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VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p.

Author’s Note:

Re: Walter Granger and the Central Asiatic Expeditions, 1921-1930

I am posting this working draft of “ANATOMY OF AN EXPEDITION: Dinosaurs,


Central Asiatic Expeditions and Diaries of Walter Granger” -or- “THE CENTRAL
ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS AND WALTER GRANGER: A Quiet Legend” because I do
not think I will ever get it finished. I will also try to post all the supplemental
information. This manuscript is still in rough shape, to be sure. Be patient…the story is
there and it is significantly different from what we are accustomed to reading about the
Central Asiatic Expeditions. My hope is that some one some day will weed and cultivate
and nurture it until it blossoms in full. If so, I give my deep thanks to that person, or those
persons. All I ask is to be included in the attribution, as well as granted a fair share of
whatever profits derive from this.

My manuscript (“ANATOMY OF AN EXPEDITION: Dinosaurs, Central Asiatic


Expeditions and Diaries of Walter Granger” -or- “THE CENTRAL ASIATIC
EXPEDITIONS AND WALTER GRANGER: A Quiet Legend”) is derived from the
diaries and letters of Walter Granger. I do not believe there is, or ever was, any other
firsthand narrative of the CAE. I think Granger was the appointed (or self-appointed)
documenter and this included routes and trails used, locations and landmarks, daily
mileage and campsites, let alone describing fossil discoveries and fieldwork along with
many other events.

“Conquest” is based on Granger: I can see many instances where Andrews ‘borrowed’
from Granger’s diary, in particular, just like Henry Osborn borrowed from Granger’s
diary of the 1907 Fayum expedition. Since I’d heard (pers. comm., T. Mylan Stout) and
always suspected anyway that the Mongolian field and scientific exploits in “Conquest”
(forget the hunting and other asides…those typically are Andrews’s) were largely written
not by Andrews, but by Granger, I decided to cross-check “Conquest” against my draft
based on Grangers’ material. I’ve stopped at p. 338, at the cancellation of 1926
expedition, and haven’t done the last two Mongolia expeditions. (If I inch forward, I’ll let
you know.) But, sure enough, as to the first three Mongolia expeditions, much of Walter
Granger’s diary and letter material can be found in the “Conquest” narrative. You’ll see
the relevant page references to “Conquest” in my draft.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 2

The other numbers reference footnotes and that truly is a mess since I revised so many
times in haste. All is documentable, but you’ll occasionally have to do some serious
spadework.

Some may find my effort appallingly amateurish, even deranged. Please know that this
work, which has been in progress generally since 1993 and more specifically after my
2002 publications, has been interrupted or suspended or constrained so many times that
I’ve lost count. (May I have some credit for hanging on this long.) Nevertheless, the story
thread I’ve developed is good.

For the moment, I am reachable via yanjingou@yahoo.com or morganvl60@gmail.com


An alternate contact is Pete Reser at pete@reser.us

Vin Morgan
Los Angeles, CA
July, 2010
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 3

ANATOMY OF AN EXPEDITION:
Dinosaurs, Central Asiatic Expeditions and Diaries of Walter Granger

-or-

THE CENTRAL ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS AND WALTER GRANGER:


A Quiet Legend

Vincent L. Morgan
PO Box 1079
Chautauqua, NY 14722
yanjingou@yahoo.com
-or-
morganvl60@gmail.com

Working Draft, 2010

Copyright © 2010 by Vincent L. Morgan

This working manuscript in draft form is distributed for purposes of discussion and
comment only. It may not be reproduced in whole or in part in any form without
permission of the copyright holder.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 4

For Caroline Granger Morgan


My daughter. This blood runs through you.

- and -

For Joan Shelby Piper


(February 27, 1943-December 31, 2009)
My partner. Finally we shared peace and a wonderful love.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 5

CONTENTS

List of illustrations [@xi]


List of abbreviations and acronyms
Preface
Introduction
Acknowledgments

1 PAVING THE WAY 1


[Dash across Mongolia (1907)]
[Working with camels (1907)]
[Seeds of an idea]

2 [Chapter]
[subheading]
[subheading]
[etc. 10-12 ea chapt]

3 [etc. = @ 12 chapters total]

Chronological synopsis of the Grangers’ CAE papers (a la p. 19 of Bulletin 22...chron


syn of Notes
Appendix [ ]
Appendix [ }

Glossary
Notes
Selected bibliography
Index
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 6

First and last, his real love was the field and he was unquestionably
one of the greatest collectors that vertebrate paleontology has ever
known. His collecting activities occupy an almost fabulously large
role in the history of science, ranging from the great brontosaur to
tiny Mesozoic mammals.... Dr. Granger was responsible for the most
remarkable fossil discoveries of his generation. Most members of
this Society have followed some trail that he has blazed and hardly
need to be told how extensive and how excellent was his field work.
--The Society of Vertebrate Paleontology, News Bulletin, November
10, 1941.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 7

“[Walter Granger] has earned the name: 'Daddy of the Gobi Desert.'"
New Pioneer, February, 1938.

"Not only was his work known to museum-goers in New York, but
he had also, through models, photographs, and his aid in preparing
exhibits for other museums, made the ordinary American possibly
more familiar with the skeleton of the great prehistoric lizard than
that of the cow, with resulting gain in popular interest in
paleontology." The New York Times, September 8, 1941.

"Granger was so modest regarding his intellectual achievements and


he so firmly acquired the habit of communicating knowledge orally
rather than in writing, that perhaps only those who worked with him
realized the full extent of his acquaintance with vertebrate
morphology and taxonomy." Science, October 10, 1941.

"He is underappreciated as one of the great fossil collectors and


scholars of the field." Discovering Dinosaurs, (Knopf, 1995).
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 8

ILLUSTRATIONS
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 9

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

AMNH American Museum of Natural History


CAE Central Asiatic Expeditions, formerly “Third
Asiatic Expeditions”)
DVP Department of Vertebrate Paleontology, AMNH
ONI Office of Naval Intelligence (USN)
TAE Third Asiatic Expeditions, renamed Central
Asiatic Expeditions
USN United States Navy
YangPat Yangtze Patrol (USN)
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 10

AMNH ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS

19[] First Asiatic Zoological Expedition

19[] Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition

1921-1930 Third Asiatic Expedition/Central Asiatic


Expeditions
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 11

PREFACE

In the pursuit of paleontological study during the late 1800s and early 1900s, Walter
Granger was a key enabler. From 1895 through 1930 in particular, his approach to this
burgeoning aspect of science reflected what he loved and did best––hunting and
collecting fossils. It was his way of dividing up the labor in order to accomplish what had
to be done. Granger provided the department of vertebrate paleontology with a
fascinating and almost endless stream of fossil data––mammals, dinosaurs and the ever-
important information superb fieldnotes––that constituted the backbone of the research
and writing done by the department scientists during this era.

It was Granger's meticulous approach to the collecting of fossils that made him so
critical to the department, and so highly regarded among his colleagues
worldwide. Granger was not among those who just blasted fossils out of the
ground with dynamite and shipped them home for study. Nor did he simply
remove them from the ground. Instead, Granger spent a great deal of time noting
and recording the situation the fossil lay in including its geological context, the
position of the bones, its relationship to other fossils, its condition and any other
information that helped to describe the precise circumstances in which it was
found. Grids were laid, photographs and measurements were taken, stratigraphy
was determined so that a complete systematic study of the fossil find was
accomplished before it was removed. To those back at the laboratory who were
later to prepare, study and analyze the fossil, this firsthand observation
information meant greatly added confidence in identifying the fossil and
determining where it fit in the evolutionary puzzle [order] with great precision.

[Fossil preparation: “[I]n preparation we generally recognize three functions:


Preparation--revealing data for researchers (matrix removal, etc.); Conservation--
treating the fossil or modifying its environment in order to preserve data
(stabilization, storage, etc.); and Restoration--recreating missing parts or elements.
The latter is (hopefully) done only in special circumstances (exhibition) and is
usually to improve aesthetic appearance only....[however,] replacing the "flesh" in
an artistic rendering would be equivalent to "replacing missing parts or elements",
so the definition of "restoration" would be consistent in both areas. Gregory
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 12

Brown, Chief Preparator Vertebrate Paleontology, University of Nebraska State


Museum” "Vert Paleo List Server" <vrtpaleo@usc.edu> commo April 6, 2010]

Granger's approach to his work was a thing of beauty. At his core was the master
craftsman; a man of great skill and accomplishment. He was also a uniquely
innovative and self-reliant man as is made clear from he left behind, whether by
collecting, writing, sketching, portraying, photographing, making friends, or just
living life.

This book is about how it came to be that Walter Granger played a key role in the
famed Central Asiatic Expeditions of 1921 to 1930 during which he served as
head of science, chief paleontologist and second-in-command. From beginning to
end, a complete, daily, firsthand narrative of this decade-long American exploit to
China and Inner and Outer Mongolia (CAE or Expedition) has never been
published. But such a record, of sorts, was kept in the unique and extensive diaries
and letters of Granger and his wife Anna who attended three of his Yangtze basin
treks. From this mix of noting Expedition finds, travails, and local color, one
gradually gains an impression of reading a documentary movie narrative. This is
all the more piquant because of the loss of most of Expedition
cinemaphotographer James B. Shackelford’s filming of the CAE to editing and
acid deterioration.

To some degree, the Grangers’ papers restore that lost footage. No other written record
like theirs exists. As with Shackelford’s film, the Grangers’ papers also presented
editorial and annotational considerations and challenges. Fortunately, however, nothing
has been thrown away, or lost. Although Anna’s diary-keeping was a little more fluid,
she wasn’t on the scene nearly as much as Walter. Walter, on the other hand, kept an
often cryptic record that was somewhat disorganized chronologically. An afterthought in
his fourth paragraph, for example, could relate to something he’d written in the first. Or,
the order of events that day was recorded out of order.

It is clear that neither of the Granger’s diaries was written for direct publication. The
struggle over how to handle this has been long and hard. Resolving it has been like
solving a puzzle, at times even a mystery. The quest has been how to interpret, organize
and edit them. “I wish I’d been there,” I often said to myself as I tried to understand what
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 13

was written. Of course I was not. And, those who were, at one point or another, neither
matched Walter Granger’s length of service and number of expeditions made or kept a
firsthand account known still to exist [a].

Nor did I ever have the chance to sit down with either Granger to talk with them about
their papers. Nor did anyone else, so far as I know, except perhaps his sister Daisy who
was working on his papers when she died. But she left no record of any interviews. So,
not only was there no bright guiding light for me to follow, there was, it turns out, also
thick layers of historical obfuscation and mythification to plow through. Vested interests
promoting one personality over others have led to past tellings of the CAE story in only
one way.

This then is my effort to help the Grangers tell their story. The original material is
lengthy and sometimes immaterial. So it has been abridged as well as interpreted. As I
did in 2002 with Walter Granger’s “Notes from Diary, Fayum Trip, 1907, I eventually
will publish an unabridged, annotated edition of their diaries and letters so that others
may study and interpret what they say [b].]

Initially termed the Third Asiatic Expedition (TAE) and co-sponsered with Asia
Magazine (and, later, Chicago Field Museum), the Central Asiatic Expeditions (CAE)
was a actually a seasonal series of scientific forays. There were two main CAE efforts, or
branches. One was within China (China branch) and began in 1921. The other was to
Inner and Outer Mongolia (Gobi-Mongolia) beginning in 1922. Fortunately, and
uniquely, these two branches were interconnected by the CAE’s chief scientist and
second-in-command, paleontologist Walter Granger, an avid diarist and letter-writer.

The CAE’s nominal leader, Roy Chapman Andrews, was not a diarist and attended only
the Gobi-Mongolia expeditions. Furthermore, he often was not with the main party.
Granger’s two most reliable and ever-present Chinese field assistants, Liu Ta Ling and
Kan Chuen Pao (“'Buckshot'”) also did not keep diaries, though it is known that Liu
could write in both Chinese and English. Granger, Liu and “'Buckshot'” made four
winter-long expeditions to the Yangtze basin in 1921-22, 1922-23, 1925-26 and 1926-
1927 (China branch) as well as all five summer-long expeditions to Inner and Outer
Mongolia in 1922, 1923, 1925, 1928 and 1930 (Gobi-Mongolia).
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 14

Shortly before departing for his first Yangtze basin expedition, Granger also made a short
field visit with Johan G. Andersson (1874-1960) and Otto Zdansky (1894-1988) that
resulted in finding and opening the eventual Peking Man site at Zhoukoudian in August,
1921. Granger kept no record of that visit. But Andersson did and provided an account of
it in Children of the Yellow Earth [c].

No other CAE member approached the number of CAE expeditions and time in the field
than Walter Granger and his two Chinese assistants 'Buckshot' and Liu [d]. On their
second, third and fourth China branch expeditions, Granger, et al., were accompanied by
his wife Anna, an amateur botanist who also kept a diary and wrote letters. On the third
and fourth China branch expeditions the Granger party was accompanied by CAE
archaeologist, Nels C. Nelson (1874-1964) and his wife Ethlyn. During the third, the
Nelsons split off to make their own two-month exploration of the Three Gorges section of
the Yangtze River. The Nelsons kept an account of their trip later published in Volume I
of Conquest [1]. Nels Nelson also made one Gobi-Mongolia expedition in 1925.

In addition, CAE herpetologist Clifford H. Pope (1899-1974) and a few Chinese


assistants made a series of short expeditions to south and west China during the first half
of the 1920s. Unlike Granger and Nelson, however, Pope made no Gobi-Mongolia
expeditions.

While the Gobi-Mongolia work yielded spectacular fossil finds, picturesque views, and
are much more heralded, the China work presented considerably greater risk, including
those posed by traveling the rapids of the Upper Yangtze; encounters with bandits,
pirates, rogue miltary deserters; and battling warlords. The China branch of men and
women also operated in much smaller groups compared to the Gobi-Mongolia
expeditions of much larger parties of men only. Yet, as Granger, the sole veteran (with
Liu, “'Buckshot'” and Nelson) of both branches, noted to a colleague, “...if we waited for
things to be perfectly peaceful on the Upper River, we would never be here ourselves.”

“The various expeditions that comprised the CAEs traveled across China, including the
Sichuan and Yunnan Provinces, the Peking region, and the Gobi desert of Mongolia. The
most notable finds of the Mongolian expeditions were numerous complete skeletons of
the ceratopsian Protoceratops and the first dinosaur eggs ever found. The Protoceratops
material was so extensive that growth series and sexual dimorphism studies were
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 15

accomplished with ease. The fossil dinosaur eggs, originally thought to have belonged to
Protoceratops are now believed to be of theropod, specifically oviraptorid, affinity. The
eggs also provided concrete evidence that dinosaurs were oviparous, which until that
point was an unsubstantiated hypothesis [2].”

As for Anna Granger and Ethlyn Nelson, they unquestionably were full-fledged members
of CAE expeditions into China’s Yangtze Basin. But they have never been recognized as
such. Ironically this was the most dangerous work of the CAE, far more so than in
Mongolia. Despite accompanying his own wife-photographer into Mongolia during the
Second Asiatic Expedition in 1919 and south China in 1967-17, Andrews dismissed
including women on the CAE’s Mongolia exploits, citing distraction. The distinction
seems to have regarded the larger number of men, most scientists and most married,
involved in the CAE’s Mongolian trips. Whether Andrews was really concerned that a
female would distract these men, or whether he was threatened by their added presence is
not known. In any event, Amelia Earhart challenged Andrews on his stance, concluding
[ ].

Finally, the Central Asiatic Expeditions was more than simply a large-scale, prolonged,
multi-scientific endeavor by a major western museum of natural history. It also served
American military, economic, and political interests in that part of Asia. It was, in fact, a
territorial [geopolitical] exploit, as the AMNH’s own multi-volumed treatise titled The
New Conquest of Central Asia suggests.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 16

INTRODUCTION

The situation about Roy Andrews and Walter Granger is a little


complicated... I knew both of them intimately and although I also
liked them both, I always felt somewhat annoyed that Walter's
modesty and Roy's conceit gave the wrong impression of their
accomplishments. During all the fossil collecting in China, proper,
and much of that in Mongolia[,] Granger was in complete charge
and Andrews was not even present. During much of the collecting in
Mongolia, however, including the early discoveries around Bayn
Dzak, Andrews was present and in nominal charge of the expedition
as a whole. Andrews' function, however, was that of obtaining funds
and publicity and acting as business manager. He did none of the
scientific work. All the fossil discoveries were made by Granger and
assistants under his sole command. Just once Andrews tried to
collect a fossil, and he destroyed it [3].

Simpson, one of America’s most prominent paleontologists and historians, was writing to
Kielan-Jaworowska, a Polish paleontologist and the first female to lead a fossil hunting
expedition to Mongolia. He had read her book Hunting for Dinosaurs in which she
acknolwedged Andrews but made no mention of Granger.

What Simpson did not know was that Andrews was not even present for the early finds at
Bayn Dzak, also known as the Flaming Cliffs. That information was locked away in
Granger’s field diaries which had been boxed in the attic of his youngest sister’s house in
New Hampshire. And what a treasure trove of information and history his papers turned
out to be. Granger’s diaries and letters are quoted and paraphrased here to set the record
straight.

Until 1920, the lives, careers and interests of Walter Granger, who died in 1941, and the
12-years younger Roy Andrews, who died in 1960, intersected little except that both
worked for the American Museum of Natural History, held membership in the Explorers
Club and were favorites of Henry Fairfield Osborn, then the eminent and illustrious head
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 17

of the American Museum. What brought them together starting in 1921 and thereafter is
the topic of this book––the Central Asiatic Expeditions.

Despite the CAE’s decade-long ventures in China and Mongolia which had brought
Andrews fame, he slipped into disfavor and outright disparagement by the American
Museum: his ill-fated directorship there ended abruptly following Granger’s death in
1941. From a book by Geoffrey Hellman written under the auspices of the American
Museum of Natural History, we read the following:

Dr. Walter Granger [was] in fact, the scientific backbone of the


expedition. (Andrews never had much idea of what he was looking
at, scientifically speaking [4].)

By late 1983, the American Museum of Natural History learned that Walter Granger’s
apparently missing personal Central Asiatic Expedition diaries, letters, photos and other
materials had remained with his family since his death. At the Museum’s request, an
inventory of the collection was supplied. While Roy Chapman Andrews’s image was
being resuscitated, it was also becoming clear that Walter Granger’s papers were the
actual core of the Central Asiatic Expedition’s historical material. Andrews had not kept
a firsthand account of the CAE. Though various discussions about Museum access to and
possible acquisition of the Granger Papers continued over the next decade, without
resolution, the museum did not acquire or access the information-laden Granger Papers.

The lore of Andrews continued to have some backers, however, and the manner of his
treatment vacillated until the 1990s when he was finally restored to favor at the Museum.
However, even then, the official whisper was “Andrews was a fraud.” Nevertheless, he
had again become useful to the Museum as it set about to increase its appeal.

By this time, Granger’s name had all but slipped into total obscurity. Although an AMNH
fossil hall had been named after him, a variety of fossil species were named in honor of
him and a small cadre of modern paleontologists continued to revere him, he was only
occasionally mentioned in a smattering of technical papers and dinosaur books. The
public in general knew nothing of Walter Granger. Then, this author’s research in the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 18

pages of Granger Papers began in 1993. The Granger Papers Project, with a website
bearing that name, was opened online.

Sources

My first publication based on the Granger Papers was an essay “Badlands Mary”
contained in Science, Values, and the American West issued by the University of Nevada
Press in 1997 and was followed by a biographical sketch of Walter Granger published as
Bulletin 19 of the New Mexico Museum of Natural History & Science in 2002. Just a few
months later, I published Granger’s previously unknown 1907 Fayum of Egypt
expedition diary and photographs which was issued as Bulletin 22 by the same
institution.

This book, based Granger’s unpublished CAE diaries, letters and photographs, is the first
complete and accurate account of the CAE. The phase ‘unpublished’ may seem odd since
existence of Granger’s 1907 Fayum diary was known to Osborn who used it freely for his
own purposes, as Bulletin 22 makes clear. Certainly, the existence of Granger’s personal
1921-1930 CAE papers was known to Andrews and the AMNH.

Despite Simpson’s clarification to Kielan-Jaworowska and much obvious information to


the contrary and even Andrews’s own acknowledgment that he was not a paleontologist
or a competent collector of fossils, Andrews remains touted as the CAE’s leader and top
fossil expert. The Andrews reputation, however, has never been about [his own]
substance [but rests mainly on fiction or the deeds of others].

[Borrowing liberally from historian Shaun McNiff, when we focus exclusively on the
linear histories of personalities, we overlook the deeper aspects in the processes and
subtleties of their time. By limiting the history of paleontology to the way in which one
select group of people influenced the field, we establish the aristocratic notion that
whatever one of these quasi-divinities said or did was transformed into gospel.

The history of paleontology has been plagued by the linear view. Many stories and
deeper truths have been left untold [note McNiff]. Walter Granger was minimized in
importance to the history of paleontology because he did not make it important to see
him. Furthermore, in recent years, many academics [led by Edwin Colbert (who had axes
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 19

to grind––quantity of pubs., WDM son-in-law, and being passed over by Granger)


followed by Ronald Rainger and others] have not felt comfortable with Granger as a non-
Ph.D. They have felt the need to distinguish him as mainly a field worker and sideline
him in that way––outside academia.

But, in 1941, one very distinguished academic and eminent paleontologist and colleague
of Granger, Andrews, Osborn, Matthew and Colbert, George Gaylord Simpson, now
considered (by academia anyway) the brightest paleontologist of [ ]––had already placed
his now-deceased mentor Granger squarely inside academia. Granger was, Simpson said,
a paleontologist wtih encyclopedic knowledge whose freely-given verbalized analyses
and theories became the bases for seminal works by others, as well as his own. If all that
Granger passed along verbally to his colleagues had been written down, Simpson said, it
would have summarized [established] the state of vertebrate paleontology then known.
Confirmation of this came more recently, in 1993, when AMNH paleontologist-historian
Malcolm C. McKenna termed Granger the mainspring that made the Department of
Vertebrate Paleontology of the American Museum of Natural History work, and whose
own work was consistently “subsumed” by Osborn, Matthew and Andrews.

Simpson’s words on Granger, along with those of others including Andrews, were
recorded at a memorial service held for Granger at the Roosevelt Memorial Auditorium
of the American Museum of Natuural History in 1942. Simpson also published on
Granger for Science. Not long after, Simpson left the AMNH. A transcription of the
recording was made and filed with the Museum and that is where I found it in the
summer of 1993. McKenna’s assessment was conveyed to this author during a telephone
call he initiated a few months later in that same year. For the most part, these views are
not publically known.] Having made their views known in print, it is Colbert, Rainger,
[Joseph Wallace, Charles Gallenkamp] et al., that have shaped the views of others. Yet,
as shown in my Bulletin 19 issued in 2002, their work is flawed [note to fn discussing
BCQ].

Walter Granger was an autodiadect learner comfortable in the field, in the laboratory,
chatting with his colleagues or working at his desk. He clearly preferred the field.
Conducting fieldwork and practicing taxidermy since his early teens, and likely before,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 20

he joined the AMNH in 1890 when he was only seventeen. Granger knew how to keep a
record to scientifically narrate his field work. When he turned to fossil collecting in 1896
and began publishing in paleontology in 1901, his mammalogy field notes from
American West work had already been published twice, in 1895 and 1896.

As the Central Asiatic Expedition’s chief scientist, Granger reported directly to Osborn in
New York City. Naturally, he also kept Andrews, DVP curator W. D. Matthew and
others informed. But determination of the CAE’s scientific strategy and methodology
were between Granger and Osborn. The other needs of the CAE, such as publicity,
logistics, funding, were between Andrews and Osborn. This enterprise was, after all,
based on a contractual agreement between the AMNH and Andrews. Andrews was to
perform a service for the AMNH in return for which he gained certain publicity rights.

The CAE’s de facto [true, de facto] command structure, therefore, placed Osborn as the
overseer from New York City allowing his scientific representative, Granger, and his
independent contractor, Andrews, to run their respective departments in the field.
Andrews did not tell Granger how to conduct science, and Granger did not tell Andrews
how to publicize or raise money. If there was an issue, Osborn settled it.

Granger spent more time on CAE expedition than did any other member. He made all
five trips to Inner and Outer Mongolia with the main group, and another three to China’s
Sichuan Province, one to Yunnan Province and one to Zhoukoudian with just a handful
of Chinese assistants and his wife Anna (for three of them). The Grangers’ firsthand
narrations of these CAE expeditions will henceforth alter discussion and understanding of
those events.

Other primary source materials for this book include those of J. G. Andersson, Mac
Young, Henry Osborn, W. D. Matthew, Roy Andrews, materials at AMNH, Explorers
Club, National Archives and elsewhere, and personal communications with those who
knew Granger -- Mary Granger Morgan, Eleanor W. Morgan, T. Mylan Stout, Edwin
Colbert, Margaret Colbert, and Marie Skinner.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 21

Geography and place names


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 22

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Professor Yang Xinxiao of Beijing, China, for donating seven letters written to his father,
Chung-chien Young (C. C. Young) and for also providing wonderful information and
support. John R. Lavas of Auckland, New Zealand, for providing tons of technical and
moral support, information, perspective and comfort. Dr. Richard A. Tedford for opening
the DVP, AMNH, file rooms up to our research and for guiding us through them that first
day. Dr. John Alexander for picking up the assist from there. Ms. Alejandra Lora for
making our visiting at the DVP work out so well. Joel Sweimler for making an
intolerable situation at Special Collections, AMNH (one not of his own doing), tolerable.
Dr. Malcolm C. McKenna for making that very interesting phone call one November
evening in 1993, and for subsequent communications. Ned and Margaret Colbert for
opening their doors, just long enough. Drs. Ken Rose, Tom Bown, Phil Gingerich and
Spencer Lucas for giving us an understanding of Granger’s collecting in the American
West and the Fayum. Dr. Paul Brinkman on Osborn and on Bone Cabin Quarry. Dr.
Allan Mazur and Roger Jinkinson on the CAE. T. Mylan Stout on the Grangers and their
post-CAE period. Anna Granger for knowing what to keep; Daisy Granger for starting
this work; and Mary Granger Morgan for passing it on.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 23

PAVING THE WAY

In Mongolia, and in the desert of Gobi, we were to find ourselves able


to get up speed only in crossing virgin land. There are plains over
which the best road for the automobile is where no road is marked! A
few years ago we could not have risked ourselves without a guide
over the endless Mongolian prairies and over the desert. Now there is
an invaluable guide along the camel road: it is the telegraph. You
blindly follow the lines of the telegraph poles for about eight hundred
miles, and you reach Urga. In those distant regions, over the endless
solitude of Central Asia, the nearness of the telegraph, meant for us a
nearness to our own world, and this was a further reason for the
choice we made [5].

Dash Across Mongolia


(1907)

When the Italian Prince Scipione Borghese sped out of Peking in his Itala 35/45 on June
10, 1907, commencing a 10,000 mile motorcar race overland to Paris, he faced four other
competitors. Against crews of two in cars of various European make, Borghese’s car
carried three. The prince and his mechanic-driver Ettore Guizzardi sat side by side.
Behind them sat the Italian journalist Luigi Barzini. Squeezed into a tiny rear seat tucked
between two extra fuel tanks strapped to the rear fenders of the Itala, Barzini detailed an
epic journey cabling summaries of it to the world whenever he could.

Barzini’s readable book on the venture was quickly published in 12 countries just months
following the race’s completion. While the Itala had won, the prince introduced Barzini’s
account still wrestling with his own thoughts:

So after all our two months of labour . . . there are people who say that
our journey has proved one thing above all others, namely, that it is
impossible to go by motor-car from Pekin [Peking] to Paris!
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 24

. . . the paradox is literally accurate . . . it would not be financially sound


speculation, as things stand, and after our own experiences, to establish
a regular motor-car service destined to the transport of those most
charming and accomplished Chinese “artistes” from the capital of the
Celestial Empire to the footlights of the Moulin Rouge.

But above and beyond this net result has the Pekin-to-Paris race taught
us nothing worth learning [6]?

As Borghese and his fellow racers set out from Peking, a young American paleontologist
named Walter Granger was journeying home from Egypt with his field assistant George
Olsen. Granger and Olsen had just concluded America’s first overseas fossil hunt, a six-
month expedition in the Fayum region of the Sahara Desert 65 miles southwest of Cairo.
Fifteen years, later during another overseas fossil hunt, both men would coincidentally
follow in Borghese’s tire tracks across the Gobi from Kalgan to Urga.

Years before, during a trek along that very route while reconnoitering in Inner Mongolia
from 1892 to 1894, Russian geologist Vladimir Obruchev found a fossilized lower jaw
with fragments of teeth. Sent to Professor Eduard Suess for study, he identified it as a
rhinocerid (pre-modern rhinoceros). The Royal Geological Society in London published
Seuss’s analysis in 1897, and Obruchev followed in 1900 with a brief description of his
trip in a Russian publication entitled “Central Asia, Northern China and Nan-Shan [7].”

Suess’s identification of Obruchev’s discovery enabled Granger’s AMNH boss, Osborn,


to postulate as follows in the April 13, 1900, issue of Science magazine:

We now turn to the northern hemisphere, to the Arctogea or


homeland area of animal dispersal in the dawn period of the
mammalian life on the soil of the northern hemipshere. First, on
opposite sides of the globe we observe two great colonies, one in
Europe and one in the Rocky Mountain region of America, which
are full of different degrees of kindred in their mammalian life; yet
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 25

they are separated by ten thousand miles of intervening land in


which not a single similar form is found.

The fact that the same kinds of mammals and reptiles appear
simultaneously in Europe and in the Rocky Mountain region has
long been considered stong evidence for the hypothesis that ‘the
dispersal centre is halfway between.’ In this dispersal centre, during
the close of the Age of Reptiles and the beginning of the Age of
Mammals, there evolved the most remote ancestors of all higher
kinds of mammalian life which exist today, including, for example,
the five-toed horses, which have not as yet been discovered in either
Europe or America. That the very earliest horses known in either
Europe or America are four-toed indicates that their ancestors may
have lost their fifth toe while still resident in the Asiatic homeland.
The history of northern Asia remains unknown until the period of the
Ice Age, when man first appears; yet theoretically we are certain that
it was part of a broad migration and dispersal belt which at one time
linked together the colonies of France and Great Britain with those
of the Rocky Mountain region of Wyoming and Colorado. Though
the kinds of animals which we find in these two far-distant colonies
are essentially similar and every year’s discovery increases the
resemblance and diminishes the difference between the life of
Europe and the life of the Rocky Mountain region, connecting links
are entirely unknown. It follows that northern Asia must be the
unknown migration route between these two far-distant colonies [8].

Borghese had driven just yards away from where Obruchev picked up the rhinocerid jaw
15 years earlier at Irhen Dabasu. It was only minutes from the telegraph station at Ehrlien
along the Kalgan-Urga caravan route where in 1907 Luigi Barzini had filed one of his
race reports to the entire world. Camel caravans had established this ancient route of
commerce hundreds of years before. Hundreds, if not thousands, of travelers had passed
by, although Obruchev appears to have been the first to do so for scientific purposes.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 26

Borghese need not have doubted his feat. Swedish missionary Franz Larson was living in
Urga when the Itala arrived for a two-day layover. One of Borghese’s first acts was to
give a ride to the Mongolian prince there. He was known as the “living Buddha.” Larson
quickly caught on to the implication of the auto. Three years later, the missionary cum
entrepreneur sold the Buddha an original 1908 Ford Model T. A photo of the conveyance
may be found in Larson’s autobiography “Duke of Mongolia.”

Not long after, when Larson became the Mongolian manager of Meyer & Andersson
trading house and an advisor to the Chinese government in Peking. He used Dodges for
the commute between Urga and Kalgan. He would drive the car back and forth across the
Gobi a couple of times and then sell it and buy a new one. While he regarded the Dodge
as sufficiently reliable, along with the Ford, he upgraded to a Chandler when he could
afford one and that became his trademark. In those days, there was no good road from
Kalgan on to Peking. In 1907, Borghese and his cohorts had made that trip by car and
found it tortuous. Larson, like most commuters, traveled between Kalgan and Peking by
train.

Any fossil hunter based in New York City and working seasonally in the American West
around this time would likely not have had knowledge of Larson’s use of the auto to
commute across Inner Mongolia’s Gobi Desert between Kalgan and Urga. One fellow,
however, did think he could make good use of a car in the plains and badlands of western
Nebraska and neighboring Wyoming. Albert “Bill” Thomson, a long-time Granger field
assistant at the AMNH, would eventually find himself working with Granger in the Gobi
during the 1928 and 1930 expeditions. “How do you think an automobile would be for
collecting fossils out there?,” he wrote early in the spring of 1912 to friend and amateur
paleontologist Harold J. Cook of Agate, Nebraska. “Don’t you think it would pay? [We]
have been talking some about it and if we get the necessary funds we may get one for
prospecting.”

‘Prospecting’ referred to scanning the terrain by eye for evidence of fossils, as well as
possibly locating them in outcrops, exposed beds and distinctive sedimentary layers.
Before the automobile, this was done by foot or horseback. The auto, Thomson thought,
would be more comfortable, could carry more than a horse or a horse-drawn wagon, and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 27

perhaps would also be more reliable than and cover more ground than a horse. Or than
could a camel, as Granger and Osborn found out in the Fayum in 1907.

Working With Camels


(1907)

But for the known fossiliferous outcrop or two nearby, one might wonder how to explore
the rest of such a vast flat and sandy expanse. How would one cover huge distances for
reconnaissance and not only survive, but sustain the effort? And, what if fossils were
found? How would they be brought back? The answer for the 1907 team was camels.
This was something new to the Americans when exploring Egypt’s Fayum. Except by the
US Army in Arizona and Nevada, camels were not used in the American West where
horses, wagons and railroad tracks typically crossed the less vast and less inhospitable
basins and ranges.

Osborn, Granger and Olsen learned firsthand about the uses and benefits of camels to
establish and resupply their remote desert base camp and then to transport fossils from
the field to Cairo for eventual repacking and shipment to New York. Writing about the
expedition for Science, Osborn stated that the

party [would] only succeed through thorough, systematic and prolonged


search and excavation... A train of eight camels is constantly moving to
and fro, keeping the camp supplied, a three to four days' round journey
[9].

The party also became acquainted with transporting precious liquid, water in this case,
into the field in soldered and sealed rectangular metal tins called “fantasses.” Granger
apparently had seen something like this somewhere in the American West before because
he referred to it as a “fanita.”

The Fayum camp was a fixed site amidst excavation pits known as Quarries “A” and “B.”
Another quarry, Quarry “C,” was about three and a half kilometers east of this and within
walking distance of camp. To set his bearings while prospecting about by foot, Granger
triangulated three buttes within the region. That became his range of operation.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 28

For greater investigative mobility, such as Osborn’s three-day reconnaissance trip to the
Zeuglodon Valley, camels were used. While this mode of travel somewhat expanded the
fossil hunter’s range over that by foot, the amount of supplies and equipment carried in
and fossils carried out was limited by the number of camels used, the pace of camel
travel, food supply and the length of time it took to locate fossils. Weight was another
factor: each box of fossils weighed up to 400 pounds.

In 1907, the vast Sahara was as relatively unexplored scientifically as were other
topographic expanses such as the Wyoming badlands, a Mongolian plateau and even a
polar icecap. Enter one Hartley T. Ferrar who was Osborn’s British-born guide and soon
a Granger colleague during the 1907 Fayum expedition.

Ferrar, a geologist had not only explored in the vast Saharan desert, he had also ventured
to the remote reaches of the Antarctic with Robert F. Scott’s 1901-1904 Discovery
expedition. “There, in the polar ice and snow, fellow expedition member Ernest
Shackelton [sic] experimented with a home-made, four-wheeled, sail-powered vehicle he
called a ‘go-cart.’ Shackleton’s vehicle, as fellow expeditioner Edward Wilson wrote,
was ‘rigged up by putting two rum barrels on axles and a frame work...and is certainly
the first wheeled vehicle the Antarctic has ever seen.’” While that would not have worked
in the Fayum’s soft sand, a modern version of that rig--the sail-powered three-wheeler
with puffy tires--works very well on windy, flat surfaces [10].

Shackleton’s recognition of a need for expanding the range of scientific exploration was
important. He realized that, to cover vast surfaces efficiently, perhaps at all, explorers
needed to move faster to get farther. Shortly after Shackleton’s windcatching go-cart ride,
Robert Scott employed, on his ill-fated Terra Nova 1910-1913 expedition to the
Antarctic, two motorized and tracked frames he called ‘motor sledges’.”

On Scott’s Discovery expedition, each sled carried one person, the driver who was
positioned at the rear on a seat framed over a fuel tank at the end of a cargo deck. Each
sled also was equipped to tow another fully loaded sled, since one aim of Scott’s
expedition was to collect fossils and other geological samples. The sleds could haul these
collections out in sufficient quantity. Although Scott’s announced hope for his motorized
sleds was “to show their possibilities, their ability to revoutionize Polar transport,” they
finally broke down after proving to be slow and fitful. However, a point was made.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 29

In the meantime, Shackleton had already pioneered use of an Arrol-Johnston motorcar


during his 1907-1909 Nimrod expedition to the Antarctic from 1907-1909. By then, of
course, Ferrar and Granger had become acquainted with each other in the Fayum and
shared their expedition experiences and insights.

Seeds of an Idea

As Thomson wrote to Cook in 1912, using a motorcar to hunt for fossils was well under
discussion at the American Museum, and they might have been used that field season had
the funds been available. Instead, a year later Thomson finally got his ‘Auto Buggy for
Bone Diggers’ in time for his 1913 field season at Agate. He named it ‘Automobilly’ in
honor of his favorite workhorse ‘Billy’, recently deceased.

Although Thomson did not know Inner or Outer Mongolia firsthand in 1912 and 1913,
topographically they were similar to parts of the American West he had been scouring for
years with Granger and Olsen. Osborn and two other theorists thought Northern
hemispheric Asia was the origin of mammalian life and the point from which such life
dispersed east and west to form the two great colonies of fossil mammals then being
found both in the American Rocky Mountain region and in Europe. Moreover, Osborn
wrote, the opening and rise of the Age of Mammals in northern Asia came as the Age of
Reptiles closed. That meant that both mammal and reptile fossils could be found.

Osborn also was convinced “that the home of the more remote ancestors of man,
Primates, was placed in northern Asia.” This was where, eventually, he hoped to send an
expedition to find evidence of ancient man.

By late 1912, the stage was set for such a venture when the budding museum zoologist-
adventurer Roy Chapman Andrews of the AMNH’s Department of Birds and Mammals
returned from his nearly year-long Korean trip and bought two tickets to attend a dinner
for Sir Earnest Shackleton in New York City. Andrews was now preparing for six or
seven months in the Arctic with Vilhjalmur Stefansson that following spring of 1913.
Then he expected to return to the museum in New York City and “be stuck” there for
about a year before setting off for zoological pursuits in “New Zealand and New Guinea
by way of China [11].”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 30
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 31

AMERICAN ADVENTURER

In 1907, after finishing Beloit College, Andrews arrived at the Museum as a clerk
apprentice in the Department of Birds and Mammals headed by Joel A. Allen. It was said
that he had begun by sweeping floors, but that actually was one of Granger’s early jobs.
Andrews, soon bored of clerking and office routine, began travels aboard including
accompanying a few whaling expeditions. He wrote about them, imaginatively, and his
tales of adventure soon caught the public’s eye. This success eventually led him to supply
additional derrings-do attended by glowing news accounts and inflated magazine articles.

The time was right––Americans coveted ‘American-style’ exploit. By 1911, Andrews’s


leap to celebrity was clear: “Dear Roy,” friend Walter L. Ferris from Connecticut wrote
on June 6, 1911. “You are such a gadder about the globe that like the farmer with two
pigs, you run about so fast it is difficult to count you. We have kept some track of you
through the efforts of the mammalogious reporter on the ‘Sun’ who occasionally knocks
you off the ‘gun’ale’ into the mouth of the waiting sea monster, whereupon your
blunderbuss goes off in his entrails and you walk out, and so into our ears on the wings of
fame.”

One whaling expert, however, was less impressed. On February 11, 1918, Edwin B.
Pettet of Funch, Edye & Co., Inc. Steamship Agents & Ship Brokers in New York City
finally caught up with Andrews, writing to say he had seen articles about Andrews' great
whaling deeds and had some questions:

Some months ago I clipped the enclosed article from "Every Week" and
as you are credited [by] them with being almost a superman in the
handling of the "Iron", my curiousity to learn where you gained your
experience (as your picture is of a young man) induced me to write...
[Then] yesterday while coming through Washington, the enclosed
article from the Times attracted my attention, and finding therein
mention of your name was at last able to locate you. Having sailed out
of New Bedford in the early 70's and having "put" alongside some few
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 32

sperm whales in the North Atlantic during my time, I trust you will not
consider my enquiry impertinent when I ask when and in what ships you
sailed, if from American waters, and when [12]?

Andrews replied on February 13, 1918, backing off and placing blame for excess
elsewhere:

My dear Sir:
Your letter of February 11 has been received. I am afraid that I shall
have to disclaim all of the interesting caption to the newspaper
photograph of myself which you enclosed. As a matter of fact, I have
never thrown a harpoon at a whale. I have "ironed" a few porpoises, but
that is the extent. My work on whales has been entirely with the
Norwegian shore whaling, and I have spent some eight years in various
parts of the world studying whales and collecting their skeletons for the
Museum of Natural History in New York.

I have been at sea, of course, a great deal of the time on the little
steamers, but I have had no personal experience in deep sea whaling
such as that with which you are familiar; unfortunately newspaper
reporters do not differentiate and rather let their imagination run riot
[13].

Andrews’s approach to playing off the press to channel and drive publicity was a pattern
that characterized his career. His association with imaginative adventure-telling was to
become his forté, and the public loved it. As one recent writer has put it,

Roy Chapman Andrews was a more controversial figure than his


hagiographers would have us believe, and many of his stories are clearly
exaggerations. During field work in Indonesia he was said to have been
attacked by a 20-foot python which he shot dead. At other times there
were bandits and tigers. While working on a Japanese whaler (and
supposedly studying the whaling industry) he claims to have ended up
in the sea attacked by sharks. The harpoonist on the whaler, a man
called Johnson whom Andrews thought was insane, harpooned a whale
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 33

but did not kill it. The order was given to pursue the animal in a small
boat and Andrews went along as an oarsman. Other members of the
crew included the first mate and a Japanese soldier. The mate took
another harpoon and thrust it into the whale which smashed the boat
with its tail. As the men clung to the wreckage, sharks attracted by the
whale's blood circled around. The men kicked and punched at the
predators and Andrews claimed he even shoved a wood beam down the
throats of open-mouthed sharks. The Japanese soldier had his leg bitten
off. Johnson, pausing briefly to pick up the men, continued to chase the
whale but it escaped. Andrews was supposedly furious about Johnson’s
behaviour and for years regretted he had never punched him in the
mouth. But none of this is true. Nevertheless these stories still circulated
[14].

Americans loved their heros such that few questions were asked about what was being
explored, why, and at what cost. Perhaps the image of the ‘American Frontier’ and its
myths were to blame. National self-promotion and early films combined with myths
disguised the truth that America had become a mercilessly pacified country, quite
thoroughly explored and with its native population and fauna slaughtered. Buffalo Bill
was still alive when Andrews ventured abroad. But ‘abroad’ was now where other
frontiers were yet to be conquered, other opportunities for new American heroes. [15].
Furthermore, it seemed, these foreign exploits signaled, and seeded, “a desire to bring an
American order to the global landscape [16].”

The ambitious 1907 Peking to Paris motorcar race was followed in less than a year by the
even more ambitious 20,000-mile New York City to Paris race of 1908. Won by the
American-made Thomas Flyer, the race was not truly overland. The hope to pass over
Alaskan dog sled trails and the ice of the Bering Straits did not pan out and the
competitors were taken across the Northern Pacific from the US to Russia in ships. Upon
the announcement of the winner, US President Teddy Roosevelt responded that he
“admired Americans who did things, whether it was up in an airship, down in a
submarine, or in an automobile.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 34

Discussion of hunting for fossils by motorcar were already well under way by Thomson
and his colleagues in the AMNH’s Department of Vertebrate Paleontology in 1912 and
included his old friend Granger whom he had first met during Wortman’s paleontology
expedition of 1894. George Olsen, Peter Kaisen, chair W. D. Matthew and curator
emeritus Osborn joined in as well. Osborn, now president of the Museum, remained very
involved in the affairs and operations of his beloved paleontology department. The
department was now in its 22nd year. Both he and Walter Granger had been at the
Museum precisely that long.

Leaving Vermont

When Henry Osborn and Walter Granger separately walked through the doors of the
American Museum of Natural History to take up their new posts in the fall of 1890,
neither was aware of the other. Actually, Granger preceeded Osborn by a month or so. He
left an unfinished senior year of high school in Vermont to take the lowliest of posts as a
parttime apprentice taxidermist in the Department of Taxidermy and parttime
maintenance man under the Museum’s building superintendent, William Wallace.
Osborn, on the other hand, came as a Ph.D. from Princeton University to establish and
head a Department of Vertebrate Paleontology. The thought that Granger would one day
be working for Osborn collecting fossil dinosaurs and mammals on the Mongolian
plateau could not have been on anyone's mind. Nor could it have been forseen that Walter
Granger, a modest lad, would become one of America’s most prodigious and significant
fossil collectors of all time.

A 17-year-old autodidactic naturalist, Walter Granger rode the train alone bound for New
York City in late September of 1890, leaving family and friends, classmates and teachers.
Parting, as well, from the beautiful mountains and valleys surrounding the city of Rutland
for the first time in his life was bringing him hope for a new and exciting opportunity in
the big city, the possibility of a dream realized. He dove into the professional study of
taxidermy and recent mammals and birds at the American Museum of Natural History
with near instant career advancement.

The Museum’s Department of Taxidermy was organized by Jenness Richardson in 1886.


A Granger family friend from Rutland, Vermont, he joined the museum from a post at the
Smithsonian. Dr. Joel A. Allen, who had assumed charge of the Museum’s Department of
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 35

Mammals and Birds in 1885, decided more collecting was needed. When Allen arrived,
his department had about 1,000 mammal skins and about 300 skeletons. Acquisition of
mammals and birds, had been rather unorganized prior to Allen’s arrival. That changed
with formal named expeditions begun in 1888. Richardson and D. G. Elliott went to
Montana on the ‘Montana Expedition For Buffalo’ to obtain specimens. They came back
with 91 skins, 134 skeletons and 75 skulls. Allen, in the meantime, went off on the
‘Arizona Expedition’ searching for a variety of mammals and came with back 72 skins
and 75 skulls.

Richardson returned to the American West the following season with his assistant John
Rowley, Jr., on the ‘Indian Territory and N. Texas Expedition.’ They collected 90 skins,
bringing five of them back in alcohol. Granger’s arrival in Richardson’s department in
the fall of the following year put him to work parttime with Richardson and Rowley.

Walter’s initial Museum job had been arranged earlier that summer when his father
Charles, a representative for New York Life Insurance, stopped by the museum to see his
old Rutland friend Richardson during a business trip to the city. Richardson was well
aware of Walter’s interest in taxidermy and natural history which had fascinated the lad
nearly from the very beginning. While still in Rutland, Richardson had mentored Walter.
Walter’s parents supported their son’s highly focussed interest and recognized the
importance of allowing, even enabling, its cultivation. A job at a significant natural
history museum would make them as proud of Walter as he would be pleased to have it.
Richardson made the offer, if only for parttime.

The telegraph clacked in Rutland as Charles sent the good news from New York City to
Walter in Vermont. Walter’s mother, Ada B. Haynes, took the cable and hurriedly set off
by horse-drawn buggy with her youngest child Mary bundled beside her to inform the 17-
year old Walter. He, her eldest, was off working at a farm for the day. Mary later recalled
that the journey was not without some danger, as well as some intrigue as they went to
find Walter. At one point, a bear edged out of the woods and spooked the horse. At
another, they passed by a party of Gypsies.

Into the Field


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 36

Granger settled into his daily routine at the museum working his two jobs under
Richardson and Wallace and became acquainted with the other staff members. He hit it
off immediately with John Rowley and favorably impressed Joel Allen as well. Another
relative newcomer to Birds and Mammals was Frank M. Chapman who had not pursued
formal studies beyond high school. Eight years older than Granger, Chapman was born
and raised in Englewood, New Jersey, not far from the museum. Like Granger, he was an
avid ornithologist. He had begun at the museum as a volunteer and that led to an
appointment in 1888 as associate curator under Joel Allen. Granger came to know
Chapman well and the two were soon making field trips to Englewood to study birds.

Granger was heartily devoting himself “to the art of preparing birds, mammals and
reptiles [17].” However, contrary to what his long fossil-collecting career produced, in
his later years, Granger modestly and incorrectly concluded “that he never had ‘the
touch’ to become a true professional [18].”

Working with specimens taught Granger much about zoological anatomy. His interest
grew, and it was a bonus that he roomed with a young medical student who helped
expand “his knowledge of the innards of the animal kingdom, not to mention their bones
[19].” Granger was realizing that he wanted to get out of the halls of cadavers and into
the field. That chance came in 1894, four years after his coming to AMNH, when Joel
Allen assigned him to a fossil-hunting party led by Jacob Wortman working under
Osborn.

Wortman was a dentist who left the practice to hunt for fossils. He had worked under
Edwin Drinker Cope of the famous Cope-Marsh ‘bone wars’ during the late 1880s. These
bone wars were sparked by transcontinental track-laying crews who were discovering
fossils in the American West as they ripped up the earth. It was a paleontological bonanza
in America’s own backyard and fueled a huge competition to collect and study these
prizes. The independently financed, Philadelphia-based Cope faced off with his Yale
University-based counterpart Othniel C. Marsh to emerge as the two leading contestants
in the battle. Back and forth it went as both men strove to outmaneuver and outdo each
other. At times the contest grew bitter. Eventually both men became somewhat sullied
and quite exhausted. But for paleontology and scientific advancement, as well as for
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 37

burgeoning the prestige of American paleontologists around the world, it was a


captivating episode.

The relatively junior Osborn observed closely from his post at Princeton University as
this raging battle produced vast riches in fossil specimens and published studies, and as it
began to wear both men down. Henry Fairfield Osborn was born in 1857 into America’s
most privileged class of politicans, businessmen and bankers, so-called “robber barons”
included. Among his relatives was J. P. Morgan, or “Uncle Pierpont.” Morgan and
Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., were co-founders of the American Museum in 1868. Apparently
it was Morgan who convinced Osborn to leave Princeton to start a department of
vertebrate paleontology at the Museum. When Osborn did so in 1890, Morgan began
contributing $16,000 annually. He later also set up a publication fund and, in 1908,
helped elevate Osborn to the presidency of the Museum. “In short, Henry Osborn’s
family and socio-economic ties were magnificent, at the highest levels of American
society and power, and would serve him well for most of his tenure at the American
Museum from 1890 to 1933 [20].”

Early Recognition

For Birds and Mammals Department purposes, Granger’s 1894 expedition was termed
the ‘Black Hills, South Dakota Expedition.’ It ran from May to November, and it
collected 600 mammals. The small fossil hunting party Granger was attached to consisted
of Jacob Wortman, his field assistant Olaf A. Peterson and a cook-photographer named
Albert ‘Bill’ Thomson. Thomson was born and raised in Rapid City, South Dakota. As a
teen, he learned to cook and run a team, so he hired out for field work. He and his rig met
up with the Wortman party in Rapid City before heading into the nearby Black Hills. The
group later ventured into parts of Nebraska and Kansas. Granger trapped and observed all
along the way.

Wearing a broad-rimmed hat and packing a six-shooter as did each of the group, Granger
camped and collected in territories and landscapes totally new to him. This now 21-year-
old Green Mountain lad eagerly absorbed it all. Huge, open vistas with great, rugged
beauty lay everywhere before him. Distant mountain ranges stretched for miles, as did the
plains leading up to them. Rugged cuts of badlands etched across miles of seemingly
passive landscape. The air was clear and the views long. Spanning the horizon and sky
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 38

was a 360-degree experience one could have simply by spinning on one’s heel. Different
weather systems could play out for miles around and from miles away. This was not
Vermont and although his primary love for Vermont would never leave his system, the
American West, particularly Wyoming, soon occupied a close second.

While the fossil hunters worked the basins and ranges scouring badlands and outcrops for
fossils, Granger was busy trapping mammals and making notes on their activities and
environs. The fauna and flora of that territory were as new to him as was the scenery.
Systematic fieldnote-keeping, mapping and sketching was an essential part of scientific
fieldwork, though it was yet to be widely practiced. Granger was among the first. Field
photography was another advancement in scientific fieldwork which Thomson and
Granger were among the first to practice.

Granger was instantly drawn by the work of the other scientific team, the fossil hunters.
Their study of ancient life also involved anatomy as they retrieved and puzzled together
mineralized evidence of the structure and nature of primitive beasts that had roamed the
prehistoric world. Expeditioning suited him very well. He had never even ventured
outside of Vermont, except for nearby Saratoga Springs just over the state border in New
York. New York City and Englewood, New Jersey, were now also known to him. But
now he was captivated by the lands of the American West and the natural history that lay
out there. This became an important part of his life and his story. He ventured out with
the fossil hunters yet again in 1895, still a member of Allen’s Department of Birds and
Mammals attached to Wortman’s fossil hunting party from Osborn’s Department of
Vertebrate Paleontology. This time, however, change was in the wind.

Within Birds and Mammals, Granger’s next two expeditions were the ‘New Mexico,
Utah, Wyoming and Nebraska Expedition.’ The reference covered his second and third
field seasons––that of 1895 to Utah and Wyoming and of 1896 to Nebraska, New Mexico
and Wyoming. The joining together of that fieldwork reflected Granger’s transition from
Birds and Mammals to Vertebrate Paleontology. Over the 1895 season, Granger had
already begun collecting more and more with the fossil hunters during his spare time. To
Wortman’s eye, he had a natural talent for the work and his field technique seemed well-
suited to Osborn’s requirements. It had become clear that Wortman’s assistant Olaf
Peterson and Henry Osborn were not getting along, due to Osborn’s persistent criticism
of Peterson’s fieldwork. Peterson ultimately resolved the matter by leaving the museum
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 39

in the spring of 1896, before that field season. Granger took his place. Although he would
always continue to collect mammals and birds when he could, by 1896, Granger had
become a fulltime fossil hunter.

In 1954, museum staffer A. E. Parr revised the history of the Department of Birds and
Mammals highlighting Granger’s 1894 and 1895 collections as among the greatest
contributions to the Department. Granger’s work for Allen, according to Parr, provided
the basic elements for modern classification “and established their describer, J. A. Allen,
as one of the key figures in taxonomy of the mammals of North America.” Allen had
earlier recognized Granger’s contributions to the field by publishing within one of his
volumes two papers prominently bearing his name: “Article VII. List of Mammals
Collected in the Black Hills Region of South Dakota and in Western Kansas by Mr.
Walter W. Granger, with Field Notes by the Collector” and “Article XV. List of
Mammals collected by Mr. Walter W. Granger, in New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming and
Nebraska, 1895-1896, with Field Notes by the Collector.”

Keeping Account

Good field documentation was an early Granger trademark and a practice he helped
pioneer. His writing from the field went further, however, to include extensive letter
writing during all his expeditions and diaries kept during two overseas expeditions. These
expeditions were to the Fayum of Egypt in 1907 and the Central Asiatic Expeditions to
China and Mongolia from 1921 to 1930. In both cases, Granger kept the only firsthand
account. His account of the little-known but important 1907 Fayum expedition was
published in 2002 as Bulletin 22 by the New Mexico Museum of Natural History. The
highly acclaimed decade-long Central Asiatic Expeditions from 1921 to 1930, of course,
capped Granger’s long career. Granger spent more time in Asia and in the field during
this decade than did any other western member of the CAE.

This book is the first account of the Central Asiatic Expeditions that incorporates
Granger’s papers. This includes all five CAE Mongolia-Gobi expeditions and Granger’s
four Yangtze Basin expeditions. Also included are the letters and diaries of Granger’s
wife Anna, who accompanied him to China and joined in three of his four Yangtze Basin
expeditions. All previous accounts of the CAE, which also are mentioned here, have been
by Andrews or have relied solely on articles and books by Andrews. Andrews held a
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 40

written contract with the AMNH giving him exclusive story rights to the CAE; all other
participants were consigned to silence. Typically, and unfortunately, Andrews-centric,
these versions are exaggerations and inevitably present an incomplete and at times quite
inaccurate story of the CAE.

The true story of the CAE is now being told. Andrews was a notoriously poor expedition
documenter. AMNH records show that Andrews’s pre-CAE expeditions were as follows:
1909 - Quebec - Tadousac - Expedition (3 whales, 1 Harbor seal); 1910 - Dutch East
Indies “Albatross” Expedition (70 mammals, 20 from Japan); 1912 - Korea Expedition
(175 mammals, 175 birds); 1916 - First and Second Asiatic Expeditions from 1916
through 1930 (9300 mammals). No diary by Andrews has been produced concerning the
First or Second Asiatic Expeditions or for the Third that followed, later known as the
Central Asiatic Expeditions when it was renamed by Osborn in 1926(?).

Referring to himself as “Associate Curator of Mammals, Eastern Hemisphere,” Andrews


did supply a short report on April 19, 1920 regarding the Second Asiatic Zoological
Expedition of June, 1918 to November, 1919 [20a]. The report makes several interesting
disclosures. From June, 1918 to April, 1919, Andrews’s time was “entirely occupied by
work of the Bureau of Naval Intelligence, and field operations on behalf of the Museum
did not begin until the first of April 1919.” While working for the Bureau, Andrews
“made one trip to Mongolia, several journeys to Japan and, with my wife, one
exceedingly interesting trip directly through the center of China in the Provinces of
Honan and Hupeh. Although these travels did not show any tangible natural history
results in the way of specimens, nevertheless they were of a great deal of value from the
Museum’s standpoint for I was able to see much country which I would not otherwise
have been able to visit.”

The report continues:

[On May 17, 1919,] I left with my wife and three Chinese assistants
to cross Mongolia by motor car to Urga, the capital. This was
selected as the base of operations for work in northern Urga, because
it is at the junction of the Siberian and Centrral Asian life zones. At
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 41

Urga, we obtained horses and carts and prepared for our work on the
plains.

From the first of June until the middle of July, we carried on


investigations on the plains’ fauna, and during this time covered over
1,600 miles on horseback. We then returned to Urga and spent until
the middle of September working in the forests to the north of the
city; here, of course, we obtained a totally different fauna from that
on the plains.

We dispatched our specimens to Peking by camel caravans we,


ourselves, following in motor cars and, on October 5, we were
joined by the Reverend Harry R. Caldwell. Mr. Caldwell and I
immediately started on a new trip to northern Shansi province, just
south of the Mongolian frontier, with the special objective of
obtaining big horn sheep and wapiti [20b].

Andrews and Caldwell returned to Peking on November 19th whereupon Caldwell


immediately departed for Foochow feeling “that it was necessary to return to his mission
work.”

The motor car the Andrews occupied was not just used for the trip back to Peking
{Kalgan] in 1919. It also enabled fieldwork.

[S]pecial observations [were] made upon the speed of the Mongolian


antelope. By means of the speedometers on our cars we were able to
determine that beyond a doubt, the Mongolian antelope can reach a
speed of sixty miles an hour [20c].

Although there was no mention of fossils in Andrews’s report to museum director Lucas,
the seeds laid by Obruchev’s find, Borghese’s motorcar race, Granger’s Fayum
expedition and Thomson’s ‘AutoBilly’ were already sprouting in museum president
Osborn’s prophesized Asiatic Garden of Eden. Andrews’s 1918-1919 venture had been a
test run for the Central Asiatic Expedition’s Mongolian exploits to follow.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 42

As far back as January of 1919, Osborn and Andrews had already obtained some
fascinating information about fossils in China and Mongolia from J. G. Andersson.
Through publication and word of mouth, Osborn became aware of Andersson’s fossil
finds, first in China and now in Mongolia where he was finding mammal and possibly
dinosaur fossils. One site in Inner Mongolia was not far from the location of Obruchev’s
original find. Osborn wanted to know more. At his behest, Andrews arranged to meet
with Andersson in Peking.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 43

Roy’s World

For much of the decade before 1919, Andrews roamed various parts of Asia hunting
whales and exotic land mammals for eventual display at the American Museum.
Although he was called a zoologist, it was a loose application; Andrews did very little
actual science. As a junior associate, Edwin Colbert, later put it:

[Roy Chapman Andrews] published two monographs and several short


papers on the Cetacea, and these were in essence the totality of his
research publications. It became apparent to him early in his career that
research was not his major interest; rather, he developed an
overwhelming desire to carry on field work and exploration [21].

Andrews’s popular accounts of whale hunting not only had made his a household name
early in his career, he by now was also very well-connected. At the Explorers Club as
well as the Museum, he could count on Roosevelts and Morgans, Vilhjalmur Stefansson
and other well-heeled members and/or famous explorers among his acquaintances.

By 1915, however, the American Museum found fostering Andrews' whaling adventures
too expensive. Hence he turned to big game for hunting, killing and display, a pursuit he
hoped would keep him roaming throughout Asia, but still attached to the Museum from
which he otherwise might have been let go. Henry Osborn’s museum wanted science, as
well as collections, and if Andrews could not provide much of the former, he thought he
surely could provide the latter.

On March 10, 1916, the Museum agreed to enter into a 12-month contract with Andrews
commissioning him to conduct a zoological survey of China south of the Yangtze, or
north of it should political problems occur in the south. Andrews was to collect
mammals, birds, fishes, reptiles and batrachians and photograph anything of zoological
and ethnological interest. Primarily he was to “secure a series of small mammals and
particularly those that are nocturnal, fossorial, cave dwelling, or aquatic,” as well as “a
good series of the larger mammals, such as Tiger, Leopard, Takin, Serow, Goral, Sheep,
etc. [22].” That suited his affinity for the high-powered hunting rifle with telescope and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 44

eventually a silencer. But he also was to note any fossils, meteorites, extraordinary
minerals, pictographs, or other materials that might be of value to the Museum as well.
This expedition was termed the “Asiatic Zoological Expedition of the American Museum
of Natural History.” It later would become known as the “First Asiatic Zoological
Expedition” or, simply, the “First Asiatic Expedition [23].”

Andrews’s status with the Museum was that of freelancer or independent agent. The
arrangement perhaps saved his career with the Museum. He was to be accompanied by
his wife-photographer Yvette Borup, a French-born American who was educated in
Germany until age 19 whom he married on October 7, 1914 [24]. The Andrews sailed
aboard the SS Tenyo Maru departing April 1, 1916, for Peking via Japan and Korea and
were to be joined in China by a highly-regarded, then freelancing zoologist-expeditioner
Edmund Heller (1875-1939).

Heller had accompanied Theodore Roosevelt on expediton to Africa in 1909-1910 and


published a book with him in 1915 entitled Life-Histories of African Game Animals.
Heller later held a position at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago and then
successive directorships at two major zoos. Heller and Andrews would not get along well
in China during the First Asiatic Expedition and parted company before returning to the
US. When Heller’s sister inquired as to her brother’s whereabouts, Andrews, the
expedition “leader,” had no idea [25].

Andrews was required to keep a journal of his daily movements and provide the Museum
director reports of the country traversed and materials collected. In return, Andrews was
paid $2,000, given the title “assistant curator of mammals,” and financed up to $11,000
by the Museum for expenses. Andrews also gained the sole right to prepare popular
accounts of the expedition illustrated with his wife’s photographs for book or periodical
publication and lecturing. As second-in-command Heller made $200 a month [26].
Despite her role as expedition photographer, no financial allotment was made to Yvette
[26a].

Doing the Sidestep

When Roy and Yvette Andrews left the US in April, 1916, President Woodrow Wilson’s
war preparedness campaign was gearing up. For the Andrews, it was a good time to leave
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 45

the country. While in Germany, Yvette had developed a close connection to and passion
for the German royalty. As the clouds of World War I formed over Europe, Andrews
himself became quite willing to help her express her views to the American public. Back
on December 15, 1914, he contacted Cosmopolitan and The Ladies Home Journal as
follows:

Dear Sir,
My wife, who was formerly Miss Yvette Borup, was educated in
Germany at the Kaiserin Augusta Institute, and while there became
an intimate friend of the Princess Victoria Louise, daughter of the
German Emperor. During Mrs. Andrews’s school life much of her
time was spent at the palace and she has many interesting things to
tell about German court life. Only a short time ago she received a
remarkable letter from the Kaiser’s daughter, who is now the
Dutchess of Brunswick, in which she is told of her view of the war.
It has occurred to me that your magazine might be interested in an
article dealing with Mrs. Andrews’s memories of German court life
and her school days with the Princess, whom she last visited at the
time of her marraige [sic] in May, 1913, in Berlin. If such an article
would interest you, I should be glad to take up the matter in regard to
her writing it [27].

A few weeks later, Andrews received the following letter from The Vital Issue:

Dear Sir:
By my work for the Vital Issue I have become acquainted with
Professor and Mrs. Sheperd. Mrs. Sheperd urged me to pay you a
visit and I would thank you very much if you would appoint a time
most convenient to you for my visit. The Vital Issue is fighting for
fair play and justice on the side of Germany [28].

The normally hard to access Andrews replied:

Gentlemen:
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 46

Your letter of January 8 is at hand. I am in my office almost every


day from 9:30 until 4:30 and will be glad to see you whenever you
wish to call [29].

(First) Asiatic Zoological Expedition

The First Asiatic Expedition party spent the first three months (March-May) in Fukien
Province during, in Andrews’s words, “the rebellion against Yuan Shi-Kai." Fukien was
well-removed from the trouble [30]. Another nine months were spent "conducting
zoological explorations with a large expedition along the border of Tibet and Burma."
Throughout, Andrews fed the publicity machine, further burnishing his image with exotic
expeditioning, firearm wielding and big-game hunting. Not made public, however, was
that he also nearly shot his wife an incident which then spooked Heller who began yelling
out whenever he thought Andrews was close by with a loaded weapon in hand.

As Andrews’s contract headed to a close on March 10, 1917, war-related events were not
going well. President Wilson’s peace initiatives floundered, a number of U.S. merchant
ships were being sunk by the Germans, and the Allied countries were not much friendlier
because of continued U.S. abstention. But two events during this period –– the sinking on
February 25, 1917, of the RMS Laconia returning to England from New York with
American passengers aboard and public disclosure March 1, 1917 of the “Zimmerman
Telegram” subterfuge regarding Mexico –- served to galvanize American resolve against
Germany. While outright war had not yet been declared by the U.S., and would not be for
another month, the prospect of entry into the war was clear.

The timing and import of these developments were significant to Andrews. At contact’s
end, Edmund Heller hastened off without disclosing his plans. He and Andrews had not
hit it off. In the meantime, Andrews and Yvette decided not to return to the U.S. Instead
they arranged to travel throughout Burma and across India for six months and then return
to Peking. Timing was fortuitous: Yvette became pregnant. While Andrews later claimed
[declared] he was anxious to join the war effort and fight in France, seven months passed
before he and Yvette stepped back on U.S. soil. By then, October, 1917, not only was
Yvette nearing full term, World War I was winding down.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 47

It was safe to go home. On August 1, 1917, Pope Benedict XV issued his appeal for
worldwide peace. Wilson listened and began to assemble his fourteen points. The Allies
agreed to meet in Paris on November 21, 1917, to initiate a coalition diplomacy called the
Inter-Allied Conference. The U.S. became an associate military power in Europe with its
own army and separate command. General Pershing, fresh from successfully leading an
armed expeditionary force into Mexico, led the Allied Expeditionary Force into Europe.
The theater and tide of war shifted to the Allies’s favor as American soldiers fought and
died in Europe. American borders were secure. Danger to international shipping had
lessened. It was safe to return.

Andrews was never to be among the soldiers fighting in France. He settled comfortably
back into life at the American Museum of Natural History, writing to his college chum,
Harry Van Hovenberg, on December 17, 1917, that while:

I am much interested in the war, but at present I cannot enlist, much


as I should like to do for two reasons, one of them is my duty to
Yvette [31].

George Borup Andrews was born on December 26, 1917, a little more than nine months
after the March 10, 1917, expiration of Andrews’s contract with the American Museum.
It appears that Andrews’s interest in war had actually meant skirting it. Nearly a full six
months after his letter to van Hovenberg and the birth of George, Andrews wrote to
Henry Osborn, on June 7, 1918, that

I have felt for some time that it was my duty to offer my service to
the Government if they could be of use in war work. I find, however,
that I have not had the necessary military experience for a
commission, and that the men for officers' training camps are only
selected from those of the draft [32].

Why neither a noncommissioned position nor entering the draft was acceptable to
Andrews is not explained. Nor is it explained why it took him eight months after
returning to the United States in October of 1917 to discover that he could not obtain an
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 48

officer’s commission without requisite military experience. But by June of 1918, he


surely knew that the chance of draft had lessened –– the Allies were more confident of
winning the war.

Had Andrews truly wanted to fight in France, he easily could have. He was able.
Youngsters concealing their age or health were doing so. Andrews also was now
associated with having considerable experience with a weapon and derring do. Many an
American lad had signed up to fight with much less rifle time and far fewer claimed big
game kills and near misses than Andrews. But Andrews wasn’t going to step forward.

He had invoked a second obligation in his duty-to-Yvette, December 17, 1917, letter to
Van Hovenberg. This one was to the American Museum of Natural History and Henry
Osborn himself:

[In addition to Yvette,] the other [duty I have is] to the Museum.
They have spent a good deal of money upon my trip and the
President feels very strongly that I should get the material in shape
before going away [33].

To which he added:

I am trying to do my bit [for the war effort] by endeavoring to get


the Government to take up the use of whale meat for food for I
believe that it will have a very important bearing upon the food
supply [34].

In sum, not long after returning to the U.S. from China, Andrews furnished Van
Hovenberg with the two reasons already in hand for why he had not and would not be
pursuing combat. There was a third.

Andrews’s purported endeavor to put Americans on whale meat notwithstanding, the


need to put his Asia collection in order was real and not to Osborn’s liking. Osborn was
somewhat aghast that Andrews showed so little interest in producing any scientific
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 49

studies on his Asian collection. Yet, not only did Andrews fail to tackle that research, he
suggested passing it on to others to do it for him [35]. Following that tack, which he got
away with, he then made another by pitching an alternative to Osborn.

In thar June 18, 1918, letter to Osborn, Andrews made this proposition:

I have just returned from Washington where I have examined the


collections from China in the U.S. National Museum. I am greatly
disappointed for I had expected that they would supplement the
material which we obtained in the Province of Yun-nan; instead I
find that it is of little aid in elucidating the problems which have
arisen in my study of the specimens gathered by our [First] Asiatic
Zoological Expedition. I have felt for some time that it was my duty
to offer my service[s] to the Government if they could be of use in
war work. I find, however, that I have not had the necessary military
experience for a commission, and that the men for officers' training
camps are only selected from those of the draft. It seems, therefore,
that I cannot be of great service to the Government at this time.
Under these conditions, I feel that I ought to continue my scientific
work, but it will be practically impossible to do so without returning
to China in the near future. I shall have to make a survey of northern
China and continguous regions in order to properly interpret the
zoological results which we obtained in southern China. It would not
be necessary to carry on such an extensive expedition as the one
from which we returned in October, 1917, for this should be more in
the light of a reconnaissance than for the purpose of making a large
general collection. This work could, I believe, be carried on for a
year with an appropriation of $5,000, and I feel that it is of the
utmost importance to undertake it in the very near future [36].

Obviously, Andrews was angling for a respectable way to leave town as soon as possible,
but it was not to go to France and fight. Au contraire, back in that same December 17,
1917, letter to Harry Van Hovenberg written barely two months after returning from
Asia, Andrews had already tipped his hand, complaining that
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 50

New York gets on our nerves pretty badly after the life in the East
and were it not for the war we should go back to the Orient as soon
as possible. Both of us love it there and I often wonder whether the
rush and hurry of the city with its hundreds of things to do are really
worth while [37].

‘Reynolds’ and the ONI

Andrews’s purported quest for “war work” cum returning-to-the-Orient had taken him to
Washington, D.C., in the spring of 1918 where, blessed by Henry Osborn, Gilbert
Grovesnor and others, he engaged the old-boy network. Ultimately he met up with
Captain Roger Welles Jr., a field intelligence officer, amateur minerologist and zoologist
[?and friend of Osborn and Teddy Roosevelt / or just Andrews?] who had returned from
South America to take charge of the US Navy’s Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) in
April, 1917. The appointment was followed by a quick promotion to Rear Admiral.

The ONI was in the process of establishing a worldwide network of paid civilian
informants working under cover of their otherwise benign-appearing professions ––
nurses, businessmen, missionaries, news reporters, travellers and so on. These were not
professionally trained spies, nor did they join the military or hold rank. Despite later
claims, Andrews never served in the military or operated as a trained spy. He, along with
many other civilians, simply operated under cover of their given professions, passing
along to an ONI contact whatever information they thought might be of significance. It
was up to the ONI to decide whether it was.

As a museum curator on expedition for big game, Andrews offered logical access to
Inner and Outer Mongolia. That seemed promising to the ONI which was deeply
interested in Bolshevik-era Russia. Andrews filed an application with the ONI on June 5,
1918, to engage as a civilian informant for pay while operating in China and the
Mongolias as a field zoologist and curator for the American Museum of Natural History.
America’s scientific elite were listed as his references: Henry Fairfield Osborn for the
American Museum of Natural History, Gilbert H. Grosvenor for the National Geographic
Society and C. Hart Merriam for the US National Museum (now the Smithsonian’s
National Museum of Natural History).
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 51

Rear Admiral Welles and the ONI quickly approved Andrews’s application and
American Museum scientific fieldwork and U.S. military intelligence were thus
conjoined with the approval of those at the highest levels. Why? The answer is twofold:
science and politics. Osborn wasn’t just a scientist: he was an expansionist, and it was
time to expand. Some time in the fall of 1917, the Museum made inquiry of all
employees concerning their citizenship. On December 3, 1917, in response to one of his
curators, still a Canadian citizen, about whether to change citizenship, Osborn replied

I am disposed to think that American citizenship would help you...,


even more than your Canadian citizenship, owing partly to the
circumstance that America is destined to play such a very large part
in the world’s history during the next two or three years [HFO to
WDM, 12/3/17].

Geopolitics and Global Ambition

Osborn had found the way to play a part in pursuing America’s global destiny, as well as
the Museum’s. One great remaining unknown geographically, economically and
scientifically during this time was the region of Inner and Outer Mongolia where Admiral
Welles, along with Osborn and a few American financiers, was now turning his attention.
It was not coincidental that the ONI aspect of this exploit was backed by heads of the
American Museum of Natural History, the U.S. National Museum and the National
Geographic Society, or that Andrews later published in National Geographic Society
magazine (US) and Geographical Journal (London).

Soon after the United States entered the First World War, [one] Dr.
Isaiah Bowman placed the facilities of the American Geographical
Society at the Government's disposal, and, as a consequence, the
Society's building became the headquarters of the "Inquiry," a group
of some 150 geographers, historians, economists, statisticians, and
experts in government and international law which Colonel House
assembled at President Wilson's request to gather and organize
information for the coming peace conference. When Wilson and the
American delegation sailed for France in December, 1918, they took
with them the leading members of the "Inquiry" staff and many maps
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 52

and books from the Society's collections. Bowman played an


influential part in the work of the "Inquiry" and more especially in
Paris during the following two years, serving as adviser on
geographical matters to the American Commission and in an
executive capacity within the delegation. This experience brought
him a wide circle of acquaintances among scholars, statesmen, and
men of affairs.

In addition to the American Geographical Society, Bowman, like Osborn, was a member
of the National Academy of Sciences and Explorers Club. Under Wilson, Bowman’s
American geographical policy was now in effect. The Central Asiatic Expeditions was to
be a significant spearhead into that region. For all the hullabaloo about the origin of
ancient beasts and man, what held equal if not greater importance was mapping the place
(geography) and evaluating its resources (geology).

But, of course, neither of these could be done outright. They had to be given the context,
or cover, of science or questions might arise. Since the Chinese and Mongolians of those
days still cared little about the preservation and retention of their fossils and artifacts, that
became the avenue of approach for the CAE. The rest followed.

One cannot understand a fossil find without noting its geological setting. The particular
geological settings of each cannot be more fully comprehended without incorporating
them into a larger geographical overview. Geography, as one definition tells us, is “a
science that deals with the description, distribution, and interaction of the diverse
physical, biological, and cultural features of the earth's surface.” Or, as another states,
“the science dealing with the areal differentiation of the earth's surface, as shown in the
character, arrangement, and interrelations over the world of such elements as climate,
elevation, soil, vegetation, population, land use, industries, or states, and of the unit areas
formed by the complex of these individual elements; the topographical features of a
region....”

This is precisely how the thinkers of 1900 deduced their intercontinental mammalian
similarities, origin and dispersal theory, They were thinking geographically. The bones
had told them to do so. It is also why all the lands of the globe had to become theirs. They
needed to investigate on a world wide basis. There were marked similarities in bones
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 53

found on continents separated by huge expanses of water. Therefore these seemingly


separate continents were apparently somehow interrelated. How did that happen?

