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Maarten Kossmann
Universiteit Leiden

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Our understanding of Berber historical phonology has greatly improved
over the last decade. This is largely due to the work of the French scholar
Catherine Taine-Cheikh, who published a voluminous dictionary (2008, 2010) and
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Due to the high quality of her transcriptions, combined with insightful analysis,
many features of Zenaga synchronic and historical phonology have become
clear. From this, it appears that Zenaga has followed an entirely different
phonological path than the other Berber languages. As a result, it is at points
highly innovative where other languages are more conservative, while at other
points it is conservative where all other languages have innovated. Therefore,
=HQDJDQRZDGD\VVWDQGVLQWKHFHQWHURILQWHUHVWLQWKHHOGRI%HUEHUKLVWRULFDO
linguistics, especially in the works of Taine-Cheikh (among many others: 1997,
1999, 2001-2003, 2004, Cohen & Taine-Cheikh 2000), but also in other studies,
e.g. Prasse (2011), Souag (2010a, 2010b), Lux (2011), van Putten (2011) and
Kossmann (2001, 2002, 2005).1
The presence of a phonemic glottal stop is one of the outstanding
features of Zenaga phonology (Taine-Cheikh 2004, Kossmann 2001). It partly
corresponds to the consonant in other Berber languages, e.g. Zenaga iI head as
compared to Tuareg eI head. However, in other words it does not correspond
to a consonant in other Berber languages. Taine-Cheikh (2004) and Kossmann
(2001) have shown that in the other languages, at least in verbs, presence and
DEVHQFH RI WKH JORWWDO VWRS LQ =HQDJD OHDGV WR GLIIHUHQW YRFDOLF UHH[HV 7KH


)RUPVIURPRWKHUODQJXDJHVDUHWDNHQIURPWKHVWDQGDUGUHIHUHQFHVFI.RVVPDQQ
IRUDOLVW,IQRWPDUNHGRWKHUZLVH7XDUHJIRUPVDUHEDVHGIURP3UDVVH$ORMDO\ 0RKDPPHG
 7KH IROORZLQJ DEEUHYLDWLRQV DUH XVHG 7&   7DLQH&KHLNK  1= ,,  1DwW
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=HQDJD


 Maarten Kossmann

HDVLHVWZD\WRH[SODLQWKLVLVWKDWWKHVHJORWWDOVWRSVLQ=HQDJDUHHFWDSURWR
Berber consonant, lost in the other languages (see also Prasse 2011).
The glottal stop in Zenaga has a special distribution. It is only realized
LQFRGDSRVLWLRQZKHQIROORZHGE\DQRWKHUFRQVRQDQW,QZRUGQDOSRVLWLRQLWV
SUHVHQFHFDQEHGHGXFHGIURPWKHUHDOL]DWLRQRIDQDOYRZHO:KHQWKHUHLVDQ
underlying glottal stop, the vowel stops abruptly. When there is no underlying
glottal stop, the vowel is terminated by an off-glide h (cf. Kossmann 2001).
7KLV VSHFLF GLVWULEXWLRQ RI WKH JORWWDO VWRS VHHPV WR EH WKH UHVXOW RI
a historical process, in which a vowel following the glottal stop is deleted or
LI SRVWFRQVRQDQWDOPHWDWKHVL]HG IRU H[DPSOH HGV colostrum > lL
(phonologically something like DG LPur (or something similar) to
become big > lXr ~ XXr (phonologically something like Dr).
Taine-Cheikh (2008) is a very rich dictionary of Zenaga. It also provides
very useful notes on the etymology of the words. Most of these etymologies are
uncontroversial, but there are a number of words for which alternative etymologies
are possible. Moreover, there are a number of words which do not receive an
etymology in the dictionary, for which such an etymology is possible.
In view of the importance of the glottal stop in Berber reconstructions,
I shall provide a list of twenty etymologies for -initial Zenaga roots not found
in Taine-Cheikh (2008), some of themin my opinionunproblematic, others
more questionable. Many of these etymologies are new, in the sense that I am
not aware that they have been proposed before. Others can be found scattered
over the literature. The many correct etymologies in Taine-Cheikh (2008) will
QRWEHUHSHDWHG,QWKHSUHVHQWDWLRQRIWKH=HQDJDPDWHULDOV,UVWSURYLGHWKH
transcription used by Taine-Cheikh in her dictionary. This is followed by a
tentative phonological interpretation between brackets, roughly based on Taine-
Cheikh (1997 etc.). As the phonological opposition between /i/ and /u/ seems
to be neutralized in virtually all contexts (cf. Cohen & Taine-Cheikh 2000),
, KDYH FKRVHQ WR UHSUHVHQW WKHP DV D VLQJOH HOHPHQW  LQ WKLV SKRQRORJLFDO
interrpetation. Note that in Zenaga the short and the plain vowels of Proto-
%HUEHUKDYHFRDOHVFHGVRWKDW=HQDJDDVGHQHGKHUHFRUUHVSRQGVWR7XDUHJ
LHRDQGXZKLOHDFRUUHVSRQGVWR7XDUHJDQGD.RVVPDQQ
2004). Comparisons with other Berber languages have been limited to one or
two examples. Where possible, I used Niger Tuareg as a language of reference.

