJ44is Padmasambhava not, it or is at least clear that this manuscriptincludes a numberof precursorsto the later Padmasambhava legend.
II. PT307: PADMASAMBHAVAAND THE DEMON QUEENS OF TIBET

The second piece of new evidence is more extensive. It appearsin a short work on the female protectorsin the wrathfulmandalaof Sri Maha Heruka.The other items on the same scroll include a discussion of the tantric vows and a relatively standardMahayoga ritual text. Unlike ITJ644, this text refers to Padmasambhava name (Mkhanpo pad ma sam ba by ba) and recounts his activities in Tibet:

19. Dowman1995:96. HereDowman followingan explanation the fourth is Khams by sprul,Choskyi nyi ma(1730-79/80),of theview of thelocalNewarVajrficaryas. Khams account should be immediately not sprul's for that werethemselves influenced earlier Tibetan however, it is possible theNewars accepted, by Today, pilgrims. unlessthey havehad long contactwithTibetan Newarshavelittle to say aboutPadmasambhava teachers, (my to Decleerforhis clarification thesepoints). twootherlateTibetan thanks Hubert of For references themaster's to activities Yangle shod,see Wylie 1970:31. at demon-taming see 20. Ondating, Wangdu Diemberger and 2000:xiv and8. 21. Wangdu Diemberger and 2000:56 (myitalics).

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Rdo rje kun grags ma has a black-coloredbody. To many she appearspleasing, [in which case,] if their samaya is kept, she wears dharmarobes and is adorned with various additional ornaments, displaying a beautiful and lovely form. Or she may be displeasing, [in which case,] if the samaya is kept, she is black with [her hair in] a top-knot and riding a mule. She is also called Rkong la de mo ('obliged to Kong po'). She is the leader of these seven. Rdo rje kun tu bzang has a white-coloredbody. For her seat, she sits upon a white all-knowing horse, and she relishes the saliva from vows. She is also called Sha myed gangs dkar('fleshless white snow mountain'). Rdo rje kun gsal ma has a pink-coloredbody. She usually wears black robes and rides a blue horse. She is also called Lha ri g.ya' ma skyol ('the slate bearerof Lha ri'). Rdo rje ye shes mchog has a pink-coloredbody. She wears an assortmentof clothes. She rides an emanationof a female mdzo. She is also called Bda' la btsan mo ('queen of the herders'). Rdo rje sgron ma usually wears robes. For her seat, she rides an emanatedmyan. She is also called Kha rag khyung btsun ('revered garudaof Kha rag'). Rdo rje 'od chags ma has a red-coloredbody and usually wears clothes. For her seat, she rides an emanationof a wild (khamyu?) female yak. She is also called Byang gi gser tang yi ge 'khor 'dul ma ('tamer of the wheel of letters, the golden tone of the north'). Rdo rje g.yu sgron ma has a blue-colored body. As her throne she rides an emanated blue horse. She is also known as Lho'i ting ting ('chime of the south'). These seven are also known as dddkinis, powerful women, the seven great mothers, or the the seven great raksasis. Originally the two types of mandalas were arrangedand arose, and then in the chapter on the taming of Ma tang Rudra,their vows were bestowed and their activities appointed. The great charnel ground was opened, and the seven protective guardians were addressed by the Heruka. Furthermore, they are an assembly which is large but seems small. Thereafterthey were also sacred consorts to the noble one. After that, both the Indian master Padmasambhava and Rlang dpal gyis seng ge subjugated and suppressed them. Bestowing upon these ladies of Tibet vajras to hold, they gave them names for being in the company of [the buddha]Vajradhara. Since then, they have aided and supportedthose who accomplishthe secret mantrain accordancewith the scripturalsystems, and they have been entrustedas the eternally unfailing guardiansof Tibet. They are also sisters. These women who are greaterthan the great have promised; they are avowed. They rejoice in the saliva from vows. They are pleased by the remainderofferings. They strive to act unremittinglyfor meditatorsand for the pure substances.They wield a variety of terriblyfearsome weapons. At other times they wield lovely and beautiful implements. Great leader Rdo rje kun grags ma, fleshless white snow mountain Rdo rje kun tu bzang, glorious one of Lha ri, Kun gsal ma, queen of herdersRdo rje ye shes mchog, revered garuda of Kha rag, Rdo rje sgron ma, golden tone of the north Rdo rje 'od chags ma, chime of the south Rdo rje g.yu sgron ma: For the welfare of sentient beings, performaccording to the vows you took in the presence of the noble ones. If the previousjewels are deceived or if the vows are violated, then the devastationswill be unbearable-one's mind will burn and one will shudder with horrorat the hell fires. Keep me in mind! Come here! Performcompletely the activities of pacifying, expanding, overwhelming, and violence. Accomplish without fault.22 As noted above, the Tibetan landscape is dotted with innumerable sacred sites where Padmasambhava is said to have subjugated and converted the local Tibetan pre-Buddhist spirits. It is probably no exaggeration to say that these conversion narratives represent the dominant way in which the Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism has been understood by Tibetans themselves. PT307 may be our earliest reference to such narratives.

