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Textbook Account
The leader of modern Indian nationalism, Mohandas Gandhi infused the
movement with Hindu spirituality. To Gandhi, moral values were more
important than material ones, and the improvement of human souls was
necessary for the improvement of India. He advocated nonviolence and civil
disobedience, proving that these ideals could unite diverse peoples and
accomplish great progress.

Gandhi was born on October 2, 1869 at Porbandar, a city in British-ruled

western India. Gandhi learned as a boy to worship the Hindu god Vishnu and
to abide by the Jainist teaching of nonviolence. His family's religious beliefs
included respect for all living things and required strict vegetarianism. Like
many adolescents, Gandhi went through a rebellious period during which he
adopted Western ways, ate meat, smoked, and told lies. Each time he did these things he suffered
great guilt, and he soon returned to his Hindu teachings and renounced his irreligious behavior.

In 1887, Gandhi decided to study law, which required that he journey to England, where he was
dismayed by the prejudice against his Indian background that he found there. When he traveled to
South Africa in 1892 to work as a lawyer for a firm there, he continued to be taken aback by the
treatment of non-whites.

Gandhi's South African experience proved momentous in his personal development and in India's
history. This British-ruled colony discriminated severely against its Indian residents (as well as its
African ones). He resisted segregation, refusing in one instance to give up his seat on a stagecoach
to a European, a decision that resulted in his being beaten by the white driver. These experiences
made Gandhi determined to fight social injustice. In 1894, he petitioned the British government to
reject a bill that would deny Indians the right to vote. Although his effort failed, he organized the
Natal Indian Congress and his frequent petitions drew world attention to the discrimination in South

In 1906, Gandhi organized an opposition drive that focused on satyagraha (the use of non-violence)
to protest British policies in South Africa. By using satyagraha, Gandhi hoped that the British would
see the error of thier ways. In this instance, Gandhi did not win the repeal of British policies, and in
future protests, Gandhi was arrested. However, in 1914, Gandhi won a compromise settlement for
Indians in South Africa. It included the recognition of Hindu and Muslim marriages as legal, and a
prohibition against importing indentured Indian labor. Gandhi then returned to India in 1915,
enlightened by the many lessons he had learned in South Africa.

During World War I, Gandhi refrained from any verbal attacks on British rule in India. By this time, his
Hindu philosophy had developed further, and he embraced samabhava, requiring that he work his
deeds without emotion, without any desire to defeat an enemy. In fact, Gandhi always preferred
getting an opponent to join his side rather than conquering one.

When Britain announced new laws after the war that provided for imprisoning Indians suspected of
disloyalty, Gandhi called a satyagraha. His efforts soon produced alarm when protesters engaged in
violence in 1919, and the British retaliated by slaughtering 400 Indians meeting at Amritsar Square.
He soon entered a more activist political phase. In 1920, he joined the Indian National Congress, a
political organization that had developed a cooperative effort between Hindus and Muslims to get
concessions from Britain. Gandhi completely reorganized the group, making it stronger and less
elitist. He called for widespread boycotts of British goods with a turn to self-reliance and material
simplicity. He was forced to suspend his efforts when demonstrators turned to violence in 1922 and
he was imprisoned for two years.

The political situation heated again when in 1928, Britain announced the formation of a commission,
with no Indian representatives, to study reforms. At that point the Congress, under Gandhi's
direction, demanded Indian independence. To support this, Gandhi promoted a satyagraha in 1930
that sought to eliminate the tax on salta tax that especially harmed India's poor. When his efforts
produced only modest results, he led the Salt March, which earned him another term in jail.
In 1934, Gandhi resigned completely from Congress, as leader and member. He claimed that the
party had abandoned his strategy by supporting nonviolence only as a means rather than a principle.
By the mid-1930s, Britain accelerated reforms that gave Indians more power in the government, but
it was very limited. To many Indians, the British concessions still left Indians as second-class citizens
in their own country.

Gandhi raised considerable controversy during World War II, when during Britain's fight against
Germany he demanded that the British withdraw and grant his country its complete independence
the Quit India movement. The British reacted harshly; in 1942, they jailed Gandhi and the entire
Congress leadership. Gandhi remained in prison until 1944. The following year, the British Labour
Party came to power in Britain and changed the policy toward India, and steps would be taken to
grant the country its independence. Much to the horror of Gandhi and other Congress leaders,
however, the procedure adopted by the British provided for two separate states, with Pakistan to be
given its own autonomy as a predominantly Muslim state.