Ultimately, solving that answer came with the notion of ‘Pangea’ –– that the various
separate land masses we know today as the continents by their various names were once
joined into one big clump surrounded by one big ocean. As the earth spun on, the clump
slowly broke apart to configure the continental distribution we know today. For the
Americans, this unfortunate [unavoidable] global distribution of valuable land masses is
what aligned the goals of the earth scientists with those of the military and the financiers.
Already members of the same institutions, organizations and clubs, these men cooperated
and combined [orchestrated] to push [peddle, advance] their interests forward all over the
globe, or at least wherever it mattered anyway.

China and the Mongolias were among them. Coordinating their respective objectives like
the arms of a great octopus, the American men of great influence and power put their
various departments [spheres. sectors, operations] in motion. Osborn’s collaboration with
Admiral Welles placed Andrews at the tip of the spear they would hurl into Asia. A
natural history museum curator on expedition was an excellent cover for surreptitiously
gathering information for the Navy’s intelligence analyst to digest. Osborn would benefit
from it as well. Andrews,

The ONI had approved Andrews' application on June 10, 1918, just five days after he’d
submitted it. That meant that from the moment Andrews returned to the US in October,
1917, when the tide of war was already turned in favor of the Allies, he had spent eight
months "organizing" his Asian collection at the American Museum. When he finally did
apply for "war work," it was to the ONI for an assignment in Asia where the interest
clearly had a post-World War I focus. World War I had come to a close. Armistice Day
was about to be set, a new world order was about to emerge, and Andrews was lining up
another adventure at one of its frontiers.

But this was not just about the ONI spying in the shaping of a new world order with its
consequent geopolitical strategizing, economic opportunizing and military assessing.
Henry Osborn also needed secret eyes in Asia and had made a deal with Andrews.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 54

Serving as Instruments

When Andrews returned to China on June 29, 1918, aboard the S.S. Ecuador out of San
Francisco, Yvette following a few months later, he carried two contracts. One was a year-
long agreement with the ONI to scour about China and the Mongolias at $8.00 per day
(instead of the usual $4.00 plus costs and expenses) under the guise of Museum work. He
was given the codename ‘Reynolds.’ He was to provide written reports in dissovable ink
to US Naval Attaché Commander Irwin Van Gorder Gillis (1875-1948) in Peking on
whatever he thought was of interest. Gillis was to decide whether it had value [38].

Andrews’s ONI pay came to double the going rate because the remainder of his costs and
expenses to operate in Asia were going to be picked up by the American Museum.
Andrews' second contract was an overlapping eighteen-month agreement with the
American Museum of Natural History which provided the cover for Andrews’s ONI
work. Andrews was to conduct fieldwork for the Museum as the "Second Zoological
Asiatic Expedition." Since the two contracts ran concurrently, there would be six months
left to go on the AMNH contract once the ONI contract expired.

Andrews' deal with the ONI had resolved his somewhat stalled relationship with the
Museum. As with the whales ventures earlier, Osborn not only had found he no further
need for more big-game, but was still waiting for Andrews to write up his First Asiatic
Expedition report. Nevertheless Osborn was also quick to recognize the opportunity
presented as World War I wound down and reports of new scientific work by a Swedish
geologist in China were emerging. Reminiscent of the Fayum in 1907 when the
Museum’s pioneering exploit helped serve US foreign policy and US President Theodore
Roosevelt supplied it with a letter of introduction, US foreign policy needs could now
serve the Museum.

As with Rear Admiral Welles, Osborn wanted someone snooping around in China and
Mongolia. By 1918, there were significant developments in geologic and paleontologic
fieldwork in China, particularly by Swedish geologist Johan Gunnar Andersson, and
inferences of the same for Inner Mongolia. Osborn needed eyes on the situation. The
ONI’s needs provided Osborn with route and rationale. The Museum’s largess on behalf
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 55

of American interests provided ‘Mr. Reynolds’ with cover and funding. Andrews’s had
the fame, and the Museum the prestige, to carry all this out in a plausible way. Funding
the entirety of Andrews’s costs and expenses simply furthered Osborn’s primary interest
–– reconnaissance and inquiry, especially as to Andersson.

Andrews’s First Asiatic expedition contract served as a prototype for the second though
restyled somewhat to accommodate his ONI work. Andrews was to conduct a zoological
survey of whatever regions he thought important, while collecting, photographing and
recording data. This was an unfettered geographical expansion of his earlier work. Again
he was to keep an eye out for fossils, extraordinary minerals, meteorites, pictographs and
items of ethnological interest. But there was no provision this time for “free entry of
goods” through customs. Apparently, Andrews wasn’t really expected to collect
specimens for shipment back to the Museum.

Financial terms were deleted entirely from this second contract. Andrews’s salary was to
be paid by the ONI for the first twelve months. Because the Museum agreed to fund all
personal and expedition expenses for the entire contract period, the ONI doubled
Andrews’s per diem pay. The museum was in essence enabling both missions –– the
ONI’s and its own –– while Andrews’s pockets were filled handsomely. No provision
was made for an assistant thus time, although Yvette did travel with Andrews into
Mongolia. As he later wrote concerning this Second Asiatic Expedition “My wife, who is
ever my best assistant in the field, was responsible for all the photographic work of the
expedition and I have drawn much upon her daily "Journals" in the preparation of this
book [38a].”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 56

NEW WORLD ORDER

1918

The United States entered the Great War in April of 1917 to protect the welfare of the
entire globe by ending European combat. The unique, broader opportunity amidst the
madness was the opportunity to globalize American values –– “to establish a new world
order, to establish principles of democracy [39].” By June, 1918, as war events turned
favorably for the Allies, some in America looking beyond the upcoming peace talks were
nervous about what they saw. The U.S. Navy, for example, had become anxious over a
worst-case postwar scenario involving the more powerful navies of Britain and Japan.

The British now virtually ruled the seas. The Japanese were not far behind and,
strategically, it was better positioned than the British. If Asia was the next prize, Japan
was at its doorstep. The British and, for that matter, the Americans, were an ocean’s span
away. Naval power was not just ships, but geography. In the winter of 1921, journalist
Guy Morrison Walker reminded that

Twenty one years ago [in 1900] in a public address I called the
attention of our American people to the position which they had
attained in the Far East by the acquisition of the Phillipines, and
invited them from that point of vantage to look over into the
Promised Land of China [40].

But, as the first world war drew to a close, the strength of the U.S. Navy paled by
comparison to those of Britain and Japan. And if these two island empires were to join
forces, their combined naval power would be devastating. A foothold in the Phillipines or
Hawaii for that matter would mean nothing.

Yet many Americans were tired of war and geopolitics, They had all they needed right at
home: an American could walk for thousands of miles across the land and never need a
watercraft for anything more than a river crossing. The war-weary American domestic
political climate was not in the Navy’s favor. [Perhaps commerce would be.]
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 57

Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition, 1918-1919

For the Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition, the Museum added the request that, in
addition to mammals and birds, Andrews collect “obtain data of ethnological,
anthropological interest whenever it is possible and to this end should engage competent
interpreters through whom you can converse with the natives with whom you come into
contact [41][42].”

Andrews was scheduled to set sail for China aboard the S.S. Ecuador on June 19, 1918,
but actually left several days later on another ship with Yvette. Once in China, he met up
with Harry R. Caldwell, a missionary and big-game hunter with whom Andrews had been
corresponding since 1915 after learning of his hunting ventures in China through a
Captain Holcomb [43].

Caldwell was a Methodist missionary in Foochow and representative of the Centenary


Commission, Board of Foreign Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church in New
York City. A tiger hunter, naturalist, and author of books such as The Blue Tiger, and
South China Birds, he once held the world record for shooting bighorn sheep and was
endorsed by Savage Arms Company because he prominently used their ”.22 High Power”
Savage 99 lever action rifle [44]. Caldwell later collected some of the mammals
attributed to Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition and wrote up a description of life in
China for Andrews to use in his own book, unattributed [45].

But first, Caldwell accompanied Andrews on his ONI probe into Mongolia. Part of their
assignment, apparently, was to try to check on the status of the ‘Czech Legion’ affair in
Siberia [fn]. At some point, most likely during this phase with Caldwell on ONI work,
Andrews recorded eleven different campsites at locations in various directions from
Urga. In his otherwise scant 1918-1919 fieldbook, Andrews noted as follows:

1.) Pang-kiang
2.) Iren Dabasu (Mongol name); Erhlien (Chinese)
3.) Tuerin
4.) 20 mi. S. W. of Urga, Tola River Valley
5.) 80 mi. W. of Urga, Tola River Valley
6.) 30 mi. N. E. of Tze Tzen Wang
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 58

7.) Tze Tzen Wang


8.) 40 mi. S. W. of Tze Tzen Wang
9.) Ongin River
10.) Sain Noin Khan, alt. 7,000 ft.
11.) Sain Noin Khan, alt. 8,000 ft. (forest) [47].

These were the very locations visited by the CAE in 1922. The references to ‘Sain Noin
Khan’ (or Sain Noin) at 10 and 11 placed Andrews roughly three hundred miles west
southwest of Urga by 1918-1919 and well into Outer Mongolia. It was a popular hunting
site reached overland by motorcar. Urga friend Oscar Mamen, a Norwegian hunter-
photographer experienced with Mongolia, confirmed this when he wrote to Andrews in
March of 1920 that “[if political conditions improve], I hope I shall be able to take my car
and run over to Sain Noin [to hunt] in the very near future...” [Bull 19, p. 46., fn 101]

In 1922, Sain Noin became the western-most terminus of the CAE’s first Mongolia
venture. After reaching it, the expedition essentially turned around and headed back to
Kalgan mostly along a main east-west caravan and postal route. Clearly then, Andrews
and the CAE were not the first to access the Sain Noin region by motorcar. His friends
had done it before, as had he.

Mamen’s letter raises an interesting question: how did he intend to handle the logistics
for driving across the Mongolian plains from Urga to Sain Noin and back? That’s roughly
600 miles roundtrip of off-road driving at around seven miles per gallon. That would
require 85.7 gallons of fuel, assuming a flat road. There certainly were no gas stations, or
restaurants, or stores along the way. Yet such a venture required not only having
sufficient fuel, but oil, grease, essential spares, food, water, clothing and hunting and
camping gear.

In any event, for part of the time from mid-1918 to early-1919, Andrews cavorted in
Mongolia with his new-found friends including Caldwell, Mamen, American
entrepreneur Charles Coltman, Swedish missionary Joel Eriksson and missionary-cum-
entrepreneur Franz Larson [45a]. All the while, he apprised Osborn in New York and, by
letter written in invisible ink, Commander Gillis in Peking [46]. Yvette, largely stood by
in Peking with young George, and occasionally writing letters of her own.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 59

“Highly indiscreet...”

"Highly indiscreet letter has been written by Reynold's wife, requesting that his family be
informed as to the nature of his mission. Order Reynolds home to report to this Office,"
growled a NAVINTEL telegram on January 24, 1919. Following that, on February 6,
1919, the Acting Secretary of State cabled the American Minister in Peking about
"reports" he'd received "through censorship" that "information is being circulated by Mrs.
Roy Chapman Andrews to effect that her husband is on a secret Government mission.
Whether founded on fact or not, such publicity is unfortunate."

Perhaps Yvette wanted to offset any feeling back home that her husband had dodged the
war. In any event, the Acting Secretary then instructed the American Minister in Peking
to report on the nature of Andrews' mission and connections "after discreet
investigation." By now, Rear Admiral Welles had departed the ONI (in January) but had
yet to be replaced by Rear Admiral Albert P. Niblack (in May). The American Minister
complied and on March 4, 1919, reported that Andrews, "the well-known naturalist and
explorer," was retained by the Navy Department "to make investigations for the Naval
Attaché [Commander Irwin Van Gorder Gillis] in Peking."

The matter was forwarded to Captain George W. Williams, U.S.N., Acting Director of
Naval Intelligence, on March 7, 1919. Of course, by then, the Navy already knew it had a
problem. Andrews was fired although precisley when Andrews is not clear. His contract
specified termination "at any time upon thirty days written notice." In his final report on
the Second Asiatic Expedition a year later (April 19, 1920), Andrews indicated that his
ONI work terminated sometime in March of 1919.

In any event, Andrews planned to head back to Urga by motorcar with Yvette under the
auspices of his remaining contract with AMNH. He was now somewhat familiar with
locations within Inner Mongolia as well the Urga region of Outer Mongolia. He had
made contacts with westerners who lived and worked in this region and knew the area
very well, Larson and Eriksson in particular.

What Andrews knew by then, Osborn also knew. Much of the forthcoming ‘historic’
1922 CAE Mongolian route, all but the hypotenuse, an easily drivable major east-west
camel caravan route, had been traveled by Andrews three years before, and it wasn’t by
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 60

horseback. Motorcars would work on the Mongolian plains and funding such exploration
would pay off. For there was more –– there were fossils to be had.

The Andersson-Andrews Meetings

Although supposedly still working for the ONI in January of 1919, Andrews made
arrangements to meet with the Swedish geologist Johan G. Andersson working out of
Peking. The meeting extended over two days, the 18th and 19th. Andersson, who was
stationed in Peking as a mining advisor to the Chinese government, had been making
several successful artefact and fossil hunting expeditions within China and was now
making plans for a large-scale expedition to Inner Mongolia.

Andersson had begun by amassing a considerable collection of early plant fossils he


discovered in southern China. But, in shipping the collection back to Peking, all was lost
when the S.S. Peking sank en route. In the meantime, Russian paleontologist, A. N.
Krystofovich, had discovered a dinosaur deposit near the Amur River in Heilungkiang
Province in extreme northern Manchuria. The Russians collected there successfully until
1917 finding "three or four species representing widely different groups of dinosaurs."
[Andersson].

By 1916, Andersson was wandering through parts of southern China collecting whatever
he could. He and an assistant spent long periods conducting their fieldwork and "live
alternately in country farms and small village temples." [Andersson.] In southern Shansi
Province Andersson discovered mollusk fossils. At Yuan Chu Hsien in Honan Province
he found fossils of of freshwater shells which indicated, for the first time, the occurrence
of Eocene deposits in China.

In 1917, the Chinese Geological Survey resolved to determine where to locate the so-
called dragon's bones, fossils ground up for use as powdered medicine. Presumably it
would be in China's Tertiary deposits. [Andersson.] The Survey directed an inquiry to
mission stations and foreigners throughout China asking for information and assistance in
this quest and received immediate responses from missionaries in southern China and
eastern Inner Mongolia. Andersson decided to begin his search for dragon bones in
[central] Honan Province. Almost immediately, he was able to examine a rhinocerous
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 61

skull and as well as the loess deposits south-east of Honan-fu where the skull was said to
have been found.

In 1918, he discovered prehistoric coral-like animals and recognized their connection to


similar fossils found in the pre-Cambrian area of North America. [Andersson)]. Also in
1918, Andersson also located the first Hipparion field known to exist in China. By now
Andersson had heard that there were fossils to be found in Inner Mongolia as well. He
began making plans

Andrews’s two day meeting with Andersson over January 18 and 19, 1919, was at
Osborn’s request. As this exchange was being digested on both sides, Andersson
followed up by contacting W. D. Matthew at the Museum’s paleontology department
about fossil eggs. For the moment, it appeared, Andersson seemed comfortable with
disclosing information to the Museum. On April 24, he wrote to Matthew

I desire to call your attention to the big bird's egg of which now quite
a number of specimens are known to me from different provinces
and widely different altitudes above sea level. The eggs are about 18
centimeters long, of somewhat variable, short ovoid or elliptical
shape. They are found in the soil, in one case as deep as 30 feet, but I
have so far never seen an egg in situ or been able to state definitely
in what kind of sediment these eggs occurred. As far as I know these
eggs are always complete, never broken or crushed in their natural
site. They may be broken, of course, by careless digging when they
are found. But natural agencies seem always to have left them
untouched, an empty shell with a little yellowish powder inside. That
they have been able to resist the pressure of overlying earth layers is
a matter I am not able to understand, and I sometimes think that the
whole thing may be a mystification, but as the eggs have been found
from time to time in widely different places by the local population,
I think it can hardly be denied that we here have to do with a
prehistoric extinct bird of remarkable dimensions.

Andersson wrote more:


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 62

I have recently procured a complete specimen and two others have


passed through my hands for measurements and examination. The
shell is whitish gray or brown, a little more than 2 millimeters thick
and showing two distinct layers of different structure. In my
Shantung trip one of my collectors came to a place where some
years ago a farmer had digged [sic] out four eggs lying close
together and indicating as I imagine a nest of the mysterious bird.
Two eggs were taken out unbroken, but considered valueless. They
were used as stoppers for some pottery vessels containing oil to
protect the content against the dust. The children played with these
remarkable stoppers and so they were broken, consequently I could
procure only a fragment of a shell.

Andersson wrote Matthew again on May 6, 1919, with additional information and
photographs about "the supposed subfossil big bird's egg" and to repeat his desire "to get
you or your colleagues' expert opinion on the true nature of these somewhat doubtful
eggs." Matthew replied on September 8, 1919:

Your letters of April 24th and May 6th with accompanying


photographs have been of the greatest interest to my colleagues and
myself. Director Lucas has already written to you regarding the
fossil eggs, and we will follow the matter up further with the help of
the information you have given us. The extraordinary resistence of
the eggs to pressure is a point of interest to me as I have noted a
similar resistence in a small way in the delicate tympanic bullae of
many fossil mammal skulls when preserved in windblown or
volcanic dust. In such deposits they are usually empty, where as if
buried in mud or river deposits they would be filled with matrix, and
are much more often crushed and broken.

But, by now Andersson had started to wonder whether he’d been had. Indeed, just six
months after meeting with Andersson in January, and by the time of Matthew’s reply,
Andrews was boasting to his friend Henry Van Hoevenberg:
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 63

We have planned a big expedition; one which will be more


important than any other scientific expedition which has been sent
out from America so far. It will cost close on to a quarter of a
million dollars and will continue for five years... We are going on a
hunt for primitive man as well as zoology [48].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 64

More Background

One morning, riding in a rickshaw


Down Nanking Road in Shanghai
I watched six coolies
struggling, single-file,
A rope stretched tight
Across their backs and shoulders,
Their faces grim and twisted,
Slowly pulling
A great load of heavy broken rocks
On a protesting two-wheeled cart.
And hanging on the rope
Between two of the straining men
There was a bird-cage.

And the bird was singing [49].

No more treacherous place existed for the CAE workers than the politically unstable,
warlord-torn, bandit-ridden Yangtze Basin of China. In addition, Yangtze River travel
itself always posed a threat. The dangers they encountered on these ventures were wide-
ranging and often formidable. The Grangers spent four winter seasons there in between
the five summer seasons Granger spent in Inner and Outer Mongolia. CAE herpetologist
Clifford H. Pope made shorter trips between 1921 and 1926 and he did not go into the
Gobi. CAE archaeologist Nels C. Nelson and his wife Ethlyn spent two winter seasons in
the Yangzte in between his ?two summer seasons in the Mongolias.

Granger’s scientific results from the Yangtze area would be less significant in
comparison to that from the Mongolias. His Mongolia work would attract attention
worldwide for decades and commence fieldwork that continues to this day. It would also
be his pioneering presence as the first trained scientist to investigate and produce results
in both regions that constituted a major achievement. The American scientific venture
grabbed the spotlight practically overnight. Others were left only to follow it all in press
accounts.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 65

Traveling about in China and Mongolia in 1921 offered a potpourri. The Peking scene
was quite refined. The foreigners had their walled compounds, special privileges and
endless pleasures. Travel outside of Peking generally wasn't bad because it was usually
done in luxury. Even the Mongolias, rugged and wild, were, except for rogue Russian
killing squads, peaceful, even gentle. Women travelled the auto route between Urga and
Kalgan with considerable normality. In the spring of 1922, the wife of a Buriat dignitary
felt free to divert her car off the auto route and over to Granger's field camp at Iren
Dabasu in Inner Mongolia to drop off the Urgan passports required for travel into Outer
Mongolia!

The ‘wild west,’ if anywhere, was in the Yangtze River area. The region was hostile from
a variety of quarters and for a number of reasons. While westerners earlier had been held
to be immune from much of it, that changes considerably during the 1920s [50]. It was
still understood in 1921 that foreigners had immunity during riots and revolutions. But
recent ‘small outrages’ against them were beginning to occur. Moreover, Sichuan
Province was in a state of rebellion against Peking. The embryonic and prosperous South
China Republic was also fighting for independence. Granger’s undertaking to venture
into this arena for the sake of science was impressive: J. G. Andersson and the Chinese
had declined to go.

For the most part, Andrews could only read or hear about adventure and near-calamity
because, other than photographs and scant motion picture film left from the Central
Asiatic Expeditions (much of the Expedition’s film was destroyed as edited segments
were thrown away and much of what was left was then lost to acidic deterioration),
Walter and Anna Grangers’ diaries and letters constituted the only written firsthand and
near-complete narrative of the CAE’s experiences in China and the Mongolias from 1921
to 1930. As to Mongolia, Granger’s diaries and letters supplied whatever factual,
chronological, descriptive and scientific data Andrews later needed for his popular
accounts of the CAE, always limited to Mongolia, as well as his first multi-authored
volume of a not completed multi-volume set published by the AMNH under the title
“Conquest of Central Asia.” There, again, Andrews only wrote about Mongolia. The
trademark embellishments of adventure and near-calamity overlain, interposed and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 66

interwoven by Andrews were, for the most part, not really his experiences, but those of
others, including Granger (eg., being shot at).

Walter Granger: a Quiet Legend

Andrews was 12 when 23-year old Walter Granger officially turned fossil hunter and
transferred into Henry Osborn’s paleontology department in the spring of 1896. Now as
pivotal to the CAE as he had been on earlier Department expeditions, Granger was
considered ‘the mainspring’ of the Museum’s Department of Vertebrate Paleontology.
Not only could he get along with Osborn, he’d become his lead collector and ‘right hand
man.’ “He was a first-class, behind-the-scenes guy who did what was necessary to make
things work [51].” Physically fit, nearly six feet tall, rail trim, blue-eyed, good-looking
Vermonter with a slender face, high cheekbones and a moustache, Walter Willis Granger
was born in Middletown Springs on November 11, 1872, not far from Rutland where his
parents lived. Walter’s grandfather, Ada’s father Dr. Sylvanus Haynes assisted with the
delivery. Haynes had lived with his family and practiced medicine in the small, but
prosperous mountain hamlet of Middletown Springs. His daughter Ada Haynes met
Charles Granger there while Charles’ father, the Reverend Calvin Granger, presided over
the Congregational Church from 1858 to 1864 on the village square just steps from Ada's
home. Charles was 15 in 1858; Ada was 12. They were married in Middletown Springs in
1870.

Walter inherited the “Haynes ears,” those which protruded slightly more than usual. They
were less noticeable, however, once he aged and lost the slenderness in his face. Also, in
his adolescence, his narrow eyes appeared to squint which, placed high on his long, thin,
teenager face, gave him a sleepy look. That earned him the nickname “Sleepy.” The
name never left Vermont, though he was often reminded of it by old chums whenever he
returned. For the rest of his life, he was simply known “Walter.” Except to Andrews who
called him “Walt.”

Patient, methodical and careful, he had one of the most skilled sets of hands and minds of
any fossil-hunter in history, Granger was unruffable. Always civil and gentle, speaking
quietly and thoughtfully in a low, hearty voice, he often pausing to take a draw on his
pipe (he occasionally also smoked a cigar or cigarette) while he collected his thoughts.
(To one young namesake, Walter Granger Beckwith, Granger always seemed to smell
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 67

like pipe tobacco smoke.) Always fun, easy-going, easy to be around, he didn’t ignore,
but didn’t dote. He was a centered and balanced man comfortable in almost any setting at
almost any level in almost any company and country. Nearly universally, he was well-
respected and well-liked.

Artist of the Outcrop

By the spring of 1896, Granger had become Wortman’s first assistant. They took to the
field and, with two other men in their small party, headed for Chaco Canyon, New
Mexico. This was on their way into the San Juan Basin to explore for fossils. Chaco
Canyon was a newly-discovered Anazasi ruin that had just been opened by amateur
archaeologist Richard A. Wetherill, as the Museum was aware. When not running cattle,
rancher Wetherill studied the archeology of Indian sites in his area. His Chaco Canyon
project coincided with the establishment of a trading post there by his brother Al in the
fall of 1895.

Wortman and Wetherill had known each other since 1893 when Wetherill served as a
guide out of Mancos, Colorado. Osborn had sent Wortman to investigate a report of
fossils in the McElmo Canyon area. Wetherill took him in. The fossils appeared to be
saurian, but were so badly weathered that Wortman felt it was not worth collecting them.
Nonetheless, this became the Museum’s first “foray into dinosaur paleontology [52].”

Wetherill had experience with archaeological digs and had already worked at Mesa Verde
under the auspices of the Hyde Exploring Expedition, sponsored by money heirs Talbot
and Frederick Hyde of New York City. With their continued backing and nominal
guidance from the American Museum’s F. W. Putnam, also of Harvard University,
Wetherill tackled Pueblo Bonito with the assistance his brother Clayton, friend Orion
Buck, and one of Putnam’s unseasoned students, George H. Pepper.

Wetherill’s work in Chaco Canyon was termed the Hyde Exploring Expedition, and the
Wortman group wished to have a look for themselves. They rode in by horseback and
wagon to greet Wetherill camped behind the rear wall of the largest of the ruins, Pueblo
Bonito. Other Anasazi dwellings and kivas lay in shambles all about the pretty valley.
More sat atop a sheer cliff only yards away from Wetherill’s kitchen and wood cook
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 68

stove which he had set up against Pueblo Bonito’s rear wall. The two parties visited for
several days. Granger took photographs of the area, including one of Wortman posed at a
ruin. Granger later pasted these into his American West expedition photograph album.

Bracketed by Durango, Colorado, to the north and Cuba, New Mexico, to the south, the
San Juan Basin sits 850 feet below the surrounding surface of a plateau ringed by
dramatic mountain ranges such as the San Juan, the Nacimiento, the Zuni and the
Chuska. The Animas and San Juan rivers are the main water courses flowing through the
Nacimiento Formation section of the Basin. Angel Peak overlooks them from the south.
Wortman had been in this part the country before in 1892 after he had begun working for
Osborn. Earlier, Cope had explored the area by horseback, as had another of his
assistants, David Baldwin.

This was the age of fossil mammal discoveries in the San Juan Basin. The Paleocene
Nacimiento Formation, rich and now “famous for its early Paleocene vertebrate fossils”
held geological layers of emerging and evolving mammals [53]. The field studies that
began with Cope in 1875 led to a classification technique known as biostatigraphic
zonation. This enabled correlation among and comparison between the San Juan Basin
fauna and “other early Paleocene mammal faunas of North America [54].” Two of the
eight biostratigraphic zones now established for the Nacimiento Formation include
namings in honor of Granger: the P. opisthacus - Ellipsodon grangeri Zone and the E.
grangeri - Arctocyon ferox Zone [55].

Henry Snyder was that season’s cook and field assistant. A young Barnum Brown, later
of Tyannosaurus Rex fame, also went as a college intern. Thomson rejoined the team in
1897 when he and Granger headed off to a mammal quarry in Hay Springs, Nebraska,
while Wortman, Brown and Harold W. Menke made their way to Como Bluff, Wyoming,
to reopen a site Othniel Marsh had excavated earlier. After finishing in the San Juan
Basin and joining up with another college student Elmer Riggs for more work in
Wyoming, the party returned east by way of Como Bluff. Como Bluff was Marsh’s old
fossil mammal site situated near Medicine Bow. Wortman wanted to make a brief
inspection and report to Osborn on whether it appeared to hold sufficient material worthy
of further exploration.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 69

All agreed that Como Bluff held promise and Osborn consequently sent Brown and
Harold W. Menke back out that following spring of 1897 to work under to supervision of
two local university professors, Wilbur C. Knight and William H. Reed, until Wortman
could take over in June. Mammals were found, to be sure. And soon so were dinosaurs.
Osborn himself was visiting the site in June when he and Brown, so the story goes, found
a dinosaur skeleton right near the mammal quarry. Not long after, Wortman and Knight
found another. Work now was progressing such that word was sent to Granger and
Thomson at Hays Springs to drop what they were doing and make their way to Como
Bluff. It was not going to be that simple, however.

On Monday, June 14, Granger wrote to professor Osborn:

I would have written before but I have been looking for my horses since
Monday night [the week before] and have hardly spent time to sleep. On
Monday evening the gray mares pulled their picket pins and ran off
followed by the saddle horses. I determined the direction they took, but
a four day search had failed to reveal anything of their whereabouts
[55a].

Ten days later, on Wednesday the 23rd, however, he was able to report to the professor
that

I found my horses Sunday at a ranch 25 miles south of camp. The ranch


man told me that they came there at 10:00 the next morning after they
strayed away from camp. If they get away again it will be entirely my
own fault [55b].

It is not known how many miles Granger and Thomson covered in the almost two weeks
it took to find their horses, or how they sustained such a search. Nevertheless, soon they
were on their way to Como Bluff with plenty of time left to help work the mammal
quarry, as well as pull a few dinosaur skeletons.

The field season was winding down when Granger rode from Como Bluff north to
reconnoiter the surrounding area. He crossed the Rock Creek fault line for the climb up
onto the Laramie Plains. Once there, he spotted Mexican sheepherders and stopped to
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 70

chat. As they conversed, mention was made of an interesting outcrop with curious-
looking material lying about in a crest on a ridge about ten miles north. Granger thanked
them and made his way up there.

Upon nearing the spot mentioned by the sheepherders, Granger made out what appeared
to be a scattered rubble of rocks. Moving in closer, he realized this was a pile of bone––
dinosaur bone. At one time, a sheepherder’s cabin had been constructed of it, the
Mexicans ten miles back had told him. Some of the largest of the exposed fossil vertebrae
had been used for the foundation. Other fossil material lay weathered out in considerable
quantity, Granger realized as he looked about the outcrop that the size and amount of the
exposed material suggested that more would be found beneath the surface.

Granger rode back to Como Bluff to report his find to Wortman and they returned to
scout it together. Wortman was less certain that the site looked promising, but both
agreed that since it was so late in the season it was better not to start excavation [56].
That might attract attention, particularly if more bones were found. If a site were opened
now, poachers might try to claim it or plunder it during the dormancy of winter. Instead,
they decided to pack up for the season and leave a guard, Harold Menke, behind for the
winter at quarters in nearby Aurora, a small train station on the Union Pacific near Lake
Como. The new site would be kept secret until the following season, although it was
already quietly being referred to as Bone Cabin.

Bone Cabin Quarry [A Quarry at Bone Cabin]

Early in April of the next year, 1898, Granger was back in Wyoming shaking the dust off
Menke at Aurora and ready to tackle that season’s work. Wortman and Thomson, after a
few days stop at Hays Springs, Nebraska, to check out a report of a fossil hominid there,
which proved false, joined them shortly. The party first worked some of the
miscellaneous sites left over from the previous season at Como Bluff. They then turned to
Granger’s bone cabin find, despite lingering doubts by Wortman over its potential.
Wortman was concerned that a fault had sheared away most of the bone layer leaving just
the surface material which Granger had discovered. Supporting his concern, the party had
also found a couple of small pits and a few rusty buckets containing some fossils.
Whether someone had begun digging and then given up is not known. On the other hand,
it was known that the cabin once there had made use of the fossil bones. The pits and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 71

buckets may have had something to do with the cabin’s construction. No one knew for
sure, except that the site had never previously been reported as a fossil locality. Granger
urged Wortman to give it a try. So, they began to dig.

On June 12th, they struck a rich find of dinosaur skeletons that nearly overwhelmed
Wortman with excitement. Bone Cabin Quarry appeared to hold tremendous potential
wealth for the museum’s dinosaur displays. And it was obvious front-page material.
However it needed to be kept secret for the moment. Wortman was so protective of the
site that he had hired local Union Pacific railroad construction worker Peter Kaisen
instead of bringing in available Museum field hands such as Barnum Brown or Handel T.
Martin, both of whom were working an unproductive site under W. D. Matthew.
Wortman simply did not trust Brown or Martin to keep the site secret [57].

Trust was a major issue for Osborn as well, and the concerns about Brown may have
lingered well after Wortman was gone. In any event, Kaisen was hired at the end of June
and assisted the party to the end of the season on October 1. Kaisen was to learn a new
trade well under Wortman, Granger and Thomson.

Granger, in the meantime, took photographs of the original rubble pile at bone cabin, of
the sheepherders who led him to it tending their flock on the plateau and of the quarry
and campsite as work progressed. Many of these shots were later pasted into his album.
He added more as the work and activity progressed there over the next few years. Group
photographs included an Osborn visit, men quarrying, and an early morning shot of
Granger himself arising from his sleeping bag after a night out on the ground near
Osborn’s tent, as if a sentinel.

A fundamental transition was in play during this time that not only brought Osborn and
his men in as successors to the Cope-Marsh bone wars of the 1870s and 1880s, but
brought to public view a number of fossils that were the subject of these wars. Both Cope
and Marsh had kept their collections from the public view––Cope’s in his home in
Philadelphia, Marsh’s at Yale [58]. The post Cope-Marsh period, however, would have

a distinctive feature: Paleontologists at rival museums in the late


nineteenth and early twentieth centuries competed especially to acquire
gigantic, exhibit-quality dinosaur specimens for mounting in life-like
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 72

poses...by mid-twentieth century, this style of prehistoric animal


exhibition became a museum status symbol, and a standard by which
the American public [judged] the quality of its major natural history
museums [59].

Not only had Osborn retained Cope’s man Wortman in 1891, by 1895 Cope, now ill and
depleted financially, had agreed to sell his huge and private fossil collection in two
installments to Osborn and the museum. This transaction not only ceded Cope’s half of
the bone war to the AMNH, it gave the museum hundreds of fossils for study and near-
instant fossil material for public display purposes. All seemed set for the museum, but
alas, Wortman and Osborn had now fallen into not getting along. One factor seemed to be
that Wortman was prone to depression in the late summer as the field season wound
down [60]. It may well also have been that he chafed under Osborn’s style. In any event,
before the 1899 season, Wortman left the museum. Granger took his place as Osborn’s
lead collector and field foreman.

The American Museum now held Cope’s collection open to view. Marsh was no longer a
factor. He remained at Yale surrounded by his fossils, but they were not available for
public viewing and institutional funding to continue working with them was now cut off.
Like Cope, Marsh’s energy was spent, as well. Only the American Museum stood poised
and ready to move forward with new riches, vibrant energy and ample resources.
Discovery of Bone Cabin Quarry had heralded a new age of fossil finding in the
American West. The museum was at the fore, flush with success. Wortman’s sudden
departure, however, was not without some concern to Osborn. Wortman was tough and
crafty. Granger was still young and somewhat untested politically.

Osborn’s concern, as the 1899 field season approached and Granger and his men
prepared to return to Bone Cabin Quarry, was that Wortman had announced he would be
returning to the Medicine Bow area under the auspices of the Carnegie Museum of
Natural History where he now worked. Osborn feared Wortman would make a play for
Thomson and Kaisen, and so warned Granger. Granger was not worried, as he replied to
Osborn from Bone Cabin Quarry on June 1:

Dr. Wortman to arrive yesterday. I think there will be no trouble


keeping Thomson and Kaisen. They will not leave me unless the Dr.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 73

offers them some exorbitant salary. I have talked with both of them and
they are contented with their positions here [61].

And they were. Bone Cabin Quarry proved to be one of the greatest dinosaur fossil
localities discovered up to then. Worked each season annually through 1902, it produced
a number of well known dinosaurs including Allosaurus, Apatosaurus (formerly
Brontosaurus), Camasaurus, Camptosaurus, Diplodocus, Ornitholestes and Stegosaurus,
along with a few turtles and crocodiles. It also led to Granger’s first publication in the
field of vertebrate paleontology. With Henry Osborn as lead author, he wrote “Fore and
hind limbs of Sauropoda from the Bone Cabin quarry.”

With dinosaurs now in the “American public consciousness,” Osborn, primarily a


paleomammalogist, made ready to shift his focus back from saurians to fossil mammals
[62]. By 1902, Thomson and Kaisen were largely running the day-to-day excavation of
Bone Cabin while Granger followed the Jurassic into Colorado, made visits to the Black
Hills of South Dakota, and began checking out possible fossil mammal localities. Osborn
was a master at obtaining information from every available source concerning potential
fossil localities, and then sending his men out to check them. It almost truly was a
practice of leaving no stone unturned. However, by 1905, Osborn’s interest “in the
Jurassic dinosaur rush” was over [63].

To the Study of Fossil Mammals and Evolution

Though dinosaurs held great museum display value and captured public attention and
imagination, they were not seen to hold value in the study of evolution during the Ages of
Mammals and Humans. By 1905, Osborn’s 1900 theorizing on mammalian origination
and emanation was well known. His premise focussed on ancient events in North Africa
and Central Asia. Fossil discoveries on both continents had already demonstrable
repercussions in Europe and North America. Coupled to his mammalian theory, of
course, was the study of evolution as evidenced through mammal fossils.

In 1902, Granger initiated an annual expedition series over the next four years to the
Bridger Basin (or, Formation) of Wyoming that began with a two-week visit to the area
with his colleague William Diller Matthew. W. D. Matthew, a Canadian, was a
petrographer by training. Hired by Osborn in 1895, like Osborn, he was not especially
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 74

suited to fieldwork, preferring his office and laboratory at the DVP. Granger and
Matthew departed Bone Cabin Quarry at the end of July to conduct some stratigraphic
analysis under contract work arranged by Osborn with the US Geological Survey.
Despite later garnering great credit for the work there, Matthew in fact never returned to
the Bridger after 1902, and it was Granger who actually performed the now-classic field
studies there through 1906.

The Bridger was first explored by Ferdinand V. Hayden as part of the US Geological and
Geographical Survey of the Territories. A sampling of fossils from the area was sent back
to Philadelphia for study by Joseph Leidy [64]. Leidy’s first published scientific account
of a Bridger fossil was a description of the small tarisoid primate Omomys carteri in
1869. This work became known to Cope and Marsh both of whom led expeditions to the
Bridger in the 1870s in a rather hastily-executed competition to out-collect and out-
publish each other there, as they had everywhere else [65].

It was Walter Granger who, in 1902 with W. D. Matthew’s initial assistance, commenced
the first scientifically systematic fossil collecting program in the Bridger Formation. He
mapped and named widespread layers of light-colored resistant rocks called “white
layers” which were actually limestone beds formed in ancient lakes and ponds. By tracing
these beds across the badlands and figuring out the relative positions of fossil localities,
Granger could tell whether fossils found in them were older or younger than one another.
By mapping and naming some of these layers as ‘marker beds,’ Granger could extend the
stratigraphic framework across the basin and demonstrate the relationships of these fossil
localities within the expanded framework set by the marker beds [66].

Marriage and Promotion, 1903

In 1903, Osborn formally placed Granger in charge of Paleocene and Eocene fossil
collecting. This move signalled an intradepartmental distinction between mammal and
saurian collecting. In those days, collecting the smaller, more delicate fossil mammals
was considered to require greater proficiency, skill and knowledge than collecting the
larger, simpler dinosaurs then known. Barnum Brown, for example, stayed with
collecting dinosaurs and never became known for his field techniques or scientific
publications. Granger’s field assistants George Olsen and Bill Thomson collected both
with considerable skill, but published nothing. Peter Kaisen collected mainly dinosaurs
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 75

but also published nothing. W. D. Matthew published, but did not collect. Similarly so
with Osborn and another DVP intellect, William King Gregory. Granger, a rare
combination of all the skills and facets needed to be a complete paleontologist, had
become Osborn’s most skilled and trusted field collector.

On April 7, 1904, Ganger married his first cousin, Anna Deane Granger. She was still
living with her parents in Brooklyn, NY, where she had been born and raised, when
Walter arrived at the AMNH in 1890. She and Walter were two years apart in age––when
they married, he was thirty-one and she was twenty-nine. Her father John was Walter’s
uncle, of course, as Walter’s father was Anna’s. Whether the two had met before 1890 is
not known, though it is not unlikely given that the fathers were brothers and lived not too
distant by train. Rutland was a busy terminus for the north-south railroad line, as well as
quite a sophisticated small city. On the other hand, we know from Walter that he had
never been outside the state of Vermont before going to New York City in 1890 except
for a visit to Saratoga Springs.

As the budding relationship became more serious, it caused consternation for Anna’s
parents. They seemed to think that Walter’s annual six months of rugged, primitive
outdoor life in the American West was not suitable for the bookish, formally educated
Anna. As a result, they sent her off to Europe, hoping that time in Old World culture and
an ocean’s span away would quell her enthusiasm for Walter. It did not. Anna’s great
interests were languages, art, botany and anthropology. All of these she did as an
amateur.

But direct connection with the AMNH would bring her, now a scientist’s wife, even
closer to the realm of studies she loved. Blue-eyed, tall and thin, handsomely studious,
simple and direct in manner and strong of character, Anna was a match for Walter. The
marriage lasted until Walter’s death in 1941; there were no children.

The Fayum, 1907

By 1903, Osborn became aware that the British were finding interesting fossils in a
geological depresssion located in the Sahara Desert 65 miles southwest of Cairo. Egypt
was now under British military rule in the personage of Lord Cromer. Their work started
in 1898, and in 1901 British paleontologist Charles W. Andrews began publishing on
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 76

their finds. Fieldwork was continued by the British through 1906 while Osborn patiently
awaited his turn to follow. He apparently was unaware that the German paleontologist
Eberhard Fraas had ventured in for a look in 1906 and had made a valuable acquaintance
with an seasoned amateur collector there named Richard Markgraf.

The Fayum depression once held an ancient freshwater lake that supported an abundance
of ancient plant and mammalian life in an oasis surrounded by barren desert. The lake
was the creation and beneficiary of a naescent Nile miles away to the east that, before
cutting its way down to its present level, regularly overflowed its shallow banks and
spilled into the desert. Seasonal flooding and other significant climatic events caused
floodwaters to follow a natural channel across the Sahara and spill into the Fayum
depresssion. The basin filled to create a prehistoric lake now known as Moeris. Life
forms of all sorts burgeoned within and around its sustaining waters.

The Fayum is now considered to be one of the most important Cenozoic fossil sites ever
discovered. The Cenozoic, the most recent era of geologic time from about 65 million
years ago to the present, includes the Paleocene, Eocene and Oligocene epochs. Not only
was the fauna of the region highly unusual, it was without immediate comparison. The
Fayum held the most complete faunal assemblages of Cenozoic mammals found
anywhere to date. It housed a remarkable variety of vertebrate life sustained by an
environmental condition very different from present-day. From the late Eocene into the
early Oligocene, the Fayum oasis was a tropical lowland. Nourishing seasonal rainfalls
helped sustain slow-moving rivers that meandered idly through swamps heavily
overgrown with papyrus, reeds and floating plants such as Salvinia and water lily. The
terrestial vegetation bounding the wetlands included liana vines, tall trees and perhaps
mangroves. The oasis was saturated with insects, snakes, birds and strange, ancestral
animals such as the bi-horned, rhinoceros-like Arsinoitherium; the whale-like
Zeuglodontia; sea cows (Sirenia) and pre-modern elephant proboscideans such as the
Palaeomastodon, Phiomia and Moeritherium [67].

While Osborn’s desire to get into the Fayum was partly a result of his renewed interest in
fossil mammals, especially exotic ones and particularly proboscidea, it also coincided
with a sense that it was time to step beyond America’s rich backyard fossil field and
explore the world. This tied in nicely with a similar feeling being expressed in American
foreign policy, outspokenly demonstrated at the time by US president Teddy Roosevelt
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 77

with his ‘big stick’ policy, and soon, his Great White Fleet. Roosevelt also ardently
supported the American Museum and was a member of the Explorers Club and a personal
friend of Osborn’s. The Rough Rider image was solidly cast in the aura of the American
West hero in a time when Buffalo Bill was still alive, but there was no longer an
American frontier to conquer. One now had to look abroad for that kind of adventure, and
Roosevelt did.

American paleontology at this point could be summed up in much the same way. The
Cope-Marsh bone wars were over and many discoveries had been made since. The
American public flocked to the halls of major natural history museums to view the
massive mineralized skeletons of ancient dinosaurs that finally had been ‘hunted’ down
by paleontologists millions of years later. However, while there still was much work yet
to be done in the West (and still is), paleontology was a global science (and still is).
Similar mammalian fossil finds were being made in Europe and North America, but
Africa and Asia were said to hold the key. There once was a time when all the continents
we know today were massed together as one. We now refer to that mass as Pangea. The
separation of Pangea into continents was like spreading out pieces of a puzzle that in
some cases had simlilar characteristics. This globalized paleontology. Why were some
fossils found on one continent also found on another? Despite nation-states and borders,
the continental pieces begged scientific understanding. This unified paleontology; the
continents needed to be explored and an overview developed. This was the call to Osborn
that beckoned American participation.

Roosevelt joined with Osborn to pave the way for the American Museum’s expedition to
the Fayum in 1907. Osborn provided escort and company for the two American workers,
Granger and his assistant George Olsen, during the first two weeks in Egypt––Granger
and Olsen stayed six months––and Roosevelt provided a letter of introduction to Lord
Cromer (Sir Evelyn Baring), Britain’s militarily installed ruler of Egypt. Osborn carried
Roosevelt’s letter when he boarded the SS Cedric leaving New York on January 5th with
his family, Granger and Olsen. With Granger, he presented it to Cromer a few days later.

This pioneering expedition is described in great detail in “Notes From Diary––Fayum


Trip, 1907” published in 2002 by the New Mexico Museum of Natural History. Granger
was the only member to keep a firsthand account of this expedition, but his diary was not
discovered until 1977. Except for some contemporary press accounts, the expedition was
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 78

little known to history despite its high profile, precedence-setting nature and valuable
fossil discoveries.

It was during the Fayum expedition that Granger, Olsen and Osborn first met and
befriended Hartly T. Ferrar of Robert Scott’s famed Discovery expedition during which
Ernest Shackleton tested his windpowered go-cart. As days and weeks went by hunting
for fossils amid the vast Saharan expanse, they shared and compared their expedition
experiences and knowledge. It was the first time that an American fossil-hunting crew
had worked with camels. Caravaning the party into and out of their campsite, resupplying
them for a six-month stay at a fixed camp and quarry site and returning from the desert
box loads of fossils, camels were the mainstay of this effort.

The lesson learned was that camel caravanning could sustain a fossil-hunting expedition
for as long as needed, assuming the weather cooperated. All they had to do was what
camel caravans had been doing for hundreds of years––walk from point A to point B and
then back to point A. In this case, point B, the museum party, never moved because they
were excavating three quarries all within walking distance of one another. Prospecting
that area was accomplished on foot. Granger kept his bearings by triangulating three
prominent buttes.

When Osborn wished to travel farther out to check on a location called Zeuglodon
Valley, he travelled by camel. With his son and Ferrer, he trekked out and back in three
days. They were accompanied by a few native assistants and a camel drover with camels
sufficient to carry provisions and camp equipment. Osborn did not return with boxes of
fossils––this was merely a reconnaissance. But he could have if he had taken a spare
camel or two. This was the first instance of Americans hunting for fossils by camel, just
as Germany’s Eberhard Fraas had done in the Fayum the year before and as Markgraf
was doing there regularly. It was clear that a camel drover only had to know where and
when to meet and he would be there. If a fossil-hunting party wished to move to another
location, all they had to do was tell the drover where to rendezvous and when. For
example, had he wished, Osborn might have said, “We will be moving camp to the
Zeuglodon Valley tomorrow. When you return with supplies in three days time, meet us
there. Our tents will be visible to the north once you enter the valley.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 79

Another item new to the Americans in the Fayum was the ‘fantass,’ a solder-seamed
metal container used to carry water. These rather large, rectangular metal boxes stood
half the height of a person and were strapped two at a time over a camel’s back. Years
later, somewhat smaller versions of this fantass would be used to carry auto fuel supplies
into Mongolia by the Central Asiatic Expeditions beginning in 1922. Prince Borghese
had them cached in advance along with other supplies and spare parts at various locations
up the route from Kalgan to Urga. These were transported by camel caravan. There was
no other way to refuel as one drove over that stretch of Mongolia. Borgehese’s solution to
getting his Itala 35/45 over the long, dry distances of Mongolia is the first known instance
of employing a camel caravan to sustain a motorcar exploit.

While Granger and his men dug away in the Fayum, Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, was
designated a national monument on March 11, 1907, thanks to the work of amateur
archaeologist Richard Wetherill. In 1910, Wetherill was shot dead by Chis-chilling-
begay, a Navajo with whom he had argued about a stolen horse [McNitt, p. 269-70]. In
2000, this author, a Granger grandnephew, visited Chaco Canyon to locate scenes
depicted in photographs taken during Granger’s visit in 1896. Pausing to pay respects
from Granger at the small graveyard near the ruins of Pueblo Bonito where Wetherill was
buried, I spoke greetings.

Without warning, storm clouds blew in followed by bursts of lightning, rolling thunder
and driving rain. I raced back to my car while catching glimpses of a handful of other
visitors racing for shelter.

I returned to the welcome center and related the indcident to two park rangers I had met
with earlier. As we conversed, a group of Navajo park employees filed in for a meeting
scheduled to begin a few minutes later. Upon hearing my discussion, one of them walked
up to me without a smile and introduced himself somewhat forcefully as a grandson of
“Chis-chilling-begay who killed Wetherill.” After a tense moment and then a grin, we
shook hands.

Back to the American West


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 80

While Granger and George Olsen returned to the US aboard the SS Princess Irene in
June, the Italian Prince Scipione Luigi Marcantanio Francesco Rodolfo Borghese was in
final preparations for racing his Itala 35/45 motorcar from Peking to Paris. His Itala was
an open-topped car handbuilt over a truck chassis packed with a huge 7.4 liter four-
cylinder 45-horsepower racing engine that peaked at 1250 revolutions per minute (rpm).
It was capable of reaching a speed of 60 miles per hour. The car sported a gear shift with
four on the floor and two brake handles equidistant to the driver’s reach. One was to
apply the brakes to the rear wheel drums. The other was to apply them to the transmission
itself.

Borghese’s mechanic and co-driver was Ettore Guizzardi. The renowned Italian journalist
Luigi Barzini rode in the back, crammed in a makeshift seat between two extra gas tanks
mounted on the rear fenders. Four other competitors from France and the Netherlands
were entered in the race. A 15-horsepower Spyker driven by Charles Goddard with Jean
du Tullis as crew, a ten-horsepower, two-cylinder de Dion-Bouton driven by Georges
Cormier with Edgardo Longono as crew, another de Dion-Bouton driven by Victor
Collignon with Jean Bizac as crew and a six-horsepower, one cylinder, two stroke Contal
tri-car driven by August Pons with Octave Foucault as crew. Borghese led most of the
way and won by 21 days.

The auto racers’ purpose was to establish the viability of motor vehicle travel and
commerce between East and West. It was a 10,000 mile test. A segment of the race took
these men and their cars across the Gobi over an ancient camel caravan road. Along it ran
a modern telegraph line that originated in Peking. Telegraph stations across Mongolia
were crude mud huts found every 70 to 80 miles along the way. Other than Mongol
villages, nothing else existed--no gas pumps, no car repair stations, no tire stores. The
question was how to resupply along this barren, 550-mile stretch. A series of caches was
the answer. The amount of fuel, oil, spare parts and tires needed to cross the Gobi could
not be carried aboard the cars. Just as Granger and Osborn had in the Fayum, the racers
had the necessary supplies camel dropped along the route ahead of them to complete the
Gobi transit.

The 1907 Peking to Paris race was closely followed in the press. People throughout the
world were captivated by the stirring accounts of the racers’ progress filed by Barzini
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 81

from each telegraph station along the way. Through Mongolia, on into Russia and all the
way to Paris, Barzini’s vivid race reports held the world’s attention.

Cut #15

The year 1907 is also when the 23-year old college graduate Roy Andrews joined Birds
and Mammals the AMNH. Granger was now 34. Continuing to develop his Eocene fossil
mammal work after returning from the Fayum, Granger went back to the American West
in 1909 with an expedition to the Wind River Basin of Wyoming. From July to October,
he collected with George Olsen, William D. ‘Billy’ Stein and British paleontologist Clive
Forster-Cooper. Forster-Cooper was spending a year in America studying under Osborn.
He would later be the first to discover the largest land mammal ever known, the
Baluchitherium, in Baluchistan. He would finish his career as the head of the British
Museum. Back at the American Museum in New York for the winter, Granger took up a
revision of perissodactyls and published on his finds during his 1906 expedition into the
Washakie basin of Wyoming. He also assisted Osborn in attending to his Fayum finds
which included the first anthropoid primate to be found in that region.

Not only had Granger’s career been steadily advancing since joining the DVP, it was now
on the international stage of vertebrate paleontology. He was also firmly planted as a key
Osborn adjunct. In 1908, Granger acquired the title of assistant in paleontology. He also
published his first papers since 1901: a short preliminary notice on the Fayum collection;
a revision of Eocene horses; and a study on hyracotherium. Osborn in the meantime, had
assumed presidency of the AMNH that year. While that advancement increased his duties
considerably, he did not immediately let go of his curatorship of DVP. Since he could not
handle all departmental tasks, however, he assigned Granger and Matthew to share
administration of the department. It worked well enough that Osborn put off replacing
himself in the DVP position for another year or so [68].

From June to September of 1910, Granger explored the Eocene of the Wasatch and
Bighorn basins in Wyoming. While in the Bighorn, he received a letter from Matthew
thanking him for putting in a favorable word with Osborn to appoint Matthew as curator
of the DVP. For Matthew, it was a promotion at a desk job he loved. For Granger, it was
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 82

freedom. Granger did not like the duties and politics of office life any better than he liked
being desk-bound for the winter in New York City writing papers. His summer field
seasons in the American West were a reprieve from winters of museum duties, and he
would not give up lengthy expeditions for any promotion in administration. Regardless of
his seasonal adjustment to and accommodation of city and office life, he was still at his
core the natural outdoorsman and collector. He had been all his life [69].

Osborn, furthermore, needed Granger in the field when not in the lab with the preparators
working on fossils or in the museum’s display halls overseeing the setting up of displays
and exhibits. Collecting, preparing and interpreting fossils was the dominant mission:
Granger happily settled for assistant curator. Since Bone Cabin Quarry, he had secured a
prolific and magnificent collection of Paleocene and Eocene fossils from various badland
basins in Wyoming. He was publishing on the Paleocene, Eocene and Oligocene under
his own name. Nevertheless, he allowed Osborn to use his Fayum field diary to write a
popular account as if it were his own. Granger also was providing a significant amount of
material without attribution to Matthew for his publications. Occasionally Granger would
write a section under his own name in another’s work.

Cut #16

Writing and publishing his first formal scientific paper with the highly esteemed, highly
prolific, and highly powerful Henry Fairfield Osborn, Ph.D., was a significant milestone
for Granger so early in his career. Only eleven years earlier, had he come down from the
Green Mountain State of Vermont to this prominent museum in bustling New York City
without a high school degree. Publication with Osborn, as with earlier publications under
Joel Allen, made clear that field observation, laboratory analysis, reasoned writing and
journal publication were essential to the process of science––and constituted a career in
it.

This would seed a lifelong conflict within Granger: he loved fieldwork more than
anything else. For him, the resolution was in the purpose. He came to view his life and
work as a chance to contribute to ‘Earth’s Book of Rocks & Other Wonders’ page by
page. It did not matter who got credit, as long as the book eventually got written. As for
publishing popular works, like Osborn’s vainglorious account of the 1907 Fayum
expedition in the British newpaper The Illustrated London News, Granger was less
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 83

impressed [69a]. He simply was too unpretentious and unenamored with publicity to
care.

Granger had mastered hunting for fossils and the mode of expedition. He was now
proficient in field documentation, notes, and correspondence. If not as prolific as others
more deskbound, he was nevertheless publishing prominently. Collecting fossils was his
forté and doing so brought him into his third decade at the museum. Roy Andrews was
still in his first. His clerking days now over, he was venturing off on exotic-sounding
expeditions such the 1909 Quebec Tadousac Expedition which produced three whales
and one Harbor seal followed the next year by the Dutch East Indies “Albatross”
Expedition. That yielded 70 mammals, 20 of them from Japan.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 84

PERFECTING AN IMAGE

Andrews was now singularly associated with whales and whale hunts, achieving popular
recognition quite quickly. He understood the press and self-promotion very well. By
1911, he had already published adventure articles in World’s Work, National Geographic
and Metropolitan. He was lecturing, as well, drawing crowds and acclaim and attracting
invitations to the social circuit. He sent complimentary tickets to whomever he could and
wrote his first book. A member of the Sigma Chi Fraternity in college, he used the New
York Alumni Chapter for social smokers and dances. He was frequently on the guest list
of teas and dinners [70].

A sense that Andrews bounced around the world became de rigeur, if often it really
produced little more than a whirl of wind. “I suppose that you will not be getting over
into the Orient again, so that I cannot be able to run across you there,” Andrews wrote to
a Lieutenant Waller on March 31, 1911.

I expect to go to Korea in November next, and shall probably have a


six or seven month’s trip. Wish you were to be in China again, for I
am probably to spend some time there. I hope that you will not
forget to look me up if you come to New York any time during the
spring or summer, for I shall stick pretty close to my office until I
leave for my next Oriental trip [70a].

Not only was Andrews’s account of being snatched from death while pursuing a whale in
a longboat at the insistance of a crazy man whose jaw he later wanted to punch pure
fiction, most, if not all, of his other highly charged claims were too. Nevetheless, his
popular image as a brave and amazing explorer-adventurer was by now well-sealed. A
generally fawning, unexamining press, a largely naive, hero-worshipping public and the
ever-supportive and grateful institutional machines, such as the American Museum,
National Geographic, Explorers Club and other organizations who supported or
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 85

benefitted from Andrews and his American image of exploration. Andrews’s knack for
self-promotion served both them and him very well.

But as to Andrews and his time, British author Roger Jinkinson has noted that

[a]t 5' 10” and 180 lbs, slender with slightly sloped shouldered
Andrews was not an impressive-looking man, though contemporary
photographs...show him in heroic and impressive poses. Americans
love their explorers. In Europe, as we come to terms with our
Colonial past and face a multicultural future, we have reevaluated
our explorers and adventurers. The casual violence, the slaughter,
slavery and banditry have been recognized and there has even been
an attempt to recognize the casual racism of the day. Perhaps it is
easier to be self-critical when you have had an Empire. In America,
it is more difficult to establish the truth. Explorers are accepted as
heroes and that is that. Very few questions are asked as to what was
being explored and why and at what cost to the local population.
Perhaps it is because the United States has never recognized its
attempts at Empire. I have yet to meet an American who has heard
of the Phillipine-American War (1899-1902) yet alone the horrific
slaughter of the Phillipino population. Perhaps the American
Frontier and its myths are to blame. The Western myth, combined
history with Penny Dreadfuls, self promotion and the early days of
the film industry. We must remember that Buffalo Bill was still alive
when Roy Chapman Andrews began to venture abroad. The West
had been mercilessly pacified, its native populations decimated and
its fauna slaughtered. There were other frontiers to conquer, other
American heroes to create. In truth, Andrews was a far more of a
controversial figure than his hagiographers would have us believe.
His stories always held the aura of exaggeration [71].”

Despite his image, however, Andrews remained a virtual unknown in the field of fossil
hunting and vertebrate paleontology where Osborn and Granger had now mustered their
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 86

own considerable international reputations. Andrews had had no association with


paleontology up to this point and would not for another decade. On the other hand,
Osborn and Granger had garnered great status, if only among the much smaller audience
of paleontologists, geologists, natural historians and the like.

Fossils and dinosaurs may have fascinated the general public, but few knew or cared who
actually collected them or what was involved. Fossil hunting expeditions often were
unexciting, tedious, back-breaking work stretched over long days in open, barren lands
wholly exposed to the whims of nature and weather. Despite the wonderful ‘eureka’
moments of discovery, it was hard to assign adventure or danger to the daily process of
searching for and retrieving the scattered or buried, and usually incomplete, fossilized
remains of animals who had died millions of years ago. When a spectacular discovery
was made, the lucky finder was put before the public’s eye for a few moments of fame.

That is not to say, however, that there were not public personalities in paleontology.
Barnum Brown was becoming one, even though his academic contribution to the field
would always be minimal. He was, nevertheless, regarded as a ‘dinosaur hunter’ ––
whatever that means as to beasts that had died many millions of years before––off
searching in the remotes of Montana and Alberta. Like Andrews and Osborn, Brown had
learned how to appeal to the press. But Walter Granger had little interest in publicity, and
little time for it. He was not hunting in the sense of adventure; he was accumulating for
study, and to provide his chapter in the profession’s ever-unfolding book of rocks and
fossils.

To Granger’s way of thinking, the press was outside the scientific process. Making
fieldwork exciting meant ‘hunting for dinosaurs’ or for the ‘largest, most ferocious sea
beast,’ the ‘earliest primate,’ or the ‘oldest hominid.’ It entailed reminding the audience
of the remote lands ventured to and the daily physical rigors and dangers involved. In
1907, some of Granger’s native assistants in the Fayum carried rifles to protect against
thieves, snakes and other culprits. From his first day forward in the American West,
Granger holstered a revolver and kept a rifle within reach for much the same reason. He
also used his rifle to shoot game to supply fresh meat while on expedition. Andrews may
have occasionally used the rifle to shoot game for food, as well. He mostly used it,
however, to kill exotic big game for stuffing and displaying in the museum’s expanding
exhibit halls.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 87

1911

In a 1910 publication The Age of Mammals in Europe, Asia and North America
(MacMillan) which Granger helped write, Osborn expounded on his 1900 theory. W. D.
Matthew followed in 1915, attempting to expand on Osborn’s theory in “Climate and
Evolution [72].” Matthew ultimately proved to be wrong. But, along with Osborn’s 1900
thesis in Science, both books served to further the Museum’s academic premise for
hunting fossils in Central Asia. The Department seemed to be making ready to do just
that.

Early in 1911, Granger was made associate director of the DVP in a move that gave him
heightened curatorial status without adding administrative duties. The field season
brought another long and successful Eocene expedition into the Wasatch and Bighorn
basin with George Olsen and fieldhand Darrell Blakesley. It included lengthy field visits
from European paleontologists Friederich Von Huene and Franz X. Shaffer, as well as
the department’s own William K. Gregory. When Granger finally returned to New York,
he and Anna made ready for yet another overseas trip arranged by Osborn.

[DVP Staff Meeting


November 8, 1911

Mr. Granger has recently sailed for Europe to make a study tour of the
principal museums and to arrange for exchanges with this museum [72a].

The reference to ‘exchanges’ meant instituting the sharing of fossils and casts of fossils
between museums as a way to assist in the study of specimens regardless of where the
original was located. This was Osborn’s idea. The intent was to make vertebrate
paleontology a more collegial, comprehensive and interactive international study.

Walter and Anna set sail from New York harbor on November 4th aboard the HMS
Oceanic. Southampton was reached six days later [73]. As Granger began his three-
month tour of the paleontology museums and universities in England, France, Germany
and Switzerland, he also planned to visit with a number of Europe’s prominent
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 88

paleontologists including the elderly Richard Lydekker, Clive Forster-Cooper, Eberhard


Fraas, Max Schlosser, Friederich von Heune, Charles Déperet and Marcellin Boule.
Throughout, he kept a memo book which he filled with notes and sketches. On meeting
the famed Lydekker, he wrote “a well-to-do country gentleman.” On exchanges of
fossils, he recorded “Left at the British Museum on exchange - 3 items... Left at the Paris
Museum - 2 items... Left with Prof. Déperet - 8 items... ,” and so on.

As to museum displays, he was harsh. For example, at the Muséum national d’Histoire
naturelle in Paris, he found that there were

Absolutely no general labels and no attempt at synoptic or teaching


arrangement of specimens... The Museum is a storehouse... Excellent
silk exhibit... Large mammals of main floor uncovered and grouped for
artistic effect rather than for teaching value or natural system...
Mounting of mammals medium to bad [73a].

The Grangers returned to New York in early February aboard the SS Vaderland, sailing
through the same part of the sea where, not long after, the SS Titanic had its fatal
encounter with an iceberg. Granger’s European tour not only broadened his exposure, it
furthered his standing in international paleontology, and as a deputy to Osborn. Granger’s
trip had been to advance Osborn’s own more ceremonious and extended visit scheduled
for later that year.

Granger was also accepted into the prestigious Geological Society of America and its
newly formed section in paleontology, now recognized as a scientific field worthy of
distinction. That summer of 1912, he returned to the San Juan Basin of New Mexico from
June to October before heading up to Clark’s Fork Basin and the Wasatch in Wyoming.

In those days, train travel connected New York City to fieldwork in the American West.
Once out west, the collectors secured horses and wagon. Fossil localities typically were
found in the rugged badlands--meaning land unsuitable for most human use--of large
erosional basins. Hundreds of draining rivers, streams and creeks had cut into once fertile
and usable land, leaving it deeply scarred and largely barren. The now dry water courses
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 89

left empty washes, gullies, gulches, canyons, wadies along with bald buttes, mesas,
peaks, ridges and often endless flats as their final testimony. Revealed by the erosion and
left among the rough erosion and sparse vegetation, were an abundance of outcrops and
sedimentary deposits often containing fossilized proof of ancient life that existed millions
of years before the badlands came about [74].

Badlands could be treacherous for reasons ranging from little to no sustainable life or
water, to no shelter. The soil could become a dangerous ooze when wet. It got so slippery
and also gluey, that it was hard to walk. Shoes, hooves and wheels gummed up while
slipping and sliding. By 1912, working in the badlands had become only slightly easier
than when Granger started with Wortman in 1894. Mobility and carrying capacity were
major issues; having sufficient food and water also were. Load and speed governed
range. Energy governed survival. Thomson would begin making adjustments to that
longstanding formula with his deployment of ‘Automobilly’ into the fossil fields of
western Nebraska in 1913 [75].

In 1912, Andrews made his Korea Expedition and returned with 175 mammals and 175
birds. His fame was now reset from whale hunter to explorer-adventurer out for big game
in exotic places. Granger’s bearings also were set. Of all his colleagues at the museum, as
well as many of those elsewhere in the US and abroad, only Granger was keeping a
steady pace of averaging six months in the field producing prodigious fossl collections,
field notes and analyses and then returning to New York for the other six months to write
up comprehensive expedition reports, prepare fossils for display and produce two or three
high-quality papers a year. Of his immediate colleagues, Osborn, Matthew, Gregory and
Brown, the first three rarely went into the field and the fourth rarely wrote or published
anything of substance. Further to his credit, Granger maintained a steady stream of
correspondence throughout the year with colleagues around the world, as well as his own
family. In light of all this, Granger would later be described as the mainspring of the
DVP’s well-functioning clockwork [76].

The 1913 field season found Granger back in the San Juan Basin of New Mexico
collecting in the Wasatch, Torrejon and Puerco formations with Olsen, Princeton
geologist William J. Sinclair and a local fieldhand William John “Jack” Martin. By mail,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 90

Granger also monitored the fieldwork of Billy Stein and his assistant at Clark’s Fork
Basin in Wyoming. In 1914, Granger continued with his collecting and publishing
program when world war broke out that August. Former President Theodore Roosevelt
advocated intervention. President Woodrow Wilson opposed it. The country remained on
edge about what to do as Europe flared with violence and fear.

In the meantime in a very different part of the world a new dawn was in the making for
paleontology. There were reports of new fossil finds in Asia. Among them were the
discovery [date?] of “a rich deposit of Cenozoic mammalian fossils” by the Russian
paleontologist A. A. Borissiak in Turkestan (now Kazakhstan) [77]. “Correlation of the
geology of Kazakhstan with that of the Gobi indicated that the desert could well yield
some interesting Cenozoic and possibly Cretaceous fossils as well [78].” And in
Baluchistan (now Pakistan), the British paleontologist Clive Forster-Cooper had
discovered [date?] the largest land mammal ever to exist, the Baluchitherium.

As for the current state of knowledge about fossils collected in China, the American-
educated Japanese paleontologist Hikoshichiró Matsumoto summed it up in a 1915 paper
entitled “On some fossil mammals from Sze-chuan, China”:

Fossil mammals from China are recorded by Waterhouse (1853), Busk


(1868), Owen (1870), Gaudry (1871), Koken (1885), Lydekker (1885,
1886 & 1891), V. Lóczy (1898), Suess (1899), Schlosser (1903), &c.
Among these authors’ works, Owen’s, Gaudry’s, Koken’s Lydekker’s
and, especially, Schlosser’s are most important [79].

Lost in the history-telling is that it was Matsumoto who first disclosed fossil evidence of
ancient man in China. The Pleistocene speciman was found in Honan province [79a].

As to Schlosser’s contribution, Granger later observed:

It is interesting to note that the first real information paleontologists had


of the fossil mammalian faunas of China was from a large collection of
fossils purchased by a German doctor [who had no information] about
the source of these fossils themselves, but from bits of matrix still
adhering to some of the fossils themselves, [Schlosser] was able to
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 91

classify the specimens in a fairly satisfactory way and to draw the first
adequate picture of the mammalian life of the region during the late
Cenozoic time [80].

China: Western Science as Salvation/Post-Qing Period

One latent source of trouble during the Qing dynasty had been the balance
between central and local power. The hope of China’s more progressive
politicians, as they struggled to establish a viable republic in place of the
discredited imperial system, was to create a new governmental synthesis
that would transform China into a modern nation-state....

The dream collapsed within a few months of China’s first national elections
in 1912. The leader of the majority political party was assassinated and his
organization then outlawed by the provisional president, Yuan Shikai.
Though Yuan had ambitious plan to revitalize China, he lacked the military
power or the organizational skills to hold the center together. Political
power, accordingly, flowed out either to the elites in the provinces––both
rural and urban––or to the hundreds of military leaders who began to
emerge as the dominant power brokers in China’s localities. China’s
political weakness were underscored by international developments: Japan
placed ever harsher [territorial?] demands on China, and even China’s bold
initiative of sending 100,000 laborers to work with the Allied powers in
Western Europe during World War I failed to obtain the backing of those
powers for China’s territorial claims.

The result was a period of poltical insecurity and unparalleled intellectual


self-scrutiny and exploration. Many educated Chinese were convinced that
their country was about to be destroyed, and they began to study every kind
of political and organizational theory, examine the nature of their own
social fabric, debate the values of new forms of education and language,
and explore the possibilities for progress that seemed to lie at the heart of
Western science. Known generally as the May Fourth movement, such a
concentrated outpouring of intellectual exuberance and doubt had not been
seen in China for over two thousand years [81].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 92

Pursuit of Western-style earth science took a dramatic new turn in post-Qing China. Until
then, there had been no interest in science of that nature. Only Western businessmen,
missionaries and foreign diplomats there and in Mongolia had been collecting and
studying fossils on an amateur, quasi-scientific level for years and passing along their
discoveries and knowledge along to anyone interested [82]. Now some Chinese
themselves began to take note.

Until the early 1900s and China’s ultimate shift from dynastic rule in 1911, western
vertebrate paleontology and the methodology of Darwinism were little known in China or
the Mongolias [83]. Fossils had been collected and valued in these regions, but generally
not for scientific reasons. It began centuries ago “when [fossils] became of great
importance to the development of mythology, the discoveries of fossilized remains were
used to ‘prove’ the existence of the various stranger creatures mentioned in myth and to
locate or associate particular events at sites where fossils were found [84].”

Pre-Christian nomads, merchants, and storytellers regularly encountered fossil bones in


Central Asia. It is now believed, for example, that the ancient griffin, a winged lion with
a birdlike beak, was inspired by nomad repliction of the fossil skull of the dinosaur now
known as Protoceratops. While western science only first discovered and named this
fossil specimen in Mongolia in 1922, early humans were making note of it long before
[85].

Early humans also used fossil bird and dinosaur eggshell fragments for decorative
purposes, such as for necklaces, earrings and pendants [86]. These early human uses of
fossils predated their medicinal use as ‘dragon bones’ by the Chinese.

Granger later wrote:

[F]or generations vertebrate fossils, known to the Chinese as Dragon


Bones and Dragon Teeth (Lung Ku and Lung Ya), have been articles of
the Chinese pharmacopia. They are prescribed by Chinese physicians of
the old school for all sorts of complaints, ranging from headache to
Bright’s disease, and are usually taken in powdered form, although
sometimes the fossils are soaked in alcohol and then the alcohol is
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 93

drunk, or fired in grease and the grease is eaten, it presumably having


absorbed the virtue of the dragon’s bone [87].

The Chinese believed that some of these dragons of which the bones were being found
were so large that they left “their tails in the eastern part of the desert of Gobi while their
heads rest on the slopes of the Altai mountains, four hundred miles distant! [88]”.
Ultimately, this is what sparked western scientific inquiry.

Swedish geologist J. G. Andersson elaborated this to Granger, also suggesting why the
native medicinal practices in this part of the world hindered scientific study:

The dragon teeth and dragon bones which are sold in the Chinese
medicine shops are held in high repute as substances of considerable
medicinal value. [Since the] teeth are considered to have a much higher
healing power than the bones and are correspondingly higher in
price....the [fossil] skulls which were certainly in many cases nearly
perfect when they were dug out of the ground, had been crushed to
small pieces in order to extract the teeth which as mentioned above are
considered to have a specially strong healing effect and consequently
command a higher price [89].

Vertebrate paleontology in China and the Mongolias was virtually non-existent from
about 527 A.D., when Daoyuan initiated some inquiry, until the late 1800s and early
1900s when early specialists such as R. Owen, Lydekker, Koken, Obruchev, H.
Matsumoto and others began to take interest [90]. Lydekker, in particular, tantalized the
community with his study of mammalian fossils said to be from Mongolia stating “I have
no reason to question [that claim].”

In 1898, Charles R. Eastman (1868-1918), an American biologist best known for his
detailed studies of fossil fishes, described a large fossil bird egg found in 1896 in
northern China by Reverend James H. Roberts [91]. Between 1899 and 1901, K.A.
Haberer, a German traveling in China, acquired a large collection of "dragons' bones and
teeth" from various apothecary shops located in Shanghai, Ningpo, Ichang, and Peking
[92].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 94

However, the actual localities from which the bones were collected remained unknown to
Haberer, since it was kept secret by drug wholesalers. Upon returning to Germany,
Haberer took his collection of "dragon bones" to Professor Max Schlosser in Munich.
Schlosser thereafter published a monograph on Habrer's "dragons' bones and teeth"
concluding that the collection evidenced nearly 90 different animal forms and mammals
from the Tertiary and Pleistocene Ages in China, including bear, hyena, ape, elephant,
rhinoceros, horse, camel, hippopotamus, giraffe and antelope [93].

Inconclusive

But Schlosser’s study in [date] was not definitive, since the isolated fossil fragments he
studied lacked any geographic and geologic provenance. As Ernest Ingersoll, an
Explorers Club member familiar with Granger’s work with the CAE, later put it :

Well aware that thousands of fossil skeletons of the utmost importance


to science were being ground to powder and swallowed by millions of
people daily, it was plain that the discovery of the sources of supply
would lead to paleontological knowledge so much desired; but between
general ignorance and the jealousy of wholesale collectors and
merchants of the bones it was difficult to learn where these fossils were
found [94].

The western scientific world waited, anxious to find a way to resolve the dilemma.

V. K. Ting and Company

V. K. Ting (Ting Wen-chiang, now Ding Wenjiang) (1887-1936) was one of the first
Chinese students of the western scientific approach. Ting provides a fascinating link
between the ‘May Fourth movement’ the writer Spence refers to above and Western
scientists, Granger among them, who ventured there to study the geology and
paleontology of China and the Mongolias.

In 1902, as a Chinese student activist from the Shanghai area, Ting left China for two
years of study in Japan, where he also began writing political essays against the Manchus
in China [95]. Born to local gentry in a remote village about twenty miles north of the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 95

Yangtze River with a childhood “steeped in literature designed to inculcate Confucian


high-mindedness in aspiring literati” and then educated abroad, he returned with
university degrees in earth sciences. Subsequently, Ting left home at the urging and
under the patronage of a local magistrate (Lung Yen-hsien) who believed in the “new
learning” (hsin hsüeh) from the West [96].

In 1904, when war broke out between Russia and Japan, Ting opted to move to Scotland
to pursue general studies at Edinburgh. He stayed for seven years and graduated from the
University of Glasgow with degrees in zoology, geology and geography [97]. He then
returned to China, settling in Kiangsu to teach middle school, write a book on zoology,
and study the geology of the Yangtze Valley from Wu-hu to the sea. His last endeavor
evidenced a change in Chinese perceptions about the relationship between intellectual
activity and manual labor. As this sort of fieldwork progressed and more people became
involved in it, there was an interesting sociability created as hierarchies were dampened;
everyone pulled together in mutual effort, mutual hardship, joy of discovery, and the like
[98]. In the meantime, in 1911, a Provisional Government was formed in Nanking to
replace the Manchus in Peking. “H. T. Chang, a graduate of Tokyo University, was
appointed chief of the Section of Geology in the Department of Mines under the Board of
Commerce and Industries [99].”

