In Defence of Trotskyism

In politi- Price: Waged: £1.00 Concessions: 50p

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Number 2. Summer 2010

What is Trotskyism

In Defence of Trotskyism is published by the International Trotskyist Current.

Contact: PO Box 59188, London, NW2 9LJ. Email: Socialist_Fight@yahoo.co.uk

Unity is strength, L'union fait la force, Es la unidad fuerza, Η ενότητα είναι δύναμη, .‫ اتحاد قدرت است‬, đoàn kết là sức mạnh, Jedność jest siła,
ykseys on kesto, યુનિટિ થ્રૂ િા., Midnimo iyo waa awood, hundeb ydy chryfder, Einheit ist Stärke, एकता शक्ति है, единстве наша сила, vieny-
bės jėga, bashkimi ben fuqine, ‫אחדות היא כוח‬, unità è la resistenza, 団結は力だ", A unidade é a força, eining er styrkur, De eenheid is de
sterkte, ‫الوحدة هو القوة‬, Ní neart go chur le céile, pagkakaisa ay kalakasan, jednota is síla, 일성은 이다힘힘, Workers of the World Unite!

What is Trotskyism?
This is copied from the Wikipedia arti-
cle; Trotskyism. http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trotskyism.
Like all political pieces it must reflect
the unknown author’s own political
outlook and so makes controversial
analyses, but it is sufficiently balanced
to give us a starting outline of what
Trotskyism is, or should be or can be-
come. - Gerry Downing
Contents
● 1 Definition
● 2 Origins of Trotskyism and the
1905 Russian Revolution
● 3 Theory of Permanent Revolution
3.1 The capitalist or bourgeois-
democratic revolution
3.2 Weakness of the capitalists
3.3 The working class steps in
3.4 International revolution
3.5 Origins of the term
● 4 Trotskyism and the 1917 Russian
Revolution
● 5 The 'legend of Trotskyism'
● 6 Degenerated workers' state
● 7 Founding of the Fourth Interna-
tional
● 8 Trotskyist movements
8.1 Latin America
8.2 Asia
8.3 Europe
● 9 Trotskyism today
9.1 The Fourth International
9.2 Committee for a Workers' Inter-
national
9.3 International Socialist Tendency
9.4 Internationalist Communist Un-
ion
9.5 International Marxist Tendency
9.6 Others
● 10 References
● 11 Further reading
● 12 External links
Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!
In Defence of Trotskyism page 2
Trotskyism is the theory of Marxism as advo- Russia, and appeal to the working class in the
cated by Leon Trotsky. Trotsky considered advanced capitalist countries around the
himself an orthodox Marxist and Bolshevik- world. As a result, the global working class
Leninist, arguing for the establishment of a would to come to Russia's aid, and socialism
vanguard party. His politics differed sharply could develop worldwide.
from Stalinism, most prominently in opposing
Socialism in One Country, which he argued The capitalist or bourgeois-
was a break with proletarian internationalism, democratic revolution
and in his belief in an authentic dictatorship of
the proletariat based on democratic principles, Revolutions in Britain in the 17th Century and
rather than an unaccountable bureaucracy. in France in 1789 abolished feudalism and es-
tablished the basic requisites for the develop-
Together with Lenin, Trotsky was co-leader of
ment of capitalism. Trotsky argued that these
the Russian Revolution and the international
revolutions would not be repeated in Russia.
Communist movement in 1917 and the follow-
ing years. [1] Today, numerous groups around In Results and Prospects, written in 1906, in
the world continue to describe themselves as which Trotsky outlines his theory in detail,
Trotskyist, although they have developed Trot- arguing: "History does not repeat itself. How-
sky's ideas in different ways. In the English ever much one may compare the Russian Revo-
lution with the Great French Revolution, the
language, an advocate of Trotsky's ideas is
usually called a "Trotskyist" or, pejoratively, a former can never be transformed into a repeti-
"Trotskyite" or "Trot". [2]
Definition
In 1905, Trotsky formulated a theory
that became known as the Trotskyist
theory of Permanent Revolution. It
may be considered one of the defin-
ing characteristics of Trotskyism.
Until 1905, Marxism only claimed
that a revolution in a European capi-
talist society would lead to a socialist
one. According to the original theory
it was impossible for such to occur
in more backward countries such as
early 20th century Russia. Russia in
1905 was widely considered to have
not yet established a capitalist soci-
ety, but was instead largely feudal
with a small, weak and almost pow-
erless capitalist class.
The theory of Permanent Revolution
tion of the latter." [9] In the French Revolution
addressed the question of how such feudal
regimes were to be overthrown, and how so- of 1789, France experienced what Marxists
cialism could be established given the lack of called a "bourgeois-democratic revolution" – a
economic prerequisites. Trotsky argued that in regime was established wherein the bourgeoi-
Russia only the working class could overthrow sie, overthrew the existing French Feudalistic
feudalism and win the support of the peas- system. The bourgeoisie then moved towards
antry. Furthermore, he argued that the Russian establishing a regime of democratic parliamen-
working class would not stop there. They tary institutions. However, while democratic
rights were extended to the bourgeoisie, they
would win its own revolution against the weak
capitalist class, establish a workers' state in were not generally extend to a universal fran-
 In Defence of Trotskyism page 3

chise. The freedom for workers to organise

unions or to strike was not achieved without
considerable struggle.

