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Author’s Note: Re: Walter Granger and the Central Asiatic Expeditions, 1921-1930 I am posting this working draft of “ANATOMY OF AN EXPEDITION: Dinosaurs, Central Asiatic Expeditions and Diaries of Walter Granger” -or- “THE CENTRAL ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS AND WALTER GRANGER: A Quiet Legend” because I do not think I will ever get it finished. I will also try to post all the supplemental information. This manuscript is still in rough shape, to be sure. Be patient…the story is there and it is significantly different from what we are accustomed to reading about the Central Asiatic Expeditions. My hope is that some one some day will weed and cultivate and nurture it until it blossoms in full. If so, I give my deep thanks to that person, or those persons. All I ask is to be included in the attribution, as well as granted a fair share of whatever profits derive from this. My manuscript (“ANATOMY OF AN EXPEDITION: Dinosaurs, Central Asiatic Expeditions and Diaries of Walter Granger” -or- “THE CENTRAL ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS AND WALTER GRANGER: A Quiet Legend”) is derived from the diaries and letters of Walter Granger. I do not believe there is, or ever was, any other firsthand narrative of the CAE. I think Granger was the appointed (or self-appointed) documenter and this included routes and trails used, locations and landmarks, daily mileage and campsites, let alone describing fossil discoveries and fieldwork along with many other events. “Conquest” is based on Granger: I can see many instances where Andrews ‘borrowed’ from Granger’s diary, in particular, just like Henry Osborn borrowed from Granger’s diary of the 1907 Fayum expedition. Since I’d heard (pers. comm., T. Mylan Stout) and always suspected anyway that the Mongolian field and scientific exploits in “Conquest” (forget the hunting and other asides…those typically are Andrews’s) were largely written not by Andrews, but by Granger, I decided to cross-check “Conquest” against my draft based on Grangers’ material. I’ve stopped at p. 338, at the cancellation of 1926 expedition, and haven’t done the last two Mongolia expeditions. (If I inch forward, I’ll let you know.) But, sure enough, as to the first three Mongolia expeditions, much of Walter Granger’s diary and letter material can be found in the “Conquest” narrative. You’ll see the relevant page references to “Conquest” in my draft.

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The other numbers reference footnotes and that truly is a mess since I revised so many times in haste. All is documentable, but you’ll occasionally have to do some serious spadework. Some may find my effort appallingly amateurish, even deranged. Please know that this work, which has been in progress generally since 1993 and more specifically after my 2002 publications, has been interrupted or suspended or constrained so many times that I’ve lost count. (May I have some credit for hanging on this long.) Nevertheless, the story thread I’ve developed is good. For the moment, I am reachable via yanjingou@yahoo.com or morganvl60@gmail.com An alternate contact is Pete Reser at pete@reser.us Vin Morgan Los Angeles, CA July, 2010

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ANATOMY OF AN EXPEDITION: Dinosaurs, Central Asiatic Expeditions and Diaries of Walter Granger -orTHE CENTRAL ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS AND WALTER GRANGER: A Quiet Legend

Vincent L. Morgan PO Box 1079 Chautauqua, NY 14722 yanjingou@yahoo.com -ormorganvl60@gmail.com

Working Draft, 2010

Copyright © 2010 by Vincent L. Morgan This working manuscript in draft form is distributed for purposes of discussion and comment only. It may not be reproduced in whole or in part in any form without permission of the copyright holder.

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For Caroline Granger Morgan My daughter. This blood runs through you. - and For Joan Shelby Piper (February 27, 1943-December 31, 2009) My partner. Finally we shared peace and a wonderful love.

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CONTENTS List of illustrations List of abbreviations and acronyms Preface Introduction Acknowledgments 1 PAVING THE WAY [Dash across Mongolia (1907)] [Working with camels (1907)] [Seeds of an idea] 2 [Chapter] [subheading] [subheading] [etc. 10-12 ea chapt] 3 [etc. = @ 12 chapters total] Chronological synopsis of the Grangers’ CAE papers (a la p. 19 of Bulletin 22...chron syn of Notes Appendix [ ] Appendix [ } Glossary Notes Selected bibliography Index [@xi]


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First and last, his real love was the field and he was unquestionably one of the greatest collectors that vertebrate paleontology has ever known. His collecting activities occupy an almost fabulously large role in the history of science, ranging from the great brontosaur to tiny Mesozoic mammals.... Dr. Granger was responsible for the most remarkable fossil discoveries of his generation. Most members of this Society have followed some trail that he has blazed and hardly need to be told how extensive and how excellent was his field work. --The Society of Vertebrate Paleontology, News Bulletin, November 10, 1941.

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“[Walter Granger] has earned the name: 'Daddy of the Gobi Desert.'" New Pioneer, February, 1938. "Not only was his work known to museum-goers in New York, but he had also, through models, photographs, and his aid in preparing exhibits for other museums, made the ordinary American possibly more familiar with the skeleton of the great prehistoric lizard than that of the cow, with resulting gain in popular interest in paleontology." The New York Times, September 8, 1941. "Granger was so modest regarding his intellectual achievements and he so firmly acquired the habit of communicating knowledge orally rather than in writing, that perhaps only those who worked with him realized the full extent of his acquaintance with vertebrate morphology and taxonomy." Science, October 10, 1941. "He is underappreciated as one of the great fossil collectors and scholars of the field." Discovering Dinosaurs, (Knopf, 1995).

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ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS AMNH CAE DVP ONI TAE USN YangPat American Museum of Natural History Central Asiatic Expeditions, formerly “Third Asiatic Expeditions”) Department of Vertebrate Paleontology, AMNH Office of Naval Intelligence (USN) Third Asiatic Expeditions, renamed Central Asiatic Expeditions United States Navy Yangtze Patrol (USN)

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AMNH ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS 19[] 19[] 1921-1930 First Asiatic Zoological Expedition Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition Third Asiatic Expedition/Central Asiatic Expeditions

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PREFACE In the pursuit of paleontological study during the late 1800s and early 1900s, Walter Granger was a key enabler. From 1895 through 1930 in particular, his approach to this burgeoning aspect of science reflected what he loved and did best––hunting and collecting fossils. It was his way of dividing up the labor in order to accomplish what had to be done. Granger provided the department of vertebrate paleontology with a fascinating and almost endless stream of fossil data––mammals, dinosaurs and the everimportant information superb fieldnotes––that constituted the backbone of the research and writing done by the department scientists during this era. It was Granger's meticulous approach to the collecting of fossils that made him so critical to the department, and so highly regarded among his colleagues worldwide. Granger was not among those who just blasted fossils out of the ground with dynamite and shipped them home for study. Nor did he simply remove them from the ground. Instead, Granger spent a great deal of time noting and recording the situation the fossil lay in including its geological context, the position of the bones, its relationship to other fossils, its condition and any other information that helped to describe the precise circumstances in which it was found. Grids were laid, photographs and measurements were taken, stratigraphy was determined so that a complete systematic study of the fossil find was accomplished before it was removed. To those back at the laboratory who were later to prepare, study and analyze the fossil, this firsthand observation information meant greatly added confidence in identifying the fossil and determining where it fit in the evolutionary puzzle [order] with great precision. [Fossil preparation: “[I]n preparation we generally recognize three functions: Preparation--revealing data for researchers (matrix removal, etc.); Conservation-treating the fossil or modifying its environment in order to preserve data (stabilization, storage, etc.); and Restoration--recreating missing parts or elements. The latter is (hopefully) done only in special circumstances (exhibition) and is usually to improve aesthetic appearance only....[however,] replacing the "flesh" in an artistic rendering would be equivalent to "replacing missing parts or elements", so the definition of "restoration" would be consistent in both areas. Gregory

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Brown, Chief Preparator Vertebrate Paleontology, University of Nebraska State Museum” "Vert Paleo List Server" <vrtpaleo@usc.edu> commo April 6, 2010] Granger's approach to his work was a thing of beauty. At his core was the master craftsman; a man of great skill and accomplishment. He was also a uniquely innovative and self-reliant man as is made clear from he left behind, whether by collecting, writing, sketching, portraying, photographing, making friends, or just living life. This book is about how it came to be that Walter Granger played a key role in the famed Central Asiatic Expeditions of 1921 to 1930 during which he served as head of science, chief paleontologist and second-in-command. From beginning to end, a complete, daily, firsthand narrative of this decade-long American exploit to China and Inner and Outer Mongolia (CAE or Expedition) has never been published. But such a record, of sorts, was kept in the unique and extensive diaries and letters of Granger and his wife Anna who attended three of his Yangtze basin treks. From this mix of noting Expedition finds, travails, and local color, one gradually gains an impression of reading a documentary movie narrative. This is all the more piquant because of the loss of most of Expedition cinemaphotographer James B. Shackelford’s filming of the CAE to editing and acid deterioration. To some degree, the Grangers’ papers restore that lost footage. No other written record like theirs exists. As with Shackelford’s film, the Grangers’ papers also presented editorial and annotational considerations and challenges. Fortunately, however, nothing has been thrown away, or lost. Although Anna’s diary-keeping was a little more fluid, she wasn’t on the scene nearly as much as Walter. Walter, on the other hand, kept an often cryptic record that was somewhat disorganized chronologically. An afterthought in his fourth paragraph, for example, could relate to something he’d written in the first. Or, the order of events that day was recorded out of order. It is clear that neither of the Granger’s diaries was written for direct publication. The struggle over how to handle this has been long and hard. Resolving it has been like solving a puzzle, at times even a mystery. The quest has been how to interpret, organize and edit them. “I wish I’d been there,” I often said to myself as I tried to understand what

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was written. Of course I was not. And, those who were, at one point or another, neither matched Walter Granger’s length of service and number of expeditions made or kept a firsthand account known still to exist [a]. Nor did I ever have the chance to sit down with either Granger to talk with them about their papers. Nor did anyone else, so far as I know, except perhaps his sister Daisy who was working on his papers when she died. But she left no record of any interviews. So, not only was there no bright guiding light for me to follow, there was, it turns out, also thick layers of historical obfuscation and mythification to plow through. Vested interests promoting one personality over others have led to past tellings of the CAE story in only one way. This then is my effort to help the Grangers tell their story. The original material is lengthy and sometimes immaterial. So it has been abridged as well as interpreted. As I did in 2002 with Walter Granger’s “Notes from Diary, Fayum Trip, 1907, I eventually will publish an unabridged, annotated edition of their diaries and letters so that others may study and interpret what they say [b].] Initially termed the Third Asiatic Expedition (TAE) and co-sponsered with Asia Magazine (and, later, Chicago Field Museum), the Central Asiatic Expeditions (CAE) was a actually a seasonal series of scientific forays. There were two main CAE efforts, or branches. One was within China (China branch) and began in 1921. The other was to Inner and Outer Mongolia (Gobi-Mongolia) beginning in 1922. Fortunately, and uniquely, these two branches were interconnected by the CAE’s chief scientist and second-in-command, paleontologist Walter Granger, an avid diarist and letter-writer. The CAE’s nominal leader, Roy Chapman Andrews, was not a diarist and attended only the Gobi-Mongolia expeditions. Furthermore, he often was not with the main party. Granger’s two most reliable and ever-present Chinese field assistants, Liu Ta Ling and Kan Chuen Pao (“'Buckshot'”) also did not keep diaries, though it is known that Liu could write in both Chinese and English. Granger, Liu and “'Buckshot'” made four winter-long expeditions to the Yangtze basin in 1921-22, 1922-23, 1925-26 and 19261927 (China branch) as well as all five summer-long expeditions to Inner and Outer Mongolia in 1922, 1923, 1925, 1928 and 1930 (Gobi-Mongolia).

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Shortly before departing for his first Yangtze basin expedition, Granger also made a short field visit with Johan G. Andersson (1874-1960) and Otto Zdansky (1894-1988) that resulted in finding and opening the eventual Peking Man site at Zhoukoudian in August, 1921. Granger kept no record of that visit. But Andersson did and provided an account of it in Children of the Yellow Earth [c]. No other CAE member approached the number of CAE expeditions and time in the field than Walter Granger and his two Chinese assistants 'Buckshot' and Liu [d]. On their second, third and fourth China branch expeditions, Granger, et al., were accompanied by his wife Anna, an amateur botanist who also kept a diary and wrote letters. On the third and fourth China branch expeditions the Granger party was accompanied by CAE archaeologist, Nels C. Nelson (1874-1964) and his wife Ethlyn. During the third, the Nelsons split off to make their own two-month exploration of the Three Gorges section of the Yangtze River. The Nelsons kept an account of their trip later published in Volume I of Conquest [1]. Nels Nelson also made one Gobi-Mongolia expedition in 1925. In addition, CAE herpetologist Clifford H. Pope (1899-1974) and a few Chinese assistants made a series of short expeditions to south and west China during the first half of the 1920s. Unlike Granger and Nelson, however, Pope made no Gobi-Mongolia expeditions. While the Gobi-Mongolia work yielded spectacular fossil finds, picturesque views, and are much more heralded, the China work presented considerably greater risk, including those posed by traveling the rapids of the Upper Yangtze; encounters with bandits, pirates, rogue miltary deserters; and battling warlords. The China branch of men and women also operated in much smaller groups compared to the Gobi-Mongolia expeditions of much larger parties of men only. Yet, as Granger, the sole veteran (with Liu, “'Buckshot'” and Nelson) of both branches, noted to a colleague, “...if we waited for things to be perfectly peaceful on the Upper River, we would never be here ourselves.” “The various expeditions that comprised the CAEs traveled across China, including the Sichuan and Yunnan Provinces, the Peking region, and the Gobi desert of Mongolia. The most notable finds of the Mongolian expeditions were numerous complete skeletons of the ceratopsian Protoceratops and the first dinosaur eggs ever found. The Protoceratops material was so extensive that growth series and sexual dimorphism studies were

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accomplished with ease. The fossil dinosaur eggs, originally thought to have belonged to Protoceratops are now believed to be of theropod, specifically oviraptorid, affinity. The eggs also provided concrete evidence that dinosaurs were oviparous, which until that point was an unsubstantiated hypothesis [2].” As for Anna Granger and Ethlyn Nelson, they unquestionably were full-fledged members of CAE expeditions into China’s Yangtze Basin. But they have never been recognized as such. Ironically this was the most dangerous work of the CAE, far more so than in Mongolia. Despite accompanying his own wife-photographer into Mongolia during the Second Asiatic Expedition in 1919 and south China in 1967-17, Andrews dismissed including women on the CAE’s Mongolia exploits, citing distraction. The distinction seems to have regarded the larger number of men, most scientists and most married, involved in the CAE’s Mongolian trips. Whether Andrews was really concerned that a female would distract these men, or whether he was threatened by their added presence is not known. In any event, Amelia Earhart challenged Andrews on his stance, concluding [ ]. Finally, the Central Asiatic Expeditions was more than simply a large-scale, prolonged, multi-scientific endeavor by a major western museum of natural history. It also served American military, economic, and political interests in that part of Asia. It was, in fact, a territorial [geopolitical] exploit, as the AMNH’s own multi-volumed treatise titled The New Conquest of Central Asia suggests.

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INTRODUCTION The situation about Roy Andrews and Walter Granger is a little complicated... I knew both of them intimately and although I also liked them both, I always felt somewhat annoyed that Walter's modesty and Roy's conceit gave the wrong impression of their accomplishments. During all the fossil collecting in China, proper, and much of that in Mongolia[,] Granger was in complete charge and Andrews was not even present. During much of the collecting in Mongolia, however, including the early discoveries around Bayn Dzak, Andrews was present and in nominal charge of the expedition as a whole. Andrews' function, however, was that of obtaining funds and publicity and acting as business manager. He did none of the scientific work. All the fossil discoveries were made by Granger and assistants under his sole command. Just once Andrews tried to collect a fossil, and he destroyed it [3].

Simpson, one of America’s most prominent paleontologists and historians, was writing to Kielan-Jaworowska, a Polish paleontologist and the first female to lead a fossil hunting expedition to Mongolia. He had read her book Hunting for Dinosaurs in which she acknolwedged Andrews but made no mention of Granger. What Simpson did not know was that Andrews was not even present for the early finds at Bayn Dzak, also known as the Flaming Cliffs. That information was locked away in Granger’s field diaries which had been boxed in the attic of his youngest sister’s house in New Hampshire. And what a treasure trove of information and history his papers turned out to be. Granger’s diaries and letters are quoted and paraphrased here to set the record straight. Until 1920, the lives, careers and interests of Walter Granger, who died in 1941, and the 12-years younger Roy Andrews, who died in 1960, intersected little except that both worked for the American Museum of Natural History, held membership in the Explorers Club and were favorites of Henry Fairfield Osborn, then the eminent and illustrious head

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of the American Museum. What brought them together starting in 1921 and thereafter is the topic of this book––the Central Asiatic Expeditions. Despite the CAE’s decade-long ventures in China and Mongolia which had brought Andrews fame, he slipped into disfavor and outright disparagement by the American Museum: his ill-fated directorship there ended abruptly following Granger’s death in 1941. From a book by Geoffrey Hellman written under the auspices of the American Museum of Natural History, we read the following: Dr. Walter Granger [was] in fact, the scientific backbone of the expedition. (Andrews never had much idea of what he was looking at, scientifically speaking [4].)

By late 1983, the American Museum of Natural History learned that Walter Granger’s apparently missing personal Central Asiatic Expedition diaries, letters, photos and other materials had remained with his family since his death. At the Museum’s request, an inventory of the collection was supplied. While Roy Chapman Andrews’s image was being resuscitated, it was also becoming clear that Walter Granger’s papers were the actual core of the Central Asiatic Expedition’s historical material. Andrews had not kept a firsthand account of the CAE. Though various discussions about Museum access to and possible acquisition of the Granger Papers continued over the next decade, without resolution, the museum did not acquire or access the information-laden Granger Papers. The lore of Andrews continued to have some backers, however, and the manner of his treatment vacillated until the 1990s when he was finally restored to favor at the Museum. However, even then, the official whisper was “Andrews was a fraud.” Nevertheless, he had again become useful to the Museum as it set about to increase its appeal. By this time, Granger’s name had all but slipped into total obscurity. Although an AMNH fossil hall had been named after him, a variety of fossil species were named in honor of him and a small cadre of modern paleontologists continued to revere him, he was only occasionally mentioned in a smattering of technical papers and dinosaur books. The public in general knew nothing of Walter Granger. Then, this author’s research in the

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pages of Granger Papers began in 1993. The Granger Papers Project, with a website bearing that name, was opened online. Sources My first publication based on the Granger Papers was an essay “Badlands Mary” contained in Science, Values, and the American West issued by the University of Nevada Press in 1997 and was followed by a biographical sketch of Walter Granger published as Bulletin 19 of the New Mexico Museum of Natural History & Science in 2002. Just a few months later, I published Granger’s previously unknown 1907 Fayum of Egypt expedition diary and photographs which was issued as Bulletin 22 by the same institution. This book, based Granger’s unpublished CAE diaries, letters and photographs, is the first complete and accurate account of the CAE. The phase ‘unpublished’ may seem odd since existence of Granger’s 1907 Fayum diary was known to Osborn who used it freely for his own purposes, as Bulletin 22 makes clear. Certainly, the existence of Granger’s personal 1921-1930 CAE papers was known to Andrews and the AMNH. Despite Simpson’s clarification to Kielan-Jaworowska and much obvious information to the contrary and even Andrews’s own acknowledgment that he was not a paleontologist or a competent collector of fossils, Andrews remains touted as the CAE’s leader and top fossil expert. The Andrews reputation, however, has never been about [his own] substance [but rests mainly on fiction or the deeds of others]. [Borrowing liberally from historian Shaun McNiff, when we focus exclusively on the linear histories of personalities, we overlook the deeper aspects in the processes and subtleties of their time. By limiting the history of paleontology to the way in which one select group of people influenced the field, we establish the aristocratic notion that whatever one of these quasi-divinities said or did was transformed into gospel. The history of paleontology has been plagued by the linear view. Many stories and deeper truths have been left untold [note McNiff]. Walter Granger was minimized in importance to the history of paleontology because he did not make it important to see him. Furthermore, in recent years, many academics [led by Edwin Colbert (who had axes

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to grind––quantity of pubs., WDM son-in-law, and being passed over by Granger) followed by Ronald Rainger and others] have not felt comfortable with Granger as a nonPh.D. They have felt the need to distinguish him as mainly a field worker and sideline him in that way––outside academia. But, in 1941, one very distinguished academic and eminent paleontologist and colleague of Granger, Andrews, Osborn, Matthew and Colbert, George Gaylord Simpson, now considered (by academia anyway) the brightest paleontologist of [ ]––had already placed his now-deceased mentor Granger squarely inside academia. Granger was, Simpson said, a paleontologist wtih encyclopedic knowledge whose freely-given verbalized analyses and theories became the bases for seminal works by others, as well as his own. If all that Granger passed along verbally to his colleagues had been written down, Simpson said, it would have summarized [established] the state of vertebrate paleontology then known. Confirmation of this came more recently, in 1993, when AMNH paleontologist-historian Malcolm C. McKenna termed Granger the mainspring that made the Department of Vertebrate Paleontology of the American Museum of Natural History work, and whose own work was consistently “subsumed” by Osborn, Matthew and Andrews. Simpson’s words on Granger, along with those of others including Andrews, were recorded at a memorial service held for Granger at the Roosevelt Memorial Auditorium of the American Museum of Natuural History in 1942. Simpson also published on Granger for Science. Not long after, Simpson left the AMNH. A transcription of the recording was made and filed with the Museum and that is where I found it in the summer of 1993. McKenna’s assessment was conveyed to this author during a telephone call he initiated a few months later in that same year. For the most part, these views are not publically known.] Having made their views known in print, it is Colbert, Rainger, [Joseph Wallace, Charles Gallenkamp] et al., that have shaped the views of others. Yet, as shown in my Bulletin 19 issued in 2002, their work is flawed [note to fn discussing BCQ]. * Walter Granger was an autodiadect learner comfortable in the field, in the laboratory, chatting with his colleagues or working at his desk. He clearly preferred the field. Conducting fieldwork and practicing taxidermy since his early teens, and likely before,

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he joined the AMNH in 1890 when he was only seventeen. Granger knew how to keep a record to scientifically narrate his field work. When he turned to fossil collecting in 1896 and began publishing in paleontology in 1901, his mammalogy field notes from American West work had already been published twice, in 1895 and 1896. As the Central Asiatic Expedition’s chief scientist, Granger reported directly to Osborn in New York City. Naturally, he also kept Andrews, DVP curator W. D. Matthew and others informed. But determination of the CAE’s scientific strategy and methodology were between Granger and Osborn. The other needs of the CAE, such as publicity, logistics, funding, were between Andrews and Osborn. This enterprise was, after all, based on a contractual agreement between the AMNH and Andrews. Andrews was to perform a service for the AMNH in return for which he gained certain publicity rights. The CAE’s de facto [true, de facto] command structure, therefore, placed Osborn as the overseer from New York City allowing his scientific representative, Granger, and his independent contractor, Andrews, to run their respective departments in the field. Andrews did not tell Granger how to conduct science, and Granger did not tell Andrews how to publicize or raise money. If there was an issue, Osborn settled it. Granger spent more time on CAE expedition than did any other member. He made all five trips to Inner and Outer Mongolia with the main group, and another three to China’s Sichuan Province, one to Yunnan Province and one to Zhoukoudian with just a handful of Chinese assistants and his wife Anna (for three of them). The Grangers’ firsthand narrations of these CAE expeditions will henceforth alter discussion and understanding of those events. Other primary source materials for this book include those of J. G. Andersson, Mac Young, Henry Osborn, W. D. Matthew, Roy Andrews, materials at AMNH, Explorers Club, National Archives and elsewhere, and personal communications with those who knew Granger -- Mary Granger Morgan, Eleanor W. Morgan, T. Mylan Stout, Edwin Colbert, Margaret Colbert, and Marie Skinner.

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Geography and place names

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Professor Yang Xinxiao of Beijing, China, for donating seven letters written to his father, Chung-chien Young (C. C. Young) and for also providing wonderful information and support. John R. Lavas of Auckland, New Zealand, for providing tons of technical and moral support, information, perspective and comfort. Dr. Richard A. Tedford for opening the DVP, AMNH, file rooms up to our research and for guiding us through them that first day. Dr. John Alexander for picking up the assist from there. Ms. Alejandra Lora for making our visiting at the DVP work out so well. Joel Sweimler for making an intolerable situation at Special Collections, AMNH (one not of his own doing), tolerable. Dr. Malcolm C. McKenna for making that very interesting phone call one November evening in 1993, and for subsequent communications. Ned and Margaret Colbert for opening their doors, just long enough. Drs. Ken Rose, Tom Bown, Phil Gingerich and Spencer Lucas for giving us an understanding of Granger’s collecting in the American West and the Fayum. Dr. Paul Brinkman on Osborn and on Bone Cabin Quarry. Dr. Allan Mazur and Roger Jinkinson on the CAE. T. Mylan Stout on the Grangers and their post-CAE period. Anna Granger for knowing what to keep; Daisy Granger for starting this work; and Mary Granger Morgan for passing it on.

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PAVING THE WAY In Mongolia, and in the desert of Gobi, we were to find ourselves able to get up speed only in crossing virgin land. There are plains over which the best road for the automobile is where no road is marked! A few years ago we could not have risked ourselves without a guide over the endless Mongolian prairies and over the desert. Now there is an invaluable guide along the camel road: it is the telegraph. You blindly follow the lines of the telegraph poles for about eight hundred miles, and you reach Urga. In those distant regions, over the endless solitude of Central Asia, the nearness of the telegraph, meant for us a nearness to our own world, and this was a further reason for the choice we made [5]. Dash Across Mongolia (1907) When the Italian Prince Scipione Borghese sped out of Peking in his Itala 35/45 on June 10, 1907, commencing a 10,000 mile motorcar race overland to Paris, he faced four other competitors. Against crews of two in cars of various European make, Borghese’s car carried three. The prince and his mechanic-driver Ettore Guizzardi sat side by side. Behind them sat the Italian journalist Luigi Barzini. Squeezed into a tiny rear seat tucked between two extra fuel tanks strapped to the rear fenders of the Itala, Barzini detailed an epic journey cabling summaries of it to the world whenever he could. Barzini’s readable book on the venture was quickly published in 12 countries just months following the race’s completion. While the Itala had won, the prince introduced Barzini’s account still wrestling with his own thoughts: So after all our two months of labour . . . there are people who say that our journey has proved one thing above all others, namely, that it is impossible to go by motor-car from Pekin [Peking] to Paris!

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. . . the paradox is literally accurate . . . it would not be financially sound speculation, as things stand, and after our own experiences, to establish a regular motor-car service destined to the transport of those most charming and accomplished Chinese “artistes” from the capital of the Celestial Empire to the footlights of the Moulin Rouge. But above and beyond this net result has the Pekin-to-Paris race taught us nothing worth learning [6]? * As Borghese and his fellow racers set out from Peking, a young American paleontologist named Walter Granger was journeying home from Egypt with his field assistant George Olsen. Granger and Olsen had just concluded America’s first overseas fossil hunt, a sixmonth expedition in the Fayum region of the Sahara Desert 65 miles southwest of Cairo. Fifteen years, later during another overseas fossil hunt, both men would coincidentally follow in Borghese’s tire tracks across the Gobi from Kalgan to Urga. Years before, during a trek along that very route while reconnoitering in Inner Mongolia from 1892 to 1894, Russian geologist Vladimir Obruchev found a fossilized lower jaw with fragments of teeth. Sent to Professor Eduard Suess for study, he identified it as a rhinocerid (pre-modern rhinoceros). The Royal Geological Society in London published Seuss’s analysis in 1897, and Obruchev followed in 1900 with a brief description of his trip in a Russian publication entitled “Central Asia, Northern China and Nan-Shan [7].” Suess’s identification of Obruchev’s discovery enabled Granger’s AMNH boss, Osborn, to postulate as follows in the April 13, 1900, issue of Science magazine: We now turn to the northern hemisphere, to the Arctogea or homeland area of animal dispersal in the dawn period of the mammalian life on the soil of the northern hemipshere. First, on opposite sides of the globe we observe two great colonies, one in Europe and one in the Rocky Mountain region of America, which are full of different degrees of kindred in their mammalian life; yet

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they are separated by ten thousand miles of intervening land in which not a single similar form is found. The fact that the same kinds of mammals and reptiles appear simultaneously in Europe and in the Rocky Mountain region has long been considered stong evidence for the hypothesis that ‘the dispersal centre is halfway between.’ In this dispersal centre, during the close of the Age of Reptiles and the beginning of the Age of Mammals, there evolved the most remote ancestors of all higher kinds of mammalian life which exist today, including, for example, the five-toed horses, which have not as yet been discovered in either Europe or America. That the very earliest horses known in either Europe or America are four-toed indicates that their ancestors may have lost their fifth toe while still resident in the Asiatic homeland. The history of northern Asia remains unknown until the period of the Ice Age, when man first appears; yet theoretically we are certain that it was part of a broad migration and dispersal belt which at one time linked together the colonies of France and Great Britain with those of the Rocky Mountain region of Wyoming and Colorado. Though the kinds of animals which we find in these two far-distant colonies are essentially similar and every year’s discovery increases the resemblance and diminishes the difference between the life of Europe and the life of the Rocky Mountain region, connecting links are entirely unknown. It follows that northern Asia must be the unknown migration route between these two far-distant colonies [8]. Borghese had driven just yards away from where Obruchev picked up the rhinocerid jaw 15 years earlier at Irhen Dabasu. It was only minutes from the telegraph station at Ehrlien along the Kalgan-Urga caravan route where in 1907 Luigi Barzini had filed one of his race reports to the entire world. Camel caravans had established this ancient route of commerce hundreds of years before. Hundreds, if not thousands, of travelers had passed by, although Obruchev appears to have been the first to do so for scientific purposes. *

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Borghese need not have doubted his feat. Swedish missionary Franz Larson was living in Urga when the Itala arrived for a two-day layover. One of Borghese’s first acts was to give a ride to the Mongolian prince there. He was known as the “living Buddha.” Larson quickly caught on to the implication of the auto. Three years later, the missionary cum entrepreneur sold the Buddha an original 1908 Ford Model T. A photo of the conveyance may be found in Larson’s autobiography “Duke of Mongolia.” Not long after, when Larson became the Mongolian manager of Meyer & Andersson trading house and an advisor to the Chinese government in Peking. He used Dodges for the commute between Urga and Kalgan. He would drive the car back and forth across the Gobi a couple of times and then sell it and buy a new one. While he regarded the Dodge as sufficiently reliable, along with the Ford, he upgraded to a Chandler when he could afford one and that became his trademark. In those days, there was no good road from Kalgan on to Peking. In 1907, Borghese and his cohorts had made that trip by car and found it tortuous. Larson, like most commuters, traveled between Kalgan and Peking by train. * Any fossil hunter based in New York City and working seasonally in the American West around this time would likely not have had knowledge of Larson’s use of the auto to commute across Inner Mongolia’s Gobi Desert between Kalgan and Urga. One fellow, however, did think he could make good use of a car in the plains and badlands of western Nebraska and neighboring Wyoming. Albert “Bill” Thomson, a long-time Granger field assistant at the AMNH, would eventually find himself working with Granger in the Gobi during the 1928 and 1930 expeditions. “How do you think an automobile would be for collecting fossils out there?,” he wrote early in the spring of 1912 to friend and amateur paleontologist Harold J. Cook of Agate, Nebraska. “Don’t you think it would pay? [We] have been talking some about it and if we get the necessary funds we may get one for prospecting.” ‘Prospecting’ referred to scanning the terrain by eye for evidence of fossils, as well as possibly locating them in outcrops, exposed beds and distinctive sedimentary layers. Before the automobile, this was done by foot or horseback. The auto, Thomson thought, would be more comfortable, could carry more than a horse or a horse-drawn wagon, and

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perhaps would also be more reliable than and cover more ground than a horse. Or than could a camel, as Granger and Osborn found out in the Fayum in 1907. Working With Camels (1907) But for the known fossiliferous outcrop or two nearby, one might wonder how to explore the rest of such a vast flat and sandy expanse. How would one cover huge distances for reconnaissance and not only survive, but sustain the effort? And, what if fossils were found? How would they be brought back? The answer for the 1907 team was camels. This was something new to the Americans when exploring Egypt’s Fayum. Except by the US Army in Arizona and Nevada, camels were not used in the American West where horses, wagons and railroad tracks typically crossed the less vast and less inhospitable basins and ranges. Osborn, Granger and Olsen learned firsthand about the uses and benefits of camels to establish and resupply their remote desert base camp and then to transport fossils from the field to Cairo for eventual repacking and shipment to New York. Writing about the expedition for Science, Osborn stated that the party [would] only succeed through thorough, systematic and prolonged search and excavation... A train of eight camels is constantly moving to and fro, keeping the camp supplied, a three to four days' round journey [9]. The party also became acquainted with transporting precious liquid, water in this case, into the field in soldered and sealed rectangular metal tins called “fantasses.” Granger apparently had seen something like this somewhere in the American West before because he referred to it as a “fanita.” The Fayum camp was a fixed site amidst excavation pits known as Quarries “A” and “B.” Another quarry, Quarry “C,” was about three and a half kilometers east of this and within walking distance of camp. To set his bearings while prospecting about by foot, Granger triangulated three buttes within the region. That became his range of operation.

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For greater investigative mobility, such as Osborn’s three-day reconnaissance trip to the Zeuglodon Valley, camels were used. While this mode of travel somewhat expanded the fossil hunter’s range over that by foot, the amount of supplies and equipment carried in and fossils carried out was limited by the number of camels used, the pace of camel travel, food supply and the length of time it took to locate fossils. Weight was another factor: each box of fossils weighed up to 400 pounds. In 1907, the vast Sahara was as relatively unexplored scientifically as were other topographic expanses such as the Wyoming badlands, a Mongolian plateau and even a polar icecap. Enter one Hartley T. Ferrar who was Osborn’s British-born guide and soon a Granger colleague during the 1907 Fayum expedition. Ferrar, a geologist had not only explored in the vast Saharan desert, he had also ventured to the remote reaches of the Antarctic with Robert F. Scott’s 1901-1904 Discovery expedition. “There, in the polar ice and snow, fellow expedition member Ernest Shackelton [sic] experimented with a home-made, four-wheeled, sail-powered vehicle he called a ‘go-cart.’ Shackleton’s vehicle, as fellow expeditioner Edward Wilson wrote, was ‘rigged up by putting two rum barrels on axles and a frame work...and is certainly the first wheeled vehicle the Antarctic has ever seen.’” While that would not have worked in the Fayum’s soft sand, a modern version of that rig--the sail-powered three-wheeler with puffy tires--works very well on windy, flat surfaces [10]. Shackleton’s recognition of a need for expanding the range of scientific exploration was important. He realized that, to cover vast surfaces efficiently, perhaps at all, explorers needed to move faster to get farther. Shortly after Shackleton’s windcatching go-cart ride, Robert Scott employed, on his ill-fated Terra Nova 1910-1913 expedition to the Antarctic, two motorized and tracked frames he called ‘motor sledges’.” On Scott’s Discovery expedition, each sled carried one person, the driver who was positioned at the rear on a seat framed over a fuel tank at the end of a cargo deck. Each sled also was equipped to tow another fully loaded sled, since one aim of Scott’s expedition was to collect fossils and other geological samples. The sleds could haul these collections out in sufficient quantity. Although Scott’s announced hope for his motorized sleds was “to show their possibilities, their ability to revoutionize Polar transport,” they finally broke down after proving to be slow and fitful. However, a point was made.

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In the meantime, Shackleton had already pioneered use of an Arrol-Johnston motorcar during his 1907-1909 Nimrod expedition to the Antarctic from 1907-1909. By then, of course, Ferrar and Granger had become acquainted with each other in the Fayum and shared their expedition experiences and insights. Seeds of an Idea As Thomson wrote to Cook in 1912, using a motorcar to hunt for fossils was well under discussion at the American Museum, and they might have been used that field season had the funds been available. Instead, a year later Thomson finally got his ‘Auto Buggy for Bone Diggers’ in time for his 1913 field season at Agate. He named it ‘Automobilly’ in honor of his favorite workhorse ‘Billy’, recently deceased. Although Thomson did not know Inner or Outer Mongolia firsthand in 1912 and 1913, topographically they were similar to parts of the American West he had been scouring for years with Granger and Olsen. Osborn and two other theorists thought Northern hemispheric Asia was the origin of mammalian life and the point from which such life dispersed east and west to form the two great colonies of fossil mammals then being found both in the American Rocky Mountain region and in Europe. Moreover, Osborn wrote, the opening and rise of the Age of Mammals in northern Asia came as the Age of Reptiles closed. That meant that both mammal and reptile fossils could be found. Osborn also was convinced “that the home of the more remote ancestors of man, Primates, was placed in northern Asia.” This was where, eventually, he hoped to send an expedition to find evidence of ancient man. By late 1912, the stage was set for such a venture when the budding museum zoologistadventurer Roy Chapman Andrews of the AMNH’s Department of Birds and Mammals returned from his nearly year-long Korean trip and bought two tickets to attend a dinner for Sir Earnest Shackleton in New York City. Andrews was now preparing for six or seven months in the Arctic with Vilhjalmur Stefansson that following spring of 1913. Then he expected to return to the museum in New York City and “be stuck” there for about a year before setting off for zoological pursuits in “New Zealand and New Guinea by way of China [11].”

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AMERICAN ADVENTURER In 1907, after finishing Beloit College, Andrews arrived at the Museum as a clerk apprentice in the Department of Birds and Mammals headed by Joel A. Allen. It was said that he had begun by sweeping floors, but that actually was one of Granger’s early jobs. Andrews, soon bored of clerking and office routine, began travels aboard including accompanying a few whaling expeditions. He wrote about them, imaginatively, and his tales of adventure soon caught the public’s eye. This success eventually led him to supply additional derrings-do attended by glowing news accounts and inflated magazine articles. The time was right––Americans coveted ‘American-style’ exploit. By 1911, Andrews’s leap to celebrity was clear: “Dear Roy,” friend Walter L. Ferris from Connecticut wrote on June 6, 1911. “You are such a gadder about the globe that like the farmer with two pigs, you run about so fast it is difficult to count you. We have kept some track of you through the efforts of the mammalogious reporter on the ‘Sun’ who occasionally knocks you off the ‘gun’ale’ into the mouth of the waiting sea monster, whereupon your blunderbuss goes off in his entrails and you walk out, and so into our ears on the wings of fame.” One whaling expert, however, was less impressed. On February 11, 1918, Edwin B. Pettet of Funch, Edye & Co., Inc. Steamship Agents & Ship Brokers in New York City finally caught up with Andrews, writing to say he had seen articles about Andrews' great whaling deeds and had some questions: Some months ago I clipped the enclosed article from "Every Week" and as you are credited [by] them with being almost a superman in the handling of the "Iron", my curiousity to learn where you gained your experience (as your picture is of a young man) induced me to write... [Then] yesterday while coming through Washington, the enclosed article from the Times attracted my attention, and finding therein mention of your name was at last able to locate you. Having sailed out of New Bedford in the early 70's and having "put" alongside some few

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sperm whales in the North Atlantic during my time, I trust you will not consider my enquiry impertinent when I ask when and in what ships you sailed, if from American waters, and when [12]? Andrews replied on February 13, 1918, backing off and placing blame for excess elsewhere: My dear Sir: Your letter of February 11 has been received. I am afraid that I shall have to disclaim all of the interesting caption to the newspaper photograph of myself which you enclosed. As a matter of fact, I have never thrown a harpoon at a whale. I have "ironed" a few porpoises, but that is the extent. My work on whales has been entirely with the Norwegian shore whaling, and I have spent some eight years in various parts of the world studying whales and collecting their skeletons for the Museum of Natural History in New York. I have been at sea, of course, a great deal of the time on the little steamers, but I have had no personal experience in deep sea whaling such as that with which you are familiar; unfortunately newspaper reporters do not differentiate and rather let their imagination run riot [13]. Andrews’s approach to playing off the press to channel and drive publicity was a pattern that characterized his career. His association with imaginative adventure-telling was to become his forté, and the public loved it. As one recent writer has put it, Roy Chapman Andrews was a more controversial figure than his hagiographers would have us believe, and many of his stories are clearly exaggerations. During field work in Indonesia he was said to have been attacked by a 20-foot python which he shot dead. At other times there were bandits and tigers. While working on a Japanese whaler (and supposedly studying the whaling industry) he claims to have ended up in the sea attacked by sharks. The harpoonist on the whaler, a man called Johnson whom Andrews thought was insane, harpooned a whale

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but did not kill it. The order was given to pursue the animal in a small boat and Andrews went along as an oarsman. Other members of the crew included the first mate and a Japanese soldier. The mate took another harpoon and thrust it into the whale which smashed the boat with its tail. As the men clung to the wreckage, sharks attracted by the whale's blood circled around. The men kicked and punched at the predators and Andrews claimed he even shoved a wood beam down the throats of open-mouthed sharks. The Japanese soldier had his leg bitten off. Johnson, pausing briefly to pick up the men, continued to chase the whale but it escaped. Andrews was supposedly furious about Johnson’s behaviour and for years regretted he had never punched him in the mouth. But none of this is true. Nevertheless these stories still circulated [14]. Americans loved their heros such that few questions were asked about what was being explored, why, and at what cost. Perhaps the image of the ‘American Frontier’ and its myths were to blame. National self-promotion and early films combined with myths disguised the truth that America had become a mercilessly pacified country, quite thoroughly explored and with its native population and fauna slaughtered. Buffalo Bill was still alive when Andrews ventured abroad. But ‘abroad’ was now where other frontiers were yet to be conquered, other opportunities for new American heroes. [15]. Furthermore, it seemed, these foreign exploits signaled, and seeded, “a desire to bring an American order to the global landscape [16].” * The ambitious 1907 Peking to Paris motorcar race was followed in less than a year by the even more ambitious 20,000-mile New York City to Paris race of 1908. Won by the American-made Thomas Flyer, the race was not truly overland. The hope to pass over Alaskan dog sled trails and the ice of the Bering Straits did not pan out and the competitors were taken across the Northern Pacific from the US to Russia in ships. Upon the announcement of the winner, US President Teddy Roosevelt responded that he “admired Americans who did things, whether it was up in an airship, down in a submarine, or in an automobile.”