The Provisional Government was transferred to Peking in 1912 and became the Central
Government. Sympathetic to this government was a group of four intellectuals who were
to become the foundational figures of the study of geology in China––H. C. Chang
(Zhang Hongzhao), W. H. Wong (Weng Wenhao), J. S. Lee (Jonquei S. Lee) and Ting
[100]. They were seeking ways, grounded in the scientific study [analysis] of China’s
earth, to energize China and bring it into world play, especially in the larger areas of
education, science and commerce [101]. Importing Western scientific technique and
thought was one way to accomplish this: indeed, to these four men, science was seen as
the national salvation of China [102]. Under the new Provisional Government, Chang
(Tokyo University) was appointed chief of the section of geology in the Department of
Mines, now operating under the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce.

Chang was also asked to serve as an expert in geology to the ministry itself, and Ting was
called to Peking to head the geology section. Chang and Ting then decided to initiate
training in geology, and Chang soon proposed to form a society devoted to that purpose
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 96

[103]. Both Chang and Ting reported to Chang yi-ou (Zhang Yiou) who was the official
directly above them as they got their geological study program China underway. Zhang
yiou, a bit of a mystery, seems to have been instrumental in getting Chang’s and Ting’s
ideas realized. He had apparently studied geology in Belgium (where W. H. Wong
studied) but made little more than an administrative contribution and was not heard from
after 1918 [104].

In 1913, Chang became the director of a newly-formed geological study program. Shortly
thereafter, The Geological ?Survey/Society of China was formed with Ting as its head
[105]. Another person given credit (by the Swedish National Encyclopedia) for the
formation of this society is Erik T. Nystrom (1897-1963), a Swedish geologist who spent
1902 to 1954 in China as a professor of chemistry and geology at the University of
Taiyuan. During the 1920s and 1930s, Nystrom studied the ores and minerals of Shanxi
and Hunan provinces in China under the auspices of the Sino-Swedish Scientific
Research Association. He later formed the Nystrom Institute for Scientific Research in
China [106].

The introduction of the study of geology to China carried multiple implications,


especially for science and commerce. It also meant a fundamental shift in the Chinese
way of thinking about their land. Ting’s biographer synopsizes Ting’s, and that of his
cadre’s, thinking at this stage as follows:

In sum, in his personal as in his political inclinations this most


Westernized of Chinese intellectuals was neither an individualist nor a
democrat. The scientism and social Darwinism inculcated by his
Western education left him in the mainstream of Chinese political
thought, which has placed a specially selected bureaucratic elite at the
center of the political process. He believed that biological principles and
social utility confirmed much in the Confucian social ethic and so
justified its broadening rather than its overthrow. Finally, he stood for
paternalistic reform, under the leadership of the educated class, which in
modern guise was expected to carry out the function of the ideal literati:
administrator and moral guide. Social Darwinism at each step reinforced
rather than undermined these attitudes, while his scientism gave him the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 97

coinfidence that his lines of reasoning were both modern and correct
[107].

Summarizing the Advances

Occasional reports of fossil discoveries in China had been surfacing. An apparent


dinosaur fossil was discovered in 1913 Meng Yin (Ning Chia Kou?) by German
missionary R. Mertens. In 1914, Chang Ch'ien of the new Ministry of Agricultural and
Commerce established the Chinese Geological Survey and named Ting to head it. That
same year, Swedish geologist Johann Gunnar Andersson (1874-1960) was asked by the
Chinese government to conduct a survey of its coal fields and ore resources and report to
the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. One of Andersson’s first acts was to send out
a circular encouraging all missionaries, diplomats and others who collected and studied
fossils, or were aware of their location, to contact him [108].

Not long after, German mining engineer W. Behagel retrieved a block of sandstone from
a construction site in the Men Ying district of Shantung Province containing three large
fossil vertebrae and turned it over to the Chinese Geological Survey. An Austrian
paleontologist visiting Peking, Otto Zdansky, examined the vertebrae and concluded that
they were dinosaur. Walter Granger confirmed Zdansky's analysis in 1921 [109].

In the meantime, Andersson began to amassing a considerable collection of early plant


fossils he had discovered in southern China . He shipped the collection back to Peking
aboard the SS Peking; however, it was lost when the ship sank en route. To the north,
meanwhile, reports came forth that the Russian paleontologist A. N. Krystofovich had
discovered a dinosaur deposit along the Amur River in Heilungkiang Province in extreme
northern Manchuria. The Russians collected there successfully up to 1917, finding "three
or four species representing widely different groups of dinosaurs [110].”

Throughout 1916, Andersson travelled around southern China collecting whatever he


could. He and an assistant spent long periods conducting their fieldwork while living
“alternately in country farms and small village temples [111].” In southern Shansi
Province he discovered mollusk fossils. At Yuan Chu Hsien in Honan [Henan] Province
he found fossils of freshwater shells which indicated the occurrence of Eocene deposits in
China.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 98

In 1917, the Chinese Geological Survey resolved to determine the source of dragon bones
used by the apothecaries. That is, where they could be found in their original location, or
in situ. Presumably, Andersson surmised, it would be in the any of the Tertiary deposits
found in China [112]. The Survey directed its inquiry formally to mission stations and
foreigners throughout China asking for information and assistance in this quest. The
response from missionaries of several faiths and denominations, including Catholic in
southern China and eastern Inner Mongolia was instant. As a result, Andersson decided
to initiate his search for dragon bones in central Honan [Henan] Province. Almost
immediately, a local handed him a rhinoceros skull to examine and directed him to the
loess deposits in which it was found.

Continuing in 1918, Andersson discovered prehistoric coral-like animals and recognized


that they were similar to fossils found in the pre-Cambrian area of North America. He
also located the first Hipparion fossil (an extinct genus of horse) known to exist in China.

As he searched for the source of the dragon bones, Andersson had occasion to visit a
small town 30 miles to the south west of Peking [113]. This little peasant town of Chou
Kou Tien had held geological curiosity for Andersson, but in early 1918, he was
summoned there for something else. J. McGregor Gibb, a chemistry professor at Peking
University, reported finding fossils at a site called "Chicken Bone Hill." Andersson
arrived on March 22 and stayed for two days. He determined that "Chicken Bone Hill," a
"red clay pillar rising out of the base of an old limestone quarry," was a remnant fill that
had existed in a crevice in the limestone before the limestone was quarried away [114].
The column was left standing because the Chinese workers thought evil spirits lurked
within it.

Found inside the column instead were hundreds of delicate, fossilized bird bones. This
led Andersson to speculate that in fact they had found a wealth of fossil material. But he
felt already too extended and too inexpert to proceed. He needed the assistance of
someone with paleontological expertise and time to examine it thoroughly. Until then he
put off further excavation of Chicken Bone Hill.

Making Progress
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 99

During this time, Franz Larson began working for Chinese president Yüan Shih-kai as an
advisor on Mongolian affairs. He was now spending more time in Peking and there he
met Andersson. The word, of course, had spread that Andersson was making interesting
fossils discoveries and openly seeking information on other possible fossil finds and
locations. Larson knew of such and invited Andersson to visit his home near Tabool in
Inner Mongolia. Andersson finally made his way there in 1919 and, among other
discoveries, recognized the fossil remains of beaver fauna at Ertemte.

In 1920 another western-trained Chinese geologist, Li Ssu-kuang, began teaching at


Peking University. This freed Ting to offer a course in vertebrate paleontology. Interest
in the earth sciences of China was growing; but for Andersson and a small band of
amateur collectors, Chinese fieldwork in geology was still in its infant stage and in
paleontology it was still a blank.

When Ting invited him to relocate to China, Amadeus William Grabau should have been
comfortably established in the US as the esteemed author of many works in geology,
paleontology and stratigraphy. He also was a professor at Columbia University. The
German-descended midwest-America born Grabau, educated at MIT and Harvard, had
been at Columbia for twenty years. He was an acknowledged expert of North American
and European geology. Grabau lived fashionably in the upscale village of Scarsdale in
Westchester County just north of New York City and an easy commute by train.

However, the first world war began with German aggression. Anti-German feelings and
fears were strong among many. But when the US contemplated entry into the contest to
oppose Germany, Grabau openly and vigorously spoke against it. While it is not clear
whether he was anything more than opposed to war as a matter of principle, his
opposition was largely misunderstood, embarrassing to Columbia and costly to him.
Grabau lost his professorship and his career was threatened.

Ting made the offer to Grabau while visiting with him in New York. The situation clearly
presented a good opportunity for. While Grabau now had a chance to salvage his career
and expand his expertise, Ting was able to take advantage of Grabau’s prominence and
contacts. Ting wanted Grabau to teach at the Peking University. To sweeten the deal, he
also offered Grabau the position as chief paleontologist of the Chinese Geological
Survey. Grabau accepted both.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 100

Grabau's move to China in 1920 would be a boon to North America's earth scientists; he
became the first direct link between them and China. Grabau's continued rapport with
many of his former colleagues at Columbia University and its sister institution, the
American Museum of Natural History, held the promise of a smoothly paved way into
Asia. The door was opened wider to serious scientific study of Central Asia.

[Cut #2]
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 101

The January, 1919, Andersson-Andrews Encounter Revisited

On February 1, 1919, Johan Gunnar Andersson signed off on his 29-page typewritten
action plan. Written in Swedish and entitled “Allmän plan för Naturvetenskapliga
Insamlingar i Kina,” it was his proposal to the Swedish government for a large-scale,
systematic Sino-Swedish scientific exploration of China’s and Inner Mongolia primarily
in archaeology, geology and paleontology. Crown Prince H. M. Gustaf VI Adolf had
taken direct interest in Anderssons’ work and corresponded with him directly.
[Lagrelius?]

Just two weeks before, he had met with Andrews over the course of two days. This was at
Andrews’s request. At that point, Andrews was still in the employ of the ONI and the
censor hadn’t yet discovered Yvette’s letter. Andersson and Andrews conversed at length
on January 18th and 19th, about Andersson’s accomplshments to date and the need for a
multi-scientific discipline approach to fieldwork in China and Mongolia [115].
Andersson gained solid experience with precisely that kind of scientific expedition when
he served in the 1901-1903 Swedish Antarctic Expedition under Otto Nordenskjöld as the
expedition’s geologist. It was that same approach that Andersson had discussed with
Andrews in considerable detail his work to date China and formed the basis for his
proposal to the Swedish government. He also made known to Andrews his intention to go
to Tabool later in the year to inspect Larson’s Inner Mongolia locality. He also indicated
that other possibly rich localities in Mongolia had been reported.

Andrews was not a fossil-hunter, collector or paleontologist. Nor was he an


archaeologist, anthropologist, geologist, stratigrapher, topographer, or scientific theorist.
Nevertheless, if cautiously, Andersson seemed to regard the famous and flamboyant
Andrews’s personal interest in his work as a sign of Osborn’s own. It all seemed quite
collegial and professional. Osborn, Andersson knew, was a powerful man with abundant
resources and an excellent stable of paleontologists.

Henry Osborn was well aware of Andersson’s presence and work in China. Andersson
himself was in correspondence with Osborn’s DVP, mainly with W. D. Matthew, as
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 102

Osborn knew. Now, through Andrews, Osborn was placing a closer eye on developments.
Andrews, back in town after his stint in the States, was Osborn’s fly on the wall. By this
time, Andrews has already been in Mongolia with Harry Caldwell. He planned to go
again later that year, 1919, with Yvette and meet up with Larson at his home in Urga
[does FAL say 1918?].

Franz Larson Redux

Franz August Larson immigrated to Mongolia in one of the first waves of missionaries to
Central Asia. However, he was best known as an entrepreneur and for a dude ranch he
established. He eventually anointed himself “Duke of Mongolia” and came to play a key
role in introducing the Central Asiatic Expeditions to Mongolia. He would later serve in
Sven Hedin’s famed Mongolia expeditions, as well.

Acquainting affluent foreigners with ‘his’ Mongolia apparently was what Larson saw as
ultimate missionary work. It certainly was a more lucrative endeavor. As one observer
noted:

I was of two minds about [the] view of Larson as a missionary


introducing foreigners to the Mongolian way of life. There was some
merit to that view, but considering what was omitted, Larson was
actually operating a Mongolian Potemkin village, where the problems
besetting the people were swept under the gaily colored mats set out for
visitors. There was a mawkish quality to his whole approach. There is
no doubt, though, that Larson, through his own colorful life and popular
writing about Mongolia, helped arouse interest in the area among
Swedes and other foreigners. He appears to be only second to Hedin in
his contribution along this line [116].

Larson, later nicknamed “Wolf” by the Swedish Mongolian explorer Sven Hedin, was a
tall, somewhat stooped, sociable man with an open, jovial face and hearty laugh. His
expertise was in guiding, hunting and supplying field parties [117]. He loved the out-of-
doors, horses, guns, cars and money. His knowledge of the Mongolias was said to be
formidable. He had covered much of it by horseback and knew it well.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 103

It appears that Andrews first met Larson in Urga in 1919 and soon presented him with a
choice [117a]. Larson had been helping with Andersson’s Mongolian fossil hunting. He
also had connected Andersson to at least two Mongolians who, in addition to Larson,
knew where some fossil localities existed. They also had some experience collecting
fossils. Although Larson was a Swede by birth, he was a Mongolian by sentiment.
Andrews was famous and funded.

Andersson’s Plan-January, 1919

J. G. Andersson’s proposed expedition game plan, he wrote Andrews in a follow-up


communication, was as follows:

My present aim, that I intend to pursue during a sufficient number of


years, is to study the geographical [geological] development during the
pliocene and pleistocene times of northern China and possibly some
adjacent districts such as parts of Mongolia and the Yangtse valley.
...
[But, first] I want to lay emphasis upon the fact that I am in the service
of the Chinese government (indeed only my position as Chinese official
has opened to me a chance in this field of research where all kind of
superstitions regarding “dragon bones” and “dragon teeth’ are severely
hampering the progress of the collector). Consequently I am most
anxious to work out this thing as far as possible as a national Chinese
undertaking, even for the reason that I have always had the full support
of my superiors and the mostly pleasant cooperation with my able
Chinese colleagues, before all Mr. V. K. Ting and Dr. Wong Wen-hao,
the Director and vice Director of the Geological Survey.
...
As to the working out of the material from a paleontological point of
view, it must be understood that I am only a geologist, and that I intend
here to carry out only such preparations and preliminary determinations
which I deem necessary to guide me in the field work [118].

Andersson then raised the ante, making clear that he had already taken steps regarding
examination of fossils he’d already collected, apparently including dinosaur.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 104

Since my early university years I have been in close friendship with one
of our ablest paleontologists, Professor [Carl] Wiman of the University
of Uppsala, who has repeatedly worked out fossil material collected by
me in different parts of the world, amongst other things the miocene
penguins collected by professor Nordenskjöld and me in the Antartic.
Of late professor Wiman has done extensive work with the saurians
from Spitzbergen so he is certainly quite familiar with vertebrate work,
and I am most anxious to get his assistance as he is a skilled and patient
worker. I have written to him asking him to take charge of the
paleontological examination of my material. Because of the present
slow and difficult mail communication with Europe I have so far had no
reply from him, but I sincerely hope that he will be able to associate
with me (emphasis added) [119].

During the second day of their talks, Andrews had outlined his own plan to expand
zoological research in China and hunt big game in Mongolia. Andersson seemed
tentative, if gracious, about the news:

I have listened today with much interest to the admirable scheme that
you have outlined for your extensive natural history researches and I
think there are many points of connection between your plans and mine,
in spite of the one attacking the problems from the zoologist’s
[viewpoint], the other from the geologist’s point of view. I thank you
very much for your kind suggestions that some kind of co-operation
could be established between us, and as you have very frankly made
your plans known to me I am glad to put my status before you with the
same frankness [120].

Obviously, Andersson regarded Andrews’s plan as ancillary to his own and simply was a
geographical expansion of his first two Asiatic zoological expeditions. But there also had
been a proposal by Andrews to join ventures, particularly in paleontology. Osborn’s
touch was obvious. But, Andersson declined, closing his letter to Andrews with this:
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 105

As you will see from the above exposé my plan of work has[,] only as
far as the collecting is concerned, taken a definite shape. May be, I will
get from home much less cooperation that I hope to get, and then I will
be very happy to reconsider your kind suggestion of direct cooperation
with American colleagues. At present I think it of secondary importance
whether such cooperation be established or not. With the broad views
your people take of scientific intercourse, I feel sure that we always will
be able to maintain and develop the exchange of views and experience
that I have found so stimulating during our conversations of yesterday
and today. You will always find me happy to show you what things I
have got, and on the other side you will find me and certainly also my
colleagues most willing to render you any assistance we are able to do
[121].

Concern

But, to others, Andersson signaled some concern, now wondering what Andrews and his
American institution might really be up to. Within his “Allmän plan för
Naturvetenskapliga Insamlingar i Kina” Andersson advised:

In addition to the Japanese carrying out one important scientific work


after the other on Chinese soil, the Americans have also lately
demonstrated the most versatile power of initiative out here in the east.
Therefore, it was not a total surprise when I met some time ago with Mr.
Roy Chapman Andrews and learnt that the American Museum of
Natural History, the powerful American institution, is preparing for a
major scientific expedition to the inner China, in which different
research branches, in addition to zoology, also geology, paleontology,
archaeology, and anthropology will surely be represented through
specialists. Mr. Andrews is a collector for the above-mentioned
organization and well-known here in the east, through his earlier
zoological collection trips in Manchuria and Yunnan that have been
very rich with results.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 106

The plan that is the basis for Mr. Andrews’s new expedition project is
very grand and appealing in its design, and is brave and logical at the
same time. The American researchers use the assumption that Central
Asia probably was the place for the most primitive human races. They
believe that these primitive people followed the wanderings of the larger
animals, during their own wanderings in the New World, and more
remote parts of the Old World. The present expedition of Mr. Andrews,
that intends to study the “big game” of Mongolia, is therefore one of the
preparations for the future, larger expedition that, with the help of a
versatile staff, will be able to attack the big, anthropological problem
that is outlined above [122].

Andersson went on to note that there was no doubt “that Mr. Andrews’s and my own
work program have many points of contact [123].” So much so, that “[a]s soon as he
heard a little about my plans, he did in fact make me a direct offer, i.e., that his wealthy
museum would make means available for my disposal––as long as they would receive
my [fossil] collections [124].”

Referring to the letter he had written to Andrews on January 19 declining Andrews’s


offer of assistance in paleontology, Andersson mused, “I hope that Mr. Andrews and I
will not need to become competitors in any way. On the contrary, it is my intent to
propose to him a systematic distribution of work by dividing the field of work at our next
meeting [125].” But in the very next sentence he wrote “But on the other hand, his plan is
a reminder to us to act quickly and with determination [126].”

Andersson’s inability to more decisively assess the situation was because he had been
sandbagged by the Americans. In the course of his discussion with Andrews, the notion
of the ‘Fayum Protocol’ was interjected. This referred to Osborn’s patient wait in the
early 1900s while the British completed their work in the Fayum of Egypt before he went
in with Granger in 1907.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 107

Osborn’s eagerness to go to Egypt was tempered, as he saw it, by a


professional obligation to delay his effort until others already there
were finished [127].

The suggestion to Andersson was that Osborn would do the same for him––the Museum
wait until Andersson’s work was finished.

But whereas Osborn really had no choice concerning the Fayum--the British ruled Egypt
in those days––entering China and Inner Mongolia, on the other hand, was a very
different story. These were still frontiers without unified rule. Neither the Chinese or the
Swedes could stop the Americans from freely running about the countryside on their
quasi-diplomatic passports and hunting permits while contingents of their navy and
marines stood incountry (China) and at the ready to protect them, their businessmen rang
up profits on imported goods and services, and their missionaries proselytized Western
religion. While as to Outer Mongolia, where the Bolsheviks (or Buriats) now ruled, the
Americans would have to tread more carefully, suitable arrangements could be made.

[Cut #3]

Spring, 1919

Andersson pressed on. Early in the spring of 1919, he contacted Larson asking

the well-known expert on Mongolian affairs to engage for me a Mongol,


who would be able and willing to undertake a reconnaissance trip with
the purpose of discovering what knowledge there might be of fossil
bones amongst the local [Mongol] population. A young Mongol named
Haldjinko, was consequently engaged for the purpose, through the
mediation of Mr. Larson, and this Mongol soon became a very good
fossil hunter.... On my arrival in the Hallong-Ossu region (115 km
NNW of Kalgan), in July 1919, Haldjinko took me to a number of
localities, where bones had been found by him... After a period of small
progress, another Mongol collector named Jensen [Lob-tsen Yen-tsen]
brought in a lot of fossil bones, among which I discovered the molar of
a big beaver-like rodent. This find gave a powerful impetus to our
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 108

search. It was soon learned, that this interesting tooth had been found
during the digging of a well at a place called Ertemte, about 35 li north
of Hallong-Ossu. Furthermore it was learned that the best deerhorns
collected by Haldjinko in the early spring had come from that locality.
New excavations were at once started at Ertemte, and it soon became
clear that a micro-fauna mostly of rodents occurs in a sandy deposit
within a certain layer at a depth of three meters.

The excavations at Ertemte were continued in the autumn, long after I


had returned to Peking, under the able and energetic supervision of Rev.
Joel Eriksson, and quite an extensive collection of the Ertemte micro-
fauna was brought together... Rev. Eriksson, a member of the Swedish
Mongol Mission at Hallong-Ossu, has in most able and enthusiastic
manner participated in my collecting campaign in the Hallong-Ossu
region [128].

Mongolians Jensen [Lob-tsen Yen-tsen] and Haldjinko, and the Swede Eriksson were
now joined with Obruchev and Andersson, as among the first to collect vertebrate fossils
in Inner Mongolia for scientific purposes. Late that fall, Andersson wrote his first
fieldwork report, dated November 30, 1919 [?Elaborate here, especially as to continued
mention of Andrews who by then had been into Outer Mongolia at least twice including
with Yvette and had met with Larson. Where is that drafting?].

1920

Andersson placed a map in his report of March 22, 1920, marking nine fossil vertebrate
localities he had found in Inner Mongolia in 1919. These included Ertemte, Olan Chorea,
Tabool and Debato. Ertemte and Olan Chorea, were on the north side of the auto/caravan
route which Borghese, Obruchev and now Andrews had traveled. Tabool and Debato
were on the south side of that same road, the latter practically in Swedish missionary Joel
Eriksson’s backyard at Hallong Ossu.

Andersson had surveyed Ertemte and Olan Chorea at 1:30,000 meters, and showed the
locations of an ancient earth wall, an ancient walled city, stone effigies and the apparent
boundaries of an ancient lake. He was back that following summer:
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 109

I eagerly returned to Mongolia, principally for the purpose of continuing


the search for fossil mammals.... In July 1920, I started northwards from
Hallong-Ossu into the Gobi region, to a point some distance north of
P’ang Chiang. The hopes for new harvests of fossil mammals in these
more northern regions were not realized, although we obtained some big
leg bones, probably of an elephant, which had been found in a sand-
deposit about half way between Hallong-Ossu and P’ang Chiang [129].

Later that summer, on August 10, 1920, Roy Andrews wrote the following to Henry
Osborn:

Anderson [sic] is especially interested in making reconnaissance over


large areas, and this summer is in Mongolia where he expects to
continue work next year. His great hope is to find human remains and
he is testing various localities with that end in view... Since Dr.
Anderson has barely touched the fields which he has already discovered,
and is not a palaeontologist who is familiar with the fauna which he has
unearthed, I am quite sure that Mr. [Walter] Granger would be able to
carry out further investigations with a great deal of profit [130].

Weeks later, Andersson himself confirmed not only that further and widened exploration
of Inner Mongolia was indeed his aim, he also intended to investigate Outer Mongolia. In
a letter to W. D. Matthew dated October 4, 1920, he wrote:

[A]n immense field of research waits for the explorer in the arid regions
of central Asia. During the two summers in Inner Mongolia I have just
had the chance to pick up some samples at the very edge of the desert
area. I am now busy to prepare a geological description of these
vertebrate deposits in Inner Mongolia and I sincerely hope to have a
ready manuscript at the time of Dr. Granger's arrival in Peking... I
certainly hope that I will see Dr. Granger here before my trip to Outer
Mongolia (emphasis added) [131].

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 110

The die seemed cast and ill-will soon developed. On December 6, 1920, Andersson wrote
to Andrews to say he had just read Andrews' piece in Asia and "[felt] sorry" about the
American’s assessment that "China has no national institution where natural history
objects can be studied." Andersson pressed on, writing:

I think it had been desirable to mention that the Geological Survey of


China exists as an active scientific institution... It is true that we have
not so far made any public announcement on the existence of the
Survey... But I brought you together with the Director and vice-Director
of the Survey in order to make you acquainted with this institution.
When you spoke of your scheme to create a natural history museum in
China, I pointed out the existence of a geological museum in connection
with the Geological Survey and invited you to come to see this museum
[132].

Andersson further stated that he had prepared an article on the Chinese Geological
Survey to make it better known, and he wanted Andrews to have it published in Asia "at
the earliest possible occasion.” He also intended to have it published by the Geological
Society of Stockholm. But that was not all Andersson had to say:

I felt not a little surprised to read in your article that you had changed
your plan so far that extensive palaeontological work will be done in
China proper, that is the region where I, in closest cooperation with the
Geological Survey and with your full knowledge of all the facts, have
been active collecting fossil mammals for monographic research during
the last four years.

I very well recollect how you told me once about the perfectly charming
manner in which President Osborn approached Ch. W. Andrews before
starting his expedition to the Fayûm desert. I have not been able to see
the difference between our case and that of Andrews, except that the
latter had already left the field, whereas we are at the height of our
collecting activity [133].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 111

Now adding more fuel to the Central Asia fossil quest was that the Russian paleontologist
A. A. Borissiak had hypothesized in 1920 that Cenozoic and possibly Cretaceous fossils
would be found in the Gobi [134]. That meant, of course, both mammals (Cenozoic) and
dinosaurs (Cretaceous).

With primitive human being looked for and paleontological finds already being made, no
more time could not be lost. With smug assurance, Andrews had activated the American
publicity mills nearly two years before the AMNH exploration was to commence,
seemingly already writing off the chance of finding primitive human, but surely not that
of finding dinosaurs and mammals. Indeed, on October 19, 1920, he wrote to Osborn

“The primitive human story is the one which has the best news value, and the
papers will always write up that side of it, still our expedition cannot fail to obtain
paleontological material of great value, even though it does not happen to find
human remains . . . It seems to me that our publicity campaign has begun
auspiciously.”

Osborn, always thinking globally, followed developments closely. Andersson and related
events had presented Osborn with an opportunity: he could prove his theory and he
moved to do so. When Andersson finally realized what the Museum was up to, it was too
late. Osborn had another advantage in China that he had not had in Egypt and that
Andersson and the Swedes did not have––sovereign nation treaty rights. He had plenty
more maneuvering room here [in this part of Asia] than in Egypt. His promise to
Andersson was a smokescreen. By the close of 1920, the AMNH announced their
intention to conduct a large-scale, multi-disciplinary scientific exploration both of China
and Mongolia in the very same way that Andersson had outlined and disclosed to
Andrews from January 18-19, 1919.

Western Foothold in China

In his introduction to The Alluring Target, author Kenneth Wimmel states

The march of Tsarist Russia across the steppes into the deserts and
mountains of Central Asia is a major theme of 19th-century Asian
history. It aroused increasing apprehension in British Inda and
prompted the “Great Game,” a complicated chess game of
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 112

espionage, exploration, diplomacy, and, on occasion, sabre-rattling


by Britain and Russia, as the British sought to forestall the Russian
advance, and the Russians sought to avoid or overcome British
resistance. The great plateaus, mountain ranges, and deserts of the
heartland were their chessboard [p. 10].

“The Great Game,” continues Wimmel, “prompted both sides to send agents into Central
Asia to spy out the land and find out what the other side was up to [p. 10].” In time,
Russia and Britain were not the only ones at play in this game. By 1919, the U.S. also
was snooping around in China and Mongolia with civilian informants under quise of their
civilian occupations. Andrews was among them. “Museum curator” was his cover. “Mr.
Reynolds” was his code name.

Andrews did not operate as a trained military spy, but as a civilian informant. The
distinction made is that Andrews did not discern and process information he passed
along. He simply reported whatever he learned for others to evaluate. The U.S. employed
many such civilian informants to supplement its intelligence-gathering operations. It was
interested in all things Chinese and Mongolian for a [number of] reason[s].

Since [ ], the United States, along with Britain, France, Italy and Japan, had owned
concession rights to conduct commerce and maintain a military presence in China,
particularly in the Yangtze basin and at Shanghai. [ ]

China, with whom Andersson was employed, was not only vulnerable economically and
militarily to Western presence, it was naescent in the face of Western-style approach to
earth science. The West was far ahead of China in scientific exploration, techniques,
discoveries, analysis and publication. China was not ready to undertake the sort of
exploration Andersson proposed.

Moreover, the Swedish government, despite Andersson’s connection to the monarchy,


was dragging its feet. Andersson’s proposals, abundant artefactual and fossil discoveries
and a growing list of publications were unable to garner Swedish sponsorship. The
situation was frustrating. Andersson regarded scientific exploration as a matter of
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 113

national pride. While Andersson believed that a nation’s status was enhanced by the
achievements of its scientists, he did not view it as a competition between nations or men.
But “[t]his sort of competition was [now] very much in evidence [135].” The Americans
were in play. As one Andersson biographer noted recently, the affair between national
scientists “amounted to a version of an Olympic race [136].”

For a time, Ting, Davidson Black, a Canadian professor of anatomy teaching at the
Peking Union Medical College and others working in promoting the study of geology in
China became caught up as well. They were especially offended by a publicized
statement by Andrews that science in China was so undeveloped that a western effort was
needed to “jump start” the study of earth science and natural history in the region and
bring it into the 20th century [137]. A protest was lodged, Osborn intervened to smooth
matters over and arranged for Granger to arrive in China a year ahead of schedule.
Andrews began making amends.

Now finding himself out-maneuvered, Andersson realized that he and his out-gunned
nations stood no chance against the American machine. Institutional backing by the
AMNH and Asia Magazine, as well as American moguls and corporations funding,
equipment and supplies gave the museum every advantage. The Americans not only had
gained the knowledge of where to go, how to get there and whom to beat, they had
obtained the means. When they finally took to the field in 1922, one could only imagine

Andersson’s envy of American motorcars racing across the Mongolian


Steppe, to reach fossil dinosaurs that he knew would be there, and
getting there before him because of stronger funding for the purchase of
cars, instead of horses, donkeys and camels and river rafts used by
Andersson (emphasis added) [138].

Andersson was to be heavily disheartened by this turn of events. He would quietly leave
geology, paleontology and his dreams of exploration in Mongolia to the Americans and
concentrate on his archaeology projects and Zhoukoudian.

[Cut #4]

Granger in China, 1921


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 114

[?Insert E]

Despite a central government in Peking, there was no nation-wide


authority over the whole of China, especially the south. China at the
dawn of the 1920s was a once highly unique and mighty culture and
history of successively great, accomplished, vast and aged dynasties that
finally began to convulse and rend, loosing various pieces soon to
fracture and splinter and swirl off only to be jammed back together
again after the Boxer rebellion and funneled into a raging vortex of an
uncontrollable passage at high speed and endless spinning, now
discordant parts clamoring without any apparent outcome in sight. This
unequaled, hugely chaotic period in China’s history was a condensing
tube of tumult and unpredictability that eventually would take China
from the old, an eminent nation of splendid complexity and intricacy, to
the completely new and seemingly very simple. As one student put it,
from these years of great flailing and turmoil there was to be really only
one heir left intact from the old order, yet filled with the promise of the
new. The imperial mandate had once been heaven’s to give, but--in the
words of the Book of Documents--“heaven sees with the eyes of the
people; heaven hears with the ears of the people.” Vague and
amorphous, a new tide was rolling toward Peking. As yet, no one could
name it: a proletariat, an armed peasantry perhaps. To define the people
and determine how to mobilize its strength was a task for future
revolutionaries. Until their time came, China would have no true unity
and the revolution no enduring mandate to carry on [139].

As relations simmered between Andersson and Andrews, Osborn elected to assuage


Andersson and the Chinese Geological Survey by sending Granger over a year ahead of
the American Mongolia exploit scheduled for 1922. First Granger first would help
Andersson investigate and assess Chicken Bone Hill at Zhoukoudian. Then he would take
a small expedition party into the Yangtze Basin to try to locate the source of the revered
dragon bone. His longtime field assistant, George Olsen, was to go with him.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 115

Osborn had brushed aside Andrews’s proposal that Barnum Brown handle the CAE’s
paleontology [140]. At this point, Granger was now better known for his fossil mammal
work and that was essential to proving Osborn’s 1900 theory. Granger also had a good
background in geology. Brown was known strictly for his dinosaur work, which was not
useful to Osborn’s theory. Besides, he was about to leave the museum to work in the
private sector. But, in addition, Osborn’s estimate likely was that the temperamentally
low-key Granger was more suited to dealing with the Chinese and the international cadre
of scientists located in China than was the high-strung Brown.

Andrews’s tilt to Brown suggests that, along with essential skills in collecting fossil
mammals, he did not appreciate these distinctions, or did not see them as important. It
thus also appears to confirm his expectation that fossil dinosaurs were to be found in
Mongolia, as Andersson and Borissiak had been suggesting. But Granger, Osborn knew,
could collect those too. But what also made Andrews’s suggestion of Brown peculiar was
that it followed a discussion about the selection with the DVP’s W. D. Matthew, a
mammalian theorist. Nevertheless, Osborn overruled them both and Granger was on his
way to China in the spring of 1921.

Granger in Asia From 1921 to 1930


[Summarize WG’s extraordinary decade-long expedition/Peking/US sequence with dates
and years and then follow with “Granger’s Asia work began with Andersson at
Zhoukoudian in August, 1921.]

Zhoukoudian

When Granger stepped onto the platform and turned to assist Anna, J. G. Andersson and
a few other welcomers pressed forward to greet them. Andrews was not among the group,
but the Central Asiatic Expedition had officially begun. And, despite events having
turned sour with Andrews, Andersson was pleased to see Granger. Granger embodied the
scientific acumen and technique Andersson regarded as so essential to understanding
China’s fossil riches. Granger “very kindly offered to acquaint us with the extraordinarily
developed technique of excavations which had been one of the factors in the phenomenal
progress of the American vertebrate paleontologists,” Andersson later noted.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 116

While needing to investigate at Zhoukoudian because of the find at Chicken Bone Hill,
Andersson and the Geological Survey also had a reliable tip about a source supplying
Chinese wholesale druggists with fossils in the Yangtze region. It was located somewhere
on the Upper River just above the Three Gorges near the city of Wanhsien (Wanxian).
This was such a politically and militarily unstable region that Andersson and the Chinese
Geological Survey had delayed exploration there. Anti-Peking sentiment, changing
political affiliations, warlord battles and banditry. Osborn thought Granger should have a
firsthand look at both of these localities

Crossing the Pacific from San Francisco west to Shanghai aboard the [name] and then
travelling north by train to Peking, the Grangers had finally arrived in Peking on June
[date], 1921. But George Olsen was not with them, having had to cancel because all his
teeth “vas more or les afected” and it was thought best to pull them out all at once. “[A]t
present Iem living on Oatmeal and mush,” Olsen wrote to his friend Harold J. Cook.
Olsen still hoped to get reach China by the Fall [141].

Andersson’s assistant Otto Zdansky and his Chinese assistants were already stationed at
Zhoukoudian located 45 kilometers southwest of Peking. Granger and Andersson joined
them in [date] August to take up study of the remnant of limestone called “Chicken Bone
Hill.” Soon after arriving at the site, they were approached by a local man who advised
that "Not far from here there is a place where you can collect much larger and better
dragons' bones.” Andersson inquired further, "knowing well that in the matter of search
for dragons' bones in China we must never neglect any clue." Upon additional
information from the man, they collected their gear and followed him to a greatly fissured
face of a limestone cliff in an abandoned quarry just to the north. After searching only a
few minutes search they found a jaw of a pig “which showed,” wrote Andersson, “that
we were in the presence of a discovery with much greater possibilities than Chicken Bone
Hill [142].”

The next day's yield was even better. It "exceeded all expectations" as fossil remains of
stag, rhinoceros, hyena and bear were found along with apparent humanly-shaped [quartz
chips]. That evening Andersson, Granger and Zdansky celebrated, confident that the site
held enormous significance to finding ancient man. “When we raised our glasses at the
beginning of dinner, our happy trio was able to drink to a certain discovery,” Andersson
wrote. After some quick training by Granger in field techniques over the next two days,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 117

Andersson continued, “we now decided to leave the completion of our discovery to Dr.
Zdansky who probably had weeks of work [to do].”

It was very clear that Andersson and Granger were convinced that evidence soon would
be found. And it was. Shortly after Andersson and Granger returned to Peking, Zdansky
discovered [?two] hominid teeth. But he did not disclose this to anyone, let alone
Andersson or Granger. In fact, for years, he kept it secret apparently because he feared
Andersson would publish on the find as his own.

Venturing the Yangtze

Granger was the first paleontologist to succeed in reaching the source of


supply for [lung ku and lung ya] and to supervise personally their collection
[143].

The [Sichuan Province] collection is important not only as giving a picture


of the life of this particular region but, being midway between fossiliferous
deposits of the same age in north China and northern India, it helps greatly
in working out the general distribution and migrations of mammals in
eastern Asia during the Pleistocene period [144].

Leaving Zdansky and the Chinese assistants behind to work the site now known as
Locality 1, Andersson went back to his duties and Granger made ready for a lengthy
expedition to the Upper Yangtze. His aim was to find dragon bones in situ, or as
originally physically situated before collection. He and his small band of Chinese
assistants traveled by rail from Peking to Hankow. There they caught a steamer for
Ichang and then another for the rest of the trip up the Yangtze through the Three Gorges
to a city called Wanxian. Ten miles beyond and another ten miles inland and more than
1,000 feet up a limestone ridge paralling the river to the south lay a remote village called
Yenchingkou (or Yanjinggou), or “salt spring valley.” Granger would become the first
paleontologist to pay a visit.

First, however, Granger and his men had to clear Ichang where a battle for control of the
city was about to commence. While Granger had no direct experience in Chinese or
Mongolian political affairs when he prepared for expedition to Asia in 1921, he had been
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 118

well-briefed. The Gobi and Yangtze basins promised to be new and potentially
prodigious places to be working. Of the two, however, the Yangtze promised to be the
most challenging and hold the greatest dangers any member of the CAE would face.

The Yangtze River has, for two thousand years, been simultaneously
the spine and the central nervous system of the Chinese society
[145].

Also known as Ch’ang-chiang (or Long River), the Yangtze stretches more than 4,000
miles west from the Himalayan Plateau east to the sea at Shanghai. This fourth largest
river in the world is a tale of trade and adventure, danger and romance, war and
opportunism, myth and tragedy. During Granger’s time, the river still served as a “great
trade artery, carrying an enormous amount of traffic both up and down.” Including
tributaries, Yangtze navigation networked six Chinese provinces totalling 5,500
navigable miles.

Not surprisingly, the river’s utility garnered western attention. By 1921, several world
powers plied the river for commercial and military purpose. A foreign consortium
essentially ran the river, along with the Chinese. The British, French, American, Russian,
Italian and Japanese were enabled through “concessions” years before to operate in the
nature of privileged foreign settlements. Foreign leaseholds and shipping on the Yangtze
dated back to the Opium Wars of 1840-1842 and 1856-1860.

At the end of each of these conflicts, China was compelled to sign a


battery of agreements known collectively as the Unequal Treaties, not
only with the British and French, but also with the United States, Russia,
and (later) Germany and Japan. As periodically extended and amended,
the Unequal Treaties remained in force for almost exactly one hundred
years [146].

The treaties not only opened the Yangtze River valley to foreign influx and exploitation,
it exposed the rest of China as well, and now Mongolia. Foreigners were free to trade,
travel, reside, patrol and proselytize throughout these countries as never before. It was a
circumstance fueled by unusual territorial access ratified by the post-World War I
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 119

maneuvering of the great powers after Versailles. China was, in effect, consigned to
being kept helpless. By 1921,

[c]oncessions and foreign settlements had been established which were


in practically every sense of the word a piece of sovereign territory of
the country concerned, and in which the controlling foreign powers
retained the rights of policing and governing, delegated to a council of
resident merchants [147].

Railroad lines sporting Baldwin locomotives from the US, foreign consuls residences and
contacts, foreign banks, foreign commercial enterprises, foreign enclaves, foreign postal
and customs systems, foreign missionary stations, foreign gunboats, and a foreign
passport status of a diplomatic agent having full authority along with attendant Chinese-
issued huchaos (or vouchsafes) all helped to pave Granger’s way as he set out for
Sichuan.

Nevertheless, times were changing. Internal upheaval was on the rise, along with anti-
foreign sentiment. As a result, danger to foreigners was on the increase. Yangtze travel
itself posed danger. The rapids were treacherous and became nearly impassable during
certain stages which were always changing the river’s level. Winds channeled up the
river could become strong enough to stall sailing craft headed down river. Constantly
shifting channels meant there were no suitable charts, and the river continually had to be
learned and relearned. The changing water level also affected the well-known and
difficult rapids in the famous Three Gorges, as well as lesser-known rapids farther
upriver.

Spectacular as it was, the Yangtze River brewed a universe of possible perils. But
Granger’s potential fossil localities were located along the Yangtze and the Yangtze was
the only practical way to get into them. Granger’s river route would take him up from
Hankow to Ichang and then through the Three Gorges to Wanxian. There he would
regroup and then continue on up the river 10 more miles in smaller craft to a loading
dock on the opposite shore below Yenchingkou, a tiny mountain village perched more
than 1,000 feet up in a limestone ridge paralleling the Yangtze to the south and now
thought to hold the fossils coveted by Chinese medicine for so many years, and now
sought by science as well.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 120

The foreign nations plying the Yangtze variously termed their gunboat presence: the
American Yangtze Patrol (YangPat), the British South China Patrol, the French Tottille
du Yang Tse, and the Italian, Japanese and Chinese patrols. Western travelers on and
dwellers and workers along the Yangtze regularly observed and relied on American
gunboats such as the (USS) Elcano, Monocacy, Palos, Quiros and Villalobos or the
British gunboats (HMS) Cockchafer, Scarab, Teal, Widgeon and Woodcock. Among the
French were the (RFS) Balny and Doudart de la Gree. The Italians fielded (HIMS)
Ermanno Carlotto and Libia. The Japanese (HIJMS) and the Chinese (RCS) also had a
very strong presence on the River, but were less directly involved with western residents
and interests. Gunboat presence on the Upper River from Ichang to Chungking where
Granger was headed was much more limited than down river between Ichang to
Shanghai. Not all gunboats were sufficiently powered or agile enough to navigate the
rapids of the Three Gorges above Ichang and those beyond them. This was a serious
problem for any foreigner upriver "where the shooting was prevalent...robbers
proliferated...[and] merchants and missionaries complained bitterly [148]."

It may have mattered little anyway. Later, in 1927, after the Battle of Wanxian, “where
three British river gunboats bloodily slugged it out with a Chinese field army, the China
Weekly Review read the tea leaves with awesome accuracy: 'A little tin gunboat on a
narrow river is no match in a fight with a Chinese army equipped with modern heavy
artillery [149].’"

A river gunboat was a small, relatively agile, armed vessel. Of the western powers, the
British had the best capability for River patrol, especially Upper River patrol, with better-
designed and better-powered gunboats. The Americans were next, but still struggling to
catch up in design and capability. For the most part, their craft were converted private
yachts such as the USS Elcano, or old Spanish gunboats claimed as prizes from the
Spanish-American War, such as the USS Quiros and Villalobos, suitably renamed and put
to duty for YangPat. But they were not specifically designed for Yangtze River duty as
were some of the British, Japanese and Chinese boats. As matters heated up in China, the
Americans hurriedly put in orders for two new gunboats specifically modeled after
Britain’s HMS Widgeon. They were the sister ships USS Monocacy and Palos, both
shallow-drafted and single-screwed. Each was 165.6 feet x 24.6 feet x 2.5 feet and
capable of 13.25 knots maximum. American Admiral and gunboat historian Kemp Tolley
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 121

once noted that the coal burning Monocacy and Palos “could burn wood in an
emergency, and thus to a certain extent were able to ‘steam off the country’” [Tolley, p.
192].

Built at the Mare Island Naval Shipyard in Vallejo, California, they were then
disassembled and shipped overseas (aboard the American steamer Mongolia, no less!) to
Shanghai. In Shanghai they were reassembled at the Kiangnan Shipyard, and put into
service. That year both vessels demonstrated their ability to handle the rapids of the upper
river when they reached Chungking and went to Kiating on the Min River. Nevertheless,
they still were somewhat underpowered and also slow to turn.

The British Navy had recognized the need for improved power and steerage. Just a year
later it came out with the HMS Cockchafer driven by powerful twin screws positioned in
tunnels within the aft hull to concentrate their force. The twin screws also greatly
improved steering of the ship which on the Yangtze often required facile turns and good
timing while negotiating the rapids, up and down. The boat also was comparatively larger
at 237.5 feet x 36 feet x 4 feet. While it topped no more than 14 knots and weighed 625
tons, it was quite agile.

The various patrol boats ran from 150 to 250 feet depending on where on the River they
served and weighed anywhere from 200 to 600 tons. The hulls generally were of iron and
the enitre ship was done in white and buff.

Most Upper River boats drafted no more than two to four feet. They were lightly armed,
generally with two 6-pounders, six .30-caliber machine-guns, and an assortment of hand
weapons such as non-automatic rifles, shotguns sometimes sawed off for use as ‘riot
guns’, Colt .45s, Browning automatic rifles, Thompson submachine guns, Lewis
submachine guns, and even tear gas. A gunboat was powered by steam produced from
coal or wood boilers. The crews ranged from 50-100 men and typically included several
Chinese to work the boilers and handle other mundane tasks. Showers and bathrooms
were placed aft in a cabana-like structure, all waste being disposed of directly off the
stern [aft deck] into the water.

Obstacles and accidents in the River were commonplace. A wrecked craft here and there
could almost always be observed. Collision with rocks, especially in the rapids, was a
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 122

serious danger and the method for dealing with a punctured hull was simple: the hole was
stuffed from the inside with bags of cement which were then left to harden after contact
with the River water. The hardening was hastened by adding soda [Tolley, p. 181].

The American Yangtze River Patrol (YangPat) was the US Navy’s longest running
operation. From 1854 to 1941, it existed under various names, the last as the ‘Yangtze
River Patrol of the United States Navy.’ It was a squadron-sized unit of the Navy’s
Asiatic Fleet and patrolled the waters of the Yangtze River as far inland as Chungking,
1,300 miles up the river, and occasionally beyond. While the officially stated purpose of
the Patrol was to protect US citizens and property, it also served as an intelligence
gathering arm of the US Navy. Reports were communicated daily back to YangPat’s
flagship the USS Isabel stationed at Shanghai.

Underway

[J. G.] Andersson was kept out of this locality for several years, after
he learned about it, by the political conditions and if we waited for
things to be perfectly peaceful on the Upper Yangtze, we would
never be here ourselves [150].

Granger was acknowledging the political and military instability of the area, as well as
the ever-present robbers, bandits and pirates that now included rogue deserters,
stragglers, and spin-off factions. Granger explained that

[i]n considering the Wanhsien locality for exploration, we had


before my departure from Peking talked over very carefully the
chances of my running into active inter-provincial warfare along the
Yangtze which might seriously interfere with our progress up the
river. After consultation with Doctor Coltman, of the Standard Oil
Company, and one or two other men who knew their China well, it
was decided to take a chance, trusting that either the trouble would
not assume dangerous proportions or that we might slip through
before things broke. The mere movement of soldiers and the
occasional firing on river steamers were not sufficient to stop us.
That sort of thing had been going on for ten years--ever since the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 123

establishment of the Republic--and was one of the hazards which


any up-river traveler expected to take [151].

On August 24, 1921, Granger boarded his expedition party and equipment at the Chien
Min Railroad Station in Peking in preparation for an 11 p.m. departure. They were due to
arrive in Hankow on the 26th in mid-afternoon. Andersson, Zdansky, Pope and Ruth
Wood, an American chemist at Peking’s Rockefeller Medical School, were at the train to
see Granger off. Anna, who would remain in Peking for the winter, was there as well.
Granger’s expedition members were all Chinese. James V. Wong was Granger’s
interpreter and assistant who had attended Highland Military Academy in Worcester,
Massachusetts. Wong had excavated with J. G. Andersson at Sha Kuo T’un in China in
June of that year [152]. Andrews then hired him as Granger’s ‘business manager’.

Chow (Chao Hui Lu) served as the ‘No. 1 Boy’. He had been to Sichuan and Yunnan
provinces with Andrews on the earlier Asiatic zoological expeditions. Yang, the cook,
had served with the Andrews family in Peking. Liu Ta Ling was Granger’s assistant in
general field work, along with his assistant Kan Chuen Pao, nicknamed ‘'Buckshot'’.
Chih Hang was the taxidermist and had served with Andrews on a trip to the Eastern
Tombs.

There were thirty-one pieces of luggage, ‘servant’s bundles’ and wooden boxes to be
checked in. The expedition’s field gear included

a 7 x 9 green silk tent, two Biddle tents...Two McClellan saddles.


Complete paraphernalia for collecting both fossils and living fauna
of all sorts. Two shot-guns with aux. barrels, two Savage .250 rifles,
two Savage .38 automatic pistols. My own Colt revolver and a .32
pistol of Wong's. Also have sheet iron stove (local make) and
cooking outfit... Boxes are of local make with hinges and padlock
and of size adapted either for carrying-coolies or mules. Six boxes,
those to be used for groceries, are of somewhat smaller size and are
made after a pattern furnished by Dr. Andersson. These are designed
for heavy fossils. Two boxes of the larger type are fitted with with
wooden trays for bird and mammal skins [153].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 124

On board, Granger and Wong shared a compartment with “a Chinese gentleman who had
a soldier as servant.” This man was not further identified. But, Granger soon realized, as
the train headed south and began filling with soldiers, that it was heading to military
action at the Hupei front. Granger soon learned that the soldiers were under the command
of warlord general Wu P'ei Fu.

As the train rumbled through stops on the way to Hankow, more soldiers boarded at
nearly every important station. Finally, at Cheng-te, in northern Honan Province, they
commandeered the 3rd-class coach in which Granger’s men were riding forcing them into
the observation compartment of Granger’s first-class coach. The soldiers then tried to
take over the first-class coach itself. That obliged Wong, Granger noted,

to talk much and long to the station agent and present my official
card while I sat back as complacently as possible, got out my
passport and letters and waited. Finally the station agent was able
to compromise with the soldiery by furnishing another third-class
coach, and our train was allowed to proceed after a delay of
nearly an hour. Mr. Wong says that my presence in the car (being
the only foreigner) is what saved it from confiscation [154].

Granger’s US passport, plenipotentiary in nature, gave him the status of a diplomatic


agent and having full authority as such.

Aug. 26.
During the night Chow aroused us with information that troops had
rebelled at a town on the line in Northern Hupei and had destroyed the
track for a distance. Early morning gave no verification of this report
but we found out later that there had been a disturbance at [WG left
blank] and some of the track destroyed but later repaired. Our train
gradually losing time since leaving Peking owing to troop train ahead
and crowded condition of our train and we finally arrived in Hankow at
9 p.m. instead of schedule time of 3:40 p.m. [155].

On the River
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 125

China, November 16, 1921


Dear Father:-

We have crickets over here too,--they are singing now as I write.


And they give about the only familiar touch to an otherwise strange
land. I always think of Middletown when I hear crickets because, I
suppose, there was where I first heard them [156].

Granger and his men provisioned up in Hankow and on the evening of August 29th,
boarded the SS Tung Wo skippered by Captain Pellew. As they steamed toward Ichang,
Granger learned that on an earlier trip to Ichang, the boat had been fired upon by soldiers.
As a consequence, some boats now had their railings lined with large sheets of iron.

Upon reaching Ichang in the early evening of September 1st, Granger heard reports that
Southern Army soldiers had advanced to thirty miles away and were planning to attack
the city. He took note of the gunboats in port––two American, one British and one
Japanese. Then he set about recording the various fishing techniques he had observed
since leaving Hankow. Hand seines and nets were used by men standing in the water.
Large circular dip nets and sweeping gill nets were employed off sampans. Some boats
employed cormorants––twenty or so birds to each boat. No method, he noted, involved
using a baited hook.

The next morning, Granger went ashore to call on contacts he was provided with at
Butterfield & Swire and the Standard Oil Company. He also met with John ‘Fossil’
Smith, the British Consul in Ichang and amateur fossil collector who had tipped off
Andersson to the apparent fossil locality up the river. Rumors flew that southern troops
were now advancing on Ichang by the hour and that combat was imminent. Fighting
broke out in mid-afternoon on Saturday when the defending Northern Army fired directly
across the river at southern force defenses.

Granger watched the action through his field glasses. Now aboard the Loong Mow, but
unable to depart, Granger followed the fighting for the rest of that day, the next and into
the following evening. At daybreak, he watched the southerners make “a grand assault
and [overwhelm] all the Northern Army’s defensive positions across the river including
the “Pyramid” (500’) and other peaks directly opposite the town and only a mile away.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 126

The northern soldiers fled by boat, suffering heavy casualties. By 9 p.m., the fighting was
over and an armistice declared. More fighting was to be heard over the next two nights,
however, between opposing armies to the north and east of the city.

While ashore at Ichang, Granger had viewed British Consul Smith’s small collection of
vertebrate and invertebrate fossils of Pleistocene and Paleozoic age some of which were
said to come from up the Rive near Wanhsien at a place called Yenchingkou. The fossils
held promise he noted later in his diary. But his mind, stuck on the battle he had just
witnessed. It weighed: while he thought the fighting was of extreme interest, he sensed a
“certain element of danger and anxiety.” During the battle, a native crew member of the
USS Monocacy was shot as was a boy on a sampan. Both were the result of stray bullets
and that underscored how dangerous the area was for everyone.

Then a coolie was beheaded on the Bund by soldiers and other executions were being
reported throughout the city. This was not the tamed American West or the colonially
ruled Fayum of Egypt. There was no semblance of order as Granger watched small
squads of Chinese soldiers parade relentlessly up and down the Bund recruiting coolies
by force, grabbing them, tying them together and driving them off with sticks. They
would be used for carrying ammunition, luggage and food, or even just handling lines on
a ferry, before being killed when no longer able or needed.

Thankfully, it seemed, the Loong Mow finally pulled out of Ichang harbor at dawn on the
7th and headed for Wanxian. As it reached Ichang Gorge at breakfast, they were met by
junks filled with soldiers heading down river to Ichang. Some of the soldiers fired at the
Loong Mow as they passed by forcing all aboard to leave the decks and find refuge in the
ship. It became smart not to come back on deck too early. One shot was fired back from a
junk that had gone a half a mile beyond the Loong Mow. “[S]itting on the after deck[, the]
bullet passed close and entered the dining salon just forward of us and stopped in the
linoleum of the floor.”

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 127

The Loong Mow was larger than the Tung Wo which its skipper Captain Hall lived aboard
with his wife during his eight months of duty. Its engines were more powerful than the
Tung Wo’s. Almost too much so, as Granger noted, when “[we] pass almost too quickly
through the really wonderful gorges.” A huge wash was created by the powerful engines
as the steamer ascended the gorges and met the rapids and faster current. To maintain
steering headway, sufficient power had to be applied. But as the propeller churned
against the oncoming rush of water, a wash was created sufficient to swamp or roll over a
smaller craft if it were too close. It had done just that to a junk full of soldiers not too
long before. That apparently was why the downriver junks bearing soldiers had fired at
them––in warning, if not also for revenge.

Assessing the Fossil Field

Unique on the Yangtze, Wanhsien had ever been at a trouble spot.


Rival generals fought in and around it. Bandits threatened, floods
took their toll of the lower-lying parts, and foreigners clung
precariously to their business in the face of all hazards and
provocations. ‘The river narrowed to an insignificant gorger, then
came a broad expanse of still water resembling a mountain lake, and
then Wan appeared. The burst of its beauty...a stately city piled on
ciffs and heights...a wall of rock on one side crowded with temples,
with the broad river disappearing among the mountains which were
dissolving away in blue mist. It was quite overpowering.’[Tolley, p.
232]

After reaching Wanhsien without further incident, Granger’s men set up temporary
headquarters at the British-run Customs Office while he made calls to present the letters
of introduction he carried from Peking and the States. The ancient Paleozoic ridge he
hoped to inspect another ten miles beyond had been exposed and eroded over thousands
of years by the main channel-cutting waters of the Yangtze. As the water cut through,
rocks and other debris swirled about and occasionally drilled into soft areas in the
limestone. Gradually, holes or pits were formed and deepened as the process continued.
During the Pleistocene that followed, unwary animals, or their already dead carcasses,
were caught or swept into these pits to be trapped and left to fossilize.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 128

Chinese farmers later discovered the pits spread along the ridge for twenty miles or so.
One could count several hundred in a day's trip. They began to mine them and sell them
to the druggists, as an off-season enterprise over the winter months when farming duties
came to a near standstill. Most pits needed to be excavated and some were 150 feet deep.
The shafts were vertical and filled with debris. The peasants lowered themselves by rope
and a seat from a crude windlass overhead. They carried a trowel to excavate and a
basket to fill. Mud, loose rock and fossils were hauled up in baskets. The fossils were
then dried, sorted for quality and held for inspection and sale to the druggists. Those that
sold were taken down to the river’s edge by coolie and on downstream by junk.

It was pure business and the delicacy of Granger’s task was clear. On the one hand, he
wished to make a firsthand inspection of all these fossils to determine their value for
science. On the other hand, he had to make sure he did not interfere with commerce in
one of China’s most revered practices. The excavation of these fossils had been going on
for generations. Many hundreds of tons of good fossils had been broken up and sold to
the druggists.

Granger decided to purchase the material he wanted, electing not to try to excavate a pit
himself. Not only were these family-owned, the work required little technical skill and
was somewhat risky even if mainly a matter of hauling jumbled material out of a pit
bucket by bucket. Excavation apparatus, such as ladder and windlass, was primitive and
the walls of the pits were rarely well shored. Granger would offer to pay about 13 cents
for 27 ounces of fossil material. The standard druggist price was somewhat lower, but the
druggists were not culling the fossils for preservation -- theirs were to be ground into
powder.

Base Camp, Yenchingkou

Yen-ching-kuo, Wanhsien, Szc, China, November 16, 1921

Dear Father:-

I have been in this place now since Oct. 17th. It's only a small
hamlet of some twenty families –– just a double row of houses on
the stone paved path which leads from the river to Hupeh province.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 129

The family of Tan is the dominant one in this neighborhood and they
have their ancestral hall here and it is in this that we're camped.
These halls are similar to the temples except that instead of idols
there are stone tablets inscribed to the glory of the Tan ancestry. Joss
is performed night and morning just as in the temples and family
gatherings are held here. One was a memorial meeting––held always
at the harvest moon, and the other was a trial of a member of the
family, accused of adopting a son outside of the clan. The joss which
is done twice daily consists of beating a drum––like the drum of a
partridge repeated three times––and the ringing of a bell and the
burning of joss sticks [157].

Granger had taken his men and equipment by sampan ten miles up the river from
Wanxian to the opposite shore at the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing. With coolies
carrying expedition gear, they then climbed the main trail to the village of Yanjinggou,
more than 1,000 feet up and 12 miles inland. The countryside was rugged, as was much
of Sichuan. Yanjinggou was situated in a narrow valley surrounded by hills that rose
steeply at 45 degree angles. A small creek flowed by the village wending its way down to
the Yangtze. It was fed along the way by small streams that flowed off other mountains.
Agriculture existed wherever possible. Steep hillsides were terraced with rice paddies
wherever a moving stream of water was available. The farmers regulated the water flow
to avoid drowning the rice, as often happened in the lowland. Where water was not at
hand, summer crops of corn, sweet potatoes, beans and some buckwheat were planted.
Peas, wheat and turnips were the winter crops. Water buffalo were used to plow and
harrow, but everything else in the way of farming was done by hand.

The people of Yanjinggou were poorer that year because an army of religious fanatics
had come down through the valley during the previous year and taken nearly all the
livestock. Then, when soldiers came up from Wanhsien and chased away the fanatics,
they took just about everything else of value left behind. The natives had begun in the
spring without much. They were just now acquiring a few pigs and a water buffalo or
two. But with hardly any hens, Granger and his men had to go ten miles away to obtain
eggs in quantity.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 130

While the village was “inexpressibly filthy,” the Tan family temple Granger and his party
occupied was clean and pleasant. The locals came in continually during the day to watch
the foreigners work and eat. They would simply stand in the courtyard and stare, which
annoyed Granger somewhat. Twenty or so of the villagers would gaze at him in silence.
Then they would leave and another lot would come in. His spirits lifted whenever the
children came in and played about the court. Sometimes Granger would give them
crackers or candy, or empty shotgun shells which they seemed to covet highly. “Like
people of all races,” Granger noted, “I suppose the very young or the very old are the
most interesting and we pay special attention to them.”

Yen-ching-kuo, Wanhsien, Szc, China, November 16, 1921

Dear Father:

Mr. Wong went into Wanhsien today, back on the 18th. I did not
hear from you when I was in on the seventh; hope I have a letter or
two this mail. Am expecting a Lieutenant from the British Gunboat
"Widgeon" [HMS Widgeon] to come back with Mr. Wong for a
visit. The Captain of the "Widgeon" is interested in birds and when I
was in town [h]e went over my collection and identified most of
them. They were all new to me and as I had no bird book with me I
did not know any of the names. The gunboat took me up to my
landing when I came back the other day. Beat going up in a sampan
all hollow. Two miles per hour by sampan and ten by gunboat [158].

Granger continued taking stock of his surroundings as he settled in for the winter. There
were no wheels in use in that part of Sichuan, he observed, and he had seen only a half
dozen or so ponies. These were in the possession of the military in Wanxian. Everything
was carried by coolies. Single loads, double loads, and sometimes several coolies to a
package. Most people walked unless they could afford a sedan chair. He had one in his
outfit, but he preferred walking when it was not too far. While it took only two coolies to
carry Wong, four were needed for Granger who weighed 185 pounds.

The main pathways in that region were paved with sandstone. It seemed as if there must
be thousands of miles of them in the province. They wound up over the hills without
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 131

much regard to grade and in places were simply stairways of stone. All day long, coolies
passed by Granger’s headquarters carrying rice, goat skins and cabbage down to the river
and bringing back salt and other commodities. The coolies carried 100 pounds in a single
load and 150 pounds in a double load.

The expedition’s staples were supplemented with locally grown potatoes, cabbage and
turnips. Fruit at that time of year was of two kinds––”large luscious persimmons and fine
tangerines.” Granger described the persimmons as being as large as a teacup and eaten by
slicing off the tip end and scooping out the salmon-colored pulp with a spoon, with
tangerines large and tasty as well. To Granger, a whole orchard laden with such fruit was
a lovely sight.

Yet, to his eye, there was little fall coloring. The few remaining oak trees had taken on a
tint now, and the wood oil trees were yellowish brown. Timber was pretty scattered and
thin. Most of the trees were not much more than saplings, overcutting having taked its
toll. Sichuan would have fine forests, he believed, if only the trees were allowed to
mature. He thought that it was the custom of wooden coffin-making which needed
reform. A half a dozen or so empty coffins were stored under his gallery in the Ancestral
Hall and he guessed that each weighed 400 pounds, if not 500. No wonder, he noted, that
timber had become scarce and expensive if every Chinese required burial in one.

The natives burned everything--grass, cornstalks, weeds and brush of all kinds, even
leaves and sometimes furniture. They kept open fires on the floor of a room, the smoke
finding its way out as best it could through the thatched roof. From the outside, it looked
as if the house was on fire. A recent notice posted on a wall decreed that trees below a
certain size were not to be cut. The Chinese were realizing the necessity of maintaining
their forests.

October 11th. ("Yen-Ching-Kuo." 62˚ at 6 p.m. Rainy.):


Wong had located a bat cave at the lower edge of the village and
Chih already had six large bats made up. Wong had also visited the
bone pits--10 li from here and had secured a small collection
therefrom, including a rodent jaw, jaw of a large artiodactyl and an
enormous Tapir molar.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 132

Our headquarters is a roomy place with plenty of space to spread out


in. The men sleep on one of the galleries. We have the stage and the
other gallery is used for alcoholic specimens, etc.--a place to admit
the natives with their offerings of snakes, lizards, fish, crabs etc. The
cook has a kitchen and an anteroom and No. 1 has a large room on
the opposite side of the shrine [159].

The cost of firewood was Granger’s largest expense, nearly five dollars a month.
Sichuan’s winter weather was chilly, damp and sometimes gloomy. While Granger and
his men were getting used to it, every evening they gathered in the kitchen for an hour or
so to warm up before bed. This actually was the only time they were really indoors. The
layout of Granger’s Hall was similar to any temple. Their sleeping and working quarters
had only a roof and one wall. Only the kitchen was a four walled room.

Stone tablets inscribed with the names and history of the various Tan ancestry were
placed about. On occasion there was a gathering of the Tan family at the shrine, with a
food offering, the burning of paper money and the firing of crackers. There would be an
extra lighting of candles the night before and the night after a ceremony.

A caretaker came early each morning and again in the evening and beat a drum and an
iron kettle. Joss sticks were burned before the shrine––just as in a temple––but over with
quickly and done at more seemly hours than at a regular temple.

Settling in

Granger’s days were spent trapping, collecting and preparing. Animal traps were put out
each night and checked in the morning. New mammal, bat and bird species were added to
the collection weekly. To collect bats, Granger and his men used a rickshaw lamp and a
special carbide head lamp for illumination inside the cave. A new mouse was brought in
by a boy. A live badger-like animal with a long tail was brought in by a man. Granger
bought it for $1.00. The skin and skeleton were saved and the meat, said to be a delicacy
because the animal lived on fruit at that time of the year, was given to the inn keeper next
door. All the collections were growing, but weather conditions hampered the taxidermy
work. Days of rain, fog and extreme dampness meant that the specimens would not dry
out, that matches would hardly scratch, that leather began to mold and that everything
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 133

else seemed saturated with water. Furthermore, fossil collecting was on hold because
Granger was still negotiating access to the pits with the Tans, who controlled the digs in
that region.

Life at the Hall provided some relief. A large Tan family conclave gathered there one
morning for the purpose of trying two members on the reputed adoption of a boy not
from the family. The accused were a man of 40 or so -- the principal in the case––and his
uncle, an old man of 60 or 70. After an hour and more of discussion and presentation of
evidence, the assembly adjourned. They reconvened that afternoon. After more
discussion, it was decided to tie up the accused until they confessed to the adoption. The
two were tied in an uncomfortable manner, hands behind the back and high up, to pillars
directly below Granger’s work stage. After a half hour or so, the old man was released.
Wong then induced the elders to release the younger man as well --he was groaning
noticeably from the pain by this time.

Wong then asked the elders to reconvene in one of the nearby houses. There he
encouraged the elders to make an investigation before proceeding further with the
punishment. That was finally agreed upon. But, as a messenger was about to be
dispatched for further information, the accused confessed. It was then decided to punish
him by a fine of money or land, instead of the bamboo which he preferred, being miserly.
Wong had insisted that a money fine would hurt the more, and in this the elders
concurred.

On the day before this occurred, one of the Tan family had called upon Granger to
discuss access to the pits. They agreed to go up to take a look on the first pleasant day.
But, while nearly every night was moonlit, the early mornings were cloudy and by
daylight it was raining. Not all was lost, however. A man brought in 50 pounds of fossil
scrap from which Granger was able to pick out some good rodent jaws and a few
artiodactyl teeth. And by mid-November, the weather changed sufficiently so that
Granger was able to begin visiting the fossil pits.

Visitors

Lieutenant. R. Cursham of HMS Widgeon came up to Granger’s headquarters on


November 23rd for a one-week visit. He bought along his “boy” and two pet dogs. The
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 134

plan was to hunt and feast over the American Thanksgiving holiday. Chow prepared a
noonday dinner with roast duck and pumpkin pie. On the 28th, Granger took Cursham up
to tour the fossil pits. Four in working order––one had just been opened. In another, a few
scattered bone fragments lay exposed on a dump pile, indicating that the workmen
evidently were nearing a deposit of fossils in the mine shaft. That pit was 60 feet deep,
Granger noted, and, at the bottom, a side branch ran off on a nearby horizontal plane.

The expedition pace quickened. Liu was sent down with "Lung Goo" Tan, as Granger
nicknamed him, to the river landing to examine four piculs of fossils. One picul equaled
133.33 pounds. The load was already made ready for shipment to Wanxien, but Liu
selected about 8 catties––one catty equaling 1.33 pounds––of teeth and jaw fragments
anyway. Of most interest was a lower-jaw fragment of a large cat, the first of that species
Granger had seen.

Lt. Cursham, in the meantime, returned to the Widgeon on the 30th. The last day of his
visit was spent in the bat caves where the party secured about 25 specimens. Mostly they
hung low and could be poked off with a stick into a butterfly net. So far, the cave had
yielded 75 samples of eight or so species.

Nov. 30. (Clear -- fine. 52˚-8 p.m.):


Mr. Asker [Customs] has sent up a note to the effect that he and
Commander Corlett [of the HMS Widgeon] may come out on the 7th
or 8th [160].

And so it was for Granger’s winter at Yanjinggou in Sichuan of 1921-22. Hunting,


trapping, collecting, stuffing, visiting the fossil pits, receiving the occasion visiting
western military man or official, observing everyday life in remote rural China, and
noting the weather. On December 1, the weather was 51˚ at 8 p.m., clear and fine,
Granger recorded. He went with Wong and Liu to the Shih-Pa-Tse fossil field leaving
camp at about 9:30 a.m. They returned on a steep and difficult path long after dark at
7:30 p.m. with ten catties of fossils, including rodent skulls and one monkey jaw with
teeth. The next day, several hundred pounds of lung ku were brought in from pits a few
miles south of Shih-Pa-Tse. Again the shipment belonged to "Lung Goo" Tan. Granger
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 135

selected 13 catties from the lot, including several rodent skulls, a portion of a large bovid
skull and a fragment of a goat-like skull, showing straight, backward-turned horn cases.

Kan (‘'Buckshot'’) had come down with something resembling mumps that included a
swollen arm and fever. A native doctor administered some sort of plaster. Liu also had an
abscess on his right hand on which Granger applied bread poultice. He was also
doctoring a young woman of the village who had nasty looking eruptions on throat and
chest.

Despite isolated instances of stealing from Granger’s party, such as of a pair of shoes or
some traps, the villagers treated their foreign guests courteously. The villagers seemed to
enjoy having them there, even inviting them to feasts and weddings. Of course, the
foreigners brought in new money. But they also provided new entertainment. There was
not a half hour during the day but which some audience was on the stone steps of the
shrine watching Granger and his men at work or a meal or playing with one of the
expedition pets.

Mail and English-language newspapers were delivered to Granger in packets at irregular


intervals. Osborn kept him apprised from New York, as did Matthew. Father Charles
corresponded faithfully from Vermont, as did sisters Daisy Parker and Mary Morgan and
brothers Arthur and Martin. Anna and Andrews kept in touch from Peking. He, of course,
corresponded back. The letters usually were numbered so that one could tell which had
been received and was being responded to, or whether one was out of sequence, or had
become lost. Not all the letters made it through, though most did.

A letter from Andrews informed

Needless to say I have been tremendously interested in your letters.


The last one, October 20th, sound as tho' you were at last on the
verge of a real find. If you can get a fossil "mine" such as Dr.
Andersson's find in Honan, it will put us on the map from the
paleontological standpoint. I can hardly wait to get your next letter,
because, of course, your side of the work is the most popular and
will be of the greatest importance in keeping up the interest of our
contributors [161].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 136

British and American gunboats also kept in touch. Information was provided to Granger
that kept him apprised of local affairs, as well as those in the rest of China and the world.
The gunboats keeping in constant radio contact and receiving daily intelligence reports
were a key link for Granger. Urgently, Ran, who had been suffering from a swollen jaw
and arm for a week or more, finally had to be taken in to Wanxian for examination. He
could hardly talk or eat. He was carried aboard the Widgeon for examination by the
gunboat’s physician, Dr. Pace. Pace found a deep abscess that needed draining. But the
best place for that procedure, in Pace’s view, was at a western-run hospital upriver in
Chung Chow. Widgeon’s commander Captain Corlett immediately contacted the captain
of the commercial steamer SS Anlai which was in port at Wanxian and making ready to
weigh anchor within the hour and sail up river. Anlai’s captain agreed to take Kan to
Chung Chow with a letter of instruction from Pace.

Mongolia Pending

Yen-ching-kuo
Wanhsien, Szc.
November 29, 1921

Dear Father:-

I enclose Mr. Andrews' recent letter to me and it gives some


information about plans, etc. If we waited for everything to be
peaceful and safe here in China we would never do anything but
wait. It's the most haphazard government in the world I suppose--
worse than Russia in a way--with no real center and no commanding
personality. The Canton people are absolutely independent except
for the Customs and Post Office--both of which are run by
foreigners and Peking has no power over the two big military
generals at Mukden and Hankow who between them control about
all of the Northern China army [162].

Andrews’s letter was bringing Granger up to date on planning the Gobi expedition to take
place that next spring after Granger’s return to Peking. It was largely on the issue of
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 137

having a sufficient supply of gasoline cached in Urga to support this first CAE Mongolia
venture, or “campaign” as Andrews called it. Andrews was concerned that if a fuel
supply was sent up for cache in Outer Mongolia early and without guard, it would be
appropriated by the Russian Buriats who now controlled Urga. He was asking Larson,
therefore, to aid in sorting it all out with “the Red Government.”

It had been Larson, of course, who, upon learning that Andersson was looking for fossil
localities invited him to one of the sites he knew about in Tabool in Inner Mongolia and
provided him the Mongolian collectors Jensen [Lob-tsen Yen-tsen] and Haldjinko.
Haldjinko took Andersson to a number of localities in the Hallong-Ossu region of Inner
Mongolia 155 kilometers north northwest of Kalgan Not long after, the Ertemte locality
was established 36 li north of Hallong-Ossu. It was Andersson’s Inner Mongolia finds,
aided by Larson and his Mongolian guides, that had helped form his urgent appeal to the
Swedish government for a wide-ranging, multidisciplined scientific expedition and
attracted Osborn’s attention. Ironically, it was from the telegraph station at Ehrlien near
Ertemte that the CAE first reported to the world on the amazing fossil discoveries they
were making in Mongolia.

Yen-ching-kuo
Wanhsien, Szc.
December 31, 1921

Dear Sister [Daisy]:-

I've just written to Cousin Norman referring to myself as his "most


distant" relative. I suppose I'm the same to you also--on that basis.

I had a glorious time in Wanhsien Christmas, and we were grateful


to the good people who entertained me. It was like an old fashioned
home Christmas with a tree, turkey, mince pie and all eleven men
and one lady sat down to dinner. It may shock you living in a
prohibition country, but the order of "booze" was: cocktail, sherry,
white wine, red wine, champagne, port, liquer. Nobody drank too
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 138

much according to local standards, but it was no Quaker party. I got


to bed at 4 a.m. and felt fine at 10:20 [the] next morning. Then I had
tea [the] next day at the Postmaster's and dinner the next night at the
Mission, and the next day reluctantly returned to camp. It was my
first Christmas out of the U.S. [163].

The grind of expedition life in gloomy winter occasionally wore on Granger. He was
annoyed when he heard that several piculs of fossils belonging to "Lung Goo" Tan
slipped by him several days before. This was in spite of the old man's promise to let
Granger have a look at all material that passed through his hands.

Chow also irritated him. Chow apparently felt the need to use a chair wherever he went
and Granger began making him pay for it. Other men's No. 1 boys, Granger noted,
walked, as did Granger, usually. Therefore Chow should. Chow was being a bit of a
dandy, Granger thought, by wanting the entitlement “face” produced whenever he rode in
a chair. The only time Granger used one was to go out to dinner in Wanxian because he
did not like walking on the city’s dirty streets at night. He also liked the open chair––
one's vision was too much cut off in a canopied chair though the open chairs were not as
comfortable.

While Granger enjoyed his fur sleeping bag, which was “delightfully warm,” he did not
like the Angora wool in his face or the odor of it in his nose. And, Wong was not feeling
any too well these days with his past dysentery still bothering him at intervals. Worse of
all, however, was that just before Christmas, Granger was interrupted at night by a report,
brought by Tan's son from Sin Kai Tien, that there were 30 or more bandits camped in a
temple down at the river landing.

We got the guns all out and ready and Wong sat up until four a.m.
watching. Today there are many rumors about this band of men, but
as usual, no definite precise information. This an awful country for
misinformation and for garbled reports. There are persistent rumors
of a band of ten men with one or two rifles doing business up around
the nearest fossil pits, holding up carrying coolies, robbing farm
houses, etc. Shall be glad to get where I do not have to sleep with an
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 139

automatic pistol under my pillow and a shot gun loaded with BB's
under the cot every night [164].