22. PT307, lines 10-32. Fora complete see transcription, theAppendix.

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The relationshipbetween Padmasambhavaand the seven female deities described here should be consideredin light of the saptamdtrkd ('seven mothers'). Carvingsof these seven mothers are prominently displayed on buildings throughoutNorthernIndia and the Kathmandu Valley of Nepal, and, even more significantly, systems of holy sites (pitha) and temples associated with the seven mothers are common.23The saptamdtrkdsites played an importantrole within eighth-century Indian tantric circles. The Guhyasamija Tantra,for example, recommends that wrathful subjugation rites be performed "in the places of the matrkd" (Skt. matrg.rhe,Tib. ma mo gnas).24 The importance of the saptamdtrki was clearly recognized by the dark-periodBuddhists of Tibet; references to the ma bdun appear throughoutthe Dunhuangmanuscripts.There is little to indicate that these were references to anything other than the normative Indian set of seven. In PT307 however, we see the seven goddesses transformedand transplantedinto the Tibetan landscape. Whatever their Indian precedents, in Tibet the seven mothers came to be seen as preBuddhistspiritstied to specificallyTibetansites, usually sacredmountainsor lakes. Innumerable lists of such local "pre-Buddhist" spirits are found throughoutTibetan literature,and many make specific reference to the seven goddesses. The autobiographical writings of Klong chen pa (1308-1363) refer to a set of "seven sisters,"though now headed by Rdo rje Even g.yu sgron ma (the last of our own seven), while the other sisters remainunnamed.25 more significantly, Franz-KarlEhrhardhas observed the existence of a "Cult of the Seven It Mothers"(Ma bdun bka' brgyudpa) continuing well into the nineteenthcentury.26 is imto note, however, that none of these later references to the seven mothersis prior to portant the influence of Buddhism. For this reason we may never know whether a parallel set of seven goddesses existed in Tibet before Buddhism's arrival,or if the Tibetan set appeared in response to the Indian saptamdtrki. The list of the seven goddesses in our PT307 shares names with many other groups of native Tibetandeities.27Any attemptto use these otherlists to locate the homes of our seven sisters is frustratedby their fluidity.In a study by the eighteenth-centuryscholar Klong rdol bla ma, for example, the chief sister in our own text appearstwice, once underher Buddhist name Rdo rje kun grags ma as the protectorof the lake Gnam mtsho phyug mo, and again underher pre-Buddhistname Rkong la de mo as the protectorof Bres na ri gdong in Kong.28 Tibetanliterature; Countlesslists of local spiritsappearthroughout Nebesky-Wojkowitz's is so overwhelming that one might wish to dismiss these voluminous, yet partial, survey lists as meaningless chaos. Yet we are left with the Tibetans' own consistent interestin these lists, and this makes them significant. Tibetans are clearly eager to make sense out of the
23. On the saptamatrka,see Macdonaldand Stahl 1979: 83-105; Harper1989; Panikkar1989; Gronbold2001: vol. 1, 369-75; Davidson 2002: 300-303. 24. GuhyasamdjaTantra,XIV, 55. The interlinearnotes to this verse in the Dunhuangedition (ITJ438, 53v.5) confirm that the ma mo were understoodby early Tibetansto be the same as the seven mothers (ma bdun). 25. For a translationof the relevantpassage, see Germanoand Gyatso 2000: 258. The story is also told in Dudjom Rinpoche 1991: vol. 1, 581-85. 26. Ehrhard'sexplorationshave been based on a twenty-two-folio text dealing with the cult by Brag dkarrta so
sprul sku (b. 1775), titled Dpal Idan gur rigs mdo chen brgyud pa'i lo rgyus nyung ngu'i ngag gi brjod pa padma