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Discussion of hunting for fossils by motorcar were already well under way by Thomson and his colleagues in the AMNH’s Department of Vertebrate Paleontology in 1912 and included his old friend Granger whom he had first met during Wortman’s paleontology expedition of 1894. George Olsen, Peter Kaisen, chair W. D. Matthew and curator emeritus Osborn joined in as well. Osborn, now president of the Museum, remained very involved in the affairs and operations of his beloved paleontology department. The department was now in its 22nd year. Both he and Walter Granger had been at the Museum precisely that long. Leaving Vermont When Henry Osborn and Walter Granger separately walked through the doors of the American Museum of Natural History to take up their new posts in the fall of 1890, neither was aware of the other. Actually, Granger preceeded Osborn by a month or so. He left an unfinished senior year of high school in Vermont to take the lowliest of posts as a parttime apprentice taxidermist in the Department of Taxidermy and parttime maintenance man under the Museum’s building superintendent, William Wallace. Osborn, on the other hand, came as a Ph.D. from Princeton University to establish and head a Department of Vertebrate Paleontology. The thought that Granger would one day be working for Osborn collecting fossil dinosaurs and mammals on the Mongolian plateau could not have been on anyone's mind. Nor could it have been forseen that Walter Granger, a modest lad, would become one of America’s most prodigious and significant fossil collectors of all time. A 17-year-old autodidactic naturalist, Walter Granger rode the train alone bound for New York City in late September of 1890, leaving family and friends, classmates and teachers. Parting, as well, from the beautiful mountains and valleys surrounding the city of Rutland for the first time in his life was bringing him hope for a new and exciting opportunity in the big city, the possibility of a dream realized. He dove into the professional study of taxidermy and recent mammals and birds at the American Museum of Natural History with near instant career advancement. The Museum’s Department of Taxidermy was organized by Jenness Richardson in 1886. A Granger family friend from Rutland, Vermont, he joined the museum from a post at the Smithsonian. Dr. Joel A. Allen, who had assumed charge of the Museum’s Department of

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Mammals and Birds in 1885, decided more collecting was needed. When Allen arrived, his department had about 1,000 mammal skins and about 300 skeletons. Acquisition of mammals and birds, had been rather unorganized prior to Allen’s arrival. That changed with formal named expeditions begun in 1888. Richardson and D. G. Elliott went to Montana on the ‘Montana Expedition For Buffalo’ to obtain specimens. They came back with 91 skins, 134 skeletons and 75 skulls. Allen, in the meantime, went off on the ‘Arizona Expedition’ searching for a variety of mammals and came with back 72 skins and 75 skulls. Richardson returned to the American West the following season with his assistant John Rowley, Jr., on the ‘Indian Territory and N. Texas Expedition.’ They collected 90 skins, bringing five of them back in alcohol. Granger’s arrival in Richardson’s department in the fall of the following year put him to work parttime with Richardson and Rowley. Walter’s initial Museum job had been arranged earlier that summer when his father Charles, a representative for New York Life Insurance, stopped by the museum to see his old Rutland friend Richardson during a business trip to the city. Richardson was well aware of Walter’s interest in taxidermy and natural history which had fascinated the lad nearly from the very beginning. While still in Rutland, Richardson had mentored Walter. Walter’s parents supported their son’s highly focussed interest and recognized the importance of allowing, even enabling, its cultivation. A job at a significant natural history museum would make them as proud of Walter as he would be pleased to have it. Richardson made the offer, if only for parttime. * The telegraph clacked in Rutland as Charles sent the good news from New York City to Walter in Vermont. Walter’s mother, Ada B. Haynes, took the cable and hurriedly set off by horse-drawn buggy with her youngest child Mary bundled beside her to inform the 17year old Walter. He, her eldest, was off working at a farm for the day. Mary later recalled that the journey was not without some danger, as well as some intrigue as they went to find Walter. At one point, a bear edged out of the woods and spooked the horse. At another, they passed by a party of Gypsies. Into the Field

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Granger settled into his daily routine at the museum working his two jobs under Richardson and Wallace and became acquainted with the other staff members. He hit it off immediately with John Rowley and favorably impressed Joel Allen as well. Another relative newcomer to Birds and Mammals was Frank M. Chapman who had not pursued formal studies beyond high school. Eight years older than Granger, Chapman was born and raised in Englewood, New Jersey, not far from the museum. Like Granger, he was an avid ornithologist. He had begun at the museum as a volunteer and that led to an appointment in 1888 as associate curator under Joel Allen. Granger came to know Chapman well and the two were soon making field trips to Englewood to study birds. Granger was heartily devoting himself “to the art of preparing birds, mammals and reptiles [17].” However, contrary to what his long fossil-collecting career produced, in his later years, Granger modestly and incorrectly concluded “that he never had ‘the touch’ to become a true professional [18].” Working with specimens taught Granger much about zoological anatomy. His interest grew, and it was a bonus that he roomed with a young medical student who helped expand “his knowledge of the innards of the animal kingdom, not to mention their bones [19].” Granger was realizing that he wanted to get out of the halls of cadavers and into the field. That chance came in 1894, four years after his coming to AMNH, when Joel Allen assigned him to a fossil-hunting party led by Jacob Wortman working under Osborn. Wortman was a dentist who left the practice to hunt for fossils. He had worked under Edwin Drinker Cope of the famous Cope-Marsh ‘bone wars’ during the late 1880s. These bone wars were sparked by transcontinental track-laying crews who were discovering fossils in the American West as they ripped up the earth. It was a paleontological bonanza in America’s own backyard and fueled a huge competition to collect and study these prizes. The independently financed, Philadelphia-based Cope faced off with his Yale University-based counterpart Othniel C. Marsh to emerge as the two leading contestants in the battle. Back and forth it went as both men strove to outmaneuver and outdo each other. At times the contest grew bitter. Eventually both men became somewhat sullied and quite exhausted. But for paleontology and scientific advancement, as well as for

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burgeoning the prestige of American paleontologists around the world, it was a captivating episode. The relatively junior Osborn observed closely from his post at Princeton University as this raging battle produced vast riches in fossil specimens and published studies, and as it began to wear both men down. Henry Fairfield Osborn was born in 1857 into America’s most privileged class of politicans, businessmen and bankers, so-called “robber barons” included. Among his relatives was J. P. Morgan, or “Uncle Pierpont.” Morgan and Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., were co-founders of the American Museum in 1868. Apparently it was Morgan who convinced Osborn to leave Princeton to start a department of vertebrate paleontology at the Museum. When Osborn did so in 1890, Morgan began contributing $16,000 annually. He later also set up a publication fund and, in 1908, helped elevate Osborn to the presidency of the Museum. “In short, Henry Osborn’s family and socio-economic ties were magnificent, at the highest levels of American society and power, and would serve him well for most of his tenure at the American Museum from 1890 to 1933 [20].” Early Recognition For Birds and Mammals Department purposes, Granger’s 1894 expedition was termed the ‘Black Hills, South Dakota Expedition.’ It ran from May to November, and it collected 600 mammals. The small fossil hunting party Granger was attached to consisted of Jacob Wortman, his field assistant Olaf A. Peterson and a cook-photographer named Albert ‘Bill’ Thomson. Thomson was born and raised in Rapid City, South Dakota. As a teen, he learned to cook and run a team, so he hired out for field work. He and his rig met up with the Wortman party in Rapid City before heading into the nearby Black Hills. The group later ventured into parts of Nebraska and Kansas. Granger trapped and observed all along the way. Wearing a broad-rimmed hat and packing a six-shooter as did each of the group, Granger camped and collected in territories and landscapes totally new to him. This now 21-yearold Green Mountain lad eagerly absorbed it all. Huge, open vistas with great, rugged beauty lay everywhere before him. Distant mountain ranges stretched for miles, as did the plains leading up to them. Rugged cuts of badlands etched across miles of seemingly passive landscape. The air was clear and the views long. Spanning the horizon and sky

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was a 360-degree experience one could have simply by spinning on one’s heel. Different weather systems could play out for miles around and from miles away. This was not Vermont and although his primary love for Vermont would never leave his system, the American West, particularly Wyoming, soon occupied a close second. While the fossil hunters worked the basins and ranges scouring badlands and outcrops for fossils, Granger was busy trapping mammals and making notes on their activities and environs. The fauna and flora of that territory were as new to him as was the scenery. Systematic fieldnote-keeping, mapping and sketching was an essential part of scientific fieldwork, though it was yet to be widely practiced. Granger was among the first. Field photography was another advancement in scientific fieldwork which Thomson and Granger were among the first to practice. Granger was instantly drawn by the work of the other scientific team, the fossil hunters. Their study of ancient life also involved anatomy as they retrieved and puzzled together mineralized evidence of the structure and nature of primitive beasts that had roamed the prehistoric world. Expeditioning suited him very well. He had never even ventured outside of Vermont, except for nearby Saratoga Springs just over the state border in New York. New York City and Englewood, New Jersey, were now also known to him. But now he was captivated by the lands of the American West and the natural history that lay out there. This became an important part of his life and his story. He ventured out with the fossil hunters yet again in 1895, still a member of Allen’s Department of Birds and Mammals attached to Wortman’s fossil hunting party from Osborn’s Department of Vertebrate Paleontology. This time, however, change was in the wind. Within Birds and Mammals, Granger’s next two expeditions were the ‘New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming and Nebraska Expedition.’ The reference covered his second and third field seasons––that of 1895 to Utah and Wyoming and of 1896 to Nebraska, New Mexico and Wyoming. The joining together of that fieldwork reflected Granger’s transition from Birds and Mammals to Vertebrate Paleontology. Over the 1895 season, Granger had already begun collecting more and more with the fossil hunters during his spare time. To Wortman’s eye, he had a natural talent for the work and his field technique seemed wellsuited to Osborn’s requirements. It had become clear that Wortman’s assistant Olaf Peterson and Henry Osborn were not getting along, due to Osborn’s persistent criticism of Peterson’s fieldwork. Peterson ultimately resolved the matter by leaving the museum

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in the spring of 1896, before that field season. Granger took his place. Although he would always continue to collect mammals and birds when he could, by 1896, Granger had become a fulltime fossil hunter. In 1954, museum staffer A. E. Parr revised the history of the Department of Birds and Mammals highlighting Granger’s 1894 and 1895 collections as among the greatest contributions to the Department. Granger’s work for Allen, according to Parr, provided the basic elements for modern classification “and established their describer, J. A. Allen, as one of the key figures in taxonomy of the mammals of North America.” Allen had earlier recognized Granger’s contributions to the field by publishing within one of his volumes two papers prominently bearing his name: “Article VII. List of Mammals Collected in the Black Hills Region of South Dakota and in Western Kansas by Mr. Walter W. Granger, with Field Notes by the Collector” and “Article XV. List of Mammals collected by Mr. Walter W. Granger, in New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming and Nebraska, 1895-1896, with Field Notes by the Collector.” Keeping Account Good field documentation was an early Granger trademark and a practice he helped pioneer. His writing from the field went further, however, to include extensive letter writing during all his expeditions and diaries kept during two overseas expeditions. These expeditions were to the Fayum of Egypt in 1907 and the Central Asiatic Expeditions to China and Mongolia from 1921 to 1930. In both cases, Granger kept the only firsthand account. His account of the little-known but important 1907 Fayum expedition was published in 2002 as Bulletin 22 by the New Mexico Museum of Natural History. The highly acclaimed decade-long Central Asiatic Expeditions from 1921 to 1930, of course, capped Granger’s long career. Granger spent more time in Asia and in the field during this decade than did any other western member of the CAE. This book is the first account of the Central Asiatic Expeditions that incorporates Granger’s papers. This includes all five CAE Mongolia-Gobi expeditions and Granger’s four Yangtze Basin expeditions. Also included are the letters and diaries of Granger’s wife Anna, who accompanied him to China and joined in three of his four Yangtze Basin expeditions. All previous accounts of the CAE, which also are mentioned here, have been by Andrews or have relied solely on articles and books by Andrews. Andrews held a

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written contract with the AMNH giving him exclusive story rights to the CAE; all other participants were consigned to silence. Typically, and unfortunately, Andrews-centric, these versions are exaggerations and inevitably present an incomplete and at times quite inaccurate story of the CAE. The true story of the CAE is now being told. Andrews was a notoriously poor expedition documenter. AMNH records show that Andrews’s pre-CAE expeditions were as follows: 1909 - Quebec - Tadousac - Expedition (3 whales, 1 Harbor seal); 1910 - Dutch East Indies “Albatross” Expedition (70 mammals, 20 from Japan); 1912 - Korea Expedition (175 mammals, 175 birds); 1916 - First and Second Asiatic Expeditions from 1916 through 1930 (9300 mammals). No diary by Andrews has been produced concerning the First or Second Asiatic Expeditions or for the Third that followed, later known as the Central Asiatic Expeditions when it was renamed by Osborn in 1926(?). * Referring to himself as “Associate Curator of Mammals, Eastern Hemisphere,” Andrews did supply a short report on April 19, 1920 regarding the Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition of June, 1918 to November, 1919 [20a]. The report makes several interesting disclosures. From June, 1918 to April, 1919, Andrews’s time was “entirely occupied by work of the Bureau of Naval Intelligence, and field operations on behalf of the Museum did not begin until the first of April 1919.” While working for the Bureau, Andrews “made one trip to Mongolia, several journeys to Japan and, with my wife, one exceedingly interesting trip directly through the center of China in the Provinces of Honan and Hupeh. Although these travels did not show any tangible natural history results in the way of specimens, nevertheless they were of a great deal of value from the Museum’s standpoint for I was able to see much country which I would not otherwise have been able to visit.” The report continues: [On May 17, 1919,] I left with my wife and three Chinese assistants to cross Mongolia by motor car to Urga, the capital. This was selected as the base of operations for work in northern Urga, because it is at the junction of the Siberian and Centrral Asian life zones. At

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Urga, we obtained horses and carts and prepared for our work on the plains. From the first of June until the middle of July, we carried on investigations on the plains’ fauna, and during this time covered over 1,600 miles on horseback. We then returned to Urga and spent until the middle of September working in the forests to the north of the city; here, of course, we obtained a totally different fauna from that on the plains. We dispatched our specimens to Peking by camel caravans we, ourselves, following in motor cars and, on October 5, we were joined by the Reverend Harry R. Caldwell. Mr. Caldwell and I immediately started on a new trip to northern Shansi province, just south of the Mongolian frontier, with the special objective of obtaining big horn sheep and wapiti [20b]. Andrews and Caldwell returned to Peking on November 19th whereupon Caldwell immediately departed for Foochow feeling “that it was necessary to return to his mission work.” The motor car the Andrews occupied was not just used for the trip back to Peking {Kalgan] in 1919. It also enabled fieldwork. [S]pecial observations [were] made upon the speed of the Mongolian antelope. By means of the speedometers on our cars we were able to determine that beyond a doubt, the Mongolian antelope can reach a speed of sixty miles an hour [20c]. Although there was no mention of fossils in Andrews’s report to museum director Lucas, the seeds laid by Obruchev’s find, Borghese’s motorcar race, Granger’s Fayum expedition and Thomson’s ‘AutoBilly’ were already sprouting in museum president Osborn’s prophesized Asiatic Garden of Eden. Andrews’s 1918-1919 venture had been a test run for the Central Asiatic Expedition’s Mongolian exploits to follow.

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As far back as January of 1919, Osborn and Andrews had already obtained some fascinating information about fossils in China and Mongolia from J. G. Andersson. Through publication and word of mouth, Osborn became aware of Andersson’s fossil finds, first in China and now in Mongolia where he was finding mammal and possibly dinosaur fossils. One site in Inner Mongolia was not far from the location of Obruchev’s original find. Osborn wanted to know more. At his behest, Andrews arranged to meet with Andersson in Peking.

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Roy’s World For much of the decade before 1919, Andrews roamed various parts of Asia hunting whales and exotic land mammals for eventual display at the American Museum. Although he was called a zoologist, it was a loose application; Andrews did very little actual science. As a junior associate, Edwin Colbert, later put it: [Roy Chapman Andrews] published two monographs and several short papers on the Cetacea, and these were in essence the totality of his research publications. It became apparent to him early in his career that research was not his major interest; rather, he developed an overwhelming desire to carry on field work and exploration [21]. Andrews’s popular accounts of whale hunting not only had made his a household name early in his career, he by now was also very well-connected. At the Explorers Club as well as the Museum, he could count on Roosevelts and Morgans, Vilhjalmur Stefansson and other well-heeled members and/or famous explorers among his acquaintances. By 1915, however, the American Museum found fostering Andrews' whaling adventures too expensive. Hence he turned to big game for hunting, killing and display, a pursuit he hoped would keep him roaming throughout Asia, but still attached to the Museum from which he otherwise might have been let go. Henry Osborn’s museum wanted science, as well as collections, and if Andrews could not provide much of the former, he thought he surely could provide the latter. On March 10, 1916, the Museum agreed to enter into a 12-month contract with Andrews commissioning him to conduct a zoological survey of China south of the Yangtze, or north of it should political problems occur in the south. Andrews was to collect mammals, birds, fishes, reptiles and batrachians and photograph anything of zoological and ethnological interest. Primarily he was to “secure a series of small mammals and particularly those that are nocturnal, fossorial, cave dwelling, or aquatic,” as well as “a good series of the larger mammals, such as Tiger, Leopard, Takin, Serow, Goral, Sheep, etc. [22].” That suited his affinity for the high-powered hunting rifle with telescope and

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eventually a silencer. But he also was to note any fossils, meteorites, extraordinary minerals, pictographs, or other materials that might be of value to the Museum as well. This expedition was termed the “Asiatic Zoological Expedition of the American Museum of Natural History.” It later would become known as the “First Asiatic Zoological Expedition” or, simply, the “First Asiatic Expedition [23].” Andrews’s status with the Museum was that of freelancer or independent agent. The arrangement perhaps saved his career with the Museum. He was to be accompanied by his wife-photographer Yvette Borup, a French-born American who was educated in Germany until age 19 whom he married on October 7, 1914 [24]. The Andrews sailed aboard the SS Tenyo Maru departing April 1, 1916, for Peking via Japan and Korea and were to be joined in China by a highly-regarded, then freelancing zoologist-expeditioner Edmund Heller (1875-1939). Heller had accompanied Theodore Roosevelt on expediton to Africa in 1909-1910 and published a book with him in 1915 entitled Life-Histories of African Game Animals. Heller later held a position at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago and then successive directorships at two major zoos. Heller and Andrews would not get along well in China during the First Asiatic Expedition and parted company before returning to the US. When Heller’s sister inquired as to her brother’s whereabouts, Andrews, the expedition “leader,” had no idea [25]. Andrews was required to keep a journal of his daily movements and provide the Museum director reports of the country traversed and materials collected. In return, Andrews was paid $2,000, given the title “assistant curator of mammals,” and financed up to $11,000 by the Museum for expenses. Andrews also gained the sole right to prepare popular accounts of the expedition illustrated with his wife’s photographs for book or periodical publication and lecturing. As second-in-command Heller made $200 a month [26]. Despite her role as expedition photographer, no financial allotment was made to Yvette [26a]. Doing the Sidestep When Roy and Yvette Andrews left the US in April, 1916, President Woodrow Wilson’s war preparedness campaign was gearing up. For the Andrews, it was a good time to leave

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the country. While in Germany, Yvette had developed a close connection to and passion for the German royalty. As the clouds of World War I formed over Europe, Andrews himself became quite willing to help her express her views to the American public. Back on December 15, 1914, he contacted Cosmopolitan and The Ladies Home Journal as follows: Dear Sir, My wife, who was formerly Miss Yvette Borup, was educated in Germany at the Kaiserin Augusta Institute, and while there became an intimate friend of the Princess Victoria Louise, daughter of the German Emperor. During Mrs. Andrews’s school life much of her time was spent at the palace and she has many interesting things to tell about German court life. Only a short time ago she received a remarkable letter from the Kaiser’s daughter, who is now the Dutchess of Brunswick, in which she is told of her view of the war. It has occurred to me that your magazine might be interested in an article dealing with Mrs. Andrews’s memories of German court life and her school days with the Princess, whom she last visited at the time of her marraige [sic] in May, 1913, in Berlin. If such an article would interest you, I should be glad to take up the matter in regard to her writing it [27]. A few weeks later, Andrews received the following letter from The Vital Issue: Dear Sir: By my work for the Vital Issue I have become acquainted with Professor and Mrs. Sheperd. Mrs. Sheperd urged me to pay you a visit and I would thank you very much if you would appoint a time most convenient to you for my visit. The Vital Issue is fighting for fair play and justice on the side of Germany [28]. The normally hard to access Andrews replied: Gentlemen:

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Your letter of January 8 is at hand. I am in my office almost every day from 9:30 until 4:30 and will be glad to see you whenever you wish to call [29]. (First) Asiatic Zoological Expedition The First Asiatic Expedition party spent the first three months (March-May) in Fukien Province during, in Andrews’s words, “the rebellion against Yuan Shi-Kai." Fukien was well-removed from the trouble [30]. Another nine months were spent "conducting zoological explorations with a large expedition along the border of Tibet and Burma." Throughout, Andrews fed the publicity machine, further burnishing his image with exotic expeditioning, firearm wielding and big-game hunting. Not made public, however, was that he also nearly shot his wife an incident which then spooked Heller who began yelling out whenever he thought Andrews was close by with a loaded weapon in hand. As Andrews’s contract headed to a close on March 10, 1917, war-related events were not going well. President Wilson’s peace initiatives floundered, a number of U.S. merchant ships were being sunk by the Germans, and the Allied countries were not much friendlier because of continued U.S. abstention. But two events during this period –– the sinking on February 25, 1917, of the RMS Laconia returning to England from New York with American passengers aboard and public disclosure March 1, 1917 of the “Zimmerman Telegram” subterfuge regarding Mexico –- served to galvanize American resolve against Germany. While outright war had not yet been declared by the U.S., and would not be for another month, the prospect of entry into the war was clear. The timing and import of these developments were significant to Andrews. At contact’s end, Edmund Heller hastened off without disclosing his plans. He and Andrews had not hit it off. In the meantime, Andrews and Yvette decided not to return to the U.S. Instead they arranged to travel throughout Burma and across India for six months and then return to Peking. Timing was fortuitous: Yvette became pregnant. While Andrews later claimed [declared] he was anxious to join the war effort and fight in France, seven months passed before he and Yvette stepped back on U.S. soil. By then, October, 1917, not only was Yvette nearing full term, World War I was winding down.

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It was safe to go home. On August 1, 1917, Pope Benedict XV issued his appeal for worldwide peace. Wilson listened and began to assemble his fourteen points. The Allies agreed to meet in Paris on November 21, 1917, to initiate a coalition diplomacy called the Inter-Allied Conference. The U.S. became an associate military power in Europe with its own army and separate command. General Pershing, fresh from successfully leading an armed expeditionary force into Mexico, led the Allied Expeditionary Force into Europe. The theater and tide of war shifted to the Allies’s favor as American soldiers fought and died in Europe. American borders were secure. Danger to international shipping had lessened. It was safe to return. Andrews was never to be among the soldiers fighting in France. He settled comfortably back into life at the American Museum of Natural History, writing to his college chum, Harry Van Hovenberg, on December 17, 1917, that while: I am much interested in the war, but at present I cannot enlist, much as I should like to do for two reasons, one of them is my duty to Yvette [31]. * George Borup Andrews was born on December 26, 1917, a little more than nine months after the March 10, 1917, expiration of Andrews’s contract with the American Museum. It appears that Andrews’s interest in war had actually meant skirting it. Nearly a full six months after his letter to van Hovenberg and the birth of George, Andrews wrote to Henry Osborn, on June 7, 1918, that I have felt for some time that it was my duty to offer my service to the Government if they could be of use in war work. I find, however, that I have not had the necessary military experience for a commission, and that the men for officers' training camps are only selected from those of the draft [32]. Why neither a noncommissioned position nor entering the draft was acceptable to Andrews is not explained. Nor is it explained why it took him eight months after returning to the United States in October of 1917 to discover that he could not obtain an

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officer’s commission without requisite military experience. But by June of 1918, he surely knew that the chance of draft had lessened –– the Allies were more confident of winning the war. Had Andrews truly wanted to fight in France, he easily could have. He was able. Youngsters concealing their age or health were doing so. Andrews also was now associated with having considerable experience with a weapon and derring do. Many an American lad had signed up to fight with much less rifle time and far fewer claimed big game kills and near misses than Andrews. But Andrews wasn’t going to step forward. He had invoked a second obligation in his duty-to-Yvette, December 17, 1917, letter to Van Hovenberg. This one was to the American Museum of Natural History and Henry Osborn himself: [In addition to Yvette,] the other [duty I have is] to the Museum. They have spent a good deal of money upon my trip and the President feels very strongly that I should get the material in shape before going away [33]. To which he added: I am trying to do my bit [for the war effort] by endeavoring to get the Government to take up the use of whale meat for food for I believe that it will have a very important bearing upon the food supply [34]. In sum, not long after returning to the U.S. from China, Andrews furnished Van Hovenberg with the two reasons already in hand for why he had not and would not be pursuing combat. There was a third. * Andrews’s purported endeavor to put Americans on whale meat notwithstanding, the need to put his Asia collection in order was real and not to Osborn’s liking. Osborn was somewhat aghast that Andrews showed so little interest in producing any scientific

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studies on his Asian collection. Yet, not only did Andrews fail to tackle that research, he suggested passing it on to others to do it for him [35]. Following that tack, which he got away with, he then made another by pitching an alternative to Osborn. In thar June 18, 1918, letter to Osborn, Andrews made this proposition: I have just returned from Washington where I have examined the collections from China in the U.S. National Museum. I am greatly disappointed for I had expected that they would supplement the material which we obtained in the Province of Yun-nan; instead I find that it is of little aid in elucidating the problems which have arisen in my study of the specimens gathered by our [First] Asiatic Zoological Expedition. I have felt for some time that it was my duty to offer my service[s] to the Government if they could be of use in war work. I find, however, that I have not had the necessary military experience for a commission, and that the men for officers' training camps are only selected from those of the draft. It seems, therefore, that I cannot be of great service to the Government at this time. Under these conditions, I feel that I ought to continue my scientific work, but it will be practically impossible to do so without returning to China in the near future. I shall have to make a survey of northern China and continguous regions in order to properly interpret the zoological results which we obtained in southern China. It would not be necessary to carry on such an extensive expedition as the one from which we returned in October, 1917, for this should be more in the light of a reconnaissance than for the purpose of making a large general collection. This work could, I believe, be carried on for a year with an appropriation of $5,000, and I feel that it is of the utmost importance to undertake it in the very near future [36]. Obviously, Andrews was angling for a respectable way to leave town as soon as possible, but it was not to go to France and fight. Au contraire, back in that same December 17, 1917, letter to Harry Van Hovenberg written barely two months after returning from Asia, Andrews had already tipped his hand, complaining that

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New York gets on our nerves pretty badly after the life in the East and were it not for the war we should go back to the Orient as soon as possible. Both of us love it there and I often wonder whether the rush and hurry of the city with its hundreds of things to do are really worth while [37]. ‘Reynolds’ and the ONI Andrews’s purported quest for “war work” cum returning-to-the-Orient had taken him to Washington, D.C., in the spring of 1918 where, blessed by Henry Osborn, Gilbert Grovesnor and others, he engaged the old-boy network. Ultimately he met up with Captain Roger Welles Jr., a field intelligence officer, amateur minerologist and zoologist [?and friend of Osborn and Teddy Roosevelt / or just Andrews?] who had returned from South America to take charge of the US Navy’s Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) in April, 1917. The appointment was followed by a quick promotion to Rear Admiral. The ONI was in the process of establishing a worldwide network of paid civilian informants working under cover of their otherwise benign-appearing professions –– nurses, businessmen, missionaries, news reporters, travellers and so on. These were not professionally trained spies, nor did they join the military or hold rank. Despite later claims, Andrews never served in the military or operated as a trained spy. He, along with many other civilians, simply operated under cover of their given professions, passing along to an ONI contact whatever information they thought might be of significance. It was up to the ONI to decide whether it was. As a museum curator on expedition for big game, Andrews offered logical access to Inner and Outer Mongolia. That seemed promising to the ONI which was deeply interested in Bolshevik-era Russia. Andrews filed an application with the ONI on June 5, 1918, to engage as a civilian informant for pay while operating in China and the Mongolias as a field zoologist and curator for the American Museum of Natural History. America’s scientific elite were listed as his references: Henry Fairfield Osborn for the American Museum of Natural History, Gilbert H. Grosvenor for the National Geographic Society and C. Hart Merriam for the US National Museum (now the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History).

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Rear Admiral Welles and the ONI quickly approved Andrews’s application and American Museum scientific fieldwork and U.S. military intelligence were thus conjoined with the approval of those at the highest levels. Why? The answer is twofold: science and politics. Osborn wasn’t just a scientist: he was an expansionist, and it was time to expand. Some time in the fall of 1917, the Museum made inquiry of all employees concerning their citizenship. On December 3, 1917, in response to one of his curators, still a Canadian citizen, about whether to change citizenship, Osborn replied I am disposed to think that American citizenship would help you..., even more than your Canadian citizenship, owing partly to the circumstance that America is destined to play such a very large part in the world’s history during the next two or three years [HFO to WDM, 12/3/17]. Geopolitics and Global Ambition Osborn had found the way to play a part in pursuing America’s global destiny, as well as the Museum’s. One great remaining unknown geographically, economically and scientifically during this time was the region of Inner and Outer Mongolia where Admiral Welles, along with Osborn and a few American financiers, was now turning his attention. It was not coincidental that the ONI aspect of this exploit was backed by heads of the American Museum of Natural History, the U.S. National Museum and the National Geographic Society, or that Andrews later published in National Geographic Society magazine (US) and Geographical Journal (London). Soon after the United States entered the First World War, [one] Dr. Isaiah Bowman placed the facilities of the American Geographical Society at the Government's disposal, and, as a consequence, the Society's building became the headquarters of the "Inquiry," a group of some 150 geographers, historians, economists, statisticians, and experts in government and international law which Colonel House assembled at President Wilson's request to gather and organize information for the coming peace conference. When Wilson and the American delegation sailed for France in December, 1918, they took with them the leading members of the "Inquiry" staff and many maps

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and books from the Society's collections. Bowman played an influential part in the work of the "Inquiry" and more especially in Paris during the following two years, serving as adviser on geographical matters to the American Commission and in an executive capacity within the delegation. This experience brought him a wide circle of acquaintances among scholars, statesmen, and men of affairs. In addition to the American Geographical Society, Bowman, like Osborn, was a member of the National Academy of Sciences and Explorers Club. Under Wilson, Bowman’s American geographical policy was now in effect. The Central Asiatic Expeditions was to be a significant spearhead into that region. For all the hullabaloo about the origin of ancient beasts and man, what held equal if not greater importance was mapping the place (geography) and evaluating its resources (geology). But, of course, neither of these could be done outright. They had to be given the context, or cover, of science or questions might arise. Since the Chinese and Mongolians of those days still cared little about the preservation and retention of their fossils and artifacts, that became the avenue of approach for the CAE. The rest followed. One cannot understand a fossil find without noting its geological setting. The particular geological settings of each cannot be more fully comprehended without incorporating them into a larger geographical overview. Geography, as one definition tells us, is “a science that deals with the description, distribution, and interaction of the diverse physical, biological, and cultural features of the earth's surface.” Or, as another states, “the science dealing with the areal differentiation of the earth's surface, as shown in the character, arrangement, and interrelations over the world of such elements as climate, elevation, soil, vegetation, population, land use, industries, or states, and of the unit areas formed by the complex of these individual elements; the topographical features of a region....” This is precisely how the thinkers of 1900 deduced their intercontinental mammalian similarities, origin and dispersal theory, They were thinking geographically. The bones had told them to do so. It is also why all the lands of the globe had to become theirs. They needed to investigate on a world wide basis. There were marked similarities in bones

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found on continents separated by huge expanses of water. Therefore these seemingly separate continents were apparently somehow interrelated. How did that happen? Ultimately, solving that answer came with the notion of ‘Pangea’ –– that the various separate land masses we know today as the continents by their various names were once joined into one big clump surrounded by one big ocean. As the earth spun on, the clump slowly broke apart to configure the continental distribution we know today. For the Americans, this unfortunate [unavoidable] global distribution of valuable land masses is what aligned the goals of the earth scientists with those of the military and the financiers. Already members of the same institutions, organizations and clubs, these men cooperated and combined [orchestrated] to push [peddle, advance] their interests forward all over the globe, or at least wherever it mattered anyway. China and the Mongolias were among them. Coordinating their respective objectives like the arms of a great octopus, the American men of great influence and power put their various departments [spheres. sectors, operations] in motion. Osborn’s collaboration with Admiral Welles placed Andrews at the tip of the spear they would hurl into Asia. A natural history museum curator on expedition was an excellent cover for surreptitiously gathering information for the Navy’s intelligence analyst to digest. Osborn would benefit from it as well. Andrews, * The ONI had approved Andrews' application on June 10, 1918, just five days after he’d submitted it. That meant that from the moment Andrews returned to the US in October, 1917, when the tide of war was already turned in favor of the Allies, he had spent eight months "organizing" his Asian collection at the American Museum. When he finally did apply for "war work," it was to the ONI for an assignment in Asia where the interest clearly had a post-World War I focus. World War I had come to a close. Armistice Day was about to be set, a new world order was about to emerge, and Andrews was lining up another adventure at one of its frontiers. But this was not just about the ONI spying in the shaping of a new world order with its consequent geopolitical strategizing, economic opportunizing and military assessing. Henry Osborn also needed secret eyes in Asia and had made a deal with Andrews.

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Serving as Instruments When Andrews returned to China on June 29, 1918, aboard the S.S. Ecuador out of San Francisco, Yvette following a few months later, he carried two contracts. One was a yearlong agreement with the ONI to scour about China and the Mongolias at $8.00 per day (instead of the usual $4.00 plus costs and expenses) under the guise of Museum work. He was given the codename ‘Reynolds.’ He was to provide written reports in dissovable ink to US Naval Attaché Commander Irwin Van Gorder Gillis (1875-1948) in Peking on whatever he thought was of interest. Gillis was to decide whether it had value [38]. Andrews’s ONI pay came to double the going rate because the remainder of his costs and expenses to operate in Asia were going to be picked up by the American Museum. Andrews' second contract was an overlapping eighteen-month agreement with the American Museum of Natural History which provided the cover for Andrews’s ONI work. Andrews was to conduct fieldwork for the Museum as the "Second Zoological Asiatic Expedition." Since the two contracts ran concurrently, there would be six months left to go on the AMNH contract once the ONI contract expired. Andrews' deal with the ONI had resolved his somewhat stalled relationship with the Museum. As with the whales ventures earlier, Osborn not only had found he no further need for more big-game, but was still waiting for Andrews to write up his First Asiatic Expedition report. Nevertheless Osborn was also quick to recognize the opportunity presented as World War I wound down and reports of new scientific work by a Swedish geologist in China were emerging. Reminiscent of the Fayum in 1907 when the Museum’s pioneering exploit helped serve US foreign policy and US President Theodore Roosevelt supplied it with a letter of introduction, US foreign policy needs could now serve the Museum. As with Rear Admiral Welles, Osborn wanted someone snooping around in China and Mongolia. By 1918, there were significant developments in geologic and paleontologic fieldwork in China, particularly by Swedish geologist Johan Gunnar Andersson, and inferences of the same for Inner Mongolia. Osborn needed eyes on the situation. The ONI’s needs provided Osborn with route and rationale. The Museum’s largess on behalf

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of American interests provided ‘Mr. Reynolds’ with cover and funding. Andrews’s had the fame, and the Museum the prestige, to carry all this out in a plausible way. Funding the entirety of Andrews’s costs and expenses simply furthered Osborn’s primary interest –– reconnaissance and inquiry, especially as to Andersson. Andrews’s First Asiatic expedition contract served as a prototype for the second though restyled somewhat to accommodate his ONI work. Andrews was to conduct a zoological survey of whatever regions he thought important, while collecting, photographing and recording data. This was an unfettered geographical expansion of his earlier work. Again he was to keep an eye out for fossils, extraordinary minerals, meteorites, pictographs and items of ethnological interest. But there was no provision this time for “free entry of goods” through customs. Apparently, Andrews wasn’t really expected to collect specimens for shipment back to the Museum. Financial terms were deleted entirely from this second contract. Andrews’s salary was to be paid by the ONI for the first twelve months. Because the Museum agreed to fund all personal and expedition expenses for the entire contract period, the ONI doubled Andrews’s per diem pay. The museum was in essence enabling both missions –– the ONI’s and its own –– while Andrews’s pockets were filled handsomely. No provision was made for an assistant thus time, although Yvette did travel with Andrews into Mongolia. As he later wrote concerning this Second Asiatic Expedition “My wife, who is ever my best assistant in the field, was responsible for all the photographic work of the expedition and I have drawn much upon her daily "Journals" in the preparation of this book [38a].”

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1918 The United States entered the Great War in April of 1917 to protect the welfare of the entire globe by ending European combat. The unique, broader opportunity amidst the madness was the opportunity to globalize American values –– “to establish a new world order, to establish principles of democracy [39].” By June, 1918, as war events turned favorably for the Allies, some in America looking beyond the upcoming peace talks were nervous about what they saw. The U.S. Navy, for example, had become anxious over a worst-case postwar scenario involving the more powerful navies of Britain and Japan. The British now virtually ruled the seas. The Japanese were not far behind and, strategically, it was better positioned than the British. If Asia was the next prize, Japan was at its doorstep. The British and, for that matter, the Americans, were an ocean’s span away. Naval power was not just ships, but geography. In the winter of 1921, journalist Guy Morrison Walker reminded that Twenty one years ago [in 1900] in a public address I called the attention of our American people to the position which they had attained in the Far East by the acquisition of the Phillipines, and invited them from that point of vantage to look over into the Promised Land of China [40]. But, as the first world war drew to a close, the strength of the U.S. Navy paled by comparison to those of Britain and Japan. And if these two island empires were to join forces, their combined naval power would be devastating. A foothold in the Phillipines or Hawaii for that matter would mean nothing. Yet many Americans were tired of war and geopolitics, They had all they needed right at home: an American could walk for thousands of miles across the land and never need a watercraft for anything more than a river crossing. The war-weary American domestic political climate was not in the Navy’s favor. [Perhaps commerce would be.]

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Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition, 1918-1919 For the Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition, the Museum added the request that, in addition to mammals and birds, Andrews collect “obtain data of ethnological, anthropological interest whenever it is possible and to this end should engage competent interpreters through whom you can converse with the natives with whom you come into contact [41][42].” Andrews was scheduled to set sail for China aboard the S.S. Ecuador on June 19, 1918, but actually left several days later on another ship with Yvette. Once in China, he met up with Harry R. Caldwell, a missionary and big-game hunter with whom Andrews had been corresponding since 1915 after learning of his hunting ventures in China through a Captain Holcomb [43]. Caldwell was a Methodist missionary in Foochow and representative of the Centenary Commission, Board of Foreign Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church in New York City. A tiger hunter, naturalist, and author of books such as The Blue Tiger, and South China Birds, he once held the world record for shooting bighorn sheep and was endorsed by Savage Arms Company because he prominently used their ”.22 High Power” Savage 99 lever action rifle [44]. Caldwell later collected some of the mammals attributed to Second Asiatic Zoological Expedition and wrote up a description of life in China for Andrews to use in his own book, unattributed [45]. But first, Caldwell accompanied Andrews on his ONI probe into Mongolia. Part of their assignment, apparently, was to try to check on the status of the ‘Czech Legion’ affair in Siberia [fn]. At some point, most likely during this phase with Caldwell on ONI work, Andrews recorded eleven different campsites at locations in various directions from Urga. In his otherwise scant 1918-1919 fieldbook, Andrews noted as follows: 1.) Pang-kiang 2.) Iren Dabasu (Mongol name); Erhlien (Chinese) 3.) Tuerin 4.) 20 mi. S. W. of Urga, Tola River Valley 5.) 80 mi. W. of Urga, Tola River Valley 6.) 30 mi. N. E. of Tze Tzen Wang

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7.) Tze Tzen Wang 8.) 40 mi. S. W. of Tze Tzen Wang 9.) Ongin River 10.) Sain Noin Khan, alt. 7,000 ft. 11.) Sain Noin Khan, alt. 8,000 ft. (forest) [47]. These were the very locations visited by the CAE in 1922. The references to ‘Sain Noin Khan’ (or Sain Noin) at 10 and 11 placed Andrews roughly three hundred miles west southwest of Urga by 1918-1919 and well into Outer Mongolia. It was a popular hunting site reached overland by motorcar. Urga friend Oscar Mamen, a Norwegian hunterphotographer experienced with Mongolia, confirmed this when he wrote to Andrews in March of 1920 that “[if political conditions improve], I hope I shall be able to take my car and run over to Sain Noin [to hunt] in the very near future...” [Bull 19, p. 46., fn 101] In 1922, Sain Noin became the western-most terminus of the CAE’s first Mongolia venture. After reaching it, the expedition essentially turned around and headed back to Kalgan mostly along a main east-west caravan and postal route. Clearly then, Andrews and the CAE were not the first to access the Sain Noin region by motorcar. His friends had done it before, as had he. Mamen’s letter raises an interesting question: how did he intend to handle the logistics for driving across the Mongolian plains from Urga to Sain Noin and back? That’s roughly 600 miles roundtrip of off-road driving at around seven miles per gallon. That would require 85.7 gallons of fuel, assuming a flat road. There certainly were no gas stations, or restaurants, or stores along the way. Yet such a venture required not only having sufficient fuel, but oil, grease, essential spares, food, water, clothing and hunting and camping gear. In any event, for part of the time from mid-1918 to early-1919, Andrews cavorted in Mongolia with his new-found friends including Caldwell, Mamen, American entrepreneur Charles Coltman, Swedish missionary Joel Eriksson and missionary-cumentrepreneur Franz Larson [45a]. All the while, he apprised Osborn in New York and, by letter written in invisible ink, Commander Gillis in Peking [46]. Yvette, largely stood by in Peking with young George, and occasionally writing letters of her own.

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“Highly indiscreet...” "Highly indiscreet letter has been written by Reynold's wife, requesting that his family be informed as to the nature of his mission. Order Reynolds home to report to this Office," growled a NAVINTEL telegram on January 24, 1919. Following that, on February 6, 1919, the Acting Secretary of State cabled the American Minister in Peking about "reports" he'd received "through censorship" that "information is being circulated by Mrs. Roy Chapman Andrews to effect that her husband is on a secret Government mission. Whether founded on fact or not, such publicity is unfortunate." Perhaps Yvette wanted to offset any feeling back home that her husband had dodged the war. In any event, the Acting Secretary then instructed the American Minister in Peking to report on the nature of Andrews' mission and connections "after discreet investigation." By now, Rear Admiral Welles had departed the ONI (in January) but had yet to be replaced by Rear Admiral Albert P. Niblack (in May). The American Minister complied and on March 4, 1919, reported that Andrews, "the well-known naturalist and explorer," was retained by the Navy Department "to make investigations for the Naval Attaché [Commander Irwin Van Gorder Gillis] in Peking." The matter was forwarded to Captain George W. Williams, U.S.N., Acting Director of Naval Intelligence, on March 7, 1919. Of course, by then, the Navy already knew it had a problem. Andrews was fired although precisley when Andrews is not clear. His contract specified termination "at any time upon thirty days written notice." In his final report on the Second Asiatic Expedition a year later (April 19, 1920), Andrews indicated that his ONI work terminated sometime in March of 1919. In any event, Andrews planned to head back to Urga by motorcar with Yvette under the auspices of his remaining contract with AMNH. He was now somewhat familiar with locations within Inner Mongolia as well the Urga region of Outer Mongolia. He had made contacts with westerners who lived and worked in this region and knew the area very well, Larson and Eriksson in particular. What Andrews knew by then, Osborn also knew. Much of the forthcoming ‘historic’ 1922 CAE Mongolian route, all but the hypotenuse, an easily drivable major east-west camel caravan route, had been traveled by Andrews three years before, and it wasn’t by

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horseback. Motorcars would work on the Mongolian plains and funding such exploration would pay off. For there was more –– there were fossils to be had. The Andersson-Andrews Meetings Although supposedly still working for the ONI in January of 1919, Andrews made arrangements to meet with the Swedish geologist Johan G. Andersson working out of Peking. The meeting extended over two days, the 18th and 19th. Andersson, who was stationed in Peking as a mining advisor to the Chinese government, had been making several successful artefact and fossil hunting expeditions within China and was now making plans for a large-scale expedition to Inner Mongolia. Andersson had begun by amassing a considerable collection of early plant fossils he discovered in southern China. But, in shipping the collection back to Peking, all was lost when the S.S. Peking sank en route. In the meantime, Russian paleontologist, A. N. Krystofovich, had discovered a dinosaur deposit near the Amur River in Heilungkiang Province in extreme northern Manchuria. The Russians collected there successfully until 1917 finding "three or four species representing widely different groups of dinosaurs." [Andersson]. By 1916, Andersson was wandering through parts of southern China collecting whatever he could. He and an assistant spent long periods conducting their fieldwork and "live alternately in country farms and small village temples." [Andersson.] In southern Shansi Province Andersson discovered mollusk fossils. At Yuan Chu Hsien in Honan Province he found fossils of of freshwater shells which indicated, for the first time, the occurrence of Eocene deposits in China. In 1917, the Chinese Geological Survey resolved to determine where to locate the socalled dragon's bones, fossils ground up for use as powdered medicine. Presumably it would be in China's Tertiary deposits. [Andersson.] The Survey directed an inquiry to mission stations and foreigners throughout China asking for information and assistance in this quest and received immediate responses from missionaries in southern China and eastern Inner Mongolia. Andersson decided to begin his search for dragon bones in [central] Honan Province. Almost immediately, he was able to examine a rhinocerous

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skull and as well as the loess deposits south-east of Honan-fu where the skull was said to have been found. In 1918, he discovered prehistoric coral-like animals and recognized their connection to similar fossils found in the pre-Cambrian area of North America. [Andersson)]. Also in 1918, Andersson also located the first Hipparion field known to exist in China. By now Andersson had heard that there were fossils to be found in Inner Mongolia as well. He began making plans Andrews’s two day meeting with Andersson over January 18 and 19, 1919, was at Osborn’s request. As this exchange was being digested on both sides, Andersson followed up by contacting W. D. Matthew at the Museum’s paleontology department about fossil eggs. For the moment, it appeared, Andersson seemed comfortable with disclosing information to the Museum. On April 24, he wrote to Matthew I desire to call your attention to the big bird's egg of which now quite a number of specimens are known to me from different provinces and widely different altitudes above sea level. The eggs are about 18 centimeters long, of somewhat variable, short ovoid or elliptical shape. They are found in the soil, in one case as deep as 30 feet, but I have so far never seen an egg in situ or been able to state definitely in what kind of sediment these eggs occurred. As far as I know these eggs are always complete, never broken or crushed in their natural site. They may be broken, of course, by careless digging when they are found. But natural agencies seem always to have left them untouched, an empty shell with a little yellowish powder inside. That they have been able to resist the pressure of overlying earth layers is a matter I am not able to understand, and I sometimes think that the whole thing may be a mystification, but as the eggs have been found from time to time in widely different places by the local population, I think it can hardly be denied that we here have to do with a prehistoric extinct bird of remarkable dimensions. Andersson wrote more:

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I have recently procured a complete specimen and two others have passed through my hands for measurements and examination. The shell is whitish gray or brown, a little more than 2 millimeters thick and showing two distinct layers of different structure. In my Shantung trip one of my collectors came to a place where some years ago a farmer had digged [sic] out four eggs lying close together and indicating as I imagine a nest of the mysterious bird. Two eggs were taken out unbroken, but considered valueless. They were used as stoppers for some pottery vessels containing oil to protect the content against the dust. The children played with these remarkable stoppers and so they were broken, consequently I could procure only a fragment of a shell. Andersson wrote Matthew again on May 6, 1919, with additional information and photographs about "the supposed subfossil big bird's egg" and to repeat his desire "to get you or your colleagues' expert opinion on the true nature of these somewhat doubtful eggs." Matthew replied on September 8, 1919: Your letters of April 24th and May 6th with accompanying photographs have been of the greatest interest to my colleagues and myself. Director Lucas has already written to you regarding the fossil eggs, and we will follow the matter up further with the help of the information you have given us. The extraordinary resistence of the eggs to pressure is a point of interest to me as I have noted a similar resistence in a small way in the delicate tympanic bullae of many fossil mammal skulls when preserved in windblown or volcanic dust. In such deposits they are usually empty, where as if buried in mud or river deposits they would be filled with matrix, and are much more often crushed and broken. But, by now Andersson had started to wonder whether he’d been had. Indeed, just six months after meeting with Andersson in January, and by the time of Matthew’s reply, Andrews was boasting to his friend Henry Van Hoevenberg:

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We have planned a big expedition; one which will be more important than any other scientific expedition which has been sent out from America so far. It will cost close on to a quarter of a million dollars and will continue for five years... We are going on a hunt for primitive man as well as zoology [48].