Nevertheless, each day brought interesting scenes for him to note. Tangerines were still
to be had, and the best of them were delicacies now--fully ripe and of high flavor. There
were touches of autumnal coloring here and there on the hillsides which felt like home.
The daytime temperature hung around 45˚ with 38˚ as the lowest. Wheat and peas were a
foot or more high and the turnip crop was under harvest. Villagers were busy gathering
fuel from the hillsides––brush was cut and the branches of the small evergreens are
trimmed to near the top. Leaves, pine needles and other trash were raked up and carried
home to burn. Long tough grass native to the area was cut for thatching. By spring,
hillsides would look like a sheared sheep.

Occasionally, a few flakes of snow hung in the air up on top of one of the nearby hills
another few hundred feet higher, although roses and other flowers in the village were still
in bloom, as was a patch of Chinese lilies behind Granger’s headquarters. Yet, he
grumped, no matter where one went, one could not get out of the sight or hearing of a
native.

The Chinese New Year would come soon, the only real holiday many of the Chinese
celebrated. It was the first day of the first moon. Every native in the village had been
making preparation for weeks. All accounts were squared up, all money owed was
collected. New clothes were made, houses cleaned up, idols in the temples dusted off.
Joss candles and incense were stocked in quantity. Colored puffed rice, paper balloons,
streamers of colored paper and hand made mottoes on bright red paper were for sale
everywhere. Firecrackers would be much in evidence on the eve of the new year. In the
morning every shop would be closed, every house shut up. Nobody would be on the
streets.

Then, after a day or two the natives would begin to come out, greet each other and
commence festivities. There would be much gambling––even small girls engaged in
tossing dice. Larger boys and men used a dice game with 50 cash pieces for stakes.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 140

Next came calling on relatives and friends, exchanging small presents, principally sweets
done up in a pyramid of paper packages and placing a good deal of extra joss in temple
shrines and at graves. This continued for a week or two when, finally, everybody settled
back to their normal routine for the rest of the year.

Granger took an interest in the bustling waterfront at Wanhsien while he was there for
Christmas. All available space was occupied by temporary structures of thatched roofs
and sides where all sorts of business were carried on. There were also a number of
restaurants and one or two theaters. During the winter months boat traffic on the Yangtze
actually increased. The river was fairly alive with junks and sampans and altogether
different from the scene Granger encountered in September when the water was too high
for junk traffic and there were too many steamers for junks to navigate safely. Now the
steamer traffic had slowed for the winter. A lower water level and changing water flow
made navigation by steamer and gunboat more difficult. Rocks were everywhere, as one
Captain Bell-Sayr learned when his upriver steamer was caught in a rapid, turned around
broadside and sent onto the rocks because his ship’s engines had not been powerful
enough to hold her against the current.

Wholesale markets in coal, potatoes, tangerines and other commodities existed along the
bank at Wanxian. The town was laid out in more or less regular streets parallel to the
river and, at places, the structures went right down to the water’s edge. A rise of three
feet would make trouble for many of these squatters. Robberies were common. While on
an errand there, one of Granger’s men saw two robbers beheaded on the beach. Post boats
to and from Wanxian were obliged to carry escort of soldiers to prevent looting on the
way up or down river. The worst place for that was said to be between Wanxian and
K'wei Fu.

As Granger continued to adjust to the raw, damp weather in camp at Yanjinggou, he


observed that the natives stood it “wonderfully well.” Men and boys nearly all remained
barefooted although they did wear rice straw sandals. Some had slightly padded clothes
but many still had only the plain cotton trousers and cotton blouse with perhaps an extra
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 141

vest. Some wrapped their calves with a bandage of blue cotton. It was for warmth he
supposed, like a sort of puttee (a legging).

"Fire baskets" were in common use now, as well. This was a woven bamboo basket with
an open top and an earthen bowl set in the bottom. The bowl was filled with warm coals.
The whole thing was carried around by men women and children and used as a hand or
foot warmer. Frequently the women curled their knees up on it. Granger’s cook had
provided one to sit beside while working. Granger thought it was more efficient than the
Japanese-style warmer which he had tried on several occasions [164a].

A Respite

Just before Christmas, Captain Corlett invited Granger for a duck hunt. Corlett, who was
heading upriver anyway, offered to take Granger to visit Kan in Chung Chow. Corlett
figured Granger could find his way back to his landing via another boat. Along their way,
they would take some time to hunt. The Captain planned to weigh anchor and come up
from Wanxian to meet Granger at the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing early in the
morning. Granger walked down the night before to stay at an inn there in order to be
ready for the pick up. Instead, he waited for hours. The Widgeon had been unable to raise
one its anchors, a frequent problem for boats on the Yangtze. Anchors often became
deeply embedded after a few days on the bottom. A costly solution was to cut the wire
and leave the anchor on the bottom.

To reach Granger at the landing, the Widgeon had to come in unusually close to shore. As
it did, it got caught in a backwater. Before it could regain headway, the backwater forced
it to shore where it scraped along rocks before colliding with a large sampan moored at
the bank. The impact crushed the sampan’s roof matting, but did no other damage. This
was fortunate, Granger noted, since gunboats were not commissioned to pick up
passengers for duck-hunting excursions or personal errands.

Later that afternoon, they spar-moored near a big bend in the river some seven or eight
miles below Chung Chow. Spar-mooring meant bringing the Widgeon close to shore in
quiet water where the bank dropped off fairly abruptly to give sufficient depth for the
hull. Wires were then taken ashore from both the bow and stern and anchored. The
gunboat was held out in the water against this anchoring by two spars, one forward and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 142

one aft run out from the deck. A small sampan turned at right angles made a bridge
between the gunboat and the shore.

The next morning brought a beautiful warm, bright day. Corlett and Granger went ashore
at 9 o'clock and hunted ducks until dark. Corlett killed one mallard and Granger two.
While they saw several hundred ducks, they were very wild, difficult to approach and
always flying high. Most interesting to Granger were the ruddy sheldrake which looked
and acted much like geese. They gave a decided “honk” instead of a duck-like “quack,”
he thought.

The point where they hunted was, at this low-water time of year, a great stretch of
horizontal lying sandstone irregularly surfaced and covered in places with pot holes of
various sizes. In some places, when the river covered this area during the high- and
medium-water stages, deep holes were eroded and were now lagoons. Some of them a
mile in length. It was possible, thought Granger, that the main channel of the Yangtze
once passed that way.

But, more important, a deposit of sand and gravel covered the rock in some places and
this material was being washed for gold by the natives. Simple bamboo shelters were set
up on the rocks near crude sifters. The coarser gravel was sifted out by putting the
sediment in a basket which was rocked over a broad sloping table while water was
poured in to wash out the finer sand. The fine sand was then put through another
separating process which yielded black sand. The black sand was then sent away for
further separation as the native apparatus on the spot was not sufficient for that delicate
job.

The next morning at 7 a.m. the gunboat left the spar mooring and steamed to Chung
Chow. Granger was put ashore and the Widgeon proceeded up river. Dr. William's
hospital, which was at the extreme upper end of this small walled city, was a part of the
Canadian Methodist Mission. The mission compound held a school, reading room and
public library. Granger found Kan weak but well enough to return to camp. Nothing but
the cutting and draining the abscesses would have relieved the boy. Over tea, it was
arranged that he’d stay overnight, and Granger gave Dr. and Mrs. Williams one of the
mallards he had shot.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 143

Departure the next day was aboard the little Shu Tung which had come down from Chung
King the night before. This interesting boat was the first two-hulled craft on the Upper
Yangtze. Built along lines suggested by the legendary Captain Cornell Plant, who also
was her first captain, both hulls were of the same length and beam, but the engine was in
one and the other was simply a barge lashed alongside. The idea was to give her good
carrying capacity with a slight draught of only 4 1/2 feet. She had five or six first-class
cabins for the rich Chinese and westerners and a few lower-class cabins for poor Chinese.
But these days, it was used mostly for freight on runs between Chung King and Suei Fu
during the summer and Wanhsien and Chung King during the winter when the river level
was lower. As he settled in, Granger noticed one bullet hole through her saloon and
another through his cabin. Evidently she had experienced some of the excitement of the
upper Yangtze.

Kan did not recover sufficiently to stay the winter. Once back at camp, he developed a
bad stomach and could hardly eat. He was also extremely lonesome--this was the first
time he had been away from home.

[S]o to keep him from dying on my hands I shipped him back,


instructing him to stop over at the hospital at Ichang if he did not
feel well enough to continue his journey. Haven't heard from him
yet; he started down on a Post boat from Wanxian. Steamers below
Wanxian are stopped now [165].

Season Coming to a Close

Wanhsien, Szc., China


January 27, 1922

Dear Father:-

Fossils have been coming in in good quantity recently and I shall


have a very decent collection when I leave here in late February.
Enclosed is a flower I just picked back of the temple. Had 33˚ one
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 144

morning at camp but mostly it's around 40˚ now. No sun and very
raw and damp [166].

Granger was now writing reports in anticipation of the season’s end. His fascinating
intricacies of daily work continued. He accompanied Liu and coolie one day to a pit from
which the bison skull had come. It was incomplete even though the pit seemed to hold
mostly the bison’s bones and nothing else. The pit, some 40 feet deep and widened out
greatly at the bottom, was now fully investigated. After pressing for information, because
Granger suspected information was being held back, they visited an old lady in her house
nearby. There they found material spread out in her bedroom partly under the bed, and
spent an hour or more rooting through it and found the missing fragments of the skull,
some other limb and foot bones and vertebrae. The skeleton was now nearly complete
and it would probably make a mount.

That morning, a man had brought a large live civit to camp just after Granger and Liu had
departed. No. 1 told the man to leave it until they returned in the afternoon; however, the
man, anxious to make a sale, started off after Granger and Liu with the 25-pound civit on
his back, climbing the 1,700 feet to the top of the hill and then overtaking them about a
mile down from the main trail intersection at the summit. Granger agreed to buy the civit
for $1.15 and the man then carried the civit all the way back down to camp again.

Back in camp the next day, Granger continued to balance fossil collecting with
taxidermy. As he completed a couple of birds and nursed a cold, he also tended to a small
child with a badly burned hand, a man with a swollen foot from a dog bite, a girl with a
sore finger and another girl with skin disease on her head. He loaned both his eye cups
out to men with sore eyes and the natives frequently come to him for dog bites. There, he
thought, should be one good physician to about every 100 Chinese. They reeked with
blood and eye troubles and hardly a child had clean skin on its face and head.

Granger soon had a regular run of medical patients. For people with swollen and festered
feet and legs, he used bread and milk poultice followed with iodine and a salve. He
realized he had made some fairly good cures and was now getting as many as ten patients
a day. His “clinic” had assumed such proportions that he had to tell Chow––to whom he
had delegated most of the dressing––that they could take no new patients. But they came
in day after day. Chow was very busy applying bread and milk poultices and salves and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 145

iodine. Several with poisoned feet and legs had been carried in chairs. A woman came in
before dusk one day bleeding profusely from a cut on top of her head after having an
argument with her husband. Two babies with burned hands were treated. Before this, the
natives either did nothing or applied an unknown black substance.

More and more time was spent in camp now. Ammunition for game-getting was running
out. Preparation of taxidermy specimens had to be finished and packed up with the
fossils. Reports were being written and correspondence caught up. In the meantime,
village customs new to Granger continued to fascinate him. “Inn-Keeper Tan killed a pig
this morning,” he wrote. “The Chinese have a novel way of dressing pigs. The pig was
laid out on its side on a long low stool. Then its jugular vein was cut and the pig held in
place until dead. The blood was caught in a receptacle. Then an incision was made just
above and in front of the hoof of a hind foot. An iron rod of five feet length and one half-
inch diameter was inserted in this opening and thrust forward clear to the shoulders,
between the skin and the flesh. Repeated thrusts of the rod in different directions
loosened up the skin from one side and on the belly. The rod was then withdrawn.

Placing his mouth to the opening, the butcher of this pig began to blow into it. The skin
soon showed signs of bloating and in the meantime another man with a short, stout stick
beat the body of the pig from hind legs to ears. After a couple of minutes the pig had
assumed fully twice its normal girth. A cord was then tied about the leg just above the
incision to prevent the escape of air and the pig was ready for the scalding and scraping.
The object of this bloating was, of course, to make it easier to scrape & clean the skin.
After finishing the blowing-up process the butcher wiped his mouth off on the belly of
the pig.

Thieves

Jan. 16, 1922––38˚-8 a.m. Cloudy, raw:


A representative of the general of militia at Lo-Pu-Tien over the
Hupei border called on us this evening with a lieutenant in uniform
and another man in "civilian" dress. A former concubine of a former
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 146

magistrate of Wanhsien, who lives near here is to be married to the


general tomorrow and an escort of soldiers is to come for her.

The lieutenant told us that he had recently executed three robbers at


Tso-Ma-Lin, 30 li southeast of here; part of a band that has been
doing petty work around this vicinity this fall.

Had planned to go to Shih-Pa-Tse tomorrow but do not like to leave


camp with soldiers about in numbers. Many of them are ex-robbers
and many have not dropped the "ex [167]."

A dozen or fifteen soldiers showed up the next morning. A few were to go on to Sin-K'ai-
T'ien to escort the concubine. The rest hung about the village all day and then quartered
there that night. Granger took some snaps of the soldiers and showed them his
collections. He thought they were the toughest-looking bunch of men he’d yet seen in
China. He noted that two of them had modern rifles. The rest were homemade affairs that
looked like rifles, but weren’t capable of shooting. The soldiers left the village at dawn
the next morning to escort the wedding procession up the hill.

Soon after, Granger heard that a drug merchant was robbed at the bridge at lower Yen-
Ching-Kuo at daybreak. Later, a carrying coolie was stabbed and robbed on a hill east of
the village at about noon. Later that afternoon, the lieutenant and a man in civilian clothes
returned to the camp and reported that the men with the two modern rifles were missing.
They asked Granger to keep an eye out and hold them if he saw them. Inn-keeper Tan's
family thought the lieutenant himself was implicated in the hill robbery. Wong prepared
for eventualities by fitting many clips with rifle cartridges and putting all guns handy.
Granger moved his cot into a room from the porch balcony because, if kept there, it was
“quite possible for anyone to fire directly on it.”

The next two days were spent worrying about the soldiers. Finally Wong, Chih and Liu,
all armed, went up the ridge and then to the south to inquire. The lieutenant and his
companions reportedly spent the night at a farm there, but they did not see the men or get
any definite information. Wong now also thought that the lieutenant and his companions
were implicated in robberies at the village. Wong, Chih and Liu then made a night trip to
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 147

a cave a mile south of the village to investigate a suspicious-looking man seen there the
evening before. They found two beggars camped there.

The community was now aroused. The leader of the gentry called for volunteers and at
about noon an assortment of some 50 men gathered in the Tan Hall armed with cheek
guns, swords, knives on long handles and ordinary sickles. They were told to report at
once any soldiers who had not provided proper identification. Wong and Granger took
photos of this extraordinary gathering. There was supposed to be one man representing
each family in the vicinity. They were dismissed after remarks by the head of the gentry.
By then, though, the danger had passed.

In the middle of February, Granger departed camp for a four-day reconnaissance trip to
the north. The trail down along the ridges was not paved and very rough and stony in
places. In the rain it was slippery, as well. People were wary as he encountered them.
Seemingly only a few had seen a foreigner before and “all are most curious about all my
belongings.” His electric pocket light was the chief attraction. He traveled along a
western contact trail between the "lung ku" ridge and “Red Beds Contact” he’d
encountered after he left the main trail. He was considerably higher in elevation now,
with a ridge rising up to even greater height above him. He was walking north to east and
passed many fine slopes of fairly good-sized trees -- pines and other conifers. They were,
he thought, the best forests he’d yet seen, although cutting was already occurring. The
logs were being worked up into boards and house timbers.

Since the slopes of the fossil ridge were very steep, he concluded that the mantle of
vegetation together with the steepness made this particular region improbable for fossil
collecting. It didn’t matter; he was very well pleased with his collection to date, having
picked up even more material on this trip. All of it came from one well down in the
valley not far from the “Red Beds Contact.” He crossed over the limestone ridge and saw
that the red beds broke off to the east into open country that stretched to the Hupei
border. The limestone ridge continued to parallel the Yangtze as the dominant
topographic feature. He viewed it running southward for at least 15 miles and it appeared
to increase in height above the Yangtze valley as it went south. From the summit of the
fossil ridge he saw a village directly west that he knew to be about ten miles away. He
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 148

then climbed the “red beds” ridge and from there looked down on extremely rough
country stretching off to the Hupei border where there arose a range with snow on the
higher levels.

Yvette tells me that she sent you a letter from a missionary who had
discovered a Stegodon tooth. Dr. Andersson was interested in it and
told her that the locality was not far from where you are. I hope you
will have a "look see" if you think it advisable. I believe she sent you
all the correspondence regarding it [168].

By mid-February, Granger had found a stegodon locality, as well as significant skulls of


monkey and rodent and numerous other fossils. He also had acquired a variety of
ornithological and zoological specimens. It was now time to make ready to leave
Yanjinggou. The next morning he spent packing fossils to take into Wanxian the
following day. That afternoon he strolled about to take some 5 x 7 photographs in the
vicinity of camp as well as along the "lung ku" trail up the hill. It was warming and a
cloudless day, the first since the previous fall that he felt comfortable working in shirt
sleeves. The air was fragrant with odor from the purple flowers of the straight stemmed
pea or bean planted everywhere. Many bees and other insects were about.

The next morning, he walked down to the river with Chow and 12 coolie loads of fossils.
As they headed down river, he noted that junks were now traveling in groups of eight or
more and under military escort. Trouble apparently was brewing. He returned to camp for
two or three days of repacking before bringing the remainder of his outfit into Wanxian
on the 23rd.

The final days at Yanjinggou were upon him. At a hilltop farm he passed by a puppet
show in progress. A high screen with an awning was rigged. Behind the front screen men
operated the large figures by a long stick and strings moving the hands and arms. Each
man spoke for his own puppet accompanied by brass instruments. Curtains were draped
across the center of the screen and the figures retired through these curtains to get "off
stage." When not in use, the dozen puppets were set in a row in the back. Some were
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 149

gowned in elegantly embroidered silk robes and stood about half the height of a normal-
sized human.

That evening at camp, a shadow show was given for his benefit on his headquarters
balcony. Flat figures cut out of cardboard were manipulated on a table in front of an oil
lamp and against a white cotton screen. A sort of comedy was acted out, though he
wasn’t sure of its meaning; he found it to be somewhat too long and monotonous, as had
been the puppet show. He went off to bed during intermission.

One of his pets, "Scroggus," a civit passed on to the other world that day and was now a
"specimen." The hair had worn off its tail and Granger found the skin was not worth
keeping. Earlier, he’d considered turning him loose, but doubted “if he could have made
a living at this time of year.”

On the final day, Granger and his men gave a feast for the people who had invited them
to feasts earlier. He hired Inn-Keeper Tan to arrange the details and hold it in the
ancestral hall. Then he began a final packing and settling of accounts. Rent for the Hall
was five months at $3.00 a month. Five members of the Tan family committee came to
collect the rent and were then entertained by Wong at tea. They seemed quite content and
asked whether a notice could be pasted on the outside of the Hall to the effect that
Granger had engaged the place for a term of years. This would make it easier, so they
said, to keep soldiers out of the place. Granger said he would think it over since it was
likely now that he or someone would be back for the next winter.

Granger also paid Inn-Keeper Tan $20.00 for the rent of four beds, seven tables, several
chairs, stools and cooking utensils borrowed by the cook. “Yen-Ching-Kuo is going to
miss us tomorrow!” he wrote. They departed for Wanxian the next morning in two large
sampans with the villagers sending them off in a celebration of fire crackers. Another 21
coolie loads were shipped later. Most were put directly aboard a junk already reserved in
Wanxian harbor. Wong and his men slept aboard the junk that night to guard it.

Granger and his men spent the next few days in Wanxian reorganizing collections and
equipment. There were 30 boxes of fossils, nine of skins, skeletons and alcohol
specimens, seven boxes of equipment and an assortment of duffel bags and bundles. The
boxes were placed in the junk's hold.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 150

On the night of the 25th, the crew came aboard to sleep on the foredeck. Granger and
Wong slept in mid-section cabin. The rest of the expedition men sleep in the aft cabin
except the expedition’s cook who both slept and cooked in a small cockpit at the
foredeck.

The junk had a crew of 16 including the skipper, a cook, and the coolie "boss" who
directed the rowing. It was equipped with two large side sweep oars operated by five to
six men each and a small bow sweep operated by one man.

The Junk

The word ‘junk’ as to waterborne craft dates back to the thirteenth century and referred to
‘the common type of sailing vessel in the China seas.’ Development of the flat-bottomed
river junk by early river settlers likely preceded that of the seagoing junk. The design of a
Yangtze River junk depended both on its use and on which section of the river it plied.
This was also true of sampans, which Granger often used as well. River junks and river
sampans were similar in design and function. The dividing line between them was width
and whether the craft could carry a water-buffalo crosswise thwart to thwart. If it could, it
was a junk.

The junk used by the Grangers to depart Wanhsien was known as an Upper Yangtze junk.
These varied greatly in design and size, but shared one common criterion: the capacity to
navigate and survive nearly impassable rapids, whirlpools, and shoals. Based on
photographs, Grangers’ junk appears to have been 60-70 feet long and of the ma-yang-tzu
design. It was propelled and controlled by rowers with sweeping oars and a steersman.
The bow sweep was at the bow. The port and starboard sweeps were midship. The
steersman (or men, depending on difficulty of navigation and handling) stood aft at a
long tiller in open deck space between cabins. This location was between the junk’s main
deck house and aft deck house.

Spare bamboo rope was coiled at the base of the flag pole positioned at the aft end of the
main deck house roof. Sheets of thatched roofing were slid from the middle to the ends of
the deck house roof to create an opening for air and light. The junk’s mast was unstepped
for downriver travel and raised to sail back upriver wherever and whenever it could.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 151

Otherwise, the junk was hauled by trackers using long lines to pull the boat upstream
[169].

Tracking

Trackers lived by and battled daily with the river, providing the muscle to drag 40-100
ton vessels along sctions of the 1,500 mile stretch from Shanghai to ChungKing that
included a series of treacherous gorges and a current of six to twelve knots or more.
Mostly men, they worked twelve hours a day, nine days at a time. There were two types
of trackers, permanent and seasonal. The permanent trackers were based in local villages
along the river usually formed the basic crews of many junks. The seasonal trackers hired
themselves out at temporary shantytowns, set up where their need was greatest along the
difficult gorge-strewn reaches of the Upper Yangtze above Ichang. The risk of storm, the
potential for sudden changes in the river's water level, the avarice of ship owners and the
charged, violent atmosphere to which this brutal lifestyle tended, introduced many
additional, unseen risks into what was already dangerous work.

Commonly, trackers used long ropes to drag craft upriver. Four-inch wide braided,
bamboo hawsers were attached to the boat's prow. As many as 400 trackers would hitch
themselves in a long series to these and, shoed in straw slippers, would listen for drum
signals to direct the progress of their haul. Along some stretches one-foot-wide “tracker
paths” had been carved into the cliff, thanks to a donation of a wealthy merchant. Since
these had to take into account the frequent change in water level, these tracks could be as
high as 300 feet above the river. Often however, trackers while heaving their load, had to
dexterously pick their way across various-sized boulders lying along the shoreline. If a
cliff stood in their way, the trackers boarded the craft and, by inserting hooked poles into
nooks in the rock face, inched the boat laboriously along the cliff. Many trackers
drowned in the raging torrents of the Yangtze. Many more suffered from work-induced
strains, hernias and other illnesses.

Descent of the river, though less onerous, was equally dangerous. Trackers then worked
mainly in the boat. The bow-sweep, used to direct the boat, demanded 15men, while each
of the oars ten. In descent, far less important than propelling the boat forward was
maintaining a safe position in the fast-flowing current. For this, at particularly dangerous
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 152

rapids, skilled captains were hired who specialized in negotiating particular sets of rapids
[170].

Leaving Wanxian

The British Customs officer at Wanxian gave Granger a small farewell dinner that night.
Granger said his goodbyes at midnight and boarded the junk. They left at daybreak,
joining with two other boats for company. One was a houseboat belonging to a captain of
a Standard Oil boat and two other river men. The other was a small junk carrying three
missionary ladies.

The American gunboat USS Monocacy escorted the fleet out of Wanxian harbor and
downriver 25 miles beyond Wanhsien. This stretch of the river was considered to be the
most dangerous. A number of junks loaded with soldiers also were going down river.
Granger was convinced they were not fired on or molested in any way due to the
company of soldiers and the presence of the American gunboat Monocacy. He noted his
great relief to be departing the area with his collection intact. It was approaching spring
and his first Yangtze Basin trip was nearly over. He hoped any other would be as
successful and relatively free of trouble.

Progress was slow because of heavy head winds. Upriver junks sailed against the current
with great ease under their own canvas. But rowing down river with the current was
difficult because of the headwinds. Granger found it ironic that this was the first windy
day he had experienced since coming to Sichuan Province. The group made only seven
miles before they all put in to shore for mooring. The junk masters did not wish to go on
in headwinds that were now making navigation dangerous. They moored beside the
Monocacy for protection and, at dark, two more large junks came in to moor next to
them. Wong pulled his gun on the last one ordering them move away a bit so as to not
block free exit back into the stream the next morning.

They left mooring at daybreak. The Monocacy came up from behind and passed by an
hour later. It went on down the river a bit and then turned up to hold in the current until
Granger and the others arrived. It then swung around downriver and steamed ahead,
passing out of sight around a bend about a mile beyond. This stretch of the river was the
headquarters of the worst band of robbers on the river. It was estimated to consist of more
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 153

than 100 robbers. Granger was glad to have the gunboat escort––there were no robbers in
sight that day.

They arrived at the Hsin Lung Tan (rapids) at 9:30 a.m. Granger and Wong disembarked,
as did the westerners from the houseboat, before his junk attempted negotiation. Chow,
Liu and the others chose to remain on board. With the river at its seasonally low level
now, the rapid was at its nastiest. Granger did not feel up to the challenge. The junk
edged back out and over into the main channel. As it shot the rapid, the junk’s bow sweep
snapped. Now nearly out of control, the junk still managed to make it over to shore. It
would have struck the rocks had it not caught on a rope stretched across a backwash at an
advantageous point. The houseboat also broke a sweep, its rudder, as it went through and
had a very narrow escape from disaster, milled around for a couple of minutes before it
finally came to rest against the rocks at the backwash. As a result, the missionary boat
chose not to take the center of the rapids but, instead, crossed the river and then shot
down alongside the south bank.

While he waited for repairs, Granger heard that a large junk had holes put in her a few
days ago while shooting these same rapids. Her cargo of grain had gotten wet. The grain,
corn and gaulian were now laid out on the rocks beside him to dry. A number of women
and children were stealing small quantities of it, even under the watchful eyes of the
guards. Granger watched as other boats shot the rapids. Four post boats went over
beautifully. A large junk, however, got caught in a midstream backwash, hanging there
about ten minutes before she caught the downstream current again. She got thorough
safely.

The group continued down river against the headwinds to moor at K’wei Fu for the night.
With late afternoon light still abundant, Granger decided to visit a salt works near the
river two miles below town.

This was a wintertime occupation. The whole plant would go underwater once the river
rose. A well sat on the bank. The surface of the water in it was only a few feet above river
level. Water was dipped from the well by a dozen or so men standing naked to their hips
in the water. The buckets were passed up to carriers who took them to the top of an
apparatus. There it was dumped into wooden troughs that ran to various evaporating vats
covering many acres of ground. The mix was collected in great tanks built into the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 154

ground and then dipped out at intervals into filters of cinder and sand after which it came
out clear. It was then put into the evaporating pans which were large iron affairs like the
ordinary Chinese cooking vessels with heat from a coal furnace under each pan. The salt
ran white as it came from the pans. Come spring, the well was then cemented over.

Mar. 1. A beautiful bright calm warm day:


K'wei Fu to Juan Tug Kou in Hupeh. Stopped by soldiers before
crossing the Hupeh-Szechuan border. Two came aboard and asked if
we were carrying rifles. Shotguns were lying out, but rifles had been
laid under blankets of cots. Wong offered our gun permit but the
leader said he did not care to see it and that he was not interested in
the shotguns. So they went off -- were courteous enough [171].

Granger’s downriver trip continued with a mix of pushing against headwinds, negotiating
difficult rapids and noting matters of interest. He had a “splendid chance to see the Wind
Box and Wushan Gorges and was inclined to consider the latter the more significant
because of the wonderful pale blue limestone cliffs --not sheer like the rocks in Wind
Box but rising up in beautiful pinnacles. In the meantime, Sichuan soldiers to the number
of several thousand were seen marching up river along the north bank as they passed by.
Throughout it seemed they had

added an extra coolie as our crew is now seventeen. This gives us an


extra man at the sweep. We are able to beat the houseboat now. They
started a race in one of the quiet stretches of the cañon but we rather
easily won out. My crew look a bit like a lot of ruffians but they can
row [172].

The crew cook was an extremely dirty old man, to Granger’s eyes, who cooked over a
little baked mud stove situated in a cockpit directly in front of the junk’s midsection
which Granger and Wong occupied. The cook used brick coal and did all the cooking in
one of the large steel bowls used by the Chinese everywhere. As with various fishing
apparatus, the spar-mooring and the fire basket, Granger sketched the device into his
diary. In windy weather, the cook used a piece of matting to shield the stove. Granger
concluded that it all seemed a rather effective set-up for the purpose.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 155

The expedition cook had his sheet iron camp stove in another cockpit forward of the
oarsman with one length of stove pipe just reaching deck level. There was room in the
space for his two boxes of utensils and he slept under the deck just aft his "kitchen."

Difficulty was never far away. March 2nd began as “a fine [sailing] day until late in the
afternoon when a strong wind sprang up and stopped us short.” And shortly after starting
up that morning they were stopped by a couple of rifle shots. A “very ugly and irate
soldier” then came aboard and started to beat Granger’s skipper. Granger had to intercede
while an officer stood silent on the beach just above him. The officer then said he was
stopping all boats to keep a surveillance of the traffic and that they would be officially
inspected at Pa Tung a short distance below. They were allowed to continue. But, just
before entering the next gorge, a gale suddenly broke out obliging them to moor hastily
on the north bank in a backwash. Both the gale and the backwash current forced them to
put out extra ropes to hold the boat fast during the night.

Getting through the next rapid, Hsin Tan, took three hours the next morning. To get the
junk through safely, it was decided to lighten its weight by unloading all cargo,
equipment -- 40 coolie loads worth -- and passengers. The coolies cost Granger an extra
10 coppers each. He actually paid more than that because he thought some of the loads of
fossils would be unusually heavy. One coolie hoisted a Stegodon skull which had
required three coolies to bring down from Yanjinggou to the river landing.

Coolies carried all loads in a deep basket slung on the back by means of two braided
straps passing over each shoulder. The coolie also carried a short, T-shaped stick on
which he could occasionally rest his load.

Many troop junks began gathering at Hsin Tan giving Granger a chance to watch them
navigate through. The boats entered close to the south bank--prow first, and then, 300
yards in, turned sharply toward the north bank to avoid rocks. Then he watched his own
junk go through. The skipper had taken on a Tan pilot, who then accidentally let the junk
spin around near the bottom of the rapids leaving little clearance as it passed by the last
set of rocks.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 156

Heavy head winds continued to retard their progress as they continued to Ichang. Twice
they had to put into shore and once had to use ‘trackers.’

On to Peking

Fellow CAE member, herpetologist Clifford Pope met up with Granger at Ching Ling on
March 10 to make the rest of the trip into Hankow. They arrived the next day and then
boarded a train for a three-day trip to Peking. Anna was at the station when they arrived
late in the afternoon of the 13th. The fossils and taxidermy specimens had been shipped
in a sealed railroad car, they arrived in Peking on March 17 and were taken to CAE
headquarters the following day. Granger’s 40 boxes of fossils proved interesting enough,
he concluded, to warrant spending another winter there. He and his men had also
collected 400 mammals, 300 birds, and an assortment of reptiles, fish, batrachians and
insects. Pope had collected 60 species of fish from Tung Ting Lake, as well as a porpoise
and a rare dolphin, plus 19 alligators from Wuhu. These latter were still alive in the
CAE’s laboratory and were of considerable importance because they were only species of
alligator found outside of North America.

As for returning to Yanjinggou, “Have written the Museum people,” Granger wrote his
father on April 16, “that I would like Olsen next winter... I shall probably go back to
Wanhsien next winter and would like Olsen to be along but can do without him if
necessary. Mr. Morris will probably be with me anyhow.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 157

READYING FOR MONGOLIA


1922

Late March-early April was a bleak time of year in northern China. The ground was bare
and the wind blew every day filling the air with dust––Gobi dust. The rains would not
arrive until late in June. Crops had to be started by irrigation, water drawn off wells in the
fields. Flowers were out on some trees such as peach and plum, but generally there were
few trees leafing and no grass growing yet.

When in Peking, Granger and Anna mantained a suite at the Wagons-Lits Hotel located
near the old Mongol-Ming wall that encircled the city and by one of the many gates that
had a watch tower above. The towers were all more or less out of repair. One could see
that grasses and weeds had taken hold in the broken tiles of the tower roof. Nevertheless,
it was a sight to behold, the structures having enough color always to be interesting in the
bright sunlight.

The city wall was a favorite place for promenading, especially towards evening when the
sky was invariably lovely. The section near the Wagons-Lits hotel was under the control
of the various western legations in Peking and was kept in repair and constantly patrolled.
Chinese were not allowed in this section. However beyond, the wall was in a state of
decay, overgrown with brush with the Chinese government taking no pains to keep it up.

According to Anna, the Peking Hotel was the Wagon-Lit’s direct competitor. Run by a
Frenchman and patronized by a more fashionable crowd than the Wagons-Lits, part of the
building was very new and modern. There was a roof garden on the top, and a breakfast
room for summer use. Both buildings faced the south, she noted, providing more breeze
to the rooms in summer. She’d heard, however, that the meals were no better at the
Peking Hotel than those served at the Wagons-Lits.

*
April 1, 1922
Peking, China
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 158

Dear Father:-
I expect to keep with Berkey and Morris most of the time because
my work is closely tied up with theirs. Our headquarters will be
Turyn, 100 miles south of Urga, and 75 camel loads of equipment
and supplies have started from Kalgan already. We leave Kalgan in
two trucks, two Dodge "delivery wagons" and one touring car.
Goodness knows what we will return with––perhaps the camels!
Colgate knows the cars though and is taking a supply of extra parts
and tires so that we can break most anything and still go on. Plans
are to work westward as far as the eastern spur of the Altai
Mountains. I may get fossils and may not––but I'm sure shooting to
get some experiences and will also get some good shooting. Larson
knows Mongolia better than any other white man and his help will
be invaluable.

Shackelford has just arrived and will take a series of films the
coming week. You may see them in the Fox pictures before the
summer is over. He uses the Akeley camera and took the pictures of
the race between "Man-of-War" and "Sir Barton" last year, also the
best pictures of the Dempsey-Carpentier fight,––so he says. Pope
will not go with us but will collect along the Yellow River in
southern Mongolia this summer and go to the southern provinces
again next winter. The Third Asiatic Expedition is now on the map
[173].

With preparations for the Mongolian trip under way, the party expected to leave around
April 17th. It would include: Andrews - zoology and leader; Granger - paleontology,
head of field science and second-in-command; Charles P. Berkey – geology; Frederick K.
Morris - assistant in geology; James B. Shackelford - motion pictures; Bayard S. Colgate
- motor transport. George Olsen had not yet arrived as hoped. Franz A. Larson would be
taken on as guide once the party reached Urga.

Apple trees and lilacs were in blossom now, but Granger expected snow up on the
Mongolian plateau. It was almost hot in Peking: spring seemed to have set in early. It was
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 159

different from a Vermont spring. No rain, no grass, no mud––nothing but hard, bare
ground as the wind blew.

Granger mailed his father a newspaper account of the forthcoming Mongolia expedition
along with a couple of photographs. Earlier mail sent to him in Sichuan, he noted, was
just now catching up with him in Peking. Letters he’d sent to Charles from Sichuan took
two months to reach the US once boat traffic slowed on the Yangtze. The movie man,
Shackelford, had been taking movie pictures at the expedition’s headquarters in Peking
for a week. These would be sent to the US and sold to the Fox people. Charles would
have a chance to see the Mongolian party on the screen that summer.

What was the Gambit?

As life on earth proceeded into the 1920s, the Gobi-Mongolias remained littered with
fossil remains of dinosaurs and mammals and of fossilized dinosaur eggs and nests yet to
be ‘discovered’ by science. Evidence of the origin of humans, it was believed, also lay
somewhere in this vast, scientifically unexamined expanse. To find it would be precious.
For thousands of years, legions of ordinary men, women and children had lived and
travelled in this region. Nomads, herders, warriors, traders, travellers, explorers
throughout the ages resided and crisscrossed the Mongolias and the Gobi Desert. Early
humans and their successors were really the first to ‘discover’ and utilize in their own
ways the ancient beasts and the eggs of the dinosaurs.

Scientific scrutiny followed, along with amateur native and missionary collectors. The
geologist Obruchev, followed by the geologist Andersson were now being followed by
two more geologists and Granger; he was well-versed in geology and now the first
vertebrate palentologist to enter the Gobi-Mongolias.

Advancing through bright, early morning sunlight, American-made motor vehicles filed
through the shadows of the north gate in the Great Wall at Kalgan and proceeded along
the well-established track that lay ahead. The ancient and busy road was a postal and
commercial caravan route west northwest to Urga in Inner Mongolia shared both by
camel and motorvehicle. Telegraph wires strung on posts stood sentinel along the route
also marked with water wells 50 or so miles apart helped guide and sustain the party the
entire way, as they had Prince Borghese.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 160

Granger obviously knew more about the fossil potential in Mongolia than he was letting
on to his father. He hadn’t arranged to travel there for an entire summer just to have some
interesting experiences, hunt big game and otherwise come back empty-handed. The
fossils were there as the early scientific literature, Obruchev, Mongolian and other
amateur collectors, and Andersson had already shown. Osborn’s theory was safe. The
only question for this westerner was to what extent and variety did the fossils exist, and
in what condition. And, would they find evidence of ‘ancient man.’ Charles, proud with a
tendency to make known all that he could about his son’s work, didn’t need a tip-off.
However, as to the public, the issue was different. This was to be a spectacle yet
unfolded. Publicity was critical––good publicity meant funding -- and there already had
been plenty of that.

The press had been primed since 1920, and the CAE had yet to set foot upon the
Mongolian plateau. Magazine and newspaper articles were now increasing the heralding.
Brand new motor vehicles had been shipped to Peking. Tons of supplies and new
equipment were being assembled to be sent out by camel caravan. An assortment of
weapons––sidearms, rifles, shotguns––was chosen. Scopes were tested [173a]. A
professional cinematographer was hired to replace Yvette to record this purported
gamble. He would take movies and stills which would be sold and shown to the world.
But, of course, they wouldn’t have value if there wasn’t much to show.

Andrews had confided as much to Osborn. On October 19, 1920, he wrote

“The primitive human story is the one which has the best news value, and the
papers will always write up that side of it, still our expedition cannot fail to obtain
paleontological material of great value, even though it does not happen to find
human remains . . . It seems to me that our publicity campaign has begun
auspiciously.”

The world had already seen photographs of the Mongolias and the Gobi with motor
vehicles flying across them. Even the future US president and Explorers Club member,
Herbet Hoover, had been out and about in Inner Mongolia for several months in 1899.
While in Urga, he was a guest of Franz A. Larson [174]. The TAE would need to more
than simpy replicate all that. Heightened publicity was now driving things and Granger
wouldn’t have wanted his father to “spill the beans.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 161

Now Charles was elderly––Ada was gone. Walter was a great source of pride and interest
to this proud man. There was no reason to complicate, compromise or diminish this
man’s pleasures and impressions. The CAE story was in the public domain and it would
be handled for maximum value. For public consumption, it was to be a tremendous first-
time scientific and exploratory feat of great magnitude and importance which Osborn and
his crew had been savoring for years.

On the other hand, when Granger named for his father the westerners who would make
the first Mongolia trip––he, Andrews, Berkey, Morris, Shackelford, Colgate and
Larson––it was quite clear that the party represented only three scientific discliplines:
geology, paleontology and zoology. Odd as well was Granger’s note regarding Larson;
that he was “Guide until July 1st.”

Cut #7

Why would Larson only guide them only until July 1st, just midway through their
projected season? Where would they be at that point? How would they come back? Or,
would they have another guide? Who? Why not hire a guide for the entire season? Was
Larson guiding them somewhere that, when once reached, he would no longer be
needed?

The 1922 CAE departed Peking for Kalgan on April 18 at 11 a.m. aboard a special
railroad car provided by an administrator of the Chinese railroad system, a Mr. Liu.
Aboard were Granger and Anna, Shackelford and his wife, Black and his wife, Berkey
and Morris. Andrews and Colgate, along with a Frenchman named Persender, had gone
up the day before aboard railroad cars carrying the expedition’s motor vehicles and
equipment. The vehicles were two Dodge cars and two “dogwagons” supplied by Dodge
Brothers Motor Corporation of Detroit, Michigan, and a Fulton truck supplied by the
Fulton Motor Corporation of Farmingdale, Long Island, New York.

Yvette, who was to go with the expedition as far as Urga and then return, remained in
Peking until she could accomplish an errand; Andrews’s and Granger’s passports had not
been returned to the American Consulate by the Chinese foreign office. She hoped to
bring them with her the next day. Yvette planned to take color photographs of the locals
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 162

in Urga and then return in the company of Dr. Black. Son George would remain in the
care of his nanny in Peking. The rest of the wives rented a vehicle in Kalgan, went out
through the Great Wall in company with the motorcade as it set off for Mongolia and
travelled about 40 miles to see their men off at the top of the pass that led to the
Mongolian plateau.

But matters were not going well between Yvette and Andrews, though he apparently
hoped her trip to Urga with the expedition would mitigate her obvious demotion.
Andrews would later write that wives were a distraction to expedition work and should
not be included. This was despite the fact that Yvette had accompanied him on the First
and Second Asiatic expeditions which led to their mutual fame and joint publications.
Her photography had been an integral part of and significant contribution to those
expeditions. Whatever buffoonery had occurred, such as Andrews nearly shooting Yvette
and Edmund Heller, was attributable solely to Andrews. Even though these were luxury
expeditions, she had proved herself in the field as a fit companion and equal professional
partner.

That Yvette was no small player in the first two Asiatic Zoological expeditions was
acknowledged by Andrews himself. In his 1920 report to F. A. Lucas, Andrews wrote:

Photographs:
As on the first Asiatic Expedition to Yunnan, my wife, Yvette
Borup Andrews, volunteered as the photographer. The photographic
results comprise about five hundred negatives and three thousand
feet of motion picture film, giving a very complete record of the
customs of the Mongolians and their life and costumes. A series of
photographs showing selected types of Mongols is especially
interesting [174a].

But now not only had Andrews eliminated her from the upcoming Third Asiatic
Expedition, taking the spotlight entirely for himself, he unilaterally funneled his former
expedition partner and future expedition planner into fulltime domesticity and child-
raising [174b]. Even the much more timid, reserved, and childless, Anna remained free to
join Walter on his next three Yangtze basin expeditions. And Ethlyn Nelson was
available to accompany her husband, CAE archaeologist Nels C. Nelson, into the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 163

Yangtze basin as well. None of this sat well with Yvette. The glory was in the field, not
at home in Peking. Her husband had cut her out. Perhaps knowing all too well what he
was all about, she would take revenge.

On the Road

Time noted on this trip is that of the 120th Meridian.

MONGOLIA-1922. Reached Kalgan after pleasant trip at 7:30. Shack &


wife and Anna and I quartered at "Pioneer Inn." Andrews with Coltman
and others at B.A.T. (British American Tobacco). Mrs. Andrews came
up on evening train with our passports. Expected to start but Andrews
telephoned about 9 o'clock that the Chinese pass to let us out of town
had not been delivered and we would be delayed [175].

In a letter to his father that night, Walter wrote that it would be his last from China until
that October if all went well. The party was ready at 5:30 a.m. on April 21st and hoped to
be up on the Mongolian plateau by nightfall. Once there, Granger assured his father, he
would have an opportunity to send mail out for the next month or so because they would
be camped for a time on the auto road near Tuerin, south of Urga. They could send letters
along with travelers heading east. There might also be occasions, as the summer
progressed, to send mail by passing caravan, visitors to camp, or an expedition member
returning to Urga. On the other hand, he saw no chance of receiving mail on any regular
basis that summer. So, he wrote his father, “you need not write more than say once a
month unless you wish to. Things will accumulate in Peking and be sent on if there is
opportunity to do so.”

Granger assured Charles that matters seemed quiet in Urga now. After the Russian
Revolution in 1917, Mongolian Bolshevik sympathizers, called Buriats, began infiltrating
northern Mongolia and Urga hoping to disrupt and lessen the governing powers of the
Mongolian princes in and around the Urgan district. Part of their political destabilization
campaign was to spread general terror among the Mongolian people. Only the year
before, there had been a massacre by mercenaries working for the Buriats.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 164

But Granger did not anticipate trouble that summer though Mongolia was a wild place,
and the expedition needed to be ready for any emergency. Granger confided that he
“would be thinking of the home place and the fine garden a good many times this
summer. I always have a vision of the hills back of Rutland with me constantly.” His
father, he suggested, should be thinking of him as living in a Mongol tent on the
boundless prairie, hunting antelope and fossils, “if there are any,” and generally having a
novel experience. The country was wonderfully healthy he thought and he expected to
come back in fine shape. He had not had a sick day since the previous July when he had
first arrived in China and had a little stomach upset.

With the party idled all day on April 20th, Andrews resolved to start the next day with or
without a pass. The Chinese pass for the CAE motorcade, if granted, would give it tax-
free exit from Kalgan. A tax of $50.00 would otherwise be levied on each car entering or
leaving Kalgan. The Chinese had soldiers stationed at both gates of the walled town to
enforce collection. The money was to be used to improve the two main roads from
Kalgan to the gap [pass]. [Expand per ‘Conquest’.] But both roads were said now to be in
the worst condition ever. It seems that the tax money now lined the pockets of tax
officials.

They planned to travel as lightly as possible in the vehicles until the plateau was reached
and the road improved. Much of the CAE’s equipment, tires, gasoline and food was
already up on the plateau, sent by ox cart in advance. The contingent was off at 6:30 a.m.
on the 21st, although their pass had not been delivered. Men and cars were held at the
barrier until, finally, the pass arrived by Chinese special messenger.

The expedition was not traveling alone. Andrews’s 1919 big-game hunting colleague
Charles Coltman, a businessman based in Kalgan and Urga, joined the motorcade with
his own car. Coltman ran the Mongolian Trading Company, a general import and export
firm, and served as agent for several other business interests. He was a bit of a swaggerer
and also playful. He had assigned the nicknames “Gobi” and “Gobina” to his old friends
Roy and Yvette Andrews during their visit in 1919. Coltman’s parents lived and worked
in Peking. His father, Dr. Coltman, had been of assistance to Granger’s first Sichuan trip
in 1921 by providing contacts and letters of introduction. Later that year, Charles
Coltman was killed by a Chinese guard when asked to submit his car to inspection at the
same Kalgan gate. He refused leading to a confrontation in which he was shot dead.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 165

A ramshackle Ford automobile was engaged to take Anna, Mrs. Black and Mrs.
Shackelford to the top of the pass and back. The round trip cost $60.00 in a rickety
machine without a dashboard. Electrical wiring and gauges were left exposed. However,
Granger decided to ride in that Ford with Anna, while Mrs. Shackelford and Mrs. Black
rode in an Expedition vehicle with their husbands. The column took the west route to the
plateau. It was an extremely dusty and stormy journey, but the cars arrived safely at the
top of the pass at about noon, having stopped for a light lunch on the way. The Ford
continued for another ten miles, good-byes were said, and in it the wives started back.

The motorcade proceeded not much further to a point where tires, gas, tents and other
necessities had been cached. They were loaded on along with the native men who had
been posted there to keep guard. The party then advanced to an iron bridge 50 miles north
of Kalgan.

Though it had been sprinkling for an hour or more, Andrews decided to push on to Joel
Eriksson’s Swedish mission at Hallong Ossu after consulting with Coltman. With a little
night driving, they could reach their destination. However, it began to rain harder shortly
after nightfall and conditions deteriorated quickly. Soon enough Coltman’s car was
caught mired in a boggy place in the road. Hoping to avoid the same fate, the drivers of
the dog-wagons swung wide around his car, but they became mired as well. Two long,
arduous hours were spent trying to free Coltman’s car. Digging and pushing and then
trying to pull it with three small steers hired from a Mongol village nearby accomplished
nothing.

Finally success came with the use of a block and tackle fastened to a long iron bar driven
deep into the middle of the road in hard ground some 50 feet ahead of the car. By the
time all vehicles were winched out of the mud and camp made just off to the side of the
road, it was 1:00 a.m. The effort was so exhausting that all hands turned in without
supper. But, concerned that Mongols from the village nearby might attempt to steal some
of the equipment hastily strewn about the camp that night, Black, Shackelford, Morris
and Granger kept watch from 1:30 a.m. on. Granger took the 5:00 to 7:00 a.m. shift.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 166

Of the ten westerners constituting the 1922 CAE-Mongolia party, only one, Walter
Granger, was a full-time, salaried staff member of the American Museum of Natural
History. Charles P. Berkey was a professor at Columbia University, the American
Museum’s sister institution. He was a geologist with a Ph.D. from the University of
Minnesota where he taught before transferring to Columbia in 1903. His skill and passion
lay in fieldwork, mainly surveying geological formations and advising engineering firms
for commercial purposes. He is credited with transforming the field of geology from pure
science to applied science.

Assistant geologist Frederick K. Morris was a visiting professor at Pei Yang University in
Tientsin, China. He became a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Morris was a rather whimsical and brainy fellow with excellent drawing skills, noted
Granger.

James B. Shackelford was a movie man from Hollywood. Bayard S. Colgate was an auto
mechanic. Davidson Black, a Canadian anatomist and professor at Peking, was not
officially a member of the CAE. He planned to return to Peking with Yvette after only a
few days in Urga.

Andrews’s choice of Persender (first name unknown) was a curious, last-minute addition
to the Mongolia party. Persender was apparently an entrepreneur seeking his fortune in
China. One of his schemes was to sell nitroglycerine to Chinese farmers for blasting apart
the hard packed soil in Mongolia where they’d been extending their farms.

Finally, Roy Andrews was in his third Asian expedition contract with the American
Museum. It granted him the title of curator at the museum, as well as exclusive rights to
the CAE story.

Cut #AA [Persender]

Cut #A [Larson]
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 167

April 22nd, the second day out from Kalgan, was fine, clear and warm and quite a
contrast to the freezing wet night before. The morning was spent drying out and
rearranging loads. The cars then set off. Tabool was reached by lunchtime. Granger
hoped to visit Andersson’s old Pliocene locality at Ertemte nearby. But Andrews thought
time was of the essence and they should move on to Urga. Granger did not press the point
since the Ertemte site could be visited another time [and because its discovery had
already been made]. That afternoon, Coltman shot a buck antelope and a bustard (large
terrestrial bird) for supper. Soup was made from some of the antelope at a camp site set
well away from any Mongol settlements. That day’s run was 63 miles.

The third day also dawned clear and warm. The party travelled another 41 miles to Pang-
kiang and then camped near the telegraph station. The Pang-kiang station was little more
than a mud-made structure housing a telegraph and operator. A few yurts stood nearby.

Granger, Berkey, Morris and Black went off to the southeast to look over some promising
red exposures that looked Tertiary. But they found nothing. Granger later sent off a
telegram to Anna and then wrote her a letter. Andrews set out animal traps for the night.

On the 4th Day, a Fossiliferous Scene!

[Begin interplay with ‘Conquest?’]

The men drove 98 miles to Iren Dabasu the next morning. It was a telegraph station just
south of Erhlien. After arriving with an hour of daylight to spare, Granger went off to
prospect. Almost immediately, he found fragmentary mammal fossils in a yellowish
gravel bank five miles to the south of camp. He identified them as rhinoceros. Early the
next morning, Berkey found a distal end of a femur in Cretaceous beds near the tents. To
Granger it looked “much like dinosaur.” Not long after, Granger “found a portion of a
humerus and other members of the party found other frag't'y bones––all apparently
reptilian and probably dinosaurian.”

The collecting continued and Shackelford began filming. A trove of fossils––mammals


and dinosaurs, some apparently new to science––had just been found (only three days out
of Kalgan!) as had been found by Andersson and others in the years before.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 168

Granger, Berkey, and Morris decided to remain at that locality for a few days while
Andrews, Yvette, Black and Colgate proceeded to Urga to obtain passes for exploring
Outer Mongolia. Persender, 'Buckshot', the No. 2 car chauffeur, a cook, Kang, and
Mushka, the expedition’s pet dog, remained with Granger’s group along with ten day’s
worth of provisions.

Granger spent the entire next day in the Cretaceous beds with Berkey and Morris. More
bones were found and Granger was now certain the dinosaurs were of Cretaceous Age.
He sent another telegram to Anna from Iren Dabasu, another place with the usual small
group of mud houses for the telegraph office and quarters for the operator. In addition
there were seven yurts owned by Chinese who did a “hotel business” with the Chinese
travelers along the road. They furnished tea and sleeping quarters.

The following day, apparently on a tip, Granger ventured with Berkey and Morris 23
miles south on a north-south connector road to an imposing red bluff. To Granger, it
looked to be either Eocene or Oligocene. Mammal teeth were found in some abundance
in stratem near the top. They were mostly of a small lophiodont and a large perissodactyl,
like a titanotherium. The party also found an upper jaw of a lophiodont. A Chinese
traveler, a fur trader returning from the north, then joined the hunt and found an apparent
lower lophiodont jaw. At the end of the day, the CAE men bade farwell to the fur trader
and returned north to their camp at Iren Dabasu.

The fossil hunt continued on April 28th. Berkey, now ill with a cold, found an enormous
calcaneum (heel bone) in yellow gravels south of camp. Granger realized it was not
proboscidean and could only place it as a Baluchitherium, the largest land mammal ever
to exist. It apparently stood fourteen feet high at the shoulder and its skull measured five
feet long. Other fragments brought in by Berkey seemed to fit the beast and no other
known creature. For a time thereafter, this Mongolian species was called Baluchitherium
grangeri, the name Osborn gave it in honor of Walter Granger. Taxonomically,
Baluchitherium was later subsumed into Indricotherium until 1989 when it was
demonstrated that both names were junior synonyms of Paraceratherium transourlicum,
now the proper name.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 169

Morris commenced a plane table contour map of the basin. Names were assigned to the
three stratigraphic beds or horizons observed there They were the Irdin Manha Beds
(Eocene or Oligocene), the Houldjin Gravels (“Miocene?”, Granger wondered) and the
Iren Dabasu Beds (Cretaceous). The team also prepared a note for the international
journal Science announcing their discoveries.

Even if the rest of the world had yet to learn of it, the CAE had made its mark. Not even
Andrews knew. The titanothere fossils substantiated Osborn’s migration theory.
Significantly, the gigantic Baluchitherim was now in their collection. There were
dinosaurs as well. What they hoped for now was an hominid skull––and dinosaur eggs. A
fossilized dinosaur egg was not an idle dream. It was long suspected that some dinosaurs
reproduced by egg. Granger had speculated on this with paleontologist William Harlow
Reed at Sheep’s Creek, Wyoming, in 1899.

But finding them would be tricky. The delicate eggs and smaller bones were not as
preservable as larger bones. Nor had nesting sites been found. Some years before, in
1877, the French announced their belief that an eggshell fragment found in the Alps in
1859 was dinosaur. But it was an isolated find, unassociated with anything else that could
confirm it as dinosaur, so it was not accepted by science as conclusive. When Andersson
began reporting on fossilized eggs found in China and Mongolia, they were assumed to
be ostrich or other non-dinosaurian, though tantalizing nevertheless. Granger hoped to
make a find that would settle the matter.

While Berkey remained sick in bed on the morning of the 29th, Granger, Morris and
Persender drove over to a temple they had spotted three miles away. It was a small, now-
deserted lamasary which Chinese soldiers had attacked a year earlier killing some of the
lamas and driving out the rest. All that remained were a few small statues, placed as if
standing guard. Nearly everything of value had been taken away.

Of interest to Granger, however, was a box of cloths painted with religious images
[symbols]. These, he decided, would be of value to science. They had collected so many
fossils in the first days of the expedition that he was “desperately short of wrapping
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 170

material.” He took a bundle of the painted cloths along a quantity of Tibetan paper prayer
slips he found in an abandoned prayer wheel.

The CAE’s expedition camp and close by fossil localities were plainly visible to passers-
by, the caravanners and auto travelers plying between Kalgan and Urga. An auto traveller
named Brandhauer, bound north from Kalgan and friend of Coltman’s, according to
Granger, arrived at camp late in the day knowing he could spend the night, such was the
CAE hospitality.

On April 30, Granger returned with Berkey and Morris to the yellow gravels. More
Baluchitherium fragments were found, but the fossils were quite broken up. Even the
massive end of one femur was cracked in two. Fragments of a large rhinoceros-like tooth
were found that might also have been Baluchitherium, but the site’s yield in general was
fairly useless.

The scientists then moved back to the Cretaceous beds where they discovered several
varieties of dinosaurs: a smallish carnivorous, a small trachiodont-like beast and
numerous small bipedals with compressed front claws, like Ornithomimus, noted
Granger. The next day they returned to the red bluff and worked mostly to the west of the
caravan trail where they were finding many teeth and jaw fragments. Just before leaving,
Berkey found a jaw of a large titanothere-like beast. There was not enough time left to
collect it, but Granger sensed that this bluff of red clay that extended for many miles
offered splendid possibilities for future work.

In the meantime, all agreed that the drinking water at a well between camp and the
telegraph station at Iren Dabasu was decidedly bad. Granger joked that the well was ”dug
evidently in the Cretaceous.” The party decided to test another well they had heard about
that was located half a mile southeast of camp and somewhat off the trail. It was located
in a sand wash that acted as a filter and the water was deemed excellent.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 171

As for water, future CAE field crew member Bill Thomson later noted to a friend that
“Mongolia had no drainage to the sea. All seems to drain to the center and disappears.
Consequently, plenty of water may be had by digging from 5 to 20 feet in depth where
there is a good supply of very good water. The Mongols do not dig new wells -- they still
use wells that have been used for at least a thousand years. There is very little running
water... I saw 2 or 3 small running streams where sheep and other stock could help
themselves, yet they were watered by hand from a well at the stream’s edge [176].”

The stream of visitors continued. A Dr. Essen of the Swedish Legation passed through
bringing a letter to Walter from Anna. American consul [?Jacob] Sokobin and a Mr. Ross
passed through as well. Meanwhile, Kang was having great success with his trapping,
averaging ten specimens a day. The sand dunes between the camp and a lake nearby
offered the best locations. Every morning, at about an hour after sunrise, Granger noted,
sand grouse flew over camp toward that lake. An hour or so later they all flew back again
into the upland. Had he had his shotgun with him, he mused, by simply positioning
himself at his tent flap, he could have bagged all the dinners they wished.

Whenever he visited the telegraph station at Iren Dabasu, Granger noted, the telegraph
operator and his two or three companions were busy smoking opium. He had wished to
get news about matters in China from them, but any discussion always seemed hopeless.
He surmised that it must be an awful place for them to live year around. Fresh food
seemed to be scarce. Very few antelope were to be seen. (Persender had shot at some but
missed.) A fox or two had been seen, along with a wolf or two. A dead Mongol lay on the
ground a little off the trail just ten miles down the road on the way to the red bluffs.
Things seemed lifeless in general. It was time to pack specimens and move on.

They were to start across the Gobi for Tuerin on May 7th. Whatever discoveries
remained uncollected at this present location, Granger recorded, would be covered with
sediment, marked with an “obo” and retrieved later. (Since an “obo” is a shrine, Granger
probably meant “cairn.”)
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 172

It was a task to squeeze eight men and all equipment and fossils into the two dog-wagons
along with Mushka the next day. But with plenty of rope to bundle and hang items from
the vehicles, the party managed to leave with everything. They arrived at Ude just across
the border in Outer Mongolia early in the afternoon. A Russian-backed Buriat was now in
charge of the checkpoint in Ude. His office (“yamen”) was in a yurt shared by an aged
and ill Mongolian prince suffering from consumption.

Until the arrival of the Siberian-based, Russian-backed Buriats, it was this Mongolian
prince who had ruled the region. But the influx of Russian revolutionist influence in that
region had reduced him to a politcally ineffective figurehead.

An auto tax of $3.00 was paid for each expedition car and another $1.00 paid for each
foreigner. Since the final tally came to $9.00, $6.00 on the two trucks and another $3.00
on personnel, the tax apparently applied only to the three scientists, but not to the natives
or Persender, a local from Kalgan who apparently traveled regularly.

At sunset, the party made camp by a well and settled in for the night. Snow fell at
daybreak and continued until noon. Two or three inches accumulated and the men found
time for a snowball fight before heading off that afternoon. The travelling was fair going
despite passing through a heavy snow squall just before reaching their next stopover.
They camped that night by a Jurassic outcrop on the west side of the trail that proved to
be extremely interesting to the geologists. They did not return to camp until after dark.

Every few miles along the drive to Tuerin the next day, the men encountered grim
evidences of the retreat by Chinese soldiers from an onslaught by pro-Russian
mercenariea the year before. Bundles of clothing with human bones sticking out of them
sat along the road. Most of the skulls were missing. Granger, finding only one, surmised
that the Canadian anatomist Dr. Black had stopped to collect many of then while on the
way up to Urga with the Andrews party.

While on the way to Andrews’s Tuerin base camp, Granger and his group were stopped
by a Chinese-driven auto heading south from Urga to Kalgan and handed a bundle of
letters addressed to Colgate. Andrews, who was still quartered in Urga with Shackelford,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 173

had received the mail there and apparently decided that the items for Colgate, who was at
the Tuerin base camp, would get to him faster via Granger.

Granger and his group reached the base camp at Tuerin on the 10th. Colgate was there to
greet him along with the Chinese and Mongol assistants. The campsite was located up a
draw a half mile west of the telegraph station in a beautiful setting with a granite
mountain as a backdrop. A lamasary sat on the west side of the mountain. Merin’s camel
caravan had already departed that morning and headed for a new rendezvous point south
of Urga. Colgate confirmed that Andrews and Shackelford were still in Urga.

Not long after Granger’s arrival, Brandhauer drove in to the Tuerin camp with Black,
Yvette, a Mrs. Hansen, Dr. Essen, the Swedish consul at Urga, and Oscar Mamen of
Tientsin, a friend of Andrews. Not far behind Brandhauer was Larson in his Chandler
automobile. Both confirmed that a car driven by a German had had a serious accident 20
miles west of Tuerin. Injured were a Mongol guide headed for base camp and a Chinese
passenger on his way to Kalgan. The other occupants of the car, along with the injured,
were now recuperating in a tent that had been pitched near the wreck.

May 11, 1922. 30˚ - 8 a.m. Cool north wind––clear:


Colgate, Dr. Essen and Brandaur [Brandhauer] with touring Chandler
and dog-wagon up early and out to the wreck. Found Chinese, whose
leg had been broken, nearly dead. Brought him back in dog-wagon and
he died just before reaching the station here. Mongol, who was coming
here to guide us to the rendezvous, has a broken clavicle. Chinese at
station would not allow body to be left there and so Brandaur
[Brandhauer] & Dr. Black took the body out on the prairie some 10
miles or so and buried it. Other Chinese passengers left at station to be
picked up later. Wrecked car, which had broken wheel, was repaired by
the loan of a wheel from our equipment and returned to Urga for
permanent repairs before starting out again for Kalgan. Mongol has
been bandaged up with one of my shirts and seems to be all right. He
will go on with us tomorrow to the appointed place.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 174

Brandaur's [Brandhauer’s] party much bewildered last night upon


arrival. Wrecked car was behind and traveling fast when wheel
collapsed and car turned over on side. Dead man already had one leg
broken and was going to China to have it fixed up!

Spent day writing, climbing granite mountain and in showing Dr. Black
my Iren Dabasu material. Black says he got two or three Chinese
soldiers’ skulls on way up. Told him of the one I saw which was off the
track slightly [179].

Waiting

On May 12th, Granger and his party broke base camp at Tuerin and drove west all day
covering 118 miles over mostly fine, grass-covered plain. They were traveling in four
vehicles now. Andrews was still in Urga with his touring car. Camp was made that night
in rough hilly country which Granger and his group reached at sunset. It was about 35 or
40 miles south of Urga. The Arctic divide was a mile or two to the north. Marmots and
timber were seen for the first time since the party had entered Mongolia. Larch trees grew
on the north slopes they had passed just off the main trail to their new campsite.

On the 13th, the men drove another 45 miles and camped on the Bokuk Gol, a tributary
of the Tola River. Urga was about 18 miles to the north and a little east. Granger noted
that there were several yurts nearby, along with a few log structures, a diminutive temple
and an arch of stone called a "journey shrine."

The Bokuk Gol was a small stream fed principally by ice sheets melting in the side
valleys. Granger observed that an ice field lay beneath the surface soil near camp. The
stream ran along beside it, eroding into it at some places which undermined the surface
soil. The ice was several feet thick and appeared to have been there for several years,
according to Granger. Apparently it melted only slightly each summer.

The next day brought a west gale and snow. The taxidermists set traps, but this locality
proved not good for trapping. So Granger eventually shot “a ruddy sheldrake and some
other birds to keep the taxidermists busy.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 175

Colgate had taked the injured Mongol guide back to the edge of Urga on the 15th and let
him walk the rest of the way in. Colgate had dared drive no further into since a messenge
from Andrews reported that he “was having all sorts of trouble getting permission for the
outfit to proceed.” The Bolshevik government apparently was putting as many obstacles
in his way as possible. The Soviet-backed Urgan government was suspicious of the
American purpose, wary that they were there for political or commercial purposes as well
as scientific.

Andrews reported that Larson and a Mr. Badmajapoff, an adviser to the Urgan Minister
of Justice, were now trying to provide assistance. Ultimately it was agreed that
Badmajapoff would join the party as a guest. Badmajapoff was Tsokto Badmajapoff, also
spelled Jzokto Badmazhapov, or Badmajhapov, an archaeologist who, in 1907, found the
lost city of Khara-Khoto, The Black City, for which famed Central Asian explorer Pyotr
Kozlov had been searching for so many years. Therefore, not only did Badmajapoff, like
Larson, have off-road exploration experience in the Gobi-Mongolia, he also had a history
of scientific discovery. His colleague Kozlov did too. He was back driving around the
Gobi-Mongolia in a Buick automobile in 1923.

But until formal permission to proceed was received from the Urgan government,
Andrews urged that under no circumstance should any expedition member go into Urga.
Unbeknownst to the remainder of the party, Andrews also was having an expedition
personnel issue of his own making which would come to light soon enough. So the men
waited. Granger sent letters back by messenger for Andrews to forward on to Peking and
the State for Anna, Charles and Osborn.

In camp the next day, the temperature ranged from 33˚ in the morning to 38˚ in the early
afternoon. It was May 16th. A light snow that had developed in the forenoon worked up
to a gale that blew out of the west all day long. It was the most bitter day Granger had yet
experienced. All hands remained in camp until the afternoon “when we got tired of
freezing and geologists and I went into the hills. Difficult to stand up against the wind on
a ridge.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 176

Granger had never driven an automobile and to help ease his boredom that day he began
learning with Colgate as the instructor. There was “plenty of fine smooth going
hereabouts for the purpose.”

In the meantime, the party did their best to try to keep warm by an argul fire in a metal
firebox set out in the front of the mess tent. Argul was dried camel dung and commonly
used in that region to fuel fires. The smoke was bad “and the fire was not effective,”
Granger observed. The strong wind continued into the night, as did the cold.

The next morning Granger awoke at 6 a.m. to record 17˚, the coldest registered
temperature on the trip so far. He decided to take one of the dog-wagons with Colgate
and the geologists to some promising outcrops they had seen near the Tola River south of
Urga. After examining the rocks, they decided to drive on in toward Urga on the main
river road. Why they decided this is not known, but one may surmise that Granger felt the
wait had gone on long enough.

Still four miles short of town, they encountered a Ford motorcar. It was driven by K. P.
Albertson of Urga who was in charge of the Chinese portion of the Kalgan to Urga
telegraph line and with him were Larson and Badmajapoff. They reported that Andrews
and Shackelford were stuck at the edge of town after having trouble with the touring car.
Granger and Colgate found them and Colgate repaired the car. All returned to camp
where Andrews related his trouble in getting passports in Urga. The Bolshevik
government, he charged, had put all sorts of obstacles in his way. Only with the help of
Larson and Badmajapoff was he finally able to obtain permission for the CAE to press on
into Mongolia.

The Persender Affair

But Andrews also had a new chauffeur, as Granger had noticed when he and Colgate
found him stuck in Urga. ‘Löh,’ Granger recorded, was a Chinese man who had been
employed by Albertson. He replaced Persender who was being discharged from the
expedition as a personna non grata to the Urgan government. But not only was this the
case, the Urgans want the Frenchman turned over to them. Furthermore, it was
discovered that Persender had brought bottles of nitroglycerine with him after all. He had
them wrapped in a blanket. Andrews later claimed he had allowed Persender to join the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 177

expedition because he thought could be of good use as a driver and guide, but had told
Persender not to bring any nitroglycerine along.

Why Andrews thought he needed another guide is not clear. The expedition had room for
Persender, of course, because Granger’s field assistant George Olsen was unable to make
the trip as originally planned. But with Larson awaiting in Urga and no guide needed for
the Kalgan to Urga leg since Coltman was along and the Andrews had traveled that route
at least twice in 1919, the decision makes no sense.

As for the nitroglycerine, the Bolsheviks were already suspicious that the CAE was
surreptitiously in search of gold or other valuable metals. Blasting material would aid in
finding those resources. While there is no proof that Andrews and Persender were
contemplating doing this, any other explanation is hard to find. Blasting ground for
agricultural purposes makes no sense since they were well beyond any farming areas
when the illicit bottles nitroglycerin were discovered.

Regardless, the Bolsheviks insisted not only that Persender go no further, they also forced
Andrews to agree to attaching a "student geologist" as their representative. The “said
geologist," as Granger put it, was still in Siberia just north of Urga. But as soon as he
returned, he would mount up and catch up with the motorcade by horseback.

Andrews concluded that Persender’s general lack of qualifications for whatever work he
had in mind made it desirable that he leave the party, since the matter obviously had
threatened the future of the expedition. Persender departed with Albertson the next
morning, taking his nitroglycerine bottles wrapped in a blanket. He was afraid the
Bolsheviks would kill him, Granger wrote, adding that “Andrews much surprised that
Persender had the poison as he promised him in Peking that he would take none along.”

Onward

The entire CAE contingent departed the next morning for Tsetsenwan to the southwest
where they would stay until the camel caravan met up with them. Several hours were
spent loading provisions and supplies that were to last until this next rendezvous.
Granger, Berkey and Morris repacked their collections into empty metal gasoline
containers and left them for reloading on camels.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 178

A Mongol soldier was to escort the camel caravan when it set off. Even without the threat
of robbery and gunfire, conditions were not easy for the camels even at this early stage.
Three were already played out because of overloading and a short supply of feed. They
were sent back to rejoin a herd in Urga belonging to the Anderson and Meyer Company
where they would feed up for the summer. That left the expedition with seventy-one
camels.

The CAE motorcade covered 64 miles to camp by the Tola River, a fine clear stream with
a gravely bottom. The party was heading south-southwest away from Urga into open
country without camel caravan routes. As a result, the driving became more difficult as
the party encontered numerous hills, occasional soft sections of sand, river cut banks and
swamplands.

May 20, 1922, was much warmer than the previous mornings. By 8 a.m., it was 43˚. The
motorcade covered another 37 miles after getting back on the main trail to Tsetsenwan
with rough going much of the way before camping near a spring. There was a particularly
snarly field of tussocks, Granger noted, along the Tola River bank just before they turned
south into the hills where the road then became rock-filled.

The men relaxed as the weather stayed warm, clear and calm. Larson and Badmajapoff
went off to the north in the No. 1 car with Colgate and shot five antelope. The
taxidermists laid out traps. Marmots were abundant. Shackelford shot two with a .22
caliber rifle while Granger caught one in a trap [179a]. Several sorts of eagles were
breeding in the rocks nearby. Granger saw three nests with eggs and several others were
reported by other members of the party. Nearly every prominent rock point seemed to
contain an eagle nest.

The party arrived at Tsetsenwan on the 21st after a 46-mile drive over fair going much of
the way. [There they met the Prince of Tsetsenwan, still a figure of influence that region.]
Camp was made at the mouth of a granite canyon about three miles west of a lamasary. A
spring with good water still laced with ice was found another mile or so west. Marmots
seemed unusually abundant in the region, Granger noted. Ruddy sheldrake perched in the
cliffs above the camp along with a great colony of red-billed choyhs.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 179

Shackelford and Larson decided to go to the lamasary to make motion pictures while
Granger and the geologists, or “geologs” as he termed them, went over to hills located
about ten miles to the northwest beyond a large lake. There were reports of fossils there,
as Granger put it, although Granger didn’t record from whom the report(s) came. As we
now know, however, such information could have come from a variety of sources
including a local Mongolian, an amateur Mongolian collector (eg., Haldjinko or Jensen
(Lob-tsen Yen-tsen)), a Chinese or western collector, a passer-by, Eriksson,
Badmajapoff, Larson or Andersson. Andersson and Larson had long before spread the
word that reports of fossils were being sought.

In any event, Granger found nothing but sediment and rock strewn about by volcanic
eruption. Returning to camp, Granger and the geologs passed around the lower end of the
large lake. Across it was built an enormous earth dam of great age. On it sat the ruins of
an ancient temple once built of massive stone. Many graves were sited around it. Morris
sketched the scene.

Daytime temperature now ranged in the 50s to 80s. The daylight hours were usually calm
and bright with an occasional sprinkle and sometimes a light breeze. and then again,
every so often, a strong northerly or westerly wind arose.

A messenger rode in from where the caravan was now camped, near one of the group’s
previous stops on the way to Tsetsenwan. He reported that the camels were in bad shape
and could not proceed to the rendezvous under their present loads. It was decided to send
Colgate back with the Fulton to relieve the camels of one truck load. Larson would go
along as interpreter. They left at daybreak, returning to camp early that afternoon with a
load of mostly gasoline tins. The camels now could move on to catch up to the party
within a day.

While they waited, several of the men motored three miles west to a gravesite marked by
granite slabs set upright in a rectangle. Monuments like these apparently were fairly
common in that region and Badmajapoff thought they were graves of an ancient people,
perhaps Tartars who had invaded this region before Genghis Khan's time. Berkey
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 180

estimated the weathering of the granite indicated an age of possibly 1,000 years. They
decided to excavate one to a depth of five feet, but found nothing.

While the geologists went off with Colgate and a Mongolian assistant 45 miles to the
south the next day, Granger stayed in camp to record and pack the mammal and bird
specimens collected to date. The mammal skins were transferred into large camel boxes
and placed with the caravan. Prince Tsetsenwan's brother brought over some camels to
replace the eight or ten that Merin said were too tired or hungry to continue. Only three
were selected as suitable. An even exchange was made and Shackelford took movies of
the camels while they were loaded and unloaded. The party bought a sheep as well. In the
meantime, Granger had caught a polecat in one of his marmot traps that morning––it was
“a savage beast who bit Mushka and tried to bite every one else”––

The Prince's brother planned to go into Urga the next day. Letters were sent along with
him to send on to Peking. Provisions and gasoline enough for two weeks were taken off
the caravan for loading onto the truck and dog-wagons. Because the condition of the
camels continued to deteriorate, it was expected to take it those two weeks to reach the
next rendezvous at Sain Noin Khan 150 miles away.

The men broke camp and drove 37 miles south and then two and a half miles north off
the trail to the mouth of a granite canyon with a stream of fine clear water. The route that
day had been little more than a single camel trail that was barely discernible in places.
The Fulton had become stuck over its hubs in soft, wet ground and had to be dug out.
Granger, on the other hand, had driven one of the cars for several miles that day. He
stalled the engine a couple of times, “but otherwise things went fairly well.”

Camp was on a grassy bottomland and several of the men took advantage of the
proximity of good water to do their laundry. Shackelford used it to develop film. Many
traps were put out that evening. Larson, in the meantime, climbed a high rocky hill just
east of camp where he found a female great owl resting on its nest in a cleft in the rock
with three downy gray offspring. He shot the owl and brought her back to camp. He and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 181

Andrews later returned to retrieve the young, but found that an eagle had already taken
two of them away. In fact, it was flying off with the second one as they approached.

Trapping the next day yielded a coney, hamsters, kangaroo rats, gophers, microtus and a
new type of mouse. Found in the crevices of rocks, the mouse probably related to
microtus, Granger thought, but was gray and had large round ears. That afternoon, he
went with Andrews, Shackelford, Colgate and Badmajapoff several miles south down the
valley to a lamasary they’d sighted from camp. The lamasary looked small with perhaps
only 200 or so lamas. But the men got caught on the wrong side of a marsh and could not
cross, so had to abandon a closer look.

