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Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 1: Globa
alization and global politics

Ovver the lastt three decades the ssheer scale


e, scope, and
a accelerration of gllobal

inte
erconnecte
edness has
s become increasing
gly evident in every s phere, from
m the

eco
onomic to the cultura
al.

Sceptics consider that this


t is simp
ply evidenc
ce of growing internaational

inte
erdepende
ence, i.e. linkages be
etween cou
untries. A key
k issue iss how the term
t

glo
obalization
n differs fro
om internationalizatio
on, i.e. inte
ernational i nterdependence.

Glo
obalization
n denotes a tendencyy towards the
t growing
g extensityy, intensity, velocity,

and
d deepenin
ng impact of worldwid
de intercon
nnectedness.

Glo
obalization
n is associa e scale of social orgaanization, the
ated with a shift in the t

em
mergence of
o the world
d as a sharred social space, the
e relative deeterritorialization of

soccial, econo
omic, and political
p acttivity, and the relative
e denation alization of
o power.

Glo
obalization
n can be co
onceptualizzed as a fu
undamenta
al shift or trransformattion in the

spa
atial scale of human social orga
anization that links distant com
mmunities and
a

exp
pands the reach of power relat ions acros
ss regions and
a contin ents.

Glo
obalization
n is to be distinguishe
ed from inte
ernationalization andd regionaliz
zation.

Economic glo
obalization
n may be at risk as a result of th
he 2008 finnancial cris
sis, but the

con
ntemporaryy phase off globalizattion has prroved more
e robust thaan the sce
eptics

reccognize.

Co
ontemporarry globaliza
ation is a ccomplex an
nd uneven process.

Co
ontemporarry globaliza
ation is besst describe
ed as a thic
ck form of globalization or

glo
obalism.

Glo
obalization
n is transforming but not burying
g the Westtphalian ideeal of sove
ereign

sta
atehood. It is producing the disa
aggregated
d state.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Glo
obalization
n requires a conceptu
ual shift in our thinkin
ng about woorld politics, from a

principally sta
ate-centric
c perspectivve to the perspective
p e of geocenntric or global

politicsthe politics of worldwide social rela


ations.

Glo
obal politiccs is more accurately
a y described
d as distorted global ppolitics bec
cause it is

afflicted by siignificant power


p asym
mmetries.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
C
Chapter 2: The evollution of internation
nal societyy

Ele
ements of internation
i nal society may be found from the time of the first orrganized

human comm
munities.

Ea
arly forms of
o diplomac
cy and trea
aties existe
ed in the an
ncient Midddle East.

Re
elations am
mong the city-states o
of ancient Greece
G we
ere charactterized by more

devveloped so
ocietal characteristicss, such as arbitration
n.

Ancient China, India, and Rome a


all had their own distinctive inteernational societies.
s

Me
edieval Eurropes international ssociety was
s a comple
ex mixture of suprana
ational,

transnationall, national, and subna


ational stru
uctures.

The Catholic Church played a keyy role in elaborating the


t normattive basis of
o

me
edieval inte
ernational society.
s

Isla
am developed its own distinctivve understa
anding of internationaal society.

The main ing


gredients of contempo
orary interrnational so
ociety are tthe princip
ples of

sovvereignty and
a non-intervention,, and the in
nstitutions of diplomaacy, the ba
alance of

pow
wer, and in
nternationa
al law.

These took centuries


c to
o develop, although the
t Peace of Westphhalia (1648) was a

keyy event in their


t estab
blishment t hroughout Europe.

The Napoleo
onic Wars were
w follow
wed by a sh
hift to a mo
ore managged, hierarc
chical,

inte
ernational society witthin Europ e and an imperial strructure in E
Europes re
elations

witth much off the rest off the world


d.

The League of Nations was an atttempt to place


p intern
national socciety on a more

seccure organ
nizational fo
oundation..

The United Nations


N was intended
d to be a much-
m impro
oved Leag ue of Natio
ons, but

the
e cold war prevented it from fun
nctioning as
a such.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
De
ecolonizatio
on led to th
he worldwid
de spread of the Eurropean moodel of interrnational

socciety.

The collapse of the Sov


viet Union completed
d this proce
ess.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapte
er 3: Intern
national history, 190
00-1999

De
ebates about the origins of the G
Great Warr focus on whether
w reesponsibility should

resst with the German governmentt or whethe


er war cam
me becausee of more complex

facctors.

The Paris peace settlem


ment failed
d to addres
ss central problems
p oof Europea
an

seccurity, and in restructturing the E


European state syste
em createdd new sourrces of

grie
evance an
nd instabilitty.

Principles of self-determ
mination, e
espoused in particula
ar by Wooddrow Wilso
on, did not

exttend to em
mpires of Eu
uropean co
olonial pow
wers.

The rise of Hitler


H posed
d challenge
es that Eurropean political leadeers lacked the ability

d will to me
and eet.

R extended the scope


The German attack on the USSR e of the warr from short and

mited campaigns to ex
lim xtended, la
arge-scale,, and barba
aric confroontation, fought for

tota
al victory.

The Japanesse attack on Pearl Ha


arbor broug
ght Americ
ca into the war in Eurrope and

entually forced Germ


eve many into w
war on two
o fronts (ag
gain).

De
ebate persists about whether
w th
he atomic bomb
b shou
uld have beeen used in
n 1945,

and
d about the
e effect this had on t he cold wa
ar.

The Great War


W precipitated the co
ollapse of four Europ
pean empirres (Russia
an,

Ge
erman, Ausstro-Hunga
arian, and tthe Ottoma
an Empire in Turkey)).

Diffferent European pow


wers had d
different atttitudes to decolonizat
d tion after 1945:

som
me soughtt to preserv
ve their em
mpires, in part
p (the Frrench) or w
whole (the

Po
ortuguese)..

The process of decolon


nization wa
as relatively peaceful in many ccases; how
wever, it

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Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
led
d to revoluttionary warrs in otherss (Algeria, Malaya, and Angolaa), whose scale
s and

ferrocity refleccted the attitudes of tthe colonia


al power an
nd the natioonalist mo
ovements.

dependencce/national liberation became embroiled


Ind e in
n cold warr conflicts when
w the

sup
perpowerss and/or the
eir allies be
ecame invo
olved, for example
e inn Vietnam. Whether

deccolonizatio
on was judg
ged succe ssful depe
ends, in part, on whosse perspec
ctive you

ado
optthat of
o the Euro
opean pow
wer, the independence
e movemeent, or the people
p

the
emselves.

There are dissagreemen


nts about w
when and why
w the cold war beggan, and who
w was

ressponsible. Distinct ph
hases can be seen in
n EastWest relationss, during which
w

ten
nsion and the
t risk of direct
d conffrontation grew
g and receded.

So
ome civil an ed and prolonged by superpow
nd regional wars werre intensifie wer

invvolvement; others ma
ay have be
een prevented or shortened.

uclear weap
Nu pons were an importtant factor in the cold war. How
w far the arm
ms race

had
d a momen
ntum of its own is a m
matter of debate.
d Agrreements oon limiting and

con
ntrolling the growth of
o nuclear a mportant roole in Soviet
arsenals played an im

Am
merican (an
nd EastW
West) relatio
ons.

The end of th
he cold war has not rresulted in the abolitio
on of nucleear weapons.

Va
arious international crrises occurrred in whic
ch there was
w the riskk of nuclear war.

Ho
ow close we came to nuclear wa
ar at these
e times rem
mains openn to speculation and

debate.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapte
er 4: From the end o
of the cold
d war to th
he new glo
obal era

There was no
ot one cause of the ccold war, but
b several..

According to many scholars, the ccold war bipolar system was sttable.

The cold warr ended forr many rea


asons, but few
f predicted it, and it may nott have

ded withou
end ut Mikhail Gorbachev
G v.

The end of th
he cold war, followed
d by the collapse of th
he USSR, ddramaticallly

inccreased the
e USAs we
eight in the
e internatio
onal system
m.

By 2000, the popular viiew was th A was more hyperpoower than


hat the USA

su
uperpower.

nder Clinton
Un n there wa
as a great ffocus on ec
conomic is
ssues and using Ame
ericas

eco
onomic power to rein
nforce its p
position in the
t international systtem.

The USA ma wanda, butt it continu ed to play an active


ay have failled to interrvene in Rw

role
e in interna
ational affa
airs during the 1990s
s.

The problems facing po


ost-commu
unist Russiia were enormous.

Economic refforms in th
he 1990s c reated a new class of
o super-ricch Russian
ns but

exa
acerbated Russias overall
o eco
onomic dec
cline.

adimir Putin has attem


Vla everse what he saw as Russias decline in the
mpted to re

199
90s.

It iss misleadin
ng to talk of
o a new ccold war be
etween the
e West andd Russia.

In sspite of the
e break-up
p of former Yugoslavia, Europe benefited as much from the

end
d of the co
old war as the
t USA.

Europeans after the cold war werre divided over


o a series of key iissues, mo
ost notably

the
e degree off European
n integratio mic strategy, and the foreign po
on, econom olicy

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
asp
pirations of the Europ
pean Unio n.

Europe may not posses


ss much co
ollective military
m pow
wer, but it ddoes retain important

sofft power, while


w remaiining a majjor econom
mic actor in
n the worldd.

The costs of the economic crisis h


have been
n significant but the co
consensus remains

tha
at a functio
oning EU is er peace and prosperrity than an
s more like ly to delive ny

alte
ernative arrrangemen
nt.

ompared to
Co o Europe after 1945, the interna
ational rela
ations of Eaast Asia du
uring the

colld war were highly vo


olatile, marrked by rev
volutions, wars,
w and iinsurgencies.

The end of th
he cold war was expe
erienced ve
ery differen
ntly in Asiaa.

Economic gro
owth, the USAs
U pressence, and
d the role played
p ASEAN continue to
by A

ma
ake the reg
gion more stable
s than
n some pre
edicted.

Ch
hinas econ
nomic rise has brough
ht prosperity to the re
egion but i ncreased tensions
t

too
o, confirmin
ngat leas
st accordin
ng to some
e realists
that when the balanc
ce of

pow
wer chang
ges instability follows..

The end of th
he Third World
W marked by major economic refoorm in man
was m ny

untries, acccompanied
cou d by their rrejoining th
he world market.

The less-devveloped countries con


ntinue to be burdened by debt aand debt

rep
payments to
t the more
e advance d economies of the world.
w

Though socia mperialism is no longer a powerrful politicaal ideology in the


alist anti-im

So
outh, resentments aga
ainst the m
more powerful West remain.
r

9/1
11 effective
ely broughtt the post-ccold war era to an en
nd, and in tthe proces
ss

transformed US foreign
n policy.

The reasons for going to


t war in Irraq have been much disputed, although most
m

peo
ople now believe
b it was
w a strate
egic error.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
The Arab Spring since 2011 has sseen the emergence
e e of powerfful political parties

and
d organiza
ations favouring consstitutions in
nspired by Islam.

Ba
arack Obam
ma was ele
ected in 20
008 in the midst
m of the
e deepest ffinancial crisis since

the
e 1930s.

Hiss foreign policy aimed


d among o
other things
s to restore
e US standding in the world

wh
hile finally bringing
b US
S troops ho
ome from Iraq and Afghanistan
A n.

Ob election in 2012 was in part due


bamas re-e e to his economic poolicies at ho
ome and

in p
part due to
o his perceived succe
ess in foreiign policy.

bama rejeccts the idea


Ob a that the U
United Stattes is in de
ecline, but aaccepts that the US

hass to adjustt its policies


s to take a omic realiti esmost notably in
account of new econo

Asia.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chap
pter 5: Ris
sing powe
ers and the
e emergin
ng global o
order

Du
uring the 19
990s there was near universal agreement that the gglobal system was

dominated byy the powe


er of the Un
nited State
es and its allies
a and bby the institutions

tha
at the US dominated.
d .

Fro
om the perrspective of
o the dominant norms of the sy
ystem, the United Sta
ates has

rarrely been a status quo power b ut has ofte


en sought to
t mould thhe system in its own

ima
age. Since
e the end of
o the cold w
war it has been a strongly revissionist pow
wer: in the

199
90s, in term
ms of pressing for ne
ew norms on ntion, the oopening of markets,
o interven

and
d the embe
edding of particular
p ssets of wha
at it saw as
s liberal vaalues in inte
ernational

insstitutions; in
n the early
y years of t his century
y, in terms of its attem
mpt to reca
ast norms

on regime ch
hange and on the use
e of force.

The states off the global South did


d not face the
t United States witthin a stable notion

of a Westpha
alian orderr. From the
eir perspec
ctive, the dominant
d W
Western sta
ates were

inssisting that many of th


he most im
mportant no
orms of the
e system oought to change,

abo
ove all in ways
w that threatened greater interventionism. But thhere was a

wid
despread sense
s that there was little altern
native but to
t accomm
modate We
estern

pow
wer.

There was widespread


w consensu s that challlenges to the
t US-ledd order wou
uld result

from blowback or bac


cklashes a gainst US and Weste
ern power,, and would
d be

foccused arou
und anti-he
egemonic ssocial move
ements or radical staates.

Ovver the lastt decade, countries


c s uch as Bra a, India, Chhina, South Africa,
azil, Russia

the
e ASEAN states,
s and
d Mexico ha
ave experienced sign
nificant ecoonomic

devvelopmentt. For many


y, the conttinuation off this trend is likely too result in an
a

alte
eration in the
t econom
mic balancce in favourr of the dyn
namic emeerging marrkets.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
With this grea
ater econo
omic share of the worrld market, they feel tthat they deserve
d a

gre
eater politiccal say in the
t interna
ational com
mmunity as well. In facct, the 200
08

fina
ancial crisiisunders
scoring the
e shift in relative econ
nomic weigghtonly made
m this

calll for a seat at the top


p negotiatin
ng tables stronger
s an
nd more urrgent.