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More Background One morning, riding in a rickshaw Down Nanking Road in Shanghai I watched six coolies struggling, single-file, A rope stretched tight Across their backs and shoulders, Their faces grim and twisted, Slowly pulling A great load of heavy broken rocks On a protesting two-wheeled cart. And hanging on the rope Between two of the straining men There was a bird-cage. And the bird was singing [49]. No more treacherous place existed for the CAE workers than the politically unstable, warlord-torn, bandit-ridden Yangtze Basin of China. In addition, Yangtze River travel itself always posed a threat. The dangers they encountered on these ventures were wideranging and often formidable. The Grangers spent four winter seasons there in between the five summer seasons Granger spent in Inner and Outer Mongolia. CAE herpetologist Clifford H. Pope made shorter trips between 1921 and 1926 and he did not go into the Gobi. CAE archaeologist Nels C. Nelson and his wife Ethlyn spent two winter seasons in the Yangzte in between his ?two summer seasons in the Mongolias. Granger’s scientific results from the Yangtze area would be less significant in comparison to that from the Mongolias. His Mongolia work would attract attention worldwide for decades and commence fieldwork that continues to this day. It would also be his pioneering presence as the first trained scientist to investigate and produce results in both regions that constituted a major achievement. The American scientific venture grabbed the spotlight practically overnight. Others were left only to follow it all in press accounts.

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Traveling about in China and Mongolia in 1921 offered a potpourri. The Peking scene was quite refined. The foreigners had their walled compounds, special privileges and endless pleasures. Travel outside of Peking generally wasn't bad because it was usually done in luxury. Even the Mongolias, rugged and wild, were, except for rogue Russian killing squads, peaceful, even gentle. Women travelled the auto route between Urga and Kalgan with considerable normality. In the spring of 1922, the wife of a Buriat dignitary felt free to divert her car off the auto route and over to Granger's field camp at Iren Dabasu in Inner Mongolia to drop off the Urgan passports required for travel into Outer Mongolia! The ‘wild west,’ if anywhere, was in the Yangtze River area. The region was hostile from a variety of quarters and for a number of reasons. While westerners earlier had been held to be immune from much of it, that changes considerably during the 1920s [50]. It was still understood in 1921 that foreigners had immunity during riots and revolutions. But recent ‘small outrages’ against them were beginning to occur. Moreover, Sichuan Province was in a state of rebellion against Peking. The embryonic and prosperous South China Republic was also fighting for independence. Granger’s undertaking to venture into this arena for the sake of science was impressive: J. G. Andersson and the Chinese had declined to go. * For the most part, Andrews could only read or hear about adventure and near-calamity because, other than photographs and scant motion picture film left from the Central Asiatic Expeditions (much of the Expedition’s film was destroyed as edited segments were thrown away and much of what was left was then lost to acidic deterioration), Walter and Anna Grangers’ diaries and letters constituted the only written firsthand and near-complete narrative of the CAE’s experiences in China and the Mongolias from 1921 to 1930. As to Mongolia, Granger’s diaries and letters supplied whatever factual, chronological, descriptive and scientific data Andrews later needed for his popular accounts of the CAE, always limited to Mongolia, as well as his first multi-authored volume of a not completed multi-volume set published by the AMNH under the title “Conquest of Central Asia.” There, again, Andrews only wrote about Mongolia. The trademark embellishments of adventure and near-calamity overlain, interposed and

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interwoven by Andrews were, for the most part, not really his experiences, but those of others, including Granger (eg., being shot at). Walter Granger: a Quiet Legend Andrews was 12 when 23-year old Walter Granger officially turned fossil hunter and transferred into Henry Osborn’s paleontology department in the spring of 1896. Now as pivotal to the CAE as he had been on earlier Department expeditions, Granger was considered ‘the mainspring’ of the Museum’s Department of Vertebrate Paleontology. Not only could he get along with Osborn, he’d become his lead collector and ‘right hand man.’ “He was a first-class, behind-the-scenes guy who did what was necessary to make things work [51].” Physically fit, nearly six feet tall, rail trim, blue-eyed, good-looking Vermonter with a slender face, high cheekbones and a moustache, Walter Willis Granger was born in Middletown Springs on November 11, 1872, not far from Rutland where his parents lived. Walter’s grandfather, Ada’s father Dr. Sylvanus Haynes assisted with the delivery. Haynes had lived with his family and practiced medicine in the small, but prosperous mountain hamlet of Middletown Springs. His daughter Ada Haynes met Charles Granger there while Charles’ father, the Reverend Calvin Granger, presided over the Congregational Church from 1858 to 1864 on the village square just steps from Ada's home. Charles was 15 in 1858; Ada was 12. They were married in Middletown Springs in 1870. Walter inherited the “Haynes ears,” those which protruded slightly more than usual. They were less noticeable, however, once he aged and lost the slenderness in his face. Also, in his adolescence, his narrow eyes appeared to squint which, placed high on his long, thin, teenager face, gave him a sleepy look. That earned him the nickname “Sleepy.” The name never left Vermont, though he was often reminded of it by old chums whenever he returned. For the rest of his life, he was simply known “Walter.” Except to Andrews who called him “Walt.” Patient, methodical and careful, he had one of the most skilled sets of hands and minds of any fossil-hunter in history, Granger was unruffable. Always civil and gentle, speaking quietly and thoughtfully in a low, hearty voice, he often pausing to take a draw on his pipe (he occasionally also smoked a cigar or cigarette) while he collected his thoughts. (To one young namesake, Walter Granger Beckwith, Granger always seemed to smell

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like pipe tobacco smoke.) Always fun, easy-going, easy to be around, he didn’t ignore, but didn’t dote. He was a centered and balanced man comfortable in almost any setting at almost any level in almost any company and country. Nearly universally, he was wellrespected and well-liked.

Artist of the Outcrop By the spring of 1896, Granger had become Wortman’s first assistant. They took to the field and, with two other men in their small party, headed for Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. This was on their way into the San Juan Basin to explore for fossils. Chaco Canyon was a newly-discovered Anazasi ruin that had just been opened by amateur archaeologist Richard A. Wetherill, as the Museum was aware. When not running cattle, rancher Wetherill studied the archeology of Indian sites in his area. His Chaco Canyon project coincided with the establishment of a trading post there by his brother Al in the fall of 1895. Wortman and Wetherill had known each other since 1893 when Wetherill served as a guide out of Mancos, Colorado. Osborn had sent Wortman to investigate a report of fossils in the McElmo Canyon area. Wetherill took him in. The fossils appeared to be saurian, but were so badly weathered that Wortman felt it was not worth collecting them. Nonetheless, this became the Museum’s first “foray into dinosaur paleontology [52].” Wetherill had experience with archaeological digs and had already worked at Mesa Verde under the auspices of the Hyde Exploring Expedition, sponsored by money heirs Talbot and Frederick Hyde of New York City. With their continued backing and nominal guidance from the American Museum’s F. W. Putnam, also of Harvard University, Wetherill tackled Pueblo Bonito with the assistance his brother Clayton, friend Orion Buck, and one of Putnam’s unseasoned students, George H. Pepper. Wetherill’s work in Chaco Canyon was termed the Hyde Exploring Expedition, and the Wortman group wished to have a look for themselves. They rode in by horseback and wagon to greet Wetherill camped behind the rear wall of the largest of the ruins, Pueblo Bonito. Other Anasazi dwellings and kivas lay in shambles all about the pretty valley. More sat atop a sheer cliff only yards away from Wetherill’s kitchen and wood cook

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stove which he had set up against Pueblo Bonito’s rear wall. The two parties visited for several days. Granger took photographs of the area, including one of Wortman posed at a ruin. Granger later pasted these into his American West expedition photograph album. Bracketed by Durango, Colorado, to the north and Cuba, New Mexico, to the south, the San Juan Basin sits 850 feet below the surrounding surface of a plateau ringed by dramatic mountain ranges such as the San Juan, the Nacimiento, the Zuni and the Chuska. The Animas and San Juan rivers are the main water courses flowing through the Nacimiento Formation section of the Basin. Angel Peak overlooks them from the south. Wortman had been in this part the country before in 1892 after he had begun working for Osborn. Earlier, Cope had explored the area by horseback, as had another of his assistants, David Baldwin. This was the age of fossil mammal discoveries in the San Juan Basin. The Paleocene Nacimiento Formation, rich and now “famous for its early Paleocene vertebrate fossils” held geological layers of emerging and evolving mammals [53]. The field studies that began with Cope in 1875 led to a classification technique known as biostatigraphic zonation. This enabled correlation among and comparison between the San Juan Basin fauna and “other early Paleocene mammal faunas of North America [54].” Two of the eight biostratigraphic zones now established for the Nacimiento Formation include namings in honor of Granger: the P. opisthacus - Ellipsodon grangeri Zone and the E. grangeri - Arctocyon ferox Zone [55]. Henry Snyder was that season’s cook and field assistant. A young Barnum Brown, later of Tyannosaurus Rex fame, also went as a college intern. Thomson rejoined the team in 1897 when he and Granger headed off to a mammal quarry in Hay Springs, Nebraska, while Wortman, Brown and Harold W. Menke made their way to Como Bluff, Wyoming, to reopen a site Othniel Marsh had excavated earlier. After finishing in the San Juan Basin and joining up with another college student Elmer Riggs for more work in Wyoming, the party returned east by way of Como Bluff. Como Bluff was Marsh’s old fossil mammal site situated near Medicine Bow. Wortman wanted to make a brief inspection and report to Osborn on whether it appeared to hold sufficient material worthy of further exploration.

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All agreed that Como Bluff held promise and Osborn consequently sent Brown and Harold W. Menke back out that following spring of 1897 to work under to supervision of two local university professors, Wilbur C. Knight and William H. Reed, until Wortman could take over in June. Mammals were found, to be sure. And soon so were dinosaurs. Osborn himself was visiting the site in June when he and Brown, so the story goes, found a dinosaur skeleton right near the mammal quarry. Not long after, Wortman and Knight found another. Work now was progressing such that word was sent to Granger and Thomson at Hays Springs to drop what they were doing and make their way to Como Bluff. It was not going to be that simple, however. On Monday, June 14, Granger wrote to professor Osborn: I would have written before but I have been looking for my horses since Monday night [the week before] and have hardly spent time to sleep. On Monday evening the gray mares pulled their picket pins and ran off followed by the saddle horses. I determined the direction they took, but a four day search had failed to reveal anything of their whereabouts [55a]. Ten days later, on Wednesday the 23rd, however, he was able to report to the professor that I found my horses Sunday at a ranch 25 miles south of camp. The ranch man told me that they came there at 10:00 the next morning after they strayed away from camp. If they get away again it will be entirely my own fault [55b]. It is not known how many miles Granger and Thomson covered in the almost two weeks it took to find their horses, or how they sustained such a search. Nevertheless, soon they were on their way to Como Bluff with plenty of time left to help work the mammal quarry, as well as pull a few dinosaur skeletons. The field season was winding down when Granger rode from Como Bluff north to reconnoiter the surrounding area. He crossed the Rock Creek fault line for the climb up onto the Laramie Plains. Once there, he spotted Mexican sheepherders and stopped to

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chat. As they conversed, mention was made of an interesting outcrop with curiouslooking material lying about in a crest on a ridge about ten miles north. Granger thanked them and made his way up there. Upon nearing the spot mentioned by the sheepherders, Granger made out what appeared to be a scattered rubble of rocks. Moving in closer, he realized this was a pile of bone–– dinosaur bone. At one time, a sheepherder’s cabin had been constructed of it, the Mexicans ten miles back had told him. Some of the largest of the exposed fossil vertebrae had been used for the foundation. Other fossil material lay weathered out in considerable quantity, Granger realized as he looked about the outcrop that the size and amount of the exposed material suggested that more would be found beneath the surface. Granger rode back to Como Bluff to report his find to Wortman and they returned to scout it together. Wortman was less certain that the site looked promising, but both agreed that since it was so late in the season it was better not to start excavation [56]. That might attract attention, particularly if more bones were found. If a site were opened now, poachers might try to claim it or plunder it during the dormancy of winter. Instead, they decided to pack up for the season and leave a guard, Harold Menke, behind for the winter at quarters in nearby Aurora, a small train station on the Union Pacific near Lake Como. The new site would be kept secret until the following season, although it was already quietly being referred to as Bone Cabin. Bone Cabin Quarry [A Quarry at Bone Cabin] Early in April of the next year, 1898, Granger was back in Wyoming shaking the dust off Menke at Aurora and ready to tackle that season’s work. Wortman and Thomson, after a few days stop at Hays Springs, Nebraska, to check out a report of a fossil hominid there, which proved false, joined them shortly. The party first worked some of the miscellaneous sites left over from the previous season at Como Bluff. They then turned to Granger’s bone cabin find, despite lingering doubts by Wortman over its potential. Wortman was concerned that a fault had sheared away most of the bone layer leaving just the surface material which Granger had discovered. Supporting his concern, the party had also found a couple of small pits and a few rusty buckets containing some fossils. Whether someone had begun digging and then given up is not known. On the other hand, it was known that the cabin once there had made use of the fossil bones. The pits and

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buckets may have had something to do with the cabin’s construction. No one knew for sure, except that the site had never previously been reported as a fossil locality. Granger urged Wortman to give it a try. So, they began to dig. On June 12th, they struck a rich find of dinosaur skeletons that nearly overwhelmed Wortman with excitement. Bone Cabin Quarry appeared to hold tremendous potential wealth for the museum’s dinosaur displays. And it was obvious front-page material. However it needed to be kept secret for the moment. Wortman was so protective of the site that he had hired local Union Pacific railroad construction worker Peter Kaisen instead of bringing in available Museum field hands such as Barnum Brown or Handel T. Martin, both of whom were working an unproductive site under W. D. Matthew. Wortman simply did not trust Brown or Martin to keep the site secret [57]. Trust was a major issue for Osborn as well, and the concerns about Brown may have lingered well after Wortman was gone. In any event, Kaisen was hired at the end of June and assisted the party to the end of the season on October 1. Kaisen was to learn a new trade well under Wortman, Granger and Thomson. Granger, in the meantime, took photographs of the original rubble pile at bone cabin, of the sheepherders who led him to it tending their flock on the plateau and of the quarry and campsite as work progressed. Many of these shots were later pasted into his album. He added more as the work and activity progressed there over the next few years. Group photographs included an Osborn visit, men quarrying, and an early morning shot of Granger himself arising from his sleeping bag after a night out on the ground near Osborn’s tent, as if a sentinel. A fundamental transition was in play during this time that not only brought Osborn and his men in as successors to the Cope-Marsh bone wars of the 1870s and 1880s, but brought to public view a number of fossils that were the subject of these wars. Both Cope and Marsh had kept their collections from the public view––Cope’s in his home in Philadelphia, Marsh’s at Yale [58]. The post Cope-Marsh period, however, would have a distinctive feature: Paleontologists at rival museums in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries competed especially to acquire gigantic, exhibit-quality dinosaur specimens for mounting in life-like

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poses...by mid-twentieth century, this style of prehistoric animal exhibition became a museum status symbol, and a standard by which the American public [judged] the quality of its major natural history museums [59]. Not only had Osborn retained Cope’s man Wortman in 1891, by 1895 Cope, now ill and depleted financially, had agreed to sell his huge and private fossil collection in two installments to Osborn and the museum. This transaction not only ceded Cope’s half of the bone war to the AMNH, it gave the museum hundreds of fossils for study and nearinstant fossil material for public display purposes. All seemed set for the museum, but alas, Wortman and Osborn had now fallen into not getting along. One factor seemed to be that Wortman was prone to depression in the late summer as the field season wound down [60]. It may well also have been that he chafed under Osborn’s style. In any event, before the 1899 season, Wortman left the museum. Granger took his place as Osborn’s lead collector and field foreman. The American Museum now held Cope’s collection open to view. Marsh was no longer a factor. He remained at Yale surrounded by his fossils, but they were not available for public viewing and institutional funding to continue working with them was now cut off. Like Cope, Marsh’s energy was spent, as well. Only the American Museum stood poised and ready to move forward with new riches, vibrant energy and ample resources. Discovery of Bone Cabin Quarry had heralded a new age of fossil finding in the American West. The museum was at the fore, flush with success. Wortman’s sudden departure, however, was not without some concern to Osborn. Wortman was tough and crafty. Granger was still young and somewhat untested politically. Osborn’s concern, as the 1899 field season approached and Granger and his men prepared to return to Bone Cabin Quarry, was that Wortman had announced he would be returning to the Medicine Bow area under the auspices of the Carnegie Museum of Natural History where he now worked. Osborn feared Wortman would make a play for Thomson and Kaisen, and so warned Granger. Granger was not worried, as he replied to Osborn from Bone Cabin Quarry on June 1: Dr. Wortman to arrive yesterday. I think there will be no trouble keeping Thomson and Kaisen. They will not leave me unless the Dr.

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offers them some exorbitant salary. I have talked with both of them and they are contented with their positions here [61]. And they were. Bone Cabin Quarry proved to be one of the greatest dinosaur fossil localities discovered up to then. Worked each season annually through 1902, it produced a number of well known dinosaurs including Allosaurus, Apatosaurus (formerly Brontosaurus), Camasaurus, Camptosaurus, Diplodocus, Ornitholestes and Stegosaurus, along with a few turtles and crocodiles. It also led to Granger’s first publication in the field of vertebrate paleontology. With Henry Osborn as lead author, he wrote “Fore and hind limbs of Sauropoda from the Bone Cabin quarry.” With dinosaurs now in the “American public consciousness,” Osborn, primarily a paleomammalogist, made ready to shift his focus back from saurians to fossil mammals [62]. By 1902, Thomson and Kaisen were largely running the day-to-day excavation of Bone Cabin while Granger followed the Jurassic into Colorado, made visits to the Black Hills of South Dakota, and began checking out possible fossil mammal localities. Osborn was a master at obtaining information from every available source concerning potential fossil localities, and then sending his men out to check them. It almost truly was a practice of leaving no stone unturned. However, by 1905, Osborn’s interest “in the Jurassic dinosaur rush” was over [63]. To the Study of Fossil Mammals and Evolution Though dinosaurs held great museum display value and captured public attention and imagination, they were not seen to hold value in the study of evolution during the Ages of Mammals and Humans. By 1905, Osborn’s 1900 theorizing on mammalian origination and emanation was well known. His premise focussed on ancient events in North Africa and Central Asia. Fossil discoveries on both continents had already demonstrable repercussions in Europe and North America. Coupled to his mammalian theory, of course, was the study of evolution as evidenced through mammal fossils. In 1902, Granger initiated an annual expedition series over the next four years to the Bridger Basin (or, Formation) of Wyoming that began with a two-week visit to the area with his colleague William Diller Matthew. W. D. Matthew, a Canadian, was a petrographer by training. Hired by Osborn in 1895, like Osborn, he was not especially

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suited to fieldwork, preferring his office and laboratory at the DVP. Granger and Matthew departed Bone Cabin Quarry at the end of July to conduct some stratigraphic analysis under contract work arranged by Osborn with the US Geological Survey. Despite later garnering great credit for the work there, Matthew in fact never returned to the Bridger after 1902, and it was Granger who actually performed the now-classic field studies there through 1906. The Bridger was first explored by Ferdinand V. Hayden as part of the US Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories. A sampling of fossils from the area was sent back to Philadelphia for study by Joseph Leidy [64]. Leidy’s first published scientific account of a Bridger fossil was a description of the small tarisoid primate Omomys carteri in 1869. This work became known to Cope and Marsh both of whom led expeditions to the Bridger in the 1870s in a rather hastily-executed competition to out-collect and outpublish each other there, as they had everywhere else [65]. It was Walter Granger who, in 1902 with W. D. Matthew’s initial assistance, commenced the first scientifically systematic fossil collecting program in the Bridger Formation. He mapped and named widespread layers of light-colored resistant rocks called “white layers” which were actually limestone beds formed in ancient lakes and ponds. By tracing these beds across the badlands and figuring out the relative positions of fossil localities, Granger could tell whether fossils found in them were older or younger than one another. By mapping and naming some of these layers as ‘marker beds,’ Granger could extend the stratigraphic framework across the basin and demonstrate the relationships of these fossil localities within the expanded framework set by the marker beds [66]. Marriage and Promotion, 1903 In 1903, Osborn formally placed Granger in charge of Paleocene and Eocene fossil collecting. This move signalled an intradepartmental distinction between mammal and saurian collecting. In those days, collecting the smaller, more delicate fossil mammals was considered to require greater proficiency, skill and knowledge than collecting the larger, simpler dinosaurs then known. Barnum Brown, for example, stayed with collecting dinosaurs and never became known for his field techniques or scientific publications. Granger’s field assistants George Olsen and Bill Thomson collected both with considerable skill, but published nothing. Peter Kaisen collected mainly dinosaurs

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but also published nothing. W. D. Matthew published, but did not collect. Similarly so with Osborn and another DVP intellect, William King Gregory. Granger, a rare combination of all the skills and facets needed to be a complete paleontologist, had become Osborn’s most skilled and trusted field collector. On April 7, 1904, Ganger married his first cousin, Anna Deane Granger. She was still living with her parents in Brooklyn, NY, where she had been born and raised, when Walter arrived at the AMNH in 1890. She and Walter were two years apart in age––when they married, he was thirty-one and she was twenty-nine. Her father John was Walter’s uncle, of course, as Walter’s father was Anna’s. Whether the two had met before 1890 is not known, though it is not unlikely given that the fathers were brothers and lived not too distant by train. Rutland was a busy terminus for the north-south railroad line, as well as quite a sophisticated small city. On the other hand, we know from Walter that he had never been outside the state of Vermont before going to New York City in 1890 except for a visit to Saratoga Springs. As the budding relationship became more serious, it caused consternation for Anna’s parents. They seemed to think that Walter’s annual six months of rugged, primitive outdoor life in the American West was not suitable for the bookish, formally educated Anna. As a result, they sent her off to Europe, hoping that time in Old World culture and an ocean’s span away would quell her enthusiasm for Walter. It did not. Anna’s great interests were languages, art, botany and anthropology. All of these she did as an amateur. But direct connection with the AMNH would bring her, now a scientist’s wife, even closer to the realm of studies she loved. Blue-eyed, tall and thin, handsomely studious, simple and direct in manner and strong of character, Anna was a match for Walter. The marriage lasted until Walter’s death in 1941; there were no children. The Fayum, 1907 By 1903, Osborn became aware that the British were finding interesting fossils in a geological depresssion located in the Sahara Desert 65 miles southwest of Cairo. Egypt was now under British military rule in the personage of Lord Cromer. Their work started in 1898, and in 1901 British paleontologist Charles W. Andrews began publishing on

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their finds. Fieldwork was continued by the British through 1906 while Osborn patiently awaited his turn to follow. He apparently was unaware that the German paleontologist Eberhard Fraas had ventured in for a look in 1906 and had made a valuable acquaintance with an seasoned amateur collector there named Richard Markgraf. The Fayum depression once held an ancient freshwater lake that supported an abundance of ancient plant and mammalian life in an oasis surrounded by barren desert. The lake was the creation and beneficiary of a naescent Nile miles away to the east that, before cutting its way down to its present level, regularly overflowed its shallow banks and spilled into the desert. Seasonal flooding and other significant climatic events caused floodwaters to follow a natural channel across the Sahara and spill into the Fayum depresssion. The basin filled to create a prehistoric lake now known as Moeris. Life forms of all sorts burgeoned within and around its sustaining waters. The Fayum is now considered to be one of the most important Cenozoic fossil sites ever discovered. The Cenozoic, the most recent era of geologic time from about 65 million years ago to the present, includes the Paleocene, Eocene and Oligocene epochs. Not only was the fauna of the region highly unusual, it was without immediate comparison. The Fayum held the most complete faunal assemblages of Cenozoic mammals found anywhere to date. It housed a remarkable variety of vertebrate life sustained by an environmental condition very different from present-day. From the late Eocene into the early Oligocene, the Fayum oasis was a tropical lowland. Nourishing seasonal rainfalls helped sustain slow-moving rivers that meandered idly through swamps heavily overgrown with papyrus, reeds and floating plants such as Salvinia and water lily. The terrestial vegetation bounding the wetlands included liana vines, tall trees and perhaps mangroves. The oasis was saturated with insects, snakes, birds and strange, ancestral animals such as the bi-horned, rhinoceros-like Arsinoitherium; the whale-like Zeuglodontia; sea cows (Sirenia) and pre-modern elephant proboscideans such as the Palaeomastodon, Phiomia and Moeritherium [67]. While Osborn’s desire to get into the Fayum was partly a result of his renewed interest in fossil mammals, especially exotic ones and particularly proboscidea, it also coincided with a sense that it was time to step beyond America’s rich backyard fossil field and explore the world. This tied in nicely with a similar feeling being expressed in American foreign policy, outspokenly demonstrated at the time by US president Teddy Roosevelt

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with his ‘big stick’ policy, and soon, his Great White Fleet. Roosevelt also ardently supported the American Museum and was a member of the Explorers Club and a personal friend of Osborn’s. The Rough Rider image was solidly cast in the aura of the American West hero in a time when Buffalo Bill was still alive, but there was no longer an American frontier to conquer. One now had to look abroad for that kind of adventure, and Roosevelt did. American paleontology at this point could be summed up in much the same way. The Cope-Marsh bone wars were over and many discoveries had been made since. The American public flocked to the halls of major natural history museums to view the massive mineralized skeletons of ancient dinosaurs that finally had been ‘hunted’ down by paleontologists millions of years later. However, while there still was much work yet to be done in the West (and still is), paleontology was a global science (and still is). Similar mammalian fossil finds were being made in Europe and North America, but Africa and Asia were said to hold the key. There once was a time when all the continents we know today were massed together as one. We now refer to that mass as Pangea. The separation of Pangea into continents was like spreading out pieces of a puzzle that in some cases had simlilar characteristics. This globalized paleontology. Why were some fossils found on one continent also found on another? Despite nation-states and borders, the continental pieces begged scientific understanding. This unified paleontology; the continents needed to be explored and an overview developed. This was the call to Osborn that beckoned American participation. Roosevelt joined with Osborn to pave the way for the American Museum’s expedition to the Fayum in 1907. Osborn provided escort and company for the two American workers, Granger and his assistant George Olsen, during the first two weeks in Egypt––Granger and Olsen stayed six months––and Roosevelt provided a letter of introduction to Lord Cromer (Sir Evelyn Baring), Britain’s militarily installed ruler of Egypt. Osborn carried Roosevelt’s letter when he boarded the SS Cedric leaving New York on January 5th with his family, Granger and Olsen. With Granger, he presented it to Cromer a few days later. This pioneering expedition is described in great detail in “Notes From Diary––Fayum Trip, 1907” published in 2002 by the New Mexico Museum of Natural History. Granger was the only member to keep a firsthand account of this expedition, but his diary was not discovered until 1977. Except for some contemporary press accounts, the expedition was

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little known to history despite its high profile, precedence-setting nature and valuable fossil discoveries. * It was during the Fayum expedition that Granger, Olsen and Osborn first met and befriended Hartly T. Ferrar of Robert Scott’s famed Discovery expedition during which Ernest Shackleton tested his windpowered go-cart. As days and weeks went by hunting for fossils amid the vast Saharan expanse, they shared and compared their expedition experiences and knowledge. It was the first time that an American fossil-hunting crew had worked with camels. Caravaning the party into and out of their campsite, resupplying them for a six-month stay at a fixed camp and quarry site and returning from the desert box loads of fossils, camels were the mainstay of this effort. The lesson learned was that camel caravanning could sustain a fossil-hunting expedition for as long as needed, assuming the weather cooperated. All they had to do was what camel caravans had been doing for hundreds of years––walk from point A to point B and then back to point A. In this case, point B, the museum party, never moved because they were excavating three quarries all within walking distance of one another. Prospecting that area was accomplished on foot. Granger kept his bearings by triangulating three prominent buttes. When Osborn wished to travel farther out to check on a location called Zeuglodon Valley, he travelled by camel. With his son and Ferrer, he trekked out and back in three days. They were accompanied by a few native assistants and a camel drover with camels sufficient to carry provisions and camp equipment. Osborn did not return with boxes of fossils––this was merely a reconnaissance. But he could have if he had taken a spare camel or two. This was the first instance of Americans hunting for fossils by camel, just as Germany’s Eberhard Fraas had done in the Fayum the year before and as Markgraf was doing there regularly. It was clear that a camel drover only had to know where and when to meet and he would be there. If a fossil-hunting party wished to move to another location, all they had to do was tell the drover where to rendezvous and when. For example, had he wished, Osborn might have said, “We will be moving camp to the Zeuglodon Valley tomorrow. When you return with supplies in three days time, meet us there. Our tents will be visible to the north once you enter the valley.”

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Another item new to the Americans in the Fayum was the ‘fantass,’ a solder-seamed metal container used to carry water. These rather large, rectangular metal boxes stood half the height of a person and were strapped two at a time over a camel’s back. Years later, somewhat smaller versions of this fantass would be used to carry auto fuel supplies into Mongolia by the Central Asiatic Expeditions beginning in 1922. Prince Borghese had them cached in advance along with other supplies and spare parts at various locations up the route from Kalgan to Urga. These were transported by camel caravan. There was no other way to refuel as one drove over that stretch of Mongolia. Borgehese’s solution to getting his Itala 35/45 over the long, dry distances of Mongolia is the first known instance of employing a camel caravan to sustain a motorcar exploit. * While Granger and his men dug away in the Fayum, Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, was designated a national monument on March 11, 1907, thanks to the work of amateur archaeologist Richard Wetherill. In 1910, Wetherill was shot dead by Chis-chillingbegay, a Navajo with whom he had argued about a stolen horse [McNitt, p. 269-70]. In 2000, this author, a Granger grandnephew, visited Chaco Canyon to locate scenes depicted in photographs taken during Granger’s visit in 1896. Pausing to pay respects from Granger at the small graveyard near the ruins of Pueblo Bonito where Wetherill was buried, I spoke greetings. Without warning, storm clouds blew in followed by bursts of lightning, rolling thunder and driving rain. I raced back to my car while catching glimpses of a handful of other visitors racing for shelter. I returned to the welcome center and related the indcident to two park rangers I had met with earlier. As we conversed, a group of Navajo park employees filed in for a meeting scheduled to begin a few minutes later. Upon hearing my discussion, one of them walked up to me without a smile and introduced himself somewhat forcefully as a grandson of “Chis-chilling-begay who killed Wetherill.” After a tense moment and then a grin, we shook hands. Back to the American West

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While Granger and George Olsen returned to the US aboard the SS Princess Irene in June, the Italian Prince Scipione Luigi Marcantanio Francesco Rodolfo Borghese was in final preparations for racing his Itala 35/45 motorcar from Peking to Paris. His Itala was an open-topped car handbuilt over a truck chassis packed with a huge 7.4 liter fourcylinder 45-horsepower racing engine that peaked at 1250 revolutions per minute (rpm). It was capable of reaching a speed of 60 miles per hour. The car sported a gear shift with four on the floor and two brake handles equidistant to the driver’s reach. One was to apply the brakes to the rear wheel drums. The other was to apply them to the transmission itself. Borghese’s mechanic and co-driver was Ettore Guizzardi. The renowned Italian journalist Luigi Barzini rode in the back, crammed in a makeshift seat between two extra gas tanks mounted on the rear fenders. Four other competitors from France and the Netherlands were entered in the race. A 15-horsepower Spyker driven by Charles Goddard with Jean du Tullis as crew, a ten-horsepower, two-cylinder de Dion-Bouton driven by Georges Cormier with Edgardo Longono as crew, another de Dion-Bouton driven by Victor Collignon with Jean Bizac as crew and a six-horsepower, one cylinder, two stroke Contal tri-car driven by August Pons with Octave Foucault as crew. Borghese led most of the way and won by 21 days. The auto racers’ purpose was to establish the viability of motor vehicle travel and commerce between East and West. It was a 10,000 mile test. A segment of the race took these men and their cars across the Gobi over an ancient camel caravan road. Along it ran a modern telegraph line that originated in Peking. Telegraph stations across Mongolia were crude mud huts found every 70 to 80 miles along the way. Other than Mongol villages, nothing else existed--no gas pumps, no car repair stations, no tire stores. The question was how to resupply along this barren, 550-mile stretch. A series of caches was the answer. The amount of fuel, oil, spare parts and tires needed to cross the Gobi could not be carried aboard the cars. Just as Granger and Osborn had in the Fayum, the racers had the necessary supplies camel dropped along the route ahead of them to complete the Gobi transit. The 1907 Peking to Paris race was closely followed in the press. People throughout the world were captivated by the stirring accounts of the racers’ progress filed by Barzini

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from each telegraph station along the way. Through Mongolia, on into Russia and all the way to Paris, Barzini’s vivid race reports held the world’s attention. Cut #15 The year 1907 is also when the 23-year old college graduate Roy Andrews joined Birds and Mammals the AMNH. Granger was now 34. Continuing to develop his Eocene fossil mammal work after returning from the Fayum, Granger went back to the American West in 1909 with an expedition to the Wind River Basin of Wyoming. From July to October, he collected with George Olsen, William D. ‘Billy’ Stein and British paleontologist Clive Forster-Cooper. Forster-Cooper was spending a year in America studying under Osborn. He would later be the first to discover the largest land mammal ever known, the Baluchitherium, in Baluchistan. He would finish his career as the head of the British Museum. Back at the American Museum in New York for the winter, Granger took up a revision of perissodactyls and published on his finds during his 1906 expedition into the Washakie basin of Wyoming. He also assisted Osborn in attending to his Fayum finds which included the first anthropoid primate to be found in that region. Not only had Granger’s career been steadily advancing since joining the DVP, it was now on the international stage of vertebrate paleontology. He was also firmly planted as a key Osborn adjunct. In 1908, Granger acquired the title of assistant in paleontology. He also published his first papers since 1901: a short preliminary notice on the Fayum collection; a revision of Eocene horses; and a study on hyracotherium. Osborn in the meantime, had assumed presidency of the AMNH that year. While that advancement increased his duties considerably, he did not immediately let go of his curatorship of DVP. Since he could not handle all departmental tasks, however, he assigned Granger and Matthew to share administration of the department. It worked well enough that Osborn put off replacing himself in the DVP position for another year or so [68]. * From June to September of 1910, Granger explored the Eocene of the Wasatch and Bighorn basins in Wyoming. While in the Bighorn, he received a letter from Matthew thanking him for putting in a favorable word with Osborn to appoint Matthew as curator of the DVP. For Matthew, it was a promotion at a desk job he loved. For Granger, it was

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freedom. Granger did not like the duties and politics of office life any better than he liked being desk-bound for the winter in New York City writing papers. His summer field seasons in the American West were a reprieve from winters of museum duties, and he would not give up lengthy expeditions for any promotion in administration. Regardless of his seasonal adjustment to and accommodation of city and office life, he was still at his core the natural outdoorsman and collector. He had been all his life [69]. Osborn, furthermore, needed Granger in the field when not in the lab with the preparators working on fossils or in the museum’s display halls overseeing the setting up of displays and exhibits. Collecting, preparing and interpreting fossils was the dominant mission: Granger happily settled for assistant curator. Since Bone Cabin Quarry, he had secured a prolific and magnificent collection of Paleocene and Eocene fossils from various badland basins in Wyoming. He was publishing on the Paleocene, Eocene and Oligocene under his own name. Nevertheless, he allowed Osborn to use his Fayum field diary to write a popular account as if it were his own. Granger also was providing a significant amount of material without attribution to Matthew for his publications. Occasionally Granger would write a section under his own name in another’s work. Cut #16 Writing and publishing his first formal scientific paper with the highly esteemed, highly prolific, and highly powerful Henry Fairfield Osborn, Ph.D., was a significant milestone for Granger so early in his career. Only eleven years earlier, had he come down from the Green Mountain State of Vermont to this prominent museum in bustling New York City without a high school degree. Publication with Osborn, as with earlier publications under Joel Allen, made clear that field observation, laboratory analysis, reasoned writing and journal publication were essential to the process of science––and constituted a career in it. This would seed a lifelong conflict within Granger: he loved fieldwork more than anything else. For him, the resolution was in the purpose. He came to view his life and work as a chance to contribute to ‘Earth’s Book of Rocks & Other Wonders’ page by page. It did not matter who got credit, as long as the book eventually got written. As for publishing popular works, like Osborn’s vainglorious account of the 1907 Fayum expedition in the British newpaper The Illustrated London News, Granger was less

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impressed [69a]. He simply was too unpretentious and unenamored with publicity to care. Granger had mastered hunting for fossils and the mode of expedition. He was now proficient in field documentation, notes, and correspondence. If not as prolific as others more deskbound, he was nevertheless publishing prominently. Collecting fossils was his forté and doing so brought him into his third decade at the museum. Roy Andrews was still in his first. His clerking days now over, he was venturing off on exotic-sounding expeditions such the 1909 Quebec Tadousac Expedition which produced three whales and one Harbor seal followed the next year by the Dutch East Indies “Albatross” Expedition. That yielded 70 mammals, 20 of them from Japan.

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PERFECTING AN IMAGE Andrews was now singularly associated with whales and whale hunts, achieving popular recognition quite quickly. He understood the press and self-promotion very well. By 1911, he had already published adventure articles in World’s Work, National Geographic and Metropolitan. He was lecturing, as well, drawing crowds and acclaim and attracting invitations to the social circuit. He sent complimentary tickets to whomever he could and wrote his first book. A member of the Sigma Chi Fraternity in college, he used the New York Alumni Chapter for social smokers and dances. He was frequently on the guest list of teas and dinners [70]. A sense that Andrews bounced around the world became de rigeur, if often it really produced little more than a whirl of wind. “I suppose that you will not be getting over into the Orient again, so that I cannot be able to run across you there,” Andrews wrote to a Lieutenant Waller on March 31, 1911. I expect to go to Korea in November next, and shall probably have a six or seven month’s trip. Wish you were to be in China again, for I am probably to spend some time there. I hope that you will not forget to look me up if you come to New York any time during the spring or summer, for I shall stick pretty close to my office until I leave for my next Oriental trip [70a]. * Not only was Andrews’s account of being snatched from death while pursuing a whale in a longboat at the insistance of a crazy man whose jaw he later wanted to punch pure fiction, most, if not all, of his other highly charged claims were too. Nevetheless, his popular image as a brave and amazing explorer-adventurer was by now well-sealed. A generally fawning, unexamining press, a largely naive, hero-worshipping public and the ever-supportive and grateful institutional machines, such as the American Museum, National Geographic, Explorers Club and other organizations who supported or

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benefitted from Andrews and his American image of exploration. Andrews’s knack for self-promotion served both them and him very well. But as to Andrews and his time, British author Roger Jinkinson has noted that [a]t 5' 10” and 180 lbs, slender with slightly sloped shouldered Andrews was not an impressive-looking man, though contemporary photographs...show him in heroic and impressive poses. Americans love their explorers. In Europe, as we come to terms with our Colonial past and face a multicultural future, we have reevaluated our explorers and adventurers. The casual violence, the slaughter, slavery and banditry have been recognized and there has even been an attempt to recognize the casual racism of the day. Perhaps it is easier to be self-critical when you have had an Empire. In America, it is more difficult to establish the truth. Explorers are accepted as heroes and that is that. Very few questions are asked as to what was being explored and why and at what cost to the local population. Perhaps it is because the United States has never recognized its attempts at Empire. I have yet to meet an American who has heard of the Phillipine-American War (1899-1902) yet alone the horrific slaughter of the Phillipino population. Perhaps the American Frontier and its myths are to blame. The Western myth, combined history with Penny Dreadfuls, self promotion and the early days of the film industry. We must remember that Buffalo Bill was still alive when Roy Chapman Andrews began to venture abroad. The West had been mercilessly pacified, its native populations decimated and its fauna slaughtered. There were other frontiers to conquer, other American heroes to create. In truth, Andrews was a far more of a controversial figure than his hagiographers would have us believe. His stories always held the aura of exaggeration [71].” * Despite his image, however, Andrews remained a virtual unknown in the field of fossil hunting and vertebrate paleontology where Osborn and Granger had now mustered their

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own considerable international reputations. Andrews had had no association with paleontology up to this point and would not for another decade. On the other hand, Osborn and Granger had garnered great status, if only among the much smaller audience of paleontologists, geologists, natural historians and the like. Fossils and dinosaurs may have fascinated the general public, but few knew or cared who actually collected them or what was involved. Fossil hunting expeditions often were unexciting, tedious, back-breaking work stretched over long days in open, barren lands wholly exposed to the whims of nature and weather. Despite the wonderful ‘eureka’ moments of discovery, it was hard to assign adventure or danger to the daily process of searching for and retrieving the scattered or buried, and usually incomplete, fossilized remains of animals who had died millions of years ago. When a spectacular discovery was made, the lucky finder was put before the public’s eye for a few moments of fame. That is not to say, however, that there were not public personalities in paleontology. Barnum Brown was becoming one, even though his academic contribution to the field would always be minimal. He was, nevertheless, regarded as a ‘dinosaur hunter’ –– whatever that means as to beasts that had died many millions of years before––off searching in the remotes of Montana and Alberta. Like Andrews and Osborn, Brown had learned how to appeal to the press. But Walter Granger had little interest in publicity, and little time for it. He was not hunting in the sense of adventure; he was accumulating for study, and to provide his chapter in the profession’s ever-unfolding book of rocks and fossils. To Granger’s way of thinking, the press was outside the scientific process. Making fieldwork exciting meant ‘hunting for dinosaurs’ or for the ‘largest, most ferocious sea beast,’ the ‘earliest primate,’ or the ‘oldest hominid.’ It entailed reminding the audience of the remote lands ventured to and the daily physical rigors and dangers involved. In 1907, some of Granger’s native assistants in the Fayum carried rifles to protect against thieves, snakes and other culprits. From his first day forward in the American West, Granger holstered a revolver and kept a rifle within reach for much the same reason. He also used his rifle to shoot game to supply fresh meat while on expedition. Andrews may have occasionally used the rifle to shoot game for food, as well. He mostly used it, however, to kill exotic big game for stuffing and displaying in the museum’s expanding exhibit halls.