Along the way, they had stopped at a group of yurts. The occupants said they had never
seen an auto before.

On June 1, the Expedition proceeded to the Ongin River. Driving conditions that day
were equally divided between the best and the worst imaginable, according to Granger.
All forenoon they traveled through jutting granites and rock eruptions over and through
hills that required the cars to veer off the trail frequently. But during the afternoon, the
road became perfectly smooth. The final approach to the Ongin River took them over a
gently sloping, gravel-covered plain free of marmot-holes. A car could be driven safely at
forty miles an hour, Granger noted.

At about 4 thar afternoon, they reached the river which was divided into three branches,
none wide and all less than knee deep. They scouted before deciding that the established
trail crossed in the best place. The touring car and dog-wagons crossed safely. But the
heavier Fulton truck became stuck in the slippery mud bank as it exited the water. The
men pushed it free and then set up camp on the grassy bottom along the bank of the last
branch of the river.

The geologists came along in their car at about 5:00 p.m. to promptly stall in the middle
of the widest branch of the river. As the wheels settled to the hubs, the Urga chauffeur
tried too hard to get out under engine power causing the left rear axle to twist until it
broke. Colgate went to the rescue in the Fulton truck to free the car with block and tackle.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 182

Once brought ashore and everything was unloaded from the car into the truck, all hands
returned to camp except a Mongolian assistant left to stand watch over the immobilized
car. Darkness had fallen and the broken axle could not be replaced with one of the two
spares brought along until the next morning.

Granger grumped in his diary that night that “[t]his is the second serious accident to any
car and was entirely avoidable. Only one tire has been punctured so far and that ran over
a big Chinese-made shoe nail [that had dropped] in the road near Urga (No. 1).”

Snow covered the high hills north of camp. Microtus burrows and runways riddled the
bottom land. Every tent had one or more burrows beneath it. Granger noted that the
Microtus seemed to be the only rodent there, as he had also observed at Tsetsenwan.
Apparently the animal had driven out other small mammals.

Half a dozen little eel-like fish were caught in a pool near camp. They were the only fish
seen. Since the Ongin River ran into the Gobi basin and then disappeared, the occurrence
of fish at all was of interest to Granger. As he noted the life in the river, he recalled that
seventeen Russian women and children were killed by Red Russian mercenaries near its
banks just the year before. The victims were fleeing east from Uliassutai when they were
caught, plundered and killed. Now, not a trace of the massacre remained that he could
see.

Sain Noin Khan


June 2, 1922

On June 2nd, the group broke camp and headed for Sain Noin Khan, a caravan and postal
route hub. They left the river by following a caravan trail. At about noon they left the trail
that had now become quite distinct and turned north across the prairie. Eight or ten miles
farther to the north, they struck a good road running from a hot springs into Sain Noin
Khan and were able to reach Sain Noin Khan at 5:00 p.m. At about 4:00 p.m., a heavy
thundershower struck and the vehicles were driven to the top of a hill until the worst was
over. Rain could turn the bottom lands into a slippery, sticky mess and flash flooding was
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 183

an ever-present danger. They waited a bit before proceeding a mile further to a creek
bottom where they turned up into a side gulch to make camp.

Andrews had shot two buck antelope in the forenoon of that day, out of a herd of about
ten. The party had seen very few antelope since leaving camp north of Tsetsenwan. Part
of the plan was to supplement their diet with antelope meat.

The next day dawned bright and the party noticed seven yurts grouped just across the
valley a half a mile away. The lamasary of Sain Noin Khan sat about five miles to the
north of camp and that afternoon, Granger drove over to it with Andrews, Badmajapoff
and Shackelford who wanted to take movies.

The lamasary was occupied by about 1,000 lamas and was one of the largest in Outer
Mongolia. Granger noticed that the architecture of the temples was in three styles: pure
Tibetan, pure Chinese and a combination of the two –– a Tibetan base upon which sat a
Chinese cupola. Extra large yurts were used for worship in one part of the lamasary.
Ironically, the upper part of a large prayer shrine out in front was sheathed with flattened
out Standard Oil Company tins which glistened like silver and presented a dazzling sight.

The temples were closed. Services and classes of instruction evidently were held in the
morning. The lamas ranging from old men to boys of eight or nine appeared to Granger
to be very dirty and degraded-looking. The motorcar was of great interest to them.
Granger wondered whether a motor vehicle had ever been to this lamasary before. He
may also have wondered where the Standard Oil Company tins came from.

The lamas’ quarters extended off the sides of two temples which occupied the center of
the compound. Gilded top ornaments and highly colored roofs of temples and some of the
lower structures made a brilliant spectacle when viewed from the top of the hill. The
usual piles of argul were missing from this lamasary because orests of larch a few miles
to the north on the slopes of the high hills supplied wood for fuel as well as for
construction of buildings and surrounding stockade.

There was a settlement of eight or ten Chinese trading outfits about a mile from the
lamasary. A Russian settlement there had been raided the year before and there were no
survivors [180]. Fossil hunting in this region yielded nothing. Granger prospected briefly
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 184

along the east side of the valley to the south in Jurassic exposures, but the rocks were all
conglomerates containing nothing in the way of organic remains.

It was camp life, driving and trapping that dominated the daily routine now. Traveling
and sightseeing prioritized the days. The initial exciting fossil discoveries made upon
entering Mongolia just days before were history and the paleontologist and geologists
now had little to do scientifically. Work now was mainly zoological -- mammalogy,
ornithology and taxidermy. While Granger followed up on a fossil report or two, no fossil
field had been discovered for some time. The topographical studies, mapping,
archaeology and other scientific studies yet to come awaited other CAE expeditions in
the upcoming years.

Having zoomed deep into Outer Mongolia after days of travel with no apparent purpose,
this expedition was in fact taking a break. Fossils no longer dominated the agenda: their
success in that regard had been quick and clear, perhaps to no one’s surprise. The
geology that continued was multi-purpose: commercial, as well as scientific. Even the
quest for ‘ancient man’ was already underway following Granger’s initial work at
Zhoukoudian and the Yangtze basin.

Indeed, the men were heading to Andrews’s old 1919 big-game hunting grounds at Sain
Noin, the very place he’d driven to by motorcar from Urga with Oscar Mamen and other
hunting buddies three years before. Now hundreds of miles past their last fossil
discovery, this team of scientists was on vacation.

In the meantime, the Buriat student geologist had not yet shown up, or could not catch
up, and there was a mission to accomplish for Badmajapoff by way of Arishan Springs.

Arishan Springs
June 6, 1922

June 6, 1922 – Went with Berkey and Morris to a group of hot springs
about ten miles to the southeast. Mr. Badmajapoff went with us and is to
remain there until we return that way on the way south (a week or ten
days hence) [181].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 185

The springs of Arishan burbled up along a fault-line running between a Jurassic exposure
and a granite formation. There were several emerging along a shallow ravine. The water
temperature ranged from 60˚ to too hot for the hand. Small excavations had been made at
each usuable spring around which were set crude walls made from slabs of sandstone set
on edge. Tents or small yurts were erected over each to form private basins ample for one
to sit in and take a bath. At the head of the string of pools was a crude stone shrine or
obo. The whole affair, including a high hill a mile to the west, was considered sacred.
Hunting and trapping were forbidden.

Eight or ten yurts were clustered [grouped] just below the springs to house bather. The
place had the appearance of a health resort. One yurt was occupied by an uncle of the
present prince of Sain Noin Khan, a lad who was only ten years old. The uncle, a Da
Lama, was 30 and quite “white as to color of skin,” Granger observed. He was an
agreeable and intelligent man who received the expedition party graciously by bringing
out fermented milk, tea, cakes, cheese and Chinese dates. Upon leaving, Granger and his
party were also presented with blue silk sashes.

A tent for Badmajapoff had been erected near the Da Lama's yurt. Badmajapoff
established himself there with one servant to try the waters for his rheumatism. The CAE
men left him with a supply of food and cigarettes.

Granger explored for fossils in the Jurassic exposures near the springs, but found nothing.
So he, Berkey and Morris returned to camp where they found a little Mongol girl visiting
her father, a local who was assisting at the camp. She

was most interested in examining all of the "queer" things. Her father
urged her to go home––to the settlement nearby––but she begged to
remain saying, "These people are going away in the morning and I shall
never have another chance to see all of these interesting things." And
very likely she won't. The Mongols we meet in this region are
unspeakably dirty and ignorant but they are intelligent, good-natured
and helpful to us in many ways [182].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 186

Shackelford took movies as locals engaged in their daily occupations in and about the
yurts. A section of one yurt was removed so that he could film interior views. Meanwhile,
Andrews was off in the touring car to scouting for a new camp near the woods. Camp
was made a site about 16 miles north and nearly 900 feet higher with a fine larch forest as
a backdrop. To reach it, the men drove past the lamasary, crossed the Ongin River hub-
deep and traveled up a valley to a divide in the river. They had good water, shade and
plenty of firewood. A fine big bonfire was made that first night.

A few small pines stood among the larches, but there were no deciduous trees. Some tree
trunks measured over two feet in diameter, Granger noted, although he didn’t note which.
Microtus burrows were found in the woods, in the moss and soil that lay atop permanent
ice. Ice could be seen in some of the burrows.

Mongols living nearby began straggling into the camp to look over the westerners.
They’d been frightened for a day or so, not knowing for certain who they were. Raids and
killings by the Red Russian Army and Baron Roman Nicolaus von Ungern-Sternberg of
the opposing White Guard had terrorized them over the past two years. So, to them, all
foreigners were to be feared. But relations warmed and the westerners began buying
cow's milk from the Mongols using their own pails, to ensure reasonable cleanliness.
They obtained about ten quarts a day from two milkings for which they paid about a
$1.00.

The men began to hunt roebuck in the isolated patches of forest where the animals rested
during the day. The shooters posted themselves at one end of the growth, toward the
upper edge of the woods. Then four to six native assistants at the opposite end began
beating on oil tins and shouting while advancing in a line to push the roebuck toward the
shooters. They first drummed in the woods behind the camp, a section one and a half
miles long and a half mile wide. Two bucks emerged from the far end and Andrews shot
and wounded one. It dashed back into the woods and on through the line of beaters. The
other bolted from the lower edge of the wood near Larson whose back was turned and so
he didn’t notice it until it was already past him. Both he and Shackelford swung and fired
as the animal fled.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 187

Granger then took a few shots at it from 400-500 yards away. The animal successfully
ran that gauntlet and made it onto a ridge of high grass to the north. As he began to enter
small forest on that north slope, the beating started up again. Granger shot the buck as it
paused to look back at the beaters. The bullet killed him instantly.

Five other roebuck were spotted on a ridge nearby, but all eluded pursuit. Nevertheless,
Granger seemed to enjoy this classic Andrews big-game hunting event, even if it had
little to do with the expedition’s mission. It was “delightful being in the woods after
nearly two months of treeless plains,” he wrote, an interesting assessment by a man who
had spent much longer periods of time in the barrens of the American West and Saharan
Desert.

That was June 7th. The next seven days were devoted to trapping, relaxing and small-
and big-hunting, although Granger did less and less of it. After killing an old doe who, he
then discovered it “had two nearly full grown fetuses in her.” He “[b]rought the old doe
back to camp but I shall not eat of her.” Savoring camp life seemed to better fill
Granger’s days while he watched the others. Three bucks nearly ran over Colgate while
his back was turned one day. They got away without being shot at, Granger noted.

On June 13th, Merin came up the hunting camp to report that the caravan had made it to
the hot springs where Badmajapoff still sat soaking. The camels, he reported, were in
very poor condition because of a shortage of feed and the locality of the springs offered
little grazing. It would remain there until the hunting respite was over, and he would
remain at the hunting camp until the others came down. Perhaps he hoped his presence
would hurry matters along.

He also reported that the caravan twice had been intercepted by robbers. Both times, the
bandits were frightened off when the Mongolian soldier escort shot at them. Merin was
not sure whether any were hit.

There was a light, almost continuous snow from daybreak until noon the next day when
the temperature rose to 47˚ that afternoon. All hands remained in camp that morning until
after tiffin when Granger put out traps for microtus in the grassy valley below. He caught
eight while he was putting out the traps. The remainder of the party went over to the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 188

woods east to again hunt for roebuck. In the meantime, it was decided they would move
back down to the hot springs the following day.

The hunting party returned to Arishan Springs in the forenoon of June 15th and went into
camp near the caravan on the east side of the creek about a mile from the springs.
Badmajapoff and his luggage were brought over in the afternoon. A camel died the night
before leaving 70 in the caravan and three in Urga recuperating.

After settling in, the geologists drove off with Colgate at the wheel of the No. 2 car north
several miles away to a divide created by a series of cirques. They were to return that
evening, but did not. When Andrews took the touring car out at dusk to look for some
sign of them, he saw nothing. Shackelford then rigged up [devised] a search light off the
No. 3 car by attaching [securing] a lamp to a long pole to serve as a beacon in case the
geologs tried to return that night.

At dawn the next morning when the geologs still hadn’t returned, Andrews again took off
in the No. 1 car to look for them. This time he was successful, finding them camped by
the river near the Sain Noin Khan lamasary where they had stopped at about 9:30 p.m.
the night before. They described their ordeal. After crossing the cirque that day, the car
became mired in a field of mud. To free it, the car was completely unloaded and then
jacked up [raised up] with logs driven into the mud beneath it. Miraculously, a lama and
several followers materialized to assist them when they were most needed.

After getting the car out of the mud and reloaded, the men then had difficulty retracing
their route back over the cirque. Unpacking the car once again to carry the greater part of
the load on their backs up the steepest pitches while the driver zig-zagged the lightened
car up in short spurts, they finally reached the top at 9:00 p.m. and then proceeded down
to the river to make camp.

Both cars returned to the main party at noon and the geologists immediately set about
working up a map of the region [section map?]. Andrews and Granger, in the meantime,
went over to the springs to bathe in the same spring used by Badmajapoff. They found
the water delightfully warm and that it gave a slippery feeling to the skin.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 189

The Da Lama came to dinner that evening. He seemed, they thought, awkward with a
knife and fork and did not appear to relish the dishes prepared for him. But he appeared
to enjoy the experience of visiting with the Americans and especially liked riding in a car,
happily taking over the wheel when offered. He handed it back quickly, however,
whenever the car approached a rough stretch. Before departing that evening, he was
presented with a pocketknife and cigarettes.

While the geologists continued with their [?section] mapping of this region, the caravan
departed for better feeding and resting grounds. The main party would catch up with it
the next day. In the meantime, Andrews hunted antelope while Granger helped with
trapping. Morris interrupted his mapping chores long enough to sketch the hills as studies
for background paintings in a planned "plains group" diorama.

After breaking camp the next day, the expedition drove 50 miles southwest to a new
campsite beside the Ongin Gol. Along the way, they encountered Mongol families
traveling northward to the summer feeding ranges in the hills. The route took the men
down along the east side of a creek which they crossed as they headed southwest toward
the Uliassutai Trail. The men kept to the trail most of the way until they left it to make
camp near in a region of small lakes two miles to the south.

Camp was on a marshy stretch with a small stream running through the center [‘Camp
Gorida’/p. 94-95 Conq.]. The main trail from Sair Usu to Uliassutai lay 300 yards to the
south and the Tsetsenwan-Uliassutai Trail passed a mile or so to the north. A large
Mohammedan Chinese caravan en route to Uliassutai was camped on the opposite side of
the marsh. With over 200 camels, it presented an impressive sight. A few miserable-
looking yurts sat farther out on the marsh. These were the poorest yurts Granger had yet
seen.

One of the small lakes was filled with ducks of several sorts and bar-headed geese.
Lopwings and red-legged sand pipers were also found along the stream which flowed
into a depression in the great basin north of the Altai mountains. In wet weather, the
depression became a lake. It was decided that the expedition’s camel caravan would
remain at this location for a month, if circumstances permitted, to feed on the abundant
green grass along the stream.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 190

Granger spent the next day working on mammal and bird collections. He also caught a
new kangaroo rat and a new gerbil that morning. Other members of the group went into
action, as well. Larson shot two adult bar-head geese and seven young on the small lake
south of camp. Shackelford shot an eared grebe with the .22 caliber rifle. Native
taxidermists were catching coneys and larger hamsters. The geologists climbed into
jagged-looking hills located two miles northwest of camp that afternoon and reported that
they could see over mountains to the south.

In the meantime, Colgate and Badmajapoff went off in a car to hunt up a local guide to
accompany the expedition into the Baga Bogdo (‘Lesser Buddha’) range of the eastern
Altai mountains [narr. p. 96, Conq.]. They came back with an old man who seemed very
poor but appeared to know the country well enough, so he was hired. The party planned
to spend one more day trapping before packing up all the mammals and birds they had
collected to leave with the caravan. Three large camel boxes were filled and then covered
with canvas.

That evening after sunset, the Mohammedan Chinese caravan of 200 camels got under
way and filed past toward the Uliassutai Trail and into the western twilight. It was an
almost silent event except for the deep-toned camel bells on every twentieth camel and an
occasional small tinkling bell in between. The caravan was loaded with tea and tobacco
and attended to by sixteen Chinese. It was a most impressive spectacle in the dim evening
light. Later, Granger noted strange music coming from their own expedition caravan
mens’ tent at about 11:20 p.m.

The main party started off in the morning with the local Mongol guide and a three-week
supply of food and gasoline. The camels remained behind as planned to continue their
recovery until heading out for the next rendezvous. Eight or so of them had sores on their
backs which were treating with pomegranate wash. Saddles were being taken off them for
the first time since leaving Kalgan.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 191

The plan was to go Ondai Sair [p. 99, Conq] a pass at the foot of Mount Ussuk [p. 97,
Conq] in the range 40 miles to the south and slightly west. It was a bright and warm
travelling day with a moderate breeze. Temperatures in the morning began at 46˚ and
rose another ten degrees by noon. After first heading west on the Uliassutai Trail, they
left the established route to strike south cross country. Lunch was at noon by a salt lake.
Shackelford filmed the entire expedition as their five vehicles passed around the shore of
the lake.

The water was almost entirely evaporated leaving a layer of salt, white and apparently
nearly pure, in a crystallized sheet a few inches thick and 300 yards across. Beneath this
was thick dark brown mud. Two small groups of Mongols collected the salt, wading out
barefooted and scooping the salt by hand into small buckets which were then brought up
onto the hard, smooth surface of the shore. There the salt was dumped out in little piles
which quickly dried in the sun. After drying, the salt was put in small sacks and carried
away by camel. Still photos and movies were taken of the salt gatherers.

That afternoon the expedition made a steady climb about 500 feet from the salt lake to a
divide [pass] between two peaks, each rising another 1,000 feet. This divide [pass], called
"Ussuk,” was filled with many treacherous gullies. They planned to camp only two or
three miles beyond, but that was not reached until late in the afternoon. The site was on a
large dry wash extending southward into the great basin that lay along the northern face
of Baga Bogdo. Another mountain range loomed across the valley, perhaps 50 miles
distant.

There was a well nearby camp which held sufficiently fair water. A small group of
Mongols were staying there for the night while on their way to the northern grass lands
for the summer. They reported poor feed down in the great basin. Even the wild asses
there were starving.

June 22nd dawned with a light breeze that grew into a strong east wind by late afternoon.
As a result, a “Gobi haze” developed that nearly obscured the majestic Baga Bogdo.
Granger set out that morning in the No. 2 car with Colgate, Berkey, Morris, Larson and
the local Mongol guide. They were in search of a well and spring said to be six miles
down in the valley. It was reported by mative Mongols to be one of several fossil
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 192

localities in that area, again indicating existing familiarity with fossil locations deep in
Outer Mongolia.

The men crossed a number of rocky, sandy gullies as they drove down from the hills
along the west side of the valley. It was rough going for most of the way. About half way
down, they paused to look over a small set of exposures of red and gray beds. These
yielded a few fragments of turtle and a bit of flat bone that Granger thought might have
been a piece of scapula of either mammal or reptile. They then continued on to the well
and spring location near the mouth of the valley at the very edge of the great plain [narr,
p.100, Conq].

Once there, they spent several hours examining the badlands around the spring. A few
scraps of bone and teeth from the upper level of these exposures were identified as
rhinocerid and perhaps mastodon and indicated late Tertiary. However, a small collection
Granger made later that afternoon from the red beds at the very base of the section was of
mostly rodent fossils. Though poorly preserved, he managed to get complete sets of
upper- and lower-cheek teeth. But the fossils were not familiar to him, and this made him
question the age of the beds.

Much of the lower red stratum was exposed along the northern edge of the basin. One
narrow outcrop extended well out into the center of the basin from the spring. Granger
decided to move down to this location in two or three days time to work the basin to the
south for fossils, as well as trap for recent mammals. Then he planned to go east through
the basin to join the caravan somewhere on the Uliassutai-Sair Usu Trail.

The local Mongol guide would remain with him until the car was sent back to the caravan
for provisions. The caravan could not be taken through the basin because there would be
very little for the camels to feed on. So Granger’s stock-up on fuel and provisions would
have to be carefully conserved until he met up with it again. He considered hiring horses
to hunt game in the basin, instead of using the car, but doubted whether he could keep
them fit since there was so little to graze on. [Conq. doesn’t seem to show the sequence
this way...see pp 100-102].

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 193

The great Baga Bogdo was an impressive sight both from camp and from the mouth of
the valley. Long streaks of snow extended down from the summit. Wonderful glacier-like
talus streams reached down into the valley. The entire mountain gave off a beautiful hazy
blue color. None of the forests could be seen.

A cold, driving rain came in from the north the next day at about 9:00 a.m. and lasted
until 4:00 p.m. [p. 100, Conq.] Granger wore his sheep-skin lined coat all day but was
cold nevertheless. All hands remained in camp until late afternoon when some went out
for hunting. By then Baga Bogdo was showing its head with a fresh cap of snow.
Mammal trapping flourished and they continued to find species new to them. The
taxidermists were really the only ones busy for the moment.

The Ondai Sair campsite had turned out to be excellent for trapping small mammals,
though perhaps a little thin on finding fossils [p. 101, Conq.]. Small mammals were
abundant as burrows everywhere showed. There was other wildlife, as well. Many sand
grouse were at the spring and Granger also saw tracks of wild ass and gazelles. With his
field glasses, he saw one lone wild ass standing, apparently asleep, out on the flats of the
basin [“Tsagan Nor Basin,” p. 107, Comq.] about three fourths of a mile distant. Later it
moved farther out in the basin. Then it vanished in the heat waves. Granger also saw one
almost hairless wolf. Larson and Berkey saw another below the spring and found a den.

For dinner that night, they tried the desiccated vegetables they had brought along. This
was the first time and Granger thought the onions and beets both were “very palatable.”
As he took stock of their food supplies, he noted that the fresh potatoes were still holding
out and “the eggs remained good enough to make pancakes with.” Sheep and antelope,
ducks and geese also provided plenty of meat. Keeping time by the 120th Meridian meant
they were eating at hours quite odd to Granger. Breakfast was at 8:00 or even 9:00 a.m.
Lunch, or tiffin, was at about 2:00 p.m. Dinner could come as late as 10:00 p.m.

Their watches were nearly an hour and a half ahead of the true local time now. They had
hoped to make time checks using a wireless apparatus they had brought along
unbeknownst to the Buriats. But it was found to be inadequate and was now stored with
the caravan. It was exasperating, quipped Granger, that a receiver with an advertised
radius of 1,000 miles and a cost of $15.00 gold did not work properly when one costing
$50.00 gold would have brought as fine an apparatus as one desired.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 194

Fossil hunting resumed on the June 25th and finally began to pay off. Granger prospected
the gray beds immediately behind camp, and the reddish beds beyond them, while the
geologists went off to the west to map. Almost immediately, the geologs found fossil
insects, crustacea and fish in some paper shale, a weathered shale that easily separated
into thin layers or laminae. They also discovered dinosaur bones including foot bones and
vertebrae of a small dinosaur plus a rib of a large beast the size of an Allosaurus. Granger
concluded that this was a Cretaceous deposit overlain by Tertiary. He decided to leave
Berkey, Morris, Loh, Wang and Bato at the Ussuk camp to make a detailed map of the
region and continue collecting in the Cretaceous beds [p. 102, Conq].

The rest of the party moved down to the spring and well ten miles below near the red and
gray beds Granger had prospected earlier and which were now called the "Loh Beds"
after Loh. Granger chose to walk down the entire distance in order to prospect all along
the Cretaceous on east side of the wash. But he found nothing and, as the sun set, arrived
very weary at the new camp set up on the edge of the penaplane a half mile west of the
well. Shackelford and Andrews, who had traveled down by car, had already discovered
more fossils at the Loh Beds [p. 103, Conq].

June 27, 1922 75˚ - 10 a.m. - 5850; 88˚ - 2:30 p.m. - 5950; 70˚ - 10
p.m. - 5830:
Roy killed first wild ass. Run down with motorcar and shot about
five miles from camp [183].

The next morning, Granger examined the localities found by Shackelford and Andrews
the day before. Andrews had found a portion of a rhinoceros skull weathering from a
bank near the camp. Nearby, Shackelford had found a hind foot of a rhinoceros with
tarsals and metatarsus in good condition. Granger decided to work the area himself.

While Granger settled into a daily routine of prospecting and collecting, Andrews found
another activity. He and Larson began using a car each day to chase and shoot wild asses.
Andrews was shooting at least one a day when Granger came to term this spree “an ass a
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 195

day.” Larson rarely fired, hinting that perhaps he wished not to be a part of the daily
killing even though he went along.

Granger continued working in the Loh Beds to excavate the rhinoceros skull which
proved to be a fairly well-preserved anterior half. It had long curved nasal, but no
evidence of horns. Small fauna were abundant in the Loh Beds as well and he was
finding insectivores as well as rodents. [He then moved into work at formations later
named “Hung Kureh” and “Hsanda Gol,” the latter producing in great abundance. PP.
106-107, Conq.]

However, Granger’s diary entries during this time reflected less and less of the day-to-
day scientific activity to become quite clipped about only one. “Another wild ass shot by
Roy;” “The third ass shot by Roy;” “The usual ‘ass a day’––again shot by Roy;”
“Another ass shot by Roy;” and “Another wild ass today.” Andrews’s killing spree ran
from June 27th through July 3rd when the party was splitting up. Granger wound up in
Andrews’s car:

Just before leaving [the others] we sighted a lone wild ass and after
saying goodbye started off after him. The ass took to good ground
and after a mile run we brought the car to a stop a hundred and fifty
yards away. Roy wanted me to take first shot which I did and I think
I missed. My second shot though and Roy's first both struck, one
through the lungs and one in the abdomen, but the ass did not
slacken. Finally Roy got a bullet in the hind leg which broke the
femur and after a hundred yards more running the beast dropped,
but even then had to be killed with a pistol. A fine stallion of seven
or eight years. Photos of the ass with Roy and me and with me and
the old Mongol guide we had brought along to show us the road.
Skinned the ass and started for some Tertiary badlands 12 miles east
of here and on the way I killed with first shot a doe Gazella
gutturosa. Not yet thoroughly shed off [184]!

It was not over. About four miles east of camp, now called “Wild Ass Camp” on the great
flat [‘plain’ per Conq, p. 105], they saw a second ass and gave chase. Here again the
animal took to the best ground for running. But that also gave the car practically perfect
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 196

going for the next two miles or more. The ass was clocked at about 36 miles per hour
once the chase started and was able to keep abreast of the car for the first mile. Then, as it
tired, Andrews let the car fall back to maintain a distance of 35 yards behind while
Shackelford took a Kodak snap of the ass.

Finally, when the ass reached the edge of a main wash which flowed from Ussuk down
past camp, Andrews shot him, breaking the hind leg. Still, the ass was able to run over to
the other side of the wash––nearly a mile in distance––before coming to a stop. Andrews
finished it off with his revolver. The carcass was taken back to camp in a truck.

Finally, on July 4th, Granger was able to write “No wild ass today!”

Earlier, on July 2nd, Granger recorded, with apparent surprise despite telling his father
three months beforehand that Larson would serve only up to early July, that:

Roy has suddenly decided to send car with Badmajapoff & Larson
in tomorrow. Busy letter writing. No. 1 with Chinese chauffeur went
up to Ussuk camp this p.m. to get letters from geologs to take in for
posting. Car will return early tomorrow morning [185].

“Send car with Badmajapoff & Larson in” meant the two men were being returned to
Urga [p. 119, Conq]. With Colgate driving, the pair got off shortly after 7 a.m. on July
3rd. That’s when Andrews and Granger, as Granger related above, were saying goodbye
to them before driving off to chase down and kill another ass.

The No. 1 touring car that had gone up to the geologs’ camp for mail on the 2nd, was
back at about sunrise on the 3rd with letters from Berkey and Morris for posting in Urga
along with the rest. After leaving camp, Colgate and his passengers stopped at the
caravan to provision up. Then they were to proceed toward the Ongin River as far as
daylight permitted and essentially follow the same route back that the expedition had
taken out from Urga. Serin, a Mongol boy, went along as guide just in case Colgate
needed help getting back to camp.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 197

The decision to send Badmajapoff and Larson back to Urga may have seemed sudden,
but it was not unexpected. Granger himself had written his father on April 1 that Larson
would remain with the expedition only until July 1. If there is any surprise, it is how
Granger knew that then and why that was the plan. An expedition setting out into
supposedly unknown territory in search of the supposedly unknown for 4-5 months and
many, many miles surely would want its guide to remain at hand past July.

The answer appears to lie in the combination of reports of fossils occasionally referred to
by Granger, Andrews’s desire to return to Sain Noin to hunt and Badmajapoff’s wish to
take the baths. While the expedition seems to have been following a trail of fossil reports
they had received in advance, the end game clearly was hunting in Sain Noin. Perhaps the
nearby Arishan Springs for Badmajapoff also served as justification, though it isn’t clear
when it was decided he would be going along with the expedition. A reading of Granger
suggests that it came about as a consequence of Andrews’s difficult [contentious]
negotiations in Urga.

Larson, already a significant force in enabling this expedition well before it set foot in
Mongolia, seems to have gone along more for pleasure than for any need to guide. From
the beginning, the expedition knew where it was going, how to get there and how long it
would take. When it needed a local guide, it hired one. But Sain Noin was the ultimate
destination from the beginning. Larson knew it well and Andrews had been there before,
in 1919. Once there, they all knew how to get back.

In addition, any cross-country driving undertaken by the CAE was always in the context
of main and secondary camel caravan routes [trails] that framed [bounded, bordered,
skirted, enclosed, hedged], intersected and networked the entire region they were
travelling through. Cross-country driving was to shortcut a camel caravan route system
that was based on commerce, not on science. But whenver they were off-trail, the CAE
men knew they could seek assistance at a nearby camel caravan route, if necessary. Or a
nearby lamasary or Mongol village, for that matter.

The scientists were about finished at the western-most reported fossil locality. While
Granger and his men worked, Andrews hunted, and Badmajapoff and Larson made their
way back to Urga, the expedition was making ready to go back to Kalgan a different way,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 198

due east along the well-traveled main southern caravan route. There were more reports of
fossils to check out.

The 4th was the hottest day so far. Granger noted 82˚ at 11 A.M. and 69˚ at 11 P.M.,
while Conquest [p. 119] placed the high at 95˚ in the shade on an “absolutely windless”
day [p. 119]. All stayed in camp most of the day except for a little propsecting that
evening. The geologists came down from their camp at dusk the next day, the 5th, riding
their horses so that they could work the route along the way. Morris’s map was now
complete and covered from the salt lake on the north to the base of Baga Bogdo and
showed a width of over ten miles. Their car was brought down that morning filled with
gear and a few more paper shale fossils {lower Cretaceous age Conq/107]. No more
dinosaur bones were found.

A wild ass had stood out on the plain [Tsagan Nor basin] in full view of the camp that
morning, sunning itself. Andrews and Shackelford set out for it in the No. 1 touring car
with a Carl Akeley camera in hand [186]. The ass raced off to begin an extended chase
over 30-miles of penaplane that lay in full view of the camp. All sorts of photographs,
both still and moving were taken of it. Its speed at the beginning of the race, Granger
estimated, was about 35 miles per hour and he kept that up for some 16 miles. It even
kicked the mudguard of the car when the vehicle got too close, Granger later learned.

But by the end, the stallion was drained and ready to lie down [in the shade] beside the
car. Instead, Andrews forced it back to within a half-mile of camp and left it standing in
the sun while he and Shackelford drove in for lunch. The ass lay down exhausted.

After lunch, they drove back out to try [attempt] to revive it by pouring water over its
head and body. They [even] got [encouraged, coaxed] the animal to sip some water from
the bucket. But exhaustion overcame it and it died in the middle of the afternoon. It
“became wild ass No. [left blank] of our collections,” wrote Granger [but see Conq/111-
112 where Andrews changes this story some, especially the outcome].

The next day, July 6 [date per WG-Conq/113, ie. note that Conq tracking WG diary here
as elsewhere], Andrews and Shackelford ran down a[n] wild ass colt that was only a few
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 199

days old [Conq/113]. Shackelford roped it and it was then loaded aboard the touring car
and brought back to camp. Since it was wild, it was not taking kindly to things, Granger
observed once they arrived. But eventually, they got it to drink milk from a canteen.

While Granger, Berkey and Morris worked the fossil beds, Andrews and Shackelford
decided on July 11th to make a new camp for themselves at the north shore of Tsagan
Nor [Conq/120]. They would call it ‘Lake Camp.’ Granger referred to it as the “lower
camp,” possibly a throw-back to the distinction drawn between his and Osborn’s camps
in the Fayum in 1907. There, however, Osborn’s camp was termed the “upper camp
[Bull. 22, p. []].” Loh, the Urga chauffeur, and Bato were to be left with Granger, Berkey
and Morris.

Colgate and Serin returned from Urga midday on July 11th [Granger thus shows 9-day’s
roundtrip, whereas Conq says it was 12, see Conq/119] with mail for Granger from Anna
and family and friends in America. The next day, Colgate drove over to Lake Camp
leaving Serin with Granger. Granger promptly concluded he had “no place” for Serin at
his camp and two days later when he and the geologists drove north to prospect a "grand
cañon,” they took Serin with them for relocation to Andrews’s camp which was on the
way.

Andrews, Shackelford and Colgate were out hunting when Granger and his party arrived
at “Lake Camp,” so Granger deposited Serin along with a note of explanation. Once at
the "grand cañon,” he and the geologs found a rich pocket of small fossil mammals. This
remained the pattern for the next week or so. Granger, Berkey and Morris, and their
native assistants, worked on the Tsagan Nor basin’s varied fossils and geology, while
Andrews, Shackelford and Colgate hunted.

Granger’s team went to the Tertiary exposures fifteen miles east of the Loh Beds [a
Lower Miocene layer of clays of less than one hundred feet thick imposed on the Hsanda
Gol, Conq/107] and found another patch of Cretaceous with paper shales [of Lower
Cretaceous age, p. 107, Conq]. They collected several good small jaws from the Tertiary
[gravels, sands and sandy clays, p. 107, Conq] and finished their examination of that area
by making sketches and measuring a stratigraphic section.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 200

The thickness of the exposed sediments in the basin is between


eighty-five hundred and ten thousand feet. Only a fraction of these
strata was accumulated in any one period. This basin, which
contains the oldest and the youngest basin sediments of which we
have record, is the longest-lived and most active basin we have yet
observed in Mongolia [Conq., p. 108].

In sum, the geologs had topographically and geologically mapped “an area of eight
hundred square miles in a strip extending from the northern limit of thr basin at Usskuk to
the southern margin at Baga Bogdo [Conq/141].”
*

They headed back to Ussuk on the 24th where Morris spent the day sketching “the
remarkable topography exhibited by the Tertiary beds there.” Berkey worked mostly in
the paper shales while Granger collected an interesting small dinosaur he had just
discovered in the Cretaceous Ondai Sair formation Conq/138]. It proved to include a
considerable portion of the skeleton and was later named Protiguanodon mongoliense by
Osborn [Conq/138].

July 25, 1922--80˚ - 8:30 a.m. - 5590; 95˚ - 2:30 p.m. - 5700; 78˚ -
11 p.m. - 5750. Bright. Light easterly wind. A "Gobi Haze" nearly
obscured Bogo Bagda all day. Remained in camp packing specimens
and recording. Geologs to the east side of main wash late in p.m. to
measure the sections of variegated beds above the lava. Morris
started sketch of Bagda and foreground for desert group.

July 26, 1922--68˚ - 8 a.m. - 5600; 73˚ - 1 p.m. - 5660. Clear, light
easterly breeze. Camel caravan arrived at 9 a.m. and camped––the
heat being too great for them to proceed. Berkey and Morris left
with their tent and equipment for the Lake Camp about 11 a.m. Car
returned about 6 p.m. bringing Shack who wishes to take some
movies of my work [on the small dinosaur discovered two days
earlier-Conq/138]. He brought no tent and we're crowded in mine
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 201

now. I spent the forenoon packing fossils and repacking the Iren
Dabasu boxes, which have come through safely to date with only
camel dung as packing material. Camels left for Lake Camp at 6
p.m. Prospected near camp in late p.m. [187].

Now it was Granger, Shackelford and native assistants working on fossils. On the 27th,
Granger found a rodent skull new to science [new genra of Bathyergidae, Conq/139] two
miles below camp in the morning. Shackelford, while prospecting in a wash, found an
ulna of a large beast––possibly Baluchitherium, thought Granger [Conq/138]. It was.
More material was found throughout the day––a few fragmentary bones of rhinoceros
and one prospect of humerus, ribs, and foot bones.

The 27th was the hottest day of the season so far, made even more uncomfortable
because there was little breeze to cool them. Granger and Shack went back up to the old
Ussuk camp and spent an entire day on Granger’s small dinosaur (Protiguanodon
mongoliense) which was practically complete except for the head. He figured he needed
two more days to finish excavating and jacketing the parts. Two sections of the tail had
already been taken out in plaster wrapping. On the 28th, the caravan’s Mongolian soldier
escort passed through on his way from the Lake Camp to Sain Noin Khan in search of
mail that had been lost. Granger noted the “wonderful sunsets every evening.”

Cut #8

On the 29th, Granger returned to his dinosaur dig and took out the left fore foot in a
jacket while pasting up a left hind foot to take out separately the following day. He noted
that night that he would have to jacket the entire vertebral column, except two small tail
sections, in one piece. The specimen

lay with head exposed––skull disarticulated, legs sprawled out on


either side. All bones in position. Length about five feet. Chang the
Chinese driver helped up with the stuff in morning, came up at noon
with cold water and again at 7 o'clock to help back with things.
Specimen is about 1 1/2 miles from the well at Ussuk Camp. Auto
cannot go further than the well [188].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 202

Baga Bogdo was still in a light haze––it had not been clear for five days or so. The
temperature now ranged in the 60˚s and 70˚s and the days were often cloudy with an
easterly breeze that sometimes turned north. Occasionally there was a spit of rain in the
early morning or at bed time. On the 30th, the weather looked so unfavorable that
Granger decided not to walk the one and a half miles up to the Ussuk site that morning.
Instead he prospected some badlands roughly two miles southeast of camp. He felt more
comfortable on the flat terrain with rain threatening. But the beds were barren. Returning
to camp for lunch, he found that Andrews and Colgate had just arrived in the No. 1 car.
They came by way of “Grand Cañon” trail [Grand Canyon trail, Conq/105] where they
put out traps for a large sand rat Granger had seen there and nowhere else [Conq/139].

Andrews reported that a Russian botanist in the employ of the Bolshevik government at
Urga stopped by the Lake Camp, probably to check up on their activities. He said he had
been collecting plants and seeds and looking into agricultural possibilities. Traveling by
horses borrowed from the Mongols as needed and living in their yurts as needed, he also
requisitioned food as needed while he traveled. Clearly this man had the authority to take
what he wanted. He was to go on to Uliassutai before returning to Urga by way of Lake
Baikal. It seemed to be an impressive feat of scientific survey by horseback.

After lunch, Granger took Andrews and Colgate to the badlands ten miles southwest of
camp to show them the Baluchitherium fossil Shack had found several days earlier
[Conq/142-this seems out of seq?]. After they prospected for an hour or so, Andrews and
Colgate left for the Lake Camp while Granger continued prospecting, finding fair results
with small mammals. Andrews agreed to send up a truck the next day with medicine for
Shack, who had the hives and was confined to his tent. Since the collections were
accumulating, the truck was to remain with Granger until he was ready to move down to
the Lake Camp. In the meantime, the geologists were working over toward the Bagda
with camels and horses. From there they sent up a small lot of what appeared to be
Pliocene fossils found at the east end of lake.

Over the next three days, July 31st to August 2nd, Granger worked on the dinosaur
specimen at Ussuk with Wang and a Mongol who had come up from Andrews’s Lake
Camp with the truck and medicine. Shackelford remained sick in bed, still very
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 203

uncomfortable. The dinosaur specimen was proving to be particularly difficult to collect


not only because of the three or four kinds of matrix in which it was embedded, but also
because the roots of grass and two bushes tangled in it.

Mongols arrived from the west and set up seven yurts at the Ussuk well. They passed
down the canyon by the pocket where Granger was working and “made a picturesque
sight with their camels, horses, cattle, sheep, goats and a few yaks, also dogs. All
belongings were carried on camels.”

Seven more yurts of Mongols came down the canyon the next day making a village of
fourteen yurts now at the well. Granger’s Mongol assistant loaded up empty tins of
various sorts and took them to give to the people at the well. Shack gradually became
more comfortable, although he stayed in bed and was still scratching.

The plaster jacketing for the dinosaur was made difficult because the weather had
become unsuitable for good drying. With the humidity, the plaster wasn’t hardening
sufficiently to hold the bones in place when the specimen block was removed from the
remaining matrix. On August 2nd, Granger managed to get the main section of the
plaster-encased dinosaur weighing about 150 pounds sufficiently dry to carry to the auto
that evening. The entire affair was put in a canvas sling attached to a tent pole and carried
by Chang and the Mongol.

The Mongol had taken more tins up to the yurts that day and came back with a catsup
bottle full of milk. Shack was now much better, up and around.

The 3rd of August was spent in camp working on specimens in the morning. After lunch,
Granger headed to the red beds two miles to the southwest with Wang and the Mongol
for more prospecting. Shackelford felt sufficiently well to go along. They sifted soil for
the remainder of the hind legs and feet of a carnivore that had been found there earlier in
June––specimen No. 54, Granger had recorded. Shack found many fragmentary teeth of
rhinoceros in a sandstone layer where Larson had found a tooth the first week they were
there. They also searched for more of the ulna of the apparent Baluchitherium, but
without success. Granger decided to move to the Lake Camp later the next day
[Conq/142].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 204

After spending the morning in camp packing fossils, Granger, Shackelford and Wang
took the dog-wagon to the end of the badlands two miles southwest of camp [Conq/142].
They excavated a small carnivore before more prospecting. Just as they were about to
leave, Wang rushed up to Granger “in great excitement and announced the discovery of a
“ding howdy" large bone which proved to be the distal and proximal ends of a large
humerus––probably Baluchitherium.” They also found a fragment of jaw with the roots
of the last two molars of the same animal.

But they ran out of time to prospect for other pieces since it was nearly 6:00 p.m.,
Granger’s scheduled departure time for Lake Camp. Carrying out what fragments they
could, they returned to camp where the men were waiting with the truck loaded. Granger
quickly ate a late lunch and then took down his tent which had been up since early June
[?July]. They reached Lake Camp a half hour before sunset.

With the geologs back from their Bogo Bagda trip, the party was all together for the first
time since leaving splitting at Ussuk in June. As they chatted, Granger watched

the most wonderful sunset of the season. A gorgeous rainbow with


one limb directly in front of Bagda, wonderful color effects on storm
clouds to east and in the west brilliant stringers of crimson clouds.
Lake with green water in shore and deep blue further out. Line of
sand hills on opposite shore a beautiful golden yellow. Bagda herself
with her sunlit ridge changing from yellow to golden then rose
colored and finally to a pale purplish [189].

In camp, tents were pitched in a long row facing the lake on north side near the west end
150 feet from shore. The camel caravan rested at the west end of the tent row. The
Mongolian soldier caravan escort returned from Sain Noin Khan as the sun set, without
mail.

August 5––dawn at Lake Camp brought a “wonderfully fine clear calm day––slight
easterly breeze during day but dead calm toward sunset and in evening.” Granger spent
the day in camp preparing and packing fossils. Andrews, Shackelford and Wang drove
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 205

back to the Loh Beds in a dog-wagon to search for more of the Baluchitherium
Conq/142-143]. They returned early with what appeared to be a symphsis of lower jaw
and an upper premolar and reported to Granger that a considerable portion of the skull
had been found in a wash. Granger figured he would have to put in a full day at that
location.

He took “a much needed bath in the lake before tea time” that afternoon. Shallow for
several hundred yards out, the lake had a sandy bottom and a temperature of around 70˚.
The Chinese bathe every day, he noted, and seine fish for the small fish which abound in
the fall [190]. The Mongols did not venture into the water, however. “'Buckshot'” told
him that if "Mongol take bath pretty soon make die."

With the CAE men gathered into one camp again, Granger recorded some of the
happenings of daily expedition life. Taxidermists trapped for small mammals, 'Buckshot'
catching six hedgehogs that sneaked into camp at night for bits of meat. A tiny light gray
shrew got into the taxidermist's tent another night. Terns and gulls rested on the beach
directly in front of camp and the sheldrake paraded their young through the water a few
feet off shore. A young shrike, which 'Buckshot' had kept as a pet for two weeks, nipped
the string from around his neck and went on his way. The young wild ass captured
earlier was as wild as ever and pretty well skinned up from the rope with which he was
tethered. His legs were completely skinned and a big strip was burned off his nose. Three
goats kept him in milk and he was beginning to eat a little grass.

Andrews shot a two-year old buck and then a fawn. The fawns were large enough to eat
now. The caravan Mongols, however, disdained antelope meat and were going without
meat altogether. They desired sheep, but Andrews felt that, since the local Mongols ate
antelope whenever they could get it, the caravan Mongols should too. He refused to buy
more sheep. It was probably a matter of "face" with the caravan men more than anything
else, Granger noted.

Granger took the Fulton with Andrews, Shackelford and Wang back to the
Baluchitherium prospect on August 6th. There he found the skull at the base of a small
hill on the edge of the wash. Its left side was largely intact. Apparently it had slipped
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 206

down from a higher level and belonged with the lower jaw fragment and the fragment of
humerus found a few days earlier by Wang on the other side of the hill that sloped into
the next wash over. The two clusters were spread 35 or so feet apart from each other on
either side of the hill. Weathered skull fragments spread down the slopes in both
directions.

Granger worked the wash below the skull and found even more fragments missed by
Andrews and Shackelford the day before. He also realized that the large piece they had
brought back to camp was the front of the skull and not the mandibular symphysis. This
meant that the large caniniform teeth were incisors and that the entire skull had to be
nearly five feet long [Conq/143-144].

Poor weather the next day (7th) prevented returning immediately to that locality. Instead,
the men went in No. 1 to the west ridge ten miles northwest of “Grand Cañon” trail. The
red tertiary was well exposed, but a careful search turned up very little. Only a few badly
preserved rhinoceros bones and a fragment of a small artiodactyl jaw were found. Since
there were no other promising exposures of variegated beds to be seen in that vicinity,
they headed back for camp. On the way, they spotted a wild ass and ran it down.
Andrews fired three shots and missed. Then another ass appeared nearby and they took
after it letting the first one go. After they ran this one down in about two miles, Andrews
killed it. The skin and skull were taken and the party returned to camp at about dusk.

The great penaplane lying to the northwest of the lake was fine going for the car, and it
was there that most of the movies of wild ass and antelope had been taken. but while
there were still plenty of antelope on the plain, Granger observed, “the ass have been
pretty well driven off by so much chasing.”

Shackelford went back to the Baluchiterium site at the Loh Beds with Granger in a dog-
wagon the following day (8th) to film the process of pasting and excavating as Granger
tried to finish taking out the huge skull but could not. In the meantime, Shack found more
parts of the skull nearly 200 hundred yards down the wash.

Granger, Shackelford and Wang returned to Loh again the next day. Granger was
finished taking out the skull shortly after lunch. They all then drove to the "Grand Cañon"
trail where Andrews and Colgate had gone in No. 1 to prospect. Reaching that location at
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 207

about 4:00 p.m., Granger learned that they had struck a small pocket of concreted
specimens including several fairly well preserved skulls. Shack stayed with Andrews and
Colgate to take photographs while Granger returned to camp with the Baluchitherium
skull.

On the way back, he spotted a tamarisk tree 15 feet high at the bottom of canyon with
two hawk's nests. Tamarisks, he noted, grew “in low sandy areas in this neighborhood
and were the nearest approach to trees we have here. Tamarisk wood is used entirely at
the Lake Camp for cooking,” he noted.

On August 10, “all hands left camp about 10:45 [a.m.] for some exposures of Pliocene [in
the Hung Kureh formation] which can be seen near the eastern end of the lake and which
the geologists have visited twice and obtained important but fragmentary specimens from
[Conq/144].” The group took the cook, two Mongols and 11 camels from the caravan
with McClellan riding saddles strapped on them. They passed around the west end of the
lake and through the line of sand dunes which extended along the south side of the lake.
Shack took movies as they passed through the dunes.

The exposures were reached in the middle of the afternoon. The cook and one Mongol
were sent on ahead to a nearby spring to make camp. The men prospected until nearly
dusk before proceeding another two miles toward Bogo Bagda and into camp. A fine
spring of water bubbled up from the bottom of the draw at the campsite to form a stream
that ran a half mile or more down the draw toward the lake before disappearing beneath
the ground.

All except Berkey slept out in the open on the ground that night. All were also pretty sore
and stiff after their first day of camel riding. The prospecting continued the next morning
in the brownish beds encircling the camp. But only one piece of fossil bone was found.
They had lunch in camp and then all but Berkey and Morris went back to the gray beds of
the day before [Conq/144]. The geologs went to exposures some distance south of the
lake taking one Mongol with them. The cook, another Mongol, and two pack camels
went with Granger and the others.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 208

Andrews found a large deer antler about an hour before sunset [Conq/145] and Granger

had a lively time getting it out in time to get through the sand dunes
before dark. There are trails through these dunes but the blowing
sand keep any tracks obscured most of the time. They are about a
mile wide at the narrowest places and are real live dunes. The line
extends along the northern base of Baga Bogdo––well out––passes
along the south shore of Tsagan Nor and reaches out toward Ikhe
Bogdo a long way. It is an impassable barrier for anything but
camels & horses and the latter have a hard time of it. It was dark by
the time we were through the dunes and we finally struck the south
trail and had an easy trip to camp after that [191].

It took them three hours to return to camp, making it after 11:00 p.m. The geologists had
arrived ahead of them, having come around the west end of the lake.

A busy day lay ahead. The cars were to leave in the morning for Artsa Bogdo mountain
range roughly 60 miles to the east where Andrews hoped to shoot bighorn sheep and ibex
[Conq/145]. It also was thought “probable that we would also find sedimentary basins
worthy of paleontological investigation [Conq/145].” The caravan was to start off in the
afternoon. Granger had to finish packing up the recent accumulation of fossils before they
lumbered away.

August 13, 1922––67˚ - 8 a.m. - 4850. Clear. 44.8 miles to a stream for
night camp:
Broke camp in forenoon and started east along south trail. Wild ass
rides in back of No. 1 with 'Buckshot' holding on to him. Does not
make much fuss over it [192][Conq/145].

Lunch was by a small lake situated 20 miles east of Tsagan Nor along the southern east-
west camel caravan route known as the Kweihwating-Kobdo trail heading east
[Conq/145]. Kobdo lay beyond Uliassutai, roughly 500 miles west of the expedition’s
current location. Kweihwating lay more than 600 miles east and south of the main trail
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 209

that bore its name. Oddly, to reach Kweihwating, one took a secondary camel route at the
Jisu Honguer intersection south off the main trail which continued straight to Kalgan.

Many high reeds surrounded the little lake which held an abundance of waterfowl. The
shotguns came out. First Andrews winged a whooper swan [Conq/146]. Then Granger
helped him down twelve gray leg geese, three ducks and three snipe. Shackelford
photographed the injured swan and then “finally turned it loose in the lake.” The tip of
the wing was broken. The hope was that it would heal sufficiently to allow the bird to
resume migration.

There had been a little trouble that morning crossing a nasty sand pocket. After lunch
they had more trouble crossing three or four small streams. One of them, though only 18
inches wide, had such straight banks that the men had to build a sod bridge to cross it.
Many tussocks lay along the stream bottoms obstructing car wheels and entangling
suspensions [Conq/146]. Aside from that, the driving was excellent. Two pet crows rode
in a box and seemed quite at home when released at the new camp site. The only other
small pet they had now was Shackelford’s half-grown hedgehog. 'Buckshot' still had his
ass.

The next morning, they left the trail after covering about 25 miles and drove directly
south to the foot of a mountain located ten miles east of the extreme eastern end of the
Altai range. There they camped at a low pass in the range with several trails leading over
it Conq/149]. The site was on a gentle grass-covered slope at the edge of a draw. Water
was available from wells in a larger draw a mile to the east. While there were no trees,
there were many bushes––mostly of a plume-like plant. The side hills were patched with
the Artshi, a recumbent cedar with pale green fruits, from which the mountain took its
name [Conq/147-148].

Mongols living in yurts below the camp panicked as the expedition approached in cars to
inquire about water. Men on horses took to the hills. Women and children shut
themselves up in the yurts. But once the expedition’s purpose became known, the
horsemen began filtering back in from hiding and presents of mare’s milk (kumis) were
soon forthcoming [Conq/148].

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 210

Andrews was up and off at daybreak into the Artsa Bogdo range on horseback with Serin
and a local Mongol guide to hunt for ibex and bighorn sheep. He later reported seeing
over 50, mostly ibex and all does or young, and had shot one adult [old] female ibex
[Conq/149&150].

Granger, Berkey, Morris and Colgate took the No. 1 to a bluff about 20 miles northwest
of camp where they could see small exposures of buff-colored beds underlying a heavy
capping of lava. After considerable difficulty trying to drive through a field of tussocks to
reach these exposures, they left the Colgate to find a way around while they walked to the
site. The beds looked Tertiary, buff and red clays, but they found only one fragment of
rather well-petrified bone embedded in the lava. Berkey also noticed interesting incisings
[drawings cut, “prehistoric pictures” etched] on rock in that locality [Conq/150&151-
fig.9].

[insert Berkey/Morris quote re drawings frm Conq/150 re drawings]

After a couple of hours of looking over some low-lying hard red shales that appeared to
be Eocene northeast of the bluff yielded nothing, they returned to camp at sunset. The
men planned to remain in camp on the 16th of August for a day of hair-cutting, cleaning
weapons, making notes and tending to other chores. It drizzled that day. The caravan
arrived late in the afternoon [Conq/151].

Between the fossil collection from Tsagan Nor and what he had gathered since, Granger
now counted eighteen boxes of specimens with the expedition caravan. Most of it was
packed in empty gasoline tin cases. The rest filled two large and one small camel boxes.
Loaded with fossils, the tin cases were carried six to a camel, just as they were when
filled with gas tins.

Though it had been thought that their supply of gasoline was ample, there now was an
alarming shortage despite having allowed for the expected forty percent evaporation and
leakage loss. There was barely enough to get all five cars back to Iren Dabasu where it
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 211

was hoped a new supply could be obtained. As a result, all unnecessary side trips, game
hunting and chasing were now curtailed.

The geologists made arrangements to use horses and camels to take them over the
mountain and out into the basin to the south as far as seemed practicable. Granger was to
go with them but in the end decided to go north to some exposures plainly visible from
camp with field glasses. He took a dog-wagon and three natives. Andrews, Shackelford,
Serin and a Mongol went up into the hills for more ibex [Conq/152].

A storm obscured most of the basin. The low-lying Gurbun Saikhan mountain range
could be seen to the east. Five ibex, does and young, came down while Granger was
eating lunch and watched him for a moment from 100 yards away. Andrews later claimed
they were among some he had frightened. But, he was able to kill a young mountain
sheep––one of a herd of 20 or so.

The Mongol village near camp was furnishing the wild ass with milk. The little beast was
looking rather sad with the loss of additional skin from its head and all four legs where it
fought its tether. It also seemed not to have grown much since capture. It was only
slightly taller, but thin and gaunt, and would not eat grass although it had plenty of milk
teeth. It also was still afraid of everyone but 'Buckshot.' 'Buckshot' had hobbled him
recently, and the ass followed him all about camp, even into the cook tent at times
[Conq/151-152].

But the ass was clearly failing and about done in. It was down most of the time and
diarrhea had developed. 'Buckshot' was disconsolate and had already dug a grave down in
a draw near camp. Any upcoming regrets by 'Buckshot' over the loss of it, however,
would be tinged with relief from the others. It had presented quite a problem. Its passing,
observed Granger, would simplify the loading of the cars, in particular.

The ass died in the night of the 18th, Granger recorded on August 19th. “'Buckshot' had
him properly interred by the time we were up. A little mound of earth heaped up on the
grave in true Chinese fashion. We felt more sorry for the boy than for the ass [Conq/151-
152].”

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 212

The party split up again. Andrews and Shackelford went up into the hills shortly after the
caravan departed for Sair Usu at sunrise [Conq/152]. Berkey and Morris went off to the
south after an early tiffin with their pack outfit, taking four camels and four horses. They
“wished to study the Artsa Bogdo uplift and the region directly to the south [Conq/152].”
In tne meantime, Granger decided he would work more successfully if he set up camp
down on the plain [Conq/152].

Granger loaded all of his gear into the No. 3 car, along with Wong, Loh and Bato, and
drove off to a spring with excellent water near the main trail [?Kweihwating-Kobdo].
There they established camp on a hillside about ten miles directly north of Andrews’s
camp and in plain view of it. Before splitting up, Andrews and Granger had agreed to
exchange signals between camps by motorcar search light or mirror flash every day if
possible.

[Here Conq then launches into another 2-3 page diversion about RCA’s big-game
hunting. You should probably note these whenever they occur.]

Granger prospected that afternoon in the low hills north of his new camp. It was mostly
lava flow with a few outcrops of unfossiliferous gravelly beds beneath. He found an
arched shelter in the lava at the head of a small canyon which recently had been used as a
habitation. A rude bed made of strips of wood occupied the shelter. There also was some
old clothing. A quantity of grain straw done up in small bundles lay strewn in front.
Granger pondered where the straw had come from since he had not seen cultivation of
any kind in Outer Mongolia.

As agreed, there was an exchange of search light signals with the main camp that night to
confirm that all was well.

On the 21st, leaving [Bato] begind to guard camp, Granger set off with Wang and [Loh]
to find a well reported to be ten miles northeast of their new camp. After driving through
region he found relatively uninteresting, they found the well “very filthy, choked with
sheep dung and a dead rat or two in it for good measure.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 213

From there, they went north, mostly over grass covered hills gradually climbing until
they reached the southern edge of a great sedimentary basin. It looked to be ten miles or
more across from north to south and even broader east to west and was later named the
Oshih Basin [Conq/158]. An hour's prospecting yielded three weathered vertebrae of a
large sauropod which Granger did not have time to examine because dusk approached.
Signals were again exchanged between camps that night.

Granger drove back to the great basin with Wang and [Loh] the next morning (22nd) and
entered at the southwest corner. There they found a good well with clear water, both
Wang and [Loh] confirming it was "horola" which Granger judged meant “excellent.” He
decided camp would be shifted to that location the following day.

Continuing with hhis inspection, Granger examined some of the Cretaceous exposures
along the southern edge of the [Oshih] basin, but found no trace of bone. Three miles
northeast of the well, however, he saw [noticed, observed] a great red, lava-capped mesa,
several hundred feet high and at least two miles long. The beds were apparently the same
as the red shales several miles west of the spring on the main trail. He climbed the mesa
and made a sketch. He then examined the slopes he stood on but found nothing.
However,

an extraordinary wall of lava stones had been built in a north-south


direction across the western end of the mesa where it dropped off
into two pyramid shaped buttes. The wall extends out onto the open
plain for at least a mile in each direction. Much tumbled down but
visible for miles. Portions of the wall are still intact however. This
wall may enclose the mesa but I could not see any easterly extension
either to the north or south. Cannot imagine anything more than a
religious significance in a structure of this sort [193].

Granger noted that the location was about a 12-mile drive from his present camp, almost
due north. More signals were exchanged that night.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 214

On the 23rd, Granger sent Bato over to some Mongol yurts to arrange to have a message
sent to Anrews. Instead of Mongols, Bato found two lamas there who were caretaking the
place while the family and stock were away. They had no horse. “While waiting for a
rider to turn up,” Granger recorded later, “Bayard appeared on horseback. Had ridden
down to try and arrange a code of signals with the search lights. Gave me the
‘Contionental’ code. Said out light could be seen by them but only dimly. He stayed for
tiffin and I sent a message back to Roy by him [WGDiary].”

With Colgate’s departure after lunch, Granger and his men moved camp to the new
location 13.4 miles away as measured by the car’s odometer. After they set up within 50
yards of the well, Granger “had the men dip the water out so that a clear supply may run
in.” He attempted to signal off the clouds that night because they were now too low in
elevation to exchange direct signals with the other camp. But he couldn’t reach them.

An instant village of half dozen yurts had sprung up near their old camp while they were
gone for the day, Granger noted. Hundreds of sheep were now about. “They have
probably spoiled the spring by this time,” Granger groused.

Three oil tins were taken over to the two caretaker lamas who were quite pleased, even
though they had not quite understood at first that these were intended as gifts. One of the
lamas, Granger noted, was impaired and had “to walk with his body at right angles to his
legs.”

On the 24th, Granger and his crew started for the bluff where he had found the three
weathered sauropod vertebrae. It was six miles distant going along the south side of the
mesa. When they got to the mesa’s east end, they found themselves entirely blocked by a
magnificent set of badlands that dropped down 200 feet and were extremely rough.
Granger spent the day prospecting there and found a small reptilian skull in concretion
and two prospects of small dinosaurs. Wang found a large sauropod limb bone and “a
small thing, so he said.” The beds seem fairly rich in fossils. In fact, the extent of visible
exposures seemed great enough to keep a party busy for a full season.

The threesome climbed the west end of the mesa on their way back to camp to hunt for
the red-legged partridge. Granger had spotted them two days before, but they were not to
be found. As he strode across the top of the mesa, the sunset made the climb well worth
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 215

the effort, partridges or not. “Old Bogo Bagda was enveloped in a wonderful rosy haze,
just a little south of the setting sun,” Granger wrote. Expedition life seemed good, he
reflected. “The chauffeur looks after my floral decoration. Keeps a bouquet on my table
constantly and today he brought in from the badlands a small bush covered with lemon
yellow flowers and transplanted the thing in my tent––near the front––where I can see it
as I sit at table or on bed. It's really quite effective.”

Granger and Wang returned to Wang’s sauropod find at the east end of the mesa. Neither
end of the bone was perfect and the shank was crushed, making it probably not worth
taking. The other specimen, however, was a significant portion of a small dinosaur
skeleton the size of the Ussuk specimen (Protiguanodon). This was to become known as
Psitticosaurus mongolienses [Conq/159]. It was in concretion with its tail and pelvis
exposed. The hind limbs were probably gone, Granger surmised, but he figured that the
anterior portion of body should be there.

He brought in the tail section which was already loose from the ledge and worked the rest
of the day on the specimen which was somewhat larger than the Ussuk dinosaur. It had
been an entire skeleton, but weathering had left it mostly in fragments all of which they
gathered up. There was one perfect hind limb, but the foot and the tail were still in the
rock.

It was clear that this small dinosaur was common throughout these beds––many skeletons
were to be had. It was a dinosaur of a type new to Granger. He thought it might be
something like the Camptosaurus. The next day or so were devoted to the specimen
recently found in the concretionary rock. When he broke into the top of the concretion,
Granger found the skull attached. Extracating it was slow and difficult.

The party returned to camp at sunset. Granger had a bath and seemed fairly pleased in
general with his new, perhaps less complicated setting:

Our well water is splendid for washing but not good for drinking––
not bad but the kind one doesn't linger over. Has something like
washing soda in it. The Mongol, Bato, says that camels like this kind
of water. Look for the geologs tomorrow. These are very quiet,
peaceful days––excellent for collecting.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 216

August 28, 1922––Cloudy all day––faint sunshine occasionally,


alternating with sprinkle of rain. Strong easterly winds. All day on
larger of small dinosaurs found by me, took up hind leg, foot and
pelvis. Have tail to take tomorrow. Wang prospecting and found
several more specimens, one a partial skeleton which will be worth
taking if I have time. We also found a tooth of a Sauropod dinosaur
[?Asiatosaurus mongoliensis?, Conq/159] [194].

Granger had wanted the geologs to come over and study the area. Presumably that’s the
message he had sent to Andrews via Colgate. A lama riding through on the 28th reported
that the geologs had returned to Andrews’s camp the day before. Granger expected their
arrival in another day or so. But they had not shown up as he had hoped. He was irritated
that he might have to fetch them. The weather further dampened his outlook, as his diary
entry for the 29th made clear:

A dismal day––especially with no company. Read and wrote until


tiffin time and packed up specimens and pasted in afternoon. Sky
perfectly clear tonight. It is surprising what a heavy rain it takes in
this country to start the dry washes running. It rained constantly
today for six hours and at times quite hard and yet the washes near
camp were barely running. The absence of much clay in the
formation seems to account for this––the surface soil is mostly
gravelly or sandy and anything but a steady downpour sinks in. Our
Mongol tents shed water except where the wind blows the rain
against the tent––a slight spray comes through at such places and in
a driving rain it comes through freely. The method of closing the
front is not satisfactory and as it usually blows from the front in a
rain we find it difficult to keep the front of the tent dry [195].

Granger and Wang had continued working on the small dinosaurs finding more and more
evidence of them wherever they looked. “The whole badlands where I work seems to be
fairly crawling with dinosaurs on certain levels,” Granger wrote. Finally, on the 30th,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 217

Berkey, Morris and Colgate arrived at about 5:00 p.m., having left Andrews’s camp right
after lunch. They came in the No. 1 bringing along their beds and one tent. Granger
immediately took them for a brief tour of the badlands before letting them settle in at
camp. With another day’s work behind him and the geologs now there, Granger was
pleased to note that the “[b]oys brought over a fine mess of partridges which we had for
supper.”

Granger was up early the next morning. He instructed Loh (Wang and Bato) to break
camp and return to Andrews’s camp while he, Berkey, Morris and Colgate spent the day
going over the basin’s geology and taking photographs. They first went to the west end of
the mesa, which they climbed. They then went back down into the basin and traversed
over it to the north wall where they prospected until lunch. A few fragments of bone
found in a paper shale layer established the age of this north wall as Cretaceous. They
then went back across the basin to the east end of the mesa and up into the lava flow near
where Granger had found the three sauropod dinosaur vertebrae. They exited the basin up
the south rim and drove north to Andrews’s camp, arriving an hour after dark. Tomorrow,
September 1, was departure day Conq/160].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 218

“Starting east tomorrow!”

Our last camp opposite Artsa Bogdo mountain was on the ancient
Kobdo-Kweihwating trail ten miles north of the mountain. We
decided to follow the trail eastward to the vicinity of Ulan Nor [a
lake about 20 miles north of the K-K trail] and then try to strike
northward to the Uliassutai-Sair Usu road, which we believed
could be traveled safely into Kalgan. If this route proved
impracticable we should have to find some other way to Kalgan
[Conq/161].

Friday, September 1, 1922, was a bright and pleasant day as the party got off at 9:00 a.m.
Temperatures ranged from 42˚ at sunrise to 70˚ at around 4:00 p.m. The party drove 29
miles along the east-west Kweihwating-Kobdo trail until they reached a well. Berkey and
Morris rode in the No. 1 (touring car) with Wang as driver and Loh as passenger.
Andrews and Shackelford rode with a Mongol [?Bato] in the No. 3. Colgate and Granger
rode together in the No. 2.

The geologists had been switched into the No. 1 car from the dog-wagon they had been
using so that it could be loaded to capacity with just a single driver. In fact, all the
vehicles were heavily loaded now [Conq/161]. In addition to fossils, rock samples, and
Andrews’s recently collected goat and sheep heads and skins to mount, they were also
carrying enough gasoline to get all vehicles to Sair Usu.

Despite the wonderful weather that day, the trip got off to a rocky start. Two tires were
punctured by dropped Chinese shoe nails that morning––one on the No. 1 and one on the
No. 2. Dropped shoe nails posed a constant problem, Granger recorded. They

have caused all punctures so far on the trip. These nails have large
heads and usually stand upright. Thousands of caravans passing over
the Mongolian trails in times past have left the trails pretty well
strewn with nails from the shoes of the Chinese caravan men [196].

At about 11:00 a.m., the Fulton truck’s clutch suddenly refused to work. Colgate took it
apart and found that both clutch "fingers" were so worn from friction that the small pins
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 219

that gripped the rim of the clutch to throw it out were lost [gone]. No new clutch fingers
were in stock, so it was necessary to reattach the pins to the old fingers by drilling
through each pin and each finger tip and fastening them together with wire nails. Granger
made a sketch of this operation which consumed the balance of the day.

By nightfall, the Fulton clutch was still not operable but the work was completed by early
the next morning and the party moved on. The day’s run was 36.5 miles over some bad
sand washes with many tussocks to a section of trail that ran along the top of a long red
bluff. From that vantage point, they spotted a group of yurts off to the south with the
distant, low-lying range of the Gurbun Saikhan behind them [Conq/162].

Andrews drove over to inquire about a [branch] road branching [heading] north to the
Sair Usu trail. There had been no Mongols along the trail to ask. The yurts turned out to
be a yamen, or checkpoint, at the entrance to the southwestern kingdom. The two Mongol
soldiers guarding the road [compound] told Andrews that the north branch was another a
mile or two farther on. The party decided to camp right where they were on the
Kweihwating-Kobdo trail for the night and engage a guide the next day to take them on
to the north turnoff [Conq/162].

Mosquitoes and black flies seemed rampant, Granger noted. Along with a well or two
nearby the trail, they later discovered there was a small pond a couple of miles north in
the badlands. This was only the second spot in Mongolia where these insects had
bothered them so. The other was Ongin Gol where they had stopped on the way out, less
than 100 miles away.

While discussions took place and a decision was made about where to camp for the night,
Shackelford had walked off a half mile north to prospect a red escarpment in the
badlands. He, too, had found the insects particularly annoying and wanted to move
around. Not long after, he returned to report a discovery to Granger. Shackelford had
“found a fine skull of a reptile new to me, white bone in red sandy concretion,” Granger
wrote. It would later be named Protoceratops andrewsi by Granger and William King
Gregory in a paper they published in 1923 [Conq/162].

All hands returned to the escarpment to inspect the find and prospect further. Clearly they
were in a very rich Cretaceous formation as many more fossils were found. Granger’s
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 220

included “another small reptile skull and an eggshell, probably bird [Conq/162].” The
men could not know it then and would not for many more months, but they were in one
of vertebrate paleontology’s most magic moments of history. This place was to be called
the Djadochta formation of Shabarakh Usu. It included the “Flaming Cliffs” and was long
considered the most important deposit in Asia, if not the world [Conq/162].

The eggshell was a badly weathered fragment as to which Granger could draw no
conclusion in the field. Fossilized bird eggshells were not uncommon. However, no
dinosaurian eggshell had ever been confirmed. Therefore bird seemed more likely,
although Granger’s “probably bird” left it open.

Fragments of eggshells thought to be dinosaur were first recorded by scientists in 1859.


They were found in the French Pyrenees where nearly complete fossil eggs were
discovered ten years later. These eggs were claimed to be dinosaur by the French
paleontologist Paul Gervais in 1877. But the few fragments of dinosaur bone found in the
same strata as the eggs could not be conclusively associated with them and his claim was
not accepted.

Nevertheless, while definitive evidence remained missing, speculation abounded. In


1899, while visiting at Sheep Creek, Wyoming, Granger and William H. Reed talked of
dinosaur reproduction and the hope to someday find a dinosaur egg in the American
West. Later reflecting on his eggshell fragment find in 1922, Granger wrote:

When the Central Asiatic Expedition first entered the Gobi, in 1922,
it was not known definitely that dinosaurs laid eggs. Reptiles of
today have both oviparous and viviparous methods of
reproduction––even with closely related species of snakes some lay
eggs and others bring forth living young, and it was supposed that
since dinosaurs are reptiles, some of them, at least, might have laid
eggs, although none had ever been found. At Rognac in southern
France some fragments of what seemed to be reptilian egg shells
were found in strata bearing dinosaur bones and there is a possibility
that these are really bits of dinosaur egg, but they may also belong to
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 221

other contemporary reptiles. In North America, where dinosaurs


flourished as nowhere else in the world and where their bones, their
gizzard stones, their tracks and their tooth marks abound, not a trace
of their eggs had ever come to light [197].

Knowing this fragment would require laboratory analysis, he wrapped it up carefully for
transport back to the American Museum at the earliest opportunity. Shackelford provided
just that when agreed to conceal it (and the Baluchitherium skull!) in one of the boxes of
motion picture camera equipment he was shipping back to New York that Fall. By Spring
of 1923, the Museum was able to confirm to Granger that the eggshell was dinosaur.

They moved on the next day and drove 81 miles straight north to the familiar lamasary at
Ongin Gol they had visited on the way out earlier that summer. Their new Mongol guide
rode in the No. 3 with Andrews. Shackelford rode in the No. 1 with the geologists and
Granger rode in the No. 2 with Colgate. They left the trail when it became too steep for
vehicles and descended a somewhat frightening escparment a little to the east. The
driving became even more difficult when their route became obstructed by large areas of
deep, loose sand and dense clumps of tussocks. Andrews scouted ahead only to return
discourgaed, reporting that things seemed hopeless. Using up too much gasoline to
negotiate these obstacles was one of their concerns [Conq/163].

They pressed on after finding a faint trail and deciding to follow it. Miraculously, it took
them to a narrow strip of land along a rim free from sand and brush [Conq/164]. They
“crept along this rim for ten miles and finally emerged onto one of the finest auto roads in
the world!,” Granger wrote.

For 40 miles, they drove along a gently sloping bench that was ten miles wide and dipped
off only two feet or so to the rim. The surface was perfectly smooth and covered with tiny
pebbles with only scant growth of grass and no bushes. They later agreed that it probably
was the same great penaplane they had crossed on the way to the Ongin Gol from the east
during their outward journey that Spring. The penaplane appeared to continue on to the
north, and if it reached as far as their former crossing, they realized, it would be nearly
100 miles long. Indeed, it was later termed the “Hundred Mile Tennis Court [Conq/164].”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 222

The penaplane was dotted with yurts. Flocks of domestic animals fed on rich, grassy
bottom land along the river. Once they struck good going, the cars were put on full speed
“and buzzed past the yurts at 30 miles per hour, scattering the herds of sheep & goats,
camels, horses and cattle, the natives peeping around the yurt at us in awe.” They stopped
to camp just south of a lamasary a half hour before sunset. There they were told that the
Uliassutai Trail was not more than 50 miles away and that Merin had crossed the Ongin
Gol nearby some ten days before, informing the lamas that the cars would be coming.
This lamasary, known as ‘Ongin Gol-in-Sumu,’ was “a small but picturesque group of
temples with some 200 Lamas, the cleanest and most intelligent set of these people we
have yet seen,” Granger wrote as he also noted “Puncture on No. 3 in a.m.; trouble with
No. 1 [Conq/164].”

On September 4th, Granger began keeping [taking] odometer readings in his journal. The
day was bright with a moderate westerly breeze. The temperature rose from 45° at sunrise
to 59° at ten o’clock that night. They covered 117 [112? Conq/165] miles that day after
leaving the lamasary at 9:15 a.m., most of it fairly good going. The men angled northeast,
first across the penaplane for about 11 miles and then through low hilly country following
a foot trail. They struck the Sair Usu-Uliassutai Trail at 12:30 p.m. and stopped for lunch.

Having reached this main caravan trail, there was no longer a need for their Mongol
guide. So they sent him back and continued east. The trail was excellent going and
Granger’s odometer readings for that day were:

17.2 - Well
29.6 - "
34.0 - lamasary
44.0 - Well
49.5 - Yurts
59.5 - "
61.2 - Well
67.7 - lamasary
76 (about) - Well and camp
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 223

The next day's run was 75 miles to Sair Usu. In the morning they managed to lose the
trail thereby mistakenly making a northerly course that ultimately forced them to travel
two sides of a triangle instead of one straight line [Conq omits mention]. Granger
sketched the route. At point “X” on Granger’s sketch, they finally took on a guide who
showed them the way back to Sair Usu. (Granger also notes taking on guide at restart
mile 14.6 below.) The trail was fair most of the way with only a few bad spots. Started at
8:25 a.m., the drive went as follows:

77.8 - Start
82.5 - lamasary––60.5
93.8 - Well
96.1 - Sand––probably left main trail here
07.8 - Well [restart at]
14.6 - Yurts––took guide
18.5 - Yurts––pool
23.5 - tiffin
30.4 - Well and mud houses
43.7 - Sair Usu

In better times, Sair Usu, sitting at the intersection of main trails to Urga, Uliassutai, and
Kobdo, “must have been a station of considerable importance [Conq/165].” Now it
consisted of a tiny lamasary inhabited by 25 or so lamas, a half dozen yurts, the ruins of a
large Chinese temple and another small temple in fair condition. There were also several
mud barrack houses that had been used by soldiers when the Chinese were in possession
of that region. Water was obtained from several wells and was of acceptable quality.