ra ga 'i phreng ba. Accordingto Gene Smith (oral communication),the cult was a sub-school of the Stod 'brugtradition and seems to have been popularin the Skyid grong region on the Tibet-Nepalborder.The lineages of the cult were affiliated with the Zur family, and several students of Tshe dbang nor bu wrote on the ma bdun rituals. of Ehrhard'sfindings will certainlyadd much to our understanding the developmentof the seven mothersin Tibet. 27. The list of the twelve Brtan ma (or Bstan ma) goddesses in particularcan shed some light on the homes of our seven sisters. See Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1996: 181-88. 28. See Tucci 1949: 728.

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disorder of names and places, the shifting iconographies, and the various groupings. The spirit world of Tibet is an unruly one: the Tibetan universe is filled with powerful beings who demand recognition, yet are forever evading classification. TantricBuddhism offered early Tibetans a way to order these chaotic beings. Thus it is not surprising to see some of our seven sisters appear again in Nyang ral's demon taming activities. The Zangs gling ma twelfth-centurynarrativeof Padmasambhava's follows the masterthrougha series of eight locations in centralTibet.29At each location he subjugatesthe local spirits, and finally at G.ya' ri ('Slate Mountain')he binds them all under oath as guardiansof the new Buddhist religion. Nyang ral's version of events is far more elaboratethan PT307's, but the fundamentaltheme of Padmasambhava forcing the Tibetan deities to accept vows to protect Buddhism is the same. The theme of violent subjugation was of course not a new one in Buddhism. Of particularinterestin PT307 is the explicit connection made between the populartantricmyth of the Buddha's violent subjugationof Rudra and Padmasambhava'sown activities in Tibet. Here we can see that from an early date Tibetans looked to the tantric subjugationmyth to understandtheir own conversion to Buddhism. In India, Rudra was another name for the Hindu god Siva, a fact thathas caused many scholarsto speculatethat strongSaiva-Buddhist competition may have contributedto the myth's popularity there. PT307 reveals how the Indiannarrativeof the Buddhistconversion of Siva was adoptedby the Tibetansand applied to their own non-Buddhist deities. Of the many versions of the Rudrasubjugationnarrative,our PT307 passage almost certainly refers to that found in chapterfifteen of the GuhyagarbhaTantra.The "two types of mandalas" mentioned are probably the peaceful and the wrathful Mayajijlamandalas described in this influential work.30And the reference to the bestowal of vajras for the sisters to hold likely refers to the closing lines of the Guhyagarbha chapter, in which all the women in Rudra's demonic host are addressed:"Then the Great Joyous Bhagavan, having bestowed the vajra into their hands, conferred the name initiation, then he arrayed them around the outer edges of the mandala."31 Similarly, in PT307 the Tibetan goddesses are to carry as symbols of their new roles as Buddhist guardiansand given new grantedvajras Buddhist names bearing the prefix "Vajra." Thus Rkong la de mo is renamed Rdo rje kun ma ('Vajra Renown') and so on. The goddesses' position around the outside of the grags mandalais also implied by the line in PT307 stating that "they are pleased by the remainder offerings."(The leftover offerings are traditionallyoffered to the mundaneprotectordeities aroundthe mandala's edges.) The connectionbetween Padmasambhava the tantricsubjugationrites is reinforcedby and other early evidence. One of the few works that was attributedto the master from an early date is the Man ngag lta ba'i 'phreng ba, a commentary to the thirteenth chapter of the In Guhyagarbha Tantra.32 addition to the Rudra myth in its fifteenth chapter, this tantra
29. For an English translation,see chapternine of Tsogyal 1993: 62-64. 30. Chapterfifteen of the GuhyagarbhaTantraopens with the wrathfulmandalaemanatingout of the peaceful mandalathat is discussed earlier in the tantra:de nas de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi bdag po sangs rgyas thams cad kyi ngo bo nyid kyi khro bo'i dkyil 'khormngonpar 'du mdzodde (GuhyagarbhaTantra,195.6). 31. GuhyagarbhaTantra,206.1-2. de nas bcom Idan 'das dgyes pa chen pos/ lag tu rdo rje byin nas ming gi dbag bskur te dkyil 'khorgyi phyi rim du bkod do. 32. For a discussion and translationof this text, see Karmay 1988: 137-74. The early date of its attributionis based primarilyon (1) its being cited in the Bsam gtan mig sgron, a work composed by Gnubs chen sangs rgyas ye shes in the early tenth century,and on (2) the existence of a sub-commentaryto the Man ngag Ita ba'i 'phrengba written in the eleventh century by Rong zom chos kyis bzang po (c. 1012-88).