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1911 In a 1910 publication The Age of Mammals in Europe, Asia and North America (MacMillan) which Granger helped write, Osborn expounded on his 1900 theory. W. D. Matthew followed in 1915, attempting to expand on Osborn’s theory in “Climate and Evolution [72].” Matthew ultimately proved to be wrong. But, along with Osborn’s 1900 thesis in Science, both books served to further the Museum’s academic premise for hunting fossils in Central Asia. The Department seemed to be making ready to do just that. Early in 1911, Granger was made associate director of the DVP in a move that gave him heightened curatorial status without adding administrative duties. The field season brought another long and successful Eocene expedition into the Wasatch and Bighorn basin with George Olsen and fieldhand Darrell Blakesley. It included lengthy field visits from European paleontologists Friederich Von Huene and Franz X. Shaffer, as well as the department’s own William K. Gregory. When Granger finally returned to New York, he and Anna made ready for yet another overseas trip arranged by Osborn. [DVP Staff Meeting November 8, 1911 Mr. Granger has recently sailed for Europe to make a study tour of the principal museums and to arrange for exchanges with this museum [72a]. The reference to ‘exchanges’ meant instituting the sharing of fossils and casts of fossils between museums as a way to assist in the study of specimens regardless of where the original was located. This was Osborn’s idea. The intent was to make vertebrate paleontology a more collegial, comprehensive and interactive international study. Walter and Anna set sail from New York harbor on November 4th aboard the HMS Oceanic. Southampton was reached six days later [73]. As Granger began his threemonth tour of the paleontology museums and universities in England, France, Germany and Switzerland, he also planned to visit with a number of Europe’s prominent

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paleontologists including the elderly Richard Lydekker, Clive Forster-Cooper, Eberhard Fraas, Max Schlosser, Friederich von Heune, Charles Déperet and Marcellin Boule. Throughout, he kept a memo book which he filled with notes and sketches. On meeting the famed Lydekker, he wrote “a well-to-do country gentleman.” On exchanges of fossils, he recorded “Left at the British Museum on exchange - 3 items... Left at the Paris Museum - 2 items... Left with Prof. Déperet - 8 items... ,” and so on. As to museum displays, he was harsh. For example, at the Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle in Paris, he found that there were Absolutely no general labels and no attempt at synoptic or teaching arrangement of specimens... The Museum is a storehouse... Excellent silk exhibit... Large mammals of main floor uncovered and grouped for artistic effect rather than for teaching value or natural system... Mounting of mammals medium to bad [73a]. The Grangers returned to New York in early February aboard the SS Vaderland, sailing through the same part of the sea where, not long after, the SS Titanic had its fatal encounter with an iceberg. Granger’s European tour not only broadened his exposure, it furthered his standing in international paleontology, and as a deputy to Osborn. Granger’s trip had been to advance Osborn’s own more ceremonious and extended visit scheduled for later that year. Granger was also accepted into the prestigious Geological Society of America and its newly formed section in paleontology, now recognized as a scientific field worthy of distinction. That summer of 1912, he returned to the San Juan Basin of New Mexico from June to October before heading up to Clark’s Fork Basin and the Wasatch in Wyoming. * In those days, train travel connected New York City to fieldwork in the American West. Once out west, the collectors secured horses and wagon. Fossil localities typically were found in the rugged badlands--meaning land unsuitable for most human use--of large erosional basins. Hundreds of draining rivers, streams and creeks had cut into once fertile and usable land, leaving it deeply scarred and largely barren. The now dry water courses

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left empty washes, gullies, gulches, canyons, wadies along with bald buttes, mesas, peaks, ridges and often endless flats as their final testimony. Revealed by the erosion and left among the rough erosion and sparse vegetation, were an abundance of outcrops and sedimentary deposits often containing fossilized proof of ancient life that existed millions of years before the badlands came about [74]. Badlands could be treacherous for reasons ranging from little to no sustainable life or water, to no shelter. The soil could become a dangerous ooze when wet. It got so slippery and also gluey, that it was hard to walk. Shoes, hooves and wheels gummed up while slipping and sliding. By 1912, working in the badlands had become only slightly easier than when Granger started with Wortman in 1894. Mobility and carrying capacity were major issues; having sufficient food and water also were. Load and speed governed range. Energy governed survival. Thomson would begin making adjustments to that longstanding formula with his deployment of ‘Automobilly’ into the fossil fields of western Nebraska in 1913 [75]. * In 1912, Andrews made his Korea Expedition and returned with 175 mammals and 175 birds. His fame was now reset from whale hunter to explorer-adventurer out for big game in exotic places. Granger’s bearings also were set. Of all his colleagues at the museum, as well as many of those elsewhere in the US and abroad, only Granger was keeping a steady pace of averaging six months in the field producing prodigious fossl collections, field notes and analyses and then returning to New York for the other six months to write up comprehensive expedition reports, prepare fossils for display and produce two or three high-quality papers a year. Of his immediate colleagues, Osborn, Matthew, Gregory and Brown, the first three rarely went into the field and the fourth rarely wrote or published anything of substance. Further to his credit, Granger maintained a steady stream of correspondence throughout the year with colleagues around the world, as well as his own family. In light of all this, Granger would later be described as the mainspring of the DVP’s well-functioning clockwork [76]. The 1913 field season found Granger back in the San Juan Basin of New Mexico collecting in the Wasatch, Torrejon and Puerco formations with Olsen, Princeton geologist William J. Sinclair and a local fieldhand William John “Jack” Martin. By mail,

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Granger also monitored the fieldwork of Billy Stein and his assistant at Clark’s Fork Basin in Wyoming. In 1914, Granger continued with his collecting and publishing program when world war broke out that August. Former President Theodore Roosevelt advocated intervention. President Woodrow Wilson opposed it. The country remained on edge about what to do as Europe flared with violence and fear. In the meantime in a very different part of the world a new dawn was in the making for paleontology. There were reports of new fossil finds in Asia. Among them were the discovery [date?] of “a rich deposit of Cenozoic mammalian fossils” by the Russian paleontologist A. A. Borissiak in Turkestan (now Kazakhstan) [77]. “Correlation of the geology of Kazakhstan with that of the Gobi indicated that the desert could well yield some interesting Cenozoic and possibly Cretaceous fossils as well [78].” And in Baluchistan (now Pakistan), the British paleontologist Clive Forster-Cooper had discovered [date?] the largest land mammal ever to exist, the Baluchitherium. As for the current state of knowledge about fossils collected in China, the Americaneducated Japanese paleontologist Hikoshichiró Matsumoto summed it up in a 1915 paper entitled “On some fossil mammals from Sze-chuan, China”: Fossil mammals from China are recorded by Waterhouse (1853), Busk (1868), Owen (1870), Gaudry (1871), Koken (1885), Lydekker (1885, 1886 & 1891), V. Lóczy (1898), Suess (1899), Schlosser (1903), &c. Among these authors’ works, Owen’s, Gaudry’s, Koken’s Lydekker’s and, especially, Schlosser’s are most important [79]. Lost in the history-telling is that it was Matsumoto who first disclosed fossil evidence of ancient man in China. The Pleistocene speciman was found in Honan province [79a]. As to Schlosser’s contribution, Granger later observed: It is interesting to note that the first real information paleontologists had of the fossil mammalian faunas of China was from a large collection of fossils purchased by a German doctor [who had no information] about the source of these fossils themselves, but from bits of matrix still adhering to some of the fossils themselves, [Schlosser] was able to

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classify the specimens in a fairly satisfactory way and to draw the first adequate picture of the mammalian life of the region during the late Cenozoic time [80]. China: Western Science as Salvation/Post-Qing Period One latent source of trouble during the Qing dynasty had been the balance between central and local power. The hope of China’s more progressive politicians, as they struggled to establish a viable republic in place of the discredited imperial system, was to create a new governmental synthesis that would transform China into a modern nation-state.... The dream collapsed within a few months of China’s first national elections in 1912. The leader of the majority political party was assassinated and his organization then outlawed by the provisional president, Yuan Shikai. Though Yuan had ambitious plan to revitalize China, he lacked the military power or the organizational skills to hold the center together. Political power, accordingly, flowed out either to the elites in the provinces––both rural and urban––or to the hundreds of military leaders who began to emerge as the dominant power brokers in China’s localities. China’s political weakness were underscored by international developments: Japan placed ever harsher [territorial?] demands on China, and even China’s bold initiative of sending 100,000 laborers to work with the Allied powers in Western Europe during World War I failed to obtain the backing of those powers for China’s territorial claims. The result was a period of poltical insecurity and unparalleled intellectual self-scrutiny and exploration. Many educated Chinese were convinced that their country was about to be destroyed, and they began to study every kind of political and organizational theory, examine the nature of their own social fabric, debate the values of new forms of education and language, and explore the possibilities for progress that seemed to lie at the heart of Western science. Known generally as the May Fourth movement, such a concentrated outpouring of intellectual exuberance and doubt had not been seen in China for over two thousand years [81].

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Pursuit of Western-style earth science took a dramatic new turn in post-Qing China. Until then, there had been no interest in science of that nature. Only Western businessmen, missionaries and foreign diplomats there and in Mongolia had been collecting and studying fossils on an amateur, quasi-scientific level for years and passing along their discoveries and knowledge along to anyone interested [82]. Now some Chinese themselves began to take note. Until the early 1900s and China’s ultimate shift from dynastic rule in 1911, western vertebrate paleontology and the methodology of Darwinism were little known in China or the Mongolias [83]. Fossils had been collected and valued in these regions, but generally not for scientific reasons. It began centuries ago “when [fossils] became of great importance to the development of mythology, the discoveries of fossilized remains were used to ‘prove’ the existence of the various stranger creatures mentioned in myth and to locate or associate particular events at sites where fossils were found [84].” Pre-Christian nomads, merchants, and storytellers regularly encountered fossil bones in Central Asia. It is now believed, for example, that the ancient griffin, a winged lion with a birdlike beak, was inspired by nomad repliction of the fossil skull of the dinosaur now known as Protoceratops. While western science only first discovered and named this fossil specimen in Mongolia in 1922, early humans were making note of it long before [85]. Early humans also used fossil bird and dinosaur eggshell fragments for decorative purposes, such as for necklaces, earrings and pendants [86]. These early human uses of fossils predated their medicinal use as ‘dragon bones’ by the Chinese. Granger later wrote: [F]or generations vertebrate fossils, known to the Chinese as Dragon Bones and Dragon Teeth (Lung Ku and Lung Ya), have been articles of the Chinese pharmacopia. They are prescribed by Chinese physicians of the old school for all sorts of complaints, ranging from headache to Bright’s disease, and are usually taken in powdered form, although sometimes the fossils are soaked in alcohol and then the alcohol is

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drunk, or fired in grease and the grease is eaten, it presumably having absorbed the virtue of the dragon’s bone [87]. The Chinese believed that some of these dragons of which the bones were being found were so large that they left “their tails in the eastern part of the desert of Gobi while their heads rest on the slopes of the Altai mountains, four hundred miles distant! [88]”. Ultimately, this is what sparked western scientific inquiry. Swedish geologist J. G. Andersson elaborated this to Granger, also suggesting why the native medicinal practices in this part of the world hindered scientific study: The dragon teeth and dragon bones which are sold in the Chinese medicine shops are held in high repute as substances of considerable medicinal value. [Since the] teeth are considered to have a much higher healing power than the bones and are correspondingly higher in price....the [fossil] skulls which were certainly in many cases nearly perfect when they were dug out of the ground, had been crushed to small pieces in order to extract the teeth which as mentioned above are considered to have a specially strong healing effect and consequently command a higher price [89]. Vertebrate paleontology in China and the Mongolias was virtually non-existent from about 527 A.D., when Daoyuan initiated some inquiry, until the late 1800s and early 1900s when early specialists such as R. Owen, Lydekker, Koken, Obruchev, H. Matsumoto and others began to take interest [90]. Lydekker, in particular, tantalized the community with his study of mammalian fossils said to be from Mongolia stating “I have no reason to question [that claim].” In 1898, Charles R. Eastman (1868-1918), an American biologist best known for his detailed studies of fossil fishes, described a large fossil bird egg found in 1896 in northern China by Reverend James H. Roberts [91]. Between 1899 and 1901, K.A. Haberer, a German traveling in China, acquired a large collection of "dragons' bones and teeth" from various apothecary shops located in Shanghai, Ningpo, Ichang, and Peking [92].

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However, the actual localities from which the bones were collected remained unknown to Haberer, since it was kept secret by drug wholesalers. Upon returning to Germany, Haberer took his collection of "dragon bones" to Professor Max Schlosser in Munich. Schlosser thereafter published a monograph on Habrer's "dragons' bones and teeth" concluding that the collection evidenced nearly 90 different animal forms and mammals from the Tertiary and Pleistocene Ages in China, including bear, hyena, ape, elephant, rhinoceros, horse, camel, hippopotamus, giraffe and antelope [93]. Inconclusive But Schlosser’s study in [date] was not definitive, since the isolated fossil fragments he studied lacked any geographic and geologic provenance. As Ernest Ingersoll, an Explorers Club member familiar with Granger’s work with the CAE, later put it : Well aware that thousands of fossil skeletons of the utmost importance to science were being ground to powder and swallowed by millions of people daily, it was plain that the discovery of the sources of supply would lead to paleontological knowledge so much desired; but between general ignorance and the jealousy of wholesale collectors and merchants of the bones it was difficult to learn where these fossils were found [94]. The western scientific world waited, anxious to find a way to resolve the dilemma. V. K. Ting and Company V. K. Ting (Ting Wen-chiang, now Ding Wenjiang) (1887-1936) was one of the first Chinese students of the western scientific approach. Ting provides a fascinating link between the ‘May Fourth movement’ the writer Spence refers to above and Western scientists, Granger among them, who ventured there to study the geology and paleontology of China and the Mongolias. In 1902, as a Chinese student activist from the Shanghai area, Ting left China for two years of study in Japan, where he also began writing political essays against the Manchus in China [95]. Born to local gentry in a remote village about twenty miles north of the

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Yangtze River with a childhood “steeped in literature designed to inculcate Confucian high-mindedness in aspiring literati” and then educated abroad, he returned with university degrees in earth sciences. Subsequently, Ting left home at the urging and under the patronage of a local magistrate (Lung Yen-hsien) who believed in the “new learning” (hsin hsüeh) from the West [96]. In 1904, when war broke out between Russia and Japan, Ting opted to move to Scotland to pursue general studies at Edinburgh. He stayed for seven years and graduated from the University of Glasgow with degrees in zoology, geology and geography [97]. He then returned to China, settling in Kiangsu to teach middle school, write a book on zoology, and study the geology of the Yangtze Valley from Wu-hu to the sea. His last endeavor evidenced a change in Chinese perceptions about the relationship between intellectual activity and manual labor. As this sort of fieldwork progressed and more people became involved in it, there was an interesting sociability created as hierarchies were dampened; everyone pulled together in mutual effort, mutual hardship, joy of discovery, and the like [98]. In the meantime, in 1911, a Provisional Government was formed in Nanking to replace the Manchus in Peking. “H. T. Chang, a graduate of Tokyo University, was appointed chief of the Section of Geology in the Department of Mines under the Board of Commerce and Industries [99].” The Provisional Government was transferred to Peking in 1912 and became the Central Government. Sympathetic to this government was a group of four intellectuals who were to become the foundational figures of the study of geology in China––H. C. Chang (Zhang Hongzhao), W. H. Wong (Weng Wenhao), J. S. Lee (Jonquei S. Lee) and Ting [100]. They were seeking ways, grounded in the scientific study [analysis] of China’s earth, to energize China and bring it into world play, especially in the larger areas of education, science and commerce [101]. Importing Western scientific technique and thought was one way to accomplish this: indeed, to these four men, science was seen as the national salvation of China [102]. Under the new Provisional Government, Chang (Tokyo University) was appointed chief of the section of geology in the Department of Mines, now operating under the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. Chang was also asked to serve as an expert in geology to the ministry itself, and Ting was called to Peking to head the geology section. Chang and Ting then decided to initiate training in geology, and Chang soon proposed to form a society devoted to that purpose

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[103]. Both Chang and Ting reported to Chang yi-ou (Zhang Yiou) who was the official directly above them as they got their geological study program China underway. Zhang yiou, a bit of a mystery, seems to have been instrumental in getting Chang’s and Ting’s ideas realized. He had apparently studied geology in Belgium (where W. H. Wong studied) but made little more than an administrative contribution and was not heard from after 1918 [104]. In 1913, Chang became the director of a newly-formed geological study program. Shortly thereafter, The Geological ?Survey/Society of China was formed with Ting as its head [105]. Another person given credit (by the Swedish National Encyclopedia) for the formation of this society is Erik T. Nystrom (1897-1963), a Swedish geologist who spent 1902 to 1954 in China as a professor of chemistry and geology at the University of Taiyuan. During the 1920s and 1930s, Nystrom studied the ores and minerals of Shanxi and Hunan provinces in China under the auspices of the Sino-Swedish Scientific Research Association. He later formed the Nystrom Institute for Scientific Research in China [106]. The introduction of the study of geology to China carried multiple implications, especially for science and commerce. It also meant a fundamental shift in the Chinese way of thinking about their land. Ting’s biographer synopsizes Ting’s, and that of his cadre’s, thinking at this stage as follows: In sum, in his personal as in his political inclinations this most Westernized of Chinese intellectuals was neither an individualist nor a democrat. The scientism and social Darwinism inculcated by his Western education left him in the mainstream of Chinese political thought, which has placed a specially selected bureaucratic elite at the center of the political process. He believed that biological principles and social utility confirmed much in the Confucian social ethic and so justified its broadening rather than its overthrow. Finally, he stood for paternalistic reform, under the leadership of the educated class, which in modern guise was expected to carry out the function of the ideal literati: administrator and moral guide. Social Darwinism at each step reinforced rather than undermined these attitudes, while his scientism gave him the

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coinfidence that his lines of reasoning were both modern and correct [107]. Summarizing the Advances Occasional reports of fossil discoveries in China had been surfacing. An apparent dinosaur fossil was discovered in 1913 Meng Yin (Ning Chia Kou?) by German missionary R. Mertens. In 1914, Chang Ch'ien of the new Ministry of Agricultural and Commerce established the Chinese Geological Survey and named Ting to head it. That same year, Swedish geologist Johann Gunnar Andersson (1874-1960) was asked by the Chinese government to conduct a survey of its coal fields and ore resources and report to the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. One of Andersson’s first acts was to send out a circular encouraging all missionaries, diplomats and others who collected and studied fossils, or were aware of their location, to contact him [108]. Not long after, German mining engineer W. Behagel retrieved a block of sandstone from a construction site in the Men Ying district of Shantung Province containing three large fossil vertebrae and turned it over to the Chinese Geological Survey. An Austrian paleontologist visiting Peking, Otto Zdansky, examined the vertebrae and concluded that they were dinosaur. Walter Granger confirmed Zdansky's analysis in 1921 [109]. In the meantime, Andersson began to amassing a considerable collection of early plant fossils he had discovered in southern China . He shipped the collection back to Peking aboard the SS Peking; however, it was lost when the ship sank en route. To the north, meanwhile, reports came forth that the Russian paleontologist A. N. Krystofovich had discovered a dinosaur deposit along the Amur River in Heilungkiang Province in extreme northern Manchuria. The Russians collected there successfully up to 1917, finding "three or four species representing widely different groups of dinosaurs [110].” Throughout 1916, Andersson travelled around southern China collecting whatever he could. He and an assistant spent long periods conducting their fieldwork while living “alternately in country farms and small village temples [111].” In southern Shansi Province he discovered mollusk fossils. At Yuan Chu Hsien in Honan [Henan] Province he found fossils of freshwater shells which indicated the occurrence of Eocene deposits in China.

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In 1917, the Chinese Geological Survey resolved to determine the source of dragon bones used by the apothecaries. That is, where they could be found in their original location, or in situ. Presumably, Andersson surmised, it would be in the any of the Tertiary deposits found in China [112]. The Survey directed its inquiry formally to mission stations and foreigners throughout China asking for information and assistance in this quest. The response from missionaries of several faiths and denominations, including Catholic in southern China and eastern Inner Mongolia was instant. As a result, Andersson decided to initiate his search for dragon bones in central Honan [Henan] Province. Almost immediately, a local handed him a rhinoceros skull to examine and directed him to the loess deposits in which it was found. Continuing in 1918, Andersson discovered prehistoric coral-like animals and recognized that they were similar to fossils found in the pre-Cambrian area of North America. He also located the first Hipparion fossil (an extinct genus of horse) known to exist in China. As he searched for the source of the dragon bones, Andersson had occasion to visit a small town 30 miles to the south west of Peking [113]. This little peasant town of Chou Kou Tien had held geological curiosity for Andersson, but in early 1918, he was summoned there for something else. J. McGregor Gibb, a chemistry professor at Peking University, reported finding fossils at a site called "Chicken Bone Hill." Andersson arrived on March 22 and stayed for two days. He determined that "Chicken Bone Hill," a "red clay pillar rising out of the base of an old limestone quarry," was a remnant fill that had existed in a crevice in the limestone before the limestone was quarried away [114]. The column was left standing because the Chinese workers thought evil spirits lurked within it. Found inside the column instead were hundreds of delicate, fossilized bird bones. This led Andersson to speculate that in fact they had found a wealth of fossil material. But he felt already too extended and too inexpert to proceed. He needed the assistance of someone with paleontological expertise and time to examine it thoroughly. Until then he put off further excavation of Chicken Bone Hill. Making Progress

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During this time, Franz Larson began working for Chinese president Yüan Shih-kai as an advisor on Mongolian affairs. He was now spending more time in Peking and there he met Andersson. The word, of course, had spread that Andersson was making interesting fossils discoveries and openly seeking information on other possible fossil finds and locations. Larson knew of such and invited Andersson to visit his home near Tabool in Inner Mongolia. Andersson finally made his way there in 1919 and, among other discoveries, recognized the fossil remains of beaver fauna at Ertemte. In 1920 another western-trained Chinese geologist, Li Ssu-kuang, began teaching at Peking University. This freed Ting to offer a course in vertebrate paleontology. Interest in the earth sciences of China was growing; but for Andersson and a small band of amateur collectors, Chinese fieldwork in geology was still in its infant stage and in paleontology it was still a blank. When Ting invited him to relocate to China, Amadeus William Grabau should have been comfortably established in the US as the esteemed author of many works in geology, paleontology and stratigraphy. He also was a professor at Columbia University. The German-descended midwest-America born Grabau, educated at MIT and Harvard, had been at Columbia for twenty years. He was an acknowledged expert of North American and European geology. Grabau lived fashionably in the upscale village of Scarsdale in Westchester County just north of New York City and an easy commute by train. However, the first world war began with German aggression. Anti-German feelings and fears were strong among many. But when the US contemplated entry into the contest to oppose Germany, Grabau openly and vigorously spoke against it. While it is not clear whether he was anything more than opposed to war as a matter of principle, his opposition was largely misunderstood, embarrassing to Columbia and costly to him. Grabau lost his professorship and his career was threatened. Ting made the offer to Grabau while visiting with him in New York. The situation clearly presented a good opportunity for. While Grabau now had a chance to salvage his career and expand his expertise, Ting was able to take advantage of Grabau’s prominence and contacts. Ting wanted Grabau to teach at the Peking University. To sweeten the deal, he also offered Grabau the position as chief paleontologist of the Chinese Geological Survey. Grabau accepted both.

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Grabau's move to China in 1920 would be a boon to North America's earth scientists; he became the first direct link between them and China. Grabau's continued rapport with many of his former colleagues at Columbia University and its sister institution, the American Museum of Natural History, held the promise of a smoothly paved way into Asia. The door was opened wider to serious scientific study of Central Asia. [Cut #2]

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The January, 1919, Andersson-Andrews Encounter Revisited On February 1, 1919, Johan Gunnar Andersson signed off on his 29-page typewritten action plan. Written in Swedish and entitled “Allmän plan för Naturvetenskapliga Insamlingar i Kina,” it was his proposal to the Swedish government for a large-scale, systematic Sino-Swedish scientific exploration of China’s and Inner Mongolia primarily in archaeology, geology and paleontology. Crown Prince H. M. Gustaf VI Adolf had taken direct interest in Anderssons’ work and corresponded with him directly. [Lagrelius?] Just two weeks before, he had met with Andrews over the course of two days. This was at Andrews’s request. At that point, Andrews was still in the employ of the ONI and the censor hadn’t yet discovered Yvette’s letter. Andersson and Andrews conversed at length on January 18th and 19th, about Andersson’s accomplshments to date and the need for a multi-scientific discipline approach to fieldwork in China and Mongolia [115]. Andersson gained solid experience with precisely that kind of scientific expedition when he served in the 1901-1903 Swedish Antarctic Expedition under Otto Nordenskjöld as the expedition’s geologist. It was that same approach that Andersson had discussed with Andrews in considerable detail his work to date China and formed the basis for his proposal to the Swedish government. He also made known to Andrews his intention to go to Tabool later in the year to inspect Larson’s Inner Mongolia locality. He also indicated that other possibly rich localities in Mongolia had been reported. Andrews was not a fossil-hunter, collector or paleontologist. Nor was he an archaeologist, anthropologist, geologist, stratigrapher, topographer, or scientific theorist. Nevertheless, if cautiously, Andersson seemed to regard the famous and flamboyant Andrews’s personal interest in his work as a sign of Osborn’s own. It all seemed quite collegial and professional. Osborn, Andersson knew, was a powerful man with abundant resources and an excellent stable of paleontologists. Henry Osborn was well aware of Andersson’s presence and work in China. Andersson himself was in correspondence with Osborn’s DVP, mainly with W. D. Matthew, as

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Osborn knew. Now, through Andrews, Osborn was placing a closer eye on developments. Andrews, back in town after his stint in the States, was Osborn’s fly on the wall. By this time, Andrews has already been in Mongolia with Harry Caldwell. He planned to go again later that year, 1919, with Yvette and meet up with Larson at his home in Urga [does FAL say 1918?]. Franz Larson Redux Franz August Larson immigrated to Mongolia in one of the first waves of missionaries to Central Asia. However, he was best known as an entrepreneur and for a dude ranch he established. He eventually anointed himself “Duke of Mongolia” and came to play a key role in introducing the Central Asiatic Expeditions to Mongolia. He would later serve in Sven Hedin’s famed Mongolia expeditions, as well. Acquainting affluent foreigners with ‘his’ Mongolia apparently was what Larson saw as ultimate missionary work. It certainly was a more lucrative endeavor. As one observer noted: I was of two minds about [the] view of Larson as a missionary introducing foreigners to the Mongolian way of life. There was some merit to that view, but considering what was omitted, Larson was actually operating a Mongolian Potemkin village, where the problems besetting the people were swept under the gaily colored mats set out for visitors. There was a mawkish quality to his whole approach. There is no doubt, though, that Larson, through his own colorful life and popular writing about Mongolia, helped arouse interest in the area among Swedes and other foreigners. He appears to be only second to Hedin in his contribution along this line [116]. Larson, later nicknamed “Wolf” by the Swedish Mongolian explorer Sven Hedin, was a tall, somewhat stooped, sociable man with an open, jovial face and hearty laugh. His expertise was in guiding, hunting and supplying field parties [117]. He loved the out-ofdoors, horses, guns, cars and money. His knowledge of the Mongolias was said to be formidable. He had covered much of it by horseback and knew it well.

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It appears that Andrews first met Larson in Urga in 1919 and soon presented him with a choice [117a]. Larson had been helping with Andersson’s Mongolian fossil hunting. He also had connected Andersson to at least two Mongolians who, in addition to Larson, knew where some fossil localities existed. They also had some experience collecting fossils. Although Larson was a Swede by birth, he was a Mongolian by sentiment. Andrews was famous and funded. Andersson’s Plan-January, 1919 J. G. Andersson’s proposed expedition game plan, he wrote Andrews in a follow-up communication, was as follows: My present aim, that I intend to pursue during a sufficient number of years, is to study the geographical [geological] development during the pliocene and pleistocene times of northern China and possibly some adjacent districts such as parts of Mongolia and the Yangtse valley. ... [But, first] I want to lay emphasis upon the fact that I am in the service of the Chinese government (indeed only my position as Chinese official has opened to me a chance in this field of research where all kind of superstitions regarding “dragon bones” and “dragon teeth’ are severely hampering the progress of the collector). Consequently I am most anxious to work out this thing as far as possible as a national Chinese undertaking, even for the reason that I have always had the full support of my superiors and the mostly pleasant cooperation with my able Chinese colleagues, before all Mr. V. K. Ting and Dr. Wong Wen-hao, the Director and vice Director of the Geological Survey. ... As to the working out of the material from a paleontological point of view, it must be understood that I am only a geologist, and that I intend here to carry out only such preparations and preliminary determinations which I deem necessary to guide me in the field work [118]. Andersson then raised the ante, making clear that he had already taken steps regarding examination of fossils he’d already collected, apparently including dinosaur.

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Since my early university years I have been in close friendship with one of our ablest paleontologists, Professor [Carl] Wiman of the University of Uppsala, who has repeatedly worked out fossil material collected by me in different parts of the world, amongst other things the miocene penguins collected by professor Nordenskjöld and me in the Antartic. Of late professor Wiman has done extensive work with the saurians from Spitzbergen so he is certainly quite familiar with vertebrate work, and I am most anxious to get his assistance as he is a skilled and patient worker. I have written to him asking him to take charge of the paleontological examination of my material. Because of the present slow and difficult mail communication with Europe I have so far had no reply from him, but I sincerely hope that he will be able to associate with me (emphasis added) [119]. During the second day of their talks, Andrews had outlined his own plan to expand zoological research in China and hunt big game in Mongolia. Andersson seemed tentative, if gracious, about the news: I have listened today with much interest to the admirable scheme that you have outlined for your extensive natural history researches and I think there are many points of connection between your plans and mine, in spite of the one attacking the problems from the zoologist’s [viewpoint], the other from the geologist’s point of view. I thank you very much for your kind suggestions that some kind of co-operation could be established between us, and as you have very frankly made your plans known to me I am glad to put my status before you with the same frankness [120]. Obviously, Andersson regarded Andrews’s plan as ancillary to his own and simply was a geographical expansion of his first two Asiatic zoological expeditions. But there also had been a proposal by Andrews to join ventures, particularly in paleontology. Osborn’s touch was obvious. But, Andersson declined, closing his letter to Andrews with this:

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As you will see from the above exposé my plan of work has[,] only as far as the collecting is concerned, taken a definite shape. May be, I will get from home much less cooperation that I hope to get, and then I will be very happy to reconsider your kind suggestion of direct cooperation with American colleagues. At present I think it of secondary importance whether such cooperation be established or not. With the broad views your people take of scientific intercourse, I feel sure that we always will be able to maintain and develop the exchange of views and experience that I have found so stimulating during our conversations of yesterday and today. You will always find me happy to show you what things I have got, and on the other side you will find me and certainly also my colleagues most willing to render you any assistance we are able to do [121]. Concern But, to others, Andersson signaled some concern, now wondering what Andrews and his American institution might really be up to. Within his “Allmän plan för Naturvetenskapliga Insamlingar i Kina” Andersson advised: In addition to the Japanese carrying out one important scientific work after the other on Chinese soil, the Americans have also lately demonstrated the most versatile power of initiative out here in the east. Therefore, it was not a total surprise when I met some time ago with Mr. Roy Chapman Andrews and learnt that the American Museum of Natural History, the powerful American institution, is preparing for a major scientific expedition to the inner China, in which different research branches, in addition to zoology, also geology, paleontology, archaeology, and anthropology will surely be represented through specialists. Mr. Andrews is a collector for the above-mentioned organization and well-known here in the east, through his earlier zoological collection trips in Manchuria and Yunnan that have been very rich with results.

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The plan that is the basis for Mr. Andrews’s new expedition project is very grand and appealing in its design, and is brave and logical at the same time. The American researchers use the assumption that Central Asia probably was the place for the most primitive human races. They believe that these primitive people followed the wanderings of the larger animals, during their own wanderings in the New World, and more remote parts of the Old World. The present expedition of Mr. Andrews, that intends to study the “big game” of Mongolia, is therefore one of the preparations for the future, larger expedition that, with the help of a versatile staff, will be able to attack the big, anthropological problem that is outlined above [122]. Andersson went on to note that there was no doubt “that Mr. Andrews’s and my own work program have many points of contact [123].” So much so, that “[a]s soon as he heard a little about my plans, he did in fact make me a direct offer, i.e., that his wealthy museum would make means available for my disposal––as long as they would receive my [fossil] collections [124].” Referring to the letter he had written to Andrews on January 19 declining Andrews’s offer of assistance in paleontology, Andersson mused, “I hope that Mr. Andrews and I will not need to become competitors in any way. On the contrary, it is my intent to propose to him a systematic distribution of work by dividing the field of work at our next meeting [125].” But in the very next sentence he wrote “But on the other hand, his plan is a reminder to us to act quickly and with determination [126].” * Andersson’s inability to more decisively assess the situation was because he had been sandbagged by the Americans. In the course of his discussion with Andrews, the notion of the ‘Fayum Protocol’ was interjected. This referred to Osborn’s patient wait in the early 1900s while the British completed their work in the Fayum of Egypt before he went in with Granger in 1907.

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Osborn’s eagerness to go to Egypt was tempered, as he saw it, by a professional obligation to delay his effort until others already there were finished [127]. The suggestion to Andersson was that Osborn would do the same for him––the Museum wait until Andersson’s work was finished. But whereas Osborn really had no choice concerning the Fayum--the British ruled Egypt in those days––entering China and Inner Mongolia, on the other hand, was a very different story. These were still frontiers without unified rule. Neither the Chinese or the Swedes could stop the Americans from freely running about the countryside on their quasi-diplomatic passports and hunting permits while contingents of their navy and marines stood incountry (China) and at the ready to protect them, their businessmen rang up profits on imported goods and services, and their missionaries proselytized Western religion. While as to Outer Mongolia, where the Bolsheviks (or Buriats) now ruled, the Americans would have to tread more carefully, suitable arrangements could be made. [Cut #3] Spring, 1919 Andersson pressed on. Early in the spring of 1919, he contacted Larson asking the well-known expert on Mongolian affairs to engage for me a Mongol, who would be able and willing to undertake a reconnaissance trip with the purpose of discovering what knowledge there might be of fossil bones amongst the local [Mongol] population. A young Mongol named Haldjinko, was consequently engaged for the purpose, through the mediation of Mr. Larson, and this Mongol soon became a very good fossil hunter.... On my arrival in the Hallong-Ossu region (115 km NNW of Kalgan), in July 1919, Haldjinko took me to a number of localities, where bones had been found by him... After a period of small progress, another Mongol collector named Jensen [Lob-tsen Yen-tsen] brought in a lot of fossil bones, among which I discovered the molar of a big beaver-like rodent. This find gave a powerful impetus to our

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search. It was soon learned, that this interesting tooth had been found during the digging of a well at a place called Ertemte, about 35 li north of Hallong-Ossu. Furthermore it was learned that the best deerhorns collected by Haldjinko in the early spring had come from that locality. New excavations were at once started at Ertemte, and it soon became clear that a micro-fauna mostly of rodents occurs in a sandy deposit within a certain layer at a depth of three meters. The excavations at Ertemte were continued in the autumn, long after I had returned to Peking, under the able and energetic supervision of Rev. Joel Eriksson, and quite an extensive collection of the Ertemte microfauna was brought together... Rev. Eriksson, a member of the Swedish Mongol Mission at Hallong-Ossu, has in most able and enthusiastic manner participated in my collecting campaign in the Hallong-Ossu region [128]. Mongolians Jensen [Lob-tsen Yen-tsen] and Haldjinko, and the Swede Eriksson were now joined with Obruchev and Andersson, as among the first to collect vertebrate fossils in Inner Mongolia for scientific purposes. Late that fall, Andersson wrote his first fieldwork report, dated November 30, 1919 [?Elaborate here, especially as to continued mention of Andrews who by then had been into Outer Mongolia at least twice including with Yvette and had met with Larson. Where is that drafting?]. 1920 Andersson placed a map in his report of March 22, 1920, marking nine fossil vertebrate localities he had found in Inner Mongolia in 1919. These included Ertemte, Olan Chorea, Tabool and Debato. Ertemte and Olan Chorea, were on the north side of the auto/caravan route which Borghese, Obruchev and now Andrews had traveled. Tabool and Debato were on the south side of that same road, the latter practically in Swedish missionary Joel Eriksson’s backyard at Hallong Ossu. Andersson had surveyed Ertemte and Olan Chorea at 1:30,000 meters, and showed the locations of an ancient earth wall, an ancient walled city, stone effigies and the apparent boundaries of an ancient lake. He was back that following summer:

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I eagerly returned to Mongolia, principally for the purpose of continuing the search for fossil mammals.... In July 1920, I started northwards from Hallong-Ossu into the Gobi region, to a point some distance north of P’ang Chiang. The hopes for new harvests of fossil mammals in these more northern regions were not realized, although we obtained some big leg bones, probably of an elephant, which had been found in a sanddeposit about half way between Hallong-Ossu and P’ang Chiang [129]. Later that summer, on August 10, 1920, Roy Andrews wrote the following to Henry Osborn: Anderson [sic] is especially interested in making reconnaissance over large areas, and this summer is in Mongolia where he expects to continue work next year. His great hope is to find human remains and he is testing various localities with that end in view... Since Dr. Anderson has barely touched the fields which he has already discovered, and is not a palaeontologist who is familiar with the fauna which he has unearthed, I am quite sure that Mr. [Walter] Granger would be able to carry out further investigations with a great deal of profit [130]. Weeks later, Andersson himself confirmed not only that further and widened exploration of Inner Mongolia was indeed his aim, he also intended to investigate Outer Mongolia. In a letter to W. D. Matthew dated October 4, 1920, he wrote: [A]n immense field of research waits for the explorer in the arid regions of central Asia. During the two summers in Inner Mongolia I have just had the chance to pick up some samples at the very edge of the desert area. I am now busy to prepare a geological description of these vertebrate deposits in Inner Mongolia and I sincerely hope to have a ready manuscript at the time of Dr. Granger's arrival in Peking... I certainly hope that I will see Dr. Granger here before my trip to Outer Mongolia (emphasis added) [131]. *

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The die seemed cast and ill-will soon developed. On December 6, 1920, Andersson wrote to Andrews to say he had just read Andrews' piece in Asia and "[felt] sorry" about the American’s assessment that "China has no national institution where natural history objects can be studied." Andersson pressed on, writing: I think it had been desirable to mention that the Geological Survey of China exists as an active scientific institution... It is true that we have not so far made any public announcement on the existence of the Survey... But I brought you together with the Director and vice-Director of the Survey in order to make you acquainted with this institution. When you spoke of your scheme to create a natural history museum in China, I pointed out the existence of a geological museum in connection with the Geological Survey and invited you to come to see this museum [132]. Andersson further stated that he had prepared an article on the Chinese Geological Survey to make it better known, and he wanted Andrews to have it published in Asia "at the earliest possible occasion.” He also intended to have it published by the Geological Society of Stockholm. But that was not all Andersson had to say: I felt not a little surprised to read in your article that you had changed your plan so far that extensive palaeontological work will be done in China proper, that is the region where I, in closest cooperation with the Geological Survey and with your full knowledge of all the facts, have been active collecting fossil mammals for monographic research during the last four years. I very well recollect how you told me once about the perfectly charming manner in which President Osborn approached Ch. W. Andrews before starting his expedition to the Fayûm desert. I have not been able to see the difference between our case and that of Andrews, except that the latter had already left the field, whereas we are at the height of our collecting activity [133].

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Now adding more fuel to the Central Asia fossil quest was that the Russian paleontologist A. A. Borissiak had hypothesized in 1920 that Cenozoic and possibly Cretaceous fossils would be found in the Gobi [134]. That meant, of course, both mammals (Cenozoic) and dinosaurs (Cretaceous). With primitive human being looked for and paleontological finds already being made, no more time could not be lost. With smug assurance, Andrews had activated the American publicity mills nearly two years before the AMNH exploration was to commence, seemingly already writing off the chance of finding primitive human, but surely not that of finding dinosaurs and mammals. Indeed, on October 19, 1920, he wrote to Osborn “The primitive human story is the one which has the best news value, and the papers will always write up that side of it, still our expedition cannot fail to obtain paleontological material of great value, even though it does not happen to find human remains . . . It seems to me that our publicity campaign has begun auspiciously.”

Osborn, always thinking globally, followed developments closely. Andersson and related events had presented Osborn with an opportunity: he could prove his theory and he moved to do so. When Andersson finally realized what the Museum was up to, it was too late. Osborn had another advantage in China that he had not had in Egypt and that Andersson and the Swedes did not have––sovereign nation treaty rights. He had plenty more maneuvering room here [in this part of Asia] than in Egypt. His promise to Andersson was a smokescreen. By the close of 1920, the AMNH announced their intention to conduct a large-scale, multi-disciplinary scientific exploration both of China and Mongolia in the very same way that Andersson had outlined and disclosed to Andrews from January 18-19, 1919. Western Foothold in China In his introduction to The Alluring Target, author Kenneth Wimmel states The march of Tsarist Russia across the steppes into the deserts and mountains of Central Asia is a major theme of 19th-century Asian history. It aroused increasing apprehension in British Inda and prompted the “Great Game,” a complicated chess game of

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espionage, exploration, diplomacy, and, on occasion, sabre-rattling by Britain and Russia, as the British sought to forestall the Russian advance, and the Russians sought to avoid or overcome British resistance. The great plateaus, mountain ranges, and deserts of the heartland were their chessboard [p. 10]. “The Great Game,” continues Wimmel, “prompted both sides to send agents into Central Asia to spy out the land and find out what the other side was up to [p. 10].” In time, Russia and Britain were not the only ones at play in this game. By 1919, the U.S. also was snooping around in China and Mongolia with civilian informants under quise of their civilian occupations. Andrews was among them. “Museum curator” was his cover. “Mr. Reynolds” was his code name. Andrews did not operate as a trained military spy, but as a civilian informant. The distinction made is that Andrews did not discern and process information he passed along. He simply reported whatever he learned for others to evaluate. The U.S. employed many such civilian informants to supplement its intelligence-gathering operations. It was interested in all things Chinese and Mongolian for a [number of] reason[s]. * Since [ ], the United States, along with Britain, France, Italy and Japan, had owned concession rights to conduct commerce and maintain a military presence in China, particularly in the Yangtze basin and at Shanghai. [ ] China, with whom Andersson was employed, was not only vulnerable economically and militarily to Western presence, it was naescent in the face of Western-style approach to earth science. The West was far ahead of China in scientific exploration, techniques, discoveries, analysis and publication. China was not ready to undertake the sort of exploration Andersson proposed. Moreover, the Swedish government, despite Andersson’s connection to the monarchy, was dragging its feet. Andersson’s proposals, abundant artefactual and fossil discoveries and a growing list of publications were unable to garner Swedish sponsorship. The situation was frustrating. Andersson regarded scientific exploration as a matter of

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national pride. While Andersson believed that a nation’s status was enhanced by the achievements of its scientists, he did not view it as a competition between nations or men. But “[t]his sort of competition was [now] very much in evidence [135].” The Americans were in play. As one Andersson biographer noted recently, the affair between national scientists “amounted to a version of an Olympic race [136].” For a time, Ting, Davidson Black, a Canadian professor of anatomy teaching at the Peking Union Medical College and others working in promoting the study of geology in China became caught up as well. They were especially offended by a publicized statement by Andrews that science in China was so undeveloped that a western effort was needed to “jump start” the study of earth science and natural history in the region and bring it into the 20th century [137]. A protest was lodged, Osborn intervened to smooth matters over and arranged for Granger to arrive in China a year ahead of schedule. Andrews began making amends. Now finding himself out-maneuvered, Andersson realized that he and his out-gunned nations stood no chance against the American machine. Institutional backing by the AMNH and Asia Magazine, as well as American moguls and corporations funding, equipment and supplies gave the museum every advantage. The Americans not only had gained the knowledge of where to go, how to get there and whom to beat, they had obtained the means. When they finally took to the field in 1922, one could only imagine Andersson’s envy of American motorcars racing across the Mongolian Steppe, to reach fossil dinosaurs that he knew would be there, and getting there before him because of stronger funding for the purchase of cars, instead of horses, donkeys and camels and river rafts used by Andersson (emphasis added) [138]. Andersson was to be heavily disheartened by this turn of events. He would quietly leave geology, paleontology and his dreams of exploration in Mongolia to the Americans and concentrate on his archaeology projects and Zhoukoudian. [Cut #4] Granger in China, 1921

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[?Insert E] Despite a central government in Peking, there was no nation-wide authority over the whole of China, especially the south. China at the dawn of the 1920s was a once highly unique and mighty culture and history of successively great, accomplished, vast and aged dynasties that finally began to convulse and rend, loosing various pieces soon to fracture and splinter and swirl off only to be jammed back together again after the Boxer rebellion and funneled into a raging vortex of an uncontrollable passage at high speed and endless spinning, now discordant parts clamoring without any apparent outcome in sight. This unequaled, hugely chaotic period in China’s history was a condensing tube of tumult and unpredictability that eventually would take China from the old, an eminent nation of splendid complexity and intricacy, to the completely new and seemingly very simple. As one student put it, from these years of great flailing and turmoil there was to be really only one heir left intact from the old order, yet filled with the promise of the new. The imperial mandate had once been heaven’s to give, but--in the words of the Book of Documents--“heaven sees with the eyes of the people; heaven hears with the ears of the people.” Vague and amorphous, a new tide was rolling toward Peking. As yet, no one could name it: a proletariat, an armed peasantry perhaps. To define the people and determine how to mobilize its strength was a task for future revolutionaries. Until their time came, China would have no true unity and the revolution no enduring mandate to carry on [139]. As relations simmered between Andersson and Andrews, Osborn elected to assuage Andersson and the Chinese Geological Survey by sending Granger over a year ahead of the American Mongolia exploit scheduled for 1922. First Granger first would help Andersson investigate and assess Chicken Bone Hill at Zhoukoudian. Then he would take a small expedition party into the Yangtze Basin to try to locate the source of the revered dragon bone. His longtime field assistant, George Olsen, was to go with him.