Building on th
he idea tha
at a shared
d voice is stronger
s han a singl e voice, th
th he

merging pow
em wers realiz
ze that theyy have to cooperate
c in order too push forw
ward their

ow
wn agendass. On this view,
v the n
new forms of Southerrn multilateeralism led by

tod
days emerrging and regional
r po
owers have
e put the id
dea of the gglobal Sou
uth firmly

bacck on the political


p and intellectu
ual map.

For mainstrea
am realist and
a neo-re
ealist writers
s, rising po
owers matteer because
e their

owing mate
gro erial power disrupts th
he balance of power. There is grreat debate
e about

exa
actly how changes
c in material power causes conflict, but widesppread agre
eement

tha
at power sh
hifts are ass
sociated w
with conflict and that th
his will conttinue: henc
ce the

pre
ediction of many
m neo--realists tha
at conflict between
b the
e US and C
China is ine
evitable.

These materially-based
d approach
hes to rising powers and
a global order rem
main highly

inflluential. Bu
ut they do not tell us enough ab
bout the po
otential patthways tha
at might

lea
ad to the em
mergence of major p
power competition. What
W we waant to know
w is

pre
ecisely how
w an intern
national sysstem might move acrross a specctrum from
m the

general diffussion of pow


wer, to a siituation of multipolarity, to a sysstem in wh
hich the

forreign policies of the major


m state
es are drive
en by balan wer politics and
nce of pow

log
gics. Such systems do not sudd
denly appe
ear out of nowhere.
n

Ma
aterial unde
erstandings of powerr provide an
a insufficie
ent basis foor understa
anding

the
e reasons for
f challenge and the
e crucial im
mportance of
o status aand recognition as

facctors in the
e foreign po
olicy behavviour of em
merging pow
wers. Evenn if one accepts the

ide
ea of rising states as revisionistt, it is difficult to unde
erstand thee sources of
o their

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
disssatisfactio
on purely within
w a worrld of mate
erial power and systeemically giv
ven

inccentives.

For internatio
onal society
y theorists, power hierarchies arre not simpply about material
m

pow
wer. Greatt powers co
onstitute a particular social cate
egory. Beinng a great power

dep
pends on recognition
r by others and on the
e cultivation
n of legitimaacy. The sttability of

pow
wer transitiions will be
e crucially a
affected by
y the accom
mmodation of rising po
owers and

the
e reallocatio
on of the se
eats around the top ta
able of inte
ernational ppolitics.

For many the


eorists, the power of todays risiing powers
s is not justt a matter of
o the

pow
wer resourrces that they possesss. It derives
s from the role that thhey are play
ying in

fun
nctional institutions cre
eated to de
eal with eve
er more pre
essing setss of challen
nges (such

as the manag
gement of the
t global e
economy, climate
c cha
ange, nucleear prolifera
ation).

And it derivess from theirr equally ne


ecessary ro
ole in the creation of llegitimate institutions

and
d represen
ntative struc
ctures of gllobal goverrnance.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
pter 6: Rea
Chap alism

Re
ealism has been the dominant
d ttheory of world
w politic
cs since thee beginning of

aca
ademic Intternational Relations..

Ou
utside the academy,
a realism
r ha s a much longer
l history in the w
work of cla
assical

political theorrists such as


a Thucyd
dides, Mach
hiavelli, Ho
obbes, andd Rousseau.

The unifying theme aro


ound which onverges i s that state
h all realist thinking co es find

emselves in
the n the shad
dow of ana rchy such that their security
s caannot be taken for

gra
anted.

At the start of the new millennium


m m, realism continues
c to
t attract aacademicia
ans and

info
orm policy-makers, although
a in
n the period e end of thee cold war we have
d since the

see
en heighte
ened criticis
sm of realisst assump
ptions.

There is a lacck of conse o whether we can me


ensus as to eaningfullyy speak ab
bout

alism as a single coherent theo


rea ory.

There are go
ood reasons for deline
eating diffe
erent types
s of realism
m.

Strructural rea
alism divides into two
o camps: th
hose who argue
a that states are
e security

ma
aximizers (defensive realism), a
and those who
w argue
e that statees are powe
er

ma
aximizers (offensive realism).
r

Ne
eoclassical realists brring individ
dual and un
nit variation
n back intoo the theory
y.

Sta
atism is a central
c ass
sumption o
of realism. This
T involv
ves two claaims. First, the state

is tthe pre-em
minent actor in world p
politics. Se
econd, statte sovereiggnty signifie
es the

exiistence of an indepen
ndent polittical community, one that has juuridical autthority

ove
er its territo
ory.

Ke
ey criticism: statism is
s flawed on
n both emp
pirical grou
unds (challeenges to state
s

pow
wer from a
above and
d below) a
and normative ground
ds (the inaability of so
overeign

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
sta pond to collective glo
ates to resp obal proble
ems such as
a famine, environme
ental

deg
gradation, and huma
an rights ab
buses).

Survival: the primary ob


bjective of all states is
i survival; this is the
e supreme national

inte
erest to wh
hich all political leade
ers must ad
dhere.

ey criticism: are there no limits tto what acttions a statte can takee in the name of
Ke

neccessity?

Se
elf-help: no other state
e or institu
ution can be
e relied on
n to guaranntee your survival.
s

ey criticism: self-help is not an in


Ke nevitable consequen
c nce of the aabsence off a world

govvernment; it is a logic
c that state
es have se
elected. Mo
oreover, theere are examples

wh
here states have prefferred colle
ective secu
urity system
ms, or form
ms of region
nal

seccurity communities, in preferen


nce to self-help.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chaptter 7: Libe
eralism

Lib
beralism is a theory of
o both govvernment within
w states and goodd governance

bettween stattes and peo


oples world
dwide. Unlike realism
m, which reegards the

intternational as an ana
archic real m, liberalis
sm seeks to
t project vvalues of order,
o

libe
erty, justice
e, and toleration into internation
nal relation
ns.

The high watter mark off liberal thin


nking in intternationall relations w
was reached in the

er-war period in the work


inte w of ide
ealists, who
o believed that warfaare was an

unnecessaryy and outmoded way of settling disputes between


b sttates.

omestic and
Do d internatio
onal institu
utions are required
r to protect annd nurture these

vallues.

Lib uch as the causes of war and what


berals disagree on fundamenta l issues su w kind

of institutionss are required to delivver liberal values in a decentra lized, multticultural

inte
ernational system.

An importantt cleavage within libe ralism, which has be


ecome morre pronoun
nced in ourr

glo
obalized wo
orld, is betw
ween thosse operating with an activist
a connception off

libe
eralism, wh
ho advocate interven
ntionist fore
eign policie
es and stroonger international

insstitutions, and
a those who
w incline
e towards a pragmatiic conceptiion, which places a

prio
ority on tolleration and non-inte rvention.

Ea
arly liberal thought
t on internation
nal relation
ns took the view that the natural order

had
d been corrrupted by undemocrratic state leaders and
d outdatedd policies such as

the
e balance of
o power. Enlightenm
E ment liberals
s believed that a lateent cosmop
politan

mo
orality could
d be achieved throug
gh the exerrcise of rea
ason and thhrough the
e creation

of cconstitution
nal states. In addition
n, the unfetttered mov
vement of ppeople and
d goods

cou
uld further facilitate more
m peace
eful interna
ational relations.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Although there are important conttinuities be
etween Enlightenmennt liberal th
hought

and
d twentieth
h-century id
deas, such
h as the be
elief in the power of w
world public opinion

to ttame the in
nterests off states, lib
beral idealis
sm was mo
ore prograammatic. Fo
or

ide
ealists, persuasion wa
as more im
mportant th
han abstrac
ct moral reeasoning.

Lib
beral thoug
ght at the end
e of the ttwentieth century
c bec
came grou nded in so
ocial

scientific theo
ories of sta
ate behavio
our. Coope
eration among rationaal egoists was

posssible to achieve if properly coo


ordinated by
b regimes
s and instittutions.

Lib
beral intern
nationalism
m 2.0, which
h is associiated with the
t post-19945 period
d, is in

crissis. The ab
bility of the USA to stteer world order is dim
minishing, rising pow
wers are

wa
anting a gre
eater share
e of the sp
poils, and new
n securitty challengges are ope
ening up

sig
gnificant divvisions am
mong the m
major powers .

If Ikenberry iss right and 2.0 is in d


decline, it is
s not clear what is gooing to replace it. If

2.0
0 collapsess then the world
w is ba
ack to the inter-war period whenn the Leag
gue of

Na
ations could
d not live up
u to its pro
omise. If it is reinvigo
orated, the n global institutions

will adapt to the


t challen
nge of new
w emerging
g powers without
w losinng their dis
stinctively

eral characcter.
libe

The assumpttion that lib


beralism ha
as indeed triumphed
t during thee post-1945
5 period is

vullnerable to
o the critiqu
ue that the practices of trade, security, annd development

havve never delivered


d on their pro
omise. As a result, liberal internaational ord
ders

rem
main conve
eniently fav
vourable to
o the most powerful states
s in thhe system.

Is tthe future of
o liberalism likely to be a returrn to interna
ationalism 1.0in otther

wo
ords, a periiod in whic
ch there is a
an institutional archittecture thaat is hopele
essly out

of sstep with what


w is hap
ppening in world polittics? Or is internationnalism 3.0 a realistic

alte
ernative to
o the rules and institu
utions of the
e post-194
45 period, w
which seem
m unable

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
to d der and justice for mo
deliver ord ost peoples
s in the wo
orld?

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapterr 8: Contem
mporary mainstream
m m approac
ches: neo
o-realism aand neo-liberalism

The neoneo
o debate ha
as been a major focu
us in Intern
national Reelations the
eory

sch
holarship in
n the USA for the lasst fifteen to
o twenty ye
ears.

Mo
ore than jusst theories, neo-reali sm and ne
eo-liberalism represeent paradigms or

con
nceptual frrameworks
s that shap
pe individua
als images
s of the woorld and inffluence

ressearch prio
orities and policy deb
bates and choices.
c

Ne
eo-liberalism
m in the ac
cademic w
world refers
s most often to neo-libberal

insstitutionalissm. In the policy


p world
d, neo-libe
eralism is id
dentified w
with the pro
omotion of

cap
pitalism an
nd Western
n democrattic values and
a institutions.

ational-choice approa
Ra aches and game theo
ory have be
een integraated into neo-realist

and
d neo-liberral theory to
t explain p
policy choiices and th
he behavioour of state
es in

con
nflict and cooperative
c e situationss.

Ne
eo-realists and neo-lib
berals stud
dy differentt worlds. Neo-realists
N s study sec
curity

isssues and are concern


ned with isssues of po
ower and su
urvival. Neeo-liberals study

political econ
nomy and focus
f on co
ooperation
n and institu
utions.

Ke
en Waltz cla
aims that the
t structu re of the in
nternationa
al system iss the key fa
actor in

sha
aping the behaviour
b of states. W
Waltzs neo-realism also
a expannds our vie
ew of

pow
wer and ca
apabilities.

Strructural rea
alists minim
mize the im
mportance of national attributess as determ
minants of

a sstates fore
eign policy behaviour . To these neo-realis
sts, all statees are func
ctionally

sim
milar units, experienc
cing the sam
me constra
aints prese
ented by annarchy.

Strructural rea
alists accept many off the assum
mptions of traditional realism. They
T

believe that force


f remains an imp
portant and
d effective tool
t of stattecraft, and
d balance

of power is sttill the central mecha


anism for order
o in the
e system.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Josseph Griecco represents a grou p of neo-re
ealists, or modern
m reaalists, who
o are

crittical of neo
o-liberal ins
stitutionalissts who cla
aim that sta
ates are m
mainly intere
ested in

abssolute gain
ns. Grieco claims tha
at all states
s are intere
ested in booth absolute
e and

rela
ative gainss. How gains are disttributed is an
a importa
ant issue. T
Thus there are two

barriers to intternationall cooperati on: fear off those who


o might noot follow the
e rules,

and
d the relatiive gains of
o others.

Scholars in security
s stu
udies prese
ent two verrsions of ne m or modern realism.
eo-realism

Offfensive rea
alists emph
hasize the importanc
ce of relativ Defensive realists
ve power. D

are
e often con
nfused with
h neo-libera
al institutio
onalists. Th
hey recognnize the costs of war

and
d assume that it usua
ally resultss from irrational force
es in a sociiety. Coope
eration is

posssible, but it is more likely to su


ucceed in relations
r with
w friendlyy states.

Co
ontemporarry neo-liberalism hass been sha
aped by the
e assumpti ons of com
mmercial,

rep
publican, sociological, and insti tutional lib
beralism.

Co
ommercial and republican libera
alism provide the foundation forr current neo-liberal

thin
nking in Western
W gov
vernments . These co
ountries pro
omote freee trade and
d

democracy in
n their foreign policy programm
mes.

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalism, the otther side of
o the neoneo debatee, is rooted
d in the

fun
nctional integration th
heoretical w
work of the
e 1950s an
nd 1960s, aand the complex

inte
erdepende
ence and trransnation al studies literature of
o the 19700s and 198
80s.

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists see insstitutions as
a the med
diator and tthe means
s to

ach
hieve coop
peration in the interna
ational sys
stem. Regim
mes and innstitutions help

govvern a com
mpetitive and anarchiic international system, and theey encoura
age, and

at ttimes requ
uire, multila
ateralism a
and cooperration as a means of securing national
n

inte
erests.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists recogn
nize that co
ooperation
n may be h arder to ac
chieve in

are
eas where leaders pe
erceive the
ey have no
o mutual intterests.

Ne
eo-liberals believe tha
at states co
ooperate to
o achieve absolute
a ggains, and the
t

gre
eatest obsttacle to coo
operation iis cheating
g or non-c
compliancee by other states.
s

The neoneo
o debate is
s not a deb
bate betwee
en two polar oppositee worldview
ws. They

sha
are an episstemology, focus on similar que
estions, an
nd agree o n a numbe
er of

asssumptions about inte


ernational p
politics. Th
his is an inttra-paradiggm debate..