With independence promised for no later than June 1948, Gandhi toured India in 1947 and again the
following year, attempting to end the religious fighting. Having always been a figure whose personal
convictions could bring unity to the Indian population, he began a fast to convince Hindus they
should be nonviolent, even when provoked by Muslims. On January 30, 1948, as Gandhi walked to a
platform from which he was to address a prayer meeting, a Hindu fanatic, Nathuram Godse, shot
him. Gandhi said, "Oh, God," and died instantly.

In his time, Gandhi had obtained the name "mahatma," meaning great soul. He was the leader of
Indian nationalism, but his efforts clearly transcended the political realm. He envisioned a better
society, founded on compassion and respect for all, and a new moral order for his people and the

Excerpted/Modified from: "Mohandas Gandhi." World History: The Modern Era. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web.
17 July 2012
MOHANDAS GANDHI - Document A (modified, excerpted)

In the following editorial, Mohandas Gandhi expresses his desire for Indian
independence from Great Britain and describes ways in which the British could stay
in India while accepting that India be Indian, and not British.

To them (the British) I would respectfully say: I have no objection to your

remaining in my country, but although you are the rulers, you will have to remain as
servants of the people (of India). It is not we who have to do as you wish, but it is
you who have to do as we wish We hold the civilization that you support to be the
reverse of civilization. We consider our civilization to be far superior to yours. If you
realize this truth, it will be to your advantage and, if you do not, according to your
own proverb, you should only live in our country in the same manner as we do We
consider your schools and courts to be useless. We want our own ancient schools
and courts to be restored. The common language of India is not English, but Hindi.
You should, therefore, learn it.

Source: Excerpted from Mohandas Gandhis newspaper editorial on Indian home

rule in 1909

Word Bank:
proverb a wise saying

Full Text Available: Mohandas Gandhi: editorial on Indian home rule (1909).
World History: The Modern Era, ABC-CLIO, 2012.
MOHANDAS GANDHI - Document B (modified, excerpted)

Mohandas Gandhi delivered the Quit India speech, which is excerpted below, on
August 8, 1942. In it he calls for determined, but passive, resistance against British

Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for Indias
independence In the democracy, which I have envisaged, a democracy
established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his
own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once
you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and
think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for
independence. Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I
have noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people... We must
get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their
imperialism At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I
may not harbour hatred against anybody.

Source: Speech by Mohandas Gandhi on August 8, 1942 on the eve of the Quit
India movement

Word Bank:
envisaged to contemplate; visualize

Full Text Available:

Textbook Account

When Ghana obtained independence in 1957, it continued on a

course begun several years earlier by Kwame Nkrumah, one of the
most controversial leaders in Africa. Nkrumah, called "the deliverer"
by Ghanaians, advocated strong executive power in advancing his
concept of African socialism.

Nkrumah was born on September 21, 1909 into the Nzima tribe. At
that time, Ghana was under the rule of the Great Britain and was
called the Gold Coast. In 1935, Nkrumah traveled to the United
States and studied at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, where he
majored in economics and sociology.

While in school, Nkrumah studied such revolutionaries as Vladimir Lenin, Mohandas Gandhi,
and Marcus Garvey and became particularly impressed with Garvey's pan-African ideology.
Nkrumah's political interests deepened. In England, he served as general secretary of the
West African Secretariat (from 1945 to 1947), an organization committed to establishing a
united Africa. He also served as secretary to the Pan-African Congress; led "The Circle," a
group experimenting in revolutionary activism; helped prepare a pamphlet distributed in the
Gold Coast, entitled New Africa; and wrote Towards Colonial Freedom, which promoted an
anti-colonial struggle.

Nkrumah committed himself to exerting Africa's black identity, which had been suppressed
by white Europeans, a process evident in his homeland, where Great Britain governed the
Gold Coast by dividing it into a "colony" and a "protectorate." In the former, the residents
possessed British citizenship; in the latter, they did not. There was a legislative council, but
the few Africans elected to it had little power. The British governor exercised the most

By the time Nkrumah reached adulthood, new political organizations had emerged. In 1947,
Nkrumah became the general secretary of an organization called the United Gold Coast
Convention (UGCC), which advocated gaining self-government through constitutional
procedures. However, Nkrumah disliked the largely conservative, elitist nature of the
organization, and in 1949, he founded the Convention People's Party (CPP), which appealed
to younger, poorer persons and quickly gained a mass following.