Merin had arrived with the caravan and reported that all was well. The next day was
spent unloading, repacking and reloading the fossils to the caravan. Unnecessary items
were also taken out of the cars and put on camels to make room for gas––all gasoline
containers were taken off the camels and loaded aboard the cars to get them back to
Kalgan, 536 miles east.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 224

Borghese’s 1907 campaign to race from Peking to Paris across the Gobi-Mongolia,
Osborn-Granger’s 1907 expedition to the Fayum of Egypt and Albert Thomson’s
employment of “AutoBilly” in Nebraska had laid the groundwork for the Central Asiatic
Expeditions. The ability of the motorcar to travel off-road was well-known by 1922. The
New York to Paris race of 1908 proved that, as did Horatio Nelson Jackson’s first
crosscountry traverse of the US in 1903 followed by Alice Ramsey in 1909. Ramsey.
"Alice only had 152 miles of paved roadway in 1909, and those roads were primarily
within the cities. ... Otherwise it was all wagon trails, and that's some difficult terrain to
cross
[http://www.cnn.com/2009/TRAVEL/12/11/woman.crosscountry.driver/index.html]."

Roaming freely about an expansive territory in motorized vehicles to hunt for and collect
fossils and other specimens and materials already had been achieved at some level by
arctic explorers, as well as by Albert Thomson in []. The CAE’s range and extended stay
in Mongolia combining motor car with camel caravan was premised on the experiences
on these explorers along with Borghese, Osborn-Granger, Thomson and other previous
motorcar adventurers. Pre-arranged rendezvous with the caravan for resupply in the field
followed the practice of Osborn-Granger during the 1907 Fayum expedition, as well as
Borghese’s advanced cache arrangement for crossing the Gobi that same year.

In Mongolia, the various rendezvous allowed the expedition to transfer their collections
to date and make room for new ones. Boxes of supplies and gas tins brought out from
Kalgan were emptied and then reloaded with fossils and other collections for transport
back to Kalgan. From there they were taken on to Peking by rail to be repacked for
shipment by ocean liner back to the American Museum in New York City.

This was, of course, essentially the same procedure Borghese used in 1907 and akin to
what Osborn-Granger did in the Fayum that same year. Camels dropped caches along
Borghese’s route through the barren Gobi to sustained his effort which he could not
otherwise have made. In the Fayum, Camels trundled out from Tamia loaded with
supplies and water to keep Granger functioning at his stationary camp at the quarries. The
rotation had the camels returning with boxes loaded with fossils to be taken to the
railroad station in Tamia for transport to Cairo by rail. There they would be repacked for
shipment by ocean liner back to the American Museum in New York City.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 225

Absent the camels, of course, this is roughly the way Granger and others had done things
with horse, wagon and rail since the early days of fossil-collecting in the American West.
Camels required less care and could bear more, however. The experience with camels in
the Fayum in 1907 clearly impressed Osborn and Granger with the power and potential
camels played in enabling a party to work long term at a remote desert work site sending
out a succession of fossil boxes weighing as much as 400 pounds each. Writing for
Science in 1907, Osborn stated that the

party [would] only succeed through thorough, systematic and


prolonged search and excavation... A train of eight camels is
constantly moving to and fro, keeping the camp supplied, a three to
four days' round journey [198].

Thus, as the ancient Persians brought camels to Egypt to abet the consolidation of their
political influence, the Central Asiatic Expeditions deployed them to gain access to the
riches of Mongolia's riches. Unlike Granger's stationary campsite in the Fayum,
campsites in the Gobi were as wide-ranging as the reach of a motor vehicle and
preplanned rendezvous with the double-humped back beast would allow. But Granger
easily could have moved his camp elsewhere in the Fayum, to the Zeuglodon Valley for
example, and the caravan system would have worked just as well.

While the similarities between vast, barren and remote expanses of snow and ice to the
equally barren and remote expanses of deserts and badlands were striking and required
innovation, the CAE had one great advantage over the arctic explorers. Not only did
Mongolia have an established route system, it was populated, there was vegetation, there
was water, there was wildlife, there were landmarks, there were guides and there was
foreknowledge. In organizing this, an already familiar sense existed of where and when
camel and car could meet, and where help could be found.

In the vast expanse of the Gobi and Mongolia that lay before them, the CAE already
knew where it was were going. Exploration was designed to cover wide expanses of
ground because it had already been done before. With their general route in mind, they
knew how much fuel and supplies were needed, how many camels were needed, where
and for how long they were going, and where and when to meet the next caravan.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 226

The rendezvous at Sair Usu was to be the last meeting of motors and camels that season.
Granger spent the 6th repacking fossils for shipment by caravan. All gasoline was taken
off the camels and enough was loaded aboard the cars to get them to Kalgan. Every thing
not needed in the cars was placed with the caravan “in order to reduce the motor loads,
which will be extra heavy [due to the loaded gas tins] starting out tomorrow.”

When the cars sped off the next day, September 7th, Granger resumed noting mileage and
landmarks for the next 60-miles that day and another 57-miles the following day. The
road generally had become a “mixture of good and Badmajapoff,” Granger joked. The
natives, he also noted “have shown great fear of autos all day Conq/166-167].” And now
they were traveling through a “very thickly populated region and it has been difficult to
get proper directions. There are many possibilities of getting off the right road.”

They drove 38 miles from 8:30 a.m. to tiffin time at Promontory Point (Ardyn Obo) the
next day [Conq/168]. While it isn’t clear where Granger got the name Promontory Point,
the trail passed along the base of the eastern end of a very extensive plateau of Tertiary
strata which ended abruptly like the prow of a ship. The face of it rose several hundred
feet high. The mesa was fairly flat on top with an elaborate obo near the “prow” called
Ardyn Obo (ardyn means jewels) [Conq/168].

These were badlands of a general reddish color with a heavy capping of coarse sandstone.
Prospecting the area before and after tiffin yielded several fragmentary bones of apparent
mid-Tertiary age. After tiffin, the ever-developing fossil-hunting ace, Shackelford,
discovered a deposit of rhinoceros material. Granger decided this find alone required at
least a full day's stop [Conq/168].

And one day turned into four. On the first day, Granger picked up a pair of young jaws
from the surface. Excavation led to a pair of adult jaws, an adult skull and considerable
skeleton material. While Granger worked on this, the geologists measured the strata by
taking sections (measuring stratigraphic section with a Jacob’s staff) while Andrews and
Shackelford prospected nearby.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 227

A second smaller but nearly complete rhinoceros skull was found the next day,
September 11. In the meantime, Colgate drove seven or eight miles up the road toward
Kalgan to obtain a fresh supply of water from a well there since a third full day of fossil
work lay ahead. Another palate was discovered the third day as Granger endeavored to
finish up.

A sprinkle of rain just before daybreak on September 13th alarmed Granger. “I had left
pasted skulls uncovered in quarry and I went up and brought them down and covered up
other things.” He stayed in the quarry all morning. Camp was broken after lunch and four
of the cars proceeded on to the well Colgate had visited. Colgate remained behind with
the fifth car until Granger’s last pasted up specimen, the palate, was dry enough to lift
and carry. After they drove off, Granger “held it in my lap all afternoon and let it finish
drying there.”

Granger continued making odometer readings and landmark notations. That day's run was
36 miles in “’[c]hoppy sea’ topography most of afternoon.” These were his last jottings in
that now full diary book. He started a new one.

September 14, 1922

Book III
Mongolia-1922

33˚ Sunrise[;] 76˚ - 3:30 p.m.[;] 47˚ - 9:30 p.m. Light easterly breeze
in forenoon; southwesterly breeze in afternoon; quiet in evening.
Day's run about 28.5 miles. Camp on a level piece of ground by a
well and carpeted with short green grass. 1/2 hour after sunset [199].

With camp break down finished that morning and all cars loaded, the No. 2’s motor
balked and then refused to run at all. Colgate worked on it until nearly lunch time, finally
getting it to sputter along for a mile or so before things went wrong again. He tinkered
some more and got it going again after lunch. After running just a few miles, it finally
quit completely.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 228

Colgate began pulling part after part off the engine until he at last discovered, as
Shackelford had suggested from the beginning, that the carburetor float was rusted
through and now filled with gasoline. In other words, it was no longer a float. With a new
float in stock, the trouble was remedied in short order and the outfit finally got off at
around 4 p.m. that afternoon. Trees resembling the willow-leaved cottonwood were
scattered along the sandy washes they drove through and reminded Granger of parts of
Wyoming. The party drove until dark and then camped near a well. As a precaution, they
drained the water out of the auto radiators for the first time, in case the nighttime
temperature dropped to freezing.

The next day (15th) they pressed on, covering another 83 miles before going into camp
on a flat upland near a Chinese caravan. The road was excellent most of that day, as was
the weather. At some point between miles 05.1 and 19.0 Granger switched cars to ride in
the No. 1 with Andrews. Why isn’t clear and it the first time since beginning the return
trip. It also resulted an interesting departure from the usual convoy routine.

As the route that afternoon took them by the southern end of an exposure of badlands
which extended many miles northward, Andrews and Granger stopped to get out and
prospect in some Tertiary exposures 18 miles east of the Jisu Honguer formation
(permian/Dinantian) while letting the others continue [Conq/173]. In just a few minutes,
they found many bones, mostly of a rhinoceros. That night, Granger recorded that
Andrews had found

a fine pair of jaws (?Titanothere). Other cars had gone on and we


had only a short time to work in. Decided to take a section of one
jaw with the cheek teeth. Had no wrapping material––it being ahead
in No. 2 car––so we appropriated our pocket handkerchiefs and hats
and managed to get the sections to camp without serious damage.
Jaw found 238 paces north of road [200].

Granger surmised “and correctly so, that this was a western extension of the Irdin Manha
basin, in which we had found the first fossils on the Kalgan-Urga road. The formation
was formally designated the Shara Murun, and proved to be of Eocene age [Conq/173].”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 229

They moved on, climbing to the eastern edge of the basin before stopping for water in a
small hollow at Ula Usu (Well of the Mountain Waters) before moving on for a short
visit a small temple nearby called Baron Sog-in-Sumu. From there, they could look
eastward across the broad, 300-foot deep valley of the Shara Murun River Conq/174].

The 16th [Conq says 15th at p.174] brought “rain from daybreak until ten o'clock. Lousy
and dismal all balance of day. Some snow in afternoon.” The run was nearly 68 miles
over road that Granger considered only fair at best. Adding to the misery was a fierce
west wind that blew in at sunset causing the men considerable discomfort until the tents
were up.

The expedition’s next 76 miles on September 17th [Conq infers 16th at p. 175] put them
“practically back in China,” Granger wrote. He found the road was “mostly bad after
striking the Chinese area.” The 74th mile, he noted, had brought them to the “[c]enter of
large yurt colony––Mongols and the first Chinese. Cultivated fields of the latter.” Nearly
all available land was now under cultivation, mostly with oats and potatoes [Conq/175].

The road worsened as rocks and ruts dominated the 54.8 miles they traveled the next day
“over the worst going encountered during our entire trip, mostly rocks and ruts
[Conq/175].” On the 18th, they reached Miao Tan 34 miles north of Kalgan on the main
Kalgan-Urga auto road and “camped” at an inn there. “Spent indoors tonight for the first
time since leaving Kalgan. Had Chinese supper––cabbage & pork to which everyone did
more than justice [Conq/175].”

Kalgan was now only 34.8 miles away and they reached it by four the next afternoon
after fixing a tire puncture on the No. 3 car. Nearly 2,500 miles had been covered
roundtrip in a [loop] that ran west northwest from Kalgan to Urga, then west southwest to
Tsagan Nor in the Altai Mountain Region and then east back to Kalgan. They missed the
Mongolians who were gentle with each other, gentle with animals and gentle with life.
And they missed the idyllic scenery of this now far away, totally beautiful land.

The final stretch of road along the plateau was left very bad from recent rains. The pass
where the wives had parted company with them in April was in horrible shape. They
decided to take a more easterly route to avoid the sea of mud in the main trail. Two miles
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 230

below the pass they stopped for lunch near where a small band of workers was trying to
smooth out the ruts in the road.

There, one of the two remaining crows brought all the way from Tsetsenwan escaped
from its box. It could not be caught and had to be left behind.

As the expedition filed into Kalgan, Colgate and Granger were last in the No. 2 car. At
about one mile away from the Anderson & Meyer compound, where the motor vehicles
were to be parked, “our gas gave out and we had to wait an hour until we could secure
more from one of the other cars. Bought one case of gas at Miao Tan this morning to see
us into town. Close figuring!”

They were quartered at the British-American Tobacco, Co. (B.A.T.). A large


accumulation of expedition mail had recently been forwarded to Iren Dabasu, he learned.
A wire was sent asking that it be returned to Kalgan. Granger sent a telegram to Anna.

The flatbed railcars needed to carry the autos to Peking would not be available for several
days. The party took a passenger train to Peking. Andrews and Colgate planned to return
to Kalgan to load the cars when the flatbeds were secured.

Granger arrived at the West Gate Station [in Peking] at 6:00 p.m. and greeted by Anna
whom he thought looked “unusuall well.” Yvette was there, as well

with new Dodge touring car, and took Anna and me around to Wagons-
Lits. Mrs. Shack also at station with car for her husband. Berkey and
Morris still have their beards but I took mine off at Kalgan [201].

Interim in Peking

The CAE’s 1922 expedition season was over for all but Granger. He would be returning
to the Yangtze Basin in a few weeks for another winter of fieldwork at Yanjinggou
[Conq/179]. Anna, Wong, 'Buckshot', Chih (the taxidermist) and a new cook would go
with him. Until then, Granger’s days in Peking were spent resting and catching up with
colleagues. He and the geologists met with Amadeus Grabau at Granger’s hotel on the
evening of the 23rd to apprise him of their findings in Mongolia. Grabau was a research
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 231

associate to the CAE, but his advanced arthritic condition kept him from conducting
fieldwork. Following Grabau, Granger had lunch at his hotel with Ting and Andersson to
brief them as well.

Gatherings like these soon merged into a small group of key western and Chinese earth
scientists who met occasionally, usually at Grabau’s home, and became known as ‘The
Peking Circle.’

Granger would have known him from their years of plying the
American Museum’s paleontology laboratories. Now in Peking these
relationships deepened, especially between the two paleontologists.
While Andrews and his wife attended socialite dinners and entertained
in their lavish home such visiting celebrities as Noel Coward and
Douglas Fairbanks, Sr., Granger was drawn into Amadeus’s more
cerebral circle of scientific friends [202].

Granger now found time to bring his father up-to-date noting that

You will have seen cabled reports of our return to China before this
and doubtless there will be some newspaper articles given out by the
Museum, also there were articles on my work in the May and
September numbers of "Asia." So I feel that you have been fairly
well posted on our doing. I'm sending on a copy of yesterday's
"Peking News" with Reuter's full article on the Mongolian
Expedition. There will be a full series of articles in the trip which
will appear in "Asia,"––probably beginning early in 1923 [203].

Andrews and Colgate went back to Kalgan on the 26th to bring back the five motor cars.
The caravan was to return around the 10th to 15th of October, and Granger decided to
stay in Peking until his collections arrived. “I don't like to delegate the repacking to
anyone else. Fossils require about as much attention in packing as anything I know of.”
Once they were prepared and shipped off to New York, Granger and his party were off
for Yanjinggou.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 232

The original plan back in 1921 when he left for China, he recalled for his father,

was for my return to New York this fall but the opening up of the
great Mongolian field means that I shall probably have to put
another summer there,––especially as Olsen is not here and possibly
may not come at all; a letter from him is up in Mongolia now, along
with several of yours, but Anna read it before sending it up and it
seems that Olsen is still having trouble with his health and feels that
China is a poor place for any but a robust man. As a matter of fact
Mongolia is one of the greatest summer climates in the world, and
as for China––it's as good a place to die in as New York any day
[204].

Granger had left for Mongolia during a rough time of the year in Peking. Now the days
were beautiful, clear and calm with mild temperatures. There was no dust. The vegetation
was still lush and green. Fruit and vegetables were abundant. The town was full of
tourists. And natives who lived inland chose this time of the year for their trips to the
capitol. Anna was in splendid health, weighing more than she ever had before––close to
130 pounds––and Granger found it difficult to get down to work again, finally deciding
that he was “entitled to a little loafing anyhow.” All seemed well.

It had been expected that Osborn would make a ceremonious appearance upon their
return from Mongolia. When it was learned that he could not, they were

keenly disappointed over Prof. Osborn's failure to arrive here at this


time; we sort of had the stage all set, all members in Peking and the
collection will be here shortly––weather perfect and everything. Just
at this point we are anxious to confer with Osborn over plans for the
next year. If he delays his coming for six weeks, as a recent cable
announced, we shall be dispersed when he arrives and the collection
shipped, winter will have arrived and he will not be able to make the
Yangtze gorge trip. Sickness of Mrs. Osborn has caused the delay
[205].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 233

Granger found three unopened letters from his father waiting for him in Peking. He
hadn’t received a letter from his father since July, and these pre-dated that one. The three
had been sent from the US while Granger was still at Yanjinggou but had arrived after
he’d departed that spring. They were then returned to the U.S. and then back to Peking
“with some recent notes on the back of them.” Fortunately they were not among those
just sent for pick-up at Iren Dabasu in Inner Mongolia. A change in the expedition’s route
during their final week in Mongolia had them returning to Kalgan by the old post road
from Sair Usu to the south of Iren Dabasu by some 150 miles [206]. That mail would be
returned shortly. Other mail sent deeper in to Mongolia, however, “we may not get until
next year.” The next American mail would bring something from his father, he hoped.

Granger spent part of nearly each day at the CAE’s Peking headquarters organizing
equipment, giving interviews and posing for publicity photographs. The headquarters was
part of the Andrews’s large residential compound which formerly belonged to The Times
Peking correspondent George Ernest Morrison.

Andrews leased a former palace just northeast of the Forbidden City to


serve as expedition headquarters; it was his personal residence for the
next twelve years. The walled enclosure, occupying an acre of land, was
remodeled into forty rooms including laboratories, bathrooms,
storerooms, garages and stables, quarters for twenty household servants,
beautifully landscaped courtyards, and a sumptuous residential suite
ornately decorated in Oriental style. He joined the polo club and with
his wife entered Peking’s social rounds [207].

In the wake of the great success of the first Mongolia expedition and the rapt attention of
the press that followed, several key CAE members were in demand at social events.
Granger and Anna dined with J. G. Andersson and his secretary-fiancee, Miss Rosenius,
on the 28th, which also was the day the mail came back from Iren Dabasu. The next night
they attended a formal dinner held by the President of the Geological Society of China at
the Chinese Hotel. That was followed by a mobbed meeting at the Society Room Library
where Granger and others summarized the work of the Mongolia expedition. The
American ambassador, Jacob Gould Schurman, was in attendance. ”[S]ee [enclosed]
press notices,” Granger wrote his father.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 234

Berkey was making ready to leave for America soon, and the western members of the
expedition held a festive farewell dinner for him at the Andrews’s residence. It was also a
time of sight-seeing. Walter and Anna attended the polo games with Shackelford and
visited the Ming tombs in Nankou for two days with Pope. The days stretched on
pleasurably: “To Drum and Bell towers with Anna;” “To Agricultural Garden with
Anna;” “To President's Palace––great throngs of Chinese out. Fall Festival;” “Tea [with]
Miss E. Kendall, the author who tells me she went to Urga years ago in a buggy which
was being sent by Larson to the Living God;” “To the Green Jade Fountain in our
rickshaw with an additional boy each to push behind. Had lunch at the marble pagoda and
returned by 5:30; Movies in evening.”

On the 5th, a wire came in from Kalgan that the caravan had arrived safely in Hallong
Ossu region where Joel Eriksson lived. The CAE requested a Chinese military escort to
take the caravan through the bandit area and into Kalgan. On the 6th, Morris, Grabau,
Pope, the American geologist George Barbour and Granger’s assistant Chow went off to
Kalgan by train to reexamine the geology of the pass. Colgate and two other men rode up
with them and then went on to Hallong Ossu to help bring in the caravan. Morris’ group
returned on the 13th, as did Colgate and his men with the caravan loads. Granger met
them all at the station with trucks to transport everything to headquarters. Off-loading
was completed that night. Morris had brought “back an interesting reptile from the
Kalgan variegated beds, vertebrae and [fragmented] pelvis.” A day or two later Granger
began the work of packing fossils for shipment as Shackelford developed film.

October 26, 1922


Peking

Dear Father:-
Two letters have come from you this week,––one from Rutland and
one from Des Moines, also a couple of [Rutland] Heralds. Glad you
could go to the encampment. Our collections are pretty well packed
now and I'm getting ready to return to Yen-ching-kuo early in
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 235

November, taking Anna with me as far as Wanhsien where she will


probably make her headquarters at the China Inland Mission [208].

Shackelford, Granger wrote his father, was to sail home on November 12th and “take to
the Museum one or two of the most striking of my fossils, for publicity use.”
Shackelford’s motion pictures also would be on view by January, either sold to a
syndicate like Fox or shown by the American Museum at a New York theater. And
Andrews had cabled an 800-word story to Asia magazine that would appear soon,
perhaps in December. Another written story with illustrations would be coming out early
in 1923.

Berkey, Granger continued, should just about have arrived in San Francisco by now.
Pope, “the fish and reptile man,” was to start next week for the island of Hainan and stay
for the winter. He would not be making any of the Mongolia trips. Andrews and Morris
would remain in Peking for the winter.

It was decided that next summer’s Mongolian party was to specialize in paleontology.
Granger asked to have either Olsen or Thomson to assist him while also urging W. D.
Matthew to visit if he could. Olsen still seemed unwell, however, and it wasn’t clear
whether he would make the trip. “Mongolia is healthy enough but we were 900 miles
from a doctor at one time last summer and it is a poor place to be sick in,” Granger wrote
his father.

Fall was ending early as life in Peking headed for November. Strong icy winds blew off
the Mongolian plateau into western China. A killer frost was on the way, but it hadn’t hit
Peking just yet. Chrysanthemums still bloomed, trees stayed in leaf and crickets still sang
at night. Some Chinese caught them and kept them in tiny jars until fight time. Then,
after making considerable wagers on the outcome, they put two of them in a large bowl to
“slug it out.” The crickets were even "weighed in" like prize fighters before the fight.
Shackelford was going to get a picture if he had the time.

In the meantime, socializing and sightseeing continued. There was a dinner at J. G.


Andersson’s with Andrews, Morris, Grabau, Black and Anna––a “Scandinavian dinner––
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 236

interesting and good, as always at Dr. Andersson's.” On November 2nd, Shackelford


exhibited a selection of his films from Mongolia, about 1,500 feet, at the Andrews
compound. Black, Anna and Mrs. Shackelford attended.

Unfortunately, much of Shackelford’s filming of the CAE would become lost over time
as edited sections were simply discarded and much of what remained was slowly
deteriorated by acid. Very sadly, little has survived.

Shackelford and his wife made ready to leave for the States on November 7th and
Granger’s trust in him became clear. “Shackelford is taking back, as excess baggage,
three of my boxes containing the Baluchitherium skull and some other smaller things.”
Despite the skull’s immense size, great weight and extra expense, its promotion value
was worth it. And so was one of the smaller things -- the eggshell.

The Grangers and Andrews were at the station that morning to say goodbye to the
Shackelfords when they left on the 10 a.m. train. Then it was off to lunch at the
Andrews’s and dinner at Mrs. Kendall's. Two days later, the Grangers themselves
boarded a train at the Peking train station and headed for the Yangtze.

Granger got his men and expedition equipment on an earlier train on the evening of
November 8th with James Wong, the interpreter, in charge. "'Buckshot'," now of
Mongolia experience, went along as general assistant, Whey [Huei] as the cook and Chih
as the taxidermist. Like Granger and 'Buckshot', Chih was now a Mongolia expedition
veteran. On the 9th, Granger and Anna followed on the semi-weekly express with Chow,
their No. 1 assistant. This train had one 1st Class Coach, one 2nd Class Coach and a 3rd
Class Coach for servants of passengers, as well as a dining car and baggage and mail car.
It was more suited, Granger thought, for traveling with Anna.

A cold winter wind blew into Peking stirring up much dust as their train rolled out. They
were due in Hankow on Saturday at 9:00 a.m., but when they crossed the Yellow River
the next day after dark, they were two hours behind schedule. Warlord general Feng's
troops were advancing north to Peking and their movements were delaying Granger’s
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 237

train at nearly every station along the way. In the evening, reports of banditry in southern
Honan Province made it likely, Granger surmised, that progress would be slow.

At about midnight on the 11th, the train was halted at Yen Cheng in southern Hupeh
Province and held there for the day. Bandits were reported to have taken several towns on
the railway line south of that station. Several train loads of Wu Pei Fu's troops were sent
through to the scene throughout day. Two trains coming from the north, including the
regular daily express, were also halted and turned around to take the place of the
northbound trains held up somewhere south of the troubled area. While sitting at the
station, the Grangers met a local French padre and a man in charge of the local China
Inland Mission. The latter was harboring ten or so women refugees from other missions
in devastated towns. The husband of one of the ladies was being held for ransom. A few
wounded soldiers were returned to Yen Ching later that day and the Grangers learned that
“considerable fighting has taken place between soldiers and bandits.” The “bandits” were
an army unit that recently had been abandoned by their officers, but had not been
disbanded, disarmed or paid off. They seemed not to have much choice but to turn to
banditry while trying to resolve their status.

The Grangers’ train started south just after lunch on November 12th. It proceeded slowly
and reached the bandit area at about dark. Soldiers were camped along the tracks to
protect the trains. Fires of burning villages and farms lit up the sky to the west. The
burnings spread for miles parallel to and not more than five or ten miles away from the
tracks. At one large town, the women folk of the Bank of China’s local manager hustled
aboard, taking over whatever space they needed in the dining car because no more berths
were available. There were eighteen, including children and a servant.

Without further incident, the Grangers finally arrived at Hankow at 7:00 a.m. on the 13th.
They had been delayed two days. 'Buckshot' met them at the station and they all went
directly to the Terminus Hotel while Wong shopped for supplies [209]. After breakfast,
Granger went to the International Banking Corporation to arrange an account and then on
to the Asia Banking Corporation to obtain money on a letter of credit he carried. His next
stop was the steamship office to engage passage to Ichang aboard the steamer Kiang Wo
leaving at 8:00 p.m. The party did some additional shopping and then went aboard the
Kiang Wo late in the afternoon. They were the only passengers and the Kiang Wo had a
new captain from the previous year.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 238

They steamed into Ichang harbor at 8:00 p.m. on November 17th. The postmaster, a
Frenchman Mr. Caplain, immediately came alongside in his postal sampan to advise that
the Shu Hun would start for Wanhsien at dawn the next morning. Granger was then taken
directly over to the Shu Hun in Caplain’s sampan to meet with Captain Bienairus and
engage passage. Later that afternoon, he and Anna went ashore to visit with Caplain at
his office and then at his house for tea. Dinner was back aboard the Kiang Wo with Wong
and the Captain after which they transferred to the Shu Hun. The expedition men and
baggage had been taken over earlier that afternoon. The Shu Hun was very crowded; so,
the Grangers were given the captain's stateroom. Wong was berthed in the Steward's
room.

The Grangers absorbed the beautiful trip through the lower gorges aboard the Shu Hun.
As they anchored for the night at Wushan, conditions in the gorges were peaceful. While
they saw many soldiers, all were either drilling on various parade grounds on the steep
slopes, or along the river paths. Granger found Captain Bienarius to be “a most genial
sort of a fellow and threw open for our use the Captain's bridge which is on our deck and
directly over the pilot's bridge.” The Captain’s cabin, he noticed, had an old bullet hole
through the door, as did Wong's. “In fact,” Granger realized, “there are bullet holes about
wherever one looks on the boat.”

The only rapid that gave them trouble that day was the Yen Tan. It was at its worst level
for navigation. To get up and over Yen Tan, the Shu Hun had to go under “forced
draught, against the current,” by cranking up its boilers to the limit. The smokestacks
grew so hot that water had to be poured on adjacent wood trim to prevent fire.

Even with the boilers at full blast, the boat was brought to a complete standstill by the
grip of the current’s immense force near the top of the rapids. It remained caught for
nearly a minute before the propeller finally won the contest and slowly edged the steamer
over the brim. Steamers would soon have to be hauled over that rapid by trackers,
Granger noted.

The Shu Hun steamed in to anchor at the opposite shore at Wanhsien after dark on the
19th. Not wishing to ferry his equipment across the river to town after dark, Granger
hired a large sampan, had his expedition equipment loaded aboard and posted his men to
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 239

guard it as it lay alongside the Shu Hun. He and Anna boarded in the morning before the
Shu Hun sailed out. In the meantime, Chow was sent ashore to Druggist Chang's to
arrange for coolies the next morning.

Granger and Anna disembarked in the rain at 6:00 a.m. The sampan was then poled to
shore and out of the way until the Shu Hun departed. Afterwards, it was rowed across the
river and landed near the Post Office pontoon where Chow and the coolies had arrived to
unload the expedition equipment and take it up to Druggist Chang's. While that was being
handled, Granger took Anna to the China Inland Mission where she would be quartered
when not with him in camp at Yanjinggou. The Mission’s director, Mr. Darlington, had a
chair waiting at the wharf for her.

That afternoon, Granger called on Mr. Annette, British Customs Commissioner, and
arranged to have the local general and town magistrate asked when Granger could pay
them a call. All agreed on 11:00 a.m. with the General and 3:00 p.m. with the Magistrate.
Granger and Wong made the call on General Chang Tseng the next morning going by
chair. Contrary to his usual practice, he obtained a four-coolie chair for himself and a
two-coolie chair for Wong. To Granger, the general appeared to be

not over 35 years old, looks intelligent and has had some military
training in Japan.... Found the General interested in our work and had a
chat of an hour and a half with him. The usual bad champagne,
chocolate etc., as a layout [210].

At Granger’s request, the General issued an order for Druggist Chang to post at his shop
that forbade soldiers from using it as a barracks, as they had been doing recently. Granger
planned to store his fossil boxes there again this year and needed the room. The General
also invited Granger to a dinner he was hosting at the Darlington's the following day.

After lunch at the Darlington’s, Granger and Wong called on the Magistrate who,
according to Granger, “was cordial and gave us notice (huchao) and other passes to use in
our work. He is of an ordinary class, however, not at all up to his position.”

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 240

November 23, 1922


Chow left today for Yen-Ching-Kao to get things ready for Wong
who goes up tomorrow. Dinner of the General's at 7 o'clock. Present
besides the Mission people and Anna & I.
Wanshien Magistrate
General Chang's Secretary
" " Newest wife
Capt. Nielson of the "Monocacy"
Mr. Annette [211].

It was “a rather peaceful meal in the absence of anything to drink––the Magistrate went
to sleep in the drawing room afterward, much to the amusement of the ‘newest wife’ who
is a good-looking woman in her teens (one baby) and came decked out in gorgeous
costume and loaded with jewelry.” The Magistrate happened to have called on Granger at
the Mission at about 4:30 p.m. and then remained for the dinner after an invitation by the
General.

Wong left early the next day with Huei [Whey], 'Buckshot' and Chih while Granger
stayed with Anna for a few more days to help settle her in at the China Inland Mission. It
was an English mission and Granger noted that the Darlingtons seemed like fine people
who were doing everything in their power to make the Grangers feel comfortable. But,
Anna wrote later,

their house is not fitted up with stoves to withstand the winter cold.
In a few rooms there are very small open fireplaces, which make
little impression on the cold air. Very wide verandas on the upper as
well as the lower story, out buildings for the Chinese helpers and a
tall Chinese temple close by on the south side keeps the sun from
helping to warm the rooms. There isn't much sun in Szechuan
anyway, though it is abroad today much to my delight. If it were
safe for me to roam about on the hills back of the house alone, I
could easily get up my circulation in that manner. While Walter is
here to go with me, I do go out once a day [212].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 241

There was a frost the first night and snow on the hills within sight of Wanxian. Anna
wrote to her Aunt Jane about their train standing for two days and nights on a siding in
the province of Honan awaiting the disbanding of a gang of robbers several stations
ahead of them. It was a worrisome time. There was concern that the soldiers who were
sent to disperse the bandits away from the railroad might desert to join the looters,
“leaving us more than ever exposed.” But,” she wrote, “if that did happen, it was not until
we had passed through the danger zone. It is impossible to get any news of what is really
happening once one is out of the district.”

During the trip up the Yangtze, she wrote, she had nothing to fear except the violence of
the river itself. The Gorges were wonderful and it took all of the daylight hours of two
days to pass through. And they had been aboard one of the most powerful steamers in
service.

There were three places where the cliffs were more precipitous and the river narrower
than anywhere else. It took hours to pass through these most thrilling sections and none
of the scenery was tame. “I think it is because the majestic beauty continues hour after
hour that one gets so solemnly impressed. The fearful power of the rushing water adds to
one's awe. For myself I shall be glad when we are safely down to Hankow again and
beyond its power.” However, that wouldn’t be until next spring.

Walter was to leave for his camp at Yanjinggou in just a few days. It was a day’s journey
from Wanxian. After things got well underway there, Anna wrote

I am to visit the camp. I doubt if I will be any colder than I am here,


with no fire of any kind in a north bed-room. It happens that the
temperature just now is particularly low, 29˚ yesterday and 30˚ this
a.m. It will warm up again. The banana palms in the garden looked
sick enough after the frost. We could see the snow in the
mountains;––none fell in this town. The banana trees do not yield
any fruit, but the orange and pomolo trees are well laden [213].

She took tiffin aboard the American gunboat USS Monocacy anchored in the river. There
was steam heat in the officer’s mess which thoroughly warmed her for the first time in
forty-eight hours, in or out of bed. A British gunboat, HMS Teal, was also in port and its
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 242

captain, Lieutenant Commander Harrison, was a guest for the luncheon party aboard the
Monocacy. After tiffin, they visited the Teal and later in the afternoon they went to the
Standard Oil Company installation with Mr. Overstreet for tea and to watch a game of
tennis.

It was dark but with a new moon shining when they returned to the Mission, a one-hour
ride in a chair. The streets were narrow, ill-lit, and level at intervals only, most of the
route was up or down stone steps so that one felt “in terror of being dropped at every
moment. Yet ‘they’ say that the coolies rarely stumble with their loads.”

Thanksgiving dinner was already arranged, she wrote Aunt Jane. The Darlingtons, their
two assistants, a Miss Rice and a Mrs. Jackson, and Anna were invited to the Standard
Oil quarters as Mr. Overstreet's guests. Walter would remain in camp.

At Christmas time the Darlingtons expected their three children, who were away at
school, to visit them for the holiday. While the English school the children attended was
on the seacoast near Peking, their parents had not seen them for two years. The children
could not travel without an escort and such a trip was very expensive. This separation
from their children while they were away being educated was, to Anna’s mind, one of the
greatest trials a missionary had to endure. As well, they had to suffer danger to their lives,
as these English mission people had many times. “No one can say that they are not the
highest kind of heroes.” Yet she was not convinced that the native people they labored
over were

worth the sacrifice; whether it wouldn't be doing plenty enough to


educate on American soil such Chinese as are eager to acquire the
knowledge they must have and impart to their fellow men before
they can be fit to join the company of the nations. Just as an
American learns more of things Chinese in one hour on Chinese soil
than he would by years of reading at home, so it is with a Chinese
visiting America. This land is so vast and so thickly populated by
people who are illiterate that they never will know anything different
from what they do now until a better class of Chinese themselves
make a concerted move to better conditions. I could tell you a lot
more but must do some other correspondence now [214].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 243

In parting, Anna longed

to hear how you are. Can not send you a greeting card this year.
None to be had here and it is too late besides. I was much occupied
at the date when Christmas mail should have been gotten ready.
Bought only a few cards before I left Peking, and by dint of much
trouble got them posted at one of the stops which our steamer made
on the Yangtze. Much love to you, dear Aunt Jane, keep well if you
can. I hope we shall get safely back to you some day [215].

It was going to be a long winter in a strange place. This was not Peking. Sophisticated
city culture and abundant western influences did not exist in Wanxian, a river trade town
and much more frontier-like. Westerners were very much in the minority. Physical
danger was heightened. The fighting en route to Hankow and the harrowing passage
through the rapids up the Yangtze had shaken Anna. She now found herself in a cold
house with warm people whose mission she doubted and who were so unlike her in their
own practices and passions.

Walter apparently did not sense her state of mind. His report to his father expressed a
brighter picture. He and Anna attended a native wedding ceremony on the street near the
Mission, a Christian ceremony conducted by Mr. Jackson, one of the Darlington’s
assistants. They also watched a big fire over toward the Haikwan (Chinese maritime
customs) that night at dinner time, the third big fire they had seen since their arrival.
Apparently there was fighting.

Nevertheless, Anna was “comfortably fixed here in the China Inland Mission with
English people... Soldiers live in the temple on either side...but are orderly at present and
a Christian compound is the safest place in China at all times. Once in a while they are
violated but it is not at all common.”

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 244

The river level was down now, just twelve feet above low water mark and only a few
steamers were running. On November 20th, Granger departed Wanxian for Yanjinggou.
It was a four-hour trip to the Fu Tan by way of the north bank. They then proceeded
through the rapids by staying close to shore and pushing their sampan from behind, with
one of the crew wading in water hip deep. Their hike up from the landing to Yanjinggou
was slower than usual

because of poor coolies and rather heavy loads. Had two carriers who
rowed [protested] over going until Chow cuffed one of them into
agreement. We have often had trouble getting coolies at the river end of
the trip [216].

Granger found that everything at camp was about the same as the previous winter. There
had been one death in the village and one marriage during the summer. A small weaving
frame set up opposite his quarters was an addition to the village’s industries. There also
was a rather noticeable increase in the number of pigs, chickens, and ducks as the
villagers gradually overcame the devastation wrought by the Shen Ping in the spring of
1921 when practically all their livestock had been killed off. Wong and 'Buckshot' had
already been up the Lung Goo (Lung Ku) hill once and found one producing fossil pit.
They bought a few fragmentary items of which a young Stegodon was of the most
interest to Granger.

Thanksgiving Day was “dinner at midday with pumpkin pie by way of celebration.” Back
in Wanxian, Granger reflected, “Overstreet has a turkey and has invited the Mission,
Haikwan and ‘Monocacy’ people to dinner.” Anna was there, too.

December 5, 1922

Dear Uncle Charles:-


Have just received a letter from Walter at his camp in the mountains,
in answer to mail that I sent to him by messenger yesterday. He is
well and sees prospects of getting a good deal of bones. On Dec. 20
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 245

he expects to come in to Wanhsien and will take me out to camp


with him to stay as long as I can keep warm [217].

Granger planned to remain in camp until December 19th. The weather was often cloudy
and rainy, and sometimes dark and gloomy. There was snow in the higher elevations
around camp. His days were spent as they were the winter before––visiting the pits to
examine and perhaps purchase material, hunting and trapping for taxidermy, and
entertaining. Captain Corlett of the Widgeon paid another visit.

Corlett brought along a Mr. Dixon of McKenzies, an export business at Chung King. The
two had arrived with their assistants and luggage just before dark on the 9th for a week-
end outing. Dixon was the “No. 1 of McKenzies and has a considerable force of
foreigners under him in Chung King.” Born in China of English missionary parents,
Dixon was an expert rifle shot with medals from the Shanghai Rifle Club.

Granger returned to Wanxian as planned on the 19th. Arriving in the late afternoon, he
found that all was well with Anna and the Darlingtons and their three children. Letters
from Andrews, Matthews, William J. Sinclair and Charles awaited him. His first full day
was spent resupplying his cash and food. He also visited the Druggist Chang where his
specimen boxes were being stored––in Druggist Chang's bedroom. The soldiers had
honored General Chang Tseng’s notice and vacated the place. But Chinese soldiers were
drilling on parade grounds throughout the city, Granger noted. “[E]very one says there is
sure to be trouble here this coming spring.”

He and Anna departed Wanxian at 9:00 a.m. on December 22nd. After a somewhat
difficult time getting through the rapids, they arrived at the landing at Pai Shui Chi
(Paishuchi) at midday. It had taken four hours to pole, row and track the boat and twice
the Grangers had to leave the sampan, once to warm up by walking, and again to lighten
the load when it passed swift water in the river just below the Hu Tan (Tiger or Fox
Rapid). A tracker from another boat kindly helped them get through that difficult section.

Upon landing, they walked up to the inn at the top of the steep bank and ordered hot
water for tea and oranges and peanuts to eat. Chow boiled eggs which were eaten with
bread. They ate somewhat bemusedly––a crowd of curious locals, men, women and
children, had formed to watch them. After an hour, they left the inn and began the 11-
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 246

mile hike up to Yanjinggou. Coolies carried the luggage. Walter and Chow walked while
Anna was carried in Wong's chair, Wong having sent it down earlier along with extra
coolies.

To Anna,

the most striking thing here is the arched bridge made of stone.
Steps lead up to the top on each side. We made our first halt at Hsiu
Kai Tien, one mile distant. The district is very mountainous, but
cultivated almost up to the very summits. Crop is principally rice.
Our roadway is only a stone-paved path cut in the side of the hills or
running between the rice paddies. A mis-step would mean a frightful
spill. My coolies were sure-footed and nothing befell. The last lap of
the journey had to be done by the light of a lantern carried by the
rear coolie [218].

Having reached Yanjinggou at about 6:45 p.m., they felt stiff and chilled. A pull of
whiskey by a fire basket Chow had out for them made Anna feel more comfortable.

After supper they gathered around the fire in the cook's room and

after getting thoroughly heated through, got into bed. The owner of
the ancestral hall where Walter works and sleeps had scruples
against women occupying his premises. He was prevailed upon to
let me stay in the building in the day time. At night he obliges us to
take one of the gallery rooms in his inn. This is a windowless place,
but draughty enough by reason of numerous chinks in the roof and
partitions. Smoke frequently pours in through the door-way. Should
a guest arrive late, talking continues far past our bed-time hour.
Ducks in the court just outside begin their quacking at the first signs
of dawn. Wearing a night cap helps to drown the sounds some-what
[219].

Wong’s room was made into a dressing room for her and Wong was moved to Granger’s
old quarters. There was a “grand reception after breakfast the next morning to see the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 247

foreign lady.” Although two western woman apparently had once passed through the
village, Anna was the first to stay [220].

Christmas, 1922

Anna had developed a sore knee which confined her to camp. As it improved, she took
short walks. With 'Buckshot''s help, she also began turning evergreen branches decorated
with red berries into three Christmas wreathes.

Granger was preparing a Stegodon skull for pasting by removing the loose clay and
fragments of lime rock embedded in the harder clay around the skull. Several new birds,
he noted, had been shot recently, bringing the total to at least 90 species of winter
residents. His medical practice had resumed. “Our daily clinic has increased to some half
dozen patients each morning.”

The gloomy weather at Christmas holiday was brightened by Anna’s decorating. After a
breakfast of tangerines, oatmeal, scrambled eggs and bacon, pancakes with syrup and
coffee on Christmas morning, Anna finished making the wreaths she had started the day
before. 'Buckshot' had made a frame-work for them out of split bamboo. The branches of
an evergreen tree resembled a fine arbor-vitae and made up the body of each wreath. A
thorny shrub furnished suitably scarlet berries. A tall, plume-like grass was bound to
some of the pillars of the Ancestral Hall which gave a festive appearance. Jars of ferns
and red berries were placed about to complete the decoration.

The Christmas dinner cooked by Huei [Whey]

was lacking in nothing for perfect satisfaction, the menu being as


follows (Mrs. Darlington presented the plum pudding):
Tomato Bisque Soup
Creamed Salmon
Mashed Potato
Leg of Mutton
Braised Onions
Carrots
Plum Pudding – Hard Sauce
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 248

Coffee, Tangerines, Bon-Bons


Cheese [221].

Chih, a Catholic, asked for the rest of the day off after making up three bird skins in the
early morning. 'Buckshot' also was given most of the day to himself. The boys were
going to have “a big feast of "Jowdzus" this evening,” Granger wrote.

Expedition Work Continues

Expedition work continued its day-to-day operations but Granger delegated more
responsibility to his men. This may have been due mainly to Anna’s presence. 'Buckshot'
and Wong, more often than not, went to the bone pits to inspect for fossils.

The weather that winter also seemed worse than the previous winter. Granger had
planned a trip to the pits at Shih Pa Tse on the 26th, “but it was raining at breakfast time
and I gave it up. Much of the trail to Shih Pa Tse is bad going in rainy weather and it is a
long tiresome trip in good weather even.”

News of coolie drafting in Wanhsien also concerned him––”looks like a soldier


movement,”he wrote. Nevertheless, the next day he was off to Shih Pa Tse with Wong
and 'Buckshot' and a four-man chair. There he found a small amount of material and still
more at a clearing on the hill two miles farther on. He discovered that the natives were
actually bringing up bone from a new pit at the clearing and “got a very good carnivore
skull before it had been wholly ruined.” He planned to return to this place in a day or so
to look over material already taken out and stored in the house nearby.

On December 30, 1922, he returned to Shih Pa Tse with 'Buckshot' and the chair coolies.
Chih accompanied them to the top of the hill and then went off to hunt. Wong remained
in camp with Anna. Granger discovered that two pits were being worked along the path
one mile west of the Tso Ma Lin trail and were yielding a few fragments––mostly rodent
and small artiodactyl. He took 5 x 7 photographs. Two miles beyond on Shih Pa Tse, at
the clearing, was another pit that had been exhausted. The workers at that pit were now
drying and cleaning their haul. He took all the artiodactyl teeth from the assortment and a
“perfect carnivore skull” that had already been laid aside for him. It was quite different
from the one he had obtained from the pit on his first visit. This pit, he noted, contained
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 249

mostly large artiodactyl with a few small carnivores and broken Stegodon teeth. He also
noted that the natives

were using a process of drying I have not seen before. A bamboo


mat about 10 x 5 feet was supported in a horizontal position, like a
table, about two feet off the floor of the room and the bones laid out
on this. A fire of charcoal sticks underneath did the drying. Several
men sat around this mat cleaning the bones with iron tool looking
something like an oyster knife. Mr. Wong thinks that artificial
drying of bones means an urgent need of money. Otherwise they
would be dried naturally and no fuel wasted on them [222].

Granger was now paying 20 cents per 20 catties and that seemed to be the prevailing
price that year. "Lung Goo" Tan, he noted, seemed to be out of the bone business and Tan
Wu was taking his place.

Granger playfully nicknamed several of the Tan family members he dealt with.
“Bucktooth Tan,” also known as “Tan’s Son,” was the son of “Inn-Keeper Tan” and
worked as a coolie for Granger. “Inn-Keeper Tan,” of course, owned the inn adjacent to
the Tan family ancestral hall where Granger resided. “Mrs. Tan” was “Inn-Keeper Tan’s”
wife. “Grandma (‘Wandma’) Tan” likely was the Tan family matriach. “Lung Goo Tan”
also worked for Granger, although his Tan family relationship is not known. “Tan Wu”
replaced “Lung Goo Tan,” but his place in the family is not known either. “The Tan
Family Committee” presided over Tan family affairs. “Charley Tan” and “Tan the Fifth”
were so named by Granger, but not further described.

The New Year, 1923

All hands remained in camp on New Year’s Day. Anna made repairs to her clothes while
Granger mounted bird skins. It had been a dismal day, windy and raw with temperatures
hovering between 44˚ and 48˚. At dark, they went to the inn next door to warm
themselves by Inn-Keeper Tan's fire. Later that evening, a messenger came out from
Wanxian with a batch of mail forwarded by Darlington. He spent the night and took
letters back from the Grangers the next morning. The Grangers reluctantly delayed
opening the letters and packages until they had finished supper and could take possession
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 250

of the cook's quarters. “He gets chased from his fire every night for our benefit. It is the
only time we get thoroughly warm for the whole day,” Anna wrote.

Among the mail was a letter from Andrews and it brought chilling news––Charles
Coltman had been shot and mortally wounded in his car by a Chinese soldier at the
Kalgan gate. Coltman apparently had refused to allow his car to be inspected by the
Chinese. The Chinese apparently suspected him of attempting to illegally take silver
dollars into Mongolia. Samuel Sokobin, the American consul at Kalgan, was with
Coltman in the car and tried to intervene. Why Consul Sokobin was there to begin with
was not explained. If it was to provide protection, as an initial news account suggested,
then seeking protection may be why Coltman had accompanied the CAE convey that
previous April [223].

In any event, Coltman was armed, although whether Sokobin was was in dispute. The
Chinese claimed he was and that both men fired a total of shots at the soldiers who then
returned the fire that killed Coltman. The Americans claimed that Sokobin was not
armed, and that Coltman could not have drawn his pistol and fired because he was
driving. That suggests, however, that Coltman’s vehicle was not halted as ordered, or had
resumed motion without permission. Coltman's parents were in America on vacation at
the time, Andrews noted, and the expectation was that the matter would be taken up in
Washington. Granger expressed his condolences.

About ten militia men were camped up on a hill nearby on New Year’s Day night as the
Grangers read their mail by the kitchen stove. It was said that they were passing through,
bound for their homes, and were to move on the next day. The snow that began to fall at
daybreak came down in large flakes that melted as they landed in the village. The hills
were coated white right down to the village’s perimeter, so Granger again canceled a trip.
And the soldiers did not move either.

It was 33° and “at this temperature,” Anna wrote, “dressing in the open is a chilly
proposition.” The Grangers took a walk that afternoon and then had tea upon returning.
They went to the Inn for a while after supper, but that kitchen was not as warm as usual.
So, they
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 251

went to bed very early. Fine moon light in the court as we passed
along the corridor to our dark bed-room, which is little more than a
cow shed. The rafters supporting the slanting tile roof and the barred
and paper-covered window remind one of the stable as pictured in
the paintings of the nativity. It could easily serve as a model for a
German Crippen. The quacking of ducks in the passage way just
back of our heads helps to keep up the illusion that we are living in
biblical times. The room is one story above the ground, tho. Through
breaks in the floor we can look down into the living quarters of
some of the members of the Tan family. There is a door way into a
store room beyond ours. We may not investigate that corner because
we have been warned that the supporting beams may give out and let
us through! What day or moon light reaches us, comes in from the
court or from the space next [to] the temple wall, where the tiles of
our roof fail to connect [224].

Camp life seemed sluggish. A man brought in three fine third molars of Stegodon, all
apparently belonging to the same animal. Granger bought them for $5.00. Chih and
'Buckshot' went hunting, but without much success.

The soldiers remained camped on the hill. Their Sergeant called them to order and
delivered a lecture to two of them who had had a quarrel about a piece of bedding or
some such. His lecture was followed by five strokes of the stick on both hands of each
man and they were ordered to remain out in the weather as a general punishment. The hill
was still covered in snow. Furthermore, the villagers said it was one of their coldest
winters.

A Temple Visit & Yanjingou Valley View

Granger, Wong, 'Buckshot', Chih and Anna went up into the hills on the 4th to visit a
temple called Erh Hsien Tung, or Two Fairies' Cave. Anna made the twelve-mile journey
in a rude seat suspended between two bamboo poles, her feet resting on a small rod hung
below. She found this mode of transportation to be very comfortable “except when going
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 252

down very steep stairways, when one misses having anything to brace one's hands
against.” Chih and 'Buckshot' hunted birds along the way.

The party had lunch over a fire in the building at the entrance to the cave: hard-boiled
eggs, a tin of baked beans, cheese, bread and butter, chocolate, a glass of port and a cup
full of rice-water obtained from the coolies when they cooked their food. After lunch, the
group took candles and walked into the cave for some distance. Images were set up in
niches carved in the wall at the entrance. There were highly colored figures representing
the sun and the moon. The Chinese had used a natural basin in the limestone resembling a
wall-fountain as another place suitable for a god. Steps cut into the rock led up to that
figure, but one would have to be of "fairy" dimensions to make the ascent easily,
observed Anna.

The biggest thrill of the day occurred in the home stretch when they reached a
commanding view of the Yanjinggou valley and a “sea of mountain peaks that rose like
rows of dragon’s teeth” in every direction. The sun was out finally, “making this view of
the mountains“ wrote Anna, “one long to be remembered.“

Anna: Again First Foreign-Woman Seen

The sun shown brightly all the next day as well and it was comfortable to sit out, so long
as one stayed protected from the wind.

Another pig killing had taken place in front of the Tan's Inn. A bench was brought out.
Candles and joss were placed on it and lit. Red paper was placed near by. Then the pig
was stuck into and blown up. A rod had been run through its body several times and then
a man began blowing into the places where the rod had been inserted. Slowly the pig
grew to twice its size until it looked like a balloon. This was said to make it easier to
remove the hair after first scalding the hide.

The next day they ascended one of the highest hills in the neighborhood. They stopped at
a large farmhouse just below the summit where they ate lunch in a pine and cedar grove
on some steps leading to a round platform which served as the resting place for three
stone tombs. The entire household, consisting of two men, five women and at least six
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 253

children turned out to watch them eat. The women and children had never seen a foreign
woman before.

The head of the house was given some soft cheddar cheese on a cracker and a quarter of a
can of baked beans that was left over. He ate a little and sent the rest down to the house.
The sun was just right for taking photographs. Walter and Anna left Wong and 'Buckshot'
and went to the next farm house which overlooked the entire valley of Yanjinggou. Rice
paddies extended tier on tier below them. From their vantage point, they could plainly see
the trails they had taken on the opposite mountains when they visited the Two Fairies'
Cave temple two days before.

Back on the trail, they all stopped at a large farmhouse just below the summit where they
had lunch. The expedition men and the four coolies who carried Anna’s chair were
invited to sit at a table near by and share food and drink wine with the host. Anna was
given a place beside the fire with the women and children. They had boiled turnip,
pickled turnip, another kind of pickle, smoked meat, smoked sausage and rice. At Wong's
suggestion, Anna tried some of the liquid that the rice was boiled in. It was quite thick,
she thought, and would be tastier if a little salt were added.

The host, a confirmed opium smoker, was about to indulge in a smoke when they had
arrived. Wong induced him to let the Grangers see how it was done while one of the
women offered to let Anna smoke her pipe.

Lying on his kang (a brick sleeping platform), the host picked up a bit of opium from the
flat clay or wooden slab on which it was purchased. This bit was held over a tiny lamp to
heat. When it was of the right consistency, it was manipulated with the needle against a
stone until a ball was formed. This was placed on top of the pipe bowl and then a hole
was pierced in the center of the ball. The pipe bowl was held against the lamp at such an
angle that the flame touched the ball. The smoke from this was drawn through the pipe
and into the mouth. After about five or six puffs, the smoke was finished.

An opium container held three balls, Anna noted. This man smoked seven times a day.
His No. 1 wife, who had offered her pipe to Anna, also had the habit. Both now showed
dark complexions and dull eyes.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 254

Walking back by a grove by the farmhouse, Anna noticed a huge rock on the face of
which were two vines. One resembled closely, she thought, the English Ivy. The other
had long leaves and bore in their axis clusters of round scarlet berries with a rosy pith
inside. This latter vine was well supplied with sharp prickles, as were so many plants in
that region. Fan-shaped palm leaves and ferns with fronds three feet long were among the
tangled undergrowth creating an enchanting spot. Anna could see how tall and straight
the pine trees could grow when allowed to. Except in sacred spots, she wrote, “the natives
cut everything down ruthlessly for firewood.”

It had been a pleasant day all in all. From the steps where they had lunched and their
extensive view of the valley up which they had traveled where “countless rice paddies
shimmered in the sun[, c]edar trees, with lower branches all cut away, but still
picturesque, gave variety to the immediate landscape, while a wonderful company of
peaks formed the background.”

The fright of their trip by train and through the gorges was replaced by Anna’s delight in
her Yanjinggou surroundings. She and Walter went for daily walks, studied the regional
flora and savored local persimmons that were “deliciously sweet and juicy.” The cook
would make three kinds of candy to go with their afternoon tea. And one morning, as the
weather warmed a bit, Anna and Walter “scrambled up the hill-side over the cave we had
entered the other day to see if any bats were living there and succeeded in finding a place
where the earth had fallen in and made the lighted chamber which had so appealed to us
when we were exploring the inside.”

January 9, 1923
(Anna:)
Walter, Wong, Chou and 'Buckshot' all went to the Tan's breakfast
feast. I was invited, but declined. Tan's women folk are not admitted
to the feed. The table was spread in the shrine room. One of the
courses was liver from the pig killed yesterday [225].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 255

After the meal, Granger and 'Buckshot' were off for an inspection of some bone pits on
the trail to Shih Pa Tse. They were back at 6:00 p.m. without much to show for the hard
climb. Back at camp, Anna noticed that a little boy who used to stand about their
courtyard nearly naked now wore a complete outfit made out of some blue cloth that she
had given his mother. “She was so ignorant that she could not cut out the clothes. Some
of the neighbors did that for her. It took her ten days to do the sewing. Mother made her
boy kou tou to me.”

Granger was now feeling out of touch and finding little of a scientific nature to interest
him. In a letter to John T. Nichols back at the Museum in New York, he wrote that he felt
he was simply duplicating his existence there of the previous winter [225a]. Since
everything was more familiar, it was not so engaging. He felt as if he were in a sort of
winter exile. He had hoped to have a “white man with me this time but things did not
seem to work out that way.” But this was where the fossils were and that was his job. So
there was nothing to do but stick it out.

The continuously dismal weather was the worst feature of the winter there, he wrote.
There was not much frost, but the days were endlessly cloudy and damp. They lived
practically out of doors on a balcony overlooking an open court, because in all of that
district “there is no room with both light and heat and one would be obliged to build his
own structure if he wanted such accommodations.” Most of their days were spent in a
temperatures between 40˚ and 50˚. This was fine for climbing the hills which surrounded
them, he noted, but too chilly for making up bird skins in comfort, or preparing fossils or
doing anything with the hands.

In addition to collecting fossils, he was also trying to assemble a good representation of


recent mammals and birds. By the end of that season he expected to have about 500 each
of birds and mammals, a significant sampling of the mammal and the winter bird fauna of
that region. There would be about 35 species of mammals and over 100 species of land
birds. Granger wrote that he “enjoyed making the acquaintance of the birds––the magpie
being the only familiar friend.” He had seen only two or three species of birds that so far
had escaped his collection––a small hawk and a swallow that was plentiful along the
Yangtze, ten miles away, but that did not venture up into his valley.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 256

Andrews was discouraged about the bird spotting, he wrote, principally because of the
apparent lack of interest by the Museum’s Bird Department in ornithological work in
China. Nevertheless, Granger felt he should not let the opportunity pass to get a
representative collection of the region. He let a native taxidermist do the majority of the
work and assisted with the more difficult specimens that were beyond the man’s skills.
“He was taxidermist for several years for Deha Tanabe, who made an extensive
collection of the birds of North China, and he apparently did not receive proper
instruction at the beginning and got into some bad ways and a Chinese is a hard person to
reform. To[o] ‘sot’ in their ways.”

Granger continued in his letter to Nichols that he had received news the Linnean Society
was going strong [robust] and that the Explorers Club had at last got a permanent home.
He had heard of it first “through Harry Frank who lives in Peking at present and is
writing for the Century Co. about conditions in China and Mongolia.” Granger also
hoped that the folks back at the Museum had had a chance to see Shackelford's films of
Mongolia and perhaps also to have heard him speak personally of the expedition’s
activities. “We were all quite enamored of ‘Shack’ and hope they will send him out
again. I've been camping most of my life but never got in with a more congenial crowd
than we had last summer. That party will be pretty difficult to duplicate.”

In that regard, Granger was hoping to have either Olsen or Thomson over in the spring as
his assistant. “The Russians are going to get in on this new field in the north before long
and we must do what we can next season to give it at least the ‘once over.’”

Finally, Granger confided:

About the only time the members of the Expedition can sit around
the same table is a short period each spring and fall. Even in
Mongolia Pope was not with us and so our table had one vacant
chair. Just now Roy is in Peking, writing and getting ready for next
summer. Morris is also in Peking working up his geological and
topographical notes and studying Russian. Pope is on the island of
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 257

Hainan and I'm in Szechuan, a big triangle. My best regards to Mrs.


Nichols and yourself, in which my wife joins. Also please remember
me to any friends in the Museum who may inquire about me. Don't
ever hear from anyone in the Museum outside my own Department.
So particularly glad to get your letter [226].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 258

Chapter [ ]

A new pet dog, ‘Teddy Bear,’ had discovered that Anna’s "huo pen," or fire basket, was a
source of warmth. “This morning he teased so hard to be put on top that I wrapped him in
a towel and let him have a nap there. First time he has ever been warm in his life
probably.”

It was time for Anna to go back to Wanxian. Granger took advantage of the opportunity
to take a load of fossils in as well. On the way down the mountain, they stopped at two
pottery works. “Walter took some photographs. Nobody would do their work because
they were all determined to see the foreign Tai tai. We induced the man who puts the
decoration on the bowls to paint a few so that we could watch him. When the last firing is
over, the dishes are soft gray, and the painted pattern is deep blue.”

At the China Inland Mission in Wanxian they found all was well and that the Darlington
children were still there. They also noticed that the “soldiers are thicker in the town than
before.” There was more drilling than ever. It was said there were now over 10,000
troops in Wanxian proper and across the river nearby. The rumor was that trouble would
commence shortly after the Chinese New Year on February 16.

The Grangers visited with the various westerners in town for business and pleasure.
Walter left an order for more fossil boxes to be made by the Standard Oil Co.
“carpenter––same man who did our work last season.” While there at the Standard Oil
offices, Granger “saw a copy of Dec. ‘Asia’ with our cablegram and an explanatory
article by Matthew.” It was peculiar to be in Sichuan Province reading a popular western
magazine account of work he’d just done in an entirely different land only six months
earlier.

On the 20th, Walter and Anna boarded the U.S. Gunboat Palos at Captain George
Sampson's invitation to lunch with him and the other officers. Served were olives, salted
peanuts, soup, fried fish with sauce maitre d'hotel, chicken, carrots, mashed potatoes,
peas, apricot pie, and coffee. Later, wrote Anna, at Mr. Overstreet’s, they “had a nice
afternoon around a fine open fire in very comfortable chairs. Mr. O. showed us some
Chinese handiwork, coats, shirts, scarfs, bamboo wall panels, etc. I bought two of the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 259

scarfs. One is a lovely garnet red and the other old gold. At five o'clock we had delicious
tea and cakes.” Anna remained at the China Inland Mission for a spell.

Granger pushed off with Chow for Yanjinggou the next morning at about 10:00 a.m. The
trip up the river was particularly slow, taking four and a half hours. The sampan was
smaller and lighter than the kind he normally used. Even so, making headway was
difficult since the river was shallow and swift. It seemed the crew was having difficulty
finding gentler backwater stretches where they could pole more effectively out of the
main force of the stream. But Granger also thought his “crew of three none too efficient.”

Eventually, the three were sent overboard to push the sampan while Granger worked the
steering oar from the bow. It took 20 minutes or more to gain just 100 yards through one
of the swift and shallow places.

Back at camp, Granger learned that he would have to discharge "Bucktooth" Tan
“because he has been flirting with various ladies hereabouts recently and using our
uniform as a protecting screen. Wife of Asst. Gent'y of lower village one of the victims
and some little row has been made over it.” To replace Bucktooth Tan, he hired one of
the villagers, whom he nicknamed “New Lau,” because he was “Old Lau’s” cousin.

Now Wong was ill. On the 25th, Granger returned from inspecting the pits to find “Wong
ill with stomach pain and having passed a round worm about a foot long.” Granger gave
him a healthy dose of castor oil. He then sent Old Lau in to Wanxian with a letter to Anna
along with a note of inquiry to Dr. Williams at Chung Chow regarding Wong's illness.
But, by the next day, Wong had recovered and was up and around.

In the meantime Granger noticed that

Laborers have today cut down a fine hard wood tree growing along
the trail through the rice paddies opposite the temple. It was the only
fine tree to be seen from our front door. Someone in Sin K'ai Tien
owned it. Great inroads have been made this winter on the small
second growth groves of soft wood in this section. A few more years
and there will be little left here in the way of trees [227].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 260

Old Lau was back in camp at about 9:00 p.m. with a big bundle of New York newspapers
and letters from Charles, Andrews, Osborn, Childs Frick, Bill Thomson, Peter Kaisen,
Bayard Colgate, and Rutland friend Rob Davis. Anna also sent along a large pile of
Christmas cards they’d received and reported that all was well except that a thief tried to
get into the house adjoining the mission compound. The intruder was scared off by the
occupant as soon as he opened the door. Two other places were broken into in that
neighborhood, presumably by the same person.

On the 31st, Granger recorded that “a Major General or something passed through the
village this morning and stopped, with his bodyguard of 60 or so soldiers, for tiffin at the
lower village. On his way to Wanhsien from the Hupeh border. I did not see him.”
Granger was making ready to embark on a four- or five-day trip along the fossil ridge to
examine the working pits and make whatever collections he could. He took 'Buckshot'
and three coolies. They camped at farmhouses along the way [228]. Since the route
branched off the main trail which led from the river over into Hupeh province, he figured
he probably would be the first white man to travel there. He expected the usual rather
large and attentive audience wherever he stopped––they often stood three rows deep
around his dinner table.

The temperature continued around 30˚ and 40˚, sometimes nearing 45˚. It was a healthy
enough climate he thought, since he’d had no illness other than one cold during his two
winters there. Spring weather would set in about February 25th. At about that time the
previous year, fruit trees were already in bloom down the river. In a letter to his father, he
wrote that he imagined that the Chinese crickets were not the same species as the eastern
American, but that they did make almost the same noise and were about the same size.
The ones used for fighting in Peking, he noted, were light brown instead of black. It was
too cold in Sichuan for crickets in the winter time “but I think they were singing when we
came in September of last season. It is the one home touch to this country.”

As for an American newspaper account Charles had forwarded, Granger replied that it
“was a much garbled reporter's story––certainly not Berkey's stuff. Berkey is a very
modest, gentle man and Roy is always fair and generous in giving credit.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 261

The Expedition’s discoveries in Mongolia in 1922 were now generating considerable


fervor in the press. Publicity value overruled accuracy. Charles’ lengthy correspondence
with Granger led him to feel that the ensuing publicity wasn’t treating his son fairly. He
expressed that concern and Granger tried to assure him that it was just an unfortunate
mishap. But was it? Was it just another garbled reporter; or had Berkey opportunized at
Granger’s expense; or had Andrews fiddled with the facts?

Granger’s assessment of Berkey seems accurate. As to Andrews, Granger was being


hopeful, perhaps still not completely aware of Andrews’s propensity and willingness to
distort. He could not have done anything about it anyway, and likely would not have.
Granger cared simply about doing his job. Like Berkey, he was a very modest, gentle
man. He recognized that the two men he was working with, Osborn and Andrews, had
egos totally different from his and Berkey’s. Though Osborn was running the show, he
had given Andrews almost free rein on the publicity front. Regardless of whether Granger
was the key man in the CAE’s scientific fieldwork was irrelevant. Regardless of whether
Granger was the main cog in the DVP itself was irrelevant. Granger persisted with his
work not caring about credit. He felt lucky and gratified to be doing what he was doing.
He felt a solid contribution to science, regardless of acclaim, was the ultimate goal.

Granger set off the next day with 'Buckshot', Old Lau, the opium smoker, and a quide.
Chih accompanied them as far as the first night’s camp at Lung Chia Ta Yuan Tsi where
he wanted to hunt squirrels and trap. Everybody was out in the sun that day and seemed
to enjoy it greatly. The three carrying coolies had adjusted loads according to their term
of service with Granger. The guide, a new man, carried two beddings––about 70 catties;
the opium smoker, an occasional employee, carried the cots, duffel bag and additional
items––about 40 catties––while Lau, the ranking coolie, carried two baskets with the food
and cooking utensils––around 30 to 35 catties. Granger began making barometer readings
and noting the weather at time intervals during this trip, as he had in the Gobi:

Yen-Ching-Kao -1290
Inn -2240 - Brt.
Summit -2775
First Camp 1st -3550 - 3:30 p.m.
First Camp 2nd -3725 - 9 a.m. Brt.
Trail before descending
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 262

to Lan Chia -3775 - 2 p.m. Cloudy.


Lan Bu Yan -3675 - 5 p.m. Cloudy.
" -3650 - 8 a.m. [229].

Back in Wanxian, Anna also enjoyed the day. “Another day of sunshine!,” she wrote.
“Temperature 38˚ at 8:15 a.m. Sat out all morning enjoying the brightness.” Although the
next day turned cloudy, she was warmed by a gift. “Walter sent one of his men in with a
note. I had been wishing to hear from him all day. Sent him out money and two Rutland
papers. He sent me in a nice fox skin which he bought from a native. The fur is reddish
brown tipped with white.”

Granger’s trip to the ridge 2,000 feet above the village lasted six days. The weather was
much colder than at Yanjinggou and that required stamina. On the second day, February
3, 1923, “Our host insisted upon a Chinese breakfast which I ate on top of my regular
eggs, bacon and coffee––pretty heavy diet to begin the day on. Our coolies have been
taken care of by the host and are well fed & bedded.”

They set off along the ridge, inspecting and selecting fossils at various work sites to buy
and pick up on their return. The topographic and geologic features in that area were
exactly the same as to the north except that the valley along the east side of the “Lung
Goo” ridge was lower, narrower and steeper, Granger observed. As far as he could see to
the south––perhaps ten miles––the characteristics were the same, except for some high
ridges he observed to the east that ran parallel with the fossil ridge.

As the collection grew, so did the size of the party. “We now have five coolies in our
caravan.” But when they then spent a day trapped in a snow storm, it was time to return
to Yanjinggou. “Our food is getting low and I'm reduced to sharing 'Buckshot''s fried egg
& rice mixture.”

It was the first day of spring according to the Chinese calendar. The snow was mostly
gone as they returned the next morning although ice remained on the paddy fields at 9:00
a.m. The town sewer was being cleaned out in preparation for the New Year. Preparing
for that festivity in Wanxian, Anna bought several sorts of paper, "Tung Shihs," which
the Chinese used at New Year. “Yellow paper used if family has been in mourning one
year, blue if two years, and red if three.“
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 263

She sent the mail out to Granger which included a telegram from the Museum forwarded
by Andrews stating that Olsen and one other man would be coming to China in March to
assist him. A letter from Andrews stated that he was having trouble getting last year's
fossil collection through the customs; the Chinese wanted to inspect the boxes before
they left the country, Granger noted, “and this is impossible. Most of the boxes cannot be
opened without ruining the boxes.” So they remained in Andrews’s compound in Peking.
Only the fossils Granger had sent along with Shackelford as excess baggage had made it
to the Museum.

There also now was concern that they would have difficulty getting new expedition gear
into China from America in the spring. The customs people had been “very decent up to
the present time but there is a new crowd of officers in since Wu Pei Fu's victory last
summer.”

The Chinese New Year was approaching, Granger wrote his father on February 8th, and
there were the usual signs. “The Chinese drag everything out until it gets tiresome. They
cannot even take a holiday and get it over the way the rest of the world does,” he
complained. But he was also anxious:

I'm curious these days to know just where the fighting is going to
take place after New Year's. The Wanhsien soldiers are getting
ready for a scrap somewhere but I don't know where it will be, and
don't care much so long as they keep away from Yen-ching-kuo.
Szechuan claims independence now but probably it will eventually
come back to the central government whether by choice or force
[230].

February 12, 1923––7 a.m. - 43˚; 4 p.m. - 47˚. Cloudy.


In camp packing fossils, with 'Buckshot', in preparation for going in
to Wanhsien tomorrow. Plan to take in the big Stegodon skull, two
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 264

coolie loads, and six baskets of smaller things, and one coolie for
baggage. Chih hunting down by the pottery works again in
afternoon; killed another squirrel and a new bird, blue back, white
streak on face. Annette and Overstreet are to return with me on New
Year's day unless plans miscarry (emphasis supplied) [231].

Granger left camp with Chow and the coolies the next morning. When they arrived at the
river landing at Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi), they were told of heavy coolie drafting in
Wanxian. They reluctantly rented a sampan for the downriver trip on the agreement that
Granger would protect the boat's crew while they were in Wanxian. He decided to take
along Old Lau outfitted in a Museum uniform to help with baggage. Granger thought the
Museum uniform, which was white with a large red border, would keep the man fairly
safe from the soldiers.

The sampan arrived at the Post Office pontoon early that afternoon. Old Lau went up to a
hotel with the men’s personal baggage, Granger’s bag going on to Anna’s room at the
Mission. Chow and Granger then dropped down river “to the Haikwan with the fossils.
Mr. Annette kindly loaned me his coolies to get the bones up to the temple and we
dismissed the boat.”

As Granger headed for the Mission, he found the streets almost deserted. Coolies who
had not been drafted were in hiding. Five thousand men were said to have been taken by
soldiers moving in two directions––to the south on the Hupeh border and to the west
toward Chung King on the north side of the river. There was talk of fighting on the
Hupeh border. General Chang seemed “to be the No. 1 in these parts just now. His two
companies of the First Army having gone toward Chung King. He has installed a
telephone line crossing the river near the Liking Station and going up the T'o K'o valley
to Long Chen Pa.” Annette doubted that he or Overstreet would be able to leave town
with Granger for the holidays.

Granger made ready to return to Yanjinggou on the 15th. Most of Wanxian’s shops were
closed and there were no coolies in the streets. Five thousand men were reported to have
been taken away from their homes––most of them given no opportunity to notify their
families. These coolies would be fed, but not paid. Those of them sent to the front, of
course, would be in danger of getting shot.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 265

Darlington's gate man, however, knew where they hid and offered to obtain two or three
for bearers if Granger agreed to protect them from being drafted. There was a temple near
the mission which was used especially for ‘coolie storage.’ Looking in through the street
side door, one could see a gallery packed with the poor fellows waiting for the soldiers to
move along. Wives of the drafted men would gather in the street outside the door to try to
catch glimpses of their husbands. How this place remained undetected by the soldiers was
not known.

One of Darlington's Christian workers came in from Lung Chu Pa that night with news
that First Army soldiers camped there had done considerable damage to a church under
construction. Annette and Overstreet abandoned plans to go to Yanjinggou with Granger.
Anna would go instead. Darlington thought she would be safer there than in Wanxian.

Granger wrote to his father and W. D. Matthew to bring them up-to-date. He noted that
the map of their auto route in Mongolia the previous summer, as published in the
December, 1922 issue of Asia magazine, was wrong in one respect––they did not cross
the Altai Mountain range with the autos. They skirted along the north face. The
geologists, however, did cross on camels and horses. And Granger had climbed up far
enough to be able to look into the desert on the south side of the mountain range.

He wrote that he was returning to camp on the 16th and taking Anna with him for her
second visit. Spring, he noted, had already set in, in a mild sort of way, and the
countryside was bright and fragrant with the purple and yellow blossoms of beans and
rape.

For a week now, he continued to his father, soldiers had been drafting carrying coolies to
transport the army’s equipment. Granger figured there was going to be “quite a little row
here this spring between local factions of the Szechuanese army. Some fighting has
already taken place to the south––along the Hupeh border.” There was one American
gunboat in port and another up at Chungking. There were also the British gunboats
Widgeon and Teal, the French gunboat Doudart de la Greé and a Japanese gunboat on the
upper river that winter. He thought his own valley was not likely to be disturbed since it
was off the main trail.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 266

To W. D. Matthew, Granger wrote that while he had not yet found any fossil primates of
consequence, he had turned up some fine small carnivore skulls––”a thing you noted the
absence of in last winter's collection. Also some skulls of the larger carnivores––bear,
hyaena, etc. and three skulls of tapir––one of them practically a perfect skull with jaws.
Quite a year for tapirs.” He realized his efforts had added considerably to the knowledge
of the fauna of the region and expected to make more new finds before the close of the
work on about March 10th.

Granger regretted that his old buddy Albert Thomson, an experienced and capable
collector, could not be worked in with Olsen. “My only apprehension about Johnson has
been that he might not be able to develop the technique necessary for the delicate work of
collecting mammals. Most of the things which I took out last season were difficult
work––even the small dinosaurs.” Albert Johnson was a rancher from Sweetgrass,
Montana, who had assisted Barnum Brown at dinosaur digs in Montana and Alberta,
Canada. Brown’s history was mainly with large dinosaurs. Johnson’s experience was
likewise and, Granger feared, would do little to prepare him for the exacting tasks [more
delicate/complicated work] that awaited in the Gobi [231a].

in his February 15, 1923 letter to Matthew, Granger reiterated his concurrence that the
1922 fossil collection had to remain free of inspection by the Chinese. “My own stuff
would have to be repacked in new boxes if the present ones were opened, and the
geological material is all sealed up in tin-lined cases.” He closed with this:

Am taking Mrs. Granger out to camp tomorrow, as being rather


safer and more undisturbed than here in town. No one has ever been
hurt in the Mission, I believe, but there have been some close calls.