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was known in Tibet for its connections to the rites of liberation(sgrol ba), or ritualkilling of demonic beings. Furthermore, there is a text in the Dunhuangcollections that is attributed to Padmasambhava,a commentaryon anotherMahayoga tantra,the Thabs kyi zhags pa padmo'i 'phreng ba,33 and in this work the authormakes direct reference to liberating beings who are "attachedto wrong views."34 Clearly, Padmasambhava'sinvolvement in demon taming was established from an early date. Appended to this same manuscript(ITJ321) is a short verse praising the merits of Padmasambhava.An interlinearnote (mchan 'grel) attributesthe verse to Santigarbha(Slobs dpon shan ti gar ba), an Indian contemporaryof Padmasambhavawho was also active at the court of the Tibetanking Khrisrong Ide'u brtsan."Santigarbha examined this work, and having found it to be withouterrors,he praisedPadmasambhava ..."35 Little is known about Sdntigarbha.Various sources say he specialized in medicine and the rituals associated with the Buddhist deity Yamantaka. is also said to have presided at the consecrationof Bsam He yas, the first Buddhist monasteryin Tibet. In any case, from the perspective of the later Tibetan tradition,it is remarkablethat the opinion of a relatively insignificantfigurelike Santigarbhawould have any relevance for one with the statureof Padmasambhava. In a similar way, our PT307 is unusual for its reference to a second player in the narrative of Tibet's exorcism and conversion; the TibetanRlang dpal gyis seng ge is also a relatively obscure figure. He is said to have been one of the first Tibetansto receive ordination at Bsam yas monastery in the late eighth century.The few references to him agree that he was an expert at controllingthe spirits of the Tibetanlandscape. Dudjom Rinpoche, for example, writes that "by propitiatingMundanePraise, Pelgi Senge was served by the eightThe fold groups of spirits."36 deity MundanePraise ('Jig rten mchod bstod) is usually found in the list of eight deities in the Rnying ma school's Mahayoga SadhanaClass (sgrub sde), where he is considered one of three mundane deities who were converted by Padmasambhava.Whateverthe historicalaccuracyof such claims, for our presentstudy it is significant that even today Dpal gyi seng ge is associated with the mundanepre-Buddhistprotectorsof Tibet. The presence of such an obscure figure alongside Padmasambhava unusual. In later is traditionsPadmasambhava standsin a class by himself, as the lone conquerorof Tibet's local role in the estabspirits during the imperial period. PT307 suggests that Padmasambhava's lishmentof Buddhismin Tibet may have expandedover time, so as to eclipse others(notably a native Tibetan) acting aroundhim. In the Tibetan imagination,Tibet's pre-Buddhistlandscape requiredthe expertise of a foreigner to tame it. The importantrole played by a native Tibetan was inconsistent with the later narrativesand so was forgotten.
III. POSSIBLE CONCLUSIONS