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists and ne
eo-realists study diffe
erent worldds of intern
national

politics. Neo--realists foc


cus on seccurity and military
m issues. Neo-lliberal

insstitutionalissts focus on
n political e
economy, environme
ental issuess, and hum
man rights

isssues.

Ne
eo-realists explain tha
at all statess must be concerned
d with the aabsolute an
nd relative

gains that ressult from in


nternationa
al agreeme
ents and co
ooperative efforts. Ne
eo-liberal

insstitutionalissts are less


s concerne
ed about re
elative gain
ns and conssider that all
a will

benefit from absolute


a gains.

Ne
eo-realists are more cautious
c ab
bout coope
eration and
d remind uss that the world
w is

still a compettitive place


e where se lf-interest rules.

eo-liberal in
Ne nstitutionalists believe
e that state
es and other actors ccan be pers
suaded to

coo
operate if they
t are co
onvinced th
hat all state
es will com
mply with ruules, and that

coo
operation will
w result in absolute
e gains.

Ne
eo-realists think
t that states
s are still the principal acto
ors in interrnational po
olitics.

Glo
obalization
n challenge
es some arreas of state authority
y and conttrol.

Glo
obalization
n provides opportunit ies and res
sources for transnatioonal social

mo
ovements that
t challen
nge the au
uthority of states
s in va
arious policcy areas. Neo-
N

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
rea
alists are not
n supporttive of any movement that seek
ks to open critical sec
curity

isssues to pub
blic debate.

ee market neo-liberals believe g


Fre on is a pos
globalizatio sitive forcee. Eventually, all

sta
ates will be
enefit from the econo mic growth
h promoted
d by the forrces of

glo
obalization.

ome neo-lib
So berals belie
eve that sta
ates should intervene
e to promoote capitalis
sm with a

human face or
o a marke
et that is more sensitiive to the needs
n and interests of
o all the

peo
ople. New institutions
s can be ccreated and es reformeed to prevent the
d older one

une
even flow of capital, promote e
environmen nability, an d protect the rights
ntal sustain

of ccitizens.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ch
hapter 9: Marxist
M the
eories of internatio
i nal relatio
ons

Ma
arxs work retains its relevance despite the collapse of Commuunist Party
y rule in

the
e former So
oviet Union
n.

Of particular importance is Marxss analysis of capitalis


sm, which hhas yet to be

betttered.

Ma
arxist analyyses of inte
ernational relations aim
a to reveal the hiddden working
gs of

glo
obal capitalism. These hidden w
workings provide the context in which inte
ernational

eve
ents occurr.

arx himselff provided little in term


Ma ms of a the
eoretical an
nalysis of i nternationa
al

rela
ations.

Hiss ideas havve been interpreted a priated in a number oof different and
and approp

con
ntradictoryy ways, res
sulting in a number off competing schools of Marxism
m.

Un
nderlying th
hese differe
ent schoolss are seve
eral commo
on elementts that can be traced

bacck to Marxxs writings.

arxist theorrists have consistentl


Ma c ly develope
ed an anallysis of thee global aspects of

inte
ernational capitalisman aspe
ect acknow
wledged by Marx, but not develo
oped in

Ca
apital.

Wo
orld-system
ms theory can
c be see
en as a dire
ect development of LLenins worrk on

imp
perialism and
a the Lattin America
an Depend
dency Scho
ool.

Feminist writers have contributed


c d to the ana
alysis of intternationall capitalism
m by

foccusing on the
t specific
c role of wo
omen.

Dra
awing on the work off Antonio G
Gramsci for inspiration, writers w
within an IItalian

sch
hool of inte
ernational relations
r h ave made a considerable contrribution to thinking

abo
out world politics.
p

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Gra
amsci shiftted the foc
cus of Marxxist analysis more tow
wards supeerstructura
al

phe
enomena. In particular, he exp lored the processes
p by which cconsent forr a

particular soccial and po


olitical syste
em was prroduced an
nd reproduuced throug
gh the

ope
eration of hegemony
h y. Hegemo ny allows the
t ideas and
a ideologgies of the ruling

stra
atum to be
ecome wide
ely disperssed, and widely
w accepted, throuughout soc
ciety.

Thinkers succh as Robe


ert W. Cox have attem
mpted to in
nternationaalize Gram
mscis

ought by tra
tho ansposing several off his key co
oncepts, most
m notablly hegemony, to the

glo
obal contexxt.

Criitical theoryy has its ro


oots in the work of the Frankfurrt School.

abermas ha
Ha as argued that emancipatory po
otential lies
s in the reaalm of

com
mmunication, and tha
at radical d
democracy
y is the way
y in which that poten
ntial can

be unlocked.

Andrew Linkllater has developed ccritical theo


ory themes
s to argue in favour of
o the

exp
pansion off the moral boundarie
es of the po
olitical com
mmunity, annd has pointed to

the
e European
n Union as
s an examp
ple of a pos
st-Westpha
alian instituution of

govvernance.

Ne
ew Marxism
m is charac
cterized byy a direct (rre)appropriation of thhe concepts
s and

cattegories de
eveloped by
b Marx.

Ro
osenberg uses
u Marxs
s ideas to ccriticize realist theories of interrnational re
elations,

and
d globaliza
ation theory
y. He seekks to develop an alterrnative appproach tha
at

und
derstands historical change
c in world polittics as a re
eflection of transformations in

the
e prevailing
g relations of producttion.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ch
hapter 10: Social co
onstructivism

Inte
ernational relations theory in th
he 1980s was
w domina
ated by neeo-realism and neo-

libe
eral instituttionalism; both theor ies ascribe
ed to materialism andd individua
alism.

Va
arious scho
olars critica
al of neo-re
ealism and neo-libera
alism drew from critic
cal and

socciological theory
t to demonstratte the effec
cts of ideas
s and norm
ms on world
d politics.

he cold war created a


The end of th an intellecttual space for schola rs to challe
enge

exiisting theories of inte


ernational p
politics.

Co
onstructivissts are concerned witth human consciousn
c ness and kknowledge,, treat

ide
eas as structural facto
ors that inffluence how
w actors in
nterpret thee world, co
onsider the

dyn
namic relationship be
etween ide
eas and ma
aterial forces as a coonsequence
e of how

acttors interprret their ma


aterial reallity, and arre intereste
ed in how aagents prod
duce

structures an
nd how stru
uctures pro
oduce agen
nts.

egulative an
Re nd constitu
utive normss shape what actors do, but on
nly constitutive

norms shape
e the identity and acto
ors of state
es and wha
at counts aas legitimate

behaviour.

Although the meanings


s that actorrs bring to their activities are shhaped by th
he

und
derlying cu
ulture, mea
anings are not always
s fixed and
d the fixingg of meanin
ng is a

cen
ntral featurre of politic
cs.

So
ocial constrruction den
naturalizes what is ta
aken for gra
anted, askss questions about

the
e origins off what is no
ow accepte
ed as a fac
ct of life, an
nd consideers the alte
ernative

patthways tha
at might ha
ave producced, and ca
an produce
e, alternativve worlds.

Po
ower is not only the ability of on e actor to get anothe
er actor to ddo what th
hey would

nott do otherw
wise, but also the pro
oduction off identities, interests, and mean
nings that

lim
mit the abilitty of actors
s to contro l their fate..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
The recognitiion that the
e world is ssocially constructed means
m thaat constructtivists can

invvestigate global change and tra


ansformatio
on.

A kkey issue in any stud


dy of globa l change is
s diffusion, captured by the con
ncern with

insstitutional issomorphism and the life cycle of


o norms.

Although diffu
usion sometimes occcurs becau
use of the view
v that thhe model is

sup
perior, freq
quently acttors adopt a model either becau
use of exteernal press
sures or

beccause of itts symbolic


c legitimacyy.

Insstitutional issomorphism and the internationalization of


o norms ra
raise issues
s of

gro
owing hom n world po litics, a deepening in
mogeneity in nternationaal community, and

soccialization processes
s.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter
C 11
1: Poststrructuralism
m

Po alists raise questions about ontology and epistemoloogy.


oststructura

Po
oststructura
alism is crittical of stattism and of
o taking the
e anarchiccal system for

gra
anted.

oststructura
Po alism adopts a constiitutive epis
stemology.

Wh a facts depends on tthe ontolog


hat count as gical and epistemolo
e ogical assumptions a

the
eory makess.

Four conceptts from pos


ststructura
alist philoso
ophy have been usedd to produc
ce new

kno
owledge about world
d politics: d
discourse, deconstruc
d ction, geneealogy, and
d

inte
ertextualityy.

To look at wo
orld politics
s as discou
urse is to study
s the lin
nguistic strructures th
hrough

wh
hich materiality is give
en meanin g.

De
econstructio
on argues that langu
uage is a sy
ystem of unstable dicchotomies where

one
e term is valued
v as superior.
s

enealogy asks which political prractices ha


Ge ave formed
d the preseent and which

alte
ernative un
nderstandings and diiscourses have been
n marginalizzed and fo
orgotten.

ertextualityy holds tha


Inte at we can ssee world politics
p as made up oof texts, and that all

texxts refer to other texts


s yet each is unique.

Sta
ate sovereignty is a practice
p tha
at constituttes identity
y and authoority in a particular
p

ma
anner.

Po
oststructura
alists deconstruct the
e distinction
n between the nationnal and the
e

inte
ernational by showing that the two terms stabilize each
e other and depen
nd on a

lon
ng series of other dichotomies.

The global is not a polittical catego


ory like the
e state, and
d thereforee cannot re
eplace it.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Po
oststructura
alists warn against th
he danger of
o universa
al discoursee because
e it is

alw
ways define
ed from a particular
p p
position of power.

In keeping with the non


n-foundatio
onalist onto
ology that poststructu
p uralism ado
opts,

the
ere are no natural or objective i dentities, only those
e that are pproduced in

disscourse.

The terms su
ubjectivities or subje
ect position
ns undersc
core the faact that ide
entity is

nott somethin
ng that som
meone has,, but a pos
sition that one
o is consstructed as
s having.

The relationsship betwee


en identityy and foreig
gn policy is
s performattive and mutually
m

con
nstitutive.

oststructura
Po alism asks Who and how can the subjectt speak? aand What subjects
s

are
e prevented from spe
eaking?

Po alists raise questions about ontology and epistemoloogy.


oststructura

Po
oststructura
alism is crittical of stattism and of
o taking the
e anarchiccal system for

gra
anted.

Po
oststructura
alism adopts a constiitutive epis
stemology.

Wh
hat count as
a facts depends on tthe ontolog
gical and epistemolo
e ogical assumptions a

the
eory makess.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 1 2: Post-co
olonialism
m

Po
ost-coloniallism is a ne
ew approa ch in IR that provides
s a bottom
m-up ratherr than

sta
ate-down approach
a to
o the studyy of interna
ational relations.

Am
mong otherr more trad
ditional sou
urces, it uses fiction and
a personnal testimo
onials as

sou
urces of information about colo
onial and post-colonia
al people aand situatio
ons

rele
evant to in
nternational relations..

It iss broad en
nough to include speccific colonial and pos
st-colonial rrelations as
a well as

the
e notion tha
at our era in internatiional relatio
ons is pos
stcolonial.

IR showed so
ome intere
est in colon
nial and post-colonial relations, but only frrom the

o great power interessts.


perspective of

The cold warr period saw owers competing ove


w great po er influencee in newly

ind
dependent countries.

Un
nwilling to choose
c bettween Wesstern and Soviet
S bloc
c patronagee, some po
ost-

collonial state
e regimes met
m at conferences and
a formed
d the non-aaligned mo
ovement to

cre
eate a Third World bloc.

The Third Wo
orld was able to show
w some po
ower over the
t great ppowers thro
ough

OP
PEC and byy demandiing an NIE
EO.

But the agendas of and


d for the Th
hird World did not tak
ke into acccount the liv
ves of

ave
erage peop
ple in post-colonial s ettings.

ost-coloniall studies sttarted with an interes


Po st in the live
es and knoowledges of
o people

of ssubaltern statuses
s in
n India.

With little info


ormation on subaltern
n life, early
y post-colo
onial writerss turned to
o post-

collonial fictio
on for insight.

Ficction as a data
d source
e that high
hlights life within
w partiicular cultuures is som
mething

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
the nternational Relationss has conv
e field of In ventionally eschewedd.

oups in Intternational Relations , however,, have brou


Gro ught post-ccolonial ficttion and

eir work. It is very pro


cullture to the ominent in feminist Internationaal Relations
s.

It iss importan
nt to bear in
n mind Gayyatri Spiva
aks questio
on of whethher the sub
baltern

can
n speak orr whether the Westerrn research
her ends up putting thhat speech
h into

dominant We
estern fram
meworks.

orld-travelling method
Wo ds encoura
age researrchers and subalternss to find co
ommon

me
eeting poin
nts that brin
ng the Wesstern resea
archer clos
ser to the ssubaltern world,
w

ratther than vice versa.

So
ome post-colonial work builds th
heory that follows up and expannds ideas on

collonization and
a resista
ance develloped by anti-colonia
a al intellectuuals like Fra
antz

Fanon.

Edward Said is an impo


ortant influ ence on th
heory-build
ding througgh his analy
ysis of

Orientalism.

Ho a, another important figure in th


omi Bhabha he field, arg
gues that ccolonials

con
nstructed the
t Orient from their own fantas
sies and de
esires but could not capture or

con
ntrol hybrid
d colonial identities a
and dissem
miNations.

ontemporarry theorists
Co s remove the hyphen
n from the term
t post-ccolonial to indicate

tha
at the curre
ent era is postcolonia
p al and has continuities and disccontinuities
s with

collonialism.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter
C 13
3: Internatiional ethic
cs

Glo
obalization
n lends sup n ethical theory.
pport to cossmopolitan

Co
osmopolitan
nism advances the id
dea of a un
niversal hu
uman comm
munity in which
w

eve
erybody is treated as
s equal.