Many strikes and even a few riotsmainly linked to harsh economic conditionsdisrupted
the Gold Coast in 1948. The British arrested and detained several leaders, including
Nkrumah. In 1950, he promoted what he called "positive action," meaning nonviolent
strikes and protests directed against British rule. Nkrumah's strategy stirred crowds to chant
"Self-government now! In the 1951 general elections, the CPP won 35 of 38 legislative
seats, a landslide victory that meant it would direct the struggle for independence, now
recognized as certain to occur.

While serving in the legislature, Nkrumah made sweeping promises that expanded support
for the CPP. He pledged jobs for all, industrialization, free primary education, a national
health service, and even free public transportation under a socialist state. He called for
power to be given to the masses and for immediate self-government. On March 5, 1952,
Nkrumah became prime minister, although much power remained with the British
government and its colonial governor. Nkrumah promoted a review of the existing
constitution and in July 1953, called for the British to grant independence. The following
year, Britain approved a constitutional change allowing the Gold Coast internal self-
government but stopping short of complete independence.
In the remarkably short time of three years since the CPP had come to power, Nkrumah had
led his homeland to the brink of nationhood. Following a series of conferences in the mid-
1950s, Nkrumah accepted the British recommendation of establishing regional assemblies
alongside a central government, providing for some Asante self-government. In September
1956, Britain finally agreed to independence, and on March 6, 1957, the Gold Coast became
the nation of Ghana.

Nkrumah moved quickly to consolidate his power. He pushed constitutional changes that
discontinued the regional assemblies and established a deportation act, allowing the exile
of anyone threatening public welfare. Thereafter, political opposition was increasingly risky.
On July 1, 1960, Ghana became a republic under a new constitution, and in a rigged
election, the enormously popular Nkrumah became president. The 1960 constitution
consolidated his power over the legislature, the judiciary, and the CPP.

Nkrumah reorganized the CPP to establish his African socialism and a welfare state. After
massive labor unrest and a general strike in 1961, he further harassed his remaining
political opponents, frightening people into silence. His repression resulted in two
assassination attempts against him, one in 1962, the other in 1964. After the second
attempt, he officially made Ghana a one-party state, with himself president for life. In
practice, his socialism was greatly moderated by his cooperation with businessmen and the
country's economic dependence on Western nations.

On February 24, 1966, while the president was in Beijing as part of a peace mission
concerning Vietnam, Ghana's army launched a coup d'tat. Nkrumah subsequently lived in
exile in Guinea. While there, he continued to advocate Black Nationalism. He wrote books
and articles describing oppression in Africa and advocating activation of the masses in a
class struggle. On April 27, 1972, Nkrumah died from cancer.

Although Nkrumah left Ghana with enormous debts totaling billions of dollars, he also left
many improvements in his nation's infrastructure, a rich political literature, and a
revolutionary consciousness. Furthermore, his legacy of Black Nationalism and black pride
stirred sub-Saharan Africa toward new accomplishments.

Excerpted/Modifed from: "Kwame Nkrumah." World History: The Modern Era. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 17 July 2012.
KWAME NKRUMAH - Document A (modified, excerpted)

In 1961, Kwame Nkrumah published the book I Speak of Freedom, an

excerpt of which appears below. Nkrumah hoped it would serve as a guide
for developing unity among African peoples.

For centuries, Europeans dominated the African continent. The white man
arrogated to himself the right to rule and to be obeyed by the non-white; his
mission, he claimed was to civilize Africa. Under this cloak, the Europeans
robbed the continent of vast riches and inflicted unimaginable suffering on
the African people.