The inflation of Padmasambhava's activities has also been observed by the translatorsof the Dba' bzhed, who write, "This peculiar narration,consistent in several details with the in scanty mention of Padmasambhava dynastic sources (PT44), is very differentfrom what we read in later works; it seems to indicate that this text must have preceded the great The mythographicaltradition."'37 new evidence presented in this article makes it clear that
33. For the tantra,see Peking 458. The commentaryis found at Peking 4717 but is missing from the Rnying ma was forgottenby the later Tibetantradition. collections. The attributionof the work to Padmasambhava 34. ITJ321, 2a.2.
35. ITJ321, 84a.5. slobs dpon shan ti gar bas brtags nas ma nor nas /sam ba bha la stod pa'o.

36. Dudjom Rinpoche 1991: 535. 37. Wangduand Diemberger2000: 13-14.

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in fact PT44 and the Dba' bzhed were already part of the "mythographicaltradition."The Asura Cave account, the AMvakarna spring, and other evidence all indicate that by the time PT44 and the Dba' bzhed were composed in the late tenth or eleventh century,the tradition was well established, with strong roots in the dark period of Tibetan history. Wangduand Diemberger's conclusion leads them to speculate on the characterof a historicalPadmasambhava. the Dba' bzhedPadmasambhava's In visit to Tibet is far shorterthan in later sources, as he is sent back to India by Tibetansopposing his activities. This prompts the following theory: Theportrait Padmasambhava mainlyconcerned of as withwatermagicandsheerwatertechnology (for example, when he suggests trainingrivers and lakes with gabions so that these can

be crossed), to into mayevenhintat a possibleattempt import Tibetthe sophisticated irrigation
birthsystems used in his land of origin. In fact both in northernPakistan [Padmasambhava's place] and in further western regions there had been a long tradition of extremely advanced irrigationtechnology which allowed a very efficient use of springs and even made it possible to cross great expanses of desert with covered channels. Given the political importanceof control over waterresources,it is not surprisingthatthe Tibetanpolitical leadershipfelt more threatened than pleased.38

There is some evidence of the importance of irrigation and water rights in other regions of central Asia among the documents dating from the late eighth century.39 One might also be tempted to use Wangdu and Diemberger's theory to explain ITJ644's account of our (proto-?) Padmasambhavacreating the spring and the eight streams at the Asura Cave in Nepal. Moreoverit is certainlythe case that anyone workingin eighth-centuryIndiaor Tibet to manipulatebodies of waterwould inevitablyhave been faced with local beliefs in the naga spirits protectingthose sites.40The tantricsubjugationrites would have complemented such work, and Padmasambhava'sdemon-tamingactivities described in PT307 may well reflect this dual role. Padmasambhava'stransformationof the Tibetan landscape may have been both physical and spiritualin nature. However we should be wary of such speculations, particularly given the extensive mutability seen in all of our evidence. Whatever the case may be regardinga possibly historical Padmasambhavaand his involvement in the physical landscape, it was the spiritual that aspect of Padmasambhava capturedthe Tibetanimagination.The theme of violent subis crucial to Tibetan culture, and Padmasambhavais the demon tamerpar exceljugation lence. Others have noted a tendency among Tibetans to refer to themselves as "Red-Faced Flesh-Eating Demons" in need of taming.41Vajrakilaya, the main deity used for pinning demons to the ground, appearsthroughoutall kinds of Tibetan rituals. Reenactmentsof the Buddha's taming of Rudra,or of Padmasambhava'staming of the native demons, are performed at almost every Tibetan festival. Padmasambhavastands at the center of all these his aspects of Tibetan culture. Whateverthe historical realities of Padmasambhava, legend the themes of subjugation. developed along Ultimately,to searchfor an originalPadmasambhava may in fact be less illuminatingthan to tracehis continuallychangingmanifestationsthroughTibetanhistory.Tibetansthemselves
38. Wangdu Diemberger and 2000: 14. 39. Onthelateeighth-century document Or. the controlled of sale (British Library, 9268A)concerning strictly waterrightsaround see And to was Khotan, Skjaerv0 forthcoming. according RongXinjiang, irrigation important around 2004:60). (see Dunhuang RongXinjiang 40. On the links betweenBuddhism, see also nagas, and waterreservoirs, especiallyShawforthcoming; Gunawardana 215-16. Ontheuse of violentritual theconstruction irrigation 1979: in of see systems, Spiro1978: and 1997:117. 104-7;Wessing Jordaan 41. See Gyatso1987.

