The Structure of Support in Social Movements: An Analysis of Organization and Resource

Mobilization in the Youth Contra-Culture
Author(s): George H. Lewis
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Jun., 1976), pp. 184-196
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
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nor ean one assumethat the presumed beneficiariesof the movementaccept the movement'sdefinitionof the problemor the solution.3McCarthyand Zald. in their recentand cogent discussionof resourcemobilizationand social movementorganizations.Mao Tse-Tungand SaulAlinsky). I84 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. One cannot assumethat a particularpopulation(the beneficiary group) experiencesdeprivationand formulatesgrievancesbeforea social movementand accompanyingorganizationsdefine the de- privationand the grievance.Cana socialmovementpersistbeyondthe lifespanof one generationwhenit recruitsfromwhatis claimedto be a short-termand transitionalcategory?and if there is persistence.72.2 however theseanalysesspringlargelyfromthe traditionalsociologicalframethat sees the frustrationand deprivationof a populationleading (moreor less) directlyto the rise of socialmovements. money.to what extent and upon what is this persistencecontingent?Focusingmore specifically.viewingthe relationof socialmovementsto of grievancebasenot asgiven.4 have pointedto the fact that this focusupon frustrationsand deprivationsis in oppositionto the focusof practical theorists(such as Lenin. and possiblymore fruitful.offersan opportunityfor the examinationof specifie social movementswithin a new.nor can one assumethat all or mostof the resources-men.but asfullyproblematic theirbeneficiaries and contingent.232 on Mon. I shall examinethe head shop as a socialmovementindustry. energy come from the beneficiary base.5 This theoreticalanalysis.frame. Lewis The structureof supportin socialmovements: andresource an analysisof organization mobilizationin theyouthcontra-culture Manysocialtheoristshavepointedto problematicaspectsof viewingtile I g60syouthcultureas an enduringformof socialmovement . of SociologyVolume Journal British 2 jtuneI976 27 Jetumber GeorgeH. I wish in this paper to addressthe questionof whetherthereis an en- during base for contra-culturalsocial movements6acrossgenerations of the young.7and its relationshipto resourcebase and movementmobilizationwithin and withoutthe youth contra-culture. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .who have emphasizedthe waysin whichparticularsocialstructures makethe tasks of resourcemobilizationmoreor less diffieult.168.

no teenagemagazines.set the stagefor the develop- ment of a youth culturein America. Fromthe end of WorldWar II to the early I960S. 'In the yearsjust priorto WorldWar II.'8Is the cleavagebetweenthe largersocietyand the youth contra-culturedeep and enduring enoughto constitutea suicient base upon which to rest long termsocialmovements? RichardFlacks9is one of the few socialscientistswho has recognized the fact thatone cannotunderstandthe emergentyouth contra-culture of the I960S without consideringthe earlierstatus definitionsof the I950S adolescent. deprivation. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .EdwardShilshas noted the emergenceof youth as a distinct consumerpublic in the Igsos. coupledwith the advanceguard of the baby boom cohortattainingadolescence.'While the nature of class locationcan be explainedin termsof economicand social conditions.The worditselfhad not even beeninvented.young people but they wereusuallythoughtof as eitherchildrenor workers.168. the proportionof thoseaged I8-2I in Americancollegesmorethan doubled.10This. not only to increasesin disposableincome for existentgroupingsof individuals. the social phenomenonof generationcan mean nothingmorethan a 'location-identity'.one to another. The increasingwealth of post-WorldWar II Americansocietyled.'l2Therewere.of course. position and belief differences deemednecessaryfor the continuedsupportof such social movements is especially problematicwhen consideringyouth movements.blocked aspirations).l3Not only were there more American youth.As Mannheimnoted.and fromwhom leadershipstructuresand movementorgani- zations (supportedby the deprivedgrouping)have arisen?The sort of social cleavage based upon status. or teenageculture.ll Malone and Robertshave pointedout that the 'teenager'is perhapsthe most revolutionaryAmericaninventionsince the auto- mobile.but also to opportunitiesfor othersto financedefinitions of new groupidentity. but increasinglymore of these youths were not being assimilatedby the Americanwork force for This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.teenage music. who have communicatedthe frustrationarisingfromthis strain. generationlocationis determinedby the way in whichcertainpatterns of experienceand thought tend to be broughtinto existenceby the naturaldataof the transitionfrom one generationto another. Thestructure of support in socialmovements I85 THE PROBLEM OF A BENEFICIARY POPULATION: DOES ONE EXIST ? The firststep in assessingthe potentialfor a trans-generationalsocial movementbasedin the contra-cultureis that of determiningwhether or not a beneficiarypopulationexists.232 on Mon. embracingrelatedage groups embeddedin the historical-socialprocess.Is therea subsetof personswho have experiencedstrain (tension. therewere no teen- agers.72.The childrenof thosewith 'rising expectations'had moreautonomy andmoremoney.