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Osborn had brushed aside Andrews’s proposal that Barnum Brown handle the CAE’s paleontology [140]. At this point, Granger was now better known for his fossil mammal work and that was essential to proving Osborn’s 1900 theory. Granger also had a good background in geology. Brown was known strictly for his dinosaur work, which was not useful to Osborn’s theory. Besides, he was about to leave the museum to work in the private sector. But, in addition, Osborn’s estimate likely was that the temperamentally low-key Granger was more suited to dealing with the Chinese and the international cadre of scientists located in China than was the high-strung Brown. Andrews’s tilt to Brown suggests that, along with essential skills in collecting fossil mammals, he did not appreciate these distinctions, or did not see them as important. It thus also appears to confirm his expectation that fossil dinosaurs were to be found in Mongolia, as Andersson and Borissiak had been suggesting. But Granger, Osborn knew, could collect those too. But what also made Andrews’s suggestion of Brown peculiar was that it followed a discussion about the selection with the DVP’s W. D. Matthew, a mammalian theorist. Nevertheless, Osborn overruled them both and Granger was on his way to China in the spring of 1921. Granger in Asia From 1921 to 1930 [Summarize WG’s extraordinary decade-long expedition/Peking/US sequence with dates and years and then follow with “Granger’s Asia work began with Andersson at Zhoukoudian in August, 1921.] Zhoukoudian When Granger stepped onto the platform and turned to assist Anna, J. G. Andersson and a few other welcomers pressed forward to greet them. Andrews was not among the group, but the Central Asiatic Expedition had officially begun. And, despite events having turned sour with Andrews, Andersson was pleased to see Granger. Granger embodied the scientific acumen and technique Andersson regarded as so essential to understanding China’s fossil riches. Granger “very kindly offered to acquaint us with the extraordinarily developed technique of excavations which had been one of the factors in the phenomenal progress of the American vertebrate paleontologists,” Andersson later noted.

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While needing to investigate at Zhoukoudian because of the find at Chicken Bone Hill, Andersson and the Geological Survey also had a reliable tip about a source supplying Chinese wholesale druggists with fossils in the Yangtze region. It was located somewhere on the Upper River just above the Three Gorges near the city of Wanhsien (Wanxian). This was such a politically and militarily unstable region that Andersson and the Chinese Geological Survey had delayed exploration there. Anti-Peking sentiment, changing political affiliations, warlord battles and banditry. Osborn thought Granger should have a firsthand look at both of these localities Crossing the Pacific from San Francisco west to Shanghai aboard the [name] and then travelling north by train to Peking, the Grangers had finally arrived in Peking on June [date], 1921. But George Olsen was not with them, having had to cancel because all his teeth “vas more or les afected” and it was thought best to pull them out all at once. “[A]t present Iem living on Oatmeal and mush,” Olsen wrote to his friend Harold J. Cook. Olsen still hoped to get reach China by the Fall [141]. Andersson’s assistant Otto Zdansky and his Chinese assistants were already stationed at Zhoukoudian located 45 kilometers southwest of Peking. Granger and Andersson joined them in [date] August to take up study of the remnant of limestone called “Chicken Bone Hill.” Soon after arriving at the site, they were approached by a local man who advised that "Not far from here there is a place where you can collect much larger and better dragons' bones.” Andersson inquired further, "knowing well that in the matter of search for dragons' bones in China we must never neglect any clue." Upon additional information from the man, they collected their gear and followed him to a greatly fissured face of a limestone cliff in an abandoned quarry just to the north. After searching only a few minutes search they found a jaw of a pig “which showed,” wrote Andersson, “that we were in the presence of a discovery with much greater possibilities than Chicken Bone Hill [142].” The next day's yield was even better. It "exceeded all expectations" as fossil remains of stag, rhinoceros, hyena and bear were found along with apparent humanly-shaped [quartz chips]. That evening Andersson, Granger and Zdansky celebrated, confident that the site held enormous significance to finding ancient man. “When we raised our glasses at the beginning of dinner, our happy trio was able to drink to a certain discovery,” Andersson wrote. After some quick training by Granger in field techniques over the next two days,

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Andersson continued, “we now decided to leave the completion of our discovery to Dr. Zdansky who probably had weeks of work [to do].” It was very clear that Andersson and Granger were convinced that evidence soon would be found. And it was. Shortly after Andersson and Granger returned to Peking, Zdansky discovered [?two] hominid teeth. But he did not disclose this to anyone, let alone Andersson or Granger. In fact, for years, he kept it secret apparently because he feared Andersson would publish on the find as his own. Venturing the Yangtze Granger was the first paleontologist to succeed in reaching the source of supply for [lung ku and lung ya] and to supervise personally their collection [143]. The [Sichuan Province] collection is important not only as giving a picture of the life of this particular region but, being midway between fossiliferous deposits of the same age in north China and northern India, it helps greatly in working out the general distribution and migrations of mammals in eastern Asia during the Pleistocene period [144]. Leaving Zdansky and the Chinese assistants behind to work the site now known as Locality 1, Andersson went back to his duties and Granger made ready for a lengthy expedition to the Upper Yangtze. His aim was to find dragon bones in situ, or as originally physically situated before collection. He and his small band of Chinese assistants traveled by rail from Peking to Hankow. There they caught a steamer for Ichang and then another for the rest of the trip up the Yangtze through the Three Gorges to a city called Wanxian. Ten miles beyond and another ten miles inland and more than 1,000 feet up a limestone ridge paralling the river to the south lay a remote village called Yenchingkou (or Yanjinggou), or “salt spring valley.” Granger would become the first paleontologist to pay a visit. First, however, Granger and his men had to clear Ichang where a battle for control of the city was about to commence. While Granger had no direct experience in Chinese or Mongolian political affairs when he prepared for expedition to Asia in 1921, he had been

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well-briefed. The Gobi and Yangtze basins promised to be new and potentially prodigious places to be working. Of the two, however, the Yangtze promised to be the most challenging and hold the greatest dangers any member of the CAE would face. The Yangtze River has, for two thousand years, been simultaneously the spine and the central nervous system of the Chinese society [145]. Also known as Ch’ang-chiang (or Long River), the Yangtze stretches more than 4,000 miles west from the Himalayan Plateau east to the sea at Shanghai. This fourth largest river in the world is a tale of trade and adventure, danger and romance, war and opportunism, myth and tragedy. During Granger’s time, the river still served as a “great trade artery, carrying an enormous amount of traffic both up and down.” Including tributaries, Yangtze navigation networked six Chinese provinces totalling 5,500 navigable miles. Not surprisingly, the river’s utility garnered western attention. By 1921, several world powers plied the river for commercial and military purpose. A foreign consortium essentially ran the river, along with the Chinese. The British, French, American, Russian, Italian and Japanese were enabled through “concessions” years before to operate in the nature of privileged foreign settlements. Foreign leaseholds and shipping on the Yangtze dated back to the Opium Wars of 1840-1842 and 1856-1860. At the end of each of these conflicts, China was compelled to sign a battery of agreements known collectively as the Unequal Treaties, not only with the British and French, but also with the United States, Russia, and (later) Germany and Japan. As periodically extended and amended, the Unequal Treaties remained in force for almost exactly one hundred years [146]. The treaties not only opened the Yangtze River valley to foreign influx and exploitation, it exposed the rest of China as well, and now Mongolia. Foreigners were free to trade, travel, reside, patrol and proselytize throughout these countries as never before. It was a circumstance fueled by unusual territorial access ratified by the post-World War I

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maneuvering of the great powers after Versailles. China was, in effect, consigned to being kept helpless. By 1921, [c]oncessions and foreign settlements had been established which were in practically every sense of the word a piece of sovereign territory of the country concerned, and in which the controlling foreign powers retained the rights of policing and governing, delegated to a council of resident merchants [147]. Railroad lines sporting Baldwin locomotives from the US, foreign consuls residences and contacts, foreign banks, foreign commercial enterprises, foreign enclaves, foreign postal and customs systems, foreign missionary stations, foreign gunboats, and a foreign passport status of a diplomatic agent having full authority along with attendant Chineseissued huchaos (or vouchsafes) all helped to pave Granger’s way as he set out for Sichuan. Nevertheless, times were changing. Internal upheaval was on the rise, along with antiforeign sentiment. As a result, danger to foreigners was on the increase. Yangtze travel itself posed danger. The rapids were treacherous and became nearly impassable during certain stages which were always changing the river’s level. Winds channeled up the river could become strong enough to stall sailing craft headed down river. Constantly shifting channels meant there were no suitable charts, and the river continually had to be learned and relearned. The changing water level also affected the well-known and difficult rapids in the famous Three Gorges, as well as lesser-known rapids farther upriver. Spectacular as it was, the Yangtze River brewed a universe of possible perils. But Granger’s potential fossil localities were located along the Yangtze and the Yangtze was the only practical way to get into them. Granger’s river route would take him up from Hankow to Ichang and then through the Three Gorges to Wanxian. There he would regroup and then continue on up the river 10 more miles in smaller craft to a loading dock on the opposite shore below Yenchingkou, a tiny mountain village perched more than 1,000 feet up in a limestone ridge paralleling the Yangtze to the south and now thought to hold the fossils coveted by Chinese medicine for so many years, and now sought by science as well.

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The foreign nations plying the Yangtze variously termed their gunboat presence: the American Yangtze Patrol (YangPat), the British South China Patrol, the French Tottille du Yang Tse, and the Italian, Japanese and Chinese patrols. Western travelers on and dwellers and workers along the Yangtze regularly observed and relied on American gunboats such as the (USS) Elcano, Monocacy, Palos, Quiros and Villalobos or the British gunboats (HMS) Cockchafer, Scarab, Teal, Widgeon and Woodcock. Among the French were the (RFS) Balny and Doudart de la Gree. The Italians fielded (HIMS) Ermanno Carlotto and Libia. The Japanese (HIJMS) and the Chinese (RCS) also had a very strong presence on the River, but were less directly involved with western residents and interests. Gunboat presence on the Upper River from Ichang to Chungking where Granger was headed was much more limited than down river between Ichang to Shanghai. Not all gunboats were sufficiently powered or agile enough to navigate the rapids of the Three Gorges above Ichang and those beyond them. This was a serious problem for any foreigner upriver "where the shooting was prevalent...robbers proliferated...[and] merchants and missionaries complained bitterly [148]." It may have mattered little anyway. Later, in 1927, after the Battle of Wanxian, “where three British river gunboats bloodily slugged it out with a Chinese field army, the China Weekly Review read the tea leaves with awesome accuracy: 'A little tin gunboat on a narrow river is no match in a fight with a Chinese army equipped with modern heavy artillery [149].’" A river gunboat was a small, relatively agile, armed vessel. Of the western powers, the British had the best capability for River patrol, especially Upper River patrol, with betterdesigned and better-powered gunboats. The Americans were next, but still struggling to catch up in design and capability. For the most part, their craft were converted private yachts such as the USS Elcano, or old Spanish gunboats claimed as prizes from the Spanish-American War, such as the USS Quiros and Villalobos, suitably renamed and put to duty for YangPat. But they were not specifically designed for Yangtze River duty as were some of the British, Japanese and Chinese boats. As matters heated up in China, the Americans hurriedly put in orders for two new gunboats specifically modeled after Britain’s HMS Widgeon. They were the sister ships USS Monocacy and Palos, both shallow-drafted and single-screwed. Each was 165.6 feet x 24.6 feet x 2.5 feet and capable of 13.25 knots maximum. American Admiral and gunboat historian Kemp Tolley

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once noted that the coal burning Monocacy and Palos “could burn wood in an emergency, and thus to a certain extent were able to ‘steam off the country’” [Tolley, p. 192]. Built at the Mare Island Naval Shipyard in Vallejo, California, they were then disassembled and shipped overseas (aboard the American steamer Mongolia, no less!) to Shanghai. In Shanghai they were reassembled at the Kiangnan Shipyard, and put into service. That year both vessels demonstrated their ability to handle the rapids of the upper river when they reached Chungking and went to Kiating on the Min River. Nevertheless, they still were somewhat underpowered and also slow to turn. The British Navy had recognized the need for improved power and steerage. Just a year later it came out with the HMS Cockchafer driven by powerful twin screws positioned in tunnels within the aft hull to concentrate their force. The twin screws also greatly improved steering of the ship which on the Yangtze often required facile turns and good timing while negotiating the rapids, up and down. The boat also was comparatively larger at 237.5 feet x 36 feet x 4 feet. While it topped no more than 14 knots and weighed 625 tons, it was quite agile. The various patrol boats ran from 150 to 250 feet depending on where on the River they served and weighed anywhere from 200 to 600 tons. The hulls generally were of iron and the enitre ship was done in white and buff. Most Upper River boats drafted no more than two to four feet. They were lightly armed, generally with two 6-pounders, six .30-caliber machine-guns, and an assortment of hand weapons such as non-automatic rifles, shotguns sometimes sawed off for use as ‘riot guns’, Colt .45s, Browning automatic rifles, Thompson submachine guns, Lewis submachine guns, and even tear gas. A gunboat was powered by steam produced from coal or wood boilers. The crews ranged from 50-100 men and typically included several Chinese to work the boilers and handle other mundane tasks. Showers and bathrooms were placed aft in a cabana-like structure, all waste being disposed of directly off the stern [aft deck] into the water. Obstacles and accidents in the River were commonplace. A wrecked craft here and there could almost always be observed. Collision with rocks, especially in the rapids, was a

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serious danger and the method for dealing with a punctured hull was simple: the hole was stuffed from the inside with bags of cement which were then left to harden after contact with the River water. The hardening was hastened by adding soda [Tolley, p. 181]. The American Yangtze River Patrol (YangPat) was the US Navy’s longest running operation. From 1854 to 1941, it existed under various names, the last as the ‘Yangtze River Patrol of the United States Navy.’ It was a squadron-sized unit of the Navy’s Asiatic Fleet and patrolled the waters of the Yangtze River as far inland as Chungking, 1,300 miles up the river, and occasionally beyond. While the officially stated purpose of the Patrol was to protect US citizens and property, it also served as an intelligence gathering arm of the US Navy. Reports were communicated daily back to YangPat’s flagship the USS Isabel stationed at Shanghai. Underway [J. G.] Andersson was kept out of this locality for several years, after he learned about it, by the political conditions and if we waited for things to be perfectly peaceful on the Upper Yangtze, we would never be here ourselves [150]. Granger was acknowledging the political and military instability of the area, as well as the ever-present robbers, bandits and pirates that now included rogue deserters, stragglers, and spin-off factions. Granger explained that [i]n considering the Wanhsien locality for exploration, we had before my departure from Peking talked over very carefully the chances of my running into active inter-provincial warfare along the Yangtze which might seriously interfere with our progress up the river. After consultation with Doctor Coltman, of the Standard Oil Company, and one or two other men who knew their China well, it was decided to take a chance, trusting that either the trouble would not assume dangerous proportions or that we might slip through before things broke. The mere movement of soldiers and the occasional firing on river steamers were not sufficient to stop us. That sort of thing had been going on for ten years--ever since the

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establishment of the Republic--and was one of the hazards which any up-river traveler expected to take [151]. On August 24, 1921, Granger boarded his expedition party and equipment at the Chien Min Railroad Station in Peking in preparation for an 11 p.m. departure. They were due to arrive in Hankow on the 26th in mid-afternoon. Andersson, Zdansky, Pope and Ruth Wood, an American chemist at Peking’s Rockefeller Medical School, were at the train to see Granger off. Anna, who would remain in Peking for the winter, was there as well. Granger’s expedition members were all Chinese. James V. Wong was Granger’s interpreter and assistant who had attended Highland Military Academy in Worcester, Massachusetts. Wong had excavated with J. G. Andersson at Sha Kuo T’un in China in June of that year [152]. Andrews then hired him as Granger’s ‘business manager’. Chow (Chao Hui Lu) served as the ‘No. 1 Boy’. He had been to Sichuan and Yunnan provinces with Andrews on the earlier Asiatic zoological expeditions. Yang, the cook, had served with the Andrews family in Peking. Liu Ta Ling was Granger’s assistant in general field work, along with his assistant Kan Chuen Pao, nicknamed ‘'Buckshot'’. Chih Hang was the taxidermist and had served with Andrews on a trip to the Eastern Tombs. There were thirty-one pieces of luggage, ‘servant’s bundles’ and wooden boxes to be checked in. The expedition’s field gear included a 7 x 9 green silk tent, two Biddle tents...Two McClellan saddles. Complete paraphernalia for collecting both fossils and living fauna of all sorts. Two shot-guns with aux. barrels, two Savage .250 rifles, two Savage .38 automatic pistols. My own Colt revolver and a .32 pistol of Wong's. Also have sheet iron stove (local make) and cooking outfit... Boxes are of local make with hinges and padlock and of size adapted either for carrying-coolies or mules. Six boxes, those to be used for groceries, are of somewhat smaller size and are made after a pattern furnished by Dr. Andersson. These are designed for heavy fossils. Two boxes of the larger type are fitted with with wooden trays for bird and mammal skins [153].

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On board, Granger and Wong shared a compartment with “a Chinese gentleman who had a soldier as servant.” This man was not further identified. But, Granger soon realized, as the train headed south and began filling with soldiers, that it was heading to military action at the Hupei front. Granger soon learned that the soldiers were under the command of warlord general Wu P'ei Fu. As the train rumbled through stops on the way to Hankow, more soldiers boarded at nearly every important station. Finally, at Cheng-te, in northern Honan Province, they commandeered the 3rd-class coach in which Granger’s men were riding forcing them into the observation compartment of Granger’s first-class coach. The soldiers then tried to take over the first-class coach itself. That obliged Wong, Granger noted, to talk much and long to the station agent and present my official card while I sat back as complacently as possible, got out my passport and letters and waited. Finally the station agent was able to compromise with the soldiery by furnishing another third-class coach, and our train was allowed to proceed after a delay of nearly an hour. Mr. Wong says that my presence in the car (being the only foreigner) is what saved it from confiscation [154]. Granger’s US passport, plenipotentiary in nature, gave him the status of a diplomatic agent and having full authority as such. Aug. 26. During the night Chow aroused us with information that troops had rebelled at a town on the line in Northern Hupei and had destroyed the track for a distance. Early morning gave no verification of this report but we found out later that there had been a disturbance at [WG left blank] and some of the track destroyed but later repaired. Our train gradually losing time since leaving Peking owing to troop train ahead and crowded condition of our train and we finally arrived in Hankow at 9 p.m. instead of schedule time of 3:40 p.m. [155]. On the River

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China, November 16, 1921 Dear Father:We have crickets over here too,--they are singing now as I write. And they give about the only familiar touch to an otherwise strange land. I always think of Middletown when I hear crickets because, I suppose, there was where I first heard them [156]. Granger and his men provisioned up in Hankow and on the evening of August 29th, boarded the SS Tung Wo skippered by Captain Pellew. As they steamed toward Ichang, Granger learned that on an earlier trip to Ichang, the boat had been fired upon by soldiers. As a consequence, some boats now had their railings lined with large sheets of iron. Upon reaching Ichang in the early evening of September 1st, Granger heard reports that Southern Army soldiers had advanced to thirty miles away and were planning to attack the city. He took note of the gunboats in port––two American, one British and one Japanese. Then he set about recording the various fishing techniques he had observed since leaving Hankow. Hand seines and nets were used by men standing in the water. Large circular dip nets and sweeping gill nets were employed off sampans. Some boats employed cormorants––twenty or so birds to each boat. No method, he noted, involved using a baited hook. The next morning, Granger went ashore to call on contacts he was provided with at Butterfield & Swire and the Standard Oil Company. He also met with John ‘Fossil’ Smith, the British Consul in Ichang and amateur fossil collector who had tipped off Andersson to the apparent fossil locality up the river. Rumors flew that southern troops were now advancing on Ichang by the hour and that combat was imminent. Fighting broke out in mid-afternoon on Saturday when the defending Northern Army fired directly across the river at southern force defenses. Granger watched the action through his field glasses. Now aboard the Loong Mow, but unable to depart, Granger followed the fighting for the rest of that day, the next and into the following evening. At daybreak, he watched the southerners make “a grand assault and [overwhelm] all the Northern Army’s defensive positions across the river including the “Pyramid” (500’) and other peaks directly opposite the town and only a mile away.”

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The northern soldiers fled by boat, suffering heavy casualties. By 9 p.m., the fighting was over and an armistice declared. More fighting was to be heard over the next two nights, however, between opposing armies to the north and east of the city. * While ashore at Ichang, Granger had viewed British Consul Smith’s small collection of vertebrate and invertebrate fossils of Pleistocene and Paleozoic age some of which were said to come from up the Rive near Wanhsien at a place called Yenchingkou. The fossils held promise he noted later in his diary. But his mind, stuck on the battle he had just witnessed. It weighed: while he thought the fighting was of extreme interest, he sensed a “certain element of danger and anxiety.” During the battle, a native crew member of the USS Monocacy was shot as was a boy on a sampan. Both were the result of stray bullets and that underscored how dangerous the area was for everyone. Then a coolie was beheaded on the Bund by soldiers and other executions were being reported throughout the city. This was not the tamed American West or the colonially ruled Fayum of Egypt. There was no semblance of order as Granger watched small squads of Chinese soldiers parade relentlessly up and down the Bund recruiting coolies by force, grabbing them, tying them together and driving them off with sticks. They would be used for carrying ammunition, luggage and food, or even just handling lines on a ferry, before being killed when no longer able or needed. Thankfully, it seemed, the Loong Mow finally pulled out of Ichang harbor at dawn on the 7th and headed for Wanxian. As it reached Ichang Gorge at breakfast, they were met by junks filled with soldiers heading down river to Ichang. Some of the soldiers fired at the Loong Mow as they passed by forcing all aboard to leave the decks and find refuge in the ship. It became smart not to come back on deck too early. One shot was fired back from a junk that had gone a half a mile beyond the Loong Mow. “[S]itting on the after deck[, the] bullet passed close and entered the dining salon just forward of us and stopped in the linoleum of the floor.” *

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The Loong Mow was larger than the Tung Wo which its skipper Captain Hall lived aboard with his wife during his eight months of duty. Its engines were more powerful than the Tung Wo’s. Almost too much so, as Granger noted, when “[we] pass almost too quickly through the really wonderful gorges.” A huge wash was created by the powerful engines as the steamer ascended the gorges and met the rapids and faster current. To maintain steering headway, sufficient power had to be applied. But as the propeller churned against the oncoming rush of water, a wash was created sufficient to swamp or roll over a smaller craft if it were too close. It had done just that to a junk full of soldiers not too long before. That apparently was why the downriver junks bearing soldiers had fired at them––in warning, if not also for revenge. Assessing the Fossil Field Unique on the Yangtze, Wanhsien had ever been at a trouble spot. Rival generals fought in and around it. Bandits threatened, floods took their toll of the lower-lying parts, and foreigners clung precariously to their business in the face of all hazards and provocations. ‘The river narrowed to an insignificant gorger, then came a broad expanse of still water resembling a mountain lake, and then Wan appeared. The burst of its beauty...a stately city piled on ciffs and heights...a wall of rock on one side crowded with temples, with the broad river disappearing among the mountains which were dissolving away in blue mist. It was quite overpowering.’[Tolley, p. 232] After reaching Wanhsien without further incident, Granger’s men set up temporary headquarters at the British-run Customs Office while he made calls to present the letters of introduction he carried from Peking and the States. The ancient Paleozoic ridge he hoped to inspect another ten miles beyond had been exposed and eroded over thousands of years by the main channel-cutting waters of the Yangtze. As the water cut through, rocks and other debris swirled about and occasionally drilled into soft areas in the limestone. Gradually, holes or pits were formed and deepened as the process continued. During the Pleistocene that followed, unwary animals, or their already dead carcasses, were caught or swept into these pits to be trapped and left to fossilize.

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Chinese farmers later discovered the pits spread along the ridge for twenty miles or so. One could count several hundred in a day's trip. They began to mine them and sell them to the druggists, as an off-season enterprise over the winter months when farming duties came to a near standstill. Most pits needed to be excavated and some were 150 feet deep. The shafts were vertical and filled with debris. The peasants lowered themselves by rope and a seat from a crude windlass overhead. They carried a trowel to excavate and a basket to fill. Mud, loose rock and fossils were hauled up in baskets. The fossils were then dried, sorted for quality and held for inspection and sale to the druggists. Those that sold were taken down to the river’s edge by coolie and on downstream by junk. It was pure business and the delicacy of Granger’s task was clear. On the one hand, he wished to make a firsthand inspection of all these fossils to determine their value for science. On the other hand, he had to make sure he did not interfere with commerce in one of China’s most revered practices. The excavation of these fossils had been going on for generations. Many hundreds of tons of good fossils had been broken up and sold to the druggists. Granger decided to purchase the material he wanted, electing not to try to excavate a pit himself. Not only were these family-owned, the work required little technical skill and was somewhat risky even if mainly a matter of hauling jumbled material out of a pit bucket by bucket. Excavation apparatus, such as ladder and windlass, was primitive and the walls of the pits were rarely well shored. Granger would offer to pay about 13 cents for 27 ounces of fossil material. The standard druggist price was somewhat lower, but the druggists were not culling the fossils for preservation -- theirs were to be ground into powder. Base Camp, Yenchingkou Yen-ching-kuo, Wanhsien, Szc, China, November 16, 1921 Dear Father:I have been in this place now since Oct. 17th. It's only a small hamlet of some twenty families –– just a double row of houses on the stone paved path which leads from the river to Hupeh province.

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The family of Tan is the dominant one in this neighborhood and they have their ancestral hall here and it is in this that we're camped. These halls are similar to the temples except that instead of idols there are stone tablets inscribed to the glory of the Tan ancestry. Joss is performed night and morning just as in the temples and family gatherings are held here. One was a memorial meeting––held always at the harvest moon, and the other was a trial of a member of the family, accused of adopting a son outside of the clan. The joss which is done twice daily consists of beating a drum––like the drum of a partridge repeated three times––and the ringing of a bell and the burning of joss sticks [157]. Granger had taken his men and equipment by sampan ten miles up the river from Wanxian to the opposite shore at the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing. With coolies carrying expedition gear, they then climbed the main trail to the village of Yanjinggou, more than 1,000 feet up and 12 miles inland. The countryside was rugged, as was much of Sichuan. Yanjinggou was situated in a narrow valley surrounded by hills that rose steeply at 45 degree angles. A small creek flowed by the village wending its way down to the Yangtze. It was fed along the way by small streams that flowed off other mountains. Agriculture existed wherever possible. Steep hillsides were terraced with rice paddies wherever a moving stream of water was available. The farmers regulated the water flow to avoid drowning the rice, as often happened in the lowland. Where water was not at hand, summer crops of corn, sweet potatoes, beans and some buckwheat were planted. Peas, wheat and turnips were the winter crops. Water buffalo were used to plow and harrow, but everything else in the way of farming was done by hand. The people of Yanjinggou were poorer that year because an army of religious fanatics had come down through the valley during the previous year and taken nearly all the livestock. Then, when soldiers came up from Wanhsien and chased away the fanatics, they took just about everything else of value left behind. The natives had begun in the spring without much. They were just now acquiring a few pigs and a water buffalo or two. But with hardly any hens, Granger and his men had to go ten miles away to obtain eggs in quantity.

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While the village was “inexpressibly filthy,” the Tan family temple Granger and his party occupied was clean and pleasant. The locals came in continually during the day to watch the foreigners work and eat. They would simply stand in the courtyard and stare, which annoyed Granger somewhat. Twenty or so of the villagers would gaze at him in silence. Then they would leave and another lot would come in. His spirits lifted whenever the children came in and played about the court. Sometimes Granger would give them crackers or candy, or empty shotgun shells which they seemed to covet highly. “Like people of all races,” Granger noted, “I suppose the very young or the very old are the most interesting and we pay special attention to them.” Yen-ching-kuo, Wanhsien, Szc, China, November 16, 1921 Dear Father: Mr. Wong went into Wanhsien today, back on the 18th. I did not hear from you when I was in on the seventh; hope I have a letter or two this mail. Am expecting a Lieutenant from the British Gunboat "Widgeon" [HMS Widgeon] to come back with Mr. Wong for a visit. The Captain of the "Widgeon" is interested in birds and when I was in town [h]e went over my collection and identified most of them. They were all new to me and as I had no bird book with me I did not know any of the names. The gunboat took me up to my landing when I came back the other day. Beat going up in a sampan all hollow. Two miles per hour by sampan and ten by gunboat [158]. Granger continued taking stock of his surroundings as he settled in for the winter. There were no wheels in use in that part of Sichuan, he observed, and he had seen only a half dozen or so ponies. These were in the possession of the military in Wanxian. Everything was carried by coolies. Single loads, double loads, and sometimes several coolies to a package. Most people walked unless they could afford a sedan chair. He had one in his outfit, but he preferred walking when it was not too far. While it took only two coolies to carry Wong, four were needed for Granger who weighed 185 pounds. The main pathways in that region were paved with sandstone. It seemed as if there must be thousands of miles of them in the province. They wound up over the hills without

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much regard to grade and in places were simply stairways of stone. All day long, coolies passed by Granger’s headquarters carrying rice, goat skins and cabbage down to the river and bringing back salt and other commodities. The coolies carried 100 pounds in a single load and 150 pounds in a double load. The expedition’s staples were supplemented with locally grown potatoes, cabbage and turnips. Fruit at that time of year was of two kinds––”large luscious persimmons and fine tangerines.” Granger described the persimmons as being as large as a teacup and eaten by slicing off the tip end and scooping out the salmon-colored pulp with a spoon, with tangerines large and tasty as well. To Granger, a whole orchard laden with such fruit was a lovely sight. Yet, to his eye, there was little fall coloring. The few remaining oak trees had taken on a tint now, and the wood oil trees were yellowish brown. Timber was pretty scattered and thin. Most of the trees were not much more than saplings, overcutting having taked its toll. Sichuan would have fine forests, he believed, if only the trees were allowed to mature. He thought that it was the custom of wooden coffin-making which needed reform. A half a dozen or so empty coffins were stored under his gallery in the Ancestral Hall and he guessed that each weighed 400 pounds, if not 500. No wonder, he noted, that timber had become scarce and expensive if every Chinese required burial in one. The natives burned everything--grass, cornstalks, weeds and brush of all kinds, even leaves and sometimes furniture. They kept open fires on the floor of a room, the smoke finding its way out as best it could through the thatched roof. From the outside, it looked as if the house was on fire. A recent notice posted on a wall decreed that trees below a certain size were not to be cut. The Chinese were realizing the necessity of maintaining their forests. October 11th. ("Yen-Ching-Kuo." 62˚ at 6 p.m. Rainy.): Wong had located a bat cave at the lower edge of the village and Chih already had six large bats made up. Wong had also visited the bone pits--10 li from here and had secured a small collection therefrom, including a rodent jaw, jaw of a large artiodactyl and an enormous Tapir molar.

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Our headquarters is a roomy place with plenty of space to spread out in. The men sleep on one of the galleries. We have the stage and the other gallery is used for alcoholic specimens, etc.--a place to admit the natives with their offerings of snakes, lizards, fish, crabs etc. The cook has a kitchen and an anteroom and No. 1 has a large room on the opposite side of the shrine [159]. The cost of firewood was Granger’s largest expense, nearly five dollars a month. Sichuan’s winter weather was chilly, damp and sometimes gloomy. While Granger and his men were getting used to it, every evening they gathered in the kitchen for an hour or so to warm up before bed. This actually was the only time they were really indoors. The layout of Granger’s Hall was similar to any temple. Their sleeping and working quarters had only a roof and one wall. Only the kitchen was a four walled room. Stone tablets inscribed with the names and history of the various Tan ancestry were placed about. On occasion there was a gathering of the Tan family at the shrine, with a food offering, the burning of paper money and the firing of crackers. There would be an extra lighting of candles the night before and the night after a ceremony. A caretaker came early each morning and again in the evening and beat a drum and an iron kettle. Joss sticks were burned before the shrine––just as in a temple––but over with quickly and done at more seemly hours than at a regular temple. Settling in Granger’s days were spent trapping, collecting and preparing. Animal traps were put out each night and checked in the morning. New mammal, bat and bird species were added to the collection weekly. To collect bats, Granger and his men used a rickshaw lamp and a special carbide head lamp for illumination inside the cave. A new mouse was brought in by a boy. A live badger-like animal with a long tail was brought in by a man. Granger bought it for $1.00. The skin and skeleton were saved and the meat, said to be a delicacy because the animal lived on fruit at that time of the year, was given to the inn keeper next door. All the collections were growing, but weather conditions hampered the taxidermy work. Days of rain, fog and extreme dampness meant that the specimens would not dry out, that matches would hardly scratch, that leather began to mold and that everything

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else seemed saturated with water. Furthermore, fossil collecting was on hold because Granger was still negotiating access to the pits with the Tans, who controlled the digs in that region. Life at the Hall provided some relief. A large Tan family conclave gathered there one morning for the purpose of trying two members on the reputed adoption of a boy not from the family. The accused were a man of 40 or so -- the principal in the case––and his uncle, an old man of 60 or 70. After an hour and more of discussion and presentation of evidence, the assembly adjourned. They reconvened that afternoon. After more discussion, it was decided to tie up the accused until they confessed to the adoption. The two were tied in an uncomfortable manner, hands behind the back and high up, to pillars directly below Granger’s work stage. After a half hour or so, the old man was released. Wong then induced the elders to release the younger man as well --he was groaning noticeably from the pain by this time. Wong then asked the elders to reconvene in one of the nearby houses. There he encouraged the elders to make an investigation before proceeding further with the punishment. That was finally agreed upon. But, as a messenger was about to be dispatched for further information, the accused confessed. It was then decided to punish him by a fine of money or land, instead of the bamboo which he preferred, being miserly. Wong had insisted that a money fine would hurt the more, and in this the elders concurred. On the day before this occurred, one of the Tan family had called upon Granger to discuss access to the pits. They agreed to go up to take a look on the first pleasant day. But, while nearly every night was moonlit, the early mornings were cloudy and by daylight it was raining. Not all was lost, however. A man brought in 50 pounds of fossil scrap from which Granger was able to pick out some good rodent jaws and a few artiodactyl teeth. And by mid-November, the weather changed sufficiently so that Granger was able to begin visiting the fossil pits. Visitors Lieutenant. R. Cursham of HMS Widgeon came up to Granger’s headquarters on November 23rd for a one-week visit. He bought along his “boy” and two pet dogs. The

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plan was to hunt and feast over the American Thanksgiving holiday. Chow prepared a noonday dinner with roast duck and pumpkin pie. On the 28th, Granger took Cursham up to tour the fossil pits. Four in working order––one had just been opened. In another, a few scattered bone fragments lay exposed on a dump pile, indicating that the workmen evidently were nearing a deposit of fossils in the mine shaft. That pit was 60 feet deep, Granger noted, and, at the bottom, a side branch ran off on a nearby horizontal plane. The expedition pace quickened. Liu was sent down with "Lung Goo" Tan, as Granger nicknamed him, to the river landing to examine four piculs of fossils. One picul equaled 133.33 pounds. The load was already made ready for shipment to Wanxien, but Liu selected about 8 catties––one catty equaling 1.33 pounds––of teeth and jaw fragments anyway. Of most interest was a lower-jaw fragment of a large cat, the first of that species Granger had seen. Lt. Cursham, in the meantime, returned to the Widgeon on the 30th. The last day of his visit was spent in the bat caves where the party secured about 25 specimens. Mostly they hung low and could be poked off with a stick into a butterfly net. So far, the cave had yielded 75 samples of eight or so species. * Nov. 30. (Clear -- fine. 52˚-8 p.m.): Mr. Asker [Customs] has sent up a note to the effect that he and Commander Corlett [of the HMS Widgeon] may come out on the 7th or 8th [160]. And so it was for Granger’s winter at Yanjinggou in Sichuan of 1921-22. Hunting, trapping, collecting, stuffing, visiting the fossil pits, receiving the occasion visiting western military man or official, observing everyday life in remote rural China, and noting the weather. On December 1, the weather was 51˚ at 8 p.m., clear and fine, Granger recorded. He went with Wong and Liu to the Shih-Pa-Tse fossil field leaving camp at about 9:30 a.m. They returned on a steep and difficult path long after dark at 7:30 p.m. with ten catties of fossils, including rodent skulls and one monkey jaw with teeth. The next day, several hundred pounds of lung ku were brought in from pits a few miles south of Shih-Pa-Tse. Again the shipment belonged to "Lung Goo" Tan. Granger

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selected 13 catties from the lot, including several rodent skulls, a portion of a large bovid skull and a fragment of a goat-like skull, showing straight, backward-turned horn cases. Kan (‘'Buckshot'’) had come down with something resembling mumps that included a swollen arm and fever. A native doctor administered some sort of plaster. Liu also had an abscess on his right hand on which Granger applied bread poultice. He was also doctoring a young woman of the village who had nasty looking eruptions on throat and chest. Despite isolated instances of stealing from Granger’s party, such as of a pair of shoes or some traps, the villagers treated their foreign guests courteously. The villagers seemed to enjoy having them there, even inviting them to feasts and weddings. Of course, the foreigners brought in new money. But they also provided new entertainment. There was not a half hour during the day but which some audience was on the stone steps of the shrine watching Granger and his men at work or a meal or playing with one of the expedition pets. Mail and English-language newspapers were delivered to Granger in packets at irregular intervals. Osborn kept him apprised from New York, as did Matthew. Father Charles corresponded faithfully from Vermont, as did sisters Daisy Parker and Mary Morgan and brothers Arthur and Martin. Anna and Andrews kept in touch from Peking. He, of course, corresponded back. The letters usually were numbered so that one could tell which had been received and was being responded to, or whether one was out of sequence, or had become lost. Not all the letters made it through, though most did. A letter from Andrews informed Needless to say I have been tremendously interested in your letters. The last one, October 20th, sound as tho' you were at last on the verge of a real find. If you can get a fossil "mine" such as Dr. Andersson's find in Honan, it will put us on the map from the paleontological standpoint. I can hardly wait to get your next letter, because, of course, your side of the work is the most popular and will be of the greatest importance in keeping up the interest of our contributors [161].

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British and American gunboats also kept in touch. Information was provided to Granger that kept him apprised of local affairs, as well as those in the rest of China and the world. The gunboats keeping in constant radio contact and receiving daily intelligence reports were a key link for Granger. Urgently, Ran, who had been suffering from a swollen jaw and arm for a week or more, finally had to be taken in to Wanxian for examination. He could hardly talk or eat. He was carried aboard the Widgeon for examination by the gunboat’s physician, Dr. Pace. Pace found a deep abscess that needed draining. But the best place for that procedure, in Pace’s view, was at a western-run hospital upriver in Chung Chow. Widgeon’s commander Captain Corlett immediately contacted the captain of the commercial steamer SS Anlai which was in port at Wanxian and making ready to weigh anchor within the hour and sail up river. Anlai’s captain agreed to take Kan to Chung Chow with a letter of instruction from Pace. Mongolia Pending Yen-ching-kuo Wanhsien, Szc. November 29, 1921 Dear Father:I enclose Mr. Andrews' recent letter to me and it gives some information about plans, etc. If we waited for everything to be peaceful and safe here in China we would never do anything but wait. It's the most haphazard government in the world I suppose-worse than Russia in a way--with no real center and no commanding personality. The Canton people are absolutely independent except for the Customs and Post Office--both of which are run by foreigners and Peking has no power over the two big military generals at Mukden and Hankow who between them control about all of the Northern China army [162]. Andrews’s letter was bringing Granger up to date on planning the Gobi expedition to take place that next spring after Granger’s return to Peking. It was largely on the issue of

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having a sufficient supply of gasoline cached in Urga to support this first CAE Mongolia venture, or “campaign” as Andrews called it. Andrews was concerned that if a fuel supply was sent up for cache in Outer Mongolia early and without guard, it would be appropriated by the Russian Buriats who now controlled Urga. He was asking Larson, therefore, to aid in sorting it all out with “the Red Government.” It had been Larson, of course, who, upon learning that Andersson was looking for fossil localities invited him to one of the sites he knew about in Tabool in Inner Mongolia and provided him the Mongolian collectors Jensen [Lob-tsen Yen-tsen] and Haldjinko. Haldjinko took Andersson to a number of localities in the Hallong-Ossu region of Inner Mongolia 155 kilometers north northwest of Kalgan Not long after, the Ertemte locality was established 36 li north of Hallong-Ossu. It was Andersson’s Inner Mongolia finds, aided by Larson and his Mongolian guides, that had helped form his urgent appeal to the Swedish government for a wide-ranging, multidisciplined scientific expedition and attracted Osborn’s attention. Ironically, it was from the telegraph station at Ehrlien near Ertemte that the CAE first reported to the world on the amazing fossil discoveries they were making in Mongolia.

Yen-ching-kuo Wanhsien, Szc. December 31, 1921 Dear Sister [Daisy]:I've just written to Cousin Norman referring to myself as his "most distant" relative. I suppose I'm the same to you also--on that basis. I had a glorious time in Wanhsien Christmas, and we were grateful to the good people who entertained me. It was like an old fashioned home Christmas with a tree, turkey, mince pie and all eleven men and one lady sat down to dinner. It may shock you living in a prohibition country, but the order of "booze" was: cocktail, sherry, white wine, red wine, champagne, port, liquer. Nobody drank too

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much according to local standards, but it was no Quaker party. I got to bed at 4 a.m. and felt fine at 10:20 [the] next morning. Then I had tea [the] next day at the Postmaster's and dinner the next night at the Mission, and the next day reluctantly returned to camp. It was my first Christmas out of the U.S. [163]. The grind of expedition life in gloomy winter occasionally wore on Granger. He was annoyed when he heard that several piculs of fossils belonging to "Lung Goo" Tan slipped by him several days before. This was in spite of the old man's promise to let Granger have a look at all material that passed through his hands. Chow also irritated him. Chow apparently felt the need to use a chair wherever he went and Granger began making him pay for it. Other men's No. 1 boys, Granger noted, walked, as did Granger, usually. Therefore Chow should. Chow was being a bit of a dandy, Granger thought, by wanting the entitlement “face” produced whenever he rode in a chair. The only time Granger used one was to go out to dinner in Wanxian because he did not like walking on the city’s dirty streets at night. He also liked the open chair–– one's vision was too much cut off in a canopied chair though the open chairs were not as comfortable. While Granger enjoyed his fur sleeping bag, which was “delightfully warm,” he did not like the Angora wool in his face or the odor of it in his nose. And, Wong was not feeling any too well these days with his past dysentery still bothering him at intervals. Worse of all, however, was that just before Christmas, Granger was interrupted at night by a report, brought by Tan's son from Sin Kai Tien, that there were 30 or more bandits camped in a temple down at the river landing. We got the guns all out and ready and Wong sat up until four a.m. watching. Today there are many rumors about this band of men, but as usual, no definite precise information. This an awful country for misinformation and for garbled reports. There are persistent rumors of a band of ten men with one or two rifles doing business up around the nearest fossil pits, holding up carrying coolies, robbing farm houses, etc. Shall be glad to get where I do not have to sleep with an

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automatic pistol under my pillow and a shot gun loaded with BB's under the cot every night [164]. Nevertheless, each day brought interesting scenes for him to note. Tangerines were still to be had, and the best of them were delicacies now--fully ripe and of high flavor. There were touches of autumnal coloring here and there on the hillsides which felt like home. The daytime temperature hung around 45˚ with 38˚ as the lowest. Wheat and peas were a foot or more high and the turnip crop was under harvest. Villagers were busy gathering fuel from the hillsides––brush was cut and the branches of the small evergreens are trimmed to near the top. Leaves, pine needles and other trash were raked up and carried home to burn. Long tough grass native to the area was cut for thatching. By spring, hillsides would look like a sheared sheep. Occasionally, a few flakes of snow hung in the air up on top of one of the nearby hills another few hundred feet higher, although roses and other flowers in the village were still in bloom, as was a patch of Chinese lilies behind Granger’s headquarters. Yet, he grumped, no matter where one went, one could not get out of the sight or hearing of a native. * The Chinese New Year would come soon, the only real holiday many of the Chinese celebrated. It was the first day of the first moon. Every native in the village had been making preparation for weeks. All accounts were squared up, all money owed was collected. New clothes were made, houses cleaned up, idols in the temples dusted off. Joss candles and incense were stocked in quantity. Colored puffed rice, paper balloons, streamers of colored paper and hand made mottoes on bright red paper were for sale everywhere. Firecrackers would be much in evidence on the eve of the new year. In the morning every shop would be closed, every house shut up. Nobody would be on the streets. Then, after a day or two the natives would begin to come out, greet each other and commence festivities. There would be much gambling––even small girls engaged in tossing dice. Larger boys and men used a dice game with 50 cash pieces for stakes.