The most sysstematic co


osmopolita
an thinker is Immanue
el Kant.

Co
osmopolitan
nism has both
b moral and politic
cal meanin
ng.

osmopolitan
Co nism does not requirre a world state.
s

Co
osmopolitan
ns emphas
size both p d negative duties, ussually expressed in
positive and

terrms of resp
ponsibilities
s not to ha rm and res
sponsibilitie
es to proviide humanitarian

asssistance orr hospitality.

Re
ealism and pluralism are the two
o most com
mmon obje
ections to ccosmopolittan ethics

and
d the posssibility of moral univerrsalism.

Re
ealists argu
ue that nec
cessity dem
mands a statist ethics
s, restrictinng moral ob
bligations

to tthe nation--state.

Plu
uralism is an
a ethics of
o coexiste
ence based
d on soverreignty.

Co
osmopolitan
ns emphas
size extenssive positiv
ve (i.e. justtice and aidd) and neg
gative (i.e.

non-harming) duties ac
cross borde
ers.

Anti-cosmopo
olitans argue that we
e have limitted, largely
y negative,, duties to those

outtside our own


o community.

ost thinkerss agree witth Rawls th


Mo hat we hav
ve at least natural duuties of: mutual aid,

to o
offer assistance in tim
mes of nee
ed, such as
s temporarry famine rrelief or

humanitarian
n emergenc
cy aid; and
d the negattive duty not to harm or inflict

unnecessaryy suffering.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
There are thrree components of th
he just warr tradition: jus
j ad bellu
lum, jus in bello, and

juss post bellu


um.

The just war tradition co


ontains ele
ements of cosmopolit
c tanism andd

com
mmunitaria
anism.

Disscussions of global ju
ustice are d
dominated
d by utilitariian and Raawlsian the
eories.

It iss not alwayys agreed that inequ ality is itse


elf a moral problem.

Co
osmopolitan hat there iss a responsibility of the rich to hhelp the po
ns argue th oor,

ste
emming fro
om positive
e and nega
ative duties
s.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapte
er 14: The changing
g character of war

War has bee


en a centra
al feature o
of human history.
h

Sin
nce the end old war, botth the frequency and
d of the co d lethality oof war have
e shown a

sha
arp decline
e.

Wa
ar between
n the great powers, in
n particular, has beco
ome much more unlikely than

in p
previous eras.

hanges in the internattional syste


Ch em may be
e changing
g the charaacter of wa
ar.

Wa
ar in the co
ontemporary era is no
ot always easy
e to define.

Wa
ar is a bruttal form of politics.

Co
ontemporarry warfare is being in
nfluenced by
b globaliza
ation.

Wa
ar requiress highly org
ganized so cieties.

Wa
ar can be a powerful catalyst fo
or change.

The nature of war rema


ains consta cts the parrticular era and
ant, but its form reflec

envvironment in which itt occurs.

amatic technological advancess mean tha


Dra at a revolution in militaary affairs may be

und
der way.

w states currently po
Few ossess succh technolo
ogy.

The informattion age is


s increasin gly reflecte
ed in information waarfare.

Op
pponents with y are likely to use asy
w little orr no accesss to RMA technology
t ymmetric

wa
arfare to fig
ght the war on their o
own terms..

In tthe globalized world, key state functions, including military caapabilities, are being

takken over byy non-state


e actors.

Na
ational form
ms of identiity are wea
akening in many regio
ons.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Inte
er-state wa
ars betwee
en industria
alized natio
ons have become
b unncommon, while

inssurgencies and civil wars


w have become more
m typical of the eraa.

Ne
ew wars, following
f sttate collap se, are often conflicts over idenntity as mu
uch as

ove
er territory.

The new wars in fact follow


f a pa
attern of wa
arfare that has been ttypical sinc
ce the late

195
50s.

Such conflictts typically occur in co


ountries where
w development iss lacking an
nd there is

sig
gnificant ecconomic ins
security.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapterr 15: Intern
national and global security

Se
ecurity is a contested
d concept.

The meaning
g of securitty has been ed to include politicaal, economiic,
n broadene

soccietal, and environme


ental, as w
well as milittary, aspec
cts.

Difffering argu
uments exist about th
he tension between national
n annd internatiional

seccurity.

Diffferent view
ws have als
so emerge
ed about th
he significa
ance of glo balization for the

future of interrnational security.

Re
ealists and neo-realists emphassize the pe
erennial pro
oblem of innsecurity.

The securityy dilemma is seen byy some writters as the


e essential source of conflict

bettween stattes.

Ne
eo realists reject
r the significanc
s ce of international institutions in helping many
m to

ach
hieve peacce and sec
curity.

Co
ontemporarry politician
ns and aca
ademics, however, who
w write unnder the la
abel of

libe
eral instituttionalism or
o neo-liberralism, see
e institution
ns as an im
mportant mechanism
m

forr achieving international securitty.

beral institu
Lib utionalists accept
a ma
any of the assumption
a ns of realissm about th
he

con
ntinuing im
mportance of
o military power in in
nternationa
al relationss but argue
e that

insstitutions ca
an provide a framewo
ork for coo
operation th
hat can heelp to mitiga
ate the

dangers of se
ecurity com
mpetition b
between sta
ates.

Co
onstructivisst thinkers base their ideas on tw
wo main assumptionns: (1) that the

fun
ndamental structures of international polittics are soc
cially consttructed; an
nd (2) that

cha
anging the
e way we th
hink about internation
nal relation
ns can helpp to bring about
a

gre
eater intern
national se
ecurity.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
So
ome constructivist thin
nkers acce
ept many of
o the assumptions off neo realis
sm, but

the
ey reject th
he view tha
at structure
e consists only of ma
aterial capaabilities. They stress

the
e importancce of socia
al structure
e, defined in terms of shared knnowledge and
a

pra
actices as well
w as ma
aterial capa
abilities.

Criitical securrity theoristts argue th


hat most ap
pproaches put too m uch empha
asis on

the
e state.

Feminist writers argue that gende


er tends to be left outt of the lite rature on

inte
ernational security, despite
d the impact of war on wo
omen.

elief among
There is a be g poststruccturalist wrriters that th
he nature oof internatiional

politics can be
b changed
d by alterin a talk abbout security.
ng the way we think and

So
ome writerss see globa
alization an ntradictory concepts, while
nd geopolittics as con

oth
her writers argue therre is no op
pposition be
etween the
em.

Tra
aditional id
deas about geopoliticcs stem from the writings of peoople like Ha
arold

Ma
ackinder an
nd Nicholas Spykma n.

Diffferent interpretations
s of both co
oncepts give rise to alternative
a views abo
out how

wo
orld order can
c be achieved.

In practice, global
g politics exhibitss the effectts of both.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
C
Chapter 16
6: International polittical economy in an
n age of gllobalizatio
on

Immediately after the Second


S Wo
orld War international institutionns were cre
eated to

faccilitate coop
peration in
n the world economy..

The onset of the cold war


w postpon
ned the op
peration of these instiitutions, as
s the USA

ste
epped in directly to manage
m the
e reconstru
uction of Eu
urope and the interna
ational

mo
onetary sysstem based
d on the do
ollar.

The Bretton Woods


W sys
stem of ma change rattes and ca pital flows operated
anaged exc

unttil its breakkdown in 1971, when


n the USA announced
d it would nno longer convert
c

the
e dollar to gold.
g

The 1970s were


w marke
ed by a lackk of interna
ational eco
onomic coooperation among
a the

dustrialized
ind d countries, which flo ated their exchange rates and indulged in
n new

forrms of trade protectio


onism.

De
eveloping countries
c dissatisfact
d tion with th
he internatiional systeem came to
o a head

in tthe 1970s when they


y pushed u
unsuccessffully for a new
n internaational eco
onomic

ord
der.

Tra
ade negotiations werre broaden
ned to inclu
ude many new
n areas,, but this le
ed to later

ressistance fro
om emerging econom
mies.

In 2
2007 a pow
wer shift became mo
ore obvious
s in the glo
obal econoomy, with emerging
e

eco
onomies such as China and Ind
dia playing
g a more prominent ro
role in nego
otiations

in ttrade, finan
nce, and developmen
nt assistan
nce, and in the G20 fo
formed afte
er the

200
08 financia
al crisis.

Ra
ational choiice explain
ns outcome
es in IPE as
a the result of actorss choices, which are

asssumed alw
ways to be rationally p
power or utility
u maxim
mizing withhin given particular

inccentives an
nd institutio
onal constrraints.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Insstitutionalissts apply ra
ational cho
oice to state
es in their interactionns with othe
er states

in o
order to exxplain interrnational co
ooperation
n in econom
mic affairs.

Co
onstructivisst approach
hes pay mo on to how governme nts, states
ore attentio s, and

oth
her actors construct
c their
t preferrences, hig
ghlighting the role of identities, beliefs,

traditions, an
nd values in
n this proce
ess.

Ne e and pursue their intterests within a


eo-Gramsccians highlight that acctors define

structure of id
deas, cultu
ure, and kn
nowledge, which itsellf is shapedd by hegem
monic

pow
wers.

Globalization
n is used to
t describe
e the effectts of several differentt drivers off change.

Inte
ernationaliization is worth
w distin
nguishing from liberallization. Thhe former refers
r to

inccreasing ecconomic tra


ansactionss across bo
orders, while the latteer refers to
o

govvernmentss policies which


w prom
mote this activity.

Wh
hile techno
ology has transformed n be done globally, thhe
d what can

detterritorializzation it cre
eates spurss both glob
balization and
a anti-gloobalization
n

nettworks.

Insstitutionalissts argue th
hat interna
ational institutions will play an im
mportant and

possitive role in ensuring


g that glob alization re
esults in widely spreaad benefits
s in the

wo
orld econom
my.

Re
ealists and neo-realists reject th
he institutio
onalist argu
ument on tthe grounds that it

doe
es not acccount for the unwilling
gness of sttates ever to
t sacrificee power relative to

oth
her states.

Co
onstructivissts pay morre attention
n to how governments, states, and other actors

con
nstruct the
eir preferen
nces, highliighting the
e role that state
s identiities, domin
nant

beliefs, and ongoing


o de
ebates and
d contestation plays in this proccess.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Cha
apter 17: G
Gender in world politics

There are ma st theories . They incllude liberal, Marxist, socialist, post-


any feminis p

collonial, and poststructtural.

All feminist th
heories are
e trying to e
explain wo
omens sub
bordinationn: howeverr, they all

havve differen
nt reasons for women
ns subordination.

Feminists define gende


er as a set of socially
y constructe
ed charactteristics tha
at define

hat we mea
wh an by masc
culinity and
d femininity
y.

Ge
ender is a system
s of social
s archy in which masculine charaacteristics are more
hiera

vallued than feminine


f ones.

ender is a structure
Ge s th es unequal power rela
hat signifie ationships between women
w

and
d men.

IR feminists use
u gender-sensitive
e lenses to help them
m answer q uestions about
a why

wo
omen often
n play subo
ordinate rolles in globa
al politics.

Lib
beral femin
nists believe that wom
mens equa
ality can be
e achievedd by removing legal

obsstacles tha
at deny women the sa
ame opportunities as
s men.

Po
ost-liberal fe
eminists arrgue that w
we must look more de
eeply at unnequal gen
ndered

structures in order to un
nderstand womens subordinat
s tion.

Feminist critical theorists show ho


ow both ide
eas and material struuctures sha
ape

peo
oples livess, and how
w changes in the mea
aning of ge
ender havee changed the

pra
actices of internationa
al organiza
ations overr time.

Feminist constructivists
s show us tthe various
s ways in which
w ideaas about ge
ender

sha
ape and arre shaped by global p
politics.

Po
oststructura
al feminists
s claim tha t there is a link betwe
een knowleedge and power.
p

Sin
nce men ha
ave genera
ally been sseen as knowers and
d as subjeccts of know
wledge,

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
thiss influence
es how we see globa l politics.

ost-coloniall feminists suggest th


Po hat women
ns subordin
nation musst be differrentially

und
derstood in
n terms of race, classs, and geo
ographical location.

aditional sttories abou


Tra ut war, which portray men as prrotectors aand women
n and

chiildren as being protected, are sseverely ch


hallenged by
b todays wars, in which
w

wo
omen and children
c are being kil led and injjured in larrge numbeers.

ars association with masculinitty and the image of a soldier ass a heroic male
Wa m are

allenged by an increa
cha asing num ber of wom
men in milittaries arouund the wo
orld.

Millitarized masculinity is
i popular w
when state
es are preo
occupied w
with nationa
al security

thrreats; conssequently conciliatory


c y options in
n policy-ma
aking tend to get disc
counted

and
d it is difficcult for wom
mens voice
es to be re
egarded as
s legitimatee, particula
arly in

ma
atters of se
ecurity polic
cy.

Feminists define securiity broadly to include the diminu


ution of all forms of violence:
v

phyysical, eco
onomic, and ecologiccal.

Ag
gender-sen
nsitive pers
spective he
elps us see
e how wom
mens relattive disadv
vantage to

me
en in termss of materia
al well-bein
ng is due to
o the gend
dered divisiion of labo
our.

The gendered division of labour d


dates back
k to sevente
eenth-centtury Europe and the

sub
bsequent separation
s of paid wo
ork in the public
p sphe
ere from unnpaid work
k in the

ect on the kind of woork that women do in


privvate spherre, a separration that has an effe

the
e public sphere.

Wo
omen are disproporti
d onately clu
ustered in low-paid jo ment industries,
obs in garm

serrvices, and
d home-based work, or in subsistence agriculture.

In a
addition to
o paid work
k, women p
perform mo
ost of the unpaid
u reprroductive and
a caring

lab
bour in the private sphere, labo ur that is in
nvisible in economic analysis. This
T

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
con omens choices in th e public sp
nstrains wo phere.

nce waged
Sin d work can be empow
wering for women,
w ev
ven when t hey are pa
aid less

tha
an men, we
e must not overgene ralize abou
ut the nega
ative effectts of the ge
endered

divvision of lab
bour.