Trotsky argues, countries like Russia had no

"enlightened, active" revolutionary bourgeoi-
sie which could play the same role, and the
working class constituted a very small minor-
ity. By the time of the European revolutions
of 1848, "the bourgeoisie was already unable
to play a comparable role. It did not want
and was not able to undertake the revolu-
tionary liquidation of the social system that
stood in its path to power."

The working class steps in

Instead, Trotsky argued, only the 'proletariat'
or working class were capable of achieving
the tasks of that 'bourgeois' revolution. In
1905, the working class in Russia, a genera-
tion brought together in vast factories from
the relative isolation of peasant life, saw the
result of its labour as a vast collective effort,
and the only means of struggling against its
oppression in terms of a collective effort also,
forming workers councils (soviets), in the
course of the revolution of that year. In 1906,
Trotsky argued:

The factory system brings the proletariat to

the foreground... The proletariat immediately
found itself concentrated in tremendous
masses, while between these masses and the
autocracy there stood a capitalist bourgeoi-
sie, very small in numbers, isolated from the
'people', half-foreign, without historical tra-
the landless, and many other struggles which of that revolution, on whose support it will
ditions, and inspired only by the greed for
in some ways reflect the militant united or- rely. [15] But the working class, in order to
gain. – Trotsky, Results and Prospects [11]
ganised struggles of the working class, and improve their own conditions, will find it
The Putilov Factory, for instance, numbered which to various degrees do not bear the necessary to create a revolution of their own,
12,000 workers in 1900, and, according to marks of class divisions typical of the heroic which would accomplish both the bourgeois
Trotsky, 36,000 in July 1917.[12] The theory of peasant struggles of previous epochs. How- revolution and then establish a workers'
Permanent Revolution considers that the ever, orthodox Trotskyists today still argue state.
peasantry as a whole cannot take on this that the town and city based working class
task, because it is dispersed in small holdings struggle is central to the task of a successful International revolution
throughout the country, and forms a hetero- socialist revolution, linked to these struggles
Yet, according to classical Marxism, revolu-
geneous grouping, including the rich peas- of the rural poor. They argue that the work-
tion in peasant based countries, such as Rus-
ants who employ rural workers and aspire to ing class learns of necessity to conduct a
sia, prepares the ground ultimately only for a
landlordism as well as the poor peasants who collective struggle, for instance in trade un-
development of capitalism since the liberated
aspire to own more land. Trotsky argues: "All ions, arising from its social conditions in the
peasants become small owners, producers
historical experience... shows that the peas- factories and workplaces, and that the collec-
and traders which leads to the growth of
antry are absolutely incapable of taking up an tive consciousness it achieves as a result is an
commodity markets, from which a new capi-
independent political role."[13] essential ingredient of the socialist recon-
talist class emerges. Only fully developed
struction of society. [14]
Trotskyists differ on the extent to which this capitalist conditions prepare the basis for
is true today, but even the most orthodox Although only a small minority in Russian socialism.
tend to recognise in the late twentieth cen- society, the proletariat would lead a revolu-
Trotsky agreed that a new socialist state and
tury a new development in the revolts of the tion to emancipate the peasantry and thus
economy in a country like Russia would not
rural poor, the self-organising struggles of "secure the support of the peasantry" as part

Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!

 In Defence of Trotskyism page 4

be able to hold out against the pressures of a

hostile capitalist world, as well as the internal
pressures of its backward economy. The
revolution, Trotsky argued, must quickly
spread to capitalist countries, bringing about
a socialist revolution which must spread
worldwide. This was the position, contrary to
that of "Classical Marxism" which by that
time had been further illuminated by active
life, shared by Trotsky and Lenin and the
Bolsheviks until 1924 when Stalin, who along
with Kamenev in February 1917 had taken the
Menshevik position of first the bourgeois
revolution, only to be confronted by Lenin
and his famous April Thesis on Lenin's return
to Russia, after the death of Lenin and seek-
ing to consolidate his growing bureaucratic
control of the Bolshevik Party began to put
forward the slogan of "Socialism in one coun-
try".