All this makes a sad story, but now we must be prepared to bury the past
with its unpleasant memories and look to the future. All we ask of the former
colonial powers is their goodwill and cooperation to remedy past mistakes
and injustices and to grant independence to the colonies in Africa

It is clear that we must find an African solution to our problems, and that this
can only be found in African unity. Divided we are weak; united, Africa could
become one of the greatest forces for good in the world

A Union of African states will project more effectively the African personality.
It will command respect from a world that has regard only for size and
influence as a Great Power whose greatness is indestructible because it is
built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but
founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind

Source: Published in the 1961 book by Kwame Nkrumah titled I Speak of


Word Bank:
arrogated to claim without right

Full Text Available: Kwame Nkrumah: I Speak of Freedom (1961). World History: The Modern Era,
ABC-CLIO, 2012.
KWAME NKRUMAH - Document B (modified, excerpted)

In this excerpt from his Autobiography, Kwame Nkrumah speaks of the

need to establish economic independence in Africa as a means of
maintaining the political independence they had worked so hard to achieve.

Independence for the Gold Coast was my aim I saw that the whole solution
to our problem lay in political freedom for our people It is far better to be
free to govern or misgovern yourself than to be governed by anybody else

Once freedom is gained, a greater task comes into view. All dependent
territories are backward in education, in science, in agriculture, and in
industry. The economic independence that should follow and maintain
political independence demands every effort from the people, a total
mobilization of brain and manpower resources. What other countries have
taken three hundred years or more to achieve, a once-dependent territory
must try to accomplish in a generation if it is to survive.

Source: Excerpted from Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah,

written and published in 1957

Full Text Available: Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkruma. London: Panaf, 2002.
Textbook Account

From the time he became president of Egypt in 1954

until well after his death in 1970, Gamal Abdel Nasser
was the hero of Arab nationalists. Determined to bring
Egypt into the modern age and overcome the colonial
influence of British rule, Nasser was wildly popular not
only among Egyptians but also throughout the Arab
world. The first Egyptian to rule Egypt in a millennium,
the charismatic Nasser brought dignity to his people,
though he failed to fulfill his own goal of uniting the
Arab world.

Nasser was born on January 15, 1918 in a mud brick house, typical of lower-middle-class
dwellings in Alexandria. Though Egypt won its independence from Great Britain in the 1930s
and was officially ruled by King Farouk, the British continued to occupy the Suez Canal Zone
and retained influence in the Egyptian Parliament and the military.

Nasser led student protests against British rule in 1934, an early display of his
organizational abilities. He continued to protest the lingering effects of colonialism after
entering the Royal Military Academy. Nasser saw duty as a lieutenant in Alexandria and then
served in the Sudan. It was in the Sudan that Nasser made friends with three other officers
and began a secret organization called the Free Officers, with the goal of overthrowing the
Egyptian monarchy and ousting the British from the Canal Zone.

In 1948, the Egyptian Army participated with other Arab armies in the Israeli War. His
overall experience in this conflict left a deep impression on him. First, the formation of Israel
with British help angered him as an Arab and furthered his dislike for Britain; second, the
poor training received by the Egyptian troops and the shabby equipment provided them
convinced Nasser of the need to modernize the armed forces.

For the next four years, Nasser and other members of the Free Officersperhaps numbering
700infiltrated the government and worked against King Farouk. They soon gained hold of
the military high command, and on July 23, 1952, a coup d'tat occurred that led to the fall
of the monarchy. Nasser's Revolutionary Council took control of the nation, but because he
and other members of the Free Officers believed that the Egyptian people would reject their
youth and inexperience, he selected Maj. Gen. Mohammad Naguib, a respected war hero, as
head of state and made himself deputy prime minister. In 1954, however, Nasser overthrew
Naguibwhom he suspected of plotting against himand became prime minister.

Though Nasser was sincerely interested in improving the conditions in which the majority of
Egyptians lived, he was not interested in democratic government. His policies were issued
with little public discussion, and he met political opposition with repression. Early in 1953,
the government dissolved all opposing political parties. Nasser filled government positions
with military officers he felt he could trust and imprisoned large numbers of trade unionists,
intellectuals, and students who criticized him. His regime ruled as a police state.

Nasser's initial foreign-policy accomplishments won him the adoration of many Egyptians,
for he seemed finally to have restored the dignity of his nation. In 1954, he reached an
agreement with the United Kingdom for the removal of British forces, thus ending foreign
occupation. In 1956, he nationalized the Suez Canal. This last move provoked retaliation
from the British, who conspired with France and Israel to attack Egypt. The Israelis marched
into the Sinai Peninsula, and the Egyptian Air Force was destroyed. Yet diplomatic pressure
brought the invaders' withdrawal and victory for Nasser in successfully portraying his
enemies as aggressors grasping for imperial power.