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Next came calling on relatives and friends, exchanging small presents, principally sweets done up in a pyramid of paper packages and placing a good deal of extra joss in temple shrines and at graves. This continued for a week or two when, finally, everybody settled back to their normal routine for the rest of the year. * Granger took an interest in the bustling waterfront at Wanhsien while he was there for Christmas. All available space was occupied by temporary structures of thatched roofs and sides where all sorts of business were carried on. There were also a number of restaurants and one or two theaters. During the winter months boat traffic on the Yangtze actually increased. The river was fairly alive with junks and sampans and altogether different from the scene Granger encountered in September when the water was too high for junk traffic and there were too many steamers for junks to navigate safely. Now the steamer traffic had slowed for the winter. A lower water level and changing water flow made navigation by steamer and gunboat more difficult. Rocks were everywhere, as one Captain Bell-Sayr learned when his upriver steamer was caught in a rapid, turned around broadside and sent onto the rocks because his ship’s engines had not been powerful enough to hold her against the current. Wholesale markets in coal, potatoes, tangerines and other commodities existed along the bank at Wanxian. The town was laid out in more or less regular streets parallel to the river and, at places, the structures went right down to the water’s edge. A rise of three feet would make trouble for many of these squatters. Robberies were common. While on an errand there, one of Granger’s men saw two robbers beheaded on the beach. Post boats to and from Wanxian were obliged to carry escort of soldiers to prevent looting on the way up or down river. The worst place for that was said to be between Wanxian and K'wei Fu. * As Granger continued to adjust to the raw, damp weather in camp at Yanjinggou, he observed that the natives stood it “wonderfully well.” Men and boys nearly all remained barefooted although they did wear rice straw sandals. Some had slightly padded clothes but many still had only the plain cotton trousers and cotton blouse with perhaps an extra

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vest. Some wrapped their calves with a bandage of blue cotton. It was for warmth he supposed, like a sort of puttee (a legging). "Fire baskets" were in common use now, as well. This was a woven bamboo basket with an open top and an earthen bowl set in the bottom. The bowl was filled with warm coals. The whole thing was carried around by men women and children and used as a hand or foot warmer. Frequently the women curled their knees up on it. Granger’s cook had provided one to sit beside while working. Granger thought it was more efficient than the Japanese-style warmer which he had tried on several occasions [164a]. A Respite Just before Christmas, Captain Corlett invited Granger for a duck hunt. Corlett, who was heading upriver anyway, offered to take Granger to visit Kan in Chung Chow. Corlett figured Granger could find his way back to his landing via another boat. Along their way, they would take some time to hunt. The Captain planned to weigh anchor and come up from Wanxian to meet Granger at the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing early in the morning. Granger walked down the night before to stay at an inn there in order to be ready for the pick up. Instead, he waited for hours. The Widgeon had been unable to raise one its anchors, a frequent problem for boats on the Yangtze. Anchors often became deeply embedded after a few days on the bottom. A costly solution was to cut the wire and leave the anchor on the bottom. To reach Granger at the landing, the Widgeon had to come in unusually close to shore. As it did, it got caught in a backwater. Before it could regain headway, the backwater forced it to shore where it scraped along rocks before colliding with a large sampan moored at the bank. The impact crushed the sampan’s roof matting, but did no other damage. This was fortunate, Granger noted, since gunboats were not commissioned to pick up passengers for duck-hunting excursions or personal errands. Later that afternoon, they spar-moored near a big bend in the river some seven or eight miles below Chung Chow. Spar-mooring meant bringing the Widgeon close to shore in quiet water where the bank dropped off fairly abruptly to give sufficient depth for the hull. Wires were then taken ashore from both the bow and stern and anchored. The gunboat was held out in the water against this anchoring by two spars, one forward and

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one aft run out from the deck. A small sampan turned at right angles made a bridge between the gunboat and the shore. The next morning brought a beautiful warm, bright day. Corlett and Granger went ashore at 9 o'clock and hunted ducks until dark. Corlett killed one mallard and Granger two. While they saw several hundred ducks, they were very wild, difficult to approach and always flying high. Most interesting to Granger were the ruddy sheldrake which looked and acted much like geese. They gave a decided “honk” instead of a duck-like “quack,” he thought. The point where they hunted was, at this low-water time of year, a great stretch of horizontal lying sandstone irregularly surfaced and covered in places with pot holes of various sizes. In some places, when the river covered this area during the high- and medium-water stages, deep holes were eroded and were now lagoons. Some of them a mile in length. It was possible, thought Granger, that the main channel of the Yangtze once passed that way. But, more important, a deposit of sand and gravel covered the rock in some places and this material was being washed for gold by the natives. Simple bamboo shelters were set up on the rocks near crude sifters. The coarser gravel was sifted out by putting the sediment in a basket which was rocked over a broad sloping table while water was poured in to wash out the finer sand. The fine sand was then put through another separating process which yielded black sand. The black sand was then sent away for further separation as the native apparatus on the spot was not sufficient for that delicate job. The next morning at 7 a.m. the gunboat left the spar mooring and steamed to Chung Chow. Granger was put ashore and the Widgeon proceeded up river. Dr. William's hospital, which was at the extreme upper end of this small walled city, was a part of the Canadian Methodist Mission. The mission compound held a school, reading room and public library. Granger found Kan weak but well enough to return to camp. Nothing but the cutting and draining the abscesses would have relieved the boy. Over tea, it was arranged that he’d stay overnight, and Granger gave Dr. and Mrs. Williams one of the mallards he had shot.

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Departure the next day was aboard the little Shu Tung which had come down from Chung King the night before. This interesting boat was the first two-hulled craft on the Upper Yangtze. Built along lines suggested by the legendary Captain Cornell Plant, who also was her first captain, both hulls were of the same length and beam, but the engine was in one and the other was simply a barge lashed alongside. The idea was to give her good carrying capacity with a slight draught of only 4 1/2 feet. She had five or six first-class cabins for the rich Chinese and westerners and a few lower-class cabins for poor Chinese. But these days, it was used mostly for freight on runs between Chung King and Suei Fu during the summer and Wanhsien and Chung King during the winter when the river level was lower. As he settled in, Granger noticed one bullet hole through her saloon and another through his cabin. Evidently she had experienced some of the excitement of the upper Yangtze. * Kan did not recover sufficiently to stay the winter. Once back at camp, he developed a bad stomach and could hardly eat. He was also extremely lonesome--this was the first time he had been away from home. [S]o to keep him from dying on my hands I shipped him back, instructing him to stop over at the hospital at Ichang if he did not feel well enough to continue his journey. Haven't heard from him yet; he started down on a Post boat from Wanxian. Steamers below Wanxian are stopped now [165]. Season Coming to a Close Wanhsien, Szc., China January 27, 1922 Dear Father:Fossils have been coming in in good quantity recently and I shall have a very decent collection when I leave here in late February. Enclosed is a flower I just picked back of the temple. Had 33˚ one

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morning at camp but mostly it's around 40˚ now. No sun and very raw and damp [166]. Granger was now writing reports in anticipation of the season’s end. His fascinating intricacies of daily work continued. He accompanied Liu and coolie one day to a pit from which the bison skull had come. It was incomplete even though the pit seemed to hold mostly the bison’s bones and nothing else. The pit, some 40 feet deep and widened out greatly at the bottom, was now fully investigated. After pressing for information, because Granger suspected information was being held back, they visited an old lady in her house nearby. There they found material spread out in her bedroom partly under the bed, and spent an hour or more rooting through it and found the missing fragments of the skull, some other limb and foot bones and vertebrae. The skeleton was now nearly complete and it would probably make a mount. That morning, a man had brought a large live civit to camp just after Granger and Liu had departed. No. 1 told the man to leave it until they returned in the afternoon; however, the man, anxious to make a sale, started off after Granger and Liu with the 25-pound civit on his back, climbing the 1,700 feet to the top of the hill and then overtaking them about a mile down from the main trail intersection at the summit. Granger agreed to buy the civit for $1.15 and the man then carried the civit all the way back down to camp again. Back in camp the next day, Granger continued to balance fossil collecting with taxidermy. As he completed a couple of birds and nursed a cold, he also tended to a small child with a badly burned hand, a man with a swollen foot from a dog bite, a girl with a sore finger and another girl with skin disease on her head. He loaned both his eye cups out to men with sore eyes and the natives frequently come to him for dog bites. There, he thought, should be one good physician to about every 100 Chinese. They reeked with blood and eye troubles and hardly a child had clean skin on its face and head. Granger soon had a regular run of medical patients. For people with swollen and festered feet and legs, he used bread and milk poultice followed with iodine and a salve. He realized he had made some fairly good cures and was now getting as many as ten patients a day. His “clinic” had assumed such proportions that he had to tell Chow––to whom he had delegated most of the dressing––that they could take no new patients. But they came in day after day. Chow was very busy applying bread and milk poultices and salves and

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iodine. Several with poisoned feet and legs had been carried in chairs. A woman came in before dusk one day bleeding profusely from a cut on top of her head after having an argument with her husband. Two babies with burned hands were treated. Before this, the natives either did nothing or applied an unknown black substance. * More and more time was spent in camp now. Ammunition for game-getting was running out. Preparation of taxidermy specimens had to be finished and packed up with the fossils. Reports were being written and correspondence caught up. In the meantime, village customs new to Granger continued to fascinate him. “Inn-Keeper Tan killed a pig this morning,” he wrote. “The Chinese have a novel way of dressing pigs. The pig was laid out on its side on a long low stool. Then its jugular vein was cut and the pig held in place until dead. The blood was caught in a receptacle. Then an incision was made just above and in front of the hoof of a hind foot. An iron rod of five feet length and one halfinch diameter was inserted in this opening and thrust forward clear to the shoulders, between the skin and the flesh. Repeated thrusts of the rod in different directions loosened up the skin from one side and on the belly. The rod was then withdrawn. Placing his mouth to the opening, the butcher of this pig began to blow into it. The skin soon showed signs of bloating and in the meantime another man with a short, stout stick beat the body of the pig from hind legs to ears. After a couple of minutes the pig had assumed fully twice its normal girth. A cord was then tied about the leg just above the incision to prevent the escape of air and the pig was ready for the scalding and scraping. The object of this bloating was, of course, to make it easier to scrape & clean the skin. After finishing the blowing-up process the butcher wiped his mouth off on the belly of the pig. Thieves Jan. 16, 1922––38˚-8 a.m. Cloudy, raw: A representative of the general of militia at Lo-Pu-Tien over the Hupei border called on us this evening with a lieutenant in uniform and another man in "civilian" dress. A former concubine of a former

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magistrate of Wanhsien, who lives near here is to be married to the general tomorrow and an escort of soldiers is to come for her. The lieutenant told us that he had recently executed three robbers at Tso-Ma-Lin, 30 li southeast of here; part of a band that has been doing petty work around this vicinity this fall. Had planned to go to Shih-Pa-Tse tomorrow but do not like to leave camp with soldiers about in numbers. Many of them are ex-robbers and many have not dropped the "ex [167]." A dozen or fifteen soldiers showed up the next morning. A few were to go on to Sin-K'aiT'ien to escort the concubine. The rest hung about the village all day and then quartered there that night. Granger took some snaps of the soldiers and showed them his collections. He thought they were the toughest-looking bunch of men he’d yet seen in China. He noted that two of them had modern rifles. The rest were homemade affairs that looked like rifles, but weren’t capable of shooting. The soldiers left the village at dawn the next morning to escort the wedding procession up the hill. Soon after, Granger heard that a drug merchant was robbed at the bridge at lower YenChing-Kuo at daybreak. Later, a carrying coolie was stabbed and robbed on a hill east of the village at about noon. Later that afternoon, the lieutenant and a man in civilian clothes returned to the camp and reported that the men with the two modern rifles were missing. They asked Granger to keep an eye out and hold them if he saw them. Inn-keeper Tan's family thought the lieutenant himself was implicated in the hill robbery. Wong prepared for eventualities by fitting many clips with rifle cartridges and putting all guns handy. Granger moved his cot into a room from the porch balcony because, if kept there, it was “quite possible for anyone to fire directly on it.” The next two days were spent worrying about the soldiers. Finally Wong, Chih and Liu, all armed, went up the ridge and then to the south to inquire. The lieutenant and his companions reportedly spent the night at a farm there, but they did not see the men or get any definite information. Wong now also thought that the lieutenant and his companions were implicated in robberies at the village. Wong, Chih and Liu then made a night trip to

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a cave a mile south of the village to investigate a suspicious-looking man seen there the evening before. They found two beggars camped there. The community was now aroused. The leader of the gentry called for volunteers and at about noon an assortment of some 50 men gathered in the Tan Hall armed with cheek guns, swords, knives on long handles and ordinary sickles. They were told to report at once any soldiers who had not provided proper identification. Wong and Granger took photos of this extraordinary gathering. There was supposed to be one man representing each family in the vicinity. They were dismissed after remarks by the head of the gentry. By then, though, the danger had passed. * In the middle of February, Granger departed camp for a four-day reconnaissance trip to the north. The trail down along the ridges was not paved and very rough and stony in places. In the rain it was slippery, as well. People were wary as he encountered them. Seemingly only a few had seen a foreigner before and “all are most curious about all my belongings.” His electric pocket light was the chief attraction. He traveled along a western contact trail between the "lung ku" ridge and “Red Beds Contact” he’d encountered after he left the main trail. He was considerably higher in elevation now, with a ridge rising up to even greater height above him. He was walking north to east and passed many fine slopes of fairly good-sized trees -- pines and other conifers. They were, he thought, the best forests he’d yet seen, although cutting was already occurring. The logs were being worked up into boards and house timbers. Since the slopes of the fossil ridge were very steep, he concluded that the mantle of vegetation together with the steepness made this particular region improbable for fossil collecting. It didn’t matter; he was very well pleased with his collection to date, having picked up even more material on this trip. All of it came from one well down in the valley not far from the “Red Beds Contact.” He crossed over the limestone ridge and saw that the red beds broke off to the east into open country that stretched to the Hupei border. The limestone ridge continued to parallel the Yangtze as the dominant topographic feature. He viewed it running southward for at least 15 miles and it appeared to increase in height above the Yangtze valley as it went south. From the summit of the fossil ridge he saw a village directly west that he knew to be about ten miles away. He

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then climbed the “red beds” ridge and from there looked down on extremely rough country stretching off to the Hupei border where there arose a range with snow on the higher levels.

Yvette tells me that she sent you a letter from a missionary who had discovered a Stegodon tooth. Dr. Andersson was interested in it and told her that the locality was not far from where you are. I hope you will have a "look see" if you think it advisable. I believe she sent you all the correspondence regarding it [168]. By mid-February, Granger had found a stegodon locality, as well as significant skulls of monkey and rodent and numerous other fossils. He also had acquired a variety of ornithological and zoological specimens. It was now time to make ready to leave Yanjinggou. The next morning he spent packing fossils to take into Wanxian the following day. That afternoon he strolled about to take some 5 x 7 photographs in the vicinity of camp as well as along the "lung ku" trail up the hill. It was warming and a cloudless day, the first since the previous fall that he felt comfortable working in shirt sleeves. The air was fragrant with odor from the purple flowers of the straight stemmed pea or bean planted everywhere. Many bees and other insects were about. The next morning, he walked down to the river with Chow and 12 coolie loads of fossils. As they headed down river, he noted that junks were now traveling in groups of eight or more and under military escort. Trouble apparently was brewing. He returned to camp for two or three days of repacking before bringing the remainder of his outfit into Wanxian on the 23rd. The final days at Yanjinggou were upon him. At a hilltop farm he passed by a puppet show in progress. A high screen with an awning was rigged. Behind the front screen men operated the large figures by a long stick and strings moving the hands and arms. Each man spoke for his own puppet accompanied by brass instruments. Curtains were draped across the center of the screen and the figures retired through these curtains to get "off stage." When not in use, the dozen puppets were set in a row in the back. Some were

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gowned in elegantly embroidered silk robes and stood about half the height of a normalsized human. That evening at camp, a shadow show was given for his benefit on his headquarters balcony. Flat figures cut out of cardboard were manipulated on a table in front of an oil lamp and against a white cotton screen. A sort of comedy was acted out, though he wasn’t sure of its meaning; he found it to be somewhat too long and monotonous, as had been the puppet show. He went off to bed during intermission. One of his pets, "Scroggus," a civit passed on to the other world that day and was now a "specimen." The hair had worn off its tail and Granger found the skin was not worth keeping. Earlier, he’d considered turning him loose, but doubted “if he could have made a living at this time of year.” On the final day, Granger and his men gave a feast for the people who had invited them to feasts earlier. He hired Inn-Keeper Tan to arrange the details and hold it in the ancestral hall. Then he began a final packing and settling of accounts. Rent for the Hall was five months at $3.00 a month. Five members of the Tan family committee came to collect the rent and were then entertained by Wong at tea. They seemed quite content and asked whether a notice could be pasted on the outside of the Hall to the effect that Granger had engaged the place for a term of years. This would make it easier, so they said, to keep soldiers out of the place. Granger said he would think it over since it was likely now that he or someone would be back for the next winter. Granger also paid Inn-Keeper Tan $20.00 for the rent of four beds, seven tables, several chairs, stools and cooking utensils borrowed by the cook. “Yen-Ching-Kuo is going to miss us tomorrow!” he wrote. They departed for Wanxian the next morning in two large sampans with the villagers sending them off in a celebration of fire crackers. Another 21 coolie loads were shipped later. Most were put directly aboard a junk already reserved in Wanxian harbor. Wong and his men slept aboard the junk that night to guard it. Granger and his men spent the next few days in Wanxian reorganizing collections and equipment. There were 30 boxes of fossils, nine of skins, skeletons and alcohol specimens, seven boxes of equipment and an assortment of duffel bags and bundles. The boxes were placed in the junk's hold.

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On the night of the 25th, the crew came aboard to sleep on the foredeck. Granger and Wong slept in mid-section cabin. The rest of the expedition men sleep in the aft cabin except the expedition’s cook who both slept and cooked in a small cockpit at the foredeck. The junk had a crew of 16 including the skipper, a cook, and the coolie "boss" who directed the rowing. It was equipped with two large side sweep oars operated by five to six men each and a small bow sweep operated by one man. The Junk The word ‘junk’ as to waterborne craft dates back to the thirteenth century and referred to ‘the common type of sailing vessel in the China seas.’ Development of the flat-bottomed river junk by early river settlers likely preceded that of the seagoing junk. The design of a Yangtze River junk depended both on its use and on which section of the river it plied. This was also true of sampans, which Granger often used as well. River junks and river sampans were similar in design and function. The dividing line between them was width and whether the craft could carry a water-buffalo crosswise thwart to thwart. If it could, it was a junk. The junk used by the Grangers to depart Wanhsien was known as an Upper Yangtze junk. These varied greatly in design and size, but shared one common criterion: the capacity to navigate and survive nearly impassable rapids, whirlpools, and shoals. Based on photographs, Grangers’ junk appears to have been 60-70 feet long and of the ma-yang-tzu design. It was propelled and controlled by rowers with sweeping oars and a steersman. The bow sweep was at the bow. The port and starboard sweeps were midship. The steersman (or men, depending on difficulty of navigation and handling) stood aft at a long tiller in open deck space between cabins. This location was between the junk’s main deck house and aft deck house. Spare bamboo rope was coiled at the base of the flag pole positioned at the aft end of the main deck house roof. Sheets of thatched roofing were slid from the middle to the ends of the deck house roof to create an opening for air and light. The junk’s mast was unstepped for downriver travel and raised to sail back upriver wherever and whenever it could.

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Otherwise, the junk was hauled by trackers using long lines to pull the boat upstream [169]. Tracking Trackers lived by and battled daily with the river, providing the muscle to drag 40-100 ton vessels along sctions of the 1,500 mile stretch from Shanghai to ChungKing that included a series of treacherous gorges and a current of six to twelve knots or more. Mostly men, they worked twelve hours a day, nine days at a time. There were two types of trackers, permanent and seasonal. The permanent trackers were based in local villages along the river usually formed the basic crews of many junks. The seasonal trackers hired themselves out at temporary shantytowns, set up where their need was greatest along the difficult gorge-strewn reaches of the Upper Yangtze above Ichang. The risk of storm, the potential for sudden changes in the river's water level, the avarice of ship owners and the charged, violent atmosphere to which this brutal lifestyle tended, introduced many additional, unseen risks into what was already dangerous work. Commonly, trackers used long ropes to drag craft upriver. Four-inch wide braided, bamboo hawsers were attached to the boat's prow. As many as 400 trackers would hitch themselves in a long series to these and, shoed in straw slippers, would listen for drum signals to direct the progress of their haul. Along some stretches one-foot-wide “tracker paths” had been carved into the cliff, thanks to a donation of a wealthy merchant. Since these had to take into account the frequent change in water level, these tracks could be as high as 300 feet above the river. Often however, trackers while heaving their load, had to dexterously pick their way across various-sized boulders lying along the shoreline. If a cliff stood in their way, the trackers boarded the craft and, by inserting hooked poles into nooks in the rock face, inched the boat laboriously along the cliff. Many trackers drowned in the raging torrents of the Yangtze. Many more suffered from work-induced strains, hernias and other illnesses. Descent of the river, though less onerous, was equally dangerous. Trackers then worked mainly in the boat. The bow-sweep, used to direct the boat, demanded 15men, while each of the oars ten. In descent, far less important than propelling the boat forward was maintaining a safe position in the fast-flowing current. For this, at particularly dangerous

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rapids, skilled captains were hired who specialized in negotiating particular sets of rapids [170]. Leaving Wanxian The British Customs officer at Wanxian gave Granger a small farewell dinner that night. Granger said his goodbyes at midnight and boarded the junk. They left at daybreak, joining with two other boats for company. One was a houseboat belonging to a captain of a Standard Oil boat and two other river men. The other was a small junk carrying three missionary ladies. The American gunboat USS Monocacy escorted the fleet out of Wanxian harbor and downriver 25 miles beyond Wanhsien. This stretch of the river was considered to be the most dangerous. A number of junks loaded with soldiers also were going down river. Granger was convinced they were not fired on or molested in any way due to the company of soldiers and the presence of the American gunboat Monocacy. He noted his great relief to be departing the area with his collection intact. It was approaching spring and his first Yangtze Basin trip was nearly over. He hoped any other would be as successful and relatively free of trouble. Progress was slow because of heavy head winds. Upriver junks sailed against the current with great ease under their own canvas. But rowing down river with the current was difficult because of the headwinds. Granger found it ironic that this was the first windy day he had experienced since coming to Sichuan Province. The group made only seven miles before they all put in to shore for mooring. The junk masters did not wish to go on in headwinds that were now making navigation dangerous. They moored beside the Monocacy for protection and, at dark, two more large junks came in to moor next to them. Wong pulled his gun on the last one ordering them move away a bit so as to not block free exit back into the stream the next morning. They left mooring at daybreak. The Monocacy came up from behind and passed by an hour later. It went on down the river a bit and then turned up to hold in the current until Granger and the others arrived. It then swung around downriver and steamed ahead, passing out of sight around a bend about a mile beyond. This stretch of the river was the headquarters of the worst band of robbers on the river. It was estimated to consist of more

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than 100 robbers. Granger was glad to have the gunboat escort––there were no robbers in sight that day. They arrived at the Hsin Lung Tan (rapids) at 9:30 a.m. Granger and Wong disembarked, as did the westerners from the houseboat, before his junk attempted negotiation. Chow, Liu and the others chose to remain on board. With the river at its seasonally low level now, the rapid was at its nastiest. Granger did not feel up to the challenge. The junk edged back out and over into the main channel. As it shot the rapid, the junk’s bow sweep snapped. Now nearly out of control, the junk still managed to make it over to shore. It would have struck the rocks had it not caught on a rope stretched across a backwash at an advantageous point. The houseboat also broke a sweep, its rudder, as it went through and had a very narrow escape from disaster, milled around for a couple of minutes before it finally came to rest against the rocks at the backwash. As a result, the missionary boat chose not to take the center of the rapids but, instead, crossed the river and then shot down alongside the south bank. While he waited for repairs, Granger heard that a large junk had holes put in her a few days ago while shooting these same rapids. Her cargo of grain had gotten wet. The grain, corn and gaulian were now laid out on the rocks beside him to dry. A number of women and children were stealing small quantities of it, even under the watchful eyes of the guards. Granger watched as other boats shot the rapids. Four post boats went over beautifully. A large junk, however, got caught in a midstream backwash, hanging there about ten minutes before she caught the downstream current again. She got thorough safely. The group continued down river against the headwinds to moor at K’wei Fu for the night. With late afternoon light still abundant, Granger decided to visit a salt works near the river two miles below town. This was a wintertime occupation. The whole plant would go underwater once the river rose. A well sat on the bank. The surface of the water in it was only a few feet above river level. Water was dipped from the well by a dozen or so men standing naked to their hips in the water. The buckets were passed up to carriers who took them to the top of an apparatus. There it was dumped into wooden troughs that ran to various evaporating vats covering many acres of ground. The mix was collected in great tanks built into the

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ground and then dipped out at intervals into filters of cinder and sand after which it came out clear. It was then put into the evaporating pans which were large iron affairs like the ordinary Chinese cooking vessels with heat from a coal furnace under each pan. The salt ran white as it came from the pans. Come spring, the well was then cemented over. Mar. 1. A beautiful bright calm warm day: K'wei Fu to Juan Tug Kou in Hupeh. Stopped by soldiers before crossing the Hupeh-Szechuan border. Two came aboard and asked if we were carrying rifles. Shotguns were lying out, but rifles had been laid under blankets of cots. Wong offered our gun permit but the leader said he did not care to see it and that he was not interested in the shotguns. So they went off -- were courteous enough [171]. Granger’s downriver trip continued with a mix of pushing against headwinds, negotiating difficult rapids and noting matters of interest. He had a “splendid chance to see the Wind Box and Wushan Gorges and was inclined to consider the latter the more significant because of the wonderful pale blue limestone cliffs --not sheer like the rocks in Wind Box but rising up in beautiful pinnacles. In the meantime, Sichuan soldiers to the number of several thousand were seen marching up river along the north bank as they passed by. Throughout it seemed they had added an extra coolie as our crew is now seventeen. This gives us an extra man at the sweep. We are able to beat the houseboat now. They started a race in one of the quiet stretches of the cañon but we rather easily won out. My crew look a bit like a lot of ruffians but they can row [172]. The crew cook was an extremely dirty old man, to Granger’s eyes, who cooked over a little baked mud stove situated in a cockpit directly in front of the junk’s midsection which Granger and Wong occupied. The cook used brick coal and did all the cooking in one of the large steel bowls used by the Chinese everywhere. As with various fishing apparatus, the spar-mooring and the fire basket, Granger sketched the device into his diary. In windy weather, the cook used a piece of matting to shield the stove. Granger concluded that it all seemed a rather effective set-up for the purpose.

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The expedition cook had his sheet iron camp stove in another cockpit forward of the oarsman with one length of stove pipe just reaching deck level. There was room in the space for his two boxes of utensils and he slept under the deck just aft his "kitchen." * Difficulty was never far away. March 2nd began as “a fine [sailing] day until late in the afternoon when a strong wind sprang up and stopped us short.” And shortly after starting up that morning they were stopped by a couple of rifle shots. A “very ugly and irate soldier” then came aboard and started to beat Granger’s skipper. Granger had to intercede while an officer stood silent on the beach just above him. The officer then said he was stopping all boats to keep a surveillance of the traffic and that they would be officially inspected at Pa Tung a short distance below. They were allowed to continue. But, just before entering the next gorge, a gale suddenly broke out obliging them to moor hastily on the north bank in a backwash. Both the gale and the backwash current forced them to put out extra ropes to hold the boat fast during the night. Getting through the next rapid, Hsin Tan, took three hours the next morning. To get the junk through safely, it was decided to lighten its weight by unloading all cargo, equipment -- 40 coolie loads worth -- and passengers. The coolies cost Granger an extra 10 coppers each. He actually paid more than that because he thought some of the loads of fossils would be unusually heavy. One coolie hoisted a Stegodon skull which had required three coolies to bring down from Yanjinggou to the river landing. Coolies carried all loads in a deep basket slung on the back by means of two braided straps passing over each shoulder. The coolie also carried a short, T-shaped stick on which he could occasionally rest his load. Many troop junks began gathering at Hsin Tan giving Granger a chance to watch them navigate through. The boats entered close to the south bank--prow first, and then, 300 yards in, turned sharply toward the north bank to avoid rocks. Then he watched his own junk go through. The skipper had taken on a Tan pilot, who then accidentally let the junk spin around near the bottom of the rapids leaving little clearance as it passed by the last set of rocks.

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Heavy head winds continued to retard their progress as they continued to Ichang. Twice they had to put into shore and once had to use ‘trackers.’ On to Peking Fellow CAE member, herpetologist Clifford Pope met up with Granger at Ching Ling on March 10 to make the rest of the trip into Hankow. They arrived the next day and then boarded a train for a three-day trip to Peking. Anna was at the station when they arrived late in the afternoon of the 13th. The fossils and taxidermy specimens had been shipped in a sealed railroad car, they arrived in Peking on March 17 and were taken to CAE headquarters the following day. Granger’s 40 boxes of fossils proved interesting enough, he concluded, to warrant spending another winter there. He and his men had also collected 400 mammals, 300 birds, and an assortment of reptiles, fish, batrachians and insects. Pope had collected 60 species of fish from Tung Ting Lake, as well as a porpoise and a rare dolphin, plus 19 alligators from Wuhu. These latter were still alive in the CAE’s laboratory and were of considerable importance because they were only species of alligator found outside of North America. As for returning to Yanjinggou, “Have written the Museum people,” Granger wrote his father on April 16, “that I would like Olsen next winter... I shall probably go back to Wanhsien next winter and would like Olsen to be along but can do without him if necessary. Mr. Morris will probably be with me anyhow.”

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READYING FOR MONGOLIA 1922 Late March-early April was a bleak time of year in northern China. The ground was bare and the wind blew every day filling the air with dust––Gobi dust. The rains would not arrive until late in June. Crops had to be started by irrigation, water drawn off wells in the fields. Flowers were out on some trees such as peach and plum, but generally there were few trees leafing and no grass growing yet. When in Peking, Granger and Anna mantained a suite at the Wagons-Lits Hotel located near the old Mongol-Ming wall that encircled the city and by one of the many gates that had a watch tower above. The towers were all more or less out of repair. One could see that grasses and weeds had taken hold in the broken tiles of the tower roof. Nevertheless, it was a sight to behold, the structures having enough color always to be interesting in the bright sunlight. The city wall was a favorite place for promenading, especially towards evening when the sky was invariably lovely. The section near the Wagons-Lits hotel was under the control of the various western legations in Peking and was kept in repair and constantly patrolled. Chinese were not allowed in this section. However beyond, the wall was in a state of decay, overgrown with brush with the Chinese government taking no pains to keep it up. According to Anna, the Peking Hotel was the Wagon-Lit’s direct competitor. Run by a Frenchman and patronized by a more fashionable crowd than the Wagons-Lits, part of the building was very new and modern. There was a roof garden on the top, and a breakfast room for summer use. Both buildings faced the south, she noted, providing more breeze to the rooms in summer. She’d heard, however, that the meals were no better at the Peking Hotel than those served at the Wagons-Lits. * April 1, 1922 Peking, China

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Dear Father:I expect to keep with Berkey and Morris most of the time because my work is closely tied up with theirs. Our headquarters will be Turyn, 100 miles south of Urga, and 75 camel loads of equipment and supplies have started from Kalgan already. We leave Kalgan in two trucks, two Dodge "delivery wagons" and one touring car. Goodness knows what we will return with––perhaps the camels! Colgate knows the cars though and is taking a supply of extra parts and tires so that we can break most anything and still go on. Plans are to work westward as far as the eastern spur of the Altai Mountains. I may get fossils and may not––but I'm sure shooting to get some experiences and will also get some good shooting. Larson knows Mongolia better than any other white man and his help will be invaluable. Shackelford has just arrived and will take a series of films the coming week. You may see them in the Fox pictures before the summer is over. He uses the Akeley camera and took the pictures of the race between "Man-of-War" and "Sir Barton" last year, also the best pictures of the Dempsey-Carpentier fight,––so he says. Pope will not go with us but will collect along the Yellow River in southern Mongolia this summer and go to the southern provinces again next winter. The Third Asiatic Expedition is now on the map [173]. With preparations for the Mongolian trip under way, the party expected to leave around April 17th. It would include: Andrews - zoology and leader; Granger - paleontology, head of field science and second-in-command; Charles P. Berkey – geology; Frederick K. Morris - assistant in geology; James B. Shackelford - motion pictures; Bayard S. Colgate - motor transport. George Olsen had not yet arrived as hoped. Franz A. Larson would be taken on as guide once the party reached Urga. Apple trees and lilacs were in blossom now, but Granger expected snow up on the Mongolian plateau. It was almost hot in Peking: spring seemed to have set in early. It was

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different from a Vermont spring. No rain, no grass, no mud––nothing but hard, bare ground as the wind blew. Granger mailed his father a newspaper account of the forthcoming Mongolia expedition along with a couple of photographs. Earlier mail sent to him in Sichuan, he noted, was just now catching up with him in Peking. Letters he’d sent to Charles from Sichuan took two months to reach the US once boat traffic slowed on the Yangtze. The movie man, Shackelford, had been taking movie pictures at the expedition’s headquarters in Peking for a week. These would be sent to the US and sold to the Fox people. Charles would have a chance to see the Mongolian party on the screen that summer. What was the Gambit? As life on earth proceeded into the 1920s, the Gobi-Mongolias remained littered with fossil remains of dinosaurs and mammals and of fossilized dinosaur eggs and nests yet to be ‘discovered’ by science. Evidence of the origin of humans, it was believed, also lay somewhere in this vast, scientifically unexamined expanse. To find it would be precious. For thousands of years, legions of ordinary men, women and children had lived and travelled in this region. Nomads, herders, warriors, traders, travellers, explorers throughout the ages resided and crisscrossed the Mongolias and the Gobi Desert. Early humans and their successors were really the first to ‘discover’ and utilize in their own ways the ancient beasts and the eggs of the dinosaurs. Scientific scrutiny followed, along with amateur native and missionary collectors. The geologist Obruchev, followed by the geologist Andersson were now being followed by two more geologists and Granger; he was well-versed in geology and now the first vertebrate palentologist to enter the Gobi-Mongolias. Advancing through bright, early morning sunlight, American-made motor vehicles filed through the shadows of the north gate in the Great Wall at Kalgan and proceeded along the well-established track that lay ahead. The ancient and busy road was a postal and commercial caravan route west northwest to Urga in Inner Mongolia shared both by camel and motorvehicle. Telegraph wires strung on posts stood sentinel along the route also marked with water wells 50 or so miles apart helped guide and sustain the party the entire way, as they had Prince Borghese.

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Granger obviously knew more about the fossil potential in Mongolia than he was letting on to his father. He hadn’t arranged to travel there for an entire summer just to have some interesting experiences, hunt big game and otherwise come back empty-handed. The fossils were there as the early scientific literature, Obruchev, Mongolian and other amateur collectors, and Andersson had already shown. Osborn’s theory was safe. The only question for this westerner was to what extent and variety did the fossils exist, and in what condition. And, would they find evidence of ‘ancient man.’ Charles, proud with a tendency to make known all that he could about his son’s work, didn’t need a tip-off. However, as to the public, the issue was different. This was to be a spectacle yet unfolded. Publicity was critical––good publicity meant funding -- and there already had been plenty of that. The press had been primed since 1920, and the CAE had yet to set foot upon the Mongolian plateau. Magazine and newspaper articles were now increasing the heralding. Brand new motor vehicles had been shipped to Peking. Tons of supplies and new equipment were being assembled to be sent out by camel caravan. An assortment of weapons––sidearms, rifles, shotguns––was chosen. Scopes were tested [173a]. A professional cinematographer was hired to replace Yvette to record this purported gamble. He would take movies and stills which would be sold and shown to the world. But, of course, they wouldn’t have value if there wasn’t much to show. Andrews had confided as much to Osborn. On October 19, 1920, he wrote “The primitive human story is the one which has the best news value, and the papers will always write up that side of it, still our expedition cannot fail to obtain paleontological material of great value, even though it does not happen to find human remains . . . It seems to me that our publicity campaign has begun auspiciously.” The world had already seen photographs of the Mongolias and the Gobi with motor vehicles flying across them. Even the future US president and Explorers Club member, Herbet Hoover, had been out and about in Inner Mongolia for several months in 1899. While in Urga, he was a guest of Franz A. Larson [174]. The TAE would need to more than simpy replicate all that. Heightened publicity was now driving things and Granger wouldn’t have wanted his father to “spill the beans.”

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Now Charles was elderly––Ada was gone. Walter was a great source of pride and interest to this proud man. There was no reason to complicate, compromise or diminish this man’s pleasures and impressions. The CAE story was in the public domain and it would be handled for maximum value. For public consumption, it was to be a tremendous firsttime scientific and exploratory feat of great magnitude and importance which Osborn and his crew had been savoring for years. On the other hand, when Granger named for his father the westerners who would make the first Mongolia trip––he, Andrews, Berkey, Morris, Shackelford, Colgate and Larson––it was quite clear that the party represented only three scientific discliplines: geology, paleontology and zoology. Odd as well was Granger’s note regarding Larson; that he was “Guide until July 1st.” Cut #7 Why would Larson only guide them only until July 1st, just midway through their projected season? Where would they be at that point? How would they come back? Or, would they have another guide? Who? Why not hire a guide for the entire season? Was Larson guiding them somewhere that, when once reached, he would no longer be needed? The 1922 CAE departed Peking for Kalgan on April 18 at 11 a.m. aboard a special railroad car provided by an administrator of the Chinese railroad system, a Mr. Liu. Aboard were Granger and Anna, Shackelford and his wife, Black and his wife, Berkey and Morris. Andrews and Colgate, along with a Frenchman named Persender, had gone up the day before aboard railroad cars carrying the expedition’s motor vehicles and equipment. The vehicles were two Dodge cars and two “dogwagons” supplied by Dodge Brothers Motor Corporation of Detroit, Michigan, and a Fulton truck supplied by the Fulton Motor Corporation of Farmingdale, Long Island, New York. Yvette, who was to go with the expedition as far as Urga and then return, remained in Peking until she could accomplish an errand; Andrews’s and Granger’s passports had not been returned to the American Consulate by the Chinese foreign office. She hoped to bring them with her the next day. Yvette planned to take color photographs of the locals

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in Urga and then return in the company of Dr. Black. Son George would remain in the care of his nanny in Peking. The rest of the wives rented a vehicle in Kalgan, went out through the Great Wall in company with the motorcade as it set off for Mongolia and travelled about 40 miles to see their men off at the top of the pass that led to the Mongolian plateau. But matters were not going well between Yvette and Andrews, though he apparently hoped her trip to Urga with the expedition would mitigate her obvious demotion. Andrews would later write that wives were a distraction to expedition work and should not be included. This was despite the fact that Yvette had accompanied him on the First and Second Asiatic expeditions which led to their mutual fame and joint publications. Her photography had been an integral part of and significant contribution to those expeditions. Whatever buffoonery had occurred, such as Andrews nearly shooting Yvette and Edmund Heller, was attributable solely to Andrews. Even though these were luxury expeditions, she had proved herself in the field as a fit companion and equal professional partner. That Yvette was no small player in the first two Asiatic Zoological expeditions was acknowledged by Andrews himself. In his 1920 report to F. A. Lucas, Andrews wrote: Photographs: As on the first Asiatic Expedition to Yunnan, my wife, Yvette Borup Andrews, volunteered as the photographer. The photographic results comprise about five hundred negatives and three thousand feet of motion picture film, giving a very complete record of the customs of the Mongolians and their life and costumes. A series of photographs showing selected types of Mongols is especially interesting [174a]. But now not only had Andrews eliminated her from the upcoming Third Asiatic Expedition, taking the spotlight entirely for himself, he unilaterally funneled his former expedition partner and future expedition planner into fulltime domesticity and childraising [174b]. Even the much more timid, reserved, and childless, Anna remained free to join Walter on his next three Yangtze basin expeditions. And Ethlyn Nelson was available to accompany her husband, CAE archaeologist Nels C. Nelson, into the

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Yangtze basin as well. None of this sat well with Yvette. The glory was in the field, not at home in Peking. Her husband had cut her out. Perhaps knowing all too well what he was all about, she would take revenge. On the Road Time noted on this trip is that of the 120th Meridian. MONGOLIA-1922. Reached Kalgan after pleasant trip at 7:30. Shack & wife and Anna and I quartered at "Pioneer Inn." Andrews with Coltman and others at B.A.T. (British American Tobacco). Mrs. Andrews came up on evening train with our passports. Expected to start but Andrews telephoned about 9 o'clock that the Chinese pass to let us out of town had not been delivered and we would be delayed [175]. In a letter to his father that night, Walter wrote that it would be his last from China until that October if all went well. The party was ready at 5:30 a.m. on April 21st and hoped to be up on the Mongolian plateau by nightfall. Once there, Granger assured his father, he would have an opportunity to send mail out for the next month or so because they would be camped for a time on the auto road near Tuerin, south of Urga. They could send letters along with travelers heading east. There might also be occasions, as the summer progressed, to send mail by passing caravan, visitors to camp, or an expedition member returning to Urga. On the other hand, he saw no chance of receiving mail on any regular basis that summer. So, he wrote his father, “you need not write more than say once a month unless you wish to. Things will accumulate in Peking and be sent on if there is opportunity to do so.” Granger assured Charles that matters seemed quiet in Urga now. After the Russian Revolution in 1917, Mongolian Bolshevik sympathizers, called Buriats, began infiltrating northern Mongolia and Urga hoping to disrupt and lessen the governing powers of the Mongolian princes in and around the Urgan district. Part of their political destabilization campaign was to spread general terror among the Mongolian people. Only the year before, there had been a massacre by mercenaries working for the Buriats.

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But Granger did not anticipate trouble that summer though Mongolia was a wild place, and the expedition needed to be ready for any emergency. Granger confided that he “would be thinking of the home place and the fine garden a good many times this summer. I always have a vision of the hills back of Rutland with me constantly.” His father, he suggested, should be thinking of him as living in a Mongol tent on the boundless prairie, hunting antelope and fossils, “if there are any,” and generally having a novel experience. The country was wonderfully healthy he thought and he expected to come back in fine shape. He had not had a sick day since the previous July when he had first arrived in China and had a little stomach upset. With the party idled all day on April 20th, Andrews resolved to start the next day with or without a pass. The Chinese pass for the CAE motorcade, if granted, would give it taxfree exit from Kalgan. A tax of $50.00 would otherwise be levied on each car entering or leaving Kalgan. The Chinese had soldiers stationed at both gates of the walled town to enforce collection. The money was to be used to improve the two main roads from Kalgan to the gap [pass]. [Expand per ‘Conquest’.] But both roads were said now to be in the worst condition ever. It seems that the tax money now lined the pockets of tax officials. They planned to travel as lightly as possible in the vehicles until the plateau was reached and the road improved. Much of the CAE’s equipment, tires, gasoline and food was already up on the plateau, sent by ox cart in advance. The contingent was off at 6:30 a.m. on the 21st, although their pass had not been delivered. Men and cars were held at the barrier until, finally, the pass arrived by Chinese special messenger. The expedition was not traveling alone. Andrews’s 1919 big-game hunting colleague Charles Coltman, a businessman based in Kalgan and Urga, joined the motorcade with his own car. Coltman ran the Mongolian Trading Company, a general import and export firm, and served as agent for several other business interests. He was a bit of a swaggerer and also playful. He had assigned the nicknames “Gobi” and “Gobina” to his old friends Roy and Yvette Andrews during their visit in 1919. Coltman’s parents lived and worked in Peking. His father, Dr. Coltman, had been of assistance to Granger’s first Sichuan trip in 1921 by providing contacts and letters of introduction. Later that year, Charles Coltman was killed by a Chinese guard when asked to submit his car to inspection at the same Kalgan gate. He refused leading to a confrontation in which he was shot dead.