In this way the revolution is "permanent",

moving out of necessity first, from the bour-
geois revolution to the workers’ revolution,
and from there uninterruptedly to European
and worldwide revolutions.
Origins of the term
An internationalist outlook of permanent
revolution is found in the works of Karl
Marx. The term "permanent revolution" is
taken from a remark of Marx from his March
1850 Address: "it is our task", Marx said,
to make the revolution permanent until all
the more or less propertied classes have been efficient manner in which the work of the
driven from their ruling positions, until the
proletariat has conquered state power and
until the association of the proletarians has
progressed sufficiently far – not only in one
country but in all the leading countries of the
world – that competition between the prole-
tarians of these countries ceases and at least
the decisive forces of production are concen-
trated in the hands of the workers. – Marx,
Address of the Central Committee to the
Communist League [16]
Trotskyism and the 1917 Rus- had gained the leadership of the Petrograd
sian Revolution
During his leadership of the Russian revolu-
tion of 1905, Trotsky argued that once it be-
came clear that the Tsar's army would not
come out in support of the workers, it was
necessary to retreat before the armed might
of the state in as good an order as possible.
[17] In 1917, Trotsky was again elected chair-
man of the Petrograd soviet, but this time
soon came to lead the Military Revolutionary
Committee which had the allegiance of the
Petrograd garrison, and carried through the
October 1917 insurrection. Stalin wrote:
All practical work in connection with the
organization of the uprising was done under
the immediate direction of Comrade Trotsky,
the President of the Petrograd Soviet. It can
be stated with certainty that the Party is
indebted primarily and principally to Com-
rade Trotsky for the rapid going over of the
garrison to the side of the Soviet and the
Military Revolutionary Committee was or-
ganized. – Stalin, Pravda, November 6, 1918
[18]
As a result of his role in the Russian Revolu-
tion of 1917, the theory of Permanent Revolu-
tion was embraced by the young Soviet state
until 1924.
The Russian revolution of 1917 was marked by
two revolutions: the relatively spontaneous
February 1917 revolution, and the 25 October
1917 seizure of power by the Bolsheviks, who
soviet.
Before the February 1917 Russian revolution,
Lenin had formulated a slogan calling for the
'democratic dictatorship of the proletariat
and the peasantry', but after the February
revolution, through his April theses, Lenin
instead called for "all power to the Soviets".
Lenin nevertheless continued to emphasise
however (as did Trotsky also) the classical
Marxist position that the peasantry formed a
basis for the development of capitalism, not
socialism. [19]
But also before February 1917, Trotsky had
not accepted the importance of a Bolshevik
style organisation. Once the February 1917
Russian revolution had broken out Trotsky
admitted the importance of a Bolshevik or-
ganisation, and joined the Bolsheviks in July
1917. Despite the fact that many, like Stalin,
saw Trotsky's role in the October 1917 Rus-
sian revolution as central, Trotsky says that
without Lenin and the Bolshevik party the
October revolution of 1917 would not have
taken place.
As a result, since 1917, Trotskyism as a politi-
cal theory is fully committed to a Leninist
style of democratic centralist party organisa-
tion, which Trotskyists argue must not be
confused with the party organisation as it
later developed under Stalin. Trotsky had
previously suggested that Lenin's method of
organisation would lead to a dictatorship,
but it is important to emphasise that after
1917 orthodox Trotskyists argue that the loss
of democracy in the Soviet Union was caused
by the failure of the revolution to successfully
spread internationally and the consequent
wars, isolation and imperialist intervention,
not the Bolshevik style of organisation.
Lenin's outlook had always been that the
Russian revolution would need to stimulate a
Socialist revolution in western Europe in
order that this European socialist society

Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!


would then come to the aid of the Russian
revolution and enable Russia to advance
towards socialism. Lenin stated:
We have stressed in a good many written
works, in all our public utterances, and in all
our statements in the press that… the social-
ist revolution can triumph only on two con-
ditions. First, if it is given timely support by
a socialist revolution in one or several ad-
vanced countries. – Lenin, Speech at Tenth
Congress of the RCP(B) [20]
This outlook matched precisely Trotsky's
theory of Permanent Revolution. Trotsky's
Permanent Revolution had foreseen that the Zinoviev and Kamenev broke with Stalin in
working class would not stop at the bour-
geois democratic stage of the revolution, but known as the United Opposition. [26]
proceed towards a workers' state, as hap-
pened in 1917. The Trotskyist Isaac
Deutscher maintains that in 1917, Lenin
changed his attitude to Trotsky's theory of
Permanent Revolution and after the October
revolution it was adopted by the Bolsheviks.
[21]
Lenin was met with initial disbelief in April
1917. Trotsky argues that:
up to the outbreak of the February revolu-
tion and for a time after Trotskyism did not
mean the idea that it was impossible to build
a socialist society within the national
boundaries of Russia (which "possibility" was
never expressed by anybody up to 1924 and
hardly came into anybody’s head). Trotsky-
ism meant the idea that the Russian prole-
tariat might win the power in advance of the
Western proletariat, and that in that case it
could not confine itself within the limits of a
democratic dictatorship but would be com-
pelled to undertake the initial socialist meas-
ures. It is not surprising, then, that the April
theses of Lenin were condemned as Trotsky- Trotsky wrote that the Left Opposition grew
ist. – Leon Trotsky, History of the Russian
Revolution [22]
The 'legend of Trotskyism'
In The Stalin School of Falsification, Trotsky
argues that what he calls the "legend of Trot-
skyism" was formulated by Zinoviev and
Kamenev in collaboration with Stalin in
1924, in response to the criticisms Trotsky
raised of Politburo policy. [23] Orlando Figes
argues that "The urge to silence Trotsky, and
all criticism of the Politburo, was in itself a
crucial factor in Stalin's rise to power."[24]
Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!
In Defence of Trotskyism page 5
During 1922–24, Lenin suffered a series of self to the Opposition: “Those cadres can be
strokes and became increasingly incapaci- removed only by civil war!” What was a
tated. Before his death in 1924, Lenin, while threat in Stalin’s words became, thanks to a
describing Trotsky as "distinguished not only series of defeats of the European proletariat,
by his exceptional abilities – personally he is, a historic fact. The road of reform was
to be sure, the most able man in the present turned into a road of revolution. – Trotsky,
Central Committee", and also maintaining Leon, Revolution Betrayed, p279, Pathfinder
that "his non-Bolshevik past should not be (1972)
held against him", criticized him for
Defeat of the European working class led to
"showing excessive preoccupation with the
further isolation in Russia, and further sup-
purely administrative side of the work", and
pression of the Opposition. Trotsky argued
also requested that Stalin be removed from
that the "so-called struggle against
his position of General Secretary, but his
'Trotskyism' grew out of the bureaucratic
notes remained suppressed until 1956.[25]
reaction against the October Revolution [of
1917]".[28] He responded to the one sided
1925 and joined Trotsky in 1926 in what was
civil war with his Letter to the Bureau of
In 1926, Stalin allied with Bukharin who then
led the campaign against "Trotskyism". In
The Stalin School of Falsification, Trotsky
quotes Bukharin's 1918 pamphlet, From the
Collapse of Czarism to the Fall of the Bour-
geoisie, which was re-printed by the party
publishing house, Proletari, in 1923. In this
pamphlet, Bukharin explains and embraces
Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution,
writing: "The Russian proletariat is con-
fronted more sharply than ever before with
the problem of the international revolution
… The grand total of relationships which
have arisen in Europe leads to this inevitable
conclusion. Thus, the permanent revolution
in Russia is passing into the European prole-
tarian revolution." Yet it is common knowl-
edge, Trotsky argues, that three years later,
in 1926, "Bukharin was the chief and indeed
the sole theoretician of the entire campaign
against 'Trotskyism', summed up in the Party History, (1927), contrasting what he
struggle against the theory of the permanent claimed to be the falsification of history with
revolution."[27] the official history of just a few years before.
He further accused Stalin of derailing the
Chinese revolution, and causing the massa-
in influence throughout the 1920s, attempt-
cre of the Chinese workers:
ing to reform the Communist Party. But in
1927 Stalin declared "civil war" against them: In the year 1918, Stalin, at the very outset of
his campaign against me, found it necessary,
During the first ten years of its struggle, the
as we have already learned, to write the fol-
Left Opposition did not abandon the pro-
lowing words:
gram of ideological conquest of the party for
that of conquest of power against the party. “All the work of practical organization of
Its slogan was: reform, not revolution. The the insurrection was carried out under the
bureaucracy, however, even in those times, direct leadership of the Chairman of the
was ready for any revolution in order to Petrograd Soviet, comrade Trotsky…” (Stalin,
defend itself against a democratic reform. Pravda, Nov. 6, 1918)
In 1927, when the struggle reached an espe- With full responsibility for my words, I am
cially bitter stage, Stalin declared at a session now compelled to say that the cruel massa-
of the Central Committee, addressing him- cre of the Chinese proletariat and the Chi-
 In Defence of Trotskyism page 6