that . 'by cops in San Francisco. imprudent and improvident.Hinkle.17 Effectsof this minoritystatus. Socio-economic recognitionof the teenageras a distinctsub-grouping was not all that occurred. by the coffeehouselicenseinspectorsin New York.168.in his social historyof the hippies.I86 H. of all classstrugglesin modernsoeieties. then. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . He was seen as: .but possessedof superb and sustained powerto satisfysexualdemands.Edgar Friedenberghas pointed out the socio-politicalfact that the youth of the I950S comprisedwhat was probablythe onlytotallydisfranchised minoritygroupin the country. As America'spost-waraffluencepushedinto the I950S. took similar forms.232 on Mon.with brutalitylurking just belowthe surfaceand readyto breakout into violence.[that]led the heads and the young middleclasstypeswho camein caravanproportionsto test the no-more-teachers. and.This youthculturecould be broadly defined in a primarysense by the parameterof age. This is the derivationof whateverpoliticalposturethe hippieshave today. .whethertheseminorities have had their status definedfor them by virtue of achievementor ascriptivecriteria.He had no right to demandthe protectionof eitherdue processorthejuvenileadministration procedure. joyous. playful.especiallythosebetween This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. and irresponsible. these are attributeshistoricallysharedby dis- franchisedminoritiesin the Americansystem. Lewis George longer periodsof time.'l8GerhardLenski has noted.l4Economically. it (alongwith the concomitantfloweringof American technologyand educationalinstitutions)usheredin the beginningsof youth culturein the formof the teenager.lookedback to the 'massiveharassment'tacticsof the I950S.in thiscase.72.by economicstatus.then.as well. to view the IRstablishment as the bad guy who would crushtheir indivi- dualityand spiritualityin any way he could. .the most underrated may proveto be thosebetweenage classes. while that of middle class personswas likely to extendanywherefromten to even fifteenyears. . the youthculturewascentreduponchildrenof the risinglower-middle to middleclass. John Howardhas estimatedthat the periodof dependencyof working class people in Americain the I950S extended three or four years beyond puberty.[He was] childish and excitable.in sum. no-more-booksway of bohemianlife.Many workingclassyouthwouldstill leave schoolat ages I5 or I6 to enterthejob market.retainedeventhe rightof strippingthe teenager of his minoritystatus.assumingfamily responsibilities and becoming'adults'earlierthan middle-classyouth. sexually aggressiveand dangerous.l5 The State.16 As John Lofland has pointed out in his discussionof the 'youth ghettos'of the I960S.lazy. The teenageralso had aspectsof minoritystatusinformallyimputed to him. secondarily. .althoughby no meansconfinedto this socio-economic stratum.