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hold that Padmasambhavahas always acted like a mirror, perfectly reflecting whatever aspects of the Buddhistteachings arerequiredby his faithful followers. Perhapswe too learn more by seeing Padmasambhava this way, less as a historically locatable person than as in a shifting matrix of meanings constantly calling for interpretation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY est-il un personnage historique?In Proceedings of the Csoma Bischoff, E A. 1978. Padmasambhava de K6rds Symposium,ed. Louis Ligeti. Pp. 27-33. Budapest:AkaddmiaiKiad6. Invention of the Phur-bu:Ms. Pelliot Bischoff, E A., and Charles Hartman.1971. Padmasambhava's Tibdtain44. In Etudes tibetainesd4didesa'la mdmoirede Marcelle Lalou. Pp. 11-27. Paris:Adrien Maisonneuve. Dalton, Jacob P. Forthcoming.A Crisis of Doxography: How Tibetans OrganizedTantraduring the 8th-12th Centuries.Journal of the InternationalAssociation of BuddhistStudies. Davidson, Ronald M. 2002. Indian Esoteric Buddhism.New York:ColumbiaUniv. Press. Dharmasri,Lochen. 1975. 'Duspa'i mdo dbang spyi don rgyudlung man ngag gi gnad gsal byed sgron me. In Collected Worksof Smin-gling Lo-chen DharmaSri,vol. 12. Dehra Dun: D. G. Khocchen

Trulku.
Dowman, Keith. 1995. Power Places of KathmanduValley.London:Thames and Hudson. Dudjom Rinpoche. 1991. The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, tr. Gyurme Dorje. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Germano,David. 1994. ArchitectureandAbsence in the Secret TantricHistoryof the GreatPerfection. Journal of the InternationalAssociation of BuddhistStudies 17: 203-335. Germano, David, and Janet Gyatso. 2000. Longchenpa and the Dakinis. In Tantrain Practice, ed. David G. White. Pp. 239-65. Princeton:PrincetonUniv. Press. Granoff,Phyllis. 2000. OtherPeople's Rituals:Ritual Eclecticism in Early Medieval IndianReligions. Journal of Indian Philosophy 28: 399-424. Gr6nbold,Giinter.2001. 'Saptavara'.A DharaniCollection from Nepal. In Le Parole e i Marmi, ed. Raffaele Torella.Vol. 1, pp. 369-75. Rome: Istituto italiano per l'Africae l'Oriente. Guhyagarbha Tantra.The mTshams-BragManuscript of the rNying-ma rgyud 'bum. Vol. wa, ff. 152.6-218.7. Thimphu,Bhutan:National Library. GuhyasamajaTantra,ed. S. Bagchi. Darbhanga:Mithila Institute. Gunawardana,R. A. L. H. 1979. Robe and Plough: Monasticism and Economic Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lanka. Tucson:Univ. of Arizona Press. Gyatso, Janet. 1987. Down with the Demoness: Reflections on a Feminine Ground in Tibet. Tibet Journal 12: 38-53. Lewiston, N.Y.: Harper,KatherineAnne. 1989. Seven Hindu Goddesses of Spiritual Transformation. Edwin Mellen Press. Kapstein, Matthew. 2000. The TibetanAssimilation of Buddhism.Oxford:Oxford Univ. Press. Karmay,Samten. 1988. The Great Perfection. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Aris & Phillips Ltd. Macdonald,A. W., and Anne V. Stahl. 1979. Newar Art. Warminster: Mayer, Robert. 1991. Observationson the TibetanPhur-paand the Indiankila. In BuddhistForum II, ed. Tadeusz Skorupski.Pp. 163-92. London: School of Orientaland African Studies. Nebesky-Wojkowitz,Rend. 1996. Oracles and Demons of Tibet. Delhi: Book Faith India. Panikkar,Shivaji K. 1989. Saptamat.rka Worshipand Sculptures.New Delhi: D. K. PrintworldLtd. Contribution i l'histoire de la magie dans les sectes MahayaPrzyluski, Jean. 1923. Les VidyarSija: nistes. Bulletin de l 'Ecolefrangaise d 'Extrdme-Orient 301-18. 23:

1999-2000.TheNature theDunhuang of CaveandtheReasons ItsSealing. for RongXinjiang. Library
Cahiers d 'Extrdme-Asie 247-75. 11: .2004. Official Life at Dunhuang in the Tenth Century:The Case of Cao Yuanzhong. In The Silk Road: Trade,Travel,Warand Faith, ed. Susan Whitfield. Pp. 57-62. Chicago: Serindia Publications.

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Shaw, Julia. Forthcoming.Naga Sculpturesin Sanchi's ArchaeologicalLandscape:Buddhism,Vaisnato vism, and Local AgriculturalCults in CentralIndia, First CenturyB.C.E. Fifth CenturyC.E.Artibus Asiae. Prods Oktor.Forthcoming.Legal Documents ConcerningOwnershipand Sale from EighthSkjwervo, century Khotan. In From Nisa to Niya. New Discoveries and Studies in Central and Inner Asian Art and Archaeology, ed. M. Ghose and L. Russell-Smith. London: Saffron Press. Spiro, Melford E. 1978. Burmese Supernaturalism.Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. Takeuchi,Tsuguhito.2004. Sociolinguistic Implicationsof the Use of Tibetan in East Turkestanfrom the End of TibetanDomination throughthe TangutPeriod (9th-12th c.). In Proceedings of "Turfan Revisited-The First Centuryof Research into the Arts and Cultureof the Silk Road,"ed. Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst al. Berlin: Museum fir Indische Kunst. et Tsogyal, Yeshe. 1993. The Lotus Born: The Life Story of Padmasambhava,tr. Erik Pema Kunsang. Boston: ShambalaPublications. Tucci, Giuseppe. 1949. Painted Scrolls. Rome: Libreriadello Stato. in Vall6e Poussin, Louis de la. 1962. Catalogue of the TibetanManuscriptsfrom Tun-huang the India Office Library.London: Oxford Univ. Press. van Shaik, Sam. 2002. The TibetanDunhuangManuscriptsin China. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 65: 129-39. Wangdu,Pasang, and HildegardDiemberger.2000. dBa' bzhed: The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha's Doctrine to Tibet. Vienna: Verlag der OsterreichischenAkademie der Wissenschaften. Wessing, Robert,andRoy E. Jordaan.1997. Death at the Building Site: ConstructionSacrificein Southeast Asia. History of Religions 37: 101-21. Wylie, Turrell.1970. A TibetanReligious Geographyof Nepal. Rome: IstitutoItalianoper il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Yamaguchi,Zuih6. 1996. The Fiction of King Dar-ma'sPersecutionof Buddhism.In Du Dunhuang au Japon: Etudes chinoises et bouddhiquesoffertes ai Michel Soymid,ed. Jean-PierreDrege. Pp. 23158. Geneva: Droz.