Mu
uch of the success
s in moving to
owards gen
nder equality is due tto womens
s

ganizing in NGOs and social m ovements.. This has resulted inn getting wo
org omens

isssues on the
e policy agendas of th
he United Nations an
nd other inttergovernm
mental

org
ganizationss.

Feminists believe that feminist


f kn
nowledge should
s be useful
u for im
mproving womens
w

live
es, and ma
any feminis
st social m ovements are inform minist knowledge.
med by fem

Da
ata disaggrregated by sex are vi tal for iden mens probblems and lobbying
ntifying wom

forr change. The


T adoptio Gender Developmentt Index by tthe United Nations
on of the G

hass helped us
u to see where
w probllems are most
m acute and to tracck evidenc
ce of

imp
provementt.

Ge
ender main as been adopted by certain
nstreaming, which ha c inteernational

org
ganizationss and natio
onal govern
nments, is a policy th
hat evaluattes legislattion in

terrms of whe
ether it is lik
kely to incrrease or re
educe gend
der equalityy.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 1
18: Interna
ational law
w

Sta
ates have strong
s ince
entives to ffree thems
selves from
m the inseccurities of

inte
ernational anarchy.

Sta
ates face common
c co
oordination
n and colla
aboration problems, yyet coopera
ation

rem
mains difficcult under anarchy.
a

To facilitate cooperatio
c n, states ccreate interrnational in
nstitutions, of which th
hree

levvels exist in
n modern internationa
al society: constitutio
onal instituttions, fund
damental

insstitutions, and
a issue-s
specific insstitutions or regimes.

e are concerned with


We h fundamen
ntal instituttions, of wh
hich internaational law
w is one of

the
e most imp
portant.

Mo
odern international law is a histo
orical arteffact, a prod
duct of thee revolution
ns in

tho
ought and practice
p that transforrmed the governance
e of Europeean states after the

Fre
ench Revo
olution (178
89).

Be
efore the Frrench Revo
olution, in the Age of
o Absolutis
sm, law waas understood

principally ass the comm


mand of a le
egitimate superior,
s and internaational law was seen

as a comman
nd of God, derived fro
om natural law. In the modern period, law
w has

com
me to be seen
s as something co
ontracted between
b le
egal subjeccts or their

rep
presentativves, and internationa l law has been
b seen as the exppression off the

mu
utual will off nations.

Be
ecause of itts historica
al roots, the
e modern institution of
o internati onal law has a

number of disstinctive ch
haracteristtics, inform
med largely by the val ues of poliitical

libe
eralism.

The most disstinctive characteristiccs of the modern


m insttitution of i nternational law are

its multilatera
al form of le
egislation, its consen
nt-based fo
orm of legaal obligation
n, its

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
lan d practice of justificattion, and itts discours
nguage and se of instituutional auto
onomy.

o long as in
So nternationa
al law was d
designed to
t facilitate
e internatioonal order, it was

circcumscribed in key wa
ays: statess were the principal subjects
s annd agents of
o

inte
ernational law; intern
national law
w was conc
cerned with the regu lation of inter-state

rela
ations; and
d the scope
e of interna
ational law
w was confiined to queestions of order.
o

The quest forr global go


overnance is pushing international law intoo new area
as, raising

estions about whethe


que er internatiional law is
s transform
ming into a form of

sup
pranationa
al law.

Individuals, and to som


me extent ccollectivitie dually acquuiring rightts and
es, are grad

ressponsibilitie
es under in
nternationa
al law, esta
ablishing th
heir status as both su
ubjects

and
d agents under
u intern
national law
w.

No
on-governm
mental acto
ors are beccoming inc
creasingly important i n the deve
elopment

and
d codification of interrnational le
egal norms
s.

Inte
ernational law is incrreasingly a
affecting do
omestic leg
gal regimess and prac
ctices, and

the
e rules of th
he internattional legall system are no longe
er confinedd to issues
s of order.

As internation
nal human
nitarian law
w evolves, issues
i of global
g justicce are perm
meating

e internatio
the onal legal order.
o

acing limitss on the leg


Pla gitimate usse of force is one of the key chaallenges off the

inte y, and the laws of wa


ernational community ar have evo
olved to m
meet this ch
hallenge.

The laws of war


w have trraditionallyy been divided into th
hose goverrning when
n the use

of fforce is leg
gitimate, ju
us ad bellum
m, and how
w war may
y be conduucted, jus in
n bello.

Law
ws governing when war
w is lega
ally permitte hanged draamatically over the
ed have ch

hisstory of the
e international system
m, the mostt notable difference
d bbeing betw
ween the

nin
neteenth-ce
entury view
w that to w
wage war was
w a soverreign right and the po
ost-1945

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
vie
ew that warr was only justified in
n self-defen
nce or as part
p of a UN
N-mandate
ed

inte
ernational peace enfforcement a
action.

ws governing how war may be conducted


Law d divide, brroadly, intoo three cattegories:

tho
ose govern
ning weapo
onry, comb
batants, and non-com
mbatants.

Sin
nce 2001 both
b jus ad
d bellum an
nd jus in be
ello have come unde r challenge
e as the

Bush adminisstration sought to con


nduct the war
w on terrror without the constrraints of

esttablished principles
p of
o internatio
onal law, a practice that
t the Obbama administration

hass sought to
o reverse.

ealists argu
Re ue that inte
ernational la
aw is only important when it seerves the in
nterests of

pow
werful stattes.

Ne erested states come to


eo-liberals explain how self-inte t construcct dense ne
etworks off

inte
ernational legal regim
mes.

onstructivissts treat international law as part of the no


Co ormative sttructures th
hat

con
ndition statte and non
n-state age
ency in inte
ernational relations.
r LLike other social
s

norms, they emphasize


e e the way i n which law
w constituttes actors identities, interests,

d strategie
and es.

Ne
ew liberals emphasize
e the dome
estic origin
ns of state preferencees and, in turn,
t

inte
ernational law. In inte
ernational law, they stress
s the need
n to dissaggregate
e the state

to understand
d transnatiional legal integration
n and interraction, andd they prio
oritize

ernational humanitarrian law.


inte

Criitical legal studies co


oncentratess on the wa
ay in which
h the inherrent liberaliism of

inte
ernational law seriou
usly curtailss its radica
al potential..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ch
hapter 19: Internatio
onal regim
mes

egimes represent an important ffeature of globalizatio


Re on.

Ag
growing nu
umber of global regim
mes is bein
ng formed.

The term reg


gimes, and
d social sccience apprroaches to them, aree recent but fit into a

lon
ng-standing
g tradition of thought about inte
ernational law.

The onset of dtente, th


he loss of hegemonic
c status by
y the USA, and the growing

wareness of environm
aw mental prob
blems sens
sitized sociial scientissts to the need for a

the
eory of regimes.

beral institu
Lib utionalists and
a realistts have dev
veloped co
ompeting aapproaches
s to the

ana
alysis of re
egimes.

Re
egime theory is an atttempt initia
ated in the 1970s by social scieentists to account for

the
e existence
e of rule-go
overned be
ehaviour in
n the anarc
chic internaational systtem.

Re
egimes havve been de
efined by p rinciples, norms,
n rule
es, and deccision-mak
king

pro
ocedures.

egimes can
Re n be classiffied in term
ms of the fo
ormality of the underllying agree
ements

and
d the degree of expe
ectation tha
at the agre
eements will be obserrved. Full-b
blown,

taccit, and dea


ad-letter re
egimes can
n be identiffied.

Re
egimes now
w help to re
egulate inte
ernational relations in many sppheres of activity.
a

The market iss used by liberal insttitutionalists as an an


nalogy for tthe anarchic

inte
ernational system.

In a market/in
nternationa
al setting, p
public goods get und
derproduceed and pub
blic bads

gett overproduced.

Lib
beral institu
utionalists draw
d on th
he Prisonerrs Dilemm
ma game too account fo
or the

structural imp
pediments to regime formation..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ah
hegemon, the shado
ow of the fu
uture, and an information-rich eenvironme
ent

pro
omote colla
aboration and
a an esccape route from the Prisoners
P D
Dilemma.

Re
ealists argu mportance of power when
ue that liberal institutiionalists ignore the im w

exa
amining re
egimes.

Re
ealists draw
w on the Ba
attle of the
e Sexes ga
ame to illum
minate the nature of

coo
ordination and its link
k to power in an anarrchic settin
ng.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter
C 20
0: The Unitted Nation
ns

The United Nations


N was establish
hed to pres
serve peac
ce betweenn states aftter the

Se
econd Worlld War.

In a number of ways, th
he institutio
ons of the United Nattions refleccted lesson
ns learned

from its prede


ecessor, th
he League of Nations
s.

The institutions and me


echanisms of the United Nation
ns reflect booth the demands of

eat power politics


gre p (i.e
e. Security Council ve
eto) and un
niversalism
m. They als
so reflect

demands to address
a the needs a nd interestts of people, as well aas the nee
eds and

erests of states. The tensions b


inte between th
hese variou
us demandds are a ke
ey feature

of UN develo
opment.

The cold warr and the decolonizattion proces


ss had disc
couraged m
more active
e

invvolvement by the United Nation


ns within states.

Aftter the cold


d war it bec
came more
e difficult fo
or states and diplomaats to acce
ept that

wh
hat happen
ned within states
s wass of no concern to outtsiders.

By the mid-1990s the UN


U had beccome involved in maintaining innternationa
al peace

d security by resisting aggress ion betwee


and en states, attempting
a g to resolve
e disputes

witthin states (civil wars), and focu


using on co
onditions within
w statees, includin
ng

eco
onomic, so
ocial, and political
p co nditions.

ew justificattions for in
Ne ntervention in states were
w being
g considereed by the 1990s.
1

Mo ons of the United Na tions have


ost operatio e been justified in thee traditional way: as

a rresponse to
o a threat to
t internatiional peace
e and secu
urity.

The United Nations


N doe
es not have
e a monop
poly on pea
ace operattions. While
e the UN

ofte
en provide
es legitimattion, opera
ations are sometimes
s s conductedd by region
nal

org
ganizationss, ad hoc coalitions,
c o
or hybrid arrangeme
a nts involvinng the UN with non-

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
UN
N actors.

The number of institutio


ons in the U
UN system
m that addrress econoomic and so
ocial

isssues has in mes and Fuunds have been


ncreased significantlyy. Several Programm

cre
eated in ressponse to global con
nferences.

The Millenniu
um Development Goa
als have fo
ocused atte measurable socio-
ention on m

eco
onomic tarrgets and have
h furthe
er integrate
ed the work
k of the UN
N at the co
ountry

levvel, but pro


ogress towa
ards reach
hing the go
oals has be
een unevenn.

eform of the
Re ements of the UN in thhe late 199
e economic and soci al arrange 90s aimed

at improving coordinatio
on, elimina
ating duplic
cation, and
d clarifying spheres of
o

ressponsibilityy.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapterr 21: Trans
snational actors an d internattional orga
anizationss in globall politics

The concept of the state has thre


ee very diffferent mea
anings: a leegal perso
on, a

political comm
munity, and a govern
nment.

The countriess and gove


ernments a
around the world may
y be equal in law, but have

few
w political similarities
s . Many govvernments
s control fewer resourrces than many
m

transnationall actors.

It ccannot be assumed
a that all cou
untry based
d political systems
s arre more coherent

tha
an global systems, pa
articularly a
as nationa
al loyalties do
d not mattch country
y

boundaries.

By abandonin
ng the lang
guage of sstates and
d non state
e actors, w
we can adm
mit the

posssibility of theorizing about man


ny types of actor in global
g politiics. By

disstinguishing
g governm
ment from ssociety and
d nation fro
om countryy, we can ask
a

wh
hether priva
ate groups, companie
es, and na
ational mino
orities in eaach countrry engage

in ttransnation
nal relation
ns.

The ability off TNCs to change


c tra nsfer price
es means that
t they caan evade taxation
t orr

govvernment controls
c on
n their international fiinancial tra
ansactions .

The ability off TNCs to use


u triangu
ulation mea
ans that ind
dividual goovernments cannot

con
ntrol their countrys
c in
nternationa
al trade.

The ability off TNCs to move


m prod uction from
m one coun
ntry to anoother mean
ns that

ind
dividual govvernments
s are consttrained in regulating
r and
a taxing companie
es.

The structure
e of authority over TN
NCs genera
ates the po
otential forr intense co
onflict

bettween govvernments, when the legal authority of one


e governm
ment has

exttraterritoria
al impact on the sove
ereignty of another go
overnmentt.

In ssome area
as of econo
omic policyy governme
ents have lost sovereeignty, and
d

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
reg
gulation no
ow has to be
b exercise
ed at the global level rather thaan by goverrnments

actting indepe
endently.

Efffective action againstt transnatio


onal crimin
nals by indiividual govvernments is

diffficultfor the
t same reasons
r ass control off TNCs is difficult.
d

Gro
oups using
g violence to achieve
e political goals
g generally do noot achieve

leg
gitimacy, bu
ut in excep
ptional circcumstances y be recognnized as national
s they may

libe
eration mo
ovements and
a take pa
art in diplomacy.

minals and guerrillas shift probl ems of the


The transnational activities of crim e domesticc

policy of coun
ntries into the realm of global politics.
p

Terrorism ma
ay be partic dividual countries, ma
cular to ind ay have traansnationa
al aspects,

or may be ca
arried out by
b groups i n a transnational nettwork, but it is not a single
s

political force
e.

overnmentss cannot act as indep


Go pendent so
overeign ac
ctors in ressponse to terrorism,
t

nor in using violence


v th
hemselves..

Mo
ost transna
ational acto
ors can exp
pect to gain recognition as NGO
Os by the UN,
U

pro
ovided theyy are not in
ndividual ccompanies,, criminals,, or violentt groups, and they

do not exist solely


s to op
ppose an in
ndividual governmen
g nt.

The ECOSOC statute provides


p an
n authorita
ative statem
ment that N
NGOs have
ea

leg
gitimate pla
ace in interrgovernme
ental diplom
macy.

The creation of a globa


al economyy leads to the
t globaliz
zation of u nions, com
mmercial

bod
dies, the professions
p s, and scie ntists in intternationall NGOs.

GOs made the Interne


NG et a publicc global com
mmunicatio
ons system
m.

overnmentss can no lo
Go onger contrrol the flow
w of information acrosss the bord
ders of

the
eir country..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
NG
GOs from each
e counttry may co mbine in fo
our ways: as
a internattional NGO
Os; as

advvocacy nettworks; as caucuses ; and as go


overnance
e networks..

Inte
ernational organizations are strructures fo ation. They
or political communica
c y are

sysstems that constrain the behavviour of their members.

Go
overnmentss form intergovernme
ental organ
nizations and transnaational acto
ors form

inte
ernational non-goverrnmental o rganization
ns. In addition, goverrnments an
nd

transnationall actors acc


cord each other equa
al status by
y jointly creeating hyb
brid

inte
ernational organizatio
ons.

ernational organizations are mo


Inte ore than th
he collectiv
ve will of thheir membe
ers. They

havve a distinct impact on


o other gl obal actors
s.

The high poliitics/low po


olitics distin
nction is us
sed to marrginalize traansnationa
al actors.

It iss invalid be
ecause politics does not reduce
e to these two categoories.

A ssimple con
ncept of pow
wer will no
ot explain outcomes.
o Military annd econom
mic

ressources are
e not the only
o capab ilities: com
mmunication facilities,, informatio
on,

autthority, and
d status arre also imp
portant political assets.

Diffferent policy domains contain d


different ac
ctors, depe
ending on tthe salienc
ce of the

isssues being debated.

TN
NCs gain in
nfluence through the control of economic
e resources.. NGOs ga
ain

inflluence thro
ough posse
essing info
ormation, gaining
g high status, aand commu
unicating

effe
ectively. TNCs and NGOs
N have
e been the
e main source of econnomic and political

cha
ange in glo
obal politics.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ch
hapter 22: Environm
mental issu
ues

The current use


u and de
egradation of the eartths resourrces is unssustainable
e and

clo
osely conne
ected in so
ometimes ccontradicto
ory ways to
o the proceesses of

glo
obalization.

There are vast inequalities betwe


een rich and poor in their use off the earths

ressources an
nd in the ec
cological s hadow or footprint
f th
hat they im pose on it..

The response
e at the intternational level is to attempt to
o provide gglobal envirronmental

govvernance. In a system of soverreign states, this invo


olves internnational

coo
operation.

In tthe late nin


neteenth and early tw
wentieth ce
enturies, in
nternationaal environm
mental

politics was strictly


s limitted, but fro
om around 1960 its scope expaanded as

envvironmenta
al problems acquired ational and then a gloobal dimension.
d a transna

The process was reflec


cted in and
d stimulated
d by the three great U
UN confere
ences of

197
72, 1992, and
a 2002, whose mo
ost importa
ant role was to make the conne
ection

bettween the internation


nal environ
nmental and developm
ment agenndas, as ex
xpressed

in tthe importa
ant concep
pt of sustaiinable deve
elopment.

Inte
ernational environme
ental politiccs reflected
d the issue
e-attention cycle in de
eveloped

cou
untries and
d relied heavily on inccreasing scientific
s kn
nowledge.

Inte
ernational environme
ental meet ings serve
e several po
olitical objeectives alo
ongside

envvironmenta
al aims.

A kkey functio
on of international coo
operation is transbou
undary reg ulation, bu
ut

atte
empts at environmen
e ntal action may conflict with the
e rules of thhe world trrade

reg
gime.

Inte
ernational action is needed
n to p
promote en
nvironmental norms, develop scientific
s

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
und
derstandin
ng, and ass
sist the parrticipation of
o developing countrries.

ernational cooperatio
Inte on is necesssary to prrovide gove
ernance reegimes for the global

com
mmons.

Climate chan
nge, becau
use of its alll-embracin
ng nature and
a its rootts in essen
ntial

human activitties, poses


s an enorm
mous challe
enge for internationall cooperatiion.

A limited starrt was mad


de with the Kyoto reg
gime, but th
his was unddermined by the

abssence of th
he USA. Although the
e 2009 Co
openhagen Conferencce was a

dissappointme ate activistts, the 2011 Durban Platform


ent to clima P heeld out the
e

posssibility tha
at NorthS
South differrences mig
ght be reso
olved in a nnew comprrehensive

clim
mate agree
ement.

The environm
ment has been
b a grow
wth area fo
or IR scholars interessted in iden
ntifying

the
e conditions under wh
hich effect ive interna
ational coop
peration caan emerge
e.

er in the im
Scholars diffe mportance that they attach
a to va
arious kindds of explanatory

facctors in the
eir analyses
s of interna
ational env
vironmenta
al regime-bbuilding acttivities

cru
ude calcula
ations of th
he power a nd interestts of key actors suchh as states,, cognitive

facctors such as shared scientific kknowledge


e, the impact of non-ggovernmen
ntal

acttors, and even


e the ex
xtent to wh
hich the sys
stem of sta
ates is itse lf part of th
he

pro
oblem.

IR scholars are t environnment in general


a also intterested in the extentt to which the

d particula
and ar environm
mental prob
blems are now being seen as ssecurity iss
sues in

aca
ademic, po
olitical, and discourse, and wheth
d popular d her this seccuritization of the

envvironment is something to be w
welcomed.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chaptter 23: Terrrorism an
nd globalization

Agreement on
o what con
nstitutes te ontinues to be difficullt given the
errorism co e range of

pottential actss involving violence.

Terrorism, orr acts of vio


olence by ssub-state groups,
g has been sepparated fro
om

crim
minal acts on the bas
sis of the p
purpose for which vio
olence is appplied, nam
mely

political chan
nge.

Terrorist grou
ups succee
ed when th
heir motiva
ations or grrievances aare perceiv
ved to be

leg
gitimate by a wider au
udience. D
Disproportio
onate or he
eavy-handeed responses by

sta
ates to actss of terroris
sm serve to
o legitimize
e terrorist groups.
g

The definition
n of globalization, as with terrorrism, is ope
en to subjeective interrpretation,

butt the techn


nologies as
ssociated w
with globalization hav
ve increaseed terroristt

cap
pabilities.

The majority of transna


ational terro
orist attack
ks from 197
79 onward s targeted American

citizens and symbols.


s

ends in terrorism sinc


Tre ce 1968 incclude grea
ater casualties, increaasing soph
histication,

and
d suicide attacks.
a

Tra
ansnationa
al Marxist-L
Leninist gro
oups have been replaced by gllobal milita
ant Islamic

terrrorist groups.

Cu d religious aspects provide nec


ultural, economic, and cessary expplanations for

glo
obalized terrorist viole
ence, but tthey are ins
sufficient in
ndividuallyy.

The current wave


w of terrrorist viole
ence uses religion as
s a motivatoor and to provide
p

the
e justificatio
on for killin
ng non-com
mbatants.

The ultimate purpose fo


or modern militant Islamic viole
ence is obtaaining polittical

pow
wer in orde
er to condu
uct politica
al, social, economic,
e and
a religiouus reform according

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
to S
Sharia law
w.

ements of globalizatio
Ele g on that perrmit the rap
pid exchan
nge of ideaas and goo
ods can

alsso be leverraged and exploited b


by terroristt groups.

The technolo
ogies assoc
ciated with
h globalizattion allow terrorists
t too operate in a highly

disstributed global netw


work that sh
hares inforrmation and allows s mall cells to
t conductt

hig
ghly coordinated, leth
hal attacks..

obalization
Glo n may allow
w some terrrorist grou
ups to acqu
uire, manuffacture, an
nd use

we
eapons of mass
m of de
estruction tto conduct catastroph
hic attackss.

ates, individually and


Sta d collective ly, have po
olitical, military, legal , economic
c, and

tecchnological advantag
ges in the sstruggle ag
gainst terro
orist groupss.

Diffferences between
b e of the cu rrent terrorist threat,
sttates over tthe nature and scope

and
d the mostt appropria
ate responsses to com
mbat it, refle
ect subjecttive

cha
aracterizattions based
d on nation
nal biases and experriences.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Ch
hapter 24:: Nuclear proliferati
p on

The underlyin
ng technology used iin a nuclea
ar energy or
o nuclear w
weapons

pro
ogramme has
h spread
d rapidly si nce 1945. Nuclear weapons
w th emselves have

sprread much
h more slow
wly.

Nu
uclear weap
pons use either
e fissio
on or fusion. One of the
t key obbstacles to having a

nucclear arsen
nal is obtaining weap
pons-grade
e fissile ma
aterial (eithher plutoniu
um or

ura
anium).

Nu
uclear weap
pons are weapons
w off mass des
struction, which
w prod uce blast, heat, and

rad
diation, and
d which ha
ave explosiive yields equivalent
e to thousannds or milliions of

ton
ns of TNT.

Nu
uclear deterrence is about
a using
g nuclear weapons
w to
o prevent aan adversa
ary from

takking an und
desirable action
a theyy would oth
herwise tak
ke. Nuclearr deterrenc
ce can be

ach
hieved usin
ng strategiic or tactica
al nuclear warheads,, employedd in a range of

delivery vehiccles, in eith


her a coun
nterforce orr counterva
alue strateegy.

The growth of
o nuclear energy
e and
d the sprea
ad of dual-use nucleaar technolo
ogy have

raissed concerns that no


on-state acctors could acquire nuclear or ra
radiological material.

Bo
oth nuclear opacity an
nd latent n uclear cap
pacity raise
e questionss about what the

deffinition of nuclear
n pro
oliferation iis.

Sta
ates acquirre nuclear weapons ffor a numb
ber of differrent reasonns, and the
ey also

cho
oose policiies of nucle
ear restrai nt, nuclearr reversal, and providding nuclea
ar

asssistance to
o other cou
untries. Stra
ategic facttors, culture
e and ideoology, politiical

eco
onomy, do
omestic pollitics, and lleader psychology all play a rolle in these

deccisions.

There is a de
ebate abou
ut whether the spread
d of nuclea
ar weaponss will lead to
t more

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
sta
ability and less
l conflic
ct, or more
e accidents
s, instability
y, and confflict.

Ra
ather than existential
e deterrence
e, where ju
ust one nuc
clear warh ead is suffficient to

detter conflictt, the effectt of nuclea


ar weapons
s on conflic
ct varies ovver time, and from

cou
untry to co
ountry, based on nucllear posturre.

No
on-prolifera
ation efforts
s seek to a
address bo
oth horizontal and verrtical proliferation.

They can foccus either on


o complette disarma
ament, or on limiting nnuclear we
eapons

d their deliivery vehic


and cles throug h arms control.

Th
he NPT is seen
s as a bargain be
etween nuc
clear weap
pons statess and non--nuclear

we
eapons stattes. Howev
ver, critics complain that it is no
ot universaal, it is diffic
cult to

mo
onitor and enforce,
e an damentally
nd it is fund y unfair.

Sin
nce the end
d of the co
old war, the
e internatio
onal community has aalso used counter-
c

pro
oliferation approache
a es to disrup
pt nuclear smuggling
s and the puursuit of nu
uclear

we
eapons. Th
hese have included U
UNSC Reso
olution 154
40, PSI, annd the Nuc
clear

Se
ecurity Sum
mmit.

In tthe past fe
ew years, there has b
been more discussion
n of a returrn to disarm
mament

and
d the even
ntual elimin
nation of al l nuclear weapons.
w

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
er 25: Natio
Chapte onalism

There is no simple
s sequ ding either from natio
uence lead onalism to nation-statte

forrmation to changes
c in
n the globa
al political order,
o or th
he other waay round.

There is no single,
s dom
minant form
m of nationa
alism, but rather it caan be ethniic or civic,

elitte or popullar, and strrengthen o


or subvert existing
e sta
ates.

The political ideology of the leadin


ng states matters
m mo
ost becausse others re
espond to

eir power and


the a ideolog
gies. In the
e first phase, Britain and
a Francee set the to
one for

nattionalist de
evelopmen
nts elsewhe
ere, but by
y 1900 German and JJapanese models
m

beccame more
e importan
nt, and afte
er 1918, an
nd especially after 19945, US and Soviet

mo
odels matte
ered the most.
m

Sta
ate-subverrting colonial nationallisms cann
not on theirr own defeaat imperiall powers

butt are helpe


ed by the weakening
w of those powers
p in global
g confllict with ea
ach other.

A ccombinatio
on of imitation and ch
hallenge, co
onflict betw
ween the m
major powe
ers and

nattionalist asssertion in the periph eries produced a world order oof nation-sttates and

turrned nation
nalism into the domin
nant politica
al idea.

The sacrosan
nct principle of state sovereigntty was wea
akened witth the end of the

colld war, new


w nation-sttate formattion, and new econom
mic and cuultural form
ms of

glo
obalization.

This provoke
ed a first wa
ave of statte-subverting ethno-n
nationalism
ms, which could
c lead

to vviolence and ethnic cleansing.


c

Ho
owever, inte
ernational recognitio n for new states
s as civic,
c territoorial entitie
es, along

witth new form


ms of interv
vention an d pressure
e, put press
sure on naationalism to
t move

aw
way from th
his ethnic and
a state-s ubverting character.
c

There is a sta
ate-strengtthening na
ationalism that
t focuse
es on the thhreats glob
balization

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
posses to the nation-state, and wh
hich can pa
aradoxically
y get stronnger the mo
ore the

nattion-state is
i weakene
ed.

owever, perhaps more importan


Ho nt is the shift of nation
nalism awaay from a state
s

foccus towards concerns


s with devo gnition, andd transnational
olution, cultural recog

linkkages.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 26:
2 Region
nalism in internatio
i nal affairss

Re
egionalism has variou
us dimensi ons and ta
akes differe
ent forms aacross the world.

So
ome regional integration processses are more state-led, others more marrket-led.

There is a ba
asic difference betwe
een cooperration arran
ngements aand integration

pro
ocesses, but both approaches m
may be followed with
hin a regionnal system
m

egionalism can be seen as one level in an


Re n emerging
g system off global

govvernance, but the rellationship b


between re
egionalism
m and multi lateralism is

debated in re
egard to bo
oth econom zation and internationnal security
mic liberaliz y.

egionalist experience
Re e s in each ccontinent have
h follow
wed differennt patterns
s, which

refflect their different


d his
storical and
d cultural contexts.
c

The earlier waves


w of regionalism arose in a context off postcolonnial restruc
cturing,

eco
onomic pro
otectionism
m, or region
nal security
y concerns
s. A new w
wave of open

reg
gionalism began around 1990 w nd of the cold war annd the surge in
with the en

glo
obalization.

The process of integrattion in postt-war Euro


ope was lau
unched in tthe contex
xt of long

debates abou
ut the crea
ation of a fe
ederal systtem, but ultimately thhe choice was
w made

in ffavour of a gradual path


p toward
ds an everr closer union.

Inte
egration ha
as proceed
ded by con
nferring competence for many eeconomic sectors
s to

sup
pranationa
al institution
ns that can
n take decisions that are bindin g on the member
m

sta
ates.

Ovver time, more


m politica
ally sensiti ve areas, such
s as monetary poolicy or inte
ernal and

extternal secu
urity, have also beco me the domain of the
e Europea n Union.

Successive reforms
r of the EU tre aties have
e sought to maintain aand enhan
nce the

leg
gitimacy an
nd efficienc
cy of a Unio
on that had
d grown, by
b 2007, too twenty-se
even

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
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me
ember state
es, the late
est being th
he coming into force of the Lisbbon Treaty
y at the

end
d of 2009.

nce 2008, the


Sin t econom
mic and fin
nancial cris
sis has sev
verely strai ned the sta
ability of

the
e eurozone
e and broug
ght to the ssurface dis
sagreemen
nts among governme
ents about

the
e nature off the crisis-managem ent, the direction of macroecon
m nomic polic
cy, and

the
e role of EU
U institutions in the s upervision
n of nationa
al budgets,, even if a number

of important reforms
r se
eeking to a ddress the
ese issues were agreeed in the course
c of

2012.

The creation of regiona


al governan
nce structu
ures is not a contradicction to

glo
obalization but the ex
xpression o
of local atte
empts to accommodaate and res
spond to

its challengess.

De
espite the observation
o n of a glob al trend towards grea
ater regionnalism, imp
portant

diffferences re
emain betw
ween the d
depth and the
t scope of regionall institution
ns that

devvelop in diffferent parrts of the g lobe.

Re
egional coo
operation and
a integra
ation are no
ot linear prrocesses, bbut depend
d on the

varrying contingencies that


t provide
e opportun
nities and limits in difffferent regional

con
ntexts.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 27: Glob
bal trade and
a global finance

There are mo
ore flows of
o trade and
d finance around
a the world ecoonomy toda
ay than at

anyy previous time, but care


c shoulld be taken
n about the
e precise ssense in wh
hich such

flow
ws are labelled as global.

The increase
e in world trade since
e 1970 is dramatic, although it m
might be th
hat the

pro
ocess of re
egional eco
onomic inte
egration ac
ccounts forr those chaanges more readily

tha
an the proccess of gen
nuine globa
al economic integratiion.

Tra
ading on fin arkets onlyy very rarely involves money phhysically ch
nancial ma hanging

hands, so tha
at the cons
sequencess of such trrading are much moree likely to have
h a

genuinely glo
obal reach than its pa
attern.

The move to disband th


he GATT in
n favour off the law-m
making WTO
O system was an

atte
empt to cre
eate more straightforrward nego
otiations fo
or global freee trade.

De
eveloping countries
c decisions
d a
about whetther to bec
come mem bers of the
e WTO

are
e often hea
avily influen
nced by th e political pressures that are pllaced upon
n them to

demonstrate their comm


mitment to the existin
ng world ec
conomic orrder.

Wh
hen they act in conce
ert, the US and the EU
E are almo
ost alwayss able to ge
et their

inte
erests imprinted into WTO law,, even if majority opin
nion amonggst WTO members
m

is a
against the
em.

There is mucch more m


money in th
he world to
oday than goods
g to sppend it on, with the

dollar value of
o total dom
mestic fina ncial assetts around five
f times hhigher than
n world

GD
DP.

Un
nder the Brretton Woo
ods system
m of the imm
mediate po
ost-Secondd World Wa
ar era,

fina
ance was stripped
s off its global activities and
a genera
ally boxed in by political

deccree so tha
at it would serve the interests of
o stable global trade relations.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
The regulatory system monitored by the IMF is now often vieweed as being
g a crucial

ing
gredient of a broader political sttructure of finance wh
hich favou rs a globall elite.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 28:
2 Povertty, development, an
nd hungerr

The monetarry-based co
onception of poverty has been almost un iversalized
d among

govvernmentss and intern


national orrganization
ns since 19
945.

Po
overty is intterpreted as
a a condit ion suffere
ed by peoplethe maajority of whom
w are

fem
malewho
o do not ea
arn enough
h money to
o satisfy the
eir basic m
material

req
quirementss in the ma
arket-place .

De
eveloped co
ountries ha
ave regard
ded poverty
y as being somethingg external to
t them

and
d a definin
ng feature of
o the Third
d World. This view ha
as provideed justification for the

forrmer to help develop the latter by promotting furtherr integratioon into the global

ma
arket.

Ho
owever, succh poverty
y is increassingly endu
ured by significant seectors of the

population in the North, hence ren


ndering tra
aditional ca
ategories leess useful..

A ccritical alternative vie


ew of poverrty places more emphasis on laack of acce
ess to

com
mmunity-re
egulated common resources, community
c ties, and sspiritual va
alues.

overty move
Po ed up the global
g polittical agend
da at the sttart of the ttwenty-first century,

butt the post-2


2008 econ
nomic and ffinancial crisis may threaten fu rther progrress.

De
evelopmentt is a conte
ested conccept. The orthodox
o orr mainstreaam approa
ach and

the
e alternativve approac
ch reflect d ifferent vallues.

De
evelopmentt policies over
o the lasst sixty yea
ars have be
een dominnated by the

ma
ainstream approach
a embedde
ed liberalism and, mo
ore recentlyy, neo-libe
eralism

witth a focus on
o growth..

The last two decades of


o the twen tieth centu
ury saw the
e flourishin g of alternative

con
nceptions of develop
pment base
ed on equitty, participation, emppowermentt,

susstainabilityy, etc., with


h input espe
ecially from
m NGOs and grass-ro
roots move
ements,

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
and
d some pa
arts of the UN.
U

The mainstre
eam approa
ach has be
een modifie
ed slightly and has inncorporate
ed the

lan
nguage of its
i critics (e
e.g. pro-po
oor growth)).

ains made during the last two d ecades ma


Ga ay be reversed as thee full consequences

008 global economicc and financial crisis emerge.


of tthe post-20 e

In recent deccades global food pro


oduction ha
as burgeon
ned, but, pparadoxicallly,

hunger and malnourish


m hment rema
ain widesp
pread.

The orthodoxx explanation for the continued existence of hungerr is that pop
pulation

owth outstrrips food production.


gro

e explanattion for the continuatiion of hung


An alternative ger focusess on lack of
o access

or entitlemen
nt to available food. A
Access and
d entitleme
ent are affeected by factors

succh as the NorthSou


N th global d
divide, partticular natio
onal policiees, ruralurban

divvides, classs, gender, and race.

Glo
obalization
n can simultaneously contribute
e to increas
sed food p roduction and
a

inccreased hu
unger.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapter 2
29: Human
n security
y

The concept of human security (ssee Box 29


9.1) represents both a vertical and
a a

horizontal exxpansion (o
or deepenin
ng and wid
dening) of the
t traditioonal notion of

nattional secu
urity, define
ed as prote
ection of sttate sovere
eignty and territorial integrity
i

from external military th


hreats.

In its broaderr sense, hu


uman secu
urity is distiinguished by three ellements: (1
1) its

foccus on the individual//people as the referent object of


o security; (2) its

mu
ultidimensio
onal nature
e; (3) its un
niversal or global sco
ope, applyiing to state
es and

soccieties of th
he North as
a well as tthe South.

The concept of human security ha


as been influenced by
b four devvelopments
s: (1) the

ection of economic
reje e growth
g as tthe main in
ndicator of developmeent and the
e

acccompanyin
ng notion of
o human d
developme
ent as emp
powermentt of people
e; (2) the

risiing inciden
nce of interrnal confliccts; (3) the impact of globalizatio
g on in sprea
ading

transnationall dangers such


s as terrrorism and
d pandemics; and (4 ) the post-cold war

em
mphasis on human rig
ghts and hu
umanitaria
an intervention.

The concept of human security ha


as been crriticized: (1) for beingg too broad
d to be

ana
alytically meaningful
m or to serve
e as the ba
asis for policy-makingg; (2) for creating

falsse expecta
ations abou
ut assistan
nce to victim
ms of viole
ence whichh the international

com
mmunity cannot deliv
ver; and (3
3) for ignoring the role
e of the staate in providing

seccurity to the people.

Even among its advoca


ates, differe
ences exis
st as to whe
ether humaan security
y is about

fre
eedom from
m fear or ffreedom frrom want. The forme
er stressess protecting
g people

from violent conflicts


c through mea
asures suc
ch as a ban
n on landm
mines and child
c

solldiers. For the latter, human security is a broader no


otion involvving the re
eduction of

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
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The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
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thrreats to the
e well-being
g of people
e, such as poverty an
nd diseasee.

Ulttimately, ho
owever, bo
oth sides a
agree that human
h sec
curity is abbout securitty of

ind
dividuals ra
ather than of
o states, a eople requuires going beyond
and that prrotecting pe

traditional priinciples of state sove


ereignty.

Although there was a noticeable


n d
decline in the
t numbe
er of armedd conflicts and battle

dea
aths cause
ed by confllicts during
g the 1990s
s until about 2003, thhese numb
bers have

inccreased sin
nce then. In
n considerring these mixed
m trends, one shhould take into

acccount confflict mitigating factorss, such as rising econ


nomic interrdependen
nce among

nattions, the end


e of colo
onialism an
nd the cold
d war, and the growinng role of

inte
ernational institutions
s and the i nternationa
al commun
nity in peacce operatio
ons, while

som
me of the recent
r incrreases in cconflicts are
e linked to the war onn terror, Is
slamist

political violence, and non-state


n ssectarian conflicts.
c

as experien
The world ha nced horriffic acts of violence
v an
nd genocidde in recent decades

in p
places succh as Cong
go, and new
w forms off violence may
m emergge. The gro
owing

number of we
eak or failing states, such as Ira
aq, Afghan
nistan, Burrma, Nepall,

angladesh, and Pakis


Ba stan, posess a growing
g threat to human seecurity.

There is an in
nteractive relationshiip between
n armed co
onflict and non-violen
nt threats

to human seccurity such


h as povertty and dise
ease. Wars
s and internnal conflictts can

lea
ad to impovverishmentt, disease outbreaks, and envirronmental destruction
n.

Co
onversely, poverty,
p inequality, a
and environ
nmental de
egradation can lead to
t

eakening and even co


we ollapse of sstates. Human securrity researcch should look not

jusst at the dirrect and ind


direct conssequences
s of conflictt, but also at the rang
ge of

soccio-econom
mic, politica
al, and eco
ological fac
ctors that contribute
c tto conflict. Such an

und
derstandin
ng of huma
an security opens the econciling tthe two co
e way for re onceptions

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
of human seccurity as freedom from fear and
d freedom from want .

omen featu
Wo ure in arme
ed conflictss both as victims
v and
d actors (inn combat and

sup
pport roless). Rape an
nd other fo
orms of sex
xual violenc
ce againstt them increasingly

fea
ature as an
n instrumen
nt of war, a
and are no
ow recogniz
zed as crim
mes agains
st

humanity. Th
he international comm
munity is se
eeking way
ys to increaase the pa
articipation

of w
women in UN peace operationss and confflict-resoluttion functioons.

portant mu
The most imp ultilateral acctions to date to prom
mote humaan security
y include

the
e Internatio
onal Crimin
nal Court a
and the Antti-Personne
el Landminnes Treaty
y.

N agenciess such as th
UN he UNHCR
R, UNICEF
F, and UNIFEM havee been cruc
cial in

add
dressing human
h security issuess such as refugees and
a the righhts of child
dren.

Ca
anada and Japan are two of the
e leading countries th
hat have m
made huma
an security

am
major part of their foreign policyy agenda. Their
T approaches, hoowever, sh
how the

con
ntrast betw
ween the freedom fro
om fear an
nd freedom
m from wannt concepttions of

human securrity respecttively.

No
on-governm
mental orga
anizations promote human
h security by accting as a source
s of

info
ormation and
a early warning
w abo
out conflictts, providin
ng a channnel for relie
ef

ope
erations, supporting
s governme nt or UN-s
sponsored peacebuildding and

habilitation missions, and prom oting susta


reh ainable dev
velopmentt.

The 9/11 atta


acks on the
e USA and
d the war on
o terror have reviveed the tradiitional

ate-centric approach to nationa l security at


sta a the expe
ense of civiil liberties and
a

human securrity, althoug


gh the Oba
ama admin h modifieed important
nistration has

ements of its predece


ele essors stra
ategic apprroach to te
errorism annd promise
ed greater

resspect for ciivil liberties


s and inter national co
onventions
s.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Chapterr 30: Huma
an rights

The International Bill off Human R


Rights provides an au
uthoritative list of

inte
erdepende
ent, indivisiible, and u niversal hu
uman rightts, coveringg a wide ra
ange of

botth civil and


d political rights and e
economic, social, and
d cultural rrights. Hum
man

rights, for the


e purposes
s of Interna
ational Relations, me
eans roughhly this set of equal

and
d inalienab
ble univers
sal rights.