,&RUUHVSRQGHQFHVZLWK%HUEHU

 =QJaEEl ~ DEE (aEEDG), pl. iJlQ (JGDQ) lacet, cordon, lanire,

courroie (toujours en cuir) (TC 2008:4).
The noun is clearly a cognate of Tuareg aZDG - iZDGQ lanire en cuir
:< 7KH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH =HQDJD EE WR 7XDUHJ OD[ Z LV XQH[SHFWHG DW UVW
sight, as normally bb corresponds to tense gg elsewhere in Berber. One remarks


 6RPHQHZHW\PRORJLHVIRUJORWWDOVWRSLQLWLDO=HQDJD%HUEHUZRUGV

however that there exists a tendency in Zenaga for a consonant to be tensed

after glottal stop if not followed by another consonant (cf. RX ~ RX knee,
elsewhere in Berber always DIXG), even though the exact conditions of this
process are unclear. Alternatively, an original form with tense gg could be
SRVLWHGDVSUREDEO\UHHFWHGLQ7LPLPRXQaJJDG leather (Boudot-Lamotte
 7KH LUUHJXODU SOXUDO PD\ UHSUHVHQW iZDGQ ! DZDGDQ >
ZDQIROORZHGE\RFFOXVLYDWLRQRI ZLQWKHSRVLWLRQEHWZHHQ and . In
view of the otherwise irregular loss of /a/ between /w/ and /d/, one might also
VXJJHVWDGHULYDWLRQIURPDGLIIHUHQWSOXUDOW\SH iZGQ! ZGDQ > JDQ.
 =QJRl\ (aD\). Pl. ul\lQ (D\DQ), esclave, homme de statut
servile.
'XHWRDUHJXODUVRXQGFKDQJHWKHQDO\JRHVEDFNWR ODVFRUURERUDWHGE\WKH
feminine form WRl/ (taDOO < taDOW). (TC 2008:5). Taine-Cheikh (l.c.)
derives the noun from the Arabic root %',QYLHZRIWKHQDO OWKLVVHHPV
to be to be untenable untenable. A better comparison is Tuareg eZHO :<
homme noir dorigine esclave. Like in aEEl, single w would have been
strengthened to bb (for unknown reasons emphatic here). The tense can also
be derived directly from gg: Souag (2011), who presents the same etymology,
points to aJJDO, black, in the Berber of the Touggourt region.
 =QJtiIGG (WIGGWMHXQHkQHVVHDGXOWHTXLDGpMjHXXQSHWLW7&
2008:14).
This noun is cognate with Tuareg teIGGH:SUHPLHUHQIDQWMHXQHDQ>LPDO@
femme/femelle aprs son premier accouchement, teIGGH0DOLUVWERUQ
(of woman or female animal) (Heath 2006:160).
 =QJtaU6 (taUVV < taUVWJUDLVVHGHFKDPHDXVROLGLpH7&
This noun is probably based on the same root as Tuareg UV :< rWUH
JpJODFpJHOpSDUOHIURLGVHVROLGLHUGXUFLUEHXUUHKXLOHHWFFIDOVR
dialectal Tashelhiyt forms such as aris gele (Kossmann 1999:214, nr. 627).
1RWHKRZHYHUWKDWWKHURRWRULJLQDOO\KDG DVVKRZQLQ0DOL7XDUHJXUKV
IUHH]HZDWHUFORWEORRGKDUGHQEXWWHUIDW+HDWK$VDUHVXOW
one would expect a long vowel in Zenaga (Kossmann 2002). The absence of
WKLVORQJYRZHOLVRQO\H[SODLQDEOHLIRQHDVVXPHVDPHWDWKHVLV taUKVW >
taUVW! taUVW! taUVW > taUVW.
 =QJiwi (Z), pl. aZlQ (aZDQWRXWSHWLWYHDXTXLYLHQWGHQDvWUH
(TC 2008:57).
This noun can be compared with Tuareg au (WY) jeune buf, taurillon,
Tashelhiyt tait (pl. tua) genisse. Tuareg forms such as Ahaggar ahu
YHDXGXQDQDQG0DOLHKe young adult bull show that the noun originally
FRQWDLQHG (Kossmann 1999:95, Nr. 184). The absence of a long vowel in
=HQDJDWKHUHJXODUUHH[RI , is unexpected. The semantics of the terms do not
overlap entirely, as in Zenaga the term refers to bovines of a younger age than the