. althoughmembershipin youth 'culture'is involuntary.. . . . This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. while being constantlyharassed.The argumentis. .23 Upon examination.is not sufficientto positthe enduringsocialcleavagenecessaryto definesocialmovement baselines. many of the artistsof the I960S were 'over30' (RobertCrumb. however.which leaves the grouping without a defined traditionupon which to build enduringsocial movements.the transitivityargumentwould seem.In the firstplace. of a twenty-yearpatternof dis- criminationagainst a subset of Americans. (d) any 'culture'created is simplistic.There were. This fact alone. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and not socio- culturallydefined. .while the oldergenerationenjoysthe lion'sshareof the rewards.72. at best.232 on Mon.Individualsinevitablymovethroughthe age structureof society. to warrantseriousmodification.l9 There seemssome evidence.20 The early distantwarningsof the drug-basedculturethat would dominatethe Haight-Ashburya decade later were there in the earlydaysof NorthBeach( I 950S) .Neal Cassidy and Allen Ginsbergwere effectivelinksbetweenthe bohemianmove- mentsofthe I 950S andthe emergingyouthcontra-culture ofthe I 960S. of supportin socialmovements Thestructure I87 youth . however.21 Americanrhythmand blues and early rock and roll music of the I950S re-enteredAmericanyouthculturein the mid-Ig60s. broadsidesand comicsof the I960S youth contra-cultureare directlytraceableto the comicsmarketof the early I950S ---indeed. and adults. a highly respectedleaderof the hippie scene .then. first experimentedwith peyote while living with the Indian tribe of the same name in I 948.22The posters.it is alsotransitory.servedto forge cohort linkagesthe traditionalargumentdenieswereevermade.as an example)and had begun their careersdrawingfor I950S comicssuch as Mad magazine.The argu- ment goes as follows:(a) youthis an age categoryonly.exceptionsto this those who were driven 'under- ground'and.168. the basisforthisstruggleliesin the factthat the youngergenerationis subjectto the authorityof the older.Evenwithinthe I960S.not only circularbut quite in error.originallydefined in a generationalmanner. studiesof youth contra-culturetake exceptionto the prevailingexplanation.The problemsassociatedwith this transitivity revolve around the imputed lack of role models and articulatorsof cultural experience. and of little consequencein defining youth as an enduringsocio-culturalsub- grouping. (b) this is because all individualspass through youthon theirway to realizingadulthood. GarySnyder.cohort specific.(c)thisprocessin inevitable.and became an importantculturalarenain which a time line enduringenoughfor extensionand developmentof the formin the directionof the articula- tion of social protest were possible. It is true that a majorityof the middle class youth of the I950S treatedadolescenceas a 'phase'and did passon to adultstatus. of course. . . . .

Followingfrom McCarthy andZald.then.and leaders(many of whom spannedthe so-called'gap' betweenthe I950S and I960S) began to confrontgroup problemseven as they helped shape the emergentideology of the I960S youth contra-culture.coupled with communicatedawarenessof these differences. I88 GeorgeH. However. rock music and collective activities. that the enduringsocialcleavagenecessaryto support socialmovementsis a realitywhen one focusesupon the youth contra- culture.it is cultureand the young are growingup underthe wisdomof the old. these differencesin beliefhave helped createfroman age category.led to differencesin belief.168. 'The greaterthe absoluteamountof resourcesavailableto the social movementsector. Communicationlinkswere established. the mere existenceof a social categorywith a common grievanceis not a sufficientconditionfor the emergenceof a social movement.There has been a historyof persecutionof adolescentsby the largersociety that has helped to form a base of enduringrebellion.Group membersmust be able to communicatewith one another.and this communicationmust resultin the emergenceof a leadershipstructure.It is withinthiscontextofthe contingent characterof resourcemobilizationthat I wish now to focusattention upona specificformof socialmovementindustry usuallythoughtof assupportiveof the 'hippie'movement-that emergedwithinthe youth contra-culture of the I g60s: the head shop.cater- ingto increasinglyexpensive adolescenttastes.There does in fact exist a categoryof individualswho have a common set of grievancesand who have been subject to common strains. artistic and political.a socialsub-grouping with emergentcultureof its own one that transcends age differentials and gives the lie to the argumentof the inevitablepassingof cohorts through'the stagesof youth'.25In turn.the greaterthe likelihoodthat newsocialmovement industriesand socialmovementorganizationswill developto compete forthese resources'.the absoluteand relative amount of resourcespotentially availableto social movementsectorsincreases'.Again. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.28 One need only recallthe almostovernightpro- liferationof social movementsof the I960S with their youthfulcon- stituenciesto makeone'spoint. It is no longersimplya con- structiveexpressionof dissentand thusattractivebecauseit is a vital answerto a systemthat destroysvitality.24 It seems.27 I proposethat this wasindeedthe casewithAmericanyouthof the I950S and early I960S. Lewis Althoughthe ethos dependson personalcontact.and it is processedthrougha generationflow. it is carriedby undergroundmedia.26 The increasinglyaffluentpositionof the I950S Americanadolescent wasreflectedin the emergenceof a youthmarketin this country.Differencesin status and position. the youth contra-culturefits well within the model.'asthe amountof disposableresourcesof massandelitepublics increases.72. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .232 on Mon. which deliver and duplicatethe message.