Degenerated workers' state

Trotsky developed the theory that the Rus-
sian workers' state had become a
"degenerated workers' state". Capitalist rule
had not been restored, and nationalised in-
dustry and economic planning, instituted
under Lenin, were still in effect. However,
Trotskyists claim that the state was con-
trolled by a bureaucratic caste with interests
hostile to those of the working class. Stalin-
ism was a counter-revolutionary force.

Trotsky defended the Soviet Union against

attack from foreign powers and against inter-
nal counter-revolution, but called for a politi-
cal revolution within the USSR to bring
about his version of socialist democracy:
"The bureaucracy can be removed only by a
revolutionary force". [35] He argued that if
the working class did not take power away
from the "Stalinist" bureaucracy, the bu-
reaucracy would restore capitalism in order
to enrich itself. In the view of many Trotsky-
ists, this is exactly what has happened since
the beginning of Glasnost and Perestroika in
the USSR. Some argue that the adoption of
market socialism by the People's Republic of
China has also led to capitalist counter-
revolution. Many of Trotsky's criticisms of
Stalinism were described in his book, The
Revolution Betrayed.

"Trotskyist" has been used by "Stalinists" to

mean a traitor; in the Spanish Civil War,
nese Revolution at its three most important After 1928, the various Communist Parties being called a "Trot," "Trotskyist" or
turning points, the strengthening of the posi- throughout the world expelled Trotskyists "Trotskyite" by the USSR-supported elements
tion of the trade union agents of British im- from their ranks. Most Trotskyists defend the implied that the person was some sort of
perialism after the General Strike of 1926, economic achievements of the planned econ- fascist spy or agent provocateur. For in-
and, finally, the general weakening of the omy in the Soviet Union during the 1920s stance, George Orwell, a prominent Anti-
position of the Communist International and and 1930s, despite the "misleadership" of the Stalinist writer, wrote about this practice in
the Soviet Union, the party owes principally soviet bureaucracy, and what they claim to his book Homage to Catalonia and in his
and above all to Stalin. – Trotsky, Leon, The be the loss of democracy. [32] Trotskyists essay Spilling the Spanish Beans. In his book
Stalin School of Falsification, p87, Pathfinder claim that in 1928 inner party democracy, Animal Farm, an allegory for the Russian
(1971) and indeed soviet democracy, which was at Revolution, he represented Trotsky with the
the foundation of Bolshevism, [33] had been character "Snowball" and Stalin with the
Trotsky was sent into internal exile and his
destroyed within the various Communist character "Napoleon". Emmanuel Goldstein
supporters were jailed. Victor Serge, for in-
Parties. Anyone who disagreed with the party in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four has also
stance, first "spent six weeks in a cell" after a
line was labeled a Trotskyist and even a fas- been linked to Trotsky.
visit at midnight, then 85 days in an inner
cist.
GPU cell, most of it in solitary confinement. In 1937 Trotsky wrote:
He details the jailings of the Left Opposition. In 1937, Stalin again unleashed what Trotsky-
To maintain itself, Stalinism is now forced to
[29] The Left Opposition, however, contin- ists say was a political terror against their
conduct a direct civil war against Bolshevism,
ued to work in secret within the Soviet Un- Left Opposition and many of the remaining
under the name of "Trotskyism," not only in
ion. [30] Trotsky was eventually exiled to 'Old Bolsheviks' (those who had played key
the USSR but also in Spain. The old Bolshe-
Turkey. He moved from there to France, roles in the October Revolution in 1917), in
vik Party is dead, but Bolshevism is raising its
Norway, and finally to Mexico. [31] the face of increased opposition, particularly
head everywhere. To deduce Stalinism from
in the army. [34]
Bolshevism or from Marxism is the same as

Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!