 Maarten Kossmann

RWKHUYDULHWLHVIRUWKHGLDOHFWDOODFNRIFRQVLVWHQF\LQDJHWHUPLQRORJ\RI\RXQJ
bovines, cf. Basset (1939).
 =QJmiri (PDU) rigole, canal, lit dun cours deau (sans sa 2me
partie) (TC 2008:67).
The noun seems to be an S-M derivation based on the same root as the well-
attested Berber form represented by Tuareg e]U (Y) valle, oued, ravin.

,,&RUUHVSRQGHQFHVZKHUHRWKHU%HUEHUODQJXDJHVKDYHQR
consonant

=QJtl6 (taGDVV) moustiques (TC 2008:9).

7DLQH&KHLNK OF FRPSDUHV WKH JHQHUDOO\ DWWHVWHG %HUEHU IRUP L]L \
As Zenaga  LV QRW D QRUPDO UHH[ RI ] DQG DV WKH QDO V LV DEVHQW LQ L]L
this is hardly a convincing proposal. In fact, a different Berber root should be
compared: Tuareg WlGDVW (W) moustique, Figuig GGLV\W moustique (cf. for
more cognates in Berber NZ II:402).
 =QJXi (HQYHORSSHUGLVVLPXOHUHPPLWRXHUVDWrWH7&
2008:10).
The verb looks like a S-M derivation from a root similar to well-attested forms
represented by Tuareg DX (WY) plier, enrouler, envelopper dans (tissu,
papier, etc.). The Ghadames cognate R SOLHU FRQUPV WKH LQLWLDO JORWWDO
stop, as Ghadamsi o-initial verbs regularly correspond to -initial verbs in
Zenaga (Kossmann 2001). It should be noted, however, that the evidence from
*KDGDPHVDQGHOVHZKHUHFOHDUO\VKRZVWKDWWKHQDOFRQVRQDQWZDV rather
WKDQ .RVVPDQQQU1RUPDOO\ is represented in Zenaga by
vowel length (Kossmann 2004). Therefore the comparison remains problematic.
 =QJtiIILNNL (WIINN) boule dcume, pl. cume, mousse (du lait)
(TC 2008:16).
There is no doubt about the relationship with well-attested forms such as Tuareg
LND\ (Y) tre frais (lait) and northern Berber forms such as Tashelhiyt akID\
lait (frais) (see also Kossmann 1999:176, nr. 495). The metathesis KF > FK is
well-known in Berber, cf. doublets such as NI ~ IN to give and LNIU ~ LINU
tortoise.
=QJiIIUD(IIUDG) sn (cassia) (TC 2008:18).
1LFRODVFLWHGLQ7&OFKDVDIRUPZLWKDQHPSKDWLFQDOFRQVRQDQW
The emphatic consonant also appears in the way the noun was taken over in
Hassaniya Arabic: lYOOlL (TC 2008, l.c.). One remarks the similarity to Tuareg
plant names such as DIOQ (W), DNUQ (Y) esp. darbuste, amarante
(Acrachni radimosa ? Gnaphalium luteo-album ?), DEOQ plant sp. (5HVHGD
YLOORVD") (Mali, Heath 2006:39). Senna has different names in Tuareg, however,
cf. Ritter (2009 II:124-126).