intendedto take the place of the economicexchangenetworkof the largersociety.The early storeswere.the Haight-AshburyFree Clinic). A reliance on charitable organizationsof the larger society. I.This alternativeposedideologicalproblems.the 'hippie' phenomenonemerged in the I960S as one of the mostemphaticand widelypublicizedof these movements.168.72. The exchange model.as an idealtype. This problemof fundingand resourceacquisition saw severalattemptedsolutions.Althoughby no meansthe only Americanyouth move- ment to reject the larger system. ranging from indirect governmentalfunding (welfare and food stamps) to more direct and charitable church and foundation support(Glide Churchin San Francisco. The establishment of a drug network. necessaryforthe playingof contra-culturalrolescould be purchased.29This reactiveframework seeminglya rejectionof the means.whereinforma- tion as to communityfunctionscould be obtained.Ideologically more sound than the first option. 2.wherecommunitygoods and andredistribution serviceswere exchanged.It was recognizedthat the mostimportantfunctionof this type of shopwas to providebasicnecessities(suchas foodand clothing) for communitymembers.An examinationof organizational formsassociatedwiththe movement in this case 'freestores'or 'headshops' shouldbe of help in assessingthe importofthe contra-cultureas a baseof socialmovement support. The communityoriented whereaccoutrements model.as well as lead- ing to the perceivedpossibilityof movementco-optationand control via manipulationof resourcebase. of support Thestructure in socialmovements I89 RESOURCE MOBILIZATION: HEAD SHOPS AND FREE STORES IN THE CONTRA-CULTURE Perhapsthe mostimportantpoint to be keptin mindwhen examining socialorganizationsand movementsbasedin the youth contra-culture is that their value structuresare overarchinglyanti-capitalist. in a previouspaper. goals. this solutionhad its own set of This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.of two types:32 I. and values of the dominantAmericansystem30 would seem to signifya deep and importantcleavagebetweenthe youthcontra-culture and the largersystem. The exchangeandredistribution model. The authorhas.and whererole- modelscould be found'hangingout'.3lexaminedthe evolutionof formthe contra-culturestorestook as they attemptedto embodythe reactiveeconomicethic of anti-capitalism.soonproved unworkable.232 on Mon.This model rejectedtotally the medium of money as exchange. 2. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and that this servicewould have to be fin- anced in someway. in general.relyingprimarilyon the conceptof redistri- butionof goodsfroma centralizedlocation.

as well as the I959-6I invasionpatternsof GreenwichVillage. . Lezevis I90 associatedproblems.especiallywiththeincreasingnotorietythe massmediaafforded the 'hippie'movement.and (b) sellingcommunitygoodsto 'outsiders'at higherprices.Moreof theirattentionwas spentin cateringto the out-groupclientele.seemedat firstto be the mostviable of thoseexploredby membersof the youth contra- culture. 3. anyhip store. of incomeandphilosophy. This thirdoption. Everything'sexploitation.I want to comeup with somethingin my pocket. . structurallydependenton resourcesobtainedfrom this net- work.part-ownerand operatorof a storein NorthwestCityin the late I960S put the problem this way: The store.Much like earlier'Harlemslumming'behaviourpatterns. servingthe communityby: (a) offeringfor sale 'at cost' (or giving away) the accoutrementsfor communityrole performance. He has to decidewho he worksfor himselfor the people. hasto go one of twowayswhen it's clear it's makingit. In the processof the rip-off. The evolutionof the communityorientedshopsinto head shops. When money gets involved. They acted as centersforthe distributionof informationconcerningtlle community and the movementas well as being centersfor 'rap' sessionswith emergingleadersand role modelsof the movement.with the statedintentionof injecting these profitsinto the communitysystem-essentiallya processof the mobilizationof resourcesfroma constituencyotherthanthe beneficiary population. .to the extent of being an importantresourcebase for the contra-culture. it becamepossibleto chargemembersof the out-groupinordi- natelyhigh pricesfor shopwares.not the leastof whichwasthefactthatorganized crime.thusbringing monetaryresourcesinto the community. I'm not againstexploitation. .33the ethic involvedis summedup by one who owneda Haightshop: Our productsexploitmiddle-classpeoplewho affect(sic) the idea of hip. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . GeorgeH. .232 on Mon. .the establishment of a drug network. .naturallythe ownermovesontoanotherlevel .the establishmentof head shops.The head shopswere im- portantin a movementsensein other ways as well. . Althoughan ideologicalrallyingpoint.168. Youjust have to be carefulwhom you exploitand for what reason.you see.72.really. It's kind of This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.was a dreamneverrealized.as they did in Haight-Ashbury in I967.whilelessof the profitreapedwas findingits way into the communitysystem.As membersofthe surrounding system'invaded' communityterritoryin largernumbers.34 That 'somethingin my pocket'beganto takeon increasingvaluein the casesof manyshopoperators.Benton.wasnot enthusiasticaboutthe prospectsof an enlargingmarket being administeredto by any social groupingsother than itself.