 In Defence of Trotskyism page 7

to deduce, in a larger sense, counterrevolu- The Fourth International suffered repression as presiding over capitalist economies. By
tion from revolution. – Trotsky, Leon, Stalin- and disruption through the Second World 1951, the Congress had concluded that they
ism and Bolshevism 1937, in Living Marxism, War. Isolated from each other, and faced had become "deformed workers' states." As
No. 18, April 1990. with political developments quite unlike the Cold War intensified, the FI's 1951 World
those anticipated by Trotsky, some Trotskyist Congress adopted theses by Michel Pablo
Stalin put out a general call for the assassina-
organizations decided that the Soviet Union that anticipated an international civil war.
tion of Trotsky [citation needed], and he was
no longer could be called a degenerated Pablo's followers considered that the Com-
finally killed with an ice axe in Mexico in
workers state and withdrew from the Fourth munist Parties, insofar as they were placed
1940, by Ramon Mercader, a Spanish sup-
International. After 1945 Trotskyism was under pressure by the real workers' move-
porter of Stalin, under direct orders from the
smashed as a mass movement in Vietnam ment, could escape Stalin's manipulations
GPU. [36]
and marginalised in a number of other coun- and follow a revolutionary orientation.
Founding of the Fourth In-
ternational
Trotsky founded the International Left Op-
position in 1930. It was meant to be an oppo-
sition group within the Comintern, but any-
one who joined, or was suspected of joining,
the ILO, was immediately expelled from the
Comintern. The ILO therefore concluded
that opposing Stalinism from within the
Communist organizations controlled by Sta-
lin's supporters had become impossible, so
new organizations had to be formed. In 1933,
the ILO was renamed the International Com-
munist League (ICL), which formed the basis
of the Fourth International, founded in Paris
in 1938.

Trotsky said that only the Fourth Interna-

tional, basing itself on Lenin's theory of the
vanguard party, could lead the world revolu-
tion, and that it would need to be built in
opposition to both the capitalists and the
Stalinists.

Trotsky argued that the defeat of the German

working class and the coming to power of
Hitler in 1933 was due in part to the mistakes
of the Third Period policy of the Communist
International and that the subsequent failure
of the Communist Parties to draw the correct
lessons from those defeats showed that they
were no longer capable of reform, and a new
international organisation of the working
class must be organised. The Transitional
tries.
demand tactic had to be a key element. The 1951 Congress argued that Trotskyists
The International Secretariat of the Fourth should start to conduct systematic work
At the time of the founding of the Fourth
International in 1938 Trotskyism was a mass International organised an international inside those Communist Parties which were
political current in Vietnam, Sri Lanka and conference in 1946, and then World Con- followed by the majority of the working class.
slightly later Bolivia. There was also a sub- gresses in 1948 and 1951 to assess the expro- However, the ISFI's view that the Soviet lead-
stantial Trotskyist movement in China which priation of the capitalists in Eastern Europe ership was counter-revolutionary remained
included the founding father of the Chinese
and Yugoslavia, the threat of a Third World unchanged. The 1951 Congress argued that
Communist movement, Chen Duxiu,
amongst its number. Wherever Stalinists War, and the tasks for revolutionaries. The the Soviet Union took over these countries
gained power, they made it a priority to hunt Eastern European Communist-led govern- because of the military and political results of
down Trotskyists and treated them as the ments which came into being after World World War II, and instituted nationalized
worst of enemies. War II without a social revolution were de- property relations only after its attempts at
scribed by a resolution of the 1948 congress placating capitalism failed to protect those

Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!

 In Defence of Trotskyism page 8

countries from the threat of incursion by the

West.

Pablo began expelling large numbers of peo-

ple who did not agree with his thesis and
who did not want to dissolve their organiza-
tions within the Communist Parties. For
instance, he expelled the majority of the
French section and replaced its leadership.
As a result, the opposition to Pablo eventu-
ally rose to the surface, with an open letter to
Trotskyists of the world, by Socialist Workers
Party leader James P. Cannon.

The Fourth International split in 1953 into

two public factions. The International Com-
mittee of the Fourth International was estab-
lished by several sections of the International
as an alternative centre to the International
Secretariat, in which they felt a revisionist
faction led by Michel Pablo had taken power.
From 1960, a number of ICFI sections started
to reunify with the IS. After the 1963 reunifi-
cation congress which established the reuni-
fied Fourth International, the French and
British sections maintained the ICFI. Other
groups took different paths and originated
the present complex map of Trotskyist
groupings.