 6RPHQHZHW\PRORJLHVIRUJORWWDOVWRSLQLWLDO=HQDJD%HUEHUZRUGV

=QJRgulli (aJOO) jardin, terrain de culture (TC 2008:22).

0D\EHFRQQHFWHGZLWKQRUWKHUQ%HUEHUIRUPVVXFKDV)LJXLJD\OOXHQVHPEOH
GH SDOPLHUV DQG 7XDUHJ %XUNLQD )DVR WDOLW ZRRGHG DUHD IRUHVW 6XGORZ
2009:58).
 =QJ WRJXQi (taJQ) fruit (de certaines plantes) dont la forme
rappelle celle dune corne. (TC 2008 :24).
The same form is given by Nicolas (1953:140, cited in TC, l.c.) meaning corne.
7KHIRUPLVFRJQDWHZLWK7XDUHJIRUPVPHDQLQJDUFKERZHJWJDQ]H:<
arc, arceau (NZ III:841).
 =QJ RJXUL (aJUP\") ~ JXUL SO uJXUl\lQ (JUPD\DQ)
grosse tique (du btail) (TC 2008:25).
7KH\LQWKHSOXUDOVXJJHVWVWKDWWKHVLQJXODUIRUPHQGVLQ\ O2QHZRXOGKDYH
H[SHFWHGORQJUDWKHUWKDQQDO>L@ZKLFKQRUPDOO\UHSUHVHQWVDYRZHOIROORZHG
E\DQXQUHDOL]HGQDOJORWWDOVWRS7KHQRXQUHHFWVDZHOODWWHVWHG%HUEHUIRUP
LQVWDQWLDWHGE\7XDUHJDJUPO:WLTXHJRQpHGHVDQJHWWRPEpHFI1=
III:883).
Zng RJ (< aJVDYRLUFRQQDvWUH7&
The verb is compared tentatively by Taine-Cheikh (l.c.) to Tuareg form such
DVDJ:<SURWpJHU7KHFRUUHVSRQGHQFHZRXOGEHLUUHJXODUDV=HQDJD
should correspond to non-emphatic z elsewhere (in Tuareg, depending on the
GLDOHFWK]RU$PRUHOLNHO\DOWHUQDWLYHLV7DVKHOKL\WDJ]UHFRQQDvWUH
)LJXLJDJ]GHYLQHU7XDUHJSOXUDOQRXQLJ]DQJpRPDQFLH:<FI1=
III:924), probably related to nouns of the type Tashelhiyt DJ]]DQ devin and
verbs derived from this (cf. NZ III:934). Both formally and semantically this
matches the Zenaga form better.
 =QJtakah, pl. taNQSUREOqPHTXHVWLRQVFLHQWLTXH7&
This noun could belong to the same root as forms such as Tuareg teist (W)
LQWpUrWVRXFL7DUL\WmiLVLQWHOOLJHQW7KHGHULYDWLRQZRXOGEH taVD >
ta[VD! taNVD > takah2QWKH=HQDJDGHYHORSPHQW V! [V!NVVHH
.RVVPDQQ7KHSUHVHQFHRIWKHJORWWDOVWRSFDQQRWEHH[SODLQHG
IURPWKH DV ZRXOGKDYHEHFRPH [!NLQWKLVFRQWH[W7KHUHIRUHRQHKDV
WRDVVXPHWKLVURRWRULJLQDOO\KDGDJORWWDOVWRSLQLQLWLDOSRVLWLRQLH V).
 =QJtaPPDD (taPPDDW), pl. taPPlUlQ larve dinsecte (en forme
de ver), larve de mouche viande (TC 2008:35).
The term is remarkably similar to forms in other Berber languages that refer
WR FULFNHWV RU JUDVVKRSSHUV HJ 7XDUHJ PXUG :< FULTXHW VDXWHUHOOH
7DVKHOKL\W DPUDG FULTXHW VDQV DLOHV )LJXLJ DPUG jeune (scil. small?)
sauterelle. The semantic link is not without problems, however.
=QJtuQW (WQW) enclume (TC 2008:40).
There is little doubt that this noun is related to the well-attested Berber form for
VWRQHFI7XDUHJWKXQWSLHUUHHQFOXPH:<.RVVPDQQQU