232 on Mon. .With the failureof the drugoption.even as it takeson addedmeaningwithin the contextof McCarthyand Zald'sdiscussion of professional socialmovements. 3. Attemptsto impart the image of 'speakingfor a potentialcon- stituency'.72. has beenrepeatedmanytimesin morerecentattemptsin otherurban(and rural) areas to establishsimilar organizationalforms based in the contra-culture.originallyestablishedin the Haight-Ashburyof I967. 4. A large proportionof resources originating outside the aggrievedgroupthat the movementclaimsto represent. . owned and operatedby entrepreneursof the largersystemwho smelledprofitsin the 'teenie- bopper'and 'collegeand weekendhippie'market. Averysmallor non-existentmembershipbaseor a papermember- ship . o This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.The traditionalmodel assumesthe resourcesoriginate withinthe movement-yet we are speakinghere of a movementwith an ideology that rejectsmonetary exchangesystemsand. We'recertainlycoppingout right and left.is the differencein origin of economic resources.the headshopbecameincreasinglyimportant as a meansby which monetaryresourcesoriginatingoutsidethe youth communitycouldbe channelledinto it (eventhoughthis optioncaused many movementideologuesa good deal of moraluneasiness). in the context of the youth contra-culture. PersonallyI don't thinkit can be done .This patternof dis- illusionment.be they cash or property. Attemptsto influencepolicytowardthat sameconstituency.35 This phenomenonhas long been recognizedin the study of social movementsas the gradualdisplacementof the goalsof the movementby the most attractivemeansfor realizingthesegoals. With dying ideologicalsupportfrom the community.36 The majorityof the shopsthen becameincreasinglycapitalistically orientedwhilethey playedlessand lessa rolein the communitycontra- culturalsystem.37 The crucialdifferencebetweenthe traditionalmodel and this pro- fessionalmodel. A leadershipthat devotesfull time to the movement. 2.that set up. commandscontrolof very little in the form of economicresources. .whileat the sametimehavingto increasinglycompeteforclientele with a new type of head shop. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Thestructure of supportin socialmovements I9I obviouswhich way he goes.many shop ownersfound themselveshookedinto the systemthey had originally fled. in any case. .168.whichtheydefineas characterized by: I. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS The ultimate failure of the head shop as a contra-cultural'hippie organizationcanbe profitablyviewedas a problemof resourcemobiliza- tion within (andwitllout)the youth contra-culture.

under these conditions. .(By quarter years) i / 10- g- 8 . (a) the shops began realizingmore and morein profitfromout-groupclientele. .even to the point of physicallymoving away from the area.(b) less of this moneywas funnelledto the community. / I C / O . .232 on Mon.The head shops FIGURE I presentation ChronologicaZ Gity headshops of north-west z967 zg70 in operation.Further. The massmedia had publicizeda way of life. definingthosethings necessaryto 'become'a hippy-incense. / * " T t T t T I t t f t T t T X I T 0 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1967 1968 1969 1970 offeredthesethingsat a price. X } en O / 0 5._ I a) I C I . ja / 2. .38 The greaterthe relativesizeand the greaterthe amountof disposable resourcescontrolledby socialmovementadherentsn the morelikelywill a socialmovement organizationform that expresses targetgoalsof the individuals involved. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . drugs.39 This is illustratedwell in This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.and (c) the ideological elementsof the communitywithdrewtheir support.music.andmanynoncontra-cultural individuals were only too eagerto purchasethese accoutrements for role playing. 6. in searchof a 'new start'. Lewis 192 With the intensificationof this patternand the media type of the youth contra-culture. 11 .three things occurred. X 1 " 7 X GeorgeH.168. @ / \ / E 4.The precedingtable reflectsthis growthin 'NorthwestCity' from I 967 throughI 9 7o. *_ _ Z I 3. I7henumber(andtypes)of head shopsincreased sometimes literally overnight.-@.72. the morelikely that more than one social movement organization will form (hence the growtllof a socialmovementindustry).