Trotskyist movements
pelled from the PT in December 2003, she Chávez as a Trotskyist, with some describing
1. Latin America helped found PSOL, in which various Trot- him as a bourgeois nationalist [41] and other
skyist groups play a prominent role. considering him an honest revolutionary
Trotskyism has had some influence in some
leader who has made major mistakes because
recent major social upheavals, particularly in During the 1980s in Argentina, the Trotskyist
he lacks a Marxist analysis. [42]
Latin America. party founded in 1982 by Nahuel Moreno,
MAS, (Movimiento al Socialismo, Movement 2. Asia
The Bolivian Trotskyist party (Partido Obrero
Toward Socialism), claimed to be the "largest
Revolucionario, POR) became a mass party in
Trotskyist party" in the world, before it broke In Indochina during the 1930s, Vietnamese
the period of the late 1940s and early 1950s,
into a number of different fragments in the Trotskyism led by Ta Thu Thau was a signifi-
and together with other groups played a
late 1980s, including the present-day MST, cant current, particularly in Saigon. [43]
central role during and immediately after the
PTS, MAS, IS, PRS, FOS, etc. In 1989 in an
period termed the Bolivian National Revolu- In Sri Lanka, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party
electoral front with the Communist Party
tion. [37] (LSSP) expelled its pro-Moscow wing in 1940,
and Christian nationalists groups, called
becoming a Trotskyist-led party. It was led by
In Brazil, as an officially recognised platform "Izquierda Unida" (united left), obtained
South Asia's pioneer Trotskyist, Philip Gun-
or faction of the PT until 1992, the Trotskyist 3,49% of the electorate, representing 580.944
awardena and his colleague NM Perera. In
Movimento Convergência Socialista (CS), voters [39]. Today the Workers' Party in Ar-
1942, following the escape of the leaders of
which founded the United Socialist Workers' gentina has an electoral base in Salta Prov-
the LSSP from a British prison, a unified
Party (PSTU) in 1994, saw a number of its ince in the far north, particularly in the city
Bolshevik-Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and
members elected to national, state and local of Salta itself, and has become the third po-
Burma (BLPI) was established in India, bring-
legislative bodies during the 1980s. [38] To- litical force in the provinces of Tucuman, also
ing together the many Trotskyist groups in
day the Socialism and Freedom Party (PSOL) in the north, and Santa Cruz, in the south.
the subcontinent. The BLPI was active in the
is described as Trotskyist. Its presidential
Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez declared Quit India movement as well as the labour
candidate in the 2006 general elections,
himself to be a Trotskyist during his swearing movement, capturing the second oldest un-
Heloísa Helena is termed a Trotskyist who
in of his cabinet two days before his own ion in India. Its high point was when it led
was a member of the Workers Party of Brazil
inauguration on 10 January 2007. [40] Vene- the strikes which followed the Bombay Mu-
(PT), a legislative deputy in Alagoas and in
zuelan Troskyist organizations do not regard tiny. After the war, the Sri Lanka section split
1999 was elected to the Federal Senate. Ex-

Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!

 In Defence of Trotskyism page 9

into the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the

Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP). The In-
dian section of the BLPI later fused with the
Congress Socialist Party. In the general elec-
tion of 1947 the LSSP became the main oppo-
sition party, winning 10 seats, the BSP win-
ning a further 5. It joined the Trotskyist
Fourth International after fusion with the
BSP in 1950, and led a general strike (Hartal)
in 1953. [44] [45] [46]

In 1964 a section of the LSSP split to form the

LSSP (Revolutionary) and joined the Fourth
International after the LSSP proper was ex-
pelled. The LSSP (R) later split into factions
led by Bala Tampoe and Edmund Samarak-
kody. The LSSP joined the coalition govern-
ment of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, three of its
members, NM Perera, Cholmondely Goone-
wardena and Anil Moonesinghe, becoming
the first Trotskyist cabinet ministers in his-
tory.

In 1974 a secret faction of the LSSP, allied to

the Militant Tendency in the UK emerged. In
1977 this faction was expelled and formed the
Nava Sama Samaja Party, led by Vasudeva
Nanayakkara.

3. Europe
In France, 10% of the electorate voted in 2002
for parties calling themselves Trotskyist. [47]

In the UK in the 1980s, the entrist Militant

tendency won three members of parliament
and effective control of Liverpool City Coun-
cil while in the Labour Party. Described as
"Britain's fifth most important political party"
in 1986 [48] it played a prominent role in the
1989–1991 mass anti-poll tax movement
which was widely thought to have led to the
downfall of British Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher. [49] [50] Almost all of the large far
left parties in the UK are led by Trotskyists,
including the Socialist Workers Party
(Britain), the Socialist Party (England and
Wales), Respect – The Unity Coalition and
the Scottish Socialist Party.
The Socialist Party in Ireland was formed in
1990 by members who had been expelled by
the Irish Labour Party's leader Dick Spring. It
has had a sizable amount of support in
County Fingal and has an MEP, Joe Higgins,
representing Dublin. [citation needed]
In the 27/09/2009 Portuguese legislative
elections, the Bloco de Esquerda pt:Bloco de
Esquerda won 558.062 votes, which trans-
lated into 9,82% of the expressed votes and
the election of 16 (out of 230) deputies to the
national parliament [51]. Although founded
by severall leftist tendencies it still expresses
much of the trotskyist thoughts upheld and
developed by its current leader Francisco
Louçã.
Trotskyism today
The list of Trotskyist internationals shows
that there are a large number of other multi-
national tendencies that stand in the tradi-
tion of Leon Trotsky. Some Trotskyist organi-
sations are only organized in one country.
COFI —Communist Organization for the
Fourth International
FI-USFI — United Secretariat of the Fourth
International
IBT — International Bolshevik Tendency.
ICFI based in Britain—- part of ICFI led by
Healy until his death.
ICFI based in USA—— part of ICFI led by
North.
ICL(FI) — International Communist League
(Fourth Internationalist), the Spartacists
ICL — International Communist League ,
international supporters of the SWP [US]
ICOT —International Center for Ortodox
Trotskyism, in Spanish CITO,
ICU — Internationalist Communist Union,
Lutte Ouvriere international
IST — International Socialism Tendency,
SWP/Britain and others.
Associated with Tony Cliff.
IWL(FI) — International Workers’ League
(Fourth International), in Spanish LIT,
Moreno founded organisation
MT — Marxist Tendency, unofficial name,
tendency associated with Ted Grant and
Alan Woods

Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!