With the nationalization of the canal, Nasser became the most prominent leader of the pan-
Arabic movement and sought to place Egypt in the forefront of advancing Arab unity. He
had already emerged as a leader of the non-aligned movement with his appearance at the
Bandung Conference in 1955. He viewed Egypt as the epicenter of three great circles
enclosing Arabs, Muslims, and Africans and envisioned the day when he might lead all
Arabs and Muslims.

Within Egypt, Nasser remained a popular hero, encouraged by the widespread approval of
his domestic policies. Under Nasser, a new middle class of Egyptians began to form in the
cities to replace the foreigners who had filled those positions for decades, and women were
accorded more rights than many would have thought possible. The centerpiece of Nasser's
modernization program was the construction of the Aswan High Dam. Designed to regulate
the flow of the Nile River, the dam aided agriculture through irrigation, reduced flooding,
and generated hydroelectric power for industry.

Under Nasser, industry became the fastest-growing part of the Egyptian economy (while
agricultural production increased a significant 2% per year). In 1961, Nasser nationalized
banks, insurance companies, and other firms; companies handling light industry had to turn
over 50% of their capital to the government. Industrial growth, however, did not reach the
levels envisioned by Nasser, the peasants received few economic benefits, and by 1967,
the economy hit bottom as the nation's hard currency reserves nearly evaporated.

After Nasser implemented several anti-Israeli measures, the Israeli government decided
that a preemptive strike was necessary to save their country. The ensuing Six-Day War in
1967 proved disastrous for the Egyptians. The Israeli forces destroyed Egypt's Air Force and
routed the army. Poor planning, inept leadership, and overconfidence had doomed the
Egyptians. Nasser accepted full responsibility for the fiasco and on June 9, resigned as
premier. Massive street demonstrations broke out as the Egyptian people pleaded with their
leader to remain in office, and he responded by resuming his rule. The Soviets eventually
replaced all of Egypt's destroyed military hardware and even placed surface-to-air missiles
along the Suez Canal.

In 1970, Nasser unexpectedly accepted a plan initiated by the United States that would
begin peace talks with Israel. By then, however, diabetes had taken its toll, along with a bad
heart condition, and on September 28, 1970, he died from a heart attack.

Excerpted/Modified from: Hamilton, Neil. "Gamal Abdel Nasser." World History: The Modern Era. ABC-CLIO, 2012.
Web. 17 July 2012
GAMAL ABDEL NASSER - Document A (modified, excerpted)

In this speech, delivered after Britain attacked Egypt for his decision to
nationalize the Suez Canal, Gamal Abdel Nasser asks for Egyptians and Arabs
to work together militarily to stop the colonial powers from gaining control of
the Suez Canal.

In these decisive days in the history of mankind, these days in which truth
struggles to have itself recognized in international chaos, where powers of
evil domination and imperialism have prevailed, Egypt stands firmly to
preserve her sovereignty

Those who attack Egypt will never leave Egypt alive. We shall fight a regular
war, a total war, a guerrilla war. Those who attack Egypt will soon realize
they brought disaster upon themselves. He who attacks Egypt attacks the
whole Arab world

We shall show the world how a small country can stand in the face of great
powers threatening with armed might

We shall defend our freedom and independence to the last drop of blood.
This is the staunch feeling of every Egyptian. The whole Arab nation will
stand by us in our common fight against aggression and domination. Free
peoples, too, people who are really free will stand by us and support us
against the forces of tyranny.

Source: Speech given by Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic
on September 15, 1956

Word Bank:
sovereignty self-rule
staunch firm; strong

Full Text Available: U.S. Department of State, The Suez Canal Problem, July 26 September 22, 1956,
Publication No. 6392 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1956), 345-51.
GAMAL ABDEL NASSER - Document B (modified, excerpted)

On July 23, 1970, Gamal Abdel Nasser gave an impassioned speech in Cairo,
Egypt. It would be his last official speech, and can be read as his political
testament in which he sets out the course for Egypt to follow in the future.
Excerpts of the speech are below.