It looks like another junk trip down through the Gorge for me this
spring, which I don't relish but don't really worry about unless the
fighting comes in to the river. I can't seem to dodge these provincial
wars, although nothing serious has happened yet. Last year I ran
directly into the Ichang battle and this season into the Honan bandits
and there is promise of lively times hereabouts in the next few
weeks...
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 267

But the missionaries and the government officials and


representatives of business concerns live here and travel up and
down the river and nothing much seems to happen to them. There is,
however, a growing dislike of and contempt for foreigners in this
section. I find it more noticeable than last winter. It is not so marked
out in the country districts but in the city and larger market-places
one is sneered at a good deal. If our gunboats are withdrawn, as I
have heard it proposed, then all foreigners will withdraw too [232].

The Granger party left the Wanxian for Yanjinggou shortly after 9:00 a.m. on Chinese
New Year’s Day. It was a smooth sampan trip this time. One man and two boys handled
the oars. Walter helped the smallest boy with the bamboo tracking rope at the Fu Tan
rapids.

They ate the sandwiches that Mrs. Darlington had made for them, along with tea, puffed
rice and peanuts they purchased at the inn on the bank above the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi)
landing. As they made the steep climb up to Yanjinggou, they met “scarcely anyone on
the road [trail] on account of its being a holiday. Front doors all closed in the village of
Tsin Kai Tien and decorated freshly with red strips of paper and tissue paper cut out in
different patterns. Often branches of evergreen are used, held together by a loop made of
the joss paper burned ordinarily at shrines. In certain places along the road, tables were
placed out of doors around which were groups of men standing. No business transacted
on this day.”

They reached camp at a little after five. Full darkness soon set in shortly after. Some of
the Tan clan arrived to set off a cannon in front of the altar three times as part of their
ancestor worship. As the holiday progressed, Wong became busy doling out money to
various people who had been making him presents of rice, eggs, chickens, and other
goods. “Grandma" Tan gave Walter some steamed cakes made of rice flour. The cakes
were white, about 3/4” thick, 3” wide and marked in the middle with a design in red ink.
To Anna, the taste was flat. Salt, sugar or flavoring of any kind would have helped, she
thought. But the consistency was rather good.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 268

That morning, Tan had set off bombs in the temple, outside the temple and in front of his
two houses before the Grangers were out of bed. “Three explosions constitute [a salute]
to the dead.”

Festivities continued. Itinerant acrobats appeared at the temple to give their show.
Occupants of both villages and nearby farms streamed in to watch; the assembly entirely
filled up the steps, altar platform and court of the temple. Three tables were stacked on
top of one another to create a platform high enough to elevate the performers so that they
could be seen. It also heightened the risk to the participants, thus spicing up the show.
Four men, each with a shrill-sounding instrument, beat in unison throughout the two-hour
performance.

At one point, two of the actors united in impersonating a lion, covering themselves with a
variegated silk robe to which a huge lion's head with a long mane was attached. A few
bells sewn somewhere on the disguise gave a pleasant tinkle as the lion leapt about trying
to intimidate another man costumed as a monkey. At 6:00 p.m., it became so dark that the
stage manager lit three round swinging lanterns and four four-sided paper lanterns hung
on the ends of long poles. These were supplemented by Granger’s museum lighting
equipment, which consisted of two carbide lamps and four or five kerosene oil burners. It
was 7:30 p.m. before the audience was satisfied and people began returning to their
homes.

Anna continued her reading of “Mrs. [Elizabeth] Bishop's book ‘The Yangtze Valley and
Beyond’” and making diary entries describing yet another troupe of itinerant performers
passing through the village.

There were five players, all men, one dressed as a woman. “She” wore a fancy skirt with
a tight fitting waist, a wide belt and long, snug sleeves with white pearl buttons. “She”
walked about with her legs enclosed in a gaudily painted wooden case with two handles
projecting behind. This was intended to represent a wheelbarrow. In one hand, she carried
a much battered-up folding fan. In the other she carried a man's size handkerchief which
she waved wearily at the others, as the occasion offered. One man seemed to be making
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 269

advances toward the maid, but he was continually repelled by the others with blows from
a palm leaf fan.

For music, the troupe had a variety of percussion instruments––one drum, a large gong
held suspended by a cord from one hand and struck with the other, a pair of cymbals, one
small metal disc held flat in the hand that gave out a high pitched sound when struck, and
several bamboo rods hollowed out in sections and set with pieces of "cash." Anna thought
these had an effect similar to castanets. A dramatic incident was being conveyed through
recitations by individual actors in turns with the troupe uniting in a chorus at the end of
each sentence. But there was little variety, to the Grangers’ ears, and they could not get a
sense of the story.

At the end of the show, requests for "kum shaw," (cumshaw, or donations), from Wong
and Walter were skillfully interwoven into the narrative. Two hundred coppers were
handed to the manager of the show and, since the actors would not get much of that
amount, eighty more coppers were given to them. The troupe then departed to repeat their
act at another time in another location.

It had been so long since the Grangers had had any warmth from the sun, that they moved
the breakfast table into its rays the day they finally appeared. “Walter took a picture of
the table, Mr. Wong, "Chow" and myself,” wrote Anna. After eating breakfast and
reading their mail, Walter and Anna walked up a hill under a bright sky. They arrived at
an inn with a splendid New Year’s decoration on its front door and were invited inside.
Tea was offered in tiny handleless cups. As Anna looked about, she noted four colored
panels hanging in the center of one of the walls. They appeared to be calendars. Over
them, running the full length of the wall, was a shelf on which were placed candles and
brass dishes. Another wall had a panel of white cloth with the figures of a woman and a
man in blue.

The mistress of the inn was feeding a small child seated at a table upon which was a tiny
metal brazier filled with charcoal. A brass dish containing some chopped-up food “was
boiling merrily over the little stove,” Anna wrote. When the child ran off into an
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 270

adjoining room, she noted, “he jingled a row of bells hanging from silver chains to the
back of his head dress––this very cunning.”

There was more festivity. An engagement party was being held and the Grangers were
invited to the feast. A young girl was being pledged to a young boy––she was 13 years
and one month old and he 13 and 10 months old. Some of the gifts to the bridegroom
were a cap, a pair of shoes, pens, ink and paper. The oddest things in his tray, Anna
thought, were a little cedar tree and a bunch of garlic, both tied with red ribbon, along
with some pieces of sweet potato. The potatoes and tree, she surmised, were to be planted
and the garlic to be eaten, though Wong said that was not true. The bride-to-be received
trays of soap, cologne and cosmetics. Other trays were filled with confections made of
rice highly decorated with splashes of red, yellow and green dyes.

After the party, the Grangers took their third stroll of the day. They found a warm, sunny,
dry hillside commanding a fine view of the valley and the mountain range that
surrounded it. Four young boys had followed them out of curiosity. After shooing them
off, they sat down to enjoy the view.

A messenger came in from Wanxian at noon the next day with mail and papers. There
were letters from Granger’s father, Olsen and William Sinclair. Olsen with two other men
were preparing the Baluchitherium skull, as Osborn had told him to hurry the work
because he wanted to exhibit the specimen to raise $10,000 for expedition purposes.
Darlington reported that things were quiet in town, but coolie drafting was still rampant.

February 27, 1923

Dear Father:-
Anna still in camp but will take her in about the first. Expect now to
start down river in junk by March 16th or 17th. River fairly quiet
below here so far as I know [233].

Granger made ready to pack up the expedition, wrap up business and break camp once
again. Anna would be taken down to Wanxian in advance along with the fossils still in
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 271

camp. Granger chuckled when one of his longstanding collecting problems struck again.
Wong had shot a yellow-vent flycatcher.

This is the bird which has a great variety of calls and which fooled
all of us last year many times with the result that we had by the end
of the season a series of twelve or fifteen of them, all but the first
few having [been] shot under the impression that they were
something else. Thus glad we have avoided shooting any until today
when this bird, high up in a tree, fooled Wong [234].

The advance party started off for Wanhsien at 9:00 a.m. on March 2nd with nine coolies,
two for Anna's chair and the rest for lung ku and baggage. They took all fossils with them
except a box of small skulls. They arrived at the post office pontoon at around 3:00 p.m.
As before, Old Lau disembarked with the personal baggage to take up to the Inn and
Mission and the sampan then dropped down river to unload the fossils at the Haikwan.

A chair could not be hired at the post office landing because coolie drafting had
intensified. But there were some coolies about who attempted to rush their sampan. They
had to be beaten back with walking canes. Chow grabbed Anna’s and cracked it over one
man before the man finally retreated. No gunboats were in the harbor at the time,
although the HMS Teal steamed in shortly after. The word was that General Chang Tseng
was getting ready to vacate Wanxian and several thousand coolies were being held in
various temples for his emergency use. The coolies were being kept on reduced rations,
receiving only three meals in four days. One lay dying outside a temple near the Mission.

It looked as if things would not go well for Chang Tseng. He had already sent his wife
out of the city.

The Grangers unloaded their gear and settled in. As they looked about the town, they
noticed that the hillsides were becoming very pretty in their spring greenness with
patches of yellow where mustard, known as rape, was in flower. Blossoms everywhere
were very fragrant and the willow trees in the temple yard next door were in leaf. Birds
competed for attention with their mating songs. The most noticeable triller, thought Anna
and Walter, was a bird with a marked resemblance in manner and form to the American
mockingbird. The day after next brought the first bright sun of the season, and it become
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 272

so hot that it gave Granger “a fine headache” during a walk he took with Anna. He had
intended to play tennis with Annette and Overstreet but had to give it up and go to bed at
once, “feeling some better” after a few hours rest. It hailed that night for the second time
since they’d been back.

Still not feeling up to the mark, Granger returned to Yanjinggou the next morning, March
5th. There was little traffic on the river until just before they reached the landing where
they began to encounter boat loads of soldiers heading down to Wanxian. Apparently,
from what Granger could surmise, it was the First Army in retreat.

There were many more soldiers waiting at the landing itself. Some of them attempted to
commandeer his sampan even before it touched shore, but he succeeded in blocking them
until his gear had been properly unloaded. New Lau and another of his regular coolies
waited for him at the landing dressed in Museum uniforms. Chow was recovering from a
previous fall and needed a chair to take him up to camp. Given the situation, this required
some searching. Eventually, two coolies were found and sneaked out of their hiding place
in between arrivals of groups of soldiers who were now pouring into the landing area.
The party started for camp at about 3:00 p.m. just as soldiers at the landing began
shooting at passing boats trying to force them to stop. One small junk going upriver under
sail with a crew of two was fired at several times as it passed along the opposite shore.
Both crew finally left their posts, ducking down below the gunwales, while letting the
boat sail on its own. It appeared to get past the danger safely.

The trek to camp was made without incident although they met many small groups of
soldiers and baggage coolies along the way. They estimated they passed 30 litters
carrying badly wounded men. Another thirty men walked by with bandaged heads, feet or
arms. Almost no village men were to be seen along the route between the river and camp.
They found Wong “holding the fort” and reporting that all had gone well in camp.
Soldiers had camped nearby early that morning, but had done no damage. Reports of
heavy fighting along the Hupeh border stated that the First Army was in retreat. Wong
had remained awake and on guard most of the previous night. They remained on a high
state of alert. The old opium-smoking coolie was hired to maintain watch as well.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 273

In Yanjinggou itself, all young men, eligible as coolies, had gone into hiding well away
from the main trail. The women and children left behind wore “an anxious expression.”
All was quiet that night, March 5th,

until about 11 o'clock when small bodies of troops and coolies with
luggage began to arrive and disperse themselves among the various
houses and inns of the village. Many groups pounded on our door
and each time Wong went down, flash-light in hand, and opened the
door and told them of the presence of the foreigner and threw the
flash on the flag hung out of the latticed windows. Sometimes if
there was argument I went down also and the flash was thrown upon
me to prove Wong's statement. No one tried to force entry but about
midnight a large contingent arrived and as it was raining then the
officer in charge asked permission to put the coolie loads out of the
rain under our balcony. We permitted this and also for the coolies
and accompanying soldiers to come into the shelter and put two
officers in the Lung Goo gallery. The soldiers brought in straw and
sweet potato vines and made themselves comfortable and were all
asleep in a short time. Two sergeants slept by the wood pile near the
shrine. Other houses in the village were evidently well filled with
soldiers. At day break our party [of soldiers] left for the river [235].

All the next morning, March 6th, small contingents of soldiers came straggling down the
hill, many of them stopping in the village. Granger took in several officers and gave them
cigarettes. He also “showed them our birds & mammals.”

At about noon, while he was showing four lieutenants some of his collection, a large
column of soldiers appeared on the hill coming down at a trot. The lieutenants hastily got
their men together and started off in advance of the column. The message had been sent
to speed the First Army’s ‘movement’ to the river and for nearly two hours a solid line of
men and equipment passed Granger’s doors. The officers told Granger that the army was
hastening to the defense of the T'o K’o valley.

One field artillary piece and two or three machine guns were in the formation. The
coolies were having a hard time handling such heavy equipment. Older coolie men
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 274

staggering under their loads goaded on by the soldiers. After a slight break at around 2:30
p.m., a second column appeared moving much more briskly. By 4:00 p.m. the last of the
soldiers had passed.

Wong and Granger walked down to the lower village where they found nearly every
house deserted. Even the women and children were absent. “Things pretty well upset but
seemingly no great damage done to furniture or houses. One woman had come up to us
earlier in the day saying that the soldiers were breaking up her tables & chairs for
firewood but we saw no evidence of such a thing,” Granger wrote. Three men were
buried in the lower village that day––all of them were said to be soldiers who died either
in the village or on the road.

The two Laus remained on duty that night. 'Buckshot' was dressed in one of Granger’s
khaki field shirts. He added leggings the next day “to make him look more imposing.”
Wong donned a trench coat and a Tom Brown belt with a pistol attached. Granger kept a
weapon with him at all times, as well. While the front doors of the hall were left open
during daylight, someone always stood guard.

Back in Wanxian, Anna was examining the American mail forwarded from Peking.
Matthew, Thomson, Osborn and Frick all sent congratulations on the Baluchitherium
skull. Osborn named the species Baluchitherim grangeri in honor of Walter and increased
his salary in recognition of the difficult circumstances of his work in China. It was akin to
hazardous duty pay. However, at the moment, Granger knew none of this.

All was quiet through the night in Yanjinggou. But at daybreak on the 7th, scouts from
the Second Army passed through town and down to the Yangtze. The Second Army was
on the advance. Another patrol arrived shortly after, and stopped to rest and cook rice.
Then, at about 6:00 p.m., General Yang Sheng came along in a chair. Granger left his
quarters and went down to the front gate “to greet him as he passed. He returned the
greeting most cordially.”

Behind the general was an almost a continuous file of soldiers and coolies which
continued until dark. Stragglers, on the other hand, continued long into the night. Wong
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 275

and Granger spent most of the day sitting on either side of their doorway watching “the
interesting procession, talking to the officers when they stopped and giving out cigarettes
judiciously.” In front of the temple, Granger had hung a museum banner from the same
pole as the American flag. Written in Chinese, it read "America – Museum
Representative.”

An officer told Granger and his men that the nine- or ten-hour gap between the last man
of the retreating First Army and the first of the advancing Second was due to the First
Army’s having flooded the valley at Tso Ma Lin by breaching a dike near where the last
fighting took place. The Second Army had to cross in small boats, a slow process.
Otherwise there likely would have been fighting in the vicinity of the village.

The pursuing Second Army had become quite desperate recently, fighting in snow with
nothing but corn to eat. Their defeat of the First Army was due largely to this––the men
of the Second Army were willing to die if they could not advance to the Yangtze. They
advanced rapidly, but not hurriedly. Their general behavior seemed much better than that
of the First Army. They paid for rice and, beyond the breaking of a few rice bowls, they
did no damage to houses or furnishings. All the stoves in the upper and lower village
were in use throughout the day cooking rice and vegetables for the soldiers who paused a
half-hour or so for food and rest. Both armies would make free use of firewood, mostly
brush and the Second Army men also took green cabbage out of the fields without paying
for it. But the townspeople made no complaints.

Interestingly to Granger, none of the Second Army’s wounded passed by. He was told
they were all being sent back to field hospitals at the rear.

The men of the Second Army were also “much better equipped as to guns & ammunition,
although pretty ragged as to clothing.” The guns and ammunition had been supplied by
warlord general Wu P'ei-fu. Many of the rifles were new, from the Hankow arsenal Wong
told Granger. There were at least four pieces of field artillery and many machine guns.
The field pieces were handled by about 25 coolies with the barrel, outside cylinder, and
rear piece each requiring four men to carry. Two pairs of coolies handled each of the
machine guns. Some in the First Army later laid its defeat to the Second’s superiority in
artillery and rapid-fire guns.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 276

The women had remained in the upper village throughout, Granger noticed, probably
because of his presence. Inn-keeper Tan and the old opium-smoking fellow were the only
men who had not fled. But everyone had worn “a much worried expression.”

Just before dark, Granger got into conversation with a gentlemanly officer in citizen's
clothes, as was the custom for most officers above the rank of captain. The officer offered
to take a letter to Anna which Granger had kept ready for such an opportunity. It was a
“note saying that we're all well.” He told Granger that General Yang Sheng intended to
pursue the First Army until he could break it up entirely. The officer said the Northern
Army was to march down the T'o K’o valley from Long Ku Pa. Granger thought, but did
not say, that the First Army men he saw passing the day before did not seem to have the
appearance of defeated men. “I think that they have really little interest in the contest and
are as satisfied to retreat as to advance.” In fact, it seemed to him, that the possibility of
looting Wanxian and other towns was more of an incentive for retreating than was
advancing into inhospitable country along the Hupeh border.

Among the swarm of soldiers in Yanjingou, one officer spoke with a Peking dialect: “the
Peking ‘burr’ echoed in the Hall while he was here.” 'Buckshot' recognized it, introduced
himself “and took him [the officer] in for a hasty cup of tea. The officer seemed delighted
to meet a northerner.” In recording that event, Granger declared that 'Buckshot' had
“found our Peking man today.” This was a savvy allusion to the ongoing work at
Zhoukoudian by Andersson and Zdansky in the search for ancient man. Not only was
Granger clearly at ease with his intuition that such would be found, his use of the term
“Peking man” predates any public awareness that discovery of the hominid later known
as “Peking Man” had been made.

Many seemingly good-natured monks walked with the soldiers, and there were mascots
as well. One man passed with a partridge in a bamboo cage. Another had a squirrel sitting
on his shoulder eating a sweet potato. The Second Army seemed keen on getting on to
Wanxian to find good shelter and rest. They apparently had been led to understand that
the soldiers of the First Army would not put up much of a fight. Many of them had said
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 277

outright, Granger learned, that they would not fight, and it seemed they were living up to
their word. In the meantime, there was not much for Granger and his men to do but stand
guard at the front door of the temple and wait.

Anna waited as well. On the 6th, she noted, a First Army non-commissioned officer still
in Wanxian had sent his wife

to the Fu Ying T'an (Happy Sound Hall––the name for this mission)
for protection. Dr. Darlington is away at K'ai Hsien. Mrs. D. said she
could not keep her, that if she did, others would ask to be kept and
there was not room even for their own church members in the
compound. Today the husband appeared and said he would set fire
to this place because his wife was turned away. This makes us all
anxious. I have packed a grip ready to grab at a moment's notice
[236].

She also received a note from Mr. Annette saying that there was fighting at the Fu T'an
rapid near the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing.

[Walter] March 8, 1923––52˚ - 8 a.m.; 51˚ - 1 p.m.; 50˚ - 6 p.m.


Cloudy:
Another quiet night––a good many of the stragglers stopped over in
the village, but there was no disorder [237].

These soldiers and coolies, many of them having lagged behind because they were lame
or ill, filed past in small groups, not over a dozen in any party. In the meantime, it was
learned that much of the bedding and a great deal of rice had been taken from the village.
General Yang Sheng apparently had expected to find the food supply low in Wanxian and
was taking along all the provisions he could find. Some of the women folk began
reappearing in the lower village, but the men had not yet dared to show themselves.
Occasionally one of the men would sneak down the hill in back of Granger’s temple and
go in by the side door to get news. Upon learning that soldiers were still passing, he
would return to his hideout.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 278

No one had been up from the river landing yet and Granger remained “entirely ignorant
of what has happened below here.” A local doctor came in to obtain medicine from
Granger for a fellow somewhere along the trail who had been stabbed through the thigh
two nights before “because he did not open his door quickly enough upon summons.”
This was the only case of a villager injury Granger had heard of so far.

In the meantime, matters remained tense in Wanxian. Oddly, to Anna, the day after the
First Army departed and the townspeople awaited the Second “was the most beautiful
one that one could imagine, and an extremely rare thing in Wanhsien.” But early the next
morning, “all hands wakened at four o'clock...by disturbing noises in the city. Some of
Chang Tseng's retreating army got back to Wanhsien and started the riot act.” A throng,
lead by someone beating a watchman's gong, went through the streets on the opposite
side of the stream from her location.

“It was a hideous howling of a street mob which went from one end of the city to the
other led by people beating on gongs.” After a few shots were fired as well, Anna and the
others got dressed and prepared for whatever violence might take place and then sat and
had tea until the din stopped. Just before noon they received news that the Second Army
under General Yang Sheng had entered the gates and presented "credentials" to the city
magistrate. Some of the soldiers then marched right back out of the city in pursuit of the
First Army.

The bugle stopped blowing. Absolute stillness prevailed. Mrs. Darlington, Anna wrote,
was “quite worn out with yesterday's worries and the sleepless night. Mr. Darlington still
away. She tried to reach him by messenger, but no one could be found who was willing
to run the risk of being on the road. At 5 p.m. a soldier of the Second Army brought a
note in from Walter saying that he was all right and there had been no fighting nearer
than Tso Ma Lin.”

It was March 9, 1923, 48˚ at 8 a.m., 50˚ at 4:00 p.m. and cloudy in Yanjinggou. Four
soldiers and a major who was ill stopped over at the inn the night before and there were a
few coolies and soldiers in the lower village. Everything was quiet. The two Laus had
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 279

been on night duty. It was to be another day of stragglers, mostly singles, twos or threes.
A few rice and baggage carriers were among them. But mostly they were the sick and
injured. Only a few of them still had weapons.

Two coolies had come up from the river to report that there was no fighting there at
present. There was a persistent report that Granger’s old friend, the boat owner at the
landing, had been shot by soldiers of the First Army, but there were no details. A beggar
from next door had carried a load part way down the trail that day and reported that two
coolies had died at the halfway rest place. There must have been others farther down,
Granger thought, judging from the very bedraggled appearance of some of the men who
had passed him.

Most of the women and children were now back in the lower village, but the young men
were still engaged in watchful waiting. Three of them had gone to Granger’s temple to
hide, but when they saw a soldier coming down the hill they ran off.

Chih and 'Buckshot' felt it was safe to put out traps. It was the first time since the trouble
had begun. They caught one rat and four brown-stripe mice. 'Buckshot' also took out the
shotgun, went up the trail and shot three specimens of one of the new finches.

His shooting frightened the locals half to death. They took to the woods until someone
recognized him and gave out the word to return. An old man then came down to the
Temple and requested Granger not send men out with guns for two or three days because
the locals were still keyed up and panicky at the sound of a shot.

Inn-Keeper Tan's daughter came in from the paper works, a mile and a half distant, and
reported that soldiers of the First Army had taken ten measures of rice and paid nothing.
Another fellow reported losing $10.00 worth of food and clothing to the First Army.
Soldiers did not usually quarter themselves more than a half-mile off a trail, but the
scouting and foraging parties had gone out as far as two miles off trail to find rice and
whatever else they could lay their hands on. One old woman had suffered the loss of 300
coppers the first night of trouble.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 280

Inn-Keeper Tan's fat pig was back again. A fat pig was usually the most valued
possession of the farmer thereabouts and would be taken back to the hills along with
bedding and other necessities whenever trouble came. Tan’s pig was worth $25.00,
whereas an adult water buffalo might bring only $18.00 to $20.00.

The village was settling back to normal again and most of the young men had now
returned. They kept a constant eye on the trail, however, and when they saw two or three
soldiers coming down they all sneaked back up into the hills until the danger was past. As
a precaution, Wong’s little girl was to stay with them for another night.

While preparing for bed, Granger realized he had not been able to take more than his
boots off for days. He and his men had been constantly on guard and ready for trouble.
He planned to send one of the Lau’s in to Wanxian the next day to get whatever news he
could about military events there and take a note to Anna along with letters to Andrews
and his father. On March 10th, he wrote:

Dear Father:-
The military situation came to a culmination a few days ago and
Wanhsien is now occupied by another general and another army. A
large part of the retreating force came down our valley and almost
across our doorstep. We were a bit anxious for two days, until the
victorious army had passed in pursuit but nothing unpleasant
happened. We have not yet heard from Wanhsien except that there
was no fighting in the town. I'll ask Anna to enclose a note telling
what really happened. As soon as the river is calmed down we will
be ready to start for Ichang. I had a junk for the voyage all picked
out and was ready to charter it when the trouble broke.

I'm practically done with the collecting here now and am just
holding on for the political situation to clear. The new General is
much more liked by the foreigners of Wanhsien than the old one and
he is in league with the northern forces, which makes our passing of
the provincial frontier easier probably.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 281

You are about beginning sugaring back home now. Here the willow
trees are leaving out and the wheat along the river is beginning to
head. Noonday temperature here in camp has been about 60˚ on two
days. In another month it will be too hot here [238].

A dozen or so Second Army men filtered [sifted] down through the valley the next day,
along with a major's wife. There were several guests at the inn that night. Only one was a
soldier in uniform, so far as Granger saw, and he noticed no guns. One outfit with a
dozen coolies had gone through that afternoon and stopped for a rest. About half the
coolies then made a run for it at an opportune moment and escaped.

Lau left for Wanxian at 8:00 a.m. wearing his Museum uniform. The previous day
Granger had learned that the old boat owner was not dead after all, “but had only had a
wordy row with the military.” This day he heard from one of the few coolies returning
from the landing that the old boat owner had been stabbed. However, “coolie information
is not very reliable at any time and especially so now. Most of the men we have
questioned report that they got no pay but plenty of rice to eat and one fellow said they
had given him some rice to bring back and cook along the road. Most of these men are
decidedly foot-sore and weary.”

Chow had been doing practically all of the camp’s medical work that winter, and doing it
rather well in Granger’s opinion. He seemed to understand the principles of western
doctoring. Yet, to Granger’s dismay, he borrowed an old Leopard ?petilla that Granger
had given Inn-Keeper Tan the year before. Following the traditional Chinese way, Chow
planned “to soak it in Kaoline wine and then apply the wine to his bruised leg! Talk about
your "Changing Chinese"––not so you'd notice it.”

Camp and village life continued to edge back to normal. With danger passed, Wong’s
adopted little girl would rejoin her family. 'Buckshot' and Chih went hunting at the
pinnacle and the pottery works––they shot one bird and spotted no squirrels. Wong
helped Granger with trapping. Granger had been unable to catch a shrew of either of the
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 282

two species he’d observed since he began the trapping campaign mid-February, and he
was wondering what had become of them. The villagers returned to tending the fields and
gathering firewood from the mountainside. Firewood in the village was nearly exhausted.

Militiamen from Wanxian arrived with a notice requiring each district to furnish 100
picules of rice to the Second Army. In the meantime, five miles above Wanxian, General
Yang Sheng’s engineer was devising a bridge of junks stretched across the Yangtze River
and held together with five bamboo cables and four small wires anchored to boulders on
either side.

Anchored at both shores with planking laid across the entire span, this bridge of boats
apparently would barricade all river traffic. It, Granger was told, was for the General's
“use in case of a retreat. His troops are said to be engaged at Feu Shui––half way between
Wanhsien and Liang Shau Shen.” But it also meant that Granger’s descent by junk into
Wanxian would be blocked. He sent Old Lau to Wanxian to learn what he could about
the situation and to pick up supplies.

In the meantime, Granger continued to wrap up work for the season. New Lau was sent to
bring back their old fossil guide who was then engaged to go along the ridge “on a trip to
take not more than five days and bring back to such desirable things as he can pick up.”
Granger felt he could not go himself because of the military situation. He also did not
want to divide his party by sending 'Buckshot' and a coolie alone. He promised the guide
70 coppers a day for his time and a bonus for good fossil skulls. In the meantime, Wong
caught three brown-stripe mice in his traps and shot a rabbit, the first they had seen or
heard of in the two winters they had been there. He later built a toy boat and sailed it on a
paddy field to the great glee of every child in both villages. Their only toy seemed to be
the shuttle-cock, so the toy boat created great excitement.

At Wanxian, Mr. Annette sent over to Anna a huchao which he had obtained from the
Second Army’s military headquarters. She was to send it on to Granger to facilitate his
safe return to the city. Annette also advised her to tell him to break camp at once. Old
Lau called on Anna at 7:00 a.m. for the huchao and letters and then left for Yanjinggou.
That afternoon, Anna went to see the bridge of boats. It looked complete. One of the
Darlingtons’ assistants told her that indeed the river was no longer passable because of it.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 283

“This means difficulty for Walter in getting his camp equipment to Wanhsien,” she wrote
that night.

Old Lau returned to camp at 8:00 p.m. with supplies, a note from Anna and letters from
his father, Osborn, Thomson, Andrews and Frick. “Thomson writes much news of the
Dep't. and has seen the first showing of the Mongolian pictures. Osborn seems elated
over the Baluch. skull and the reptile skull from the red beds of the Artse Bogda region.
A note also from Annette enclosing a huchao from General Yang Sheng passing my
outfit from the Pai Shui Chi [Paishuchi] landing to Wanhsien.”

Old Lau reported that the pontoon bridge was completed and that Northern soldiers were
passing over it. The junk Granger hoped to rent was still at its mooring on the north bank
below the landing. But unless the bridge opened up he would have no use for it. Lau had
met the old boat owner at the landing and found him well. Annette was advising Granger
to go in to Wanxian soon “as there are rumors of reverses of Yang's army to the westward
near Liang Shau.” But Granger decided against it, reasoning that “I cannot get ready for a
few days and anyhow prefer to wait until Yang either advances or retreats. Cannot afford
to be caught with my outfit in a battle along the river.” Instead, he went up

to the water cave in the p.m. to take notes on the intermittent flow [of
water there]. Waited from 10 a.m. o'clock until 4:10, when it came:
4:10 Start
4:17 Stationary
4:19 Rising} this rise only slight. 1 inch on gauge.
4:20 Stationary
4:30 Dropping slightly
4:39 " rapidly
5:00 Slightly above minimum [239].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 284

[New Chapter]

March 14, 1923 - 43˚ - 8 a.m.; 58˚ - 2 p.m. Clear at sunrise.


Alternating clear & cloudy balance of day. Much high wind. Wong
engaged a native cook to give our annual feast to neighbors and
friends on the 16th... Our clinic seems to have developed recently
largely into a baby clinic and from 10 o'clock until tiffin-time the
court resounds with the squalls of infants remonstrating over Chow's
ministrations [240].

Granger and his men were preparing their good-bye tiffin to neighbors and friends. In the
temple kitchen, two cooks stayed busy into the night. During the day, two officers of the
Second Army had stopped by on their way into Wanxian. One, it turned out, was a cousin
of Druggist Chang. Granger sent a note to Anna with them saying he was in something of
a quandary over a boat arrangement for the downriver trip. If there was no chance of
getting a junk from the landing past the bridge, he would need to haul his gear by land
and obtain a junk in Wanxian. He had no idea how long the bridge would remain in place
or whether it would eventually be possible to pass a boat through, and, if it became
possible, when.

What he did know was that he had to leave camp soon, boat or no boat. Annette had
urged him to get out quickly. Anna had expected him to be back in Wanxian by now.
“Worried about Walter,” she wrote, “He was to have come in to Wanhsien today and he
did not arrive.”

Granger’s farewell tiffin was held on March 16th. Tables were set on earth platforms in
front of the shrine, two tables for men and one for women. The guests included Inn-
Keeper Tan's family, the local militia captain and members of three other families who
had entertained the expedition members that year. There were about 25 people including
Granger and his crew. The two Laus served the guests. Old "Grandma Tan” was a most
enthusiastic guest, Granger noted.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 285

The cooks were from Sin K'ai Tien and were “better than the average. Three or four kinds
of dried sea food (?cephalofods) gave our feast quite a distinction for these parts. What
Chow calls "Beche de Mer" being the piece de resistance.”

Immediately following the feast, Granger dispatched Old Lau to Wanxian with letters to
Anna and Annette asking for definitive information about the pontoon bridge. He planned
to depart the landing by junk about the 19th and needed to know whether he could pass
through the bridge and on into Wanxian. Old Lau was to return with that information by
the next night, “if possible.”

Meanwhile, collecting continued. A trap set by Wong the night before yielded a third
specimen of a big sulfur rat. It was badly chewed up so they decided to keep only the
skeleton. This rat had been living within a mile and a half of camp, but it was the first
they had seen or heard of this type in the two winters they’d been trapping. Most of the
natives declared that it was new to them as well. Wong caught his specimen in a very
steep place on the mountain side. As for fossils, a man brought in a portion of a young
Stegodon skull with the report that all pit work was now suspended.

Anna received the note from Walter, brought in by the two officers of the Second Army.
She dispatched it to Annette asking for news to send back to Granger via another coolie
(Old Lau) expected from camp the next day. Annette responded that the bridge of boats
was now open every day from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. Walter, he thought, should have no trouble
bringing his junk down from Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi).

The weather cleared at noon on the 18th. Granger noticed a wonderful light on the hills
all afternoon. The air was very “warm & soft,” fragrant with the blossoming rape fields.
Granger was packing up. The traps they had set out again the previous night for the big
rat remained empty––”they eluded us. Collecting is over with now.” The temple court
was full of people waiting to take away the expedition’s discarded boxes, cans and
bottles. Old Lau returned from Wanxian at dinnertime with the note from Annette
confirming that the pontoon bridge of boats would be open for river traffic for five hours
each day from 9 a.m. Everybody was busy packing, and by night everything was in order
for an early morning start.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 286

Wong went down to Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) to finalize arrangements for a junk all the
way to Hankow. The cost was $140 for the junk with a crew of seventeen or so. Granger
would pay extra for any pilots needed to negotiate rapids down river.

That night (18th), Granger sat down to respond to Osborn’s latest, one-page letter. He
thanked Osborn for the increase in pay, “feeling particularly glad to have been
instrumental in bringing credit to the Museum the past year.” The extra money would
come in handy, he wrote, because he had been in the field almost constantly since his
arrival in China and wished to return home “by the western route and see [Guy Ellcock]
Pilgrim in India and [Clive Forster-]Cooper in England.“ The longer trip home would be
a welcome change, he said, from the tedium of back-to-back fieldwork in strange places.
“Tomorrow I break camp here and shall have a scant two weeks in Peking before leaving
for another five months in Mongolia. I would like to hear how you feel about my going
on around.” He had not yet been in touch with Andrews about it. He had written Matthew
recently, giving him a brief summary of the results of that winter's work at Yanjinggou.
The collection was smaller than the previous year’s, but much more select, he thought.
“The Doctor [W. D. Matthew] will be pleased with the assortment of carnivore skulls
especially.”

Granger thought the Yanjinggou localities warranted another season’s worth of work, but
he was not inclined to do it himself. “I have already made the suggestion to Mr. Andrews
that if you think it worth while we could send my highly trained native assistant down
here next winter to pick up the better things and to keep an eye out especially for
primates. Many pit workers are learning that it is worthwhile to take extra care of good
skulls and another season should be even more productive of fine specimens than this one
has been.”

Perhaps, he suggested to Osborn, when “you come to China this summer try and arrange
for time enough to come up through the Gorges and visit this really remarkable locality.
My interpreter, Mr. Wong, would guide you safely and well. Steamers are running in the
summer and if political conditions quiet down you would be perfectly safe.” But, for the
present, it had been a trying time: “Things have been much upset recently but we've come
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 287

through it safely and now if I can get through the gorges with my junk without mishap
my anxiety will be over with.”

Regarding his 1922 Mongolian work, Granger acknowledged that he went feeling

very apprehensive about the palaeontological results of the


expedition. The stories we heard about the nature of the plateau
were not in the least encouraging. But as the season advanced we
began to realize that we were making some big finds and that we
were really opening up an important new fossil field. Returning to
Peking and getting a little perspective on our season's work [we]
were still more pleased, and now that we have reports from our first
shipment we are elated [241].

Granger was addressing the high, advanced public expectation placed on the CAE.
Certainly interest was fired up; the Expedition’s hunt for fossils and “ancient man”
epitomized it. It was now Granger’s task to deliver from a field he’d never seen.

In 1920, Osborn and Andrews were furiously at work sending out fund-raising letters
with glowing assurances about the American Museum’s forthcoming scientific
expeditions to Asia. In a solicitation letter, Andrews wrote that it

will be the largest undertaking in which the Museum has ever


engaged and will have far-reaching results, which should be of
considerable importance to our diplomatic and economic relations
with the Orient. Because of your intimate knowledge of the
problems of the Far East, President Osborn has asked me to tell you
something about the plan. I have already had a talk with Mr. [John
Pierpont "Jack"] Morgan, [Jr.[ concerning it and he is greatly
interested, as I feel you will be...[242].

And Osborn promised that

the expedition which we are sending to China is of such scope that it


should be of immense importance in our relations with the Far East
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 288

and I feel that you cannot help but be interested in the work which is
to be done...[243].

Granger was particularly pleased, he wrote Osborn, with the little reptile skull found by
Shackelford. Shackelford, Granger noted, “should have been a fossil hunter.” Since it was
an entirely new species, Granger no longer felt worried that he had been unable to place
it, even ordinally in the field by evolutionary or stratigraphic sequence. “You ask about
the possible age of the beds,” Granger wrote in response to Osborn’s inquiry as to
Shackelford’s find:

This must at present be determined solely on the fossils themselves.


The formation makes a great flat-topped bench, the extent of which
we could not determine and the exposures, some 200 feet thick, are
along the northern face of this bench. They are not weathered down
enough to expose the underlying formation so to us it was just an
isolated mass of sediment, different in color and other features from
anything we saw and containing a different fauna. From the fact that
we found only reptiles and birds we were led to suspect Mesozoic
age but it is totally different looking formation from the one in
which we had found the dinosaurs previously.

We must by all means get to this place again this summer as it


appears from your reports to be one of the very most important of
our finds. The exposures we examined lie within a half mile of the
main caravan trail from northern Shansi to Uliassutai [244].

This site was to become known famously as the Flaming Cliffs.

Granger wrote that while he’d had a good many species named after him in the past,
“beginning with rats and mice and running up through rabbits, sinopas and titanotheres,
as a climax [the Baluchitherium is] indeed an honor and I thank you.” But in giving
names to their important finds, he hoped Osborn would not forget Andrews.

He is not a palaeontologist but it is to his able and most enthusiastic


leadership that we are indebted for what we did accomplish. The fact
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 289

that he fully realized that the fossils were the important thing last
summer and that he gave me all possible opportunity in my work
helped immensely toward our success in this branch [245].

In closing, Granger predicted that with able assistants for the coming season and “with
the good fortune which seemed to follow the Third Asiatic Expedition, we should reap a
harvest. We have only the Russians to fear, politically and scientifically as well, but
Mongolia is a big place and if we are let alone I think we can get our share of the
treasures.”

Anna, he added, was pleased to have Osborn’s remembrance. She had been very well that
winter and, while she had been upset over the local politics, she had otherwise enjoyed
her trip to Sichuan. “Her big thrill is coming though those cussed Gorges!”

Granger sealed the letter and was ready to hit the trail the next day.

[Granger] March 19th. Left camp about 8:30––26 coolies including


our two––one load heavy & got additional man at 1/2 way place.
Boat ready. Stopped at restaurant for usual kaoliang & peanuts &
oranges. Pontoon bridge at 1:30 closed. 'Buckshot' and I went on in
sampan leaving Wong in charge to come through in morning when
bridge is open. Only private in charge [245a].

[Anna] (Temp. 54˚ at breakfast time. Faint sunshine.)


Walter arrived at 5:30 p.m. His boat stalled at the bridge. It got there
within the time set, but the bridge had been closed ahead of the hour
stated. Mr. Wong stayed on the boat with the assistants and the
equipment [245b].

The junk was brought through on the 20th, when the bridge was opened at seven in the
morning. The USS Palos lay in port as did the HMS Teal. Granger and his men
immediately got busy repacking as boxes stored in Wanxian were loaded. The junk was
ready on the 21st and all went aboard for the night. Such was the haste that Granger’s
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 290

diary-keeping was reduced to nearly unreadable notes scribbled on loose leaf paper by
pencil rather than in his more carefully maintained softbound books penned by ink.

In the midst of final preparations for departure, Granger had accepted an invitation to
lunch at the Standard Oil facility. His friend Lieutenant Commander George W. Sampson
of the American gunboat Palos (II) was also there. The gunboat was stationed at Wanxian
and monitoring events between Chang Chung and Yang Sheng.

After learning of Granger’s plans to evacuate the next day, Sampson offered to escort the
junk to Pan T’o (Pau’ tou or Panto), 20 or so miles downriver. This section of the river
was considered one of the most frequently ambushed. Also, in light of matters at
Wanxian, it was as far as he could go. Suggesting that Anna could travel aboard the Palos
(II) for that leg, Sampson had a favor to ask in return. The Palos (II) had a delivery to
make to the USS Quiros, a command gunboat stationed at Ichang. Granger agreed to
assist.

Anna’s diary-keeping remained composed. They awakened early, both had breakfast
aboard the Palos at a little after seven and then both craft pushed off at nine. Anna
remained aboard the Palos. The weather was fine, and perhaps a little too warm, she
thought. In the late midmorning, the Palos steamed by the junk and went into anchor at
Pan T’o (Pau’ tou or Panto). This was thought to be a stronghold for bandits and the
Palos at anchor would provide security for an overnight stop. It was 10 a.m., and
Granger’s junk was still on its way down.

At noon, Anna disembarked with Captain Sampson and walked along the bank to a point
where they could spot Granger’s junk which came into sight at 1:00 p.m. Soon a sampan
from the Palos arrived to pick up Anna and the captain to take them back to the gunboat.
Sampson invited Granger to come aboard and they all sat down to “a delicious tiffin. The
ship's doctor (Stone) and Lieutenant Connelly joined in entertaining us.”

Following lunch, Lt. Connelly took them to visit a temple built in a hollow location in
some shelving rocks on the opposite shore. It was an unusual structure with one room
reached by a ladder and containing a Buddha blackened by oil constantly poured over it
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 291

by worshipers. Niches had been cut into the Buddha’s body which were just big enough
to hold tiny crockery bowls. These were used for “libations.”

Another building had numerous plaster figures on a low platform. Among the effigies,
Anna spied a small lion carved of wood and covered with dust. As they had just paid the
caretaker fifty-cents for a feast and tea which, on second thought, they dared not eat, she
thought he might feel disposed to give her the small lion. ”[S]o I asked him and was
much pleased when he said I could take it. Walter was so amazed at my temerity that he
forthwith doubled the man's fee, and we departed, half expecting that he might follow us
and change his mind, though he was smiling contentedly when we left.”

The captain had played baseball with the crew on a nearby sandy beach. Walter, a
longtime Brooklyn Dodgers fan, had watched the game. On their return, he and Sampson
both had showers, and Anna wrote

a luxury Walter had not enjoyed for many a long day. A game of
"hearts" finished up this red-letter day, yet not exactly, because after
we returned to our junk to get ready for bed, the ship's #1 boy came
over to bring us a parting souvenir in the form of silk bands for our
hats. I have mine on my khaki hat [246].

The Grangers dined with Wong aboard the Palos. In the hour before the meal, they all sat
out on the forward deck watching the evening fade. The river had taken on the
appearance of a lake hemmed in on all sides by mountains.

The 23rd brought a favorable light breeze and was the fourth fine day in a row. The
Grangers had intended to push off by daybreak but were persuaded instead to go aboard
the Palos for coffee and egg sandwiches. They reboarded their junk at about 7:00 a.m.,
followed by “two sailors from the Palos who are being sent down to Ichang, also a
Chinese soldier who begged for a ride.”

The two craft parted and the Palos steamed up river as the junk headed down. Hsing
Lung Tan (Hsinlungtan) was the first rapid to be negotiated. They waited until the junk
had passed through “before having our real breakfast. All hands except the cook got out
and walked around the rapid.” They noticed many soldiers of the Northern Army
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 292

marching up river along the tracking path. The procession continued throughout the day.
Ominously, at Yun Yeng on the opposite bank they noticed the fine temple called Chang
Fei Mio with its perpetually lit lantern. Years ago, Chang Fei is said to have famously
advised a general and his army trapped in Kuei Fu gorge to escape by cutting steps into
the rock of the cliff-face by the first man to ascend.

The Grangers reached the river town of Kuei Fu (Kueifu) at 4:00 p.m. Chow served tea,
bread, cheese and jam and then all hands went ashore. When Walter and Anna returned to
the junk, they found the laodah, or captain, was loading sugar cane and coal aboard. It
took considerable persuasion to convince him that he was violating Granger’s lease
agreement which specified that no extra cargo could be shipped.

After dining on two ducks the Palos men had shot and presented to them, the Grangers
were in bed at 9:30 a.m. to be up and dressed at 5:30 a.m. and out on deck by 6:00 to
watch their approach to the Kuei Fu gorge.

The Kuei Fu cliffs seemed lovely in the morning mist, Anna noted. A huge isolated rock
stood guard at the entrance with roosting cormorants. One could see evidence that a chain
once had been anchored to stretch across the river as a blockade. Beyond, a sheer rock
face stiil held the steps cut into it, carved hastily by an anxious army that had to climb to
escape on the advice of Chang Fei. However, the stairs seemed so steep that, to Anna, the
way appeared impassable.

Shots rang out as they reached the lower end of the gorge. Soldiers demanded that they
halt their junk and allow some of Granger’s coolies to be taken to man an ammunition
junk. Wong persuaded them that there would be no help from Granger’s men since
Granger held special status. They were allowed to proceed on their way.

Minor rapids were negotiated between Kuei Fu and the entry to the Wushan gorge, which
they reached at a little after 10:00 a.m. It was quite hot by then with only a breeze when
they entered the gorge. When they sat for tiffin at noon; however, the light breeze had
shifted to a following wind.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 293

They were near a village in the gorge called Pei Shih at about 1:00 p.m. when tiffin ended
and Granger spotted four or five men up in the cliffs. Shots rang out only two hundred
yards away. Granger and his men grabbed their weapons and returned fire, assuming they
were bandits, not soldiers.

Wong fired first with his rifle. A Palos sailor, McRoberts, then opened up with his
automatic pistol. After emptying it, he grabbed Wong's rifle and emptied it. The other
sailor from the Palos, Crabtree, also fired with his automatic pistol, as did 'Buckshot' with
his rifle. Chih was armed, but did not fire. Chow hid with Anna, first on the floor in the
cabin and then in the junk’s hold. Not armed, the Chinese soldier who begged a ride to
Ichang stripped off his uniform and also hid in the cabin.

Sampson, the captain of the Palos, had alerted Granger to be ready for trouble of this
kind. Just before the shooting began, Granger had stepped to the after deck behind the
cabin to scan the cliffs and shore with his binoculars. He spotted a man on the cliff
appearing to signal another man to fire.

Forty-three rounds of ammunition were sent up from Granger’s junk. The noise and spit
of so much returning fire had quickly silenced the bandits. Though firing first, they’d
gotten off only three shots. One was aimed at the steersman, and the other two at the
rowers. Their aim was to disable the junk’s steerage, render the boat helpless and perhaps
force it to shore.

Now the junk had all the air of a state of siege. Bedding and duffel bags were banked up
against the insides of the junk’s cabin in case incoming firing resumed. But the danger
had passed, and they reached Pa Jung at 7:15 p.m. with barely enough light to see as they
tied up to the bank. Wong immediately paid a visit to the yamen (a headquarters or
residence of a Chinese government official or department) to report on the bandits and all
hands then turned in early. But at a.m., they were rudely awakened by a soldier begging
for a ride to Ichang. Wong quickly got rid of him by saying there were armed men aboard
who were prepared to shoot. The soldier said he would look elsewhere for a berth.

They shoved off at 6:00 a.m. in an intermittent rain. The hills were white with
blossoming plum trees. The occasional peach tree stood as well with large and showy
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 294

flowers. Colors added a bit of charm to the river scene. There was little traffic. The few
craft were filled with soldiers of the Northern Army.

A strong upstream breeze slowed progress. Anna watched some “red boats” coming up
river with their set sails striped with alternating dark blue and white vertical panels.
These were the rescue boats of the Yangtze that monitored the rapids along the gorges
and provided assistance whenever a boat wreck occurred. Each rescue boat flew a red
flag on the port quarter [247].

It was March 24th. The day’s oncoming wind grew so strong that the junk could no
longer proceed. It put to shore and tied up for a time, but soon started off again. Reaching
Lao Kuei Cho at 4:45 p.m., it was moored for the night. All hands went ashore. The
village had just one street that ran parallel to the shoreline high along the bank. Wong, in
American soldier's trench clothes, the Chinese soldier back in uniform, the uniformed
American sailors, and the Grangers dressed in western riding attire must have presented a
strange sight. That might have been what drew the curious natives out to watch them.
There was no evidence of aversion to the foreigners as had been so noticeable in
Wanxian.

March 26, 1923––Misty––but sun shining early enough to make the


gorge, which we entered directly after getting under way at 6 a.m.
[248].

It was a beautiful day, Granger continued, though such a strong wind sprang up that it
was thought best to wait before trying the Hsin T'an rapid. As Grangers’ junk was taken
to a mooring on the opposite shore, all watched as the steamer, Sha Kiang, was hauled up
and over the rapid. At 8:30 a.m., the pilot they had engaged at the head of the rapid said
he was ready to proceed. Coolies loaded with bedding and baggage followed the
passengers off the junk for the walk around the rapids. The junk swung into the rough
waters of the rapid and, as all watched from shore, it passed through safely. A river
inspector followed in his craft. He “did not come through in as good style as ours did.
This man is the one who was attacked by bandits at Pau tou a few days before we started
from Wanhsien.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 295

While making their way down the shore, the Granger party “sauntered along the tracking
path, watching a native scooping fish out of the river in a dip net and emptying the catch
into a basket just as fast as he could turn from one to the other.” The little fish were about
the size and shape of smelt and many of them spread out on boards to dry in the sun.
Another kind of fish brought in was three feet long. Granger photographed the rapid, the
fishermen and a rock along the tracker’s path which showed how continual use of the
bamboo hauling ropes had worn deep grooves into the limestone.

The junk was already at anchor in a bay below the fishing village well before they
arrived. Granger photographed the scene on the beach in front of the junk. Peanuts and
pomelos were added to their larder before they pushed off at 9:30 a.m.

The scenery through the "ox-lung" and "horse liver" gorges was, to Anna, “very fine.” At
the lower end of these was another difficult set of rapids which obliged them to take on
two pilots. One held the rudder and the other the sweep. The Ta Tung (Tatungtan) rapid
“looked villainous enough, but gave our men no serious trouble.” The steamer Ta Fu had
foundered at this place just a few days before and was still bailing water as they passed
by. The wind began to blow against them at 10:00 a.m. and the sky became overcast. But
then, at 1:00 p.m., the wind died and the sun came out making the afternoon oppressively
hot.

They stopped at the little village of Huanglingmiao (Yellow Cliff Temple) at the head of
Ichang gorge to take some tracking rope in for mending, “it being one of the centers for
making bamboo hawsers.” When they started off again at 3:45 p.m., the wind resumed
blowing upstream against them. At 4:00 p.m., one of the oars broke and had to be
replaced with a new blade. Once in the Ichang gorge, the sun set, the wind died and the
moon rose.

The night was clear and bright. Mat coverings over the cabin’s entries were left open and
all slept well. As they departed for Ichang with a favorable breeze the next morning,
Anna noted that

compared to the Wushan and Kuei Fu [Wind Box] gorges, the


Ichang gorge seems very tame. One does not feel so strongly what
an awful convulsion of nature took place to make all this river
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 296

scenery the wonderful thing it is. The cliffs are neither very high or
precipitous, and are mostly covered with grass & shrubs giving them
a lady-like appearance. The highest water level mark that we saw
was 60 ft. The bases of the cliffs do not show the ravages of a
mighty current [249].

They arrived at Ichang harbor just before noon and moments later Walter and the two
Palos sailors were ferried over to the American gunboat USS Quiros. There he transferred
custody of the two sailors to Captain Mclaren along with their weapons and an
accounting for their spent cartridges. The sailors, it turns out, had been sent downriver to
be dishonorably discharged from the Navy and returned to the States. Since the Palos had
not been free to bring them down because of the trouble in Wanxian, Captain Sampson
had asked Granger to take custody of the men in return for their added protection. The
reason for their discharge is not known.

Captain Mclaren invited the Grangers for lunch, although he and his fellow officers had
just finished theirs. The Grangers accepted, “being glad of the change from the rather
cramped quarters of the junk.” There they met Lt. Buckhalter whom they knew from the
Monocacy. After tiffin, while the captain and Walter went ashore to do errands, Lt.
Buckhalter took Anna to visit

two places where grass linen table covers and runners decorated
with cross-stitching in blue are sold. I bought several pieces of Mrs.
Graham's of the Scotch Mission and Ranking Memorial Hospital.
We also went to see the work done at another Scotch Hospital &
School where a Miss Moore has charge of sales. A ride into the
Chinese City came next where I bought a blue & white cloth curtain.
The pattern is put on after the Batik method, certain parts being
coated with a mixture which keeps the dye from entering the goods.
At five o'clock Walter & I, the captain & Mr. B. all turned up at a
Mrs. Windhams for tea. Mr. P. C. Windham is the Ichang manager
of the Robert Dollar Steamship Co. Their house is on the Bund. It
was nice having the "eats" in true American fashion [250].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 297

Dinner was back aboard the Quiros and then it was off to their quarters aboard the SS
Tung Ting sitting in port awaiting departure for Hankow.

A hard thunder shower blew in at 9:00 p.m. cooling off the air. The heat had been
unbearable all day.

Since the next day was to be a layover, the Grangers decided to celebrate their safe
arrival. They strolled about the city of Ichang, taking lunch here, tea there, shopping,
playing tennis, shopping and relaxing. That night, while they sat out in the moonlight on
deck aboard the Tung Ting, “thirteen sailors from the British gunboat "Gnat" came
aboard, bound for England. They are a bit hilarious from the send-off their companions
have been giving them.”

The Tung Ting steamed out of Ichang on the 30th at 5:00 a.m. and spent the entire day
travelling down river. Once stopped for the night, Walter and Anna sat out on the main
deck talking with the Tung Ting’s Captain Bailey. They then moved to the top deck to
listen to a sailor play his mandolin. Well rested and out of danger, Granger now found
time to write legibly to his father. “You will be glad to hear that we're safely through the
gorges again and aboard a steamer with my party, collections and equipment and bound
for Hankow,” he began. “I should be in Peking, with good luck, about the fourth. I will
write you directly upon arrival there. We made the trip down in five and a half days this
time and had beautiful weather except one half day.”

“A couple of sailors who were ready for transfer,“ he wrote,

came on [down] to Ichang as our guests. We ran into a small band of


robbers in the Wushan gorge and opened up on them with
everything we had. Our junk was not hit and I'm not sure that we got
any of the bandits, but we broke up their little party in a hurry and
they will hesitate a bit about firing on the next junk flying the
American flag [251].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 298

Ichang, he added, was a very pleasant time “after the anxiety of getting my party through
the gorges.”

The weather was perfect now––just warm enough for comfort and the countryside was
bright and fresh from spring rains. The Yangtze was at its lowest level, and as they
traveled along they could see only the steep banks––none of the flat country lying
beyond. That land was below high water level and was protected from flooding by the
embankment. Long lines of coolies were seen at many points repairing sections of the
bank before the coming seasonal rise of the river. Many junks with their sails set had
made a pleasant picture along the otherwise now flat waterscape. Because of the bright
moon, they could travel at night which advanced their arrival time. Olsen and Johnson
were probably in China by now and Granger was sorry he hadn’t been there to welcome
them, but Andrews would be there to greet them when they arrived.

All were awakened at 2:00 a.m. by the noise of the Tung Ting docking at Hankow. It was
a clear and warm Easter. The sailors from the Gnat managed to depart right after
breakfast, while Walter and Anna set off for Sunday service at the church in the English
legation.

Later that afternoon, a Captain Tully escorted them aboard the steam tug Tan Wu to a
picnic in their honor hosted by some of Hankow’s prominent foreign residents. The party
traveled some 25 miles back up the river and landed at a “very pretty grassy hill topped
by a picturesque temple pavilion.” Company included “Mr. & Mrs. Lackey (Butterfield
& Swire), Mr. Todd and Mr. Grant (Jardine & Co.), [and] Mr. & Mrs. Archibald of the
Central China Post, a newspaper.”

Walking up to the summit Anna noted several interesting wild flowers, one like the
American lilac, another like the American rose, only lavender in color, and third very like
the American cornelia.

A hard wind came up as they returned to the boat. The captain decided to return to
Hankow at once. The original plan had been to dine aboard there and then enjoy a
leisurely cruise back down to Hankow in the moonlight. But now the waves were so high
that the boat was drenched with spray, obliging them to stay in the cabin for the trip back.
“All were more or less anxious on account of the rough water.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 299

Easter Monday:
All banks closed, so that we can not draw our money and get the
Express Train to Peking tonight as we wanted to. Weather cold &
windy & disagreeable. Stayed on board the Tung Ting all morning
and turned the cuffs on one of Walter's shirts. In the afternoon made
an attempt to get across the river to Wushan to see Pres. & Mrs.
Gilman of Boone University. The only ferry that had not stopped
running on account of the rough water was so overcrowded with
passengers that I was afraid to set foot on the boat and so we
returned and had tea on board the Tung Ting [252].

Granger had a miserable time in the rain getting his baggage transferred from the steamer
to the railroad depot that Tuesday. And when he saw the poor quality of the
accommodations aboard that train, he decided to leave Anna and Chow in Hankow to
await the Thursday night express. Anna was put up at the American Christian and
Missionary Alliance where they had supper. He was off early that evening to oversee the
weighing of his fossils at the depot and told Anna that he did not expect to be able to take
off his clothes to sleep for the next two nights.

Chow brought Anna to the station on Thursday, April 5th at 8:30 p.m. He traveled on the
same train, but in 3rd class. She worried about him because she had been told by people
at the mission of a number of thefts occurring in 3rd class travel in China. The train
started off at 10:00 p.m. and proceeded only a short way when it stopped unexpectedly.
Anna had heard a man weeping bitterly and evidently he had been discovered. It proved
to be someone who had hidden himself under the car just beneath her compartment to
steal a ride to Peking.

Later in the trip, “the dining car got on fire and had to be uncoupled and a miserable
substitute taken on in its place. There are not enough dishes to go around, no salt or
pepper boxes. Too few glasses, etc.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 300

The next day brought fine weather as they continued north through flat country. When
they crossed the Yellow River, Anna could see dwellings, habitats, cut into the cliffs.
Chow checked in on her occasionally.

Anna’s train arrived on time in Peking at 9:45 a.m. the following day, her 20th wedding
anniversary. Walter with Vance Johnson, one of the CAE’s two motormen for 1923 (Mac
Young the other), were at the station to greet her.

Once back in their suite at the Wagons-Lits, she noticed that things looked

very spruce. Waiters in the dining room now wear a nice silk
sleeveless vest over dark blue gowns, very becoming costume. We
have same room and the same boys to wait on us that we had when
we left last November. Had tea at the Andrews' compound, tho the
Andrews were not there. Met Dr. Morris' wife, and think he is lucky
in his choice. Weather raw and cold with considerable wind. Found
three wedding bouquets in my room on arriving, two pots of flowers
and a bunch of small pink roses. These were from Walter, Mr. Olsen
& Mr. [Peter] Kaisen combined [253].

Kaisen, Granger’s trusted field assistant from Bone Cabin Quarry was now in China,
along with Albert Johnson, to supplement George Olsen which gave Granger the team he
desired. However, as he had written his father, he would have much preferred Bill
Thomson over Albert Johnson.

Notes on Chapter
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 301

April 8, 1923
Peking

Dear Mary:-
Anna hasn't decided what she will do this summer but probably will
go to the seashore for August again, or possibly up on the plateau to
a Swedish Minister's there. It gets almost intolerably hot here in
Peking in August [254].

Walter Granger’s youngest sister, Mary Granger Morgan, lived in Hanover, New
Hampshire in the US with her husband Frank and their two small boys, Millet and
Norman. Frank taught mathematics, first as a professor at Dartmouth College and later at
the Clark School, a local, private boys school.

The father, Charles, still lived in Rutland, Vermont, not far away. He was recently
widowed and their aunt and Charles’ sister Jane had moved in with him. It seemed to be
working well enough, Granger learned that both “have been comfortable and that the
arrangement has been a good one.”

Mary’s and Walter’s brother Arthur Granger also lived in Rutland with his wife Julia.
Arthur was an editor at the Rutland Herald and Julia was a teller at a bank in town. They
lived only a few blocks away from father Charles and Aunt Jane. The letters Charles
received from Granger were passed on to Arthur who occasionally published excerpts in
the Rutland Herald. The townfolk enthusiastically followed news of this amazing
international quest by one of their own. For Charles, who had facilitated his son’s
apprenticeship at the American Museum in 1890, it was a proud time.

Granger also wrote to his sister Daisy, saying that “It was almost like getting home to
come back to Peking this time. Christmas boxes from you and Mary and six letters from
Father as well as yours and a couple of Mary's to you and Father.” Daisy and her husband
Frank lived in Winchedon, Massachusetts, not far from the rest of the New England
family. Another brother, Martin, lived with his family in Maryland and, while out of the
New England loop, stayed in touch.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 302

Holiday baskets of goodies had arrived in Peking in perfect condition and Anna and
Walter were having a fine time looking over and savoring their contents. It would have
been better, of course, to have had these in camp at Yanjinggou, but Granger had asked
Andrews not to forward large parcels from home that winter because the delivery of
parcel mail was “so frightfully slow on the Yangtze and there is considerable danger of
looting by bandits.” In fact, Granger did not even get much of the normal mail that winter
as he reported to Daisy. Absence of Christmas cards from friends and family who always
remembered him meant, he thought, that that mail indeed must have been lost.

In the winter, he explained, the mail went up through the gorges in post boats that were
simply large sampans with a sail and a crew of eight or ten oarsmen. Many of these boats
capsized in the rapids. Over both winters in Sichuan Province he had received letters
which had been in the river and then dried out. This past winter the mail was so sparse
that he feared it “got into the river and never got out again.” He asked Daisy to “get all
recent news of our doings from letters to Father,” and, in parting, remarked

Expect you will be getting your "American Rickshaw" out soon


now. We have seen out here in Peking too, they even use them up on
the road to Urga although they prove a bit too light for that traffic.
Anna went up on the plateau in one last spring,––made more racket
than all five of our own cars put together, but it got up the hill
somehow and got down again. Our own cars are Dodge's, the best
car out for the Mongolian work; just the right combination of power,
weight and durability [255].

Anna discovered that her former rickshaw boy was now working for someone else.
“’Chang’ got me a new boy.” “He is nice, but I don't like his side-wise gait.” Perhaps that
sentiment was lost once the quick round of socializing began. On April 11, they went to a
dinner at Mr. & Mrs. Morris'. Two new members for the 1923 Mongolian party were
there, J. McKenzie (Mac) Young, a motor man and a member of the U.S. Marines now
assigned to the CAE, and C. Vance Johnson, also a motor man and also a U.S. Marine.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 303

The dinner favors were unique. They were modeled in a clay-like substance and
represented the calling of each guest.

Walter's was a prehistoric-looking man dragging a lizard behind him. His pockets were
stuffed with bones, and in his mouth was the omnipresent pipe. Anna’s place at the table
was indicated by a seated woman's figure in a priest's hat and was called "The Goddess of
Szechuan." After supper they told stories, a form of entertainment in which the Morris'
reveled.

Soon there was a gathering at Dr. Andersson's during which he announced his
engagement to Miss Rosenius. The following night, dinner was held at Dr. Grabau's in
the West City in a continuance of the Peking Circle tradition. The Grangers themselves
gave a dinner to welcome the new assistants for the 1923 Mongolia trip––Olsen, Kaisen
and Johnson. James Wong was invited as well.

Walter spent time at the CAE headquarters cleaning and arranging gear and making ready
for the Mongolian trip. It was now mid-April, 1923, and he had been in the field almost
continuously since August, 1921. His expedition schedule to date had been one to
Zhoukoudian for a few days, one to Sichuan for the winter of 1921-22, one to Mongolia
for the summer of 1922 and another to Sichuan for the winter 1922-23. These had been
back-to-back expeditions for this 50-year old. Already he’d twice been trapped in
Chinese warlord battles, once been ambushed by Chinese bandits, and [thrice] directly
shot at or confronted by Chinese soldiers. Now he was about to embark for another
Mongolia trip. At least it would be peaceful out there.

No other western member had been as engaged in a marathon of fieldwork and danger as
Granger, and never would be. Years later even Andrews acknowledged that the CAE’s
accomplishment “...which brought large results to science and to the Museum, never
could have been achieved without Walter.”

The gratifying results were back from the museum in New York: Granger’s eggshell
fragment was dinosaurian, new dinosaur species were confirmed and the Baluchitherium
was a huge hit. The fossil fields were rich and collecting was the key. Yet, in the middle
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 304

of his last-minute preparations on the day before departure to Kalgan, Granger and Anna
made time to go to the Andersson-Rosenius wedding supper at the Peking Hotel on April
16. “Guests gathered in the room at the end of the dance hall and the meal was served in a
private room opening off from it,” Anna wrote. It was a gathering that included Ting,
Grabau and a long list of dignitaries and diplomats, but not the Andrews [256].

“Mongolia, 1923”

The 1923 CAE Mongolia expedition party set out from Peking for Kalgan by train the
next morning [Conq/183], April 17, 1923. Granger listed the cast:

April 17, 1923

Cars:
2 Fulton trucks of last year's expedition.
2 "Dog Wagons of last year's expedition.
1 Dodge touring car--new.

Party:
Roy Chapman Andrews-Leader.
Walter Granger-Paleontologist.
Fred K. Morris-Geologist & Topographer.
George Olsen, Peter Kaisen, and Albert F.
Johnson-assistants in Paleontology.
J. McK. Young [chief] and C. Vance Johnson
[assistant]-motor transport.
Merin and 5 Mongols with the 61 camels.
Serim Peel, Bato and Ioshih with the motor
cars, Serin replacing Serim Peel about
June 1st.
Chow (No. 1), 'Buckshot' (Asst. in Pal.)
and two cooks. (Whey [Huei], No. 1
cook, joined in May).
Two Chinese chauffeurs and an assistant to
[V.] Johnson (Lieu by name).
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 305

Chih (taxidermist) and Whey [Huei] (cook)


to join in May.

Dogs:
Mushka and Buster (a fox terrier belonging
to V. Johnson) [257].

With the addition of longtime field assistants George Olsen and Peter Kaisen and
newcomer Albert Johnson, this was now primarily a fossil- [hunting/collecting]
[gathering] expedition. Frederick Morris would handle geology and topography without
Charles Berkey; photography would be handled without James Shackelford; and two
active duty U.S. Marines from the Legation Guard in Peking, Mac Young and Vance
Johnson, were detailed to replace S. Bayard Colgate on motors.

Despite huge promotion of and public interest in the CAE and now the assurance of
continued success in collecting fossils, perhaps even a complete dinosaur egg or two,
movieman Shackelford was not with the 1923 group. Nor was anyone was assigned to
replace him. This time, the Expedition would travel without a professionally-kept visual
record, except for the still photographs made by its members and by Granger’s continued
diary-keeping.

The men left at 8:30 a.m. Granger hired a Ford to take him, Anna, and Olsen to the train
station while Yvette Andrews took Kaisen and Johnson in her car. All the heavy duffels
went with the dog-wagons which had departed headquarters at 6:30 a.m. for loading on a
freight train. Chow and 'Buckshot' went aboard with them while other native assistants
rode with the expedition vehicles secured to flatcars. Anna, Mrs. Morris and a friend of
the Morrises, Miss McIvers planned to accompany their husbands to Kalgan. J.G.
Andersson arrived to see them all off at the station. Ironically, Mrs. Charles Coltman,
whose husband was killed at the Kalgan-Mongolia barrier the previous December
[Conq/184], also happened to be a passenger on the Grangers’ train.

April 17th was the same date the expedition had left Peking for Mongolia the previous
year. This time, however, the weather was decidedly cooler after a rain and it snowed on
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 306

the way up through Nankou pass to Kalgan. After all these years, a usable auto road from
Peking to Kalgan still had not been constructed.

Arriving in Kalgan at about 4 p.m., all hands except Andrews took rooms at the Pioneer
Inn which now occupied new and rather attractive quarters, according to Granger, just
east of the American Consulate. Andrews put up [with a Mr. and Mrs. Dorrance of] at the
Meifu where the expedition vehicles were to be parked. That train had arrived at about
8:00 p.m., and Young and Vance Johnson had begun unloading the vehicles.

A high, chilly wind that evening [night] was followed by a raw and cold day. Half-inch
thick ice covered puddles in the yard. Sheep-skin lined coats and sweaters were in order.
Larson, just in from Urga, reported considerable snow, as well as drifting, and that the
road up to Chap Ser was very muddy [“the soft snow which formed a gluelike mud.”-
Conq/184]. Carts would be needed to lighten the cars by taking some of expedition’s load
up over the pass. But cart and handlers seemed to be scarce at the moment. So it was
decided to wait until the 20th to let the mud dry a bit and locate some carts [Conq/184].

Larson’s timing was not accidental. He had come to Kalgan to pick up $25,000 in silver
to take back to Urga for purchase [of] skins and horses. With that kind of money in his
car, he thought it wise to travel in the company of the CAE convy

to get our protection through the bandit-infested region of Tabool. A


motor car with Chinese passengers and Russian driver was held up
there recently and stripped of everything––(Chinese bandits––
probably soldiers). Also a caravan belonging to Larson was recently
held up and robbed [Conq/184] [258].

Cut #17

As they waited, the Grangers took tea at the American Consulate with Samuel Sokobin,
then Vice Consul. Mrs. Coltman stopped by, as well, with some of Coltman’s family.
[Though it is not known why,] Sokobin was the other person in the car when Coltman
was killed. The incident had precipitated a diplomatic row between Washington and
China which remained unresolved.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 307

Three carts were finally found, rented and loaded on the night of the 18th and sent off at
daybreak on the 19th for Miao Tan. Andrews telephoned Granger at breakfast that
morning asking for keys. The carts had been detained at the Liking (tax) station because
some of the boxes were locked and could not be inspected. After breakfast, Granger and
Andrews went to the Liking station only to find that the carts had already been released.

Andrews was now down with a severe cold, but everything was set for a 9:00 a.m. start
on the 20th [see Conq/184]. The Grangers decided to take a last walk up to the North
Gate and back. As they went down the main street, they realized they were being hailed
by someone. It was Persender, ”the man who was discharged from the Expedition last
year for doubledealing.” Persender had survived and done well since the 1922 debacle.
He escorted Walter and Anna to his new compound from which he operated a
transportation service to Urga. He had seven cars, he said, driven by Russians. He
insisted on sending the Grangers up to the North Gate in one of them [Conq omits any
mention of this. Would be amazing to think RCA said 19th in order to “erase”
WG’s/AG’s Persender event!].

The north wall defined that edge of town was an older, inferior section of the Great Wall
of China. Mongol caravans came down to that gate to unload their goods and take on new
cargo for the return to Urga. Outside the gate the Grangers saw products of many kinds
piled up on the ground and covered with mats. Some of it was brought in from Mongolia
and some of it was awaiting shipment to Urga and beyond by camel train. Tea, hides and
packages of camel's hair formed most of the bales they saw piled up. Open stalls nearby
displayed articles made of pewter, brass, white metal. Anna bought a small covered jar of
the white metal for 50 cents.

A group of Mongols passed through, three riding fast ponies and two on trotting camels.
Anna had noticed several groups of Mongols in town that day––”very picturesque people,
riding through the streets of the town on camels and horses, costumes of the brightest
colors and fancy head-dresses for both men and women.” It had been wise, she and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 308

Walter later agreed, to accept Persender’s offer of a car since the distance to the Great
Wall and back was much greater than they had thought.

They walked back to the Pioneer Inn from Persender’s compound and made ready to
view the movie film taken by Shackelford in Mongolia the previous summer. It had
started showing in a local movie house the night before. “About half our crowd saw it
then & the other half saw it tonight at the same hour,” Anna wrote. Supper was at 9:00
p.m.

The expedition was ready to leave in the morning [of the 20th]. There were eight
westerners in the party this season and Granger wondered whether it would be a bit
crowded in the vehicles. But they would splitting up the party soon and establishing
separate camps. Granger’s plan, he wrote his father, was “to keep the two dinosaur men
[Kaisen and A. Johnson] by themselves as much as practicable and have Olsen with me.
Later on Andrews, Morris and I will do some prospecting to the westward of where we
were last year (Tsagan Nor), out toward Uliassatai and also to the south of the Altai
Mountains.”

Their first destination [layover] would be Iren Dabasu, 260 miles from Kalgan, where
they had made their initial finds the previous year [in 1922]. This year, the Chinese postal
officials hoped to arrange for mail service to the party while it was in that vicinity which
was near by Ehrlien telegraph station. The Chinese were even considering establishing a
weekly or fortnightly courier service that would follow [deliver mail to] the party as it
progressed west. “At any rate we will be in much better shape for mail than last season,”
Granger wrote.

The weather had improved, Granger continued to his father. Much of the snow on the
hills was gone. The party hoped the mud up on the plateau was dried by now. The
procedures and route out were the same as the year before. The party was not much larger
with the addition of Olsen, Kaisen and Johnson, since Berkey and Shackelford were
dropped. Andrews would not remain with the party long, Granger informed his father. He
was “to return to Peking early in May for supplies, etc., and we can send in for all sorts of
things at that time. I'll know by then, for instance, whether my tobacco is lasting
according to schedule or not.” There may have been a twinkle in Granger’s eye when he
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 309

wrote this, since surely, after years of experience with extended expeditions including
one deep into Mongolia just the year before, Granger knew how much tobacco to bring.

April 20, 1923


Third Asiatic Expedition left the Mei fu [] compound for Mongolia
9:15 a.m. Everybody in high spirits. I [Anna] returned to Peking on
the 11:30 a.m. train. Arrived at the hotel at 6 p.m. Weather much
milder, though there was snow still lingering on the tops of the
mountains between Kalgan and the Nankou pass [259].

While Granger gave no further explanation for Andrews’s need to return to Peking, the
expedition having just set out in the same manner as they had the year before which
required no return trip to Peking, Anna would divulge the [real] reason when the time
came.

She took up residence at the Wagons-Lits Hotel after seeing the men off and considered
going to the seashore for a month later in the summer. Kalgan, her alternate choice, was a
fair place to spend the summer because it was at 2,500 feet in elevation and had a dry
climate. However, there were few foreigners there beyond the US Consul Sokobin, a
Standard Oil man and his wife, two or three British-American Tobacco Company people,
a few families engaged in trading with Urga, and missionaries. The countryside around
Kalgan was quite barren. Hardly a tree stood anywhere except for the few poplars planted
about the foreigners’ residences. Surrounding hills and fields were absolutely barren at
this time of the year, not yet sporting a spear of grass or even a weed. All was just soil
and stones. Later, when the rains came, the landscape would green up a bit. But, still,
Anna thought, the absence of trees would leave it with an empty look.

Larson waited patiently on the Mongolia side of the Liking [tax] station with his two-car
fleet for the CAE party to arrive. When in did, special passes from the local general,
Granger noted, allowed them to proceed through the Liking station tax-free. The
American consul was not with them this time, as he had been in 1922.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 310

Granger noted the car seating arrangements:

No. 1. Roy [driving], Granger, Olsen, Kaisen.


" 2. Chinese chauffeur [driving], Chow.
" 3. Young driving, Morris.
" 4. V. Johnson driving, [A.] Johnson.
" 5. Chinese chauffeur [driving], 'Buckshot' [260].

The remaining native assistants rode “on top of the trucks.”

The road up to Wanchuan Pass was adequate and the one dog-wagon that did become
stuck in mud was hauled out with the Fulton. Once they reached the top at noon, lunch
was passed out to be eaten [and consumed] as they drove on.

They made Miao T’an at three only to find that the carts had not yet arrived. After was
decided to spend the night at a local inn, the carts arrived about an hour later and the
native assitants set about transferring everything from carts to cars. “Chinese chow was
served for dinner, prepared by the innkeeper.”

A squad of Chinese soldiers had awaited them at Miao T’an, the officer-in-charge taking
the names of the CAE men and informing them that he had arranged for a mounted
detachment to scout ahead of the fleet when it departed the next morning. The officer said
it was to "’protect’ us,” Granger wrote, noting that the officer also “[r]equested us ‘please
not to shoot his soldiers when we came upon them,’ a commentary on the Chinese soldier
of these parts [Conq/184].”

A hard freeze that night set the mud sufficiently to enable the expedition to get underway
very early that morning and set off for P’ang Kiang, 175 miles from Kalgan and 143
miles from Miao T’an [Conq/185]. It was a cold, clear and windy day for those driving in
the open vehicles. Road conditions were fair throughout. Chinese farmers, they noticed,
had stretched their cultivation to 88 miles out from Kalgan and even up into the Tabool
Hills [260-a] [Conq/185].