 Maarten Kossmann

YDQ3XWWHQ,IWKLVLVFRUUHFWWKHRULJLQDOURRWPXVWKDYHEHHQ Q,Q

=HQDJDRQHKDVWRDVVXPHWKHIROORZLQJKLVWRU\ tiXQW! tiQW > WQW.
=QJtayimt (taa\PW) rabot bois (TC 2008:61).
Hassaniya Arabic borrowed the noun from Zenaga in the (more archaic) form
Wll\OLPW 7&  OF ZKLFK SURYHV WKDW WKH \ LQ =HQDJD JRHV EDFN WR O
The Zenaga noun could be an instrumental derivation based on the same item as
Tashelhiyt talima lime, Beni Iznasen lima lime. The Moroccan term is normally
FRQVLGHUHGDORDQIURP/DWLQOPDOH,IWKH=HQDJDZRUGLVFRJQDWHLWVHHPV
WKDWWKHGHULYDWLRQIURP/DWLQPXVWEHGLVFDUGHGDOWHUQDWLYHO\WKHJORWWDOVWRSLV
FRQVLGHUHGWREHLQGXFHGE\WKHLQVWUXPHQWDOSUH[DQH[SODQDWLRQWKDWVHHPVWR
be totally ad hoc (see however the following form which shows a similar problem).
=QJPLQ (PQ) prophte dAllah (TC 2008:67).
This is possibly derived from a well-attested Berber verb represented in Figuig
DV D]Q HQYR\HU 2QH UHPDUNV WKDW *KDGDPHV KDV D]Q HQYR\HU GpOHJXHU
UDWKHUWKDQ R]QZKLFKZRXOGEHWKHH[SHFWHGIRUPLIWKHUHZHUHDQDQFLHQW
initial glottal stop (Kossmann 2001). One wonders whether the introduction of
the glottal stop is somehow related to the derivative scheme.
 =QJ tXL ~ WRXL (ta(t) < (os de la) cheville, mesure de
hauteur (TC 2008:72).
The same root is attested in Mali Tuareg WDPWW, pl. WLPGHQ anklebone
[Heath 2006:456]

5HIHUHQFHV
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morphologie verbale en berbre. Bulletin de la Socit de Linguistique de Paris
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+HDWK -HIIUH\  'LFWLRQQDLUH WRXDUHJ GX 0DOL7DPDFKHNDQJODLVIUDQoDLV 3DULV
Karthala.
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5GLJHU.|SSH
.RVVPDQQ0DDUWHQ7KHRULJLQRIWKHJORWWDOVWRSLQ=HQDJDDQGLWVUHH[HVLQWKH
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 6RPHQHZHW\PRORJLHVIRUJORWWDOVWRSLQLWLDO=HQDJD%HUEHUZRUGV

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3UDVVH .DUO* *KRXEHwG $ORMDO\ DQG *KDEGRXDQH 0RKDPHG  'LFWLRQQDLUH
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&RORJQH5GLJHU.|SSH
7DLQH&KHLNK&DWKHULQH'LFWLRQQDLUH]pQDJDIUDQoDLV&RORJQH5GLJHU.|SSH
7DLQH&KHLNK &DWKHULQH  'LFWLRQQDLUH IUDQoDLV]pQDJD EHUEqUH GH 0DXULWDQLH
&RORJQH5GLJHU.|SSH