this situationonly intensified.tlze structure of support in soczal movements I93 the case of the proliferationof head shops each a social movement organization-withinAmericansocietyof the late I960S.232 on Mon. Petersonchron- icles a similarshiftin the rockfestivalphenomenon.Castin McCarthyand Zald'sterm: The larger the relativeshare of societalresourcesavailableto the socialmovementsector.when the operatorsof these shops (and others that sprang into being) recognized the existenceof a larger out-group clientele.The head shop as socialmovementindustrywas the result.their dealingsincreasinglytook the form of a 'Robin Hood rationalization' thatit waspermissibleto chargemembersof thisout- group inordinatelyhigh pricesfor the accoutrementsof hip role per- formanceas the profitsfromthese'rip-offs'wouldbe injectedinto the communitycontra-culturalsystem as movementsupport. In this case.or.72.the morelikelyit will be thatan organization and industrywill formexpressingtargetgoals which respondto the aggrievementof a group regardlessof the size of the group or its control over disposableresources. However. organsof the massmediapublicizedthe hip movement.but recognizedan easy and suddenlyemerging market.Not only was this audiencelarge.4lwhile Sayrehas addressedthe problem within the context of youth produced and orientedcinoma.acrossAmerica. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .the ownersand operatorsof theseshopsbeganto turn their attention to the problem of successfulcompetitionwith the newerheadshopsspringingup-those thatneverdidshareideologywith the contra-culture.it also controlleda great amountof economicresource and was willing to spendsome of this resourceto acquirethe productthe headshopscouldprovide.The earliershops. stated more succinctly. The head shopsinvolvedwere not all of a kind ideologically.were a prototypeof the sort of social movementorganizationthe traditional sociologicalanalysisof social movementswould lead one to expect to find.the largerthe relativeshareof societalresourcesavailableto the social movementsector.The insta- bilityof thisoptionevidenceditselfin the increasinglysmallertrickleof resourcemoniesinto the contra-cultural systemvia the headshoproute.rejectingthe largersystem'svalues and beliefs.bothaboveand below-ground. Moreand more.42 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.4° Thisprocessof the transformation fromtraditionalto professional social movementorganizationalstructuresevidencedby an examinationof the head shop as a socialmovementindustrywithinthe contra-culture can be seen in othercontra-cultureindustriesas well.This (romanticallydistorted)exposure resultedin a demandon the part of a large audiencefor role-playing materials(eventhoughthe ideologyof hip was not sharedby the mass audience).168. the greater the proportionof social movement organizationswhichareprofessional socialmovementorganizations. As increasingattention(and economicresources)becameavailable.

Followingfrom the traditionalanalyses of social movements. R.if one analyzesthe contra-culture by meansof McCarthyand Zald's newer model.evenas it has successfullybuiltits imageof speakingforthe move- ment and 'the people'. see and maintenanceof the group'svalues. Ibid. Collective ciation to John D. The presented and debated in many late Theoryof Collective Behavior. culture is usedin the senseYingeremploys Roszak. p. D.a Reich. 6.Acad. Ann.which now transcendsthe traditionalage categoryof 'youth.43 In conclusion.A. are directlyinvolvedin the development 3. the term Gontra- Pol. it becomes clear that failure to mobilize the necessaryeconomicresourcesfrom within the beneficiarypopulation (a conditionthe earliermodelassumes)will resultin manyof the social movementorganizationsspringingfromthe contra-culturetakingthe form Enally of professionalsocial movementindustries.the 'youth'contra-cultureseemspotentiallyto be an enduringtrans-generational baseforsocialmovements. 2.Amer. Without such stimulation. 'Wheneverthe normativesystemof a New York..New York.A. 382 (I969). I 969. 43-55. M. Doubleday. The author wishes to express appre. Free Press.R. Universityof thePacific Notes I. Tennessee. whose Behavior. Unpublishedmanuscript. Tennessee. A.New York. Killian. groupcontains. Turner and L. might well have not been written. theme of confiictwith the values of the Random House. C. N. Markham.232 on Mon. Howard. PH. this paper 4. Pren- ideas concerning social movements were tice-Hall.with the in- herentdangersof co-optationand hucksterism loominglargeas factors in theirevolution and eventual effectiveness as agentsof socialchange. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. Chicago. McCarthy. Youth and total society.VanderbiltUniversity.J. 2. I 972. I 970. Zald.D.I963.as a primaryelement. In this paper. For examples of this approach. contents.Disillusioned. J. Lewis.the committedmembersof the contra- culturehave turnedtheirbacksupon this emergentprofessionalstruc- ture.wherepersonalityvariables SocialC7hange. it. 'The Flowering of 5.this conditionshouldbe sufficientto predict that the contra-culturewill indeed continue to supportsocial movementsgeneratedby a contra-culture.Sci. the Hippie Movement'.168. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . N. I957.'havingbeen cumu- latively articulatedas an ideologicalbase for close to twenty years. H. George Professor Associate of Sociolog)o. TheMakingof a Counter Culture.I94 GeorgeH. J. Smelser.Nashville.EnglewoodCliSs. though 'ResourceMobilizationandSocialMove- the author takes full responsibility for its ments'. Lewis A professionalleadershipand organizationalstructure(rangingall the wayfromheadshopoperatorsto AbbieHoffman)hasservedto keep the ideologyof the contra-culture alive if forno otherreasonthan the fact that this also has kept the flow of economicresourcesinto their handsaliveas well. However. H. Flacks. and N.B. T. McCarthyand M. R.72. &9Soc. evening sessions in Santa Fe. TheGreening ofAmerica..