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* A ramshackle Ford automobile was engaged to take Anna, Mrs. Black and Mrs. Shackelford to the top of the pass and back. The round trip cost $60.00 in a rickety machine without a dashboard. Electrical wiring and gauges were left exposed. However, Granger decided to ride in that Ford with Anna, while Mrs. Shackelford and Mrs. Black rode in an Expedition vehicle with their husbands. The column took the west route to the plateau. It was an extremely dusty and stormy journey, but the cars arrived safely at the top of the pass at about noon, having stopped for a light lunch on the way. The Ford continued for another ten miles, good-byes were said, and in it the wives started back. The motorcade proceeded not much further to a point where tires, gas, tents and other necessities had been cached. They were loaded on along with the native men who had been posted there to keep guard. The party then advanced to an iron bridge 50 miles north of Kalgan. Though it had been sprinkling for an hour or more, Andrews decided to push on to Joel Eriksson’s Swedish mission at Hallong Ossu after consulting with Coltman. With a little night driving, they could reach their destination. However, it began to rain harder shortly after nightfall and conditions deteriorated quickly. Soon enough Coltman’s car was caught mired in a boggy place in the road. Hoping to avoid the same fate, the drivers of the dog-wagons swung wide around his car, but they became mired as well. Two long, arduous hours were spent trying to free Coltman’s car. Digging and pushing and then trying to pull it with three small steers hired from a Mongol village nearby accomplished nothing. Finally success came with the use of a block and tackle fastened to a long iron bar driven deep into the middle of the road in hard ground some 50 feet ahead of the car. By the time all vehicles were winched out of the mud and camp made just off to the side of the road, it was 1:00 a.m. The effort was so exhausting that all hands turned in without supper. But, concerned that Mongols from the village nearby might attempt to steal some of the equipment hastily strewn about the camp that night, Black, Shackelford, Morris and Granger kept watch from 1:30 a.m. on. Granger took the 5:00 to 7:00 a.m. shift.

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* Of the ten westerners constituting the 1922 CAE-Mongolia party, only one, Walter Granger, was a full-time, salaried staff member of the American Museum of Natural History. Charles P. Berkey was a professor at Columbia University, the American Museum’s sister institution. He was a geologist with a Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota where he taught before transferring to Columbia in 1903. His skill and passion lay in fieldwork, mainly surveying geological formations and advising engineering firms for commercial purposes. He is credited with transforming the field of geology from pure science to applied science. Assistant geologist Frederick K. Morris was a visiting professor at Pei Yang University in Tientsin, China. He became a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Morris was a rather whimsical and brainy fellow with excellent drawing skills, noted Granger. James B. Shackelford was a movie man from Hollywood. Bayard S. Colgate was an auto mechanic. Davidson Black, a Canadian anatomist and professor at Peking, was not officially a member of the CAE. He planned to return to Peking with Yvette after only a few days in Urga. Andrews’s choice of Persender (first name unknown) was a curious, last-minute addition to the Mongolia party. Persender was apparently an entrepreneur seeking his fortune in China. One of his schemes was to sell nitroglycerine to Chinese farmers for blasting apart the hard packed soil in Mongolia where they’d been extending their farms. Finally, Roy Andrews was in his third Asian expedition contract with the American Museum. It granted him the title of curator at the museum, as well as exclusive rights to the CAE story. Cut #AA [Persender] Cut #A [Larson]

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April 22nd, the second day out from Kalgan, was fine, clear and warm and quite a contrast to the freezing wet night before. The morning was spent drying out and rearranging loads. The cars then set off. Tabool was reached by lunchtime. Granger hoped to visit Andersson’s old Pliocene locality at Ertemte nearby. But Andrews thought time was of the essence and they should move on to Urga. Granger did not press the point since the Ertemte site could be visited another time [and because its discovery had already been made]. That afternoon, Coltman shot a buck antelope and a bustard (large terrestrial bird) for supper. Soup was made from some of the antelope at a camp site set well away from any Mongol settlements. That day’s run was 63 miles. The third day also dawned clear and warm. The party travelled another 41 miles to Pangkiang and then camped near the telegraph station. The Pang-kiang station was little more than a mud-made structure housing a telegraph and operator. A few yurts stood nearby. Granger, Berkey, Morris and Black went off to the southeast to look over some promising red exposures that looked Tertiary. But they found nothing. Granger later sent off a telegram to Anna and then wrote her a letter. Andrews set out animal traps for the night. On the 4th Day, a Fossiliferous Scene! [Begin interplay with ‘Conquest?’] The men drove 98 miles to Iren Dabasu the next morning. It was a telegraph station just south of Erhlien. After arriving with an hour of daylight to spare, Granger went off to prospect. Almost immediately, he found fragmentary mammal fossils in a yellowish gravel bank five miles to the south of camp. He identified them as rhinoceros. Early the next morning, Berkey found a distal end of a femur in Cretaceous beds near the tents. To Granger it looked “much like dinosaur.” Not long after, Granger “found a portion of a humerus and other members of the party found other frag't'y bones––all apparently reptilian and probably dinosaurian.” The collecting continued and Shackelford began filming. A trove of fossils––mammals and dinosaurs, some apparently new to science––had just been found (only three days out of Kalgan!) as had been found by Andersson and others in the years before.

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Granger, Berkey, and Morris decided to remain at that locality for a few days while Andrews, Yvette, Black and Colgate proceeded to Urga to obtain passes for exploring Outer Mongolia. Persender, 'Buckshot', the No. 2 car chauffeur, a cook, Kang, and Mushka, the expedition’s pet dog, remained with Granger’s group along with ten day’s worth of provisions. Granger spent the entire next day in the Cretaceous beds with Berkey and Morris. More bones were found and Granger was now certain the dinosaurs were of Cretaceous Age. He sent another telegram to Anna from Iren Dabasu, another place with the usual small group of mud houses for the telegraph office and quarters for the operator. In addition there were seven yurts owned by Chinese who did a “hotel business” with the Chinese travelers along the road. They furnished tea and sleeping quarters. The following day, apparently on a tip, Granger ventured with Berkey and Morris 23 miles south on a north-south connector road to an imposing red bluff. To Granger, it looked to be either Eocene or Oligocene. Mammal teeth were found in some abundance in stratem near the top. They were mostly of a small lophiodont and a large perissodactyl, like a titanotherium. The party also found an upper jaw of a lophiodont. A Chinese traveler, a fur trader returning from the north, then joined the hunt and found an apparent lower lophiodont jaw. At the end of the day, the CAE men bade farwell to the fur trader and returned north to their camp at Iren Dabasu. The fossil hunt continued on April 28th. Berkey, now ill with a cold, found an enormous calcaneum (heel bone) in yellow gravels south of camp. Granger realized it was not proboscidean and could only place it as a Baluchitherium, the largest land mammal ever to exist. It apparently stood fourteen feet high at the shoulder and its skull measured five feet long. Other fragments brought in by Berkey seemed to fit the beast and no other known creature. For a time thereafter, this Mongolian species was called Baluchitherium grangeri, the name Osborn gave it in honor of Walter Granger. Taxonomically, Baluchitherium was later subsumed into Indricotherium until 1989 when it was demonstrated that both names were junior synonyms of Paraceratherium transourlicum, now the proper name. *

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Morris commenced a plane table contour map of the basin. Names were assigned to the three stratigraphic beds or horizons observed there They were the Irdin Manha Beds (Eocene or Oligocene), the Houldjin Gravels (“Miocene?”, Granger wondered) and the Iren Dabasu Beds (Cretaceous). The team also prepared a note for the international journal Science announcing their discoveries. Even if the rest of the world had yet to learn of it, the CAE had made its mark. Not even Andrews knew. The titanothere fossils substantiated Osborn’s migration theory. Significantly, the gigantic Baluchitherim was now in their collection. There were dinosaurs as well. What they hoped for now was an hominid skull––and dinosaur eggs. A fossilized dinosaur egg was not an idle dream. It was long suspected that some dinosaurs reproduced by egg. Granger had speculated on this with paleontologist William Harlow Reed at Sheep’s Creek, Wyoming, in 1899. But finding them would be tricky. The delicate eggs and smaller bones were not as preservable as larger bones. Nor had nesting sites been found. Some years before, in 1877, the French announced their belief that an eggshell fragment found in the Alps in 1859 was dinosaur. But it was an isolated find, unassociated with anything else that could confirm it as dinosaur, so it was not accepted by science as conclusive. When Andersson began reporting on fossilized eggs found in China and Mongolia, they were assumed to be ostrich or other non-dinosaurian, though tantalizing nevertheless. Granger hoped to make a find that would settle the matter. * While Berkey remained sick in bed on the morning of the 29th, Granger, Morris and Persender drove over to a temple they had spotted three miles away. It was a small, nowdeserted lamasary which Chinese soldiers had attacked a year earlier killing some of the lamas and driving out the rest. All that remained were a few small statues, placed as if standing guard. Nearly everything of value had been taken away. Of interest to Granger, however, was a box of cloths painted with religious images [symbols]. These, he decided, would be of value to science. They had collected so many fossils in the first days of the expedition that he was “desperately short of wrapping

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material.” He took a bundle of the painted cloths along a quantity of Tibetan paper prayer slips he found in an abandoned prayer wheel. * The CAE’s expedition camp and close by fossil localities were plainly visible to passersby, the caravanners and auto travelers plying between Kalgan and Urga. An auto traveller named Brandhauer, bound north from Kalgan and friend of Coltman’s, according to Granger, arrived at camp late in the day knowing he could spend the night, such was the CAE hospitality. * On April 30, Granger returned with Berkey and Morris to the yellow gravels. More Baluchitherium fragments were found, but the fossils were quite broken up. Even the massive end of one femur was cracked in two. Fragments of a large rhinoceros-like tooth were found that might also have been Baluchitherium, but the site’s yield in general was fairly useless. The scientists then moved back to the Cretaceous beds where they discovered several varieties of dinosaurs: a smallish carnivorous, a small trachiodont-like beast and numerous small bipedals with compressed front claws, like Ornithomimus, noted Granger. The next day they returned to the red bluff and worked mostly to the west of the caravan trail where they were finding many teeth and jaw fragments. Just before leaving, Berkey found a jaw of a large titanothere-like beast. There was not enough time left to collect it, but Granger sensed that this bluff of red clay that extended for many miles offered splendid possibilities for future work. * In the meantime, all agreed that the drinking water at a well between camp and the telegraph station at Iren Dabasu was decidedly bad. Granger joked that the well was ”dug evidently in the Cretaceous.” The party decided to test another well they had heard about that was located half a mile southeast of camp and somewhat off the trail. It was located in a sand wash that acted as a filter and the water was deemed excellent.

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As for water, future CAE field crew member Bill Thomson later noted to a friend that “Mongolia had no drainage to the sea. All seems to drain to the center and disappears. Consequently, plenty of water may be had by digging from 5 to 20 feet in depth where there is a good supply of very good water. The Mongols do not dig new wells -- they still use wells that have been used for at least a thousand years. There is very little running water... I saw 2 or 3 small running streams where sheep and other stock could help themselves, yet they were watered by hand from a well at the stream’s edge [176].” * The stream of visitors continued. A Dr. Essen of the Swedish Legation passed through bringing a letter to Walter from Anna. American consul [?Jacob] Sokobin and a Mr. Ross passed through as well. Meanwhile, Kang was having great success with his trapping, averaging ten specimens a day. The sand dunes between the camp and a lake nearby offered the best locations. Every morning, at about an hour after sunrise, Granger noted, sand grouse flew over camp toward that lake. An hour or so later they all flew back again into the upland. Had he had his shotgun with him, he mused, by simply positioning himself at his tent flap, he could have bagged all the dinners they wished. Whenever he visited the telegraph station at Iren Dabasu, Granger noted, the telegraph operator and his two or three companions were busy smoking opium. He had wished to get news about matters in China from them, but any discussion always seemed hopeless. He surmised that it must be an awful place for them to live year around. Fresh food seemed to be scarce. Very few antelope were to be seen. (Persender had shot at some but missed.) A fox or two had been seen, along with a wolf or two. A dead Mongol lay on the ground a little off the trail just ten miles down the road on the way to the red bluffs. Things seemed lifeless in general. It was time to pack specimens and move on. * They were to start across the Gobi for Tuerin on May 7th. Whatever discoveries remained uncollected at this present location, Granger recorded, would be covered with sediment, marked with an “obo” and retrieved later. (Since an “obo” is a shrine, Granger probably meant “cairn.”)

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It was a task to squeeze eight men and all equipment and fossils into the two dog-wagons along with Mushka the next day. But with plenty of rope to bundle and hang items from the vehicles, the party managed to leave with everything. They arrived at Ude just across the border in Outer Mongolia early in the afternoon. A Russian-backed Buriat was now in charge of the checkpoint in Ude. His office (“yamen”) was in a yurt shared by an aged and ill Mongolian prince suffering from consumption. Until the arrival of the Siberian-based, Russian-backed Buriats, it was this Mongolian prince who had ruled the region. But the influx of Russian revolutionist influence in that region had reduced him to a politcally ineffective figurehead. An auto tax of $3.00 was paid for each expedition car and another $1.00 paid for each foreigner. Since the final tally came to $9.00, $6.00 on the two trucks and another $3.00 on personnel, the tax apparently applied only to the three scientists, but not to the natives or Persender, a local from Kalgan who apparently traveled regularly. At sunset, the party made camp by a well and settled in for the night. Snow fell at daybreak and continued until noon. Two or three inches accumulated and the men found time for a snowball fight before heading off that afternoon. The travelling was fair going despite passing through a heavy snow squall just before reaching their next stopover. They camped that night by a Jurassic outcrop on the west side of the trail that proved to be extremely interesting to the geologists. They did not return to camp until after dark. Every few miles along the drive to Tuerin the next day, the men encountered grim evidences of the retreat by Chinese soldiers from an onslaught by pro-Russian mercenariea the year before. Bundles of clothing with human bones sticking out of them sat along the road. Most of the skulls were missing. Granger, finding only one, surmised that the Canadian anatomist Dr. Black had stopped to collect many of then while on the way up to Urga with the Andrews party. While on the way to Andrews’s Tuerin base camp, Granger and his group were stopped by a Chinese-driven auto heading south from Urga to Kalgan and handed a bundle of letters addressed to Colgate. Andrews, who was still quartered in Urga with Shackelford,

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had received the mail there and apparently decided that the items for Colgate, who was at the Tuerin base camp, would get to him faster via Granger. Granger and his group reached the base camp at Tuerin on the 10th. Colgate was there to greet him along with the Chinese and Mongol assistants. The campsite was located up a draw a half mile west of the telegraph station in a beautiful setting with a granite mountain as a backdrop. A lamasary sat on the west side of the mountain. Merin’s camel caravan had already departed that morning and headed for a new rendezvous point south of Urga. Colgate confirmed that Andrews and Shackelford were still in Urga. Not long after Granger’s arrival, Brandhauer drove in to the Tuerin camp with Black, Yvette, a Mrs. Hansen, Dr. Essen, the Swedish consul at Urga, and Oscar Mamen of Tientsin, a friend of Andrews. Not far behind Brandhauer was Larson in his Chandler automobile. Both confirmed that a car driven by a German had had a serious accident 20 miles west of Tuerin. Injured were a Mongol guide headed for base camp and a Chinese passenger on his way to Kalgan. The other occupants of the car, along with the injured, were now recuperating in a tent that had been pitched near the wreck.

May 11, 1922. 30˚ - 8 a.m. Cool north wind––clear: Colgate, Dr. Essen and Brandaur [Brandhauer] with touring Chandler and dog-wagon up early and out to the wreck. Found Chinese, whose leg had been broken, nearly dead. Brought him back in dog-wagon and he died just before reaching the station here. Mongol, who was coming here to guide us to the rendezvous, has a broken clavicle. Chinese at station would not allow body to be left there and so Brandaur [Brandhauer] & Dr. Black took the body out on the prairie some 10 miles or so and buried it. Other Chinese passengers left at station to be picked up later. Wrecked car, which had broken wheel, was repaired by the loan of a wheel from our equipment and returned to Urga for permanent repairs before starting out again for Kalgan. Mongol has been bandaged up with one of my shirts and seems to be all right. He will go on with us tomorrow to the appointed place.

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Brandaur's [Brandhauer’s] party much bewildered last night upon arrival. Wrecked car was behind and traveling fast when wheel collapsed and car turned over on side. Dead man already had one leg broken and was going to China to have it fixed up! Spent day writing, climbing granite mountain and in showing Dr. Black my Iren Dabasu material. Black says he got two or three Chinese soldiers’ skulls on way up. Told him of the one I saw which was off the track slightly [179]. Waiting On May 12th, Granger and his party broke base camp at Tuerin and drove west all day covering 118 miles over mostly fine, grass-covered plain. They were traveling in four vehicles now. Andrews was still in Urga with his touring car. Camp was made that night in rough hilly country which Granger and his group reached at sunset. It was about 35 or 40 miles south of Urga. The Arctic divide was a mile or two to the north. Marmots and timber were seen for the first time since the party had entered Mongolia. Larch trees grew on the north slopes they had passed just off the main trail to their new campsite. On the 13th, the men drove another 45 miles and camped on the Bokuk Gol, a tributary of the Tola River. Urga was about 18 miles to the north and a little east. Granger noted that there were several yurts nearby, along with a few log structures, a diminutive temple and an arch of stone called a "journey shrine." The Bokuk Gol was a small stream fed principally by ice sheets melting in the side valleys. Granger observed that an ice field lay beneath the surface soil near camp. The stream ran along beside it, eroding into it at some places which undermined the surface soil. The ice was several feet thick and appeared to have been there for several years, according to Granger. Apparently it melted only slightly each summer. The next day brought a west gale and snow. The taxidermists set traps, but this locality proved not good for trapping. So Granger eventually shot “a ruddy sheldrake and some other birds to keep the taxidermists busy.”

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* Colgate had taked the injured Mongol guide back to the edge of Urga on the 15th and let him walk the rest of the way in. Colgate had dared drive no further into since a messenge from Andrews reported that he “was having all sorts of trouble getting permission for the outfit to proceed.” The Bolshevik government apparently was putting as many obstacles in his way as possible. The Soviet-backed Urgan government was suspicious of the American purpose, wary that they were there for political or commercial purposes as well as scientific. Andrews reported that Larson and a Mr. Badmajapoff, an adviser to the Urgan Minister of Justice, were now trying to provide assistance. Ultimately it was agreed that Badmajapoff would join the party as a guest. Badmajapoff was Tsokto Badmajapoff, also spelled Jzokto Badmazhapov, or Badmajhapov, an archaeologist who, in 1907, found the lost city of Khara-Khoto, The Black City, for which famed Central Asian explorer Pyotr Kozlov had been searching for so many years. Therefore, not only did Badmajapoff, like Larson, have off-road exploration experience in the Gobi-Mongolia, he also had a history of scientific discovery. His colleague Kozlov did too. He was back driving around the Gobi-Mongolia in a Buick automobile in 1923. But until formal permission to proceed was received from the Urgan government, Andrews urged that under no circumstance should any expedition member go into Urga. Unbeknownst to the remainder of the party, Andrews also was having an expedition personnel issue of his own making which would come to light soon enough. So the men waited. Granger sent letters back by messenger for Andrews to forward on to Peking and the State for Anna, Charles and Osborn. In camp the next day, the temperature ranged from 33˚ in the morning to 38˚ in the early afternoon. It was May 16th. A light snow that had developed in the forenoon worked up to a gale that blew out of the west all day long. It was the most bitter day Granger had yet experienced. All hands remained in camp until the afternoon “when we got tired of freezing and geologists and I went into the hills. Difficult to stand up against the wind on a ridge.”

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Granger had never driven an automobile and to help ease his boredom that day he began learning with Colgate as the instructor. There was “plenty of fine smooth going hereabouts for the purpose.” In the meantime, the party did their best to try to keep warm by an argul fire in a metal firebox set out in the front of the mess tent. Argul was dried camel dung and commonly used in that region to fuel fires. The smoke was bad “and the fire was not effective,” Granger observed. The strong wind continued into the night, as did the cold. The next morning Granger awoke at 6 a.m. to record 17˚, the coldest registered temperature on the trip so far. He decided to take one of the dog-wagons with Colgate and the geologists to some promising outcrops they had seen near the Tola River south of Urga. After examining the rocks, they decided to drive on in toward Urga on the main river road. Why they decided this is not known, but one may surmise that Granger felt the wait had gone on long enough. Still four miles short of town, they encountered a Ford motorcar. It was driven by K. P. Albertson of Urga who was in charge of the Chinese portion of the Kalgan to Urga telegraph line and with him were Larson and Badmajapoff. They reported that Andrews and Shackelford were stuck at the edge of town after having trouble with the touring car. Granger and Colgate found them and Colgate repaired the car. All returned to camp where Andrews related his trouble in getting passports in Urga. The Bolshevik government, he charged, had put all sorts of obstacles in his way. Only with the help of Larson and Badmajapoff was he finally able to obtain permission for the CAE to press on into Mongolia. The Persender Affair But Andrews also had a new chauffeur, as Granger had noticed when he and Colgate found him stuck in Urga. ‘Löh,’ Granger recorded, was a Chinese man who had been employed by Albertson. He replaced Persender who was being discharged from the expedition as a personna non grata to the Urgan government. But not only was this the case, the Urgans want the Frenchman turned over to them. Furthermore, it was discovered that Persender had brought bottles of nitroglycerine with him after all. He had them wrapped in a blanket. Andrews later claimed he had allowed Persender to join the

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expedition because he thought could be of good use as a driver and guide, but had told Persender not to bring any nitroglycerine along. Why Andrews thought he needed another guide is not clear. The expedition had room for Persender, of course, because Granger’s field assistant George Olsen was unable to make the trip as originally planned. But with Larson awaiting in Urga and no guide needed for the Kalgan to Urga leg since Coltman was along and the Andrews had traveled that route at least twice in 1919, the decision makes no sense. As for the nitroglycerine, the Bolsheviks were already suspicious that the CAE was surreptitiously in search of gold or other valuable metals. Blasting material would aid in finding those resources. While there is no proof that Andrews and Persender were contemplating doing this, any other explanation is hard to find. Blasting ground for agricultural purposes makes no sense since they were well beyond any farming areas when the illicit bottles nitroglycerin were discovered. Regardless, the Bolsheviks insisted not only that Persender go no further, they also forced Andrews to agree to attaching a "student geologist" as their representative. The “said geologist," as Granger put it, was still in Siberia just north of Urga. But as soon as he returned, he would mount up and catch up with the motorcade by horseback. Andrews concluded that Persender’s general lack of qualifications for whatever work he had in mind made it desirable that he leave the party, since the matter obviously had threatened the future of the expedition. Persender departed with Albertson the next morning, taking his nitroglycerine bottles wrapped in a blanket. He was afraid the Bolsheviks would kill him, Granger wrote, adding that “Andrews much surprised that Persender had the poison as he promised him in Peking that he would take none along.” Onward The entire CAE contingent departed the next morning for Tsetsenwan to the southwest where they would stay until the camel caravan met up with them. Several hours were spent loading provisions and supplies that were to last until this next rendezvous. Granger, Berkey and Morris repacked their collections into empty metal gasoline containers and left them for reloading on camels.

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A Mongol soldier was to escort the camel caravan when it set off. Even without the threat of robbery and gunfire, conditions were not easy for the camels even at this early stage. Three were already played out because of overloading and a short supply of feed. They were sent back to rejoin a herd in Urga belonging to the Anderson and Meyer Company where they would feed up for the summer. That left the expedition with seventy-one camels. The CAE motorcade covered 64 miles to camp by the Tola River, a fine clear stream with a gravely bottom. The party was heading south-southwest away from Urga into open country without camel caravan routes. As a result, the driving became more difficult as the party encontered numerous hills, occasional soft sections of sand, river cut banks and swamplands. May 20, 1922, was much warmer than the previous mornings. By 8 a.m., it was 43˚. The motorcade covered another 37 miles after getting back on the main trail to Tsetsenwan with rough going much of the way before camping near a spring. There was a particularly snarly field of tussocks, Granger noted, along the Tola River bank just before they turned south into the hills where the road then became rock-filled. The men relaxed as the weather stayed warm, clear and calm. Larson and Badmajapoff went off to the north in the No. 1 car with Colgate and shot five antelope. The taxidermists laid out traps. Marmots were abundant. Shackelford shot two with a .22 caliber rifle while Granger caught one in a trap [179a]. Several sorts of eagles were breeding in the rocks nearby. Granger saw three nests with eggs and several others were reported by other members of the party. Nearly every prominent rock point seemed to contain an eagle nest. The party arrived at Tsetsenwan on the 21st after a 46-mile drive over fair going much of the way. [There they met the Prince of Tsetsenwan, still a figure of influence that region.] Camp was made at the mouth of a granite canyon about three miles west of a lamasary. A spring with good water still laced with ice was found another mile or so west. Marmots seemed unusually abundant in the region, Granger noted. Ruddy sheldrake perched in the cliffs above the camp along with a great colony of red-billed choyhs.

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Shackelford and Larson decided to go to the lamasary to make motion pictures while Granger and the geologists, or “geologs” as he termed them, went over to hills located about ten miles to the northwest beyond a large lake. There were reports of fossils there, as Granger put it, although Granger didn’t record from whom the report(s) came. As we now know, however, such information could have come from a variety of sources including a local Mongolian, an amateur Mongolian collector (eg., Haldjinko or Jensen (Lob-tsen Yen-tsen)), a Chinese or western collector, a passer-by, Eriksson, Badmajapoff, Larson or Andersson. Andersson and Larson had long before spread the word that reports of fossils were being sought. In any event, Granger found nothing but sediment and rock strewn about by volcanic eruption. Returning to camp, Granger and the geologs passed around the lower end of the large lake. Across it was built an enormous earth dam of great age. On it sat the ruins of an ancient temple once built of massive stone. Many graves were sited around it. Morris sketched the scene. * Daytime temperature now ranged in the 50s to 80s. The daylight hours were usually calm and bright with an occasional sprinkle and sometimes a light breeze. and then again, every so often, a strong northerly or westerly wind arose. A messenger rode in from where the caravan was now camped, near one of the group’s previous stops on the way to Tsetsenwan. He reported that the camels were in bad shape and could not proceed to the rendezvous under their present loads. It was decided to send Colgate back with the Fulton to relieve the camels of one truck load. Larson would go along as interpreter. They left at daybreak, returning to camp early that afternoon with a load of mostly gasoline tins. The camels now could move on to catch up to the party within a day. While they waited, several of the men motored three miles west to a gravesite marked by granite slabs set upright in a rectangle. Monuments like these apparently were fairly common in that region and Badmajapoff thought they were graves of an ancient people, perhaps Tartars who had invaded this region before Genghis Khan's time. Berkey

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estimated the weathering of the granite indicated an age of possibly 1,000 years. They decided to excavate one to a depth of five feet, but found nothing. * While the geologists went off with Colgate and a Mongolian assistant 45 miles to the south the next day, Granger stayed in camp to record and pack the mammal and bird specimens collected to date. The mammal skins were transferred into large camel boxes and placed with the caravan. Prince Tsetsenwan's brother brought over some camels to replace the eight or ten that Merin said were too tired or hungry to continue. Only three were selected as suitable. An even exchange was made and Shackelford took movies of the camels while they were loaded and unloaded. The party bought a sheep as well. In the meantime, Granger had caught a polecat in one of his marmot traps that morning––it was “a savage beast who bit Mushka and tried to bite every one else”–– The Prince's brother planned to go into Urga the next day. Letters were sent along with him to send on to Peking. Provisions and gasoline enough for two weeks were taken off the caravan for loading onto the truck and dog-wagons. Because the condition of the camels continued to deteriorate, it was expected to take it those two weeks to reach the next rendezvous at Sain Noin Khan 150 miles away. * The men broke camp and drove 37 miles south and then two and a half miles north off the trail to the mouth of a granite canyon with a stream of fine clear water. The route that day had been little more than a single camel trail that was barely discernible in places. The Fulton had become stuck over its hubs in soft, wet ground and had to be dug out. Granger, on the other hand, had driven one of the cars for several miles that day. He stalled the engine a couple of times, “but otherwise things went fairly well.” Camp was on a grassy bottomland and several of the men took advantage of the proximity of good water to do their laundry. Shackelford used it to develop film. Many traps were put out that evening. Larson, in the meantime, climbed a high rocky hill just east of camp where he found a female great owl resting on its nest in a cleft in the rock with three downy gray offspring. He shot the owl and brought her back to camp. He and

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Andrews later returned to retrieve the young, but found that an eagle had already taken two of them away. In fact, it was flying off with the second one as they approached. Trapping the next day yielded a coney, hamsters, kangaroo rats, gophers, microtus and a new type of mouse. Found in the crevices of rocks, the mouse probably related to microtus, Granger thought, but was gray and had large round ears. That afternoon, he went with Andrews, Shackelford, Colgate and Badmajapoff several miles south down the valley to a lamasary they’d sighted from camp. The lamasary looked small with perhaps only 200 or so lamas. But the men got caught on the wrong side of a marsh and could not cross, so had to abandon a closer look. Along the way, they had stopped at a group of yurts. The occupants said they had never seen an auto before. * On June 1, the Expedition proceeded to the Ongin River. Driving conditions that day were equally divided between the best and the worst imaginable, according to Granger. All forenoon they traveled through jutting granites and rock eruptions over and through hills that required the cars to veer off the trail frequently. But during the afternoon, the road became perfectly smooth. The final approach to the Ongin River took them over a gently sloping, gravel-covered plain free of marmot-holes. A car could be driven safely at forty miles an hour, Granger noted. At about 4 thar afternoon, they reached the river which was divided into three branches, none wide and all less than knee deep. They scouted before deciding that the established trail crossed in the best place. The touring car and dog-wagons crossed safely. But the heavier Fulton truck became stuck in the slippery mud bank as it exited the water. The men pushed it free and then set up camp on the grassy bottom along the bank of the last branch of the river. The geologists came along in their car at about 5:00 p.m. to promptly stall in the middle of the widest branch of the river. As the wheels settled to the hubs, the Urga chauffeur tried too hard to get out under engine power causing the left rear axle to twist until it broke. Colgate went to the rescue in the Fulton truck to free the car with block and tackle.

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Once brought ashore and everything was unloaded from the car into the truck, all hands returned to camp except a Mongolian assistant left to stand watch over the immobilized car. Darkness had fallen and the broken axle could not be replaced with one of the two spares brought along until the next morning. * Granger grumped in his diary that night that “[t]his is the second serious accident to any car and was entirely avoidable. Only one tire has been punctured so far and that ran over a big Chinese-made shoe nail [that had dropped] in the road near Urga (No. 1).” Snow covered the high hills north of camp. Microtus burrows and runways riddled the bottom land. Every tent had one or more burrows beneath it. Granger noted that the Microtus seemed to be the only rodent there, as he had also observed at Tsetsenwan. Apparently the animal had driven out other small mammals. Half a dozen little eel-like fish were caught in a pool near camp. They were the only fish seen. Since the Ongin River ran into the Gobi basin and then disappeared, the occurrence of fish at all was of interest to Granger. As he noted the life in the river, he recalled that seventeen Russian women and children were killed by Red Russian mercenaries near its banks just the year before. The victims were fleeing east from Uliassutai when they were caught, plundered and killed. Now, not a trace of the massacre remained that he could see. Sain Noin Khan June 2, 1922 On June 2nd, the group broke camp and headed for Sain Noin Khan, a caravan and postal route hub. They left the river by following a caravan trail. At about noon they left the trail that had now become quite distinct and turned north across the prairie. Eight or ten miles farther to the north, they struck a good road running from a hot springs into Sain Noin Khan and were able to reach Sain Noin Khan at 5:00 p.m. At about 4:00 p.m., a heavy thundershower struck and the vehicles were driven to the top of a hill until the worst was over. Rain could turn the bottom lands into a slippery, sticky mess and flash flooding was

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an ever-present danger. They waited a bit before proceeding a mile further to a creek bottom where they turned up into a side gulch to make camp. Andrews had shot two buck antelope in the forenoon of that day, out of a herd of about ten. The party had seen very few antelope since leaving camp north of Tsetsenwan. Part of the plan was to supplement their diet with antelope meat. The next day dawned bright and the party noticed seven yurts grouped just across the valley a half a mile away. The lamasary of Sain Noin Khan sat about five miles to the north of camp and that afternoon, Granger drove over to it with Andrews, Badmajapoff and Shackelford who wanted to take movies. The lamasary was occupied by about 1,000 lamas and was one of the largest in Outer Mongolia. Granger noticed that the architecture of the temples was in three styles: pure Tibetan, pure Chinese and a combination of the two –– a Tibetan base upon which sat a Chinese cupola. Extra large yurts were used for worship in one part of the lamasary. Ironically, the upper part of a large prayer shrine out in front was sheathed with flattened out Standard Oil Company tins which glistened like silver and presented a dazzling sight. The temples were closed. Services and classes of instruction evidently were held in the morning. The lamas ranging from old men to boys of eight or nine appeared to Granger to be very dirty and degraded-looking. The motorcar was of great interest to them. Granger wondered whether a motor vehicle had ever been to this lamasary before. He may also have wondered where the Standard Oil Company tins came from. The lamas’ quarters extended off the sides of two temples which occupied the center of the compound. Gilded top ornaments and highly colored roofs of temples and some of the lower structures made a brilliant spectacle when viewed from the top of the hill. The usual piles of argul were missing from this lamasary because orests of larch a few miles to the north on the slopes of the high hills supplied wood for fuel as well as for construction of buildings and surrounding stockade. There was a settlement of eight or ten Chinese trading outfits about a mile from the lamasary. A Russian settlement there had been raided the year before and there were no survivors [180]. Fossil hunting in this region yielded nothing. Granger prospected briefly

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along the east side of the valley to the south in Jurassic exposures, but the rocks were all conglomerates containing nothing in the way of organic remains. It was camp life, driving and trapping that dominated the daily routine now. Traveling and sightseeing prioritized the days. The initial exciting fossil discoveries made upon entering Mongolia just days before were history and the paleontologist and geologists now had little to do scientifically. Work now was mainly zoological -- mammalogy, ornithology and taxidermy. While Granger followed up on a fossil report or two, no fossil field had been discovered for some time. The topographical studies, mapping, archaeology and other scientific studies yet to come awaited other CAE expeditions in the upcoming years. Having zoomed deep into Outer Mongolia after days of travel with no apparent purpose, this expedition was in fact taking a break. Fossils no longer dominated the agenda: their success in that regard had been quick and clear, perhaps to no one’s surprise. The geology that continued was multi-purpose: commercial, as well as scientific. Even the quest for ‘ancient man’ was already underway following Granger’s initial work at Zhoukoudian and the Yangtze basin. Indeed, the men were heading to Andrews’s old 1919 big-game hunting grounds at Sain Noin, the very place he’d driven to by motorcar from Urga with Oscar Mamen and other hunting buddies three years before. Now hundreds of miles past their last fossil discovery, this team of scientists was on vacation. In the meantime, the Buriat student geologist had not yet shown up, or could not catch up, and there was a mission to accomplish for Badmajapoff by way of Arishan Springs. Arishan Springs June 6, 1922 June 6, 1922 – Went with Berkey and Morris to a group of hot springs about ten miles to the southeast. Mr. Badmajapoff went with us and is to remain there until we return that way on the way south (a week or ten days hence) [181].

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The springs of Arishan burbled up along a fault-line running between a Jurassic exposure and a granite formation. There were several emerging along a shallow ravine. The water temperature ranged from 60˚ to too hot for the hand. Small excavations had been made at each usuable spring around which were set crude walls made from slabs of sandstone set on edge. Tents or small yurts were erected over each to form private basins ample for one to sit in and take a bath. At the head of the string of pools was a crude stone shrine or obo. The whole affair, including a high hill a mile to the west, was considered sacred. Hunting and trapping were forbidden. Eight or ten yurts were clustered [grouped] just below the springs to house bather. The place had the appearance of a health resort. One yurt was occupied by an uncle of the present prince of Sain Noin Khan, a lad who was only ten years old. The uncle, a Da Lama, was 30 and quite “white as to color of skin,” Granger observed. He was an agreeable and intelligent man who received the expedition party graciously by bringing out fermented milk, tea, cakes, cheese and Chinese dates. Upon leaving, Granger and his party were also presented with blue silk sashes. A tent for Badmajapoff had been erected near the Da Lama's yurt. Badmajapoff established himself there with one servant to try the waters for his rheumatism. The CAE men left him with a supply of food and cigarettes. * Granger explored for fossils in the Jurassic exposures near the springs, but found nothing. So he, Berkey and Morris returned to camp where they found a little Mongol girl visiting her father, a local who was assisting at the camp. She was most interested in examining all of the "queer" things. Her father urged her to go home––to the settlement nearby––but she begged to remain saying, "These people are going away in the morning and I shall never have another chance to see all of these interesting things." And very likely she won't. The Mongols we meet in this region are unspeakably dirty and ignorant but they are intelligent, good-natured and helpful to us in many ways [182].

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Shackelford took movies as locals engaged in their daily occupations in and about the yurts. A section of one yurt was removed so that he could film interior views. Meanwhile, Andrews was off in the touring car to scouting for a new camp near the woods. Camp was made a site about 16 miles north and nearly 900 feet higher with a fine larch forest as a backdrop. To reach it, the men drove past the lamasary, crossed the Ongin River hubdeep and traveled up a valley to a divide in the river. They had good water, shade and plenty of firewood. A fine big bonfire was made that first night. A few small pines stood among the larches, but there were no deciduous trees. Some tree trunks measured over two feet in diameter, Granger noted, although he didn’t note which. Microtus burrows were found in the woods, in the moss and soil that lay atop permanent ice. Ice could be seen in some of the burrows. Mongols living nearby began straggling into the camp to look over the westerners. They’d been frightened for a day or so, not knowing for certain who they were. Raids and killings by the Red Russian Army and Baron Roman Nicolaus von Ungern-Sternberg of the opposing White Guard had terrorized them over the past two years. So, to them, all foreigners were to be feared. But relations warmed and the westerners began buying cow's milk from the Mongols using their own pails, to ensure reasonable cleanliness. They obtained about ten quarts a day from two milkings for which they paid about a $1.00. * The men began to hunt roebuck in the isolated patches of forest where the animals rested during the day. The shooters posted themselves at one end of the growth, toward the upper edge of the woods. Then four to six native assistants at the opposite end began beating on oil tins and shouting while advancing in a line to push the roebuck toward the shooters. They first drummed in the woods behind the camp, a section one and a half miles long and a half mile wide. Two bucks emerged from the far end and Andrews shot and wounded one. It dashed back into the woods and on through the line of beaters. The other bolted from the lower edge of the wood near Larson whose back was turned and so he didn’t notice it until it was already past him. Both he and Shackelford swung and fired as the animal fled.

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Granger then took a few shots at it from 400-500 yards away. The animal successfully ran that gauntlet and made it onto a ridge of high grass to the north. As he began to enter small forest on that north slope, the beating started up again. Granger shot the buck as it paused to look back at the beaters. The bullet killed him instantly. Five other roebuck were spotted on a ridge nearby, but all eluded pursuit. Nevertheless, Granger seemed to enjoy this classic Andrews big-game hunting event, even if it had little to do with the expedition’s mission. It was “delightful being in the woods after nearly two months of treeless plains,” he wrote, an interesting assessment by a man who had spent much longer periods of time in the barrens of the American West and Saharan Desert. That was June 7th. The next seven days were devoted to trapping, relaxing and smalland big-hunting, although Granger did less and less of it. After killing an old doe who, he then discovered it “had two nearly full grown fetuses in her.” He “[b]rought the old doe back to camp but I shall not eat of her.” Savoring camp life seemed to better fill Granger’s days while he watched the others. Three bucks nearly ran over Colgate while his back was turned one day. They got away without being shot at, Granger noted. On June 13th, Merin came up the hunting camp to report that the caravan had made it to the hot springs where Badmajapoff still sat soaking. The camels, he reported, were in very poor condition because of a shortage of feed and the locality of the springs offered little grazing. It would remain there until the hunting respite was over, and he would remain at the hunting camp until the others came down. Perhaps he hoped his presence would hurry matters along. He also reported that the caravan twice had been intercepted by robbers. Both times, the bandits were frightened off when the Mongolian soldier escort shot at them. Merin was not sure whether any were hit. There was a light, almost continuous snow from daybreak until noon the next day when the temperature rose to 47˚ that afternoon. All hands remained in camp that morning until after tiffin when Granger put out traps for microtus in the grassy valley below. He caught eight while he was putting out the traps. The remainder of the party went over to the

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woods east to again hunt for roebuck. In the meantime, it was decided they would move back down to the hot springs the following day. The hunting party returned to Arishan Springs in the forenoon of June 15th and went into camp near the caravan on the east side of the creek about a mile from the springs. Badmajapoff and his luggage were brought over in the afternoon. A camel died the night before leaving 70 in the caravan and three in Urga recuperating. After settling in, the geologists drove off with Colgate at the wheel of the No. 2 car north several miles away to a divide created by a series of cirques. They were to return that evening, but did not. When Andrews took the touring car out at dusk to look for some sign of them, he saw nothing. Shackelford then rigged up [devised] a search light off the No. 3 car by attaching [securing] a lamp to a long pole to serve as a beacon in case the geologs tried to return that night. At dawn the next morning when the geologs still hadn’t returned, Andrews again took off in the No. 1 car to look for them. This time he was successful, finding them camped by the river near the Sain Noin Khan lamasary where they had stopped at about 9:30 p.m. the night before. They described their ordeal. After crossing the cirque that day, the car became mired in a field of mud. To free it, the car was completely unloaded and then jacked up [raised up] with logs driven into the mud beneath it. Miraculously, a lama and several followers materialized to assist them when they were most needed. After getting the car out of the mud and reloaded, the men then had difficulty retracing their route back over the cirque. Unpacking the car once again to carry the greater part of the load on their backs up the steepest pitches while the driver zig-zagged the lightened car up in short spurts, they finally reached the top at 9:00 p.m. and then proceeded down to the river to make camp. Both cars returned to the main party at noon and the geologists immediately set about working up a map of the region [section map?]. Andrews and Granger, in the meantime, went over to the springs to bathe in the same spring used by Badmajapoff. They found the water delightfully warm and that it gave a slippery feeling to the skin.

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The Da Lama came to dinner that evening. He seemed, they thought, awkward with a knife and fork and did not appear to relish the dishes prepared for him. But he appeared to enjoy the experience of visiting with the Americans and especially liked riding in a car, happily taking over the wheel when offered. He handed it back quickly, however, whenever the car approached a rough stretch. Before departing that evening, he was presented with a pocketknife and cigarettes. While the geologists continued with their [?section] mapping of this region, the caravan departed for better feeding and resting grounds. The main party would catch up with it the next day. In the meantime, Andrews hunted antelope while Granger helped with trapping. Morris interrupted his mapping chores long enough to sketch the hills as studies for background paintings in a planned "plains group" diorama. After breaking camp the next day, the expedition drove 50 miles southwest to a new campsite beside the Ongin Gol. Along the way, they encountered Mongol families traveling northward to the summer feeding ranges in the hills. The route took the men down along the east side of a creek which they crossed as they headed southwest toward the Uliassutai Trail. The men kept to the trail most of the way until they left it to make camp near in a region of small lakes two miles to the south. Camp was on a marshy stretch with a small stream running through the center [‘Camp Gorida’/p. 94-95 Conq.]. The main trail from Sair Usu to Uliassutai lay 300 yards to the south and the Tsetsenwan-Uliassutai Trail passed a mile or so to the north. A large Mohammedan Chinese caravan en route to Uliassutai was camped on the opposite side of the marsh. With over 200 camels, it presented an impressive sight. A few miserablelooking yurts sat farther out on the marsh. These were the poorest yurts Granger had yet seen. One of the small lakes was filled with ducks of several sorts and bar-headed geese. Lopwings and red-legged sand pipers were also found along the stream which flowed into a depression in the great basin north of the Altai mountains. In wet weather, the depression became a lake. It was decided that the expedition’s camel caravan would remain at this location for a month, if circumstances permitted, to feed on the abundant green grass along the stream.

