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Interdisciplinary Studies 490: Senior Thesis

Under the Guidance of Dr. Sabrina Habib

This case study aims to further understand the fundamentals of sustainability

issues pertaining to a raw material called fluff pulp. Fluff pulp is a chemical cellulose

long fiber used for products that need high absorbency. Examples of these products

include feminine hygiene products, baby diapers, and adult incontinence products. Fluff

pulp used in products have documented environmental consequences and health risks

(Bajpai, 2010; Boyd, 2015; Code of Federal Regulations, 2017). This product category is

far from achieving a transparent supply chain due to lack of communicative marketing

and packaging. Companies manufacturing these products on average either minimally

report their social and environmental impacts of the product in annual sustainability

reports, or in some cases do not at all (Eccles, 2014). For example, in the United States,

tampons are considered a medical device by the Food and Drug Administration,

therefore product content and materials are considered proprietary information belonging

to the manufacturer. It is estimated that a woman will use between 11,000 and 16,000

tampons in a lifetime (Kounang, 2015). The break in the communication model between

manufacturer and the consumer in the fluff pulp product category implies ethical

disregard for some of the worlds most vulnerable populations such as women and


Marketing aims to match a companys product and services to the people who

need and want them, typically to ensure profitability. In this study, efforts in marketing

and government policy to preserve social well-being and health will be evaluated. A case

study methodology was implemented to illuminate decisions regarding marketing and

public health policy; why they were taken, how they were implemented, and with what


Paper and Pulp Industry

Technological innovations have contributed to the decrease in demand of

traditional paper. The majority of the worlds demand on paper and pulp products are for

hygienic and sanitary usage (Smithers, 2017). The paper and pulp industry is very diverse

in material use, product type, production processes, location, and mill size. Papermaking

is both capital and resource intensive. The papermaking process can be broken down in

several stages: raw material preparation and handling, pulp manufacturing, pulp washing

and screening, chemical recovery, bleaching, stock preparation, and paper-making

(Bajpai, 2010). Harvested wood is first separated from lignin and then made into pulp

either chemically or mechanically. The pulp is then bleached or processed, depending on

the desired paper product (Boyd, 2015).

Fluff Pulp Manufacturing

Fluff Pulp is chemical pulp made from wood cellulose of softwoods. Fluff pulp is

used worldwide in absorbent hygiene products such as diapers, feminine hygiene

products, and adult incontinence products. The specific type of fluff pulp referred to in

this study is southern bleached softwood kraft (SBSK) pulp produced in the southern

United States (Boyd, 2015). The paper and pulp industry stimulated the rural south by

bringing in new money from the North and brought with it the chemical industry, and the

land they bought and paid taxes for, coupled with the stimulus that it gave to the

railroads, and truck transportation (Boyd, 2015). During reconstruction after the Civil

War, capital from the North was crucial for the rural south to rebuild. By the mid-1990s,

the southern pulp and paper industry was far larger than that of all other countries.

In order to use softwood pine it must first be pulped and this is when chemicals are

used to dissolve lignin to extract cellulose from the wood fiber. Most SBSK pulp is

manufactured using the kraft process. Bleached kraft pulp has the lowest yields but

account for 85% of the global market pulp capacity of 54 million tons in 2005 (Boyd,

2015 ). Most kraft pulp mills producing fluff pulp, bleach products using the elemental

chlorine-free (ECF) method or the totally chlorine free (TCF) sequence. The ECF method

is the most dominant in industry because studies show that it is virtually free of dioxins

and other toxic substances (Federal Regulations Title 21, 2017). In 2007, ECF production

reached more than 88 million tons, totaling more than 89% of world market share (Boyd,

2015). Bleaching is an effective purification process for removing hemicelluloses, wood

extractives, and lignin.