*rransaction. I 97I.in N. I965. 7.. Hinkle. 358. GROUND. University dominantculture. BeatsandOthers. 756-78 op.'The YouthGhetto'. plex of formalorganizationthatidentifies Sociol. refuting the traditional'double failure I3. stone.The Music of Protest'.'A SocialHistoryof the 28.op.25 (I960). T. 629. I 6.. Malone and M.. emergent youth contra-cultureof the Los Angeles.Ann. Wattsand I9. I 78. Hinkle. Social Hierarchies. (I969). cit. 'Mass Society and Its 24. 2 I .PacificPalisades.'S. TheLogicof 30' line. Stockton. p.I 974. New York..Essays ontheSociology by the men in white coats. pps 72>3 I. California.Vol. Zald. p 33 to Polsky'sview that ideologicalrefusals I4.Ramparts.op. In I954. Routledge and (Harvey Kurtzman) evaded the blue- Kegan Paul. Mad magazine showed industry.I 97I. E.I966. New York. p.jr. Academic Media. McCarthy and M.Examinationof the (eds. K. (eds. I 96I. Berkeley Non-students'.while a writer of Knowledge. N. ^4. p. J.72.J.Aldine. A. Flacks. C7ulture Jor and Persecutionof Hippies'. Shils. Carey. Lippincott.'The TimesThey AreA-changin': Head shops.of the Pacific. J its goals with that of the broadermove.. cit. Markham.Time and Two Rivers: I9509S Under- ships of the group to a surrounding currentsin I 960'S Culture'. R.). Greene theoryof retreatism'. New line read 'COMICS GO UNDER- York. Rinehart to work within the 'system'.Waltham. p. 27. cohort. tiouslypeddlingmagazinesto a groupof I 0. Amer. Whittaker. The screaminghead- TangerineFlake StreamlineBaby.Acad. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the AdolescentMinority'. their goal attainingthe changesdesired Goodyear. B. Sociology of This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. Brown. 'Rock Culture and the ment and attempts to implement the Development of Social Consciousness'. Powerand Privilege:a D. I 9. W. Sagarin Hustlers.J. thereby and Winston. 263-go. Lofland.in G. Van Nos. Ibid. 25. I 65. 24. ment norms are largely cultural (or I5. an artist(BillElder)beingdraggedaway 8. W.N. 29.Strausand Giroux. Thispointis vital to the argument. Renetzsky and J. Chicago. Polsky.. pp. H.Holt. 6 ( I 969) n p 39 trand.then. The C7utting Edge. I 967.. Roberts. cit. Hippies'. p.From of the I 950 beatslay behindtheirrefusal Popto Culture. Lenski. if only for the fact that the 'baby boom' 6. Ginn and Company.Patternsin the PopularSong'.. 26. betterconceptualizedas socialmovement 23.but takenas a category.can be Pol. J. tracultureand Subculture'. 22. J.Calif. The Sandy Kolored grinning youths. Rev. M. Side-Saddle on the ment ind2lstry is composedof all social GoldenC7alf:SocialStrurture snd Popular movement organizationsthat have as C7ulture inAnzrica.Amer. goals of the movement. coats on a street corner.in E.Sci. London. 74 ( I 969) . 426.Ferrandiro. Yinger. 95-I o6.. p..Chicago. W. Polskyhas arguedthat the ideology I2.Sociol. Mc. vol. p. pp.). Mannheim. Howard.'The Image of contra-cultural)in origin. I7. I960S might well lead furthercredence I97I.vol. R. Accordingto McCarthyand Zald.A social move.Ig70. Lewis. cit.). pp.in commenceits own crossingof the 'over M. Hinkle. R.teenagedin the I 960S.g6. p. 5 ( I 967). I-2 7. Z. Lewis (ed. The OtherMinorities. p..). Ibid. D. Wiu soon I 7. T. Rosen- by the social movement. Ltd.232 on Mon. 'The Condemnation Culture'. (ed. still surrepti- 9. Wolfe. the Millions.Thestructure of support in socialmovements 95 and whereverits llorms can be under. p.' I I. M. Laumannet al. 'Con..Princeton. each are organization. 20.168. cit.Amer.. Unpublishedmanuscript.op.. G. I 54 Mass. I 967. 'Of stood only by referenceto the relation. specific. H. I952. Jacobs (ed. I8. Farrar. M. Shy and G. 'Profile of a Non-con- Theoryof Stratification. to performwithin the rangeof establish- New York. S. J. E. e Soc. Calif.). p.op. pp. 25.p.formist Youth Culture: a Study of Graw-Hill. Friedenberg.'ChangingCourtship a socialmovementorganization is a com.Standard Educational Almanac: I97I.