APPENDIX OF PASSAGEFROM PELLIOTTIBtiTAIN TRANSCRIPTION PADMASAMBHAVA 307, LINES 10-32 @/:/rdo rje kun grags ma/ sku mdog nag mo mang dgyes sam thugs dam skongs na na bza' dar rma gsol/ rgyan gzhan la yang sna tshogs kyis brgyan pal gzugs mdzes shing sdug par ston / myi dgyes la thugs dam skongs na nag mo ral pa can tre'u la bcibs/ rkong la de mo zhes kyang bgyi/ 'di bdun gyi gtso mo lags// rdo rje kun tu bzang sku mdo dkar mo cang shes dkar po'i gdan la bzhugs shing thugs dam kha chu la dgyes/ sha myed gangs dkar zhes kyang bgyi/ rdo rje kun gsal ma/ sku mdog snar mo na bza' gtsos gsol/ rta sngon po la bcibs/ lha ri g.ya' ma skyol zhes kyang bgyi/ / rdo rje ye shes mchog/ sku mdog snar mo na bza' sna tshogs gsol/ /mdzo mo sprul te bcibs / brda' la btsan mo zhes bgyi/ rdo rje sgron ma/ na bza' gtsos gsol gdan/ smyan sprul te bcibs/ kha rag khyung btsun zhes bgyi/ rdo rje 'od chags ma/ sku bdog dmar mo na bza' gtsos gsol/ /gdan khri 'bri kham yu sprul te bcigs/ byang gi gser tang yi ge 'khor 'dul ma zhes bgyi/ rdo rje g.yu sgron ma/ sku mdog sngon mo gdan khri rta sngon po sprul te bcibs/ lho'i ting ting zhes bgyi'o/

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@/:/ 'di bdun yang mkha' 'gro ma zhes kyang bgyi/ shug 'gro ma zhes kyang bgyi/ ma chen mo bdun zhes kyang bgyi/ srin mo chen mo bdun zhes kyang bgyi stel /thog ma ni dkyil 'khorrnamgnyis bshams shing byung ba dang/ ma tang ru ta bthul ba'i le'u dang las/ /dam stsol zhing las su bskos te/ /dur khrod chen po phye dang bdun srung ba'i srungs mar/ /he ru kas bka' stsol to/ /de yang chen chung 'dra' ba'i tshogs so/ /de slan chad ni dpal gyi yang gzungs dam pa'o/ / de'i 'og du ni rgya gar gyi mkhanpo pad ma sam ba ba dang/ rlang dpal gyi seng ge gnyis kyis btul cing dam brnantel /bod khams gyi bdag mo 'di rnams lag du rdo rje byin nas rdo rje 'chang gi gral du mying btags so/ /de nas gzhung bzhin gsang sngags sgrub pa rnams kyi mthu dang stong grogs bgyid pa dang/ bod khams mtharmyi 'jig pa'i srungs mar bcol zhing/ sring mo yang yin/ che je chen mo rnams kyis zhal gyis bzhes shing/ dam bcas so/ /dam tsig kha chu la dga'/ mchod pa lhag la dgyes so/ bsgom ba dang rdzas dag nan tan cher bgyi 'tshal/V /phyag mtshan yang 'jigs tshul rna tshogs pa thogs so/ (b)ar 'ga' ni phyag mtshan sdug cing mdzes pa thogs so// /bdag nyid chen mo rdo rje kun grags ma/ gangs dkar sha myed rdo rje kun tu bzang/ dpal IdanIha ri rdo rje kun gsal ma/ brda' la btsan mo rdo rje ye shes mchog/ kha rag khyung btsun rdo rje sgron ma zhe'o/ byang gi gser tang rdo rje 'od chags ma/ lho'i ting ting rdo rje g.yu sgron ma/ /sems can don phyir 'phags pa'i spyan sngar khyed/ /dam bcas khas 'ches gang yin de Itargyis/ /dkon mchog bslus sam/ yang na dam nyams nal rang rgyud sreg cing dmyal mye skyi g.ya' ba'i/ /'jigs chen myi bzad de soms 'dir gshegs la/ /zhi/ rgyas/ dbang dang/ mngon spyod las kyi rnams/ /rdzogs par mdzod la skyon myed grub par gyis/ /.

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