It (the Suez Canal) is the battlefront on which the Egyptian people and the
national army are engaged in the noblest and most violent of conflicts

The Egyptian army which the enemy thought finished for decades, has
managed to take up the combat again with a rapidity which impartial
historians of this period will consider truly miraculous. The sincere
cooperation of the Soviet Union has provided the army with the equipment
necessary to it reconstruction

When we remember the friends who stood by us in the dark days of 1967, the
first, the foremost, the one to who we owe the deepest gratitude is
undoubtedly the Soviet Union whose leaders sent me a message telling me
not to despair, that the Soviet Union would help us in every way and would
supply us with arms to replace those lost in the battles in the Sinai

The Soviet Union has given us political support, both in the United Nations
and in the international domain

Source: Address given by Gamal Abdel Nasser to the 4 th National Congress

of the Arab Socialist Union in Cairo on July 23, 1970

Word Bank:
rapidity quickness
impartial unbiased; fair
domain an area or realm

Full Text Available:

Textbook Account

Mustafa Kemal was given the name Ataturk, "father of the Turks,"
by the Grand National Assembly in honor of his contributions to
the nation. He was the leader who shaped the republic of Turkey
from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. An extreme nationalist
and modernizer, he built on the reforms of the Young Turks to
create a secular (non-religious) government for Turkey that could
lead the nation into more balanced relations with 20th-century
Europe and address the social conditions of Turkey's multiethnic
Kemal was born in 1881 to a family of modest means in Salonika, a port city of the Ottoman
Empire (now located in Greece). He went to a secular primary school and went on to enter a
military secondary school in 1895. In 1899, he attended the War College at Constantinople,
where he encountered discontent with the reigning Sultan Abdulhamid II.

Indeed, throughout Kemal's youth, the Ottoman Empire was known in the West as "the sick
man of Europe," unable to compete with or defend itself from Western European countries.
The Ottoman Empire included such peoples as Arabs, Turks, Slavs, Armenians, Jews, Kurds,
and others, and within all of these groups, there were people who wanted reform of the
empire. An important group of reformers existed within the militaryyoung officers who
wanted a strengthened, Westernized nation to compete with those of Europe.

Kemal became an active part of these reformist organizations, beginning at the War
College, where he helped put together a newspaper criticizing the Ottoman regime. The
government discovered his activity but allowed him to graduate in 1902. In 1905, Kemal
joined with several other officers to begin a secret society that later merged with other
organizations and became the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), also called the
Young Turks. They desired restoration of the 1876 constitution, which had provided for a
parliamentary political system. Young Turk army units forced the sultan to abdicate, only to
replace him with his brother.

From 1912 to 1913, Kemal commanded troops in two Balkan Wars that resulted in the loss
of the empire's European territory. In 1915, during World War I when the Ottomans were
allied with Germany, he helped defend Gallipoli against a British attackone of the few
Ottoman victories in the war. Kemal's triumph brought him fame and promotion to general.

When the Ottoman government surrendered to the Allies in October 1918, Kemal found
Constantinople occupied by British, French, and Italian troops who controlled the sultan.
This situation strengthened his nationalist commitment and his desire to get rid of the
intruders. Kemal accepted an appointment as inspector general on the Black Sea coast,
where he was supposed to supervise a postwar disarmament. Instead, he almost
immediately made contact with resistance groups and publicly declared his break with the
government under foreign control. Although the only part left of the Ottoman Empire was
the Anatolian Peninsula (Turkey), Kemal swore to liberate it. Under pressure from the
European occupiers, the sultan dismissed Kemal and ordered his arrest. He dutifully
resigned his commission but then marched with a small band of followers to Ezurum, where
he obtained important support from General Kazim Karabekir, who provided him with
18,000 troops. The nationalists convened a Grand National Assembly that met in Ankara
and declared Kemal its president.

When British-backed Greek forces invaded Turkey, the nationalist army defeated them. As
the nationalists gained more power, France and Italy withdrew from Turkey in 1921, and the
Soviet Union signed a treaty recognizing Kemal's government. At Kemal's urging, the Grand
National Assembly abolished the sultanate and, with it, the Ottoman Empire. The sultan fled
and on October 29, the Grand National Assembly (under Kemal's leadership) proclaimed the
Turkish republic, with its capital at Ankara. Kemal formed the People's Party with a platform
called the Six Arrows: republicanism, nationalism, populism, reformism, statism (state-
owned and operated industries), and secularism. These were written into a new constitution
in 1924 that provided for the Grand National Assembly to be elected under universal
suffrage and have significant legislative authority.