PO/T/FIT — Partito Obrero/Argentina and
co-thinkers. They used to be called the
Fourth Internationalist Tendency
TF — Trotskyist Faction (International Strat- 184, New Park publications (1962)
egy), split of LIT, PTS/Argentina and others.
WI(RFI) — Workers’ International, Slaugh-
ter-Nagy tendency
WIU (FI) — Workers’ International Unity
(Fourth International), in Spanish UIT,
References
1. Lenin and Trotsky were "co-leaders" of the
1917 Russian Revolution: http://www.icl-
fi.org/english/wv/archives/oldsite/2004/RCP
-823.htm
2. Collins Dictionary and Thesaurus (1993)
3. cf for instance, Trotsky, Leon, The Perma- instance, Che Guevara: A revolutionary
nent Revolution (1928) and Results and Pros- fighter accessed 2007-10-07
pects (1906), New Park Publications, London,
(1962)
4. Trotsky, Revolution Betrayed, 1936
5. What is Trotskyism (1973) Ernest Mandel
6. Figes, Orlando, A People's Tragedy: The
Russian Revolution 1891–1924, p803, Pimlico
(1997)
7. Trotsky, Leon, My Life, p230 and 294,
Penguin, Harmondsworth, (1971)
8. Milyukov, The elections to the second
state Duma, pp91 and 92, is quoted by Leon
Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!
In Defence of Trotskyism page 10
Trotsky in 1905, Pelican books, (1971) p295
(and p176)
9. Trotsky, Leon, Results and Prospects, p
10. Trotsky, Leon, Results and Prospects, pp
174–7, New Park publications (1962)
11. Trotsky, Results and Prospects, p183, New
Park (1962)
12. Trotsky, History of the Russian Revolu-
tion, ('July Days': Preparation and beginning)
p519, Pluto Press (1977)
13. Trotsky, Leon, Results and Prospects, p
204–5, New Park publications (1962)
14. Many would put, for instance, the Com-
mittee for a Workers’ International in this
category of orthodox Trotskyists. See for
15. Trotsky, Leon, Results and Prospects, p
204–5, New Park publications (1962). Trotsky
adds that the revolution must raise the cul-
tural and political consciousness of the peas-
antry.
16. Marx, Karl, Address of the Central Com-
mittee to the Communist League
17. Trotsky, Leon, 1905, Pelican books, (1971)
p217 ff
18. This summary of Trotsky's role in 1917,
written by Stalin for Pravda, November 6,
1918, was quoted in Stalin's book The Octo-
ber Revolution issued in 1934, but it was
expunged in Stalin's Works released in 1949.
19. "Peasant farming continues to be… an
extremely broad and very sound, deep-
rooted basis for capitalism, a basis on which
capitalism persists or arises anew in a bitter
struggle against communism." Lenin Eco-
nomics and Politics in the era of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat, October 30, 1919, Col-
lected works, Vol 30, p109
20. Lenin, Report on the substitution of a tax
in kind for the surplus-grain approriation
system, Tenth Congress, March 15, 1921, Col-
lected works, Vol 32, p215. This speech, of
course, introduced the New Economic Policy
(NEP), which was intended to reinforce the
basis of the second of the two conditions
Lenin mentions in the quote, the support of
the peasantry for the workers' state.
21. Deutscher, Isaac, Stalin, p285, Penguin,
(1966)
22. Trotsky, Leon, History of the Russian
Revolution, p332, Pluto Press, London (1977)
23. See also Deutscher, Isaac, Stalin, p 293,
Penguin (1966)
24. Figes, Orlando, A People's Tragedy: The
Russian Revolution 1891–1924, p802, Pimlico
(1997). Figes, at Birkbeck, University of Lon-
don, is one of the UK's leading modern Rus-
sian historians
25. Lenin, Collected works, Vol 36, pp593–
98: "Stalin is too rude and this defect…

becomes intolerable in a Secretary-General.
That is why I suggest that the comrades think
about a way of removing Stalin from that
post…it is a detail which can assume decisive
importance."
26. Trotsky, Leon, The Stalin School of Falsi-
fication, pp89ff, Pathfinder (1971)
27. Trotsky, Leon, The Stalin School of Falsi-
fication, pp78ff, Pathfinder (1971)
28. Trotsky, Leon, The Stalin School of Falsi-
fication, Foreword to the Russian edition, p
xxxiii, Pathfinder (1971)
29. Serge, Victor, From Lenin to Stalin, p70,
Pathfinder, (1973)
30. Serge, Victor, From Lenin to Stalin, p70
ff, Pathfinder, (1973)
31. Deutscher, Isaac, Stalin, p381, Pelican
(1966)
32. Trotsky, Leon, Revolution Betrayed, pp5
– 32 Pathfinder (1971)
33. "One of the most important tasks today,
if not the most important, is to develop this
independent initiative of the workers, and of
all working and exploited people generally"
Lenin, 'How to organise competition', Col-
lected Works, Volume 26, p. 409
Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward!
In Defence of Trotskyism page 11
34. Rogovin, Vadim, 1937: Stalin's Year of 41. http://www.jir.org.ve/article.php3?
Terror Mehring Books, 1998, p374. Also see id_article=211
the chapter 'Trotskyists in the camps': "A
42. Sanabria, William, La Enmienda Consti-
new, young generation of Trotskyists had
tucional, Orlando Chirino y la C-CURA
grown up in the Soviet Union…lots of them
go to their deaths crying 'Long live Trotsky!' " 43. Richardson, A.(Ed.), The Revolution
Until this research became available after the Defamed: A documentary history of Viet-
fall of the Soviet Union, little was known namese Trotskyism, Socialist Platform Ltd
about the strength of the Trotskyists within (2003)
the Soviet Union.
44. Ervin, W E, Tomorrow is Ours: The Trot-
35. Trotsky, Leon, Revolution Betrayed, skyist Movement in India and Ceylon, 1935-
p288, Pathfinder (1971) 48, Colombo, Social Scientists Association,
2006.
36. Isaac Don Levine, The Mind of an Assas-
sin, 1960, p.34. For an online account, see 45. Y. Ranjith Amarasinghe, Revolutionary
also 'Forty Years Since Leon Trotsky’s Assas- Idealism & Parliamentary Politics – A Study
sination', Militant International Review Sum- Of Trotskyism In Sri Lanka, Colombo (1998)
mer 1980 accessed online 20 June 2007
46. Leslie Goonewardena, A Short History of
37. Alexander, Robert J., International Trot- the Lanka Sama Samaja Party accessed online
skyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis June 19, 2007
of the Movement, Duke University Press
47. The combined Trotskyist vote was
(1991)
2,973,600 (10.44%) compared to 1,616,546
38. History of the PSTU (5.3%) in 1995
39. Atlas Electoral de Andy Tow 48. Crick, Michael, The March of Militant,
p2
40. BBC News, Chavez accelerates on path to
socialism, Nathalie Malinarich, accessed 49.BBC' One this day' retrospective is" 1990:
online 19 June 2007 one in five yet to pay poll tax"
50. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street
Years (1993) pp848–9
51. http://www.legislativas 2009.mj.pt/
legislatives 2009/
Further reading
● Alex Callinicos. Trotskyism (Concepts in
Social Thought) university of Minnesota
Press, 1990.
Socialist Fight: Where We Stand
We stand with Karl Marx: ‘The emancipation of
the working classes must be conquered by the
working classes themselves. The struggle for the
emancipation of the working class means not a
struggle for class privileges and monopolies but
for equal rights and duties and the abolition of
all class rule’.
We see democratic soviets/workers’ councils as
the instruments of participatory democracy
which must be the basis of the successful strug-
gle for workers’ power.
We are for the nationalisation and expropriation
of capitalist private property without compensa-
tion and under workers’ control.
The capitalist state must be overthrown and
smashed to achieve socialism.
The revolutionary process of transition to com-
munism is based on the struggle to form an
international federation of workers’ states and
such a federation is required in order to over-
come the domination of global capital.
We defend the heritage of the Russian Revolu-
tion and critically support the revolutionary
thrust of the first four Congresses of the Third
The Press of the Permanent Revolution Collective and its sympathising organisations. More information of the CoReP can be obtained at,
www.revolution-socialiste.info/CoReP.htm
● Belden Fields. Trotskyism and Maoism:
Theory and Practice i n France and the
United States Praeger Publishers, 1989.
● Alfred Rmer.Trotsky and the Origins o f
Trotskyism. Republished by Francis Boutle
Publishers, now out of print.
● Cliff Slaughter. Trotskyism Versus Revi-
sionism :A Documentary History (multi vol-
ume work, now out of print)
Communist International before the victory of
counter-revolutionary Stalinism.
No to popular fronts with the political represen-
tatives of any capitalist class to defeat fascism,
stop war or for any other reason.
No to sectarian abstention from the class strug-
gle.
We recognise the necessity for revolutionaries to
carry out serious ideological and political strug-
gle as direct participants in the trade unions
(always) and in the mass reformist social democ-
ratic bourgeois workers’ parties despite their pro-
capitalist leaderships when conditions are fa-
vourable.
We aim to develop a programme for the emanci- the Marxist method of mass work as advocated
pation of the specially oppressed. We support
the right of women, Black and Asian people,
lesbians and gay men, bisexuals and transgender
people to caucus inside the unions and in social
democratic parties.
We fight racism and fascism. We support the
right of people to fight back against racist at-
tacks. Self-defence is no offence!
We oppose all immigration controls. Interna-
tional finance capital roams the planet in search and splits necessary for this in our international
of profit and imperialist governments disrupts
the lives of workers and cause the collapse of
Cheques and Standing Orders to Socialist Fight Ac-
Unity Trust Bank, Sort Code 08-60-01, Account. No.
External links
● Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line
● The Leon Trotsky Internet archive con-
taining a large number of Trotsky's written
works
● TheLubitzTrotskyanaNet,dealingwithLeon
Trotsky,TrotskyismandTrotskyists
whole nations with their direct intervention in
the Balkans, Iraq and Afghanistan and their
proxy wars in Somalia and the Democratic Re-
public of the Congo, etc.
We demand of all governments a world plan to
combat climate change and the degradation of
the biosphere which is caused by the anarchy of
capitalist production for profits of transnational
corporations. Ecological catastrophe is not ‘as
crucial as imperialism’ but caused by imperialism
so to combat this threat we must redouble our
efforts to forward the world revolution.
We support Trotsky’s Transitional Programme of
1938 in its context. We always practice the
method embodied in that document because it is
by Lenin in Left Wing Communism, an Infantile
Disorder in 1920.
As revolutionary international socialists we sup-
port Trotsky’s theory of Permanent Revolution
and its applicability to the present era of global-
isation.
We are for the refoundation and reconstruction
of the Fourth International as the world party of
socialist revolution and will fight for the fusions
work.
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