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Granger spent the next day working on mammal and bird collections. He also caught a new kangaroo rat and a new gerbil that morning. Other members of the group went into action, as well. Larson shot two adult bar-head geese and seven young on the small lake south of camp. Shackelford shot an eared grebe with the .22 caliber rifle. Native taxidermists were catching coneys and larger hamsters. The geologists climbed into jagged-looking hills located two miles northwest of camp that afternoon and reported that they could see over mountains to the south. In the meantime, Colgate and Badmajapoff went off in a car to hunt up a local guide to accompany the expedition into the Baga Bogdo (‘Lesser Buddha’) range of the eastern Altai mountains [narr. p. 96, Conq.]. They came back with an old man who seemed very poor but appeared to know the country well enough, so he was hired. The party planned to spend one more day trapping before packing up all the mammals and birds they had collected to leave with the caravan. Three large camel boxes were filled and then covered with canvas. * That evening after sunset, the Mohammedan Chinese caravan of 200 camels got under way and filed past toward the Uliassutai Trail and into the western twilight. It was an almost silent event except for the deep-toned camel bells on every twentieth camel and an occasional small tinkling bell in between. The caravan was loaded with tea and tobacco and attended to by sixteen Chinese. It was a most impressive spectacle in the dim evening light. Later, Granger noted strange music coming from their own expedition caravan mens’ tent at about 11:20 p.m. The main party started off in the morning with the local Mongol guide and a three-week supply of food and gasoline. The camels remained behind as planned to continue their recovery until heading out for the next rendezvous. Eight or so of them had sores on their backs which were treating with pomegranate wash. Saddles were being taken off them for the first time since leaving Kalgan. *

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The plan was to go Ondai Sair [p. 99, Conq] a pass at the foot of Mount Ussuk [p. 97, Conq] in the range 40 miles to the south and slightly west. It was a bright and warm travelling day with a moderate breeze. Temperatures in the morning began at 46˚ and rose another ten degrees by noon. After first heading west on the Uliassutai Trail, they left the established route to strike south cross country. Lunch was at noon by a salt lake. Shackelford filmed the entire expedition as their five vehicles passed around the shore of the lake. The water was almost entirely evaporated leaving a layer of salt, white and apparently nearly pure, in a crystallized sheet a few inches thick and 300 yards across. Beneath this was thick dark brown mud. Two small groups of Mongols collected the salt, wading out barefooted and scooping the salt by hand into small buckets which were then brought up onto the hard, smooth surface of the shore. There the salt was dumped out in little piles which quickly dried in the sun. After drying, the salt was put in small sacks and carried away by camel. Still photos and movies were taken of the salt gatherers. That afternoon the expedition made a steady climb about 500 feet from the salt lake to a divide [pass] between two peaks, each rising another 1,000 feet. This divide [pass], called "Ussuk,” was filled with many treacherous gullies. They planned to camp only two or three miles beyond, but that was not reached until late in the afternoon. The site was on a large dry wash extending southward into the great basin that lay along the northern face of Baga Bogdo. Another mountain range loomed across the valley, perhaps 50 miles distant. There was a well nearby camp which held sufficiently fair water. A small group of Mongols were staying there for the night while on their way to the northern grass lands for the summer. They reported poor feed down in the great basin. Even the wild asses there were starving. June 22nd dawned with a light breeze that grew into a strong east wind by late afternoon. As a result, a “Gobi haze” developed that nearly obscured the majestic Baga Bogdo. Granger set out that morning in the No. 2 car with Colgate, Berkey, Morris, Larson and the local Mongol guide. They were in search of a well and spring said to be six miles down in the valley. It was reported by mative Mongols to be one of several fossil

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localities in that area, again indicating existing familiarity with fossil locations deep in Outer Mongolia. The men crossed a number of rocky, sandy gullies as they drove down from the hills along the west side of the valley. It was rough going for most of the way. About half way down, they paused to look over a small set of exposures of red and gray beds. These yielded a few fragments of turtle and a bit of flat bone that Granger thought might have been a piece of scapula of either mammal or reptile. They then continued on to the well and spring location near the mouth of the valley at the very edge of the great plain [narr, p.100, Conq]. Once there, they spent several hours examining the badlands around the spring. A few scraps of bone and teeth from the upper level of these exposures were identified as rhinocerid and perhaps mastodon and indicated late Tertiary. However, a small collection Granger made later that afternoon from the red beds at the very base of the section was of mostly rodent fossils. Though poorly preserved, he managed to get complete sets of upper- and lower-cheek teeth. But the fossils were not familiar to him, and this made him question the age of the beds. Much of the lower red stratum was exposed along the northern edge of the basin. One narrow outcrop extended well out into the center of the basin from the spring. Granger decided to move down to this location in two or three days time to work the basin to the south for fossils, as well as trap for recent mammals. Then he planned to go east through the basin to join the caravan somewhere on the Uliassutai-Sair Usu Trail. The local Mongol guide would remain with him until the car was sent back to the caravan for provisions. The caravan could not be taken through the basin because there would be very little for the camels to feed on. So Granger’s stock-up on fuel and provisions would have to be carefully conserved until he met up with it again. He considered hiring horses to hunt game in the basin, instead of using the car, but doubted whether he could keep them fit since there was so little to graze on. [Conq. doesn’t seem to show the sequence this way...see pp 100-102]. *

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The great Baga Bogdo was an impressive sight both from camp and from the mouth of the valley. Long streaks of snow extended down from the summit. Wonderful glacier-like talus streams reached down into the valley. The entire mountain gave off a beautiful hazy blue color. None of the forests could be seen. A cold, driving rain came in from the north the next day at about 9:00 a.m. and lasted until 4:00 p.m. [p. 100, Conq.] Granger wore his sheep-skin lined coat all day but was cold nevertheless. All hands remained in camp until late afternoon when some went out for hunting. By then Baga Bogdo was showing its head with a fresh cap of snow. Mammal trapping flourished and they continued to find species new to them. The taxidermists were really the only ones busy for the moment. The Ondai Sair campsite had turned out to be excellent for trapping small mammals, though perhaps a little thin on finding fossils [p. 101, Conq.]. Small mammals were abundant as burrows everywhere showed. There was other wildlife, as well. Many sand grouse were at the spring and Granger also saw tracks of wild ass and gazelles. With his field glasses, he saw one lone wild ass standing, apparently asleep, out on the flats of the basin [“Tsagan Nor Basin,” p. 107, Comq.] about three fourths of a mile distant. Later it moved farther out in the basin. Then it vanished in the heat waves. Granger also saw one almost hairless wolf. Larson and Berkey saw another below the spring and found a den. For dinner that night, they tried the desiccated vegetables they had brought along. This was the first time and Granger thought the onions and beets both were “very palatable.” As he took stock of their food supplies, he noted that the fresh potatoes were still holding out and “the eggs remained good enough to make pancakes with.” Sheep and antelope, ducks and geese also provided plenty of meat. Keeping time by the 120th Meridian meant they were eating at hours quite odd to Granger. Breakfast was at 8:00 or even 9:00 a.m. Lunch, or tiffin, was at about 2:00 p.m. Dinner could come as late as 10:00 p.m. Their watches were nearly an hour and a half ahead of the true local time now. They had hoped to make time checks using a wireless apparatus they had brought along unbeknownst to the Buriats. But it was found to be inadequate and was now stored with the caravan. It was exasperating, quipped Granger, that a receiver with an advertised radius of 1,000 miles and a cost of $15.00 gold did not work properly when one costing $50.00 gold would have brought as fine an apparatus as one desired.

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Fossil hunting resumed on the June 25th and finally began to pay off. Granger prospected the gray beds immediately behind camp, and the reddish beds beyond them, while the geologists went off to the west to map. Almost immediately, the geologs found fossil insects, crustacea and fish in some paper shale, a weathered shale that easily separated into thin layers or laminae. They also discovered dinosaur bones including foot bones and vertebrae of a small dinosaur plus a rib of a large beast the size of an Allosaurus. Granger concluded that this was a Cretaceous deposit overlain by Tertiary. He decided to leave Berkey, Morris, Loh, Wang and Bato at the Ussuk camp to make a detailed map of the region and continue collecting in the Cretaceous beds [p. 102, Conq]. The rest of the party moved down to the spring and well ten miles below near the red and gray beds Granger had prospected earlier and which were now called the "Loh Beds" after Loh. Granger chose to walk down the entire distance in order to prospect all along the Cretaceous on east side of the wash. But he found nothing and, as the sun set, arrived very weary at the new camp set up on the edge of the penaplane a half mile west of the well. Shackelford and Andrews, who had traveled down by car, had already discovered more fossils at the Loh Beds [p. 103, Conq].

June 27, 1922 75˚ - 10 a.m. - 5850; 88˚ - 2:30 p.m. - 5950; 70˚ - 10 p.m. - 5830: Roy killed first wild ass. Run down with motorcar and shot about five miles from camp [183]. The next morning, Granger examined the localities found by Shackelford and Andrews the day before. Andrews had found a portion of a rhinoceros skull weathering from a bank near the camp. Nearby, Shackelford had found a hind foot of a rhinoceros with tarsals and metatarsus in good condition. Granger decided to work the area himself. While Granger settled into a daily routine of prospecting and collecting, Andrews found another activity. He and Larson began using a car each day to chase and shoot wild asses. Andrews was shooting at least one a day when Granger came to term this spree “an ass a

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day.” Larson rarely fired, hinting that perhaps he wished not to be a part of the daily killing even though he went along. Granger continued working in the Loh Beds to excavate the rhinoceros skull which proved to be a fairly well-preserved anterior half. It had long curved nasal, but no evidence of horns. Small fauna were abundant in the Loh Beds as well and he was finding insectivores as well as rodents. [He then moved into work at formations later named “Hung Kureh” and “Hsanda Gol,” the latter producing in great abundance. PP. 106-107, Conq.] However, Granger’s diary entries during this time reflected less and less of the day-today scientific activity to become quite clipped about only one. “Another wild ass shot by Roy;” “The third ass shot by Roy;” “The usual ‘ass a day’––again shot by Roy;” “Another ass shot by Roy;” and “Another wild ass today.” Andrews’s killing spree ran from June 27th through July 3rd when the party was splitting up. Granger wound up in Andrews’s car: Just before leaving [the others] we sighted a lone wild ass and after saying goodbye started off after him. The ass took to good ground and after a mile run we brought the car to a stop a hundred and fifty yards away. Roy wanted me to take first shot which I did and I think I missed. My second shot though and Roy's first both struck, one through the lungs and one in the abdomen, but the ass did not slacken. Finally Roy got a bullet in the hind leg which broke the femur and after a hundred yards more running the beast dropped, but even then had to be killed with a pistol. A fine stallion of seven or eight years. Photos of the ass with Roy and me and with me and the old Mongol guide we had brought along to show us the road. Skinned the ass and started for some Tertiary badlands 12 miles east of here and on the way I killed with first shot a doe Gazella gutturosa. Not yet thoroughly shed off [184]! It was not over. About four miles east of camp, now called “Wild Ass Camp” on the great flat [‘plain’ per Conq, p. 105], they saw a second ass and gave chase. Here again the animal took to the best ground for running. But that also gave the car practically perfect

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going for the next two miles or more. The ass was clocked at about 36 miles per hour once the chase started and was able to keep abreast of the car for the first mile. Then, as it tired, Andrews let the car fall back to maintain a distance of 35 yards behind while Shackelford took a Kodak snap of the ass. Finally, when the ass reached the edge of a main wash which flowed from Ussuk down past camp, Andrews shot him, breaking the hind leg. Still, the ass was able to run over to the other side of the wash––nearly a mile in distance––before coming to a stop. Andrews finished it off with his revolver. The carcass was taken back to camp in a truck. Finally, on July 4th, Granger was able to write “No wild ass today!” * Earlier, on July 2nd, Granger recorded, with apparent surprise despite telling his father three months beforehand that Larson would serve only up to early July, that: Roy has suddenly decided to send car with Badmajapoff & Larson in tomorrow. Busy letter writing. No. 1 with Chinese chauffeur went up to Ussuk camp this p.m. to get letters from geologs to take in for posting. Car will return early tomorrow morning [185]. “Send car with Badmajapoff & Larson in” meant the two men were being returned to Urga [p. 119, Conq]. With Colgate driving, the pair got off shortly after 7 a.m. on July 3rd. That’s when Andrews and Granger, as Granger related above, were saying goodbye to them before driving off to chase down and kill another ass. The No. 1 touring car that had gone up to the geologs’ camp for mail on the 2nd, was back at about sunrise on the 3rd with letters from Berkey and Morris for posting in Urga along with the rest. After leaving camp, Colgate and his passengers stopped at the caravan to provision up. Then they were to proceed toward the Ongin River as far as daylight permitted and essentially follow the same route back that the expedition had taken out from Urga. Serin, a Mongol boy, went along as guide just in case Colgate needed help getting back to camp.

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The decision to send Badmajapoff and Larson back to Urga may have seemed sudden, but it was not unexpected. Granger himself had written his father on April 1 that Larson would remain with the expedition only until July 1. If there is any surprise, it is how Granger knew that then and why that was the plan. An expedition setting out into supposedly unknown territory in search of the supposedly unknown for 4-5 months and many, many miles surely would want its guide to remain at hand past July. The answer appears to lie in the combination of reports of fossils occasionally referred to by Granger, Andrews’s desire to return to Sain Noin to hunt and Badmajapoff’s wish to take the baths. While the expedition seems to have been following a trail of fossil reports they had received in advance, the end game clearly was hunting in Sain Noin. Perhaps the nearby Arishan Springs for Badmajapoff also served as justification, though it isn’t clear when it was decided he would be going along with the expedition. A reading of Granger suggests that it came about as a consequence of Andrews’s difficult [contentious] negotiations in Urga. Larson, already a significant force in enabling this expedition well before it set foot in Mongolia, seems to have gone along more for pleasure than for any need to guide. From the beginning, the expedition knew where it was going, how to get there and how long it would take. When it needed a local guide, it hired one. But Sain Noin was the ultimate destination from the beginning. Larson knew it well and Andrews had been there before, in 1919. Once there, they all knew how to get back. In addition, any cross-country driving undertaken by the CAE was always in the context of main and secondary camel caravan routes [trails] that framed [bounded, bordered, skirted, enclosed, hedged], intersected and networked the entire region they were travelling through. Cross-country driving was to shortcut a camel caravan route system that was based on commerce, not on science. But whenver they were off-trail, the CAE men knew they could seek assistance at a nearby camel caravan route, if necessary. Or a nearby lamasary or Mongol village, for that matter. The scientists were about finished at the western-most reported fossil locality. While Granger and his men worked, Andrews hunted, and Badmajapoff and Larson made their way back to Urga, the expedition was making ready to go back to Kalgan a different way,

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due east along the well-traveled main southern caravan route. There were more reports of fossils to check out. * The 4th was the hottest day so far. Granger noted 82˚ at 11 A.M. and 69˚ at 11 P.M., while Conquest [p. 119] placed the high at 95˚ in the shade on an “absolutely windless” day [p. 119]. All stayed in camp most of the day except for a little propsecting that evening. The geologists came down from their camp at dusk the next day, the 5th, riding their horses so that they could work the route along the way. Morris’s map was now complete and covered from the salt lake on the north to the base of Baga Bogdo and showed a width of over ten miles. Their car was brought down that morning filled with gear and a few more paper shale fossils {lower Cretaceous age Conq/107]. No more dinosaur bones were found. A wild ass had stood out on the plain [Tsagan Nor basin] in full view of the camp that morning, sunning itself. Andrews and Shackelford set out for it in the No. 1 touring car with a Carl Akeley camera in hand [186]. The ass raced off to begin an extended chase over 30-miles of penaplane that lay in full view of the camp. All sorts of photographs, both still and moving were taken of it. Its speed at the beginning of the race, Granger estimated, was about 35 miles per hour and he kept that up for some 16 miles. It even kicked the mudguard of the car when the vehicle got too close, Granger later learned. But by the end, the stallion was drained and ready to lie down [in the shade] beside the car. Instead, Andrews forced it back to within a half-mile of camp and left it standing in the sun while he and Shackelford drove in for lunch. The ass lay down exhausted. After lunch, they drove back out to try [attempt] to revive it by pouring water over its head and body. They [even] got [encouraged, coaxed] the animal to sip some water from the bucket. But exhaustion overcame it and it died in the middle of the afternoon. It “became wild ass No. [left blank] of our collections,” wrote Granger [but see Conq/111112 where Andrews changes this story some, especially the outcome]. The next day, July 6 [date per WG-Conq/113, ie. note that Conq tracking WG diary here as elsewhere], Andrews and Shackelford ran down a[n] wild ass colt that was only a few

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days old [Conq/113]. Shackelford roped it and it was then loaded aboard the touring car and brought back to camp. Since it was wild, it was not taking kindly to things, Granger observed once they arrived. But eventually, they got it to drink milk from a canteen. While Granger, Berkey and Morris worked the fossil beds, Andrews and Shackelford decided on July 11th to make a new camp for themselves at the north shore of Tsagan Nor [Conq/120]. They would call it ‘Lake Camp.’ Granger referred to it as the “lower camp,” possibly a throw-back to the distinction drawn between his and Osborn’s camps in the Fayum in 1907. There, however, Osborn’s camp was termed the “upper camp [Bull. 22, p. []].” Loh, the Urga chauffeur, and Bato were to be left with Granger, Berkey and Morris. Colgate and Serin returned from Urga midday on July 11th [Granger thus shows 9-day’s roundtrip, whereas Conq says it was 12, see Conq/119] with mail for Granger from Anna and family and friends in America. The next day, Colgate drove over to Lake Camp leaving Serin with Granger. Granger promptly concluded he had “no place” for Serin at his camp and two days later when he and the geologists drove north to prospect a "grand cañon,” they took Serin with them for relocation to Andrews’s camp which was on the way. Andrews, Shackelford and Colgate were out hunting when Granger and his party arrived at “Lake Camp,” so Granger deposited Serin along with a note of explanation. Once at the "grand cañon,” he and the geologs found a rich pocket of small fossil mammals. This remained the pattern for the next week or so. Granger, Berkey and Morris, and their native assistants, worked on the Tsagan Nor basin’s varied fossils and geology, while Andrews, Shackelford and Colgate hunted. Granger’s team went to the Tertiary exposures fifteen miles east of the Loh Beds [a Lower Miocene layer of clays of less than one hundred feet thick imposed on the Hsanda Gol, Conq/107] and found another patch of Cretaceous with paper shales [of Lower Cretaceous age, p. 107, Conq]. They collected several good small jaws from the Tertiary [gravels, sands and sandy clays, p. 107, Conq] and finished their examination of that area by making sketches and measuring a stratigraphic section.

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The thickness of the exposed sediments in the basin is between eighty-five hundred and ten thousand feet. Only a fraction of these strata was accumulated in any one period. This basin, which contains the oldest and the youngest basin sediments of which we have record, is the longest-lived and most active basin we have yet observed in Mongolia [Conq., p. 108]. In sum, the geologs had topographically and geologically mapped “an area of eight hundred square miles in a strip extending from the northern limit of thr basin at Usskuk to the southern margin at Baga Bogdo [Conq/141].” * They headed back to Ussuk on the 24th where Morris spent the day sketching “the remarkable topography exhibited by the Tertiary beds there.” Berkey worked mostly in the paper shales while Granger collected an interesting small dinosaur he had just discovered in the Cretaceous Ondai Sair formation Conq/138]. It proved to include a considerable portion of the skeleton and was later named Protiguanodon mongoliense by Osborn [Conq/138]. * July 25, 1922--80˚ - 8:30 a.m. - 5590; 95˚ - 2:30 p.m. - 5700; 78˚ 11 p.m. - 5750. Bright. Light easterly wind. A "Gobi Haze" nearly obscured Bogo Bagda all day. Remained in camp packing specimens and recording. Geologs to the east side of main wash late in p.m. to measure the sections of variegated beds above the lava. Morris started sketch of Bagda and foreground for desert group. July 26, 1922--68˚ - 8 a.m. - 5600; 73˚ - 1 p.m. - 5660. Clear, light easterly breeze. Camel caravan arrived at 9 a.m. and camped––the heat being too great for them to proceed. Berkey and Morris left with their tent and equipment for the Lake Camp about 11 a.m. Car returned about 6 p.m. bringing Shack who wishes to take some movies of my work [on the small dinosaur discovered two days earlier-Conq/138]. He brought no tent and we're crowded in mine

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now. I spent the forenoon packing fossils and repacking the Iren Dabasu boxes, which have come through safely to date with only camel dung as packing material. Camels left for Lake Camp at 6 p.m. Prospected near camp in late p.m. [187]. Now it was Granger, Shackelford and native assistants working on fossils. On the 27th, Granger found a rodent skull new to science [new genra of Bathyergidae, Conq/139] two miles below camp in the morning. Shackelford, while prospecting in a wash, found an ulna of a large beast––possibly Baluchitherium, thought Granger [Conq/138]. It was. More material was found throughout the day––a few fragmentary bones of rhinoceros and one prospect of humerus, ribs, and foot bones. The 27th was the hottest day of the season so far, made even more uncomfortable because there was little breeze to cool them. Granger and Shack went back up to the old Ussuk camp and spent an entire day on Granger’s small dinosaur (Protiguanodon mongoliense) which was practically complete except for the head. He figured he needed two more days to finish excavating and jacketing the parts. Two sections of the tail had already been taken out in plaster wrapping. On the 28th, the caravan’s Mongolian soldier escort passed through on his way from the Lake Camp to Sain Noin Khan in search of mail that had been lost. Granger noted the “wonderful sunsets every evening.” Cut #8 On the 29th, Granger returned to his dinosaur dig and took out the left fore foot in a jacket while pasting up a left hind foot to take out separately the following day. He noted that night that he would have to jacket the entire vertebral column, except two small tail sections, in one piece. The specimen lay with head exposed––skull disarticulated, legs sprawled out on either side. All bones in position. Length about five feet. Chang the Chinese driver helped up with the stuff in morning, came up at noon with cold water and again at 7 o'clock to help back with things. Specimen is about 1 1/2 miles from the well at Ussuk Camp. Auto cannot go further than the well [188].

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* Baga Bogdo was still in a light haze––it had not been clear for five days or so. The temperature now ranged in the 60˚s and 70˚s and the days were often cloudy with an easterly breeze that sometimes turned north. Occasionally there was a spit of rain in the early morning or at bed time. On the 30th, the weather looked so unfavorable that Granger decided not to walk the one and a half miles up to the Ussuk site that morning. Instead he prospected some badlands roughly two miles southeast of camp. He felt more comfortable on the flat terrain with rain threatening. But the beds were barren. Returning to camp for lunch, he found that Andrews and Colgate had just arrived in the No. 1 car. They came by way of “Grand Cañon” trail [Grand Canyon trail, Conq/105] where they put out traps for a large sand rat Granger had seen there and nowhere else [Conq/139]. Andrews reported that a Russian botanist in the employ of the Bolshevik government at Urga stopped by the Lake Camp, probably to check up on their activities. He said he had been collecting plants and seeds and looking into agricultural possibilities. Traveling by horses borrowed from the Mongols as needed and living in their yurts as needed, he also requisitioned food as needed while he traveled. Clearly this man had the authority to take what he wanted. He was to go on to Uliassutai before returning to Urga by way of Lake Baikal. It seemed to be an impressive feat of scientific survey by horseback. After lunch, Granger took Andrews and Colgate to the badlands ten miles southwest of camp to show them the Baluchitherium fossil Shack had found several days earlier [Conq/142-this seems out of seq?]. After they prospected for an hour or so, Andrews and Colgate left for the Lake Camp while Granger continued prospecting, finding fair results with small mammals. Andrews agreed to send up a truck the next day with medicine for Shack, who had the hives and was confined to his tent. Since the collections were accumulating, the truck was to remain with Granger until he was ready to move down to the Lake Camp. In the meantime, the geologists were working over toward the Bagda with camels and horses. From there they sent up a small lot of what appeared to be Pliocene fossils found at the east end of lake. Over the next three days, July 31st to August 2nd, Granger worked on the dinosaur specimen at Ussuk with Wang and a Mongol who had come up from Andrews’s Lake Camp with the truck and medicine. Shackelford remained sick in bed, still very

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uncomfortable. The dinosaur specimen was proving to be particularly difficult to collect not only because of the three or four kinds of matrix in which it was embedded, but also because the roots of grass and two bushes tangled in it. Mongols arrived from the west and set up seven yurts at the Ussuk well. They passed down the canyon by the pocket where Granger was working and “made a picturesque sight with their camels, horses, cattle, sheep, goats and a few yaks, also dogs. All belongings were carried on camels.” Seven more yurts of Mongols came down the canyon the next day making a village of fourteen yurts now at the well. Granger’s Mongol assistant loaded up empty tins of various sorts and took them to give to the people at the well. Shack gradually became more comfortable, although he stayed in bed and was still scratching. The plaster jacketing for the dinosaur was made difficult because the weather had become unsuitable for good drying. With the humidity, the plaster wasn’t hardening sufficiently to hold the bones in place when the specimen block was removed from the remaining matrix. On August 2nd, Granger managed to get the main section of the plaster-encased dinosaur weighing about 150 pounds sufficiently dry to carry to the auto that evening. The entire affair was put in a canvas sling attached to a tent pole and carried by Chang and the Mongol. The Mongol had taken more tins up to the yurts that day and came back with a catsup bottle full of milk. Shack was now much better, up and around. The 3rd of August was spent in camp working on specimens in the morning. After lunch, Granger headed to the red beds two miles to the southwest with Wang and the Mongol for more prospecting. Shackelford felt sufficiently well to go along. They sifted soil for the remainder of the hind legs and feet of a carnivore that had been found there earlier in June––specimen No. 54, Granger had recorded. Shack found many fragmentary teeth of rhinoceros in a sandstone layer where Larson had found a tooth the first week they were there. They also searched for more of the ulna of the apparent Baluchitherium, but without success. Granger decided to move to the Lake Camp later the next day [Conq/142].

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* After spending the morning in camp packing fossils, Granger, Shackelford and Wang took the dog-wagon to the end of the badlands two miles southwest of camp [Conq/142]. They excavated a small carnivore before more prospecting. Just as they were about to leave, Wang rushed up to Granger “in great excitement and announced the discovery of a “ding howdy" large bone which proved to be the distal and proximal ends of a large humerus––probably Baluchitherium.” They also found a fragment of jaw with the roots of the last two molars of the same animal. But they ran out of time to prospect for other pieces since it was nearly 6:00 p.m., Granger’s scheduled departure time for Lake Camp. Carrying out what fragments they could, they returned to camp where the men were waiting with the truck loaded. Granger quickly ate a late lunch and then took down his tent which had been up since early June [?July]. They reached Lake Camp a half hour before sunset. With the geologs back from their Bogo Bagda trip, the party was all together for the first time since leaving splitting at Ussuk in June. As they chatted, Granger watched the most wonderful sunset of the season. A gorgeous rainbow with one limb directly in front of Bagda, wonderful color effects on storm clouds to east and in the west brilliant stringers of crimson clouds. Lake with green water in shore and deep blue further out. Line of sand hills on opposite shore a beautiful golden yellow. Bagda herself with her sunlit ridge changing from yellow to golden then rose colored and finally to a pale purplish [189]. In camp, tents were pitched in a long row facing the lake on north side near the west end 150 feet from shore. The camel caravan rested at the west end of the tent row. The Mongolian soldier caravan escort returned from Sain Noin Khan as the sun set, without mail. August 5––dawn at Lake Camp brought a “wonderfully fine clear calm day––slight easterly breeze during day but dead calm toward sunset and in evening.” Granger spent the day in camp preparing and packing fossils. Andrews, Shackelford and Wang drove

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back to the Loh Beds in a dog-wagon to search for more of the Baluchitherium Conq/142-143]. They returned early with what appeared to be a symphsis of lower jaw and an upper premolar and reported to Granger that a considerable portion of the skull had been found in a wash. Granger figured he would have to put in a full day at that location. He took “a much needed bath in the lake before tea time” that afternoon. Shallow for several hundred yards out, the lake had a sandy bottom and a temperature of around 70˚. The Chinese bathe every day, he noted, and seine fish for the small fish which abound in the fall [190]. The Mongols did not venture into the water, however. “'Buckshot'” told him that if "Mongol take bath pretty soon make die." With the CAE men gathered into one camp again, Granger recorded some of the happenings of daily expedition life. Taxidermists trapped for small mammals, 'Buckshot' catching six hedgehogs that sneaked into camp at night for bits of meat. A tiny light gray shrew got into the taxidermist's tent another night. Terns and gulls rested on the beach directly in front of camp and the sheldrake paraded their young through the water a few feet off shore. A young shrike, which 'Buckshot' had kept as a pet for two weeks, nipped the string from around his neck and went on his way. The young wild ass captured earlier was as wild as ever and pretty well skinned up from the rope with which he was tethered. His legs were completely skinned and a big strip was burned off his nose. Three goats kept him in milk and he was beginning to eat a little grass. Andrews shot a two-year old buck and then a fawn. The fawns were large enough to eat now. The caravan Mongols, however, disdained antelope meat and were going without meat altogether. They desired sheep, but Andrews felt that, since the local Mongols ate antelope whenever they could get it, the caravan Mongols should too. He refused to buy more sheep. It was probably a matter of "face" with the caravan men more than anything else, Granger noted. * Granger took the Fulton with Andrews, Shackelford and Wang back to the Baluchitherium prospect on August 6th. There he found the skull at the base of a small hill on the edge of the wash. Its left side was largely intact. Apparently it had slipped

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down from a higher level and belonged with the lower jaw fragment and the fragment of humerus found a few days earlier by Wang on the other side of the hill that sloped into the next wash over. The two clusters were spread 35 or so feet apart from each other on either side of the hill. Weathered skull fragments spread down the slopes in both directions. Granger worked the wash below the skull and found even more fragments missed by Andrews and Shackelford the day before. He also realized that the large piece they had brought back to camp was the front of the skull and not the mandibular symphysis. This meant that the large caniniform teeth were incisors and that the entire skull had to be nearly five feet long [Conq/143-144]. Poor weather the next day (7th) prevented returning immediately to that locality. Instead, the men went in No. 1 to the west ridge ten miles northwest of “Grand Cañon” trail. The red tertiary was well exposed, but a careful search turned up very little. Only a few badly preserved rhinoceros bones and a fragment of a small artiodactyl jaw were found. Since there were no other promising exposures of variegated beds to be seen in that vicinity, they headed back for camp. On the way, they spotted a wild ass and ran it down. Andrews fired three shots and missed. Then another ass appeared nearby and they took after it letting the first one go. After they ran this one down in about two miles, Andrews killed it. The skin and skull were taken and the party returned to camp at about dusk. The great penaplane lying to the northwest of the lake was fine going for the car, and it was there that most of the movies of wild ass and antelope had been taken. but while there were still plenty of antelope on the plain, Granger observed, “the ass have been pretty well driven off by so much chasing.” Shackelford went back to the Baluchiterium site at the Loh Beds with Granger in a dogwagon the following day (8th) to film the process of pasting and excavating as Granger tried to finish taking out the huge skull but could not. In the meantime, Shack found more parts of the skull nearly 200 hundred yards down the wash. Granger, Shackelford and Wang returned to Loh again the next day. Granger was finished taking out the skull shortly after lunch. They all then drove to the "Grand Cañon" trail where Andrews and Colgate had gone in No. 1 to prospect. Reaching that location at

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about 4:00 p.m., Granger learned that they had struck a small pocket of concreted specimens including several fairly well preserved skulls. Shack stayed with Andrews and Colgate to take photographs while Granger returned to camp with the Baluchitherium skull. On the way back, he spotted a tamarisk tree 15 feet high at the bottom of canyon with two hawk's nests. Tamarisks, he noted, grew “in low sandy areas in this neighborhood and were the nearest approach to trees we have here. Tamarisk wood is used entirely at the Lake Camp for cooking,” he noted. * On August 10, “all hands left camp about 10:45 [a.m.] for some exposures of Pliocene [in the Hung Kureh formation] which can be seen near the eastern end of the lake and which the geologists have visited twice and obtained important but fragmentary specimens from [Conq/144].” The group took the cook, two Mongols and 11 camels from the caravan with McClellan riding saddles strapped on them. They passed around the west end of the lake and through the line of sand dunes which extended along the south side of the lake. Shack took movies as they passed through the dunes. The exposures were reached in the middle of the afternoon. The cook and one Mongol were sent on ahead to a nearby spring to make camp. The men prospected until nearly dusk before proceeding another two miles toward Bogo Bagda and into camp. A fine spring of water bubbled up from the bottom of the draw at the campsite to form a stream that ran a half mile or more down the draw toward the lake before disappearing beneath the ground. All except Berkey slept out in the open on the ground that night. All were also pretty sore and stiff after their first day of camel riding. The prospecting continued the next morning in the brownish beds encircling the camp. But only one piece of fossil bone was found. They had lunch in camp and then all but Berkey and Morris went back to the gray beds of the day before [Conq/144]. The geologs went to exposures some distance south of the lake taking one Mongol with them. The cook, another Mongol, and two pack camels went with Granger and the others.

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Andrews found a large deer antler about an hour before sunset [Conq/145] and Granger had a lively time getting it out in time to get through the sand dunes before dark. There are trails through these dunes but the blowing sand keep any tracks obscured most of the time. They are about a mile wide at the narrowest places and are real live dunes. The line extends along the northern base of Baga Bogdo––well out––passes along the south shore of Tsagan Nor and reaches out toward Ikhe Bogdo a long way. It is an impassable barrier for anything but camels & horses and the latter have a hard time of it. It was dark by the time we were through the dunes and we finally struck the south trail and had an easy trip to camp after that [191]. It took them three hours to return to camp, making it after 11:00 p.m. The geologists had arrived ahead of them, having come around the west end of the lake. A busy day lay ahead. The cars were to leave in the morning for Artsa Bogdo mountain range roughly 60 miles to the east where Andrews hoped to shoot bighorn sheep and ibex [Conq/145]. It also was thought “probable that we would also find sedimentary basins worthy of paleontological investigation [Conq/145].” The caravan was to start off in the afternoon. Granger had to finish packing up the recent accumulation of fossils before they lumbered away. * August 13, 1922––67˚ - 8 a.m. - 4850. Clear. 44.8 miles to a stream for night camp: Broke camp in forenoon and started east along south trail. Wild ass rides in back of No. 1 with 'Buckshot' holding on to him. Does not make much fuss over it [192][Conq/145]. Lunch was by a small lake situated 20 miles east of Tsagan Nor along the southern eastwest camel caravan route known as the Kweihwating-Kobdo trail heading east [Conq/145]. Kobdo lay beyond Uliassutai, roughly 500 miles west of the expedition’s current location. Kweihwating lay more than 600 miles east and south of the main trail

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that bore its name. Oddly, to reach Kweihwating, one took a secondary camel route at the Jisu Honguer intersection south off the main trail which continued straight to Kalgan. Many high reeds surrounded the little lake which held an abundance of waterfowl. The shotguns came out. First Andrews winged a whooper swan [Conq/146]. Then Granger helped him down twelve gray leg geese, three ducks and three snipe. Shackelford photographed the injured swan and then “finally turned it loose in the lake.” The tip of the wing was broken. The hope was that it would heal sufficiently to allow the bird to resume migration. There had been a little trouble that morning crossing a nasty sand pocket. After lunch they had more trouble crossing three or four small streams. One of them, though only 18 inches wide, had such straight banks that the men had to build a sod bridge to cross it. Many tussocks lay along the stream bottoms obstructing car wheels and entangling suspensions [Conq/146]. Aside from that, the driving was excellent. Two pet crows rode in a box and seemed quite at home when released at the new camp site. The only other small pet they had now was Shackelford’s half-grown hedgehog. 'Buckshot' still had his ass. The next morning, they left the trail after covering about 25 miles and drove directly south to the foot of a mountain located ten miles east of the extreme eastern end of the Altai range. There they camped at a low pass in the range with several trails leading over it Conq/149]. The site was on a gentle grass-covered slope at the edge of a draw. Water was available from wells in a larger draw a mile to the east. While there were no trees, there were many bushes––mostly of a plume-like plant. The side hills were patched with the Artshi, a recumbent cedar with pale green fruits, from which the mountain took its name [Conq/147-148]. Mongols living in yurts below the camp panicked as the expedition approached in cars to inquire about water. Men on horses took to the hills. Women and children shut themselves up in the yurts. But once the expedition’s purpose became known, the horsemen began filtering back in from hiding and presents of mare’s milk (kumis) were soon forthcoming [Conq/148]. *

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Andrews was up and off at daybreak into the Artsa Bogdo range on horseback with Serin and a local Mongol guide to hunt for ibex and bighorn sheep. He later reported seeing over 50, mostly ibex and all does or young, and had shot one adult [old] female ibex [Conq/149&150]. Granger, Berkey, Morris and Colgate took the No. 1 to a bluff about 20 miles northwest of camp where they could see small exposures of buff-colored beds underlying a heavy capping of lava. After considerable difficulty trying to drive through a field of tussocks to reach these exposures, they left the Colgate to find a way around while they walked to the site. The beds looked Tertiary, buff and red clays, but they found only one fragment of rather well-petrified bone embedded in the lava. Berkey also noticed interesting incisings [drawings cut, “prehistoric pictures” etched] on rock in that locality [Conq/150&151fig.9]. [insert Berkey/Morris quote re drawings frm Conq/150 re drawings] After a couple of hours of looking over some low-lying hard red shales that appeared to be Eocene northeast of the bluff yielded nothing, they returned to camp at sunset. The men planned to remain in camp on the 16th of August for a day of hair-cutting, cleaning weapons, making notes and tending to other chores. It drizzled that day. The caravan arrived late in the afternoon [Conq/151]. * Between the fossil collection from Tsagan Nor and what he had gathered since, Granger now counted eighteen boxes of specimens with the expedition caravan. Most of it was packed in empty gasoline tin cases. The rest filled two large and one small camel boxes. Loaded with fossils, the tin cases were carried six to a camel, just as they were when filled with gas tins. Though it had been thought that their supply of gasoline was ample, there now was an alarming shortage despite having allowed for the expected forty percent evaporation and leakage loss. There was barely enough to get all five cars back to Iren Dabasu where it

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was hoped a new supply could be obtained. As a result, all unnecessary side trips, game hunting and chasing were now curtailed. The geologists made arrangements to use horses and camels to take them over the mountain and out into the basin to the south as far as seemed practicable. Granger was to go with them but in the end decided to go north to some exposures plainly visible from camp with field glasses. He took a dog-wagon and three natives. Andrews, Shackelford, Serin and a Mongol went up into the hills for more ibex [Conq/152]. A storm obscured most of the basin. The low-lying Gurbun Saikhan mountain range could be seen to the east. Five ibex, does and young, came down while Granger was eating lunch and watched him for a moment from 100 yards away. Andrews later claimed they were among some he had frightened. But, he was able to kill a young mountain sheep––one of a herd of 20 or so. The Mongol village near camp was furnishing the wild ass with milk. The little beast was looking rather sad with the loss of additional skin from its head and all four legs where it fought its tether. It also seemed not to have grown much since capture. It was only slightly taller, but thin and gaunt, and would not eat grass although it had plenty of milk teeth. It also was still afraid of everyone but 'Buckshot.' 'Buckshot' had hobbled him recently, and the ass followed him all about camp, even into the cook tent at times [Conq/151-152]. But the ass was clearly failing and about done in. It was down most of the time and diarrhea had developed. 'Buckshot' was disconsolate and had already dug a grave down in a draw near camp. Any upcoming regrets by 'Buckshot' over the loss of it, however, would be tinged with relief from the others. It had presented quite a problem. Its passing, observed Granger, would simplify the loading of the cars, in particular. The ass died in the night of the 18th, Granger recorded on August 19th. “'Buckshot' had him properly interred by the time we were up. A little mound of earth heaped up on the grave in true Chinese fashion. We felt more sorry for the boy than for the ass [Conq/151152].” *

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The party split up again. Andrews and Shackelford went up into the hills shortly after the caravan departed for Sair Usu at sunrise [Conq/152]. Berkey and Morris went off to the south after an early tiffin with their pack outfit, taking four camels and four horses. They “wished to study the Artsa Bogdo uplift and the region directly to the south [Conq/152].” In tne meantime, Granger decided he would work more successfully if he set up camp down on the plain [Conq/152]. Granger loaded all of his gear into the No. 3 car, along with Wong, Loh and Bato, and drove off to a spring with excellent water near the main trail [?Kweihwating-Kobdo]. There they established camp on a hillside about ten miles directly north of Andrews’s camp and in plain view of it. Before splitting up, Andrews and Granger had agreed to exchange signals between camps by motorcar search light or mirror flash every day if possible. [Here Conq then launches into another 2-3 page diversion about RCA’s big-game hunting. You should probably note these whenever they occur.] Granger prospected that afternoon in the low hills north of his new camp. It was mostly lava flow with a few outcrops of unfossiliferous gravelly beds beneath. He found an arched shelter in the lava at the head of a small canyon which recently had been used as a habitation. A rude bed made of strips of wood occupied the shelter. There also was some old clothing. A quantity of grain straw done up in small bundles lay strewn in front. Granger pondered where the straw had come from since he had not seen cultivation of any kind in Outer Mongolia. As agreed, there was an exchange of search light signals with the main camp that night to confirm that all was well. On the 21st, leaving [Bato] begind to guard camp, Granger set off with Wang and [Loh] to find a well reported to be ten miles northeast of their new camp. After driving through region he found relatively uninteresting, they found the well “very filthy, choked with sheep dung and a dead rat or two in it for good measure.”

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From there, they went north, mostly over grass covered hills gradually climbing until they reached the southern edge of a great sedimentary basin. It looked to be ten miles or more across from north to south and even broader east to west and was later named the Oshih Basin [Conq/158]. An hour's prospecting yielded three weathered vertebrae of a large sauropod which Granger did not have time to examine because dusk approached. Signals were again exchanged between camps that night. Granger drove back to the great basin with Wang and [Loh] the next morning (22nd) and entered at the southwest corner. There they found a good well with clear water, both Wang and [Loh] confirming it was "horola" which Granger judged meant “excellent.” He decided camp would be shifted to that location the following day. Continuing with hhis inspection, Granger examined some of the Cretaceous exposures along the southern edge of the [Oshih] basin, but found no trace of bone. Three miles northeast of the well, however, he saw [noticed, observed] a great red, lava-capped mesa, several hundred feet high and at least two miles long. The beds were apparently the same as the red shales several miles west of the spring on the main trail. He climbed the mesa and made a sketch. He then examined the slopes he stood on but found nothing. However, an extraordinary wall of lava stones had been built in a north-south direction across the western end of the mesa where it dropped off into two pyramid shaped buttes. The wall extends out onto the open plain for at least a mile in each direction. Much tumbled down but visible for miles. Portions of the wall are still intact however. This wall may enclose the mesa but I could not see any easterly extension either to the north or south. Cannot imagine anything more than a religious significance in a structure of this sort [193]. Granger noted that the location was about a 12-mile drive from his present camp, almost due north. More signals were exchanged that night. *

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On the 23rd, Granger sent Bato over to some Mongol yurts to arrange to have a message sent to Anrews. Instead of Mongols, Bato found two lamas there who were caretaking the place while the family and stock were away. They had no horse. “While waiting for a rider to turn up,” Granger recorded later, “Bayard appeared on horseback. Had ridden down to try and arrange a code of signals with the search lights. Gave me the ‘Contionental’ code. Said out light could be seen by them but only dimly. He stayed for tiffin and I sent a message back to Roy by him [WGDiary].” With Colgate’s departure after lunch, Granger and his men moved camp to the new location 13.4 miles away as measured by the car’s odometer. After they set up within 50 yards of the well, Granger “had the men dip the water out so that a clear supply may run in.” He attempted to signal off the clouds that night because they were now too low in elevation to exchange direct signals with the other camp. But he couldn’t reach them. An instant village of half dozen yurts had sprung up near their old camp while they were gone for the day, Granger noted. Hundreds of sheep were now about. “They have probably spoiled the spring by this time,” Granger groused. Three oil tins were taken over to the two caretaker lamas who were quite pleased, even though they had not quite understood at first that these were intended as gifts. One of the lamas, Granger noted, was impaired and had “to walk with his body at right angles to his legs.” On the 24th, Granger and his crew started for the bluff where he had found the three weathered sauropod vertebrae. It was six miles distant going along the south side of the mesa. When they got to the mesa’s east end, they found themselves entirely blocked by a magnificent set of badlands that dropped down 200 feet and were extremely rough. Granger spent the day prospecting there and found a small reptilian skull in concretion and two prospects of small dinosaurs. Wang found a large sauropod limb bone and “a small thing, so he said.” The beds seem fairly rich in fossils. In fact, the extent of visible exposures seemed great enough to keep a party busy for a full season. The threesome climbed the west end of the mesa on their way back to camp to hunt for the red-legged partridge. Granger had spotted them two days before, but they were not to be found. As he strode across the top of the mesa, the sunset made the climb well worth

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the effort, partridges or not. “Old Bogo Bagda was enveloped in a wonderful rosy haze, just a little south of the setting sun,” Granger wrote. Expedition life seemed good, he reflected. “The chauffeur looks after my floral decoration. Keeps a bouquet on my table constantly and today he brought in from the badlands a small bush covered with lemon yellow flowers and transplanted the thing in my tent––near the front––