Media Faeilitation'. I 968. New bution of subsistence goods. and S. PopularMusice 32.see G. eit. pp.world's largest reeording industries. 95.. A. J..vol...N. eit. Polsky. p.I973. G.Morristown.in analyzingthe a lesserextent.and hypoericy. 26.'The Unnatural in StrueturalChange'. eit.op. N. 362.New York.L. I48-9. responsesof dropped out youth to his 33. I have found that many eay and Change'. D. Zald. J. MeCarthy and M. 40. 36. 3 of thoseI lraveinterviewedpoint to these (I966). 'Das hip kapital'. In a rough sense.San Fran. Ash 'Soeial terialism. human interpersonalrelationships. p.Columbia. 9X.p. 'Revolt for Fun and respeet to the wares they handled) Profit'.. Cavan. Hinkle. As example. H. H.John Professionalization and Resource Mobiliza- Howard has aptly termed this reaetive tion.This was importantall the way down eiseo. primarily eoncerned with the redistri- Hippiesof the Haight.vol. Lewis. thereby isolating the eause -eapitalism The Trendof SocialMovements in America: -against which they are reaeting. p.Esquire. I 78-200. EouthandSociety. op. parallels Nash's distinetion in non. pp. eit.De- op.J. 37.. eit. H. Those Critics. p.I968. op.. I 966. Those operating stores of the Yablonsky. 43. St.luxury)goods.Primitive press: 'The Man ean't bust our musie. op. Ameriean values. R. Karpal. cit. N.' andPeasantEconomic Systems. 'how do you feel 34. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.232 on Mon. Lewis Edllcation. Howard.I970. MovementsOrganizations:Growth. eit. 3 Dec 2012 16:05:37 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . p.one of the monetary eeonomiesbetween the sub. M. WeAre operating eommunity oriented stores thePeopleOurParentsWarnedUs Against. SocialForcesavol. 2 (I973). open-endedquestion. falling in three majorareas: the laek of 35. S. were more concernedwith the exchange New York. Sayre. 6 ( I 970). ellltureand the EIeadShop:Explorations 4I.ma. aboutAmerieansoeiety'. Von HoSman.168. N. Yablonsky. cit.27. pp. Peterson. eit. 334. pp. Lewis. 4 I ( I 968). 38. p. Lewis. 3I. Haight-Ashbury. Chandler. exchange and redistributiontype were Western Publishing.founderiticisms Esquire. sisteneeeireuitof exehangeand those of stated in an ad. p. 39. p. 7.Contra.op.op.Quadrangle. fs I90 GeorgeH.i.op. the distinetion Society.. 85-I02. who soldthe reeordingsin the headshop. pp.I 972. Lenski. McCarthy and M. Nash. Louis.72. For a more in-depthpresentation I969.'Capitalism. Zald and R.M. Cavan. D. in the 'underground' luxuryand eeremony. A the eeonomie line even to 'the man' similardistinetionis made by G.TheHippieTrip. L. (::. GeneralLearning staneeas one of an inuersion of traditional Press.see W. G. threeas symptomsof a eapitalistsoeiety.. For eogent discussionsof of the Northwest City data and its hippie belief systems as articulatedin collection. between these two types of stores (with 42.vol. and redistributionof ceremonial(and to 30. 277. Historyof Roek Festivals:an Instaneeof vol 3 (I972). Ibid. LewisYablonsky. 46. I-27. J. 20. Zald.op.

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