Environmental Impacts of Paper and Pulp Industry

The Paper and Pulp Industry impacts the environment in ways including but not

limited to ecotoxicity, photo-chemical oxidation, acidification, nitrification, global

warming, and solid wastes (Bajpai, 2010). Throughout the papermaking process there are

a variety of environmental externalities. The primary issue that comes to most

stakeholders thoughts is the topic of deforestation. Although modern paper mills claim

that slash pine is a sustainable crop, which reaches maturity in 30 years, it still shapes the

landscape of many terrains. Paper and pulp mills shaped the infrastructure of the rural

south during reconstruction after the Civil War, it continues to house the worlds largest

paper and pulp companies (Boyd, 2015). A native South Carolinian stated sometimes we

would pass a cutover field, with the stumps and trash trees twisted up in the dirt and left

behind in snarls. If it was fresh and the windows were down, you could smell the mix of

churned up earth and broken bits of root and tree. It was clear that something big and

powerful had been there, taken value from the land, and left the rest behind (Boyd,


Wastewaters generated by mills that bleach pulp produce effluents that contain

200 compounds that are chlorinated organic compounds, which include chlorinated resin

acids, chlorinated phenolics, and dioxins (Bajpai, 2010; Gouda, 2003). Pollutants such as

chlorinated phenolics and dioxins are toxic, nonbiodegradable, and tend to contaminate

food chains through bioaccumulation. When run-off is added to a water system it changes

in color due to lignin. This impairs the sunlight from reaching bottom-dwelling aquatic

life and decreases the appeal and recreational value of water. The bleaching process also

create dioxins which can be toxic, carcinogenic, and bioaccumulable. Although the

quantity of dioxins in bleaching effluents is very low, even in trace amounts, dioxins can

cause a wide range of adverse health effects such as disruption of hormones, reproductive

and immune system disorders, and abnormal fetal development (Bajpai, 2010). The paper

and pulp industry is extremely energy intensive but often mills will seek to maximize the

burning of biomass energy potential. Paper and pulp mills produce a sulfurous rotten egg

smell that often drifts into surrounding cities. Furthermore, polychlorinated biphenyls,

dioxins, and furans have been found in fly ash from the burning of sludge from kraft

mills, raising concern about quantities emitted to the atmosphere (Kopponen et al., 1994).

Hydrogen chloride and methanol are considered major air pollutants of concern produced

in recovery boilers. Air pollution emissions vary in regards to paper or pulp product

being produced, government restriction, and mill operations. A further concern is how

paper mills dispose of solid waste and sludge. Some mill operations reuse the byproduct

of paper production for agricultural benefits but long term studies are necessary to

understand the full environmental impact of disposing paper mill waste products.

Marketing in Fluff Pulp Products

According to the American Marketing Association, marketing is defined as the

activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and

exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large

(Armstrong, 2017). Paper manufacturers find value in the marketing mix (product, price,

promotion, and place) in various ways. The price of a product must encompass the total

cost of production and still make profit for the paper and pulp manufacturer. If a product

such as a specialty paper has benefits or features than the price can be increased.

Currently most specialty papers that are recycled or environmentally conscious are priced

higher (Smithers, 2017). This lowers the accessibility of this product to price susceptible


Evaluating some of the larger paper and pulp corporations is important in order to

understand the variation of their branding techniques. For example, Domtar, the largest

paper producer in North America, has various office paper brands like Xerox Paper and

Specialty Media, Cougar, Lynx Opaque Ultra, Husky Opaque Offset, First

Choice and EarthChoice (Domtar-Corporate Facts, 2017). These products have similar

aspects in packaging, which include product specifications that are required like disclosed

contents, product identity, and product manufacturer. Although these brands operate on

behalf of Domtar, they each are held to different forestry standards in certification. The

varying products appeal to different consumers at different price points. Although price

usually encompasses the cost of a manufacturers microenvironment, price does not cover

the external cost on the macroenvironment despite action to be proactive in pricing and

production (Bajpai, 2010).

Most paper and pulp businesses strive to be third party certified, it has become an

industry standard. Citizens assume that certified forest products come from sustainably

managed forests, making certification a de facto quality assurance mechanism for the

sustainability performance of a forest product (Clark, 2011). As of 2009, about 10 percent

of the worlds forests are certified, and 40 percent of these certified lands are in North

America (SFI and FSC Certification in North America, 2017). The most common forestry

initiative labels include Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), Sustainable Forestry Initiative

(SFI), and the Canadian Sustainable Forest Management (CAN/CSA-Z809). Eco-labels

are used to encourage consumers to make environmentally friendly purchases but more

often they add to the confusing and increasing index of eco-labels. SFI is a certification

program meant to protect biodiversity, sustainable harvest of virgin fibers, and water

quality. SFI today gives its seal of approval or 'certification' to activities on more than

285 million acres (115 million hectares) of forests or tree plantations (Basics of SFI).

Companies such as Home Depot, Phillips Van Heusen, Ruby Tuesday, Allstate, Sprint,

AT&T, and 31other companies have all taken a stand to no longer associate their brand

with the SFI label (PRNewswire, 2011). Their discontinued use of SFI certifications stem

from a study done by ForestEthics (now, where out of 534 audits of SFI-

certified companies since 2004, none have reported clear-cutting, soil erosion, change in

water quality, or other problems associated with the pulp and paper industry. This implies

that SFIs third party verification of forest integrity is compromised and unreliable.

In mid-2011, FSC totaled 354,100,000 acres worldwide. The United States with

33,811,000 acres of FSC forest places third behind Canada and Russia (Forest

Stewardship Council, 2017). In order to be given FSC certification a forest must be

managed in an environmentally appropriate, socially beneficial and economically viable

manner. FSC is the only forest certification scheme endorsed by the major environment

charities including WWF, Greenpeace and the Woodland Trust. FSC standards are also

respected because they track their certified lumber through the supply chain and into


Eco-labeling schemes are meant to increase transparency along the supply chain

and inform the consumer in a way that can promote sustainable consumption and

development. According to cataloguer, approximately 432 labelling

schemes are available in 246 countries, of which 147 include standards for

food/beverage. While the growth in labels and accompanying communication initiatives

may be interpreted as a sign of success and sales of products carrying sustainability labels

are reported to increase; label overload and gaps in the understanding of sustainability

may result in consumer confusion and limit the use of such labels. Eco-labels must retain

a commitment to go beyond compliance and evolve with industry it pertains to. For

example, SFI began as the industry forestry standard in North America but became less

significant to the market as FSC proved to be a more comprehensive sustainable

certification and eco-label to companies. In the case of the paper and pulp industry the

initiative toward sustainable consumption became a consumer expectation and better

forestry certification was a companys commitment to that expectation. Due to the

diversity of paper and pulp products more consumer behavior research is necessary to

understand how significant forestry eco-labels effects buying behavior.

Fluff Pulp Marketing Laws in the United States

To further understand the complications of marketing fluff pulp products it is

important to recognize the legal parameters in which paper and pulp manufacturers

operate under. Marketing for the paper and pulp industry must comply with laws under

The Federal Trade Commission. The Federal Trade Commissions purpose is to prevent

business practices that are anticompetitive or deceptive or unfair to consumers; to

enhance informed consumer choice and public understanding of the competitive process;

and to accomplish this without unduly burdening legitimate business activity. Under the

Fair Packaging and Labeling Act (FPLA), the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the

Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issue regulations requiring all consumer

commodities be labeled to disclose contents, identity of the product, and the name and

place of business of the product's manufacturer, packer or distributor (Fair Packaging and

Labeling Act, 2017). Items made of fluff pulp are not typically labeled as a consumable

product that falls under the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act (NLEA). Paper and

pulp products come in external contact with the body frequently in the developed world

because of its cultural significance. Paper towels and sanitary napkins are used in

restrooms and kitchens privately and publicly.

Fluff pulp specifically is used in products that retain liquids. Tampons are

considered a medical device because according to the Food and Drug Administration.

Due to this definition, privatization of the feminine hygiene market has been

accomplished. According to Food and Drug Administration, tampon companies are

legally ordered to place a warning label for Toxic Shock Syndrome (TSS) but not list

information on the origin or chemical compound of the absorbent material itself. Diapers

are also made with fluff pulp and packaging labels are required to warn consumers of

diaper rash but do not disclaim product content.

Quality-of-Life Marketing Concept

This study aims to look at significant marketing strategies that have improved

social relationships and public health. Across multiple disciplines including psychology,

medicine, economics, environmental science, and sociology, the phrase quality of life

as a general term is meant to represent either how well human needs are met or the extent

to which individuals or groups perceive satisfaction or dissatisfaction in various life

domains (Costanza, 2007). The traditional view of the quality-of-life (QOL) in

marketing is an approach is a social marketing strategy that can be stated as the business

mechanism that plans, prices, promotes, and distributes economic consumer goods in

ways to maximize consumer well-being (Sirgy and Lee, 2008). The concept provides a

business philosophy that guides marketers in the development and implementation of

marketing strategies that act upon consumer well-being throughout the consumer and

product life cycle. It is also defined as marketing products in a way that minimizes

negative side effects to consumers while generating long term profit (Alvez, 2013).

Objective quality-of-life is quantifiable social or economic indicators to reflect the extent

to which human needs are met. Subjective quality-of-life looks to self -reported levels of

happiness, pleasure, and fulfillment (Costanza, 2007).

The quality-of-life marketing concept emerged out of the macromarketing school

of thought, which is concerned with the way marketing affects society and vice versa

(Alvez, 2013). Companies that practice this marketing exhibit mission statements and

behavior that enhance the quality of life in their employees, their consumers, and

communities (Sirgy, 1991). For sustainable development, it is important for businesses to

focus not only on consumer expectation but also on a holistic vision of its contribution to

well-being (Niedemeier and Bartsch, 2011). Like sustainability, this marketing strategy

employs the use of long-term planning and recognition of economics, society, and the

environment as stakeholders. Businesses report on social sustainability but very few

businesses commit to overall well-being. Like eco-labels, language on product packaging

are not fully communicative to consumers. Companies meet government regulations and

provide content information on their products, but their lack of ingredient transparency

used in the supply chain and comprehensive research on long-term health consequences,

prohibit consumers from protecting their own well-being. Often, the argument for

discouraging market transparency is the limitation of competition and price increase. If

marketing wishes to improve its image, credibility, and legitimacy and counteract the

criticisms attributed to it, then it must concentrate on improving consumer quality of life

while simultaneously raising its own firms long term profitability (Alvez, 2013). The

following are three case examples of quality-of-life marketing strategies and how they

accomplished common ground with other disciplines to improve public health and well-


Case 1: Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement

On November 23, 1998, the cigarette manufacturers, along with forty-six states

and six other U.S. jurisdictions (the Settling States), entered into what is called the

Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), the largest civil litigation settlement in U.S.

history. The major manufacturers at the time were Philip Morris USA, R. J. Reynolds,

Brown & Williamson, and Lorillard. The states goal of the lawsuit was to recover the

states incurred cost in treating sick and dying cigarette smokers (Jones, 2010). The MSA

sets standards, and imposes restrictions on, the sale and marketing of cigarettes by

participating cigarette manufacturers, and includes other requirements and restrictions

regarding tobacco company conduct. The MSA comes after the Surgeon Generals report

Smoking and Health, the 1966 requirement for warning package labels, and the 1971 ban

on radio and television cigarette advertising (Jones, 2010). The Master Settlement

Agreement is an interdisciplinary solution relevant to this study in that it has improved

the quality of life of product stakeholders whereas marketing provided customers with

accessibility to information on health consequences, companies funded product caused

social ills, and increased research on tobacco related illness.

This lawsuit was settled on the premise that The Participating Manufacturers are

prohibited from direct and indirect targeting of youth, use of cartoons, placement of

outdoor ads in proximity to a retail establishment, brand their products, and employ brand

name sponsorship (Master Settlement Agreement, 1990). Marketers were no longer

placing ads in magazines, hosting celebrity endorsements, or displaying ads in public

places. In June 2000, Philip Morris announced that, beginning in September 2000, it

would restrict its cigarette advertising to magazines whose proportion of young readers

was less than 15 percent and that had fewer than 2 million readers from 12 to 17 years old

(King, 2001). The reduction in media related advertising created an industry shift in

marketing where companies began increasing their point-of-purchase marketing

(Wakefield, 2002). One study showed that 3 out of 4 teenagers visit a convenience store

at least once per week, these research studies suggest that the point-of-purchase

environment may have important influences on youths in terms of making tobacco use

seem normative and, ultimately, increasing the likelihood of smoking initiation

(Wakefield, 2002).

The primary purpose for MSA funding the states involved Medicaid services for

smoking-related illness and educational programs to reduce underage smoking. The MSA

does not contain any provisions requiring states to allocate settlement revenues to tobacco

prevention and cessation. Due to this provision states often use this money on non-health

programs, including education and social services, infrastructure, and general state

government funding.

One unintended positive consequence has been that since tobacco companies

have passed along MSA costs to their customers in terms of higher prices per pack, teen

smoking has declined (Jones, 2010; Demopoulos, 2011). Regardless of the media source,

there is significant evidence that comprehensive tobacco control programs (anti-tobacco

campaigns) do reduce smoking rates of smoking over an extended period of time, and

that the longer such programs operate, the greater the positive impact (Farrelly, 2003).

Case 2: Nutrition Labeling and Education Act (NLEA)

In 1990, the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act (NLEA) passed. NLEA

requires all packaged foods to bear nutrition labeling and all health claims for foods to be

consistent with terms defined by the Secretary of Health and Human Services. Nutrition

Labeling and Education Act of 1990 - Amends the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act

(FDCA) to deem a food misbranded unless its label bears nutrition information that

provides information on serving size, fats, sugars, minerals, cholesterol, etc. (Waxman,

1990). As a concession to food manufacturers, the FDA authorizes some health claims

for foods. In determining which nutrients and food components to require on the label,

FDA looked to The Surgeon Generals Report on Nutrition and Health (HHS, 1988) and

the NRCs report Diet and Health: Implications for Reducing Chronic Disease Risk

(NRC, 1989).

Results from field and lab studies showed that NLEA changed consumer attention

to the negative nutrition attributed (such as fat and sodium, of which less is better) more

than it changed attention to positive attributes such as calcium and vitamins

(Balasubramanian, 2002). There are significant differences between countries but, in

general, consumers see marketing that incorporates health claims as useful; they prefer

short, succinct wording rather than long and complex claims; and they believe that claims

should be approved by the government (Williams, 2005). Attention to nutrition content

varied across food categories. One study found that one group (low-motivation, low-

knowledge consumers) benefited in socially desirable ways under the new food labels

(Balasubramanian, 2002). Another study concluded that unless a consumers attention to

nutrition includes all foods, all eating occasions, and all efforts to control dietary intake

label awareness will remain ineffective (Scarbrough 1995). One stipulation of the NLEA

is the limitation of diet-disease relationships information on food packaging

(Balasubramanian, 2002). The greatest success of the NLEA rests on reaching different

groups of consumers with different needs and abilities (Balasubramanian, 2002). The

NLEA is enforced by a cooperative effort between the Federal Trade Commission, the

Food and Drug Administration, and the United States Department of Agriculture.

Although a government enforced packaging requirement, NLEA uses marketing

to increase consumer health and well-being. This incorporates both subjective and

objective quality-of-life marketing. Regulating language used as health claims allowed

for health to be a positioning tool amongst product categories inspiring product

innovation. The design and content of the label was a multi-disciplinary effort to be

communicative to all consumers and incorporate updated information based on science

regarding nutrition. Disciplines have varying positions on whether or not federal

regulations on food labeling should be laws designed by each state.

Case 3: Get Yourself Tested Campaign

Get Yourself Tested is an ongoing national campaign launched in 2009 as an

extension of a longstanding public information partnership between MTV and the Kaiser

Family Foundation to address the high rates of STDs among those under 25. GYT is

supported by a broad range of organizations including Planned Parenthood Federation of

America, the National Coalition of STD Directors (NCSD), American College Health

Association (ACHA), American Social Health Association (ASHA), the National

Chlamydia Coalition (NCC), CDC, and various state and local health departments,

colleges and universities, and other community groups and non-profits. Gilead Sciences,

Inc. provides support and resources for select elements of the campaign. CDC provided

assistance to ensure scientific accuracy of GYT health information (KFF). According to

CDC, young people ages 15-24 represent nearly half of all new STDs occurring in the

U.S., while representing just 25 percent of the population. Evidence from national and

local evaluations suggests that the GYT campaign is associated with increased STD

testing during campaign promotion periods (Friedman, Bozniak, et al., 2014; Friedman,

Brookmeyer, et al., 2014).

In one study, on-the-ground events reached an estimated 20,000 youth in 2009

and 52,000 youth in 2010. Across 2009 to 2010, GYTs Facebook page gained 4,477

fans, Twitter feed gained 1994 followers, and more than 140,000 referrals were made to

the STD testing locator. From April 2008 to 2010, there was a 71% increase in STD

testing and a 41% increase in chlamydia testing at reporting Planned Parenthood affiliates

(representing 118 health centers). Chlamydia case positivity rates during this period

were stable at 6.6% (2008) and 7.3% (2010). Trend data indicate that testing was higher

in spring 2009 and 2010 compared with other periods during those years; this pattern is

commensurate with STD Awareness Month/GYT activities (Friedman, Brookmeyer, et

al., 2014).


Each case presented used both unique and overlapping marketing elements to

achieve improvement to public health using governing agency sponsorship and funding.

Some of the primary and most effective marketing elements include promotion,

placement, and price tactics. In the cases presented the associated governing agency

trying to improve public health created social awareness campaigns or promotions to

create a consensus in a certain belief or cause. This belief in all three cases presented is

rooted in a core health study provided by the Surgeon General.

In application to fluff pulp products this shows that there is neglect in government

support for studying the long-term effects on feminine health when using tampons. For

example, Congresswoman Carolyn B. Maloney has introduced The Robin Danielson

Feminine Hygiene Product Safety Act seven times to congress where it has been rejected

all seven times. The Robin Danielson Feminine Hygiene Product Safety Act directs the

National Institutes of Health (NIH) to determine through research whether feminine

hygiene products that contain dioxin, synthetic fibers, and other chemical additives like

chlorine, colorants and fragrances, pose health risks (Maloney, 2017). The difference in

these cases also lies in the product itself. Tobacco use is a hedonistic and socially

influenced choice intertwined with varying cultural and economic influences. The

product discrepancy is that tampons solve a need while cigarettes can be considered a

solution to a want and need. More research is necessary in understanding how marketers

can target consumer perception of objective quality-of-life and subjective quality-of-life

measurements in their decision-making patterns. There was a funding settlement for the

known health risks caused by cigarettes between the states and the federal government

(MSA), but none concerning the known health risks associated with fluff pulp products

on women and babies.

Furthermore, in all three cases promotions were acknowledged and integrated into

behavioral patterns when negative product effects were communicated with consumers

rather than by there positive affects. For example, through the Master Settlement

Agreement anti-smoking campaigns made teenage smoking appear socially unacceptable

over time and nutrition labels were viewed for their negative health content

(Demopoulos; 2011; Jones, 2010; Wakefield, 2002). The success in these campaigns lies

in their communication of the health risk to consumers when they interact with both

media and the product itself. Due to the Food and Drug Administrations definition of

medical devices companies are not required to list the ingredients of their tampons to

consumers. For consumers to have choice, they must have information to make that

choice which public policy directly prohibits in the United States on fluff pulp products.

Placement is another marketing element that proved to show increased public

health, likely due to increase in awareness. The goal of the anti-smoking campaigns and

the Get Yourself Tested campaign largely focused on changing the attitudes of young

people toward smoking and getting tested. Placement of anti-smoking and positive ads

toward getting testing were displayed on network television stations such as MTV and

placed in magazines targeted toward a young audience. If social attitudes shift towards

healthy alternatives there could continue to be a decrease in demand of fluff pulp

products. This could be the future of fluff pulp products, as only healthier options will

begin dominating the market. For example sanitary napkins are increasingly being

replaced with hand air dryers in public restrooms. Another example is that of menstrual

cups being a more sustainable option compared to tampons and they are becoming a

popular alternative.

In the cases presented, placement varied depending on the policy associated with

product and the nature of the product itself. The Master Settlement Agreement didnt

allow for marketers to place tobacco ads outdoors, in magazines, on television, or be

celebrity endorsed. This limitation posed by litigation changed how the product was

marketed to primarily point-of-purchase marketing (King, 2001; Wakefield, 2002). Laws

stating that you must be eighteen to purchase cigarettes prevented the targeting of youth

until choice was allowed at a certain age based on brain development.

Fluff pulp products also position themselves to alternatives based on price.

Tobacco products increased in price, which was discussed in studies as evidence of a

decrease in smoking nationally (Jones, 2010; Demopoulos, 2011). The companies passed

of the financial burden of the MSA onto customers by increasing the cost of tobacco

products. Tampons are cheaper currently than their sustainable competitors. If policy

increased the tax on tampons, then the case studies support that women are likely to

change their behavioral patterns toward menstruation solutions.

The quality- of-life marketing concept provides a business philosophy that guides

marketers in the development and implementation of marketing strategies that act upon

consumer well being throughout the consumer and product life cycle. Quality-of-life

marketing is a marketing practice that examines problems from a long-term perspective.

In fluff pulp production this is a necessary lens to evaluate issues stemming from

environmental and public health risks. Currently fluff pulp product marketing and

manufacturing requires necessary institutional change made possible through the

cooperation of government agencies, companies, and health studies based on research to

improve citizen and consumer well being.

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