The extensivve body of almost


a uni versally en w is the moost importa
ndorsed law ant

con
ntribution of
o the global human rrights regim
me. These norms, inddependentt of any

sup
pervisory mechanism
m ms, help to empower human rig
ghts advocaates and constrain
c

govvernment action.
a

The global hu
uman rightts regime iss based on
n national implementtation of

inte
ernational norms.

Mu
ultilateral im
mplementa
ation mech anisms fac
cilitate national comppliance, primarily

thrrough mobilizing public scrutinyy that remin


nds states of their obbligations and
a draws

nattional and internation


nal attentio
on to violations.

Strrong multila
ateral proc
cedures are
e a conseq
quence, no
ot a cause,, of good human

rights practicces.

In tthe mid-19
970s, huma
an rights b egan to em
merge from
m its cold w
war slumbe
er as an

acttive concerrn of nation


nal foreign
n policies.

With the end of the cold


d war, morre and morre countries developeed increasingly

rob
bust interna
ational hum
man rights policies.

The post-9/11 world ha


as seen som
me promin
nent setbac
cks. In genneral, thoug
gh, the

pro
ogress of th
he 1980s and
a 1990s has been sustained.

Sta
ates often have more
e resourcess to bring to
t bear tha
an multilateeral actors.. They can

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
alsso act unila
aterally, witthout the n
need for a wide-rangi
w ng consennsus.

ates, howe
Sta ever, are more
m constrrained by competing
c foreign poolicy interes
sts and

mu
uch more liikely to use
e human riights for na
arrow partisan purposses.

GOs, opera
NG ating both nationally
n a
and transn
nationally, are
a the thirrd major ty
ype of

acttor in the in
nternationa
al politics o
of human rights.
r

Laccking the material


m po
ower resou
urces of sta
ates, NGOs
s are able to mobilize
e the

political energies of civil society a


and, by acting with a single-minnded focus on

human rightss, achieve results we ll beyond what


w one might
m expeect from the
eir modest

ma
aterial reso
ources.

Especially eff
ffective are
e concerted y local civil society acctors, trans
d efforts by snational

GOs, statess, and international o


NG organizatio
ons to press
sure statess both from
m inside

and
d outside, in a variety
y of venue
es

uman rightss have bee


Hu en construccted internationally in
n a particullar way, co
overing a

particular ran
nge of reco
ognized rig hts, disting
guished in a particulaar way from
m related

con
ncepts and
d practices
s, with part icular mec
chanisms of
o implemenntation and
d

enfforcement.

These constrructions reflect, like a


all social co
onstruction
ns, a particcular persp
pective

tha
at privileges certain in
nterests an
nd values over
o others
s.

For all of thesse particularities, tho


ough, mostt states in the
t contem
mporary wo
orld have

com
me to unde
erstand the
eir nationa l interest to
o include the fate of fforeign nattionals

living abroad who are suffering


s grross and persistent
p systematic
s violations of their

human rightss.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Cha
apter 31: Humanitar
H rian interv
vention in world pol itics

Co
ounter-restrrictionists argue
a avour of a legal right of
in fa o humanittarian interrvention

bassed on inte
erpretation
ns of the UN
N Charter and custom
mary internnational law
w.

The claims fo
or a moral duty of humanitarian
n intervention stem fro
rom the bas
sic

pro
oposition th
hat all indiv
viduals are
e entitled to
o a minimu
um level off protection
n from

harm by virtu
ue of their common
c h umanity.

ates will no
Sta ot intervene
e for prima
arily human
nitarian purposes.

Sta
ates should e their citizzens in harms way in
d not place n order to pprotect fore
eigners.

A legal right of
o humanittarian interrvention wo
ould be vulnerable too abuse as states

ma
ay employ humanitarian claims to cloak th
he pursuit of
o self-inteerest.

Sta
ates will ap
pply princip
ples of hum
manitarian interventio
on selectiveely.

In tthe absencce of conse


ensus abo
out what prrinciples sh
hould guidee humanita
arian

inte
ervention, a right of humanitaria
h an interven
ntion would
d underminne internattional

ord
der.

umanitarian
Hu n intervention will alw
ways be ba
ased on the
e cultural ppreferences
s of the

pow
werful.

The 1990s were


w described as a g
golden era of humanitarian activvism because of a

dra
amatic incrrease in the of humanittarian interrventions.
e number o

Although som
me interven
ntions were
e motivate anitarian cooncerns, others
ed by huma

we
ere not. Mo
ost interven
ntions were
e prompted
d by mixed
d motives.

The legality and


a legitim
macy of hum
manitarian interventio
on remain hotly conte
ested, but

an
norm of inte
ervention authorized
a by the Se
ecurity Council emergged in the 1990s.
1

Inte
erventionss tended to be more ssuccessful in stopping immediaate killing and
a less

succcessful in
n building lo
ong-term p
peace.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
The responssibility to prrotect swittches the fo
ocus from a debate aabout sove
ereignty

verrsus huma
an rights to a discuss ion of how
w best to protect endaangered pe
eople.

The responsiibility to pro


otect was a
adopted by
y states at the 2005 W
World Sum
mmit and

is ccommonly understoo
od as comp
prising thre
ee pillars.

Sta
ates largelyy endorsed
d the Secre
etary-Gene
erals apprroach to im
mplementing the

ressponsibilityy to protectt (RtoP) an


nd the princ
ciple has been
b used in several different

setttings since
e 2005.

The use of fo
orce for pro urposes continues to be highly ccontrovers
otection pu sial, as the

2011 interven
ntion in Lib
bya shows.. Respons
sibility whils
st protectinng was a concept
c

intrroduced to
o bridge the
e divides o
on this issu
ue.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
hapter 32: Globalization and tthe transfo
Ch ormation of
o politicaal commun
nity

embers of a political community


Me c y are comm
mitted to se
elf-rule.

Anticipating major
m war, states havve long aim
med to pers
suade citizzens that obligations
o

to tthe nation
nal community overri de duties to
t other as
ssociationss.

Totalitarian powers
p end
deavoured to make th
he politicall communitty absolute
e. Liberal-

democratic states recog


gnize that citizens va
alue memb
bership of m
many communities

ongside the
alo e nation-sta
ate.

Ma
any liberalss have argued that ecconomic globalization ushers inn a new erra of

pea
ace between the majjor industriial powers.

ealists have
Re e argued th
hat the wa
ar on terrorr and the renewed
r rissk of nucle
ear

pro
oliferation show
s that globalizatio
g on has nott altered the basic feaatures of world
w

politics.

ost forms of
Mo o political community
c y in human
n history ha
ave not reppresented the
t nation

or the people
e.

The idea thatt the state should rep


present the
e nation is a Europeaan invention that has

dominated po
olitics for ju
ust over tw
wo centurie
es.

Wa
ar and indu
ustrial capitalism are two reaso
ons why the
e nation-staate becam
me the

dominant pollitical comm


munity.

The extraordinary powe


er of mode
ern states
the growtth of their intensive and

exxtensive po
ower made
e global em
mpires pos
ssible.

Sta
ates have been
b the principal
p arrchitects off global inte
erconnecteedness ove
er the last

five
e centuriess.

The global sp
pread of European co
onceptions
s of the sta
ate and nattionalism are
a

deffining featu
ures of the modern in
nterconnec
cted era.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Cittizenship riights developed in re
esponse to the growin
ng power oof modern states.

The demand to be reco


ognized as a free and
d equal citizen begann with strug
ggles for

leg
gal and political rights
s, to which welfare rig
ghts were added in thhe late nineteenth

and
d early twe
entieth cen
nturies.

The stability of modern forms of p


political com
mmunity has owed m
much to the
e fact that

citizens won those rights.

Mo on theory assumed th
odernizatio hat Third World
W socie
eties wouldd emulate Western
W

eco
onomic and political developme
ent.

ages of an
Ima n emerging
g clash of ccivilizations
s contest the
t idea thhat globaliz
zation will

ressult in a consensus about


a the ssuperiority of
o Western
n values.

Glo
obalization
n and fragm
mentation a
are interrellated phenomena thaat challeng
ge

traditional conceptions of commu nity and citizenship.

hnic fragmentation is one reaso


Eth on for failed
d states in Europe annd in the Third
T

Wo
orld, but de
emands for the recog
gnition of cultural
c diffe
erences exxist in all political

com
mmunities.

So
ome globaliization theorists defe
end cosmopolitan dem
mocracy o n the grounds that

nattional dem
mocracies cannot
c makke global in
nstitutions and assocciations accountable

to ttheir citizens.

Important debates exist between those who


o maintain that citizennship will remain
r

nattional and those who


o regard wo
orld citizen
nship as crucial for addapting to an

inccreasingly interconne
i ected world
d.

The apex of nationalism


n m in relatio
ons betwee
en the grea
at powers ooccurred in
n the first

half of the tw
wentieth cen
ntury.

Na
ationalism remains
r a powerful fo
orce in the
e modern world,
w but gglobalizatio
on and

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
fragmentation
n have led to importa
ant debates about the
e nature off political community
c

and
d about the
e principles that shou
uld govern the patterrns of interc
rconnected
dness.

osmopolitan
Co n approach
hes that en
nvisage an
n international order i n which all

ind
dividuals arre respecte
ed as equa
als have flo
ourished in
n the conteemporary phase
p of

glo
obalization.

ealists emp
Re phasize the
e obstacless that stand
d in the wa
ay of new fforms of po
olitical

com
mmunity.

oststructura
Po alists and feminists
f a rgue that attempts
a to
o create moore cosmo
opolitan

arrrangementts may replicate form


ms of powerr and domiination thaat are simila
ar to

tho
ose in existting nation-states.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Cha
apter 33: Globalizat
G tion and th
he post-co
old war orrder

The principall characterristics of th e contemp


porary orde
er that givee it its distin
nctive

qua
ality are difficult to discern.

Ou
ur understa
anding of, say,
s the intter war perriod (1919
39) is infoormed by how
h it

end
ded, but we
w do not yet know ho
ow our pre
esent period
d will end.

The internatio
onal order now delive
ers a range ational gooods, but also
e of interna a a

de range of
wid o bads.

Wh
hen we spe
eak of orde
er, we nee d to speciffy order forr whomsstates, peo
oples,

gro
oups, or ind
dividuals.

ernational order focu


Inte uses on sta
able and pe
eaceful relations betw
ween state
es, often

rela
ated to the
e balance of
o power. Itt is primariily about military
m secuurity.

Wo
orld order is
i concerne
ed with oth
her values,, such as ju
ustice, devvelopment,, rights,

and
d emancip
pation.

Ap
pattern of order
o may advance ssome value
es at the ex
xpense of others.

Ord
der is shap
ped by the changed n
nature of states
s and of the taskks they perrform.

Se
ecurity is increasingly
y dealt with
h on a multilateral bas
sis, even w
when this does
d not

con
nform to cllassical co
ollective se
ecurity mod
dels.

The global ecconomy is primarily sshaped by relations between


b thhe three ke
ey

gro
oupings (N
North America, Weste
ern Europe
e, and Eastt Asia) andd is managed by a

panoply of Western
W dom
minated in stitutions.

Hu
uman rightss have a much
m highe
er profile than in earlie
er historicaal periods.

Are
e there two
o separate orders in tthe North and
a South, or a moree complex diversity

of o
orders?

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
Glo
obalization
n is often portrayed a s an effectt of the end
d of the coold war bec
cause this

led
d to its furth
her geogra
aphical spre
ead.

At the same time,


t globa
alization ne
eeds to be
e understoo
od as one oof the facto
ors that

con
ntributed to
o the end of
o the cold war. It wa
as the Sovie
et Unions marginaliz
zation

from processses of globalization th


hat reveale
ed, and inte
ensified, itss weaknes
sses.

Accordingly, globalization should be regarded as an element


e of continuity between

e cold war and post-c


the cold war orrders.

There is reasson for sce


epticism tha
at globaliza e exclusivee hallmark of
ation is the

con
ntemporaryy order.

Glo
obalization
n embodies
s a range o
of often competing va
alues.

Tra
aditional de
emocracy does not o entation in the global order.
offer effectiive represe

Na
ational elecctions may not make politicians
s accountab
ble if they ccannot con
ntrol wider

glo
obal forces.

There is a he
eated deba
ate about w
whether glo
obal civil so
ociety can help to de
emocratize

inte
ernational institutions
s.

So
ome govern
nments in the
t South remain sus
spicious off social moovements that may

be better organized in developed


d countries..

Glo
obalization
n is often th
hought of a
as an extre
eme form of
o interdepeendence. This
T sees

it e
exclusively as an outs
side-in devvelopment..

The implication of such


h analyses is that stattes are now
w much weeaker as actors.
a

Co
onsequentlyy, they are
e in retreat or becomiing obsolette.

But if globalizzation is co as a transfformation in the natu re of states


onsidered a

the
emselves, this
t suggests that sta
ates are sttill central to
t the discuussion of order:
o they

are
e different but not obs
solete. Thiis leads to the idea of a globalizzed state as
a a state

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.


Baylis,, Smith and
d Owens: T
The Globaalization of World Pol itics 6e
Reevision guiide
forrm, and intrroduces an
n inside-ou
ut element..

In tthis case, there


t is no
o contradicction betwe
een the norrms and ruules of a sta
ate

sysstem opera
ating along
gside globa
alized state
es.

Toxic debts rapidly


r infe
ected the g lobal finan
ncial system
m.

Sta
ate intervention was needed to support th
he system.

e are seein
We ng the end of one verrsion of glo
obalization, rather thaan the end of

glo
obalization.

esponses to
Re o climate change
c are
e now a ke
ey driver of the future shape of the
t global

eco
onomy.

De
e-globalizattion has no
o political cchampion.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.