[Conq at p. 185 says they saw 20 mounted brigands lining both sides of the hills before
they were out of the culitivated area...but WG makes NO mention of this.]
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 311

The group stopped for lunch at Chap Ser. Most of the Mongols hired by the Expedition
lived in the Chap Ser area. But the Chinese advance into Mongolia was such that there
was now comfortable lodging at Chap Ser, Granger noted. The Chinese-owned inn
sported several rooms each with a wide kang (sleeping platform) and a stove.

While stopped at Chap Ser, they met up with Serin. Merin had left Serin behind this year
“because the other Mongols said he had become too unbearable because of his being
employed last season as a hunter and later as a guard to the caravan from Sair Usu to
Kalgan.” Andrews decided he would pick up Serin when he returned from his Peking trip
in May and bring him back to camp.

After reaching P’ang Kiang at 6:30 p.m. on the 21st, the tents went up and the "’bar’
opened.” Granger recorded the tent configuration:

Mess tent - Andrews & Granger


Small tent - A. Johnson & Kaisen
“ “ - V. Johnson & Olsen
“ “ - Morris & Young

April 22nd’s run Iren Dabasu was 80 windy, chilly miles to Iren Dabasu. A tire was
punctured on the No. 2 by a Chinese-made shoe nail. A pinion gear broke on the No. 4
truck. It took almost three hours to install a new gear and then have tiffin. When the party
finally reached Iren Dabasu to set up camp about a hundred feet from the previous year's
site [Conq/188], it was sunset. Merin and the caravan had not yet arrived.

There was now a considerable Chinese community at Iren Dabasu, Granger noted. A
Mongol girl residing there, he observed, now dressed and wore her hair in Chinese
fashion. Six or seven yurts used by Chinese travelers as an overnight stop in 1922 had
been replaced by a new building with several rooms including a storeroom for gasoline
tins. The entire affair was surrounded by a mud wall. Down near the water wells was
another large, mud-wall enclosed complex which served as an automobile station selling
gas and oil. The telegraph station was just north of this compound [Conq/186].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 312

On the 23rd, Olsen, Kaisen and Johnson prospected the Cretaceous beds near camp at
Iren Dabasu while Granger, Andrews, Morris and Young drove off west in the No. 1 to
reconnoiter [Conq/188]. Eight miles by road from camp, they found a considerable patch
of Cretaceous material--‘gray-white strata,’ Granger termed it [Conq/188]--at the east end
of a lake. Many weathered dinosaur bones lay about.

They continued southeast on good road and crossed a granite ridge. On the far side of that
ridge, they found an entire bluff of exposures apparently Irdin Manha in age. They
collected a few teeth fragments and some foot bones.

[Conq/190, Andrews’s disavows capability to be ‘a paleontological collector’ and is told


by Granger to stay away from fossils.]

They drove another mile beyond the bluff to a dry lake and then on to a small lamasary
called "Boloto." They were about 30 miles away from Iren Dabasu when they turned
back to retrace their route to camp. Upon their return, Olsen reported he had found a
promising prospect of a carnivorous dinosaur material just 200 yards south of camp
[Conq/190].

Granger decided to send a telegram to Anna saying all was well.

While Olsen remained at work on his carnivore in the Cretaceous near camp on the 24th,
Granger went off five miles south with Andrews and Young along the main trail to the
Oligocene Houldjin gravels [Conq/191]. They returned to camp for tiffin and then went
back for the afternoon. But nothing of much consequence was found. In the meantime,
Olsen's discovery had yielded a good hind leg and foot and part of the other hind foot.
Granger assigned 'Buckshot' to assist Olsen, noting that 'Buckshot' seemed to be “doing
good work.”

Granger noticed that the auto traffic between Kalgan and Urga had increased
considerably since 1922. The cars were mostly Dodge automobiles driven by Chinese
and Russian chauffeurs carrying mostly Chinese passengers. Each car carried eight
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 313

passengers and their duffels and Granger counted five or six cars passing by each day.
Those arriving late always stopped and a lantern was kept burning on a high pole at each
compound as all night beacon. Some of the vehicles, Granger thought, might have been
Persender’s.

On the 25th, Granger spent the day in camp following the departure by Andrews and V.
Johnson for Kalgan in two trucks at dawn. From there, they would go on to Peking by
rail. The plan, Granger wrote this time, was to bring back “the 90 cases of gas left in
Kalgan and get additional supplies of food, etc., from Peking––also they will try and have
some new pinion gears made for the trucks. We now have only one spare left.”

Olsen continued the work on his carnivore in the Cretaceous while Kaisen and A.
Johnson prospected in the Oligocene at the Houldjin gravels. In Peking, Anna kept busy
with social calls and other engagements. She also called on Wong who was at a German
hospital and Grabau who was at the Peking Union Medical College Hospital. It is not
known why either was hospitalized.

On the 26th, Granger went off with Kaisen and A. Johnson to inspect their newly
discovered eastern exposures with promising outcrops containing dinosaur material.
Granger agreed that the eastern exposures were promising and quarrying was begun
which soon led to significant finds of small carnivores (Kaisen) and pre-dentaries (A.
Johnson). Olsen remained behind to finish up his carnivore. [ADD per 189-190
Conquest] START HERE]

It was April 27th. Merin and the caravan still had not arrived, nor was there any word of
them. [As we later [soon] learn,] Not only were some of the men still without their cots,
food supplies, including necessaries such as milk and butter, were perilously low.

Andrews was aware of these developments when he left camp on the 25th as orginally
planned. In Conquest [192], he claimed to be returning only to Kalgan, making no
mention of going on to Peking [Conq/192]. He also threw in another one of his conjured-
up, unverifiable bravado adventures to boot in “An Experience with Brigands” at page
192 of Conquest. This was patent malarky since it would have been foolhardy to travel
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 314

alone, especially with the foreknowledge he had that there were bandits in the area, and,
in fact, he wasn’t traveling alone.

V. Johnson was accompanying Andrews in a second vehicle. While Andrews claimed to


have gotten a mile ahead of Johnson when the alleged incident occurred, he simply
wouldn’t have had the courage or the stupidity to place himself in such a situation. That’s
why Johnson was taken along to begin with. Andrews never went into or about the field
alone: that’s his history.

Perhaps more troubling is that Andrews also implied in Conquest [186] that Merin and
the caravan had arrived safely at Iren Dabasu before Andrews and V. Johnson departed
on the 25th, thereby also implying that there was no longer a problem with the
expedition’s food supplies. Precisely the opposite was the case and this is another
example of Andrews’s [wholesale] distortion of events [the facts] not only to self-
aggrandize, but also to hide his malfeasance [character failure]. In this case, it was his
failure of leadership. [And this would not be the only example [instance] on almost the
same set of facts.]

Neither Anna or Walter Granger made reference to Andrews or V. Johnson reporting a


bandit incident while on their way to Kalgan from Iren Dabasu, and both Granger
accounts otherwise unmask Andrews’s telling of the entire matter. This also occurs
elsewhere and perhaps is why the Grangers’ CAE diaries and letters were not left with
the American Museum. They might not have survived to see the light of day.

While serving as the basis for the Mongolia expeditions narration in Conquest, the
Granger diaries also posed a conundrum. Unlike the after-the-fact revising, editing and
polishing process Conquest went through, the Granger diaries were raw, spontaneous,
private, contemporaneous accounts of events that happened the very day they were
recorded.

With Andrews returning to Peking just two days after arriving at Iren Dabasu, it was up
to the expedition’s second-in-command Granger to set aside science and try to find
Merin, or at least try found out whatever he could. Granger set off with Morris and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 315

Young in a dog-wagon packed with bedding and a day's provisions. Ioshih went along as
interpreter. The men drove 30 miles south along the Kalgan-Urga “auto route” and then
20 miles along an easterly branch on which Merin was supposed to have come. The first
10 miles of this branch were fine driving over the penaplane, Granger noted. But the next
10 miles were “billowy and slow.”

At a fork in the road, they met a Chinese caravan which had just come over the easterly
route. They reported not having seen Merin on the way out from Kalgan, although they
had encountered him when they were going into Kalgan a week or so before. Further
inquiry along the route proved “fruitless” and having only enough oil [fuel] left [supply
left in camp/on hand] for another 100 miles or so of driving capability [range], they
decided to conserve and not continue their search for Merin. Turning back at “a point
about east of the Ting lamasary on the auto route,” they returned to camp [just] before
sunset.

With Merin and the caravan still unaccounted for, the expedition remained faced with
dwindling amounts of food and fuel. Granger paid $7.00 the next day (28th) for a sheep
to slaughter, even though the animals were in poor shape that year and the Mongols were
not anxious to sell any. That same day, he returned to the recently-discovered eastern
exposures with Olsen, Kaisen, A. Johnson and 'Buckshot'. With 'Buckshot'’s help, Kaisen
opened a quarry of small carnivores. Nearby, A. Johnson found a deposit of pre-dentaries
with associated material including limb bones.

Andrews “has returned to Peking for the Spring Races,” Anna noted in her diary on April
28. Andrews kept a stable of race horses in Peking and had absented the expedition to
return to watch his horses run. Delivering a letter to Anna from Walter that stated that
“the caravan has not made connections with the men now camped at Erhlien,
consequently some are without their cot beds and food supplies have given out, even such
necessaries as milk & butter,” Andrews had left anyway, not to rescue the situation, but
to watch his horses race [260 - b].

V. Johnson had gone all the way to Peking with Andrews, apparently to oversee the
making of new pinion gears. Whatever the case, Anna recorded that “Mr. Johnson
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 316

(Marine) here for tiffin. Showed me some photographs of the campers at Erhlien and of
scenes in Kalgan.”

On the 29th, Granger was still looking Merin. He drove back with Morris and Mac
[Mack] to a lamasary 25 miles southeast of camp hoping for news of the caravan on a
hunch that Merin might have taken a more easterly route. But there was no news. While
there, Morris and Granger “examined the exposures of Tertiary to the west of the lake
and found sufficient fossils to determine these beds as Irdin Manha.”

On April 30, 1923, a Mr. Wooden stopped by Granger’s camp on his way back to Kalgan
from Urga carring a message from Larson that prospects were good for getting passports.
A Mr. Lacy of Jardine Mattheson & Co. then came in at dusk, on his way to Urga, and
reported that Merin’s caravan was about 50 miles south on the main trail.

With this welcome news, Granger set out the next morning, May 1, with Young, Chow
and a Mongolian assistant in a dog-wagon to locate Merin. They found him 30 miles
from camp. While all had been well with the caravan, Merin explained, he had been
forced to travel slowly because the camels were not getting good feed. The caravan,
moving at a rate of only two miles an hour, was reduced 15 to 20 miles a day of progress.
It was still more than a day away from camp. Granger took a load of provisions and
returned to camp for lunch, shooting an antelope along the way to supplement their food
supplies. He telegraphed Anna to say "Caravan arrived."

The next morning there was ice on the dishes of water left out for the dogs. This was
followed on the 3rd by “[s]ome considerable shower of rain and hail about 6 p.m. West
wind. Small draw near camp running water which collected in pools in the sand dunes.”

Anna went to the Andrews for tiffin that same day and received a letter from Walter,
probaby sent down via Mr. Wooden who had stopped by the camp a few days earlier. The
American sweets she had sent along with Walter “came in very fine during the food
shortage.” On the 4th, Anna wrote, “Mr. Johnson took me out to the races at Pa Ma
Chang in a borrowed auto. I won eight dollars the first time I bet. Spent all of this and
two dollars besides on further bets but did not win again. Mr. Johnson lost over $30.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 317

On the 5th, Granger and his men worked in “a windstorm from the southwest late in the
afternoon; much dust.” The temperatures ranged from 42˚ F in the morning to 73˚ F in
the afternoon. He went with Morris and Young 20 miles southwest on the Kweihwating
Trail where they found good Irdin Manha exposures and many fossils, although they
seemed unusually broken up. The men returned to camp in a dust storm.

All hands were back in the quarries at the eastern exposures on May 6th. Olsen worked
his area a mile or more to the northeast of the road. Kaisen’s and A. Johnson’s quarries,
now developing into important deposits, lay some 400 yards to the southwest of the road
and were the main exposures of this section.

In Peking that day, Anna went to see Chinese paintings exhibited at the Returned Foreign
Students Club to aid a famine relief fund. The scrolls were loaned by individuals whose
collections were rarely seen. But very few foreigners were present, perhaps “on account
of the horse races,” Anna surmised.

On the subject of foreigners, Anna had just learned that 27 foreigners were captured by
bandits at Paotzuku in Shantung Province. Some of them were held 38 days and among
them was the well-known J. B. Powell, editor of the China Weekly Review. The
newspapers were also reporting a “bad hold-up by bandits” on the Pukow-Tientsin line at
Liu-ching, also in Shantung Province.

Back at Iren Dabasu, the weather turned bad again with a strong wind all day on the 7th.
First it blew in from the west, then from the east and finally from the north. It was too
much wind for fieldwork, and the men remained in camp.

Anna went over to the Andrews’s compound on the 7th to give him a packet of items to
take back to Granger. Andrews was planning to depart Peking in two days, having been
there since the 28th. Upon her return to the Wagons-Lits Hotel from the Andrews’s, Anna
found a telegram from Walter. “He just sent love which I was glad to get.”

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 318

May 9th found Granger, Morris and Mack 25 miles to the northeast just beyond a small
lamasary called [Sa Tuga or Sa Tunga], prospecting in a basin of red sediments. found
two or three bone fragments, “but nothing identifiable.”

Granger “[k]illed a fine buck on the return journey.” He also found “[a] bush, plum, in
full flower; brought some branches home.” The next day was spent back with olsen,
Kaisen and A. Johnson at their sites in the eastern exposures. Morris and Mack remained
in camp.

Andrews and Vance Johnson arrived in camp just after dinner on May 11th with the two
loaded trucks. They’d been gone since April 25th, nearly two and a half weeks. With
them in a rented Ford automobile was Colonel H. R. “Hal” Dunlap, commander of the
U.S. Marine Legation Guard in Peking, along with two other Marines, Major Williams
and Private Bresrep [Conq/193]. This was a hunting party that had gotten underway
before reaching camp, the Colonel and Major each shooting an antelope on the way out.

Credit is given in Conquest to Dunlap and Williams for having “done much toward
equipping the Expedition, and we had planned to have them visit us before we started
west [193].” It is not clear whether this plan [agenda] provided another reason for
Andrews to go back to Peking and, if so, why is not clear either. The expedition camp at
Iren Dabasu was not hard to find, as ordinary civilian motorists began demonstrating
during the 1922 expedition.

On the other hand, it is possible that the U.S. Marines needed CAE cover in order to enter
Mongolia and that is another reason why Andrews needed to leave the field. But even
that does not explain why he had to go all the way back to Peking, other than to watch the
horse races.

What equipping of the expedition the two officers assisted with also was not disclosed.
Nor is it known whether their effort began with the 1922 expedition. It is likely, however,
that it related to weapons of which the expedition had an assortment: rifles, shotguns,
handguns. It is also known that, at some point during the CAE, Andrews began using a
silencer when hunting.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 319

Andrews delivered Anna’s mail to Granger and gave news of the bandit activity in
Shantung Province. He’d brought a new temporary mess tent from Kalgan for the hunters
and two new pinion gears made in Peking. Another pinion gear had broken on the way up
from Kalgan, but they had managed to make it into camp without changing it. That night,
he unveiled a leather covered "Sonora" phonograph presented to the expedition by last
year’s motorman, S. Bayard Colgate. It came with about 30 double records and there was
“much interest shown by the Mongols over this machine.”

The daily routine resumed. Granger and his men [staff, crew] continued collecting fossils.
After cataloging, they were packed in boxes using coarse, dead grass cut by the Mongols
for cushioning. One bed of red sandy clay near A. Johnson’s quarry had “contained
abundant fragments of smooth curved plates [Conq/191].” Later in the season while at
another location, “Granger began to suspect that these...represented dinosaur eggshells.”
Sent off to European scientist Victor Van Straelen for study that Fall, Granger’s diagnosis
was confirmed when in 1925 it was determined that these were egg shell fragments
representing different types of dinosaurs. Iren Dabasu thus became “the second place in
Mongolia where dinosaur eggs have been discovered [Conq/191].” [Van Stralen also
continued the question whether the eggs from Rognac were really dinosaurian.]

In the meantime, Andrews and the marines were off hunting antelope each day. For
evening entertainment, in addition to the new phonograph, the men now had “a set of
horseshoes and a game is on tonight.”

The winds continued. Andrews and his hunter friends started targeting grouse as well as
antelope. The opportunity presented itself one morning when newly formed pools of
water in the nearby sand dunes began attracting grouse. The birds flew down low over
camp to land at the water. Several hundred birds passed over the tents daily between 7:00
and 9:00 a.m., Granger observed. Before the pools formed, only a few birds of any kind
were to be seen about the camp.

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 320

Andrews, Morris and the two officers made a short reconnaissance trip to the west on
May 16th, and reported badlands bluffs 25 miles away. There was no road but they said
the going was fair. They made ready to move on. The plan was to move to [?out onto] the
Irdin Manha bench leaving Kaisen and A. Johnson at Ehrlien with 'Buckshot', Liu, No. 2
cook and a Mongolian assistant to finish up their respective quarries [Conq/193].

Olsen closed his quarry, though it was not yet exhausted, covering it up and marking it
with an obo [cairn]. The military men left camp on May 18th at about 7:00 a.m. and
returned to Kalgan [Conq/193]. Olsen packed, Andrews reorganized the caravan loads,
and Granger went to the quarries. The caravan was to leave at daybreak on the 19th. With
the tents down, dinner was outside that night for the first time in weeks.

In preparation, Andrews bought one camel for $55 and 24 cases of gas for $14 and $15
per case, the two stations having different prices. Two five-gallon tins fit into one case
which was made of wood and alone weighed 65 pounds. The Standard Oil Company had
furnished the expedition with 1,800 gallons of gas (and four cases of cylinder oil) that
season though 2,200 gallons of gas had been supplied for the 1922 season.

Andrews now thought more would be needed with the extra return of two trucks to
Kalgan by him and V. Johnson and the driving around in the field by hunting parties. The
vehicles averaged about seven miles to the gallon under ordinary driving conditions.
Sand, rugged terrain and additional loads could affect that mileage significantly.

Loss rate was another factor. Carrying liquid in soldered, rectangular tin cases packed in
wood boxes aboard the humped, swaying back of a lumbering camel was not a most
stable way to freight fuel. Extreme temperature ranges during hot days and cold nights
exacerbated the situation by causing the metal to expand and contract. The gas tins used
that season had been re-soldered at the seams and packed with extra care to prevent the
evaporation and leakage that had occurred in 1922 when the fuel loss rate was 50%.
Putting two steel bands around each wood case also helped cut the loss rate during the
1923 season by about 30%.

The idea of using steel drums had been raised and then [but] abandoned because of the
cost to manufacture, the difficulty of placing [seating] and securing a round drum on a
camel’s back, the trouble having either to dispose of steel drums somewhere in the field
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 321

or return them to Kalgan empty, and the need to return [large quantities of] fossils from
the field. The empty wooden gas tin cases [crates] worked perfectly for this. Otherwise
lumber would have to be brought in to construct them.

May 19, 1923––57˚-7:30 a.m.; 63˚-2 p.m. Calm at daybreak, strong


northwest wind starting up at 8 a.m. and developing into a gale with
much dust. Caravan off at sunrise. Motors at 8:20. Camped about 11
a.m. on edge of flat near the spring on the main highway where it
drops down over the Irdin Manha bench. Camp is about 1/2 mile
northeast of the telegraph line. Passed our caravan 7 miles out from
Erhlien. Too windy in the afternoon to do much prospecting. Kaisen,
Johnson, 'Buckshot', Liu, No. 2 Cook and our Mongol remained at
Erhlien to finish the quarry [261].

Tents “were pitched on the edge of the bluff, near a spring which bubbled out of a layer
of Eocene clay. To the north and west we could look over the rim of the basin to the
sculptured flanks of the great escarpment; to the south and east lay the flat reaches of the
Gobi erosion plane as level as a gigantic polo field [Conq/193].”

Once established, Granger went off to the location where he had collected part of a
titanothere jaw found by Berkey in 1922 [Conq/195]. Nearby in a small wash, he almost
immediately found another fine pair of titanothere jaws weathering out at the very bottom
of the wash. He decided to wait to excavate until after tiffin when Andrews could come
along and take photographs of the “untouched prospect” in situ. He decided to subdivide
the formation to distinguish the upper gray sandy clays, sands and gravels (Irdin Manha)
from the red clays below it (Arshanto) [Conq/194].

Interestingly, Conquest states at p. 194 that “We did not know until later that it was near
where the Kalgan-Urga road cuts this [Irdin Manha-Arshanto] deposit that the Russian
explorer, Obruchev, in 1892, collected the fragment of a ‘rhinoceros jaw, which was the
first and only fossil recorded from Mongolia, prior to the 1922-1930 work of the Central
Asiatic Expeditions.” This seems illogical.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 322

First, Obruchev’s Mongolia venture was published by the Imperial Russian Geological
Survey in Russian in 1893. The fossil, as we know, was sent to Dr. Eduard Seuss whose
conclusions were published in English by the Royal Geological Society in 1897. These
followed years of speculation about Mongolia by earth scientists such as Lydekker who
had been dealing with rumored fossils from Mongolia before Obruchev’s find.

Henry Osborn, notorious for keeping informed of developments in paleontology


worldwide, was no stranger to British scientific publications, or probably even Russian
publications, since it would have been irresponsible not to be kept up-to-date is
considering exploration in Central Asia. Obviously, his 1900 publication of his theory on
the significance of Central Asia to the origin and dispersal of mammals followed the
British publication on Obruchev’s find in Mongolia by two years.

Perhaps Conquest was saying that they did not know until later precisely where Obruchev
had made his find. That, however, raises the question: what new piece of information
informed them?

Second, there indeed were other pre-CAE fossil discoveries in Mongolia besides
Obruchev’s. J. G. Andersson began making them in Mongolia in 1919, personally
informing Andrews (and Osborn) of his intent to do so in mid-January of that year. And,
as we know, he was succeessful.

Andersson, of course, went to Mongolia because of reports from Larson, Eriksson,


Haldjinko and Jensen, and perhaps others, that fossils were there. While Andersson
published on his finds in [ ], on April 22, 1922, Granger recorded wishing to visit
“Andersson’s Pliocene locality [at] Ertemte near Tabool.” But Andrews thought they
should keep going. Oddly, Conquest finally acknowledges Andersson’s antecedent work
at p. 240, 50 pages after ignoring it.

Back to working out Berkey’s jaw that afternoon, Granger soon discovered “a fine skull
and a single ramus of another jaw––all three specimens washed in close together.” The
pair of jaws he had found when he first entered the site evidently belonged with the skull
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 323

he had found while working on Berkey’s 1922 find. Olsen also found a titanothere
maxilla in the same locality [Conq/195].

Merin and the caravan arrived in the afternoon of the 20th and set up camp between the
expedition tents and the road. A strong west wind on the morning of the 21st developed
into a fierce gale afternoon and then into a severe sandstorm that night. With Olsen
assisting, Granger spent all that day and the next two days carefully excavating, “my
skull & jaws Conq/193].” The gale continued through the night leaving the next day’s
sun obscured by dust throughout the day. By the evening, calm had returned.

Back in Peking, Colonel Dunlap delivered the letter to Anna that Walter had sent in with
him. Her eye was now inflamed, and she decided to have it treated at the Methodist
Hospital. Shortly after her return to the hotel, “Miss Aldrich and Miss McFadden called.
Much astonished that I did not go to the Rockefeller Hospital to have my case looked
after.” She recovered in time to attend a tea, “a gathering of about twenty women to meet
Miss Jane Addams [262].”

Andrews and Young returned in a dog-wagon to Ehrlien from the new Irdin Manha bench
camp to pick up the several boxes of fossils left there and bring them back. The plan was
to send V. Johnson into Miao T’an with all fossils collected to date. From there, they
would be taken on to Kalgan by cart for storage at “Paulsen's.” This arrangement would
permit the party to proceed west without the extra weight in the vehicles. As for fossils
collected after V. Johnson’s departure for Miao T’an and before heading west, “we plan
to store with the telegraph operator at Erhlien,” Granger noted.

Granger returned to the Iren Dabasu quarry to check in with Kaisen and A. Johnson
finishing up their work. With still plenty of bones around, they either duplicated those
already collected or did not offer sufficient diagnostic association with other bones. One
load of fossils was taken out of the quarry and back to the Irdin Manha camp.

Checking in at the telegraph station, they found a cable from Larson to Andrews stating
that it now seemed hopeless that the party would obtain Outer Mongolian passports from
the Urgan government. In light of that, Andrews decided to go to Urga on the 26th to see
what he could do to secure the passports. V. Johnson’s trip to take fossils to Miao T’an
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 324

was postponed so that he could accompany Andrews [Conq/195-196 glosses right over
this-makes no mention of it].

On the 25th, Granger and Olsen finally freed the titanothere skull and then prospected to
the southwest. Granger found more titanothere jaws but did not develop any new
excavations. Early the next day, Andrews and V. Johnson left for Urga and were back
before sunset, having been stopped at the Inner-Outer Mongolia border at Ude by a
Mongolian official who would not allow them to proceed without passports. They were
“much put out by the matter,” until they stopped at Erhlien on their way back to camp
and found a telegram from Larson saying that the passports had been granted.

Anna, in the meantime, had

Received a letter from Walter late in the afternoon. He reports the


finding of a skull and jaws of a titanothere, a choice specimen. The
wind has been long & violent at the camp, Irdin Manha, the same as
here. Some of the time could do no prospecting or excavating. In the
evening went to the pavilion to hear Fritz Chrysler. He was as
wonderful as ever. Had fine audience. Chrysler’s bored expression
lasted until the last two encores when a faint smile appeared. The
loveliest piece was Chrysler’s transcription of Rimsky-Korsakoff's
"Hymn to the Sun" from "Coy d' Or [263]."

Over the next few days, the wind and weather continued to interfere with the collecting.
Andrews, V. Johnson and Young, on the other hand, began hunting antelope daily. All
were back in camp by nightfall and lit up the sky with a fire. It served as a beacon for one
of Larson’s men, a Mr. Lacey, who came into camp from Urga after dark in Larson’s car
on the 27th and left for Kalgan the next morning with a borrowed magneto (electrical
generator) and a letter for Anna from Walter.

On the 29th, Granger and Olsen began using Chih, the taxidermist, as an assistant infossil
fieldwork. Since the expedition now had a good series of the recent mammals from that
region, it was thought wise to have Chih devote his time to fossils. Morris also assisted
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 325

when he was not working on his own assignments or conducting motorized


reconnaissance. Andrews, Young and V. Johnson continued to hunt when not attending
to logistical and maintenance matters.

This was the work pattern that continued while they waited for their passports. It was all
quite congenial and, occasionally, Andrews did make it into the fossil field. “He came
down to my specimen in afternoon,” Granger noted, “with a cold bottle of beer. Also one
for Olsen in the next pocket beyond.”

Shortly after 6 a.m. on June 1, V. Johnson drove left fo Miao T’an with as much fossil
material as the Fulton could carry. It was estimated to be two tons [Conq/195]. Granger
noted it “was the hottest day of the year, so far, owing to lack of wind.” It was warmer in
Peking, too, Anna noted, with “hot wind” blowing.

Fossil collecting continued over the next few days as the workers focussed on finishing
up their specimens to bring in to camp for cataloguing and packing. It was now June 6th
and Granger set off that morning to his fossil deposit in the northeast of the basin with
Andrews and Chih in the No. 1 car. Morris and Young followed in a dog-wagon. Granger
and Chih planned to work that area all day while Young and Morris went on to explore
the basin farther to the east. Andrews returned to camp.

Morris and Young picked up Granger and Chih on their way back at 6:00 p.m. Returning
to camp, they found that V. Johnson had returned from his trip to Miao T’an, that Lacey,
driving back through from Kalgan in Larson's car on his way to Urga, had brought mail
and newspapers and that the Marines had sent out a case of beer and sour mash whiskey
as a “thank you” for hosting their hunting excursion. Olsen, in the meantime, reported
that 'Buckshot' had found a sizable Creodont skull at their locality [Conq/196]. 'Buckshot'
actually had found it the day before, Granger recorded:

all hands to the big skull which I believe to be an entelodont [giant


bear-like artiodactyls]. Morris makes a sketch of it in situ. Camels
will leave tomorrow for the place on the Sair Usu trail where we
found the titanothere’s jaw last fall. We leave as soon as the Urga
passports and the Buriat representative who is to accompany us,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 326

arrives. Lacey is to take an oral message to Larson to please hurry


matters [264][Conq/198].

This specimen was later determined not to be an omnivore as Granger orignally thought,
but a primitive carnivore with features “remarkably similar” to Entelodon. In part
confusing the matter was that it was “the largest terrestrial carnivore which has thus far
been discovered in any part of the world.” Osborn named it Andrewsarchus mongoliensis
[Conq/196].

[Andrews makes a big deal here (Conq/196] of disputing Granger in the field and
ultimately being vindicated by Osborn. But, really, WTF did Andrews know...]

On the 8th, the passports still not having arrived, Granger brought his father up-to-date.
“On the 6th,” he wrote, “...I got a fine batch of mail including your letters up to No. 84
(two of that number) and the maple sugar. Thank you for both.” The caravan had left at
daybreak the day before (7th), he continued, and they too would depart as soon as they
received their Urga passports and the government representative who was to accompany
them.

The morning and evening temperatures were in the low 50’s with winds that had the men
still walking around in their fur coats despite an occasional midday temperature of 85˚.
Climate was quite variable in this high plateau region wherever they went, Granger
noted, and they could count on about six weeks of actual summer and no more. It seemed
to run from July 1st to August 15th.

Collecting was going well, Granger wrote. He figured he could get a full caravan load by
fall and they had already taken out two camel loads in addition to the first car load taken
to Miao T’an. He then admonished his father for having shared Osborn’s letter about
naming the Baluchitherium after him and granting him extra pay for the risky China
expeditions. “I had hoped you would not pass the Osborn letter around,” Granger wrote.
“Thought probably you would not.” Nevertheless, “You may give out any facts of my
letters you like now to the [Rutland] Herald. The ‘Asia’ articles of last season's trip are
coming on and there seems no further reason for keeping things out of print.” In any
event, Granger added, Osborn had written recently that he hoped to sail for the Orient on
July 25th, and expected to be in Peking when the expedition returned from the field.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 327

A. Johnson, Morris and Granger set off in a car on the 9th to the southeast, but found no
fossils. Olsen continued to work on 'Buckshot'’s Creodont skull while Kaisen attended to
several small prospects of titanotheres. Andrews and Young drove to the Erhlien
telegraph station and came back with two cables from Larson indicating that their
passports would be delivered to the camp and that a daytime beacon should be set out. A
truck was parked on the edge of the plateau near camp to serve as a guide post for the
passports bearer.

At last, they would be on their way into Mongolia. Final arrangements were made with
the telegraph agent at Erhlien for storing fossils until their return in the fall. At 9:00 a.m.
on June 10th, four cars stopped at the Ehrlien telegraph station on their way from Urga to
Kalgan. One of the cars carried a Mrs. Popoff, apparently the wife of a Russian official in
Urga, who carried with her the Expedition’s passports. Not finding the daytime beacon
the CAE had set out, she decided to leave the passports at the Ehrlien telegraph station
[Conq/198].

Only learning of this later in the day, the men decided to pick up the passports the next
morning after breaking camp. They were about to head west, Granger wrote, “and
immediately get out of touch with the rest of the world.” Granger took time to write
another letter to his father. Their first six weeks, he recounted, had been spent along the
main highway between Kalgan and Urga. Cars passed by their camp every day. Some
days there were as many as ten. However, once one left the main route, there were no
more cars to be seen. At one lamasary, not more than 10 miles off the main road, the
lamas were badly frightened when an expedition vehicle approached. That meant,
Granger observed, “that both the autos and lamas stick pretty closely to their prescribed
routes or abodes.” That is, they didn’t mix much.

The plan was to meet the caravan at Ula Usu near the Shara Murun River where they had
located a great fossil deposit the year before, he wrote his father [Conq/198]. They
planned to travel roughly 100 miles south to intersect the old Chinese post route from
Kalgan to Sair Usu. Then they would take that route to the northwest for some 200 miles
before driving cross country west to meet the main trail between Kweihwating and
Uliassutai. They would stay west on this trail all the way to the Altai Mountains.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 328

Much of this followed the route by which they had returned in the fall of 1922,

but we're going to attempt some cutoffs this time. A good deal of the
Gobi is such fine going for the cars that we do not need to keep the
established routes of travel although it must be said that the old
camel trails, which have been smoothed down and hardened by the
pressure of countless thousands of padded feet, are really better
going than the cross-country routes which we have had to take
sometimes [265].

Stretching southward from their present camp was a great flat tableland with a hard
pebbly surface. There was little vegetation to impede a car. “[W]e can push our Dodge
touring car to forty-eight miles an hour and one hardly needs to touch the wheel,”
Granger wrote.

Hunting antelope on these plains was also a simple matter. They drove up to within a 100
yards or so, and then stopped quickly, got out and started shooting. If they did not get a
kill the first time, they jumped back in the car and overtook the animals again. Forty-five
miles per hour was about as fast as an antelope could run for any length of time, although
it could run as fast as 60 miles an hour when fresh.

Responding to his father’s inquiry about "Mongol cultivation, Granger replied "there
ain’t no such animal.” The previous year, he wrote, they traveled some 2,500 or 3,000
miles and never saw a single sod turned by a Mongol. In the extreme northern part of
outer Mongolia there may be some farming, but certainly not where the expedition party
had traveled. The Mongol diet was, consequently, almost entirely meat, milk and milk
products such as butter and cheese. They ate beef, but greatly preferred sheep.

The nine Mongol members of the expedition would not even eat antelope, insisting
instead on buying sheep for which they were allotted 8/s ($8.00 silver) a month. “The
antelope they could have from us for the asking but they will have none of it. Other
Mongols eat antelope, however, and I think that our own group would if there were not
some one to buy sheep for them.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 329

The Expedition’s westerners practically lived on antelope, he wrote, supplemented by


sheep once a fortnight or so just to keep them from tiring of the game. Their dinner menu
that night was:

Bean soup
Roast antelope
French-fried potatoes
Baked macaroni with cheese
Young green onions
Corn fritters
Stewed dried peaches
Biscuits, tinned butter, and
Tinned milk and loaf sugar [266].

“Not so bad for the Gobi Desert!” he wrote. There also was bottled beer if any one
wanted it, but with the temperature averaging around 50˚, everyone seemed to prefer
coffee. The beer was a luxury sent out by friends in Peking and would soon be gone. The
onions would last another two or three weeks and the potatoes until late July. They would
manage to get through August to early September on the other provisions. Lunches were
usually much like the dinners but without the dessert. Breakfasts were cereal, eggs or
meat, pancakes and syrup, and coffee.

While the Mongols did nothing agriculturally, Granger continued, the Chinese were
doing a great deal. It would not be many years before they were directly up to the
southern edge of the Gobi with the cultivated fields, substantial villages, Buddhist
temples and their entire civilization. Chinese cultivation now extended 88 miles north of
Kalgan and was advancing in some places as much as 10 miles a year. As the Chinese
advanced, the Mongol had to retreat, “for a nomadic people cannot live in a highly
cultivated area; they must have the open country for their herds.”

The 700 miles between Kalgan and Urga was divided into southern grasslands, the true
Gobi desert, and the northern grasslands. Not only was precipitation in the grasslands
sufficient to grow crops, even in the Gobi, Granger wrote, “I think farming could be
carried on successfully in many places by irrigation from the numerous shallow wells.”
The Chinese were wonders at farming, he noted, and their advance into the plateau was
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 330

some day going to be a serious problem for the Mongols. The Great Wall was now well
behind the advancing Chinese.

While the Mongols moved with their herds wherever grazing took them during the
summer months, in the winter they established permanent camps. Winters were
extremely harsh. Camps were usually located at the south slope of a hill. A small shelter
was created for the sheep by piling up a wall of stones or cakes of dried manure. There
they made the best of it, although Granger wondered how the stock got “through one of
these terrific winters I do not know. But in the spring when we came up, here they all
are––not fat but a long way from being dead.” The animals, of course, grew an extra
heavy coat of hair or wool that was an enormous help in the fight for existence. The
Mongols themselves were very comfortable in their felt yurts (gers) with their argul fires.
But the daily task of tending the flocks during the raw winter days must have been
strenuous.

The yurt (ger), Granger continued, was the most practical structure for habitation in that
region. It was circular with a conical roof and made of heavy felt mats laid over a
collapsible framework of small slats. The yurt was secured in place by ropes attached
firmly to pegs driven into the ground. In blizzard conditions, the walls of felt kept out the
cold and even the sound of the howling wind. Family life of the Mongols was confined to
one room of the yurt “and is something of a mess of course. An odor of rancid mutton fat
is the dominating thing and the fact the Mongols never wash doesn't help things along
any.”

Both men and women wore long gowns lined in sheepskin for winter and heavy cotton or
silk for warm weather. Trousers and heavy leather boots with turned up toes and “a
ridiculous peaked hat completes the costume.” They always rode when possible, either
horses or camels, and seemed clumsy even ungainly on foot, especially in their great
boots which were made large enough to permit the addition of several felt or woolen
socks in severe weather.

Granger estimated that 60-75% of the male population over eight-years old were
“lamas––priests of the Tibetan church. Lamas do not marry, do not kill, and do not work,
absolutely worthless parasites and it is just this which is sapping the life blood of a once
powerful and dominant race.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 331

It was now June 10th, but real summer had not yet set in. The Expedition men all had on
their sheepskin coats that day and still felt the chill. The dry air and almost daily wind
made the region an excellent one in which to carry on fossil work. “On the whole it's an
enjoyable summer climate and there are few biting insects in the Gobi which is a
wonderful relief.” They were starting west in good health and spirits, Granger assured his
father, “and if the fates which looked after us last summer are still kindly disposed we
shall be returning to Kalgan in September with another successful expedition behind us.”

He thought he might have an opportunity to send in a batch of letters by a Chinese


caravan bound for Kweihwating in northern Shansi Province, but he asked his father not
to expect mail until the expedition got back to China.

Then we will cable and you can get news either from the Museum or
through the New York papers. You are probably seeing the articles
in "Asia" this summer. There is a series of them and they seem to
give a fairly good account of our doings last year. The later articles
are better than the earlier ones I think [267].

By now, headline press accounts and feature magazine articles were touting the CAE’s
feats and results and examining some of the men behind them. One newspaper account
began with “Shanghai Writer Describes Walter Granger as Man to Whom Earth is Open
Book.” Another chronicle was headlined “Walter Granger: A Great Paleontologist.” The
New York World later featured Granger under the banner “New York’s Strangest Jobs––
Bone Picker on Gigantic Scale His Job as He Probes Far Past––Builds Dinosaurs From
Few Bones He Searches World For––The Dinosaur Man.” One of the museum’s
journalists later was to name him “Daddy of the Gobi.“

June 11, 1923-


(W. Granger diary entry):
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 332

48˚ - 7 a.m.; 78˚ - 2 p.m. Mostly bright, calm––not enough breeze to


stir the flag. Johnson and Kaisen took out a jaw and ?maxilla of
titanotheres in forenoon. Roy & Mac took our ten boxes of fossils to
Erhlien in the p.m. and brought back the passports. Olsen and I in
camp all day packing up for tomorrow's travel [268].

(A. Granger diary entry):


(Perfect weather.) Went to the Andrews compound and opened up
Walter's Szechuan collection to see if the moths were in the boxes.
Mrs. Dye & Miss Walters came to see the bird skins. Mrs. Andrews
asked us all to stay for tiffin [269].

The men in cars covered 101 miles on that calm and bright June 12th, passing the
“lamasary of Ula Whatica” quipped Granger at mile 16.1. At mile 84.2, they caught up
with and overtook Merin and the camels. Since it was then only 4:30 p.m., they drove
another two hours before making camp on the edge of a dry lake bed.

[Conq’s trip seq. at p. 198-199 seems different and perhaps summarized.]

Starting off again at 7:15 a.m. on the warm, foggy morning of June 13, only four miles
into the journey not 15 minutes later, they suffered a tire puncture on the No. 1. The trip
continud unevefully until mile 67.3 when they lost V. Johnson's dog Buster near a creek.
Camp that night was on the fringe of the [Eocene] badlands near the Well of the
Mountain Water and where the previous year Andrews had found the set of titanothere
jaws of Granger partly excavated and then covered the rest.

It was 59˚ at 10:00 a.m, clear and turning hot by midday in the Gobi on June 14. Though
calm, there were many "sand devils" (sand lofted in whirlwind) in the basin north of
camp. All hands prospected close to camp from morning until tiffin. There was a hum of
activity. A new species later named Protitanotherium mongoliense by Osborn
[Conq/200], Granger uncovered the balance of the titanothere jaws found by Andrews in
1922, while 'Buckshot' worked a titanothere skull and jaws he had just found. Chih found
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 333

a jaw and Kaisen a forefoot. Olsen opened a quarry of small artiodactyl bones while A.
Johnson found a fine hind foot bone of an artiodactyl.

Granger helped 'Buckshot' with his skull all the next day while Olsen worked the
artiodactyl quarry. A. Johnson found a new rhinoceros prospect, and Kaisen stayed busy
with several finds he had made. In the meantime, after reconnoitering to the north by car,
Morris and Young reported considerable badlands exposure in that area, but few fossils.
Morris planned to set up camp 30 miles to the west [?at Jisu Honguer-Conq/203] the next
day to begin work on the Palaeozoic [?Permian-Conq/203]. In the meantime, a procession
of Mongols from the nearby yurts continued filtering into camp to visit.

The 16th was clear day when Kaisen found a fine titanothere skull that morning. Morris
went off with Young, Chih, Ioshih and a cook to make his new camp 18 miles west on
the trail. Andrews accompanied them in another car and returned to the main camp by
tiffin. By noon it began to cloud over with a strong west wind following. All hands were
back in camp when, at 3:30 p.m., the wind “became a severe sandstorm and continued
until nearly 5 p.m. when a dead calm set in––followed by more wind before sunset. Calm
in evening. Tents buried in sand [Conq/200].”

[Conq devotes 2 1/2 pages of Andrews’s b.s. prose to this at 200-202.]

Andrews’s eyes had started giving him serious trouble, Granger noticed, apparently due
to the sandstorm. The wind blew hard again that night and by morning (17th) the tents
were sagging and partially buried as they had been after the storm the previous afternoon.
The sand continued blowing all day making fossil collecting and camp life difficult and
uncomfortable. Nevertheless, “Kaisen finds another titan. skull. I worked all day on
'Buckshot''s titan. skull.”

Back in Peking, Anna had lost weight. She went to the tailor's “to gather in my skirts &
dress which had to be altered.” She was also busy packing to go to the seashore for a few
weeks at Pei Tai Ho, a fashionable resort. The Thompson family had asked Anna to be
their guest for a few days. The Andrews’s six-year old son George was staying at the
shore, at the home of Mrs. Goodrich, while Yvette remained in Peking [270].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 334

“Took my first bath in the ocean,” Anna wrote later. The Thompsons were “religious
poeple [sic],” she noted, idiosyncratically misspelling ‘people’ as she did throughout her
diaries. Their children went to Sunday, school and they all went to the five o'clock
afternoon service. Later, at eight o'clock, Mrs. Thompson and Anna joined “a group of
people who met to sing hymns on the rocks above the beach in the moonlight.”

Granger continued with extracting 'Buckshot''s skull which he considered a good


speciman. It was found under the lower jaws Chih discovered the first day they were
there. V. Johnson had also found a large titanothere skull.

The abundance of titanothere bones at Ula Usu was amazing. There


were many spots where hundreds of fragments lay in a white heap on
the surface, remains of skeletons which had weathered out and broken
up. Although we discovered no complete usable skeletons, hardly a
day passed that someone did not find a new skull or important bones
[Conq/202].

Merin came in with the caravan later that day reporting they had negotiated [encountered]
some rough trail. He also said that Ioshih had frightened the locals along the route by
telling them that the expedition party “had many arms and much ammunition and that
soldiers were following behind us.” Andrews, Chow, Serin and Merin later went to try to
arrange for storage of extra gas and accumulated fossils for retrieval upon their return in
the fall. They were considering placing them at a nearby lamasary called Baron Sog-in-
Sumu.

The evening of the 19th was calm, but a heavy southeast wind developed by noon the
next day kicking up dust. The camel caravan made ready to leave for Ardyn Obo, a shrine
consecrated by the lamas. The cars were to follow in a few days taking the same trail they
took in 1922 [Conq/203].

Granger continued work on a specimen he’d designated “No. 105,” as well as on the new
skull and jaws found by Chih and 'Buckshot'. Andrews and V. Johnson went off to hunt,
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 335

stopping by Morris’ camp along the way for lunch. The following day they took nine
cases of gas into storage they had secured at Baron Sog-in-Sumu [Conq/203].

The weather alternated between breezes, sandstorms and rainstorms. Merin was off at
sunset on the 21st. Meanwhile, Granger discovered that a mongrel dog had destroyed the
plaster jacketing on specimen No. 105, the Protitanotherium mongoliense [Conq/200]. It
would have to be redone. Kaisen's three jacketed skulls were brought into camp as a
precaution.

As he worked on his specimen, A. Johnson was finding that an entire skeleton was
attached [associated with] to the rhinoceros skull he had found. On the 25th, Andrews
and V. Johnson drove to Morris' Jisu Honguer camp to pick up and bring back four cases
of rock samples while 'Buckshot' and Granger finished plastering Vance Johnson's
titanothere skull and the others also finished up their specimens.

Andrews, Kaisen and V. Johnson took a truck loaded with 21 boxes of fossils and a dog-
wagon with Morris’s four boxes of rocks up to the lamasary for storage on the 26th.
There was now about a ton of fossils stored at the lamasary, along with a supply of
gasoline [Conq/203]. Eight dollars was advanced to the lamas for which a receipt in the
shape of a half of a block of wood was issued.

V. Johnson’s missing dog, Buster, found by Mongols at the creek and then cared for, was
brought back camp. He was, Granger noticed, “thin but mighty happy to get back.”

On the 27th, the expedition was on the road again covering 166.9 miles that day. They
picked up Morris and his group at mile 18.9 at 8:00 a.m. The entire party reached Ardyn
Obo at 8:00 p.m. and set up camp as a west gale blew.

Andrews, Young and Morris drove over to a nearby group of yurts the next morning to
inquire about a road they had heard ran south to the Kweihwating Trail. All other hands
prospected along the face of a bluff near the camp while Granger reopened his
Baluchitherium quarry from the previous year. Andrews and his group returned by tiffin
without information [empty-handed]. After tiffin, he and Young went out again to locate
an "oasis" called Gatun Bologai and a road said to be 20 miles southwest of where they
were.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 336

The expedition was setting up to return to the Flaming Cliffs where Granger had found
the dinosaur eggshell fragment and Shackelford had found the new dinosaur
Protoceratops, now thought to be ancestral to any known horned dinosaur. They were
loking for a direct route to the Flaming Cliffs rather than going via their longer [return]
route from the year before [Conq/204].

A pit viper was found [had crawled] into Chow's tent that day [271]!

The party remained at the Ardyn Obo camp for a few days while Granger, 'Buckshot' and
Chih worked the 1922 quarry discovery and the others prospected the bluffs nearby. V.
Johnson with Olsen, Kaisen and A. Johnson drove along the bluff in a dog-wagon. Many
small jaws and other fragments were found to the west along the face of the bluffs. They
were all titanothere, Granger realized, and represented a range of age from young to old.

As the collectors worked the bluffs, Andrews and Young backtracked the route the
expedition had taken out until they met up with the caravan. They needed to hold the
caravan at the last campsite, Ula Usu, because there was no grazing at the new one at
Ardyn Obo {Conq/205]. That accomplished, they returned at about 5:00 p.m. bringing
extra provisions with them. Granger listed some of the items: butter, jam, tomatoes,
sugar, corn, macaroni, potatoes, onions, beef tablets, cream of wheat, corn meal, baking
powder, crisco, bacon, eggs, matches, small beans.

The plan was to go on to Sair Usu, the central headquarters of the post road installations
in Mongolia, and send the caravan along by a more direct overland route [272]
[Conq/205]. On July 3rd the men drove 81.6 miles before going into dry camp at a site
Granger described as a cotton-wood-like grove [Conq/206]. The next day (4th), they
drove another 65 miles to within nine miles of Sair Usu when they stopped at 3:00 p.m.
to make camp and take the rest of the day off in celebration of the Fourth of July. Always
investigating, Morris set out to examine the hills nearby.

July 5th was spent there as well. It was a warm day, the afternoon high reaching 90˚ at
3:00 p.m. even with a strong south wind.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 337

Pressing on for Sair Usu the next morning (6th), the men departed at 7:15 a.m., stopping
at 8:00 to replenish their water supply at a well near some old walls and a shrine. Still
hoping for a way to cut south directly to the Flaming Cliffs, they inquired at a lamasary
named by Granger as Mangti in Suma along the way which led to engaging a lama as “a
guide on trail running south from here.” After enduring 115.9 miles of hard riding that
day, they halted at 6:30 p.m. to make camp near a temple called Menk Ta Urtu
[Conq/207].

Soldiers were camped a few miles away. Conquest (p. 207) described it as a basic
training camp for drafted Mongolians, lamas included, and was run by Buriat officers.
After completing this phase, the recruits were sent to an advanced training camp and then
on to Urga for training under Russian officers.

The expedition started off along a small road at about 7:00 a.m. the next day (7th) with
their lama guide. Not long after, they left the road to head west cross country. Tiffin
break was at a well after which they resumed their cross country trek until striking north
on a northwest-southeast road. This was followed for several miles before the men left it
to continue their drive cross country due west. There they promptly got stuck [bogged
down, trapped] in sand, forcing a return to the road which they took for a few more miles
before attempting another cross country run to the west.

Granger found it a welcome change when the cars finally reached the hard, smooth
surface of the great Ongin Gol penaplane. Some distance below a lamasary, the men set
up camp at a creek along the lower edge of the penaplane at around 5:30 p.m. There was
a strong northwest wind that evening and a

wonderful sunset. Day's run 111 miles. Old Lama to return


tomorrow. A new one engaged to take us to south trail by a new
route tomorrow. Camped on grass tonight. In p.m. passed several
dead horses & 2 men. Chinese soldiers killed many Mongols two
years ago [273].

*
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 338

The new lama, a young fellow, arrived early to pilot the party south. They broke camp at
about 7:30 a.m. and started out across the vast penaplane toward a small lamasary called
Holostai Suma 10 miles distant. The first Mongol guide, "Hoodoo Lama" as Granger
dubbed him, had left camp early by camel so that he could wait for them at the turning
point where they were to veer slightly to the right and proceed south on the penaplane.

The surface alternated between perfect going and sandy-lumpy. They were obliged to
detour in two or three places before finally “to our surprise [we] found ourselves on our
old tracks of last year where we had crossed a great tamarisk bottom with powdery soil.”
After crossing this, they found the main trail between the Gurbun Saikhan and Urga and
followed it to the Flaming Cliffs. The road, they noted, was not much improved from the
previous fall. They had had to get out and push the trucks across a big sand wash before
turning westward along the base of the dramatic red bluff. This brought them into camp
at the top of the bluff at 4:00 p.m., very near the spot where they had made two of their
most important finds in 1922: Shackelford’s Protoceratops and Granger’s dinosaur
eggshell fragment [Conq/207].

Everything was exactly as we had left it on our last visit. The marks of
our tents and the motor car tracks were almost as distinct as though
they had just been made [Conq/207].

Their water came from a good well about one mile to the north, in the lowland. Seven
yurts set up near the well could be seen from camp. A lake, a mile away to the northeast,
which had water in it last fall, was now just a muddy basin. Following camp set-up, the
fossil hunters proceeded down the escarpment to investigate the area. An hour’s worth of
work in the exposures “yielded many prospects––including one skull of the Protoceratops
which I found in a concretion on the surface [Conq/207-RCA claims he found it].” It was
clear there was a wealth of material yet to be uncovered.

(Anna) July 5, 1923:


Returned to Peking in company with Miss Conantz... Had a hot
journey and felt quite used up on reaching the hotel [274].
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 339

While Walter and the men were out in the field, Anna had fallen ill. On July 7th, she
asked a physician, Dr. Heath of the Methodist Mission, to come over to the Wagons-Lits
to see her. ”She [Dr. Heath] has put me on a diet of ice water. At 9 a.m. I feel much
better.” But the prognosis was not good. Anna was at the onset of an extended illness.
“Dr. Heath says I have amoebic dysentery.”

There was a storm in Peking that afternoon and the city was pummeled with “the largest
hail-stones I ever saw. Some windows were broken and undoubtedly much damage done
to foliage.” In spite of the weather, visitors began paying calls, some bringing flowers.
She eventually moved to the Andrews compound “to stay for a while.”

Back at the Flaming Cliffs on July 9th, all hands were “out prospecting and many finds
were made. The ‘pocket’ from which Shack got the skull last year seems rich––much
more so than I had suspected from the two hour's examination last fall.” Granger assigned
'Buckshot' to Olsen while Chih worked independently. The latter had just found “a
weathered skull of either a slender-headed reptile or a toothed bird,” Granger recorded
[275] [Saurornithoides mongoliensis?-Conq/213].

A trio of soldiers came into camp to check passports. One,

who seemed to be No. 1, and who arrived later than the other two,
was inclined to argue our right to excavate fossils in this kingdom.
After establishing our right to [do] this by our passports the soldiers
resorted to the superstition about excavating in the ground and said
that sickness among the natives would be soon to follow our work.
Andrews finally talked him into submission [276].

July 10, 1923, found Andrews and Young staying in camp to get ready for departure the
next day for Artsa Bogdo to hunt. They planned to stay three weeks and would take Chih,
the No. 2 cook, and Serin with them. Granger and his party would remain at Flaming
Cliffs during this time. They would then break camp and meet up with Andrews and his
group at Artsa Bogdo.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 340

As the morning of the 10th developed, Andrews paused from packing to take movies and
stills of three Mongols who had come into camp and were introduced to the phonograph.
They were intrigued by this device and, as they listened, Andrews began filming them
before returning to packing. Granger had remained in camp that morning to sort fossils.
When Olsen came in from the field for lunch, he quietly advised Granger of a major
discovery. He had found

a group of fossil eggs, dinosaur’s presumably. Two or three fairly


complete but somewhat crushed eggs are weathered out and several
more crushed or broken eggs are running in the bank. All are
clustered into a small area––eggs touching each other. They are
elongated and measure about six inches long. A partial skeleton of a
small ?carnivorous dinosaur lies directly over the eggs and separated
by only a few inches of matrix [277].

Conquest and all other historical accounts of this event place it as having occurred on
July 13th [Conq/208]. Granger’s diary, which has been consistent date-wise with
Conquest throughout, shows the discovery as having occurred three days earlier on July
10th. Why? The answer seems to lie with Granger’s determination as to when the find
should be made known to the others.

When Olsen came back to camp for lunch, he apparently quietly reported the find to his
boss Granger and no one else. Granger’s diary makes no mention of Andrews being
informed or visiting the site, as did Granger. Instead it suggests that Granger decided not
to make the discovery known. After lunch, it states, he simply returned to the field with
Olsen to assess the matter.

In her diary written years later, Yvette Andrews claimed that Andrews was not present
when Olsen’s famous dinosaur eggs discovery was made. But she also has the year
wrong, placing it in 1922 instead 1923. Perhaps she was thinking of Granger’s find of the
eggshell fragment at Flaming Cliffs [?Shabarakah Usu] in 1922. It is likely that Andrews
was not made aware of its possibilities, since even Granger wasn’t sure what it was at the
time.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 341

Andrews always let stand the assumption that he was present for and aware of Olsen’s
historic dinosaur egg discovery on July 10th and that he remained with the party in the
days that followed [278]. This was not the case. While it is true that Andrews was at the
Flaming Cliffs camp on July 10, 1923, when Olsen discovered the eggs, he was not in the
field but in camp preparing to depart on an extended hunting trip at a new camp at Artsa
Bogdo, which he did early the next morning [Conq/214]. After several weeks, Granger et
al., also planned to break camp at Flaming Cliffs and meet up with Andrews at Artsa
Bogdo.

That is, Andrews left the main camp at Shabarakah Usu (Shabarakah Usu is a geological
formation within which Flaming Cliffs is a fossil locality) on July 11th with the intent not
to return. This means either that Andrews saw no need to remain at Shabarakah Usu
because of Olsen’s Flaming Cliffs discovery, or that he did not know of it. It is possible
that he never saw Olsen’s discovery in situ before he departed Shabarakh Usu early on
the morning of the 11th.

Granger might have been pleased to have it that way. Though surely a highly gratifying,
historic though not unexpected experience, Olsen’s find nevertheless presented a delicate
and complicated challenge. It wasn’t just eggs he’d discovered: it was a whole nest of
them, along with a dinosaur skeleton lying over them. This was unique, a first of its kind.
Preparing it for plastering and extraction promised to be a delicate, complicated task. The
fewer hands and feet roaming about, the better.

CAE cinemaphotographer Shackelford was not around in 1923 to capture Olsen’s


discovery for motion picture film. Had he been, Andrews likely would have remained at
Shabarakah Usu for a few days. Instead, Granger made do by taking still photographs. He
even moved one of the eggs and a bit of debris around it to get a different look (see
Figures []). One of them became Plate LII in Conquest. And while Andrews and others
posed with finds of eggs in 1925, so far as is known, no photograph exists of anyone
posing with Olsen’s find in 1923.

Andrews and his party departed Shabarakah Usu at 8 a.m. on July 11th. They took the
touring car, No. 2 dog-wagon, two small tents, enough food for three weeks, saddles, and
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 342

hunting gear. They also took whatever else they could from camp in order to fully load
their vehicles and make as much room for fossils as possible in the vehicles left behind
with Granger when he moved out three weeks later.

Granger spent most of the 11th in camp, leaving Olsen alone to do the work on his eggs
discovery. Contrary to the filmed re-enactment two years later that portrayed surprise and
glee, the CAE’s most significant fossil discovery to date was in fact handled just like any
other find. The eggs were not stumbled upon by men tumbling wildly down the side of a
bluff, as was depicted in Shackelford’s 1925 film re-enactment. No egg was picked up in
haste and thrust at Granger for confirmation, also depicted by Shackelford [278a].

Granger would not have tolerated this sort of mayhem in fieldwork. But, in fact, he
appeared to tolerate the very things it was just said he wouldn’t have by participating in
Shackelford’s re-inactment. Why? Publicity: he bowed to pressure to promote the CAE.
Wishing to be or not, the expedition’s chief paleontologist simply had to be in the film. In
doing so, there appears to be a slight look of chagrin on his face.

On With Life at the Fieldwork Camp

With Andrews gone, Morris moved into the mess tent with Granger on the 11th. He sat at
one of the wooden dining tables to do his work shifting his materials over to an extra
empty table at meal times. Granger sketched the arrangement.

Back in the field, 'Buckshot' continued development of his numerous prospects. One was
a “fine” Protoceratops skull with a complete series of vertebrae down to the 10th or 11th
caudal. As he excavated a forelimb, a femur and the pelvis were also revealed. Kaisen
also worked on developing a “very good” Protoceratops skull with detached jaws. And
Albert Johnson found a dinosaur egg [apparently of a different dinosaur? - see Conq/211]
that day while working on various prospects of jaw and skeleton material. The finest
fossils found so far, Granger noted, were coming from these beds.

V. Johnson spent the 11th in bed with a touch of malaria. Granger gave him 15 grains of
quinine before going out into the field long enough to take 5 x 7 photos of 'Buckshot's’
specimen and of the exposures. Olsen was still being left alone to ready his momentous
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 343

find for removal. Two had spilled out of the nest due to erosion and were broken. The
remaining eggs and the dinosaur skeleton lying over them were encased in sandstone.

Olsen’s job was to excavate around the portion of the sandstone block containing the nest
and skeleton and then jacket the entire thing. The entire affair was to be shipped back to
New York City where DVP lab preparators would painstakingly removed the plaster
casing and then work out the sandstone material from the skeleton and nest of eggs.
Thirteen eggs were found inside the matrix and were determined to be of Protoceratops
andrewsi [Conq/209].

A number of Mongols had drifted into camp that day, the 11th. A group of five young
men said to be horse-raisers also arrived that day. They appeared to prosperous and,
having learned of the expedition’s presence, had come some distance just to visit.

The news also had spread that the expedition party carried medicine. Two Mongol men
came in for treatment, one for sore eyes and the other for a bad scalp and skin disease.

In the evening, three girls and four or five men including an old blind man from the yurt
near the lake came to visit. All were treated to the phonograph. V. Johnson later “amused
the girls with some of his slight-of-hand tricks.”

On the afternoon of the 12th, Granger spent all morning in camp cataloguing fossils. In
the afternoon, he opened up a small prospect near Kaisen’s location and found a partial
skull and skeleton of a small dinosaur. Olsen, in the meantime, had located the skull and
neck vertebrae of the dinosaur which lay over his nest of eggs. While the skull suggested
Struthiomimus to Granger, no conclusions could be drawn in the field since it was not
exposed enough to determine whether it possessed teeth [Conq/209].

This dinosaur was later named Oviraptor philoceratops by Osborn [Conq/208].


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 344

[All throughout Conquest at pp. 208-213, etc., RCA talks like he knows what he’s talking
about paleontologically. But fact is that he didn’t. He also said in the same book that he
was not a paleontologist nor had he the temperament for collecting. And to underscore
the point, he was off hunting, etc. most of the time. THEN, at p. 214, he discusses going
off to hunt at Artsa Bogdo and says: “The work at Shabarakh Usu was entirely
paleontological and geological, and was so efficiently handled by Walter Granger that I
could be of no use there.”]

The beating of a drum in the small yurt “village” in the basin a mile or so to the north of
camp indicated that a lama doctor was attempting a cure, according to the expedition’s
Mongols. There were now seven yurts in that area: four in one group and three singles.
The group of four had moved in that day and now got water from the same well as did the
expedition. Camp fire fuel was another issue. “Our cooks and the other Chinese are using
tamarisk stalks for fuel instead of argul,” Granger wrote. “Some of the tamarisk plants,
which grow as a little forest a mile and a half to the north, are higher than a camel and the
trunks are six inches in diameter. Our Mongols however still use the good old argul from
force of habit. Even in the fine larch timber country of Sain Noin Khan last year the local
Mongols used argul.”

The fieldwork continued to take its own pace. On July 13, Granger remained in camp
most of the morning pausing only to take snapshots of Olsen's nest of eggs and the
overlying skeleton. In the afternoon, he worked on a small skeleton opened up the
previous day and then on a fragmentary skull of Protoceratops discovered the day they
arrived. Olsen, with 'Buckshot’s’ assistance, continued work on the eggnest. A. Johnson
found a new Protoceratops skull and partial skeleton to excavate. Kaisen continued work
on his hind limb and tail of the same genus, Protoceratops.

Morris took section samples in and about the locality. After dinner, when it looked like
rain, he and Granger went back to the locality by auto with some Mongolian assistants to
bring in all the samples that were finished.

Taking time on the 13th to calculate their progress, as well as the needs of the weeks
ahead, Granger realized that
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 345

because of the heavy running between the Sair Usu trail and here
and the consequent large consumption of gasoline we are short on
this commodity. Andrews took enough to get him safely to Artsa
Bogdo and left us with enough in the trucks to take them there when
we move, a few gallons (4) in the dog-wagon, and three extra cases.
This will give us enough to make the daily trip to the well, allow
about 140 miles of exploring and take the dog-wagon to Artsa
Bogdo. Assuming, of course, that the caravan does not show up
before we leave here. At the rate we are now collecting it is hoped
that the camels will come because otherwise we shall have heavy
loads in spite of the reduced food and gasoline [279].

Two Mongols, he continued, came into “our clinic today––one for sore eyes––a common
disease hereabouts––and one for the treatment of sores on the head, possibly syphilis.” A
rain began to fall that night at about midnight and continued until noon the next day
(14th). The sun came out making the afternoon very warm. There was thunder to the
south at 5:00 p.m., but no more rain fell. Granger remained in camp that morning. Kaisen
prospected and found a skull or two out in the basin near the red buttes of Flaming Cliffs.

After tiffin, Granger, Olsen and A. Johnson took a break in a tamarisk grove. On the way
back “we stopped and paid our respects at the group of three yurts.” Olsen took
photographs of a diminutive sheepherder. A boy of about four showed no fear of them
and was highly pleased at the presents they gave him from their pockets––a piece of
string, a cigarette picture, a bit of tinfoil and two matches. Later, some Mongols came up
to the camp for entertainment by the phonograph and V. Johnson's sleight-of-hand
performances. The usual game of horseshoes was forsaken. “One of our four horseshoes
broken tonight and no way of mending it!”

A day or so later (16th), the little sheepherder wandered up to the camp in the forenoon
from his yurt, a mile out in the valley to the north. He was entertained in the Mongols’
tent and finally went to sleep there. Later his father came up looking for him and took
him home. He was about five––so his father said––and was about 2 1/2 feet high. It was a
beautiful sunset that evening, Granger noted. A Chinese caravan passed by just after dark,
traveling eastward. He could hear the bells, but could not see the camels.
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 346

Local Mongols continued to frequent the fossil collector’s camp daily. One night (17th),
there was a “tug-of-war” between seven Chinese and seven Mongols. The Mongols won.
Unfortunately, Mushka the dog had thought something was wrong when the action
started, and proceeded to bite one of the visiting Mongols in the hip. Merin dressed the
wound.

At the camp clinic on the 18th, one young woman from the yurt village was being treated
with antiseptic wash for a loose and sore molar, but was experiencing no relief. She came
up to the camp with her blind husband “and V. Johnson extracted the tooth with a pair of
pliers from the auto kit. She presented him with the usual blue silk sash as a thank
offering.”

The fossil hunting continued to intensify and expand. Over the next few days, many more
skulls and jaws were found. The men began exploring several miles out in all directions
typically being taken out in a vehicle and then prospecting various exposures in that area
by foot as well as propsecting along their way back in to camp. Sometimes they went out
in a vehicle, parked it and then radiated out from what Granger called the “car base.” On
at least one occasion (18th), all found themselves having walked back into camp, leaving
V. Johnson to walk back out to get the car.

A. Johnson prospected to the west and, after returning to camp, reported finding a
concretion at a lower stratum containing a wealth of material. Since it was not yet
dinnertime, he, Olsen and Granger went back out to take a look at it. The next day, Albert
Johnson again prospected to the west. Kaisen was dropped off two miles to the east to
prospect for the day in an area that also proved to be fossiliferous. He then walked back
in to camp for the evening, checking on some of his earlier prospects along the way.

Olsen and 'Buckshot', in the meantime, worked on two skeletons found within 500 yards
of camp. One of these developed a good skull. Fossils were coming in at such a rate that
Granger often stayed in camp just to catalogue them. Packing them safely had become
another issue. Luckily, Kaisen “found a place where we can cut a coarse grass for
packaging purposes.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 347

On the 19th, Granger concluded that their effort “exhausts the exposures in this
direction,” while noting that there remained unexamined exposures six to eight miles
away to the southwest.

Their success was such that material for wrapping and packing fossils was now
exhausted. As a result, Bato started cutting the very coarse grass Kaisen had found
growing on sandy hillsides. It was the only material readily available. “Better than the
Ula Usu "whisk brooms" anyhow... We have used so much burlap here that I have had to
commandeer everything I could find about camp––even to the wrapping of the various
spare parts about the cars and the padding under the boys' beds.”

On the 20th, Granger recorded that there had been no news of Merin. “Some of our food
will be getting low, but our greatest need is gasoline, and burlap for pasting purposes.”
Worsening the situation was that the increased Mongol presence had begun to roil their
water supply so much that the men had to drive to another source. “Vance Johnson is
now going down for water about half past six in the morning, driving himself. We get
cleaner water this way because it gets rather muddied up as soon as the Mongols come
along with their stock. It takes about one quart of gas to make the trip.”

Granger took stock of the situation. There were

20 gas cases, 5 or 6 camel boxes and 2 special boxes of fossils, and


there are many more good things in sight in the badlands. Our
available packing boxes consist of about 12 or 13 gas cases, no
camel boxes and no lumber for the special boxes.

By the time our present collection is packed we shall have a good


truck load, and I do not quite see how we are going to transport both
our equipment and collection to Artsa Bogdo, even with the help of
the caravan, unless the dog-wagon comes down to help take the
large sections which we cannot get into boxes. Evidently much of
our larger material will have to be sent back to Kalgan [281].

It was time to notify Andrews:


VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 348

July 21, 1923––76˚ - 8 a.m.; 89˚ - 2 p.m. Bright:


Have decided that Roy should be notified of our success in the fossil
field––so great in fact that we cannot move from here without help
from the caravan or an extra car from the other camp [280].

Granger’s note to Andrews on the 21st informed him of the situation and requested that
he send an empty vehicle back to Flaming Cliffs immediately. It also raised concern that
Merin may have passed to the north and missed them. Bato, who had taken the note to
Andrews, was to return to Granger’s camp with a bag of white flour borrowed from
Andrew’s camp and then start out in search of the caravan early the next day. With two
horses borrowed from nearby Mongols, he was to return within four days, success or not.

Food was low, but the bag of white flour was not for cooking. Granger was informed that
“the cook in looking over our three remaining bags discovered that two of them were
buckwheat which I found to be worthless for pasting.” Therefore, the bag of white flour
was needed for pasting. As if to underscore the point, on the day Bato left, Olsen reported
finding a “fine large and complete Protoceratops skull” and Johnson and Kaisen reported
finding new skulls and skeletons. Granger sighed, “our pile of bones under the tarpaulin
at camp is assuming formidable proportions.” There appeared to be no end in sight.

On the 24th, at the extreme eastern end of the Shabarakh Usu basin, Morris found a new
Paleocene formation unusual in that it lay atop Cretaceous deposits of the Djadochta
formation [Conq/218]. Later named the Gashato formation, it yielded largely unknown
fauna of early Tertiary age “for the most part too specialized and peculiar to cast much
light either on phylogeny or on correlation [Conq/218].”

Spending most of his days in camp, Granger continued to clean matrix off some of the
specimens as well as catalog each. But he also checked on his men’s prospects each,
sometimes stopped to admire one of Morris’ sketches of the Flaming Cliffs, and then
would off to work for a spell on one of his prospects or someone else’s. On the 24th,
three Mongols came up to him while he was in the field “and shared with me some small
green milkweed pods which they were eating––not at all bad. They ate seeds, silk and all,
but Ioshih, to whom I showed them, later ate only the outer back.”
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 349

Granger watched a caravan of nineteen camels pass by in the afternoon, bound west. It
was not Merin. The 25th began with a sprinkle of rain which, after tiffin, turned into a
continuous drizzly rain until about 7 p.m. Then it cleared to reveal “a glorious sunset with
rainbows in the east.” There were no Mongol visitors at camp that day for the first time
since the expedition’s arrival.

Bato returned from Andrews’s Artsa Bogdo camp on the morning of the 26th with a sack
of flour and Andrews’s reply. Granger summarized it and his reaction:

[P]oor luck hunting––3 sheep and 1 Ibex and none large. Mannlicher
ammunition gone bad. Suggests our waiting for Merin but going on
the Artsa Bogdo by ourselves in case he doesn't arrive promptly.
This latter course is impossible with our great accumulation of
fossils [282].

Andrews had declined to send a vehicle to take the fossils as Granger had requested.
Granger, his men and their collection were therefore stuck in place with dwindling food
and gas supplies, the continued need to make a daily run for potable water, and no
apparent relief in sight. A lama who had recently come up the Kweihwating Trail did,
however, report to Bato having seen Merin's caravan "500 li away" and moving slowly
because of the poor condition of the camels. Bato thought the "500 li" was an
exaggeration and that Merin would arrive in three or four days.

Granger bought a sheep––”an extra fat one for $6.00. The cook says he is out of fat for
cooking and needs the mutton fat.” They were also getting short of sugar and he told
Chow to try to buy some from the Chinese traders who were camped about three miles
northwest out in the flat. They typically carried a brown sugar for sale to the Mongols,
Granger was told. He also paid $8.00 rent for the two horses used by Bato for his four-
day roundtrip to Artsa Bogdo. “The owner came up this evening in an effort to get an
extra dollar because the horses were returned this morning instead of last night but I
didn't allow it,” Granger added.

Morris was out with Kaisen all day that day, the 26th, sketching the badlands. Olsen and
'Buckshot' prospected down toward Kaisen's pocket bringing back one large skull in a
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 350

concretion and reporting a peculiar skull they found late in the afternoon but had no time
to excavate.

Except to note the daily morning and afternoon time and temperature, Granger entered
nothing in his diary for the next three days. Then, on July 30th, he wrote

I came in to camp for tiffin to find Roy, Mac and Serin there, they
having come down from Artsa Bogdo in about four hours in the
touring car (7:20 to 11:30). Roy became anxious about the caravan
and decided to leave the hunting until the camels arrived. He reports
fairly good success with the sheep and Ibex but no very large
specimens [283] [Conq/216].

Granger’s diary records that Andrews left Chih and the No. 2 cook behind at the Artsa
Bogdo camp with one tent, the dog-wagon, $10 to buy sheep and enough food to last
them ten days. Further, since his hunting venture had used up practically all of the gas
allotted to him, Andrews planned to borrow from Granger’s supply to drive out along the
main Kweihwating Trail the next day and seek word of Merin.

In Conquest, Andrews wrote

While Young and I were at Artsa Bogdo, our minds were not
entirely at rest, for the expected messenger announcing the arrival of
the caravan did not come. We became so worried at last that I
decided to leave the cook and camp-gear at Artsa Bogdo, put all the
gasoline in one car, and drive back to Shabarakh Usu. We reached
there without incident on July 30, but were disappointed to learn that
there was no word of the caravan. Matters were becoming serious,
because there was only very little gasoline left, and food and other
supplies were running short [Conq/216].”

Granger recorded that Andrews left not one, but two assistants, Chih and a cook, behind
at Artsa Bogdo with 10-days’ food supply. Why mention of Chih is omitted in the quote
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 351

above is not clear, but implicit is that Andrews intended to return. More significant,
however, is Andrews made it sound as if he rushed back on the 30th based on a worry
fueled by no word and then acted to save the day. But, of course, he had received word,
six days earlier: Granger had notified him of Merin’s failure to show up at Shabarakh
Usu by written note delivered to Andrews by Bato on or about the 24th.

Fully informed on the 24th, Andrews replied to Granger that he wouldn’t budge. Six
more days of hunting passed before he finally relented and returned to Shabarakh Usu. In
delaying, he consumed another six days’ worth of non-rationed food and fuel to continue
hunting before deciding to return to the scientists’ camp where rationing was already in
place. Then he had to cadge what was left of Granger’s fuel to look for Merin. This was
the second time in as many months that the expedition’s main party had run seriously low
on food and fuel due to a missing caravan while, for himself, Andrews chose diversion.

Prospecting and discovery continued apace, nevertheless, on the 30th. Olsen and
'Buckshot' went back to their [newly discovered - see 8/1 entry] “(?)Eocene beds to make
a small collection, including a perissodactyl and a tiny Archaeomeryx-like thing––several
of this latter [284][?is this the Gashato formation thing viz. Conq/218].” Granger had
worked on Morris' specimen in the morning while Kaisen and A. Johnson worked on
prospects to the east.

On July 31st, Andrews, Young, Morris and Ioshih went off in a dog-wagon to a lamasary
about 45 miles southeast near the main trail. A field meet was being held there, and
among the Mongols present were travelers from the east. But no one had news of Merin.

Back at Shabarakh Usu/Flaming Cliffs, Granger bought a sack of Mongol flour, a few
yards of blue cloth for jacketing and some sugar, all for $14 from a Chinese merchant
who had set up camp nearby. The sugar was of two kinds,

a semi-refined brown sugar and some dark brown raw stuff full of
cane pumice but sweet. Both kinds were dealt out into eight parts
and a drawing, from numbers in a hat, was held and the various piles
VLM-Anat/Ex., 2009, ‘Read C’ p. 352

thus distributed among us. We have about eight or ten ounces each
now to use as we wish [285].

Granger then went with Kaisen and Johnson to look over some of Kaisen's specimens.
Olsen and 'Buckshot' continued working to the east of Kaisen. They all rode up in a dog-
wagon and “were dropped off at our places.”

On August 1, Serin was sent off to the north in search of Merin. The lama’s claim on July
26th of having seen Merin's caravan 500 li away seemed to have been unfounded. The
expedition’s Mongols now said that it was the Chinese merchant who had brought the
news, and that he had not actually seen the caravan but had met a lama who said he had
seen it. Serin obtained two horses in the morning and started out riding one and leading
the other. Andrews promised him a .22 caliber rifle if he found the caravan.

Olsen and 'Buckshot' rode off to the southeast by horseback that day to examine Morris’s
newly discovered Eocene (now Gashato) formation. Morris accompanied them on a
camel. A tiny quarry at the site of the discovery of the small jaws obtained on the