As president, Kemal initiated enormous change. Various laws freed women by granting
them access to education, as well as to suffrage, divorce rights, and the right to hold seats
in the Assembly. Kemal stunned Islamic conservatives by proceeding with the secularizing
reforms initiated by the Young Turks. The new government established control of the courts,
legislation, and education. They declared Sunday the national day of rest, rather than
Friday, the Islamic holy day and they required that Arabic script be replaced by the Latin

His desire for Westernization included an order that the fez (a conical red felt hat) be
replaced with fedoras and Western suits. In addition, citizens were required to adopt family
names in the European fashion. In 1934 the Assembly granted Kemal with the surname
Ataturk, which literally means Father of the Turks. Economic reform included tariff laws in
1929 to protect and encourage Turkish manufacturing. Kemal sponsored state-run industries
such as factories for textiles, paper, iron, and steel. Economic production increased,
although the local factories were not competitive with those of Europe. Kemal announced a
foreign policy dedicated to "peace at home and peace abroad and negotiated friendship
treaties with 15 nations.

These reforms did not go unchallenged. For obvious reasons, religious conservatives
opposed Kemal, and numerous non-Turkish groups resisted the centralization of authority. In
the mid-1920s, Kemal crushed a Kurdish revolt and hanged its leader. He also got the Grand
National Assembly to provide him with emergency powers, which he held for four years.
Kemal banned the opposition Progressive Republican Party, and, after uncovering an
assassination plot against him in 1926, numerous political opponents were arrested and

When Kemal died on November 10, 1938 from cirrhosis of the liver, the country fell into
great shock and mourning. In 1939, the Turks lay his body in a mausoleum at Rasat Tepe,
near Ankara.

Excerpted/Modified from: "Mustafa Kemal Ataturk." World History: The Modern Era. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 17 July
MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK - Document A (modified, excerpted)

As President of the Republic of Turkey from 1923 to 1938, Mustafa Kemal

Ataturk introduces a series of reforms to modernize his new country after the
fall of the Ottoman Empire. In this 1927 speech, Ataturk attempts to gain
support for his regime among the young people of Turkey.

Turkish youth!

Your first duty is forever to preserve and to defend the Turkish Independence
and the Turkish Republic.

This is the very foundation of your existence and your future. This foundation
is your most precious treasure. In the future, too, there may be malevolent
people at home and abroad who will wish to deprive you of this treasure It
may be that, by violence and ruse, all the fortresses of your beloved
fatherland may be captured, all its shipyards occupied, all its armies
dispersed and every part of the country invaded The country may be
impoverished, ruined and exhausted

Youth of Turkeys future, even in such circumstances it is your duty to save

the Turkish Independence and Republic. The strength you need is already
imbedded in your noble blood

Source: The Turkish Youth Speech presented by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in


Word Bank:
malevolent evil
ruse a trick
impoverished reduced to poverty
imbedded to incorporate

Full Text Available: Musatafa Kemal Ataturk: Turkish youth speech (1927). World History: The Modern
Era. ABC-CLIO, 2012.
MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK - Document B (modified, excerpted)

In another speech (this one given in late 1927) Mustafa Kemal Ataturk
praises the Turks for accomplishing the task of creating the modern state of

My fellow countrymen,

We have accomplished great things in a short period of time. The greatest of

these is the Turkish Republic, which is based on Turkish heroism and on our
great Turkish culture. We owe this success to the determined forward march
of the Turkish nation, together with her worthy army. We never think that
what we have done is enough. We are determined and obliged to accomplish
more and greater things

We shall work harder than in the past. We shall accomplish greater things in
a shorter time. because the character of the Turkish nation is worthy and
noble, the Turkish nation is industrious and the Turkish nation is

. the Turkish nation has been successful in overcoming hardships through

national unity and togetherness.

Happy is he who says I am a Turk.

Source: Taken from Mustafa Kemal Ataturks speech on The Occasion of

the Tenth Anniversary of the Turkish Republic on October 20, 1927

Word Bank:
industrious hard-working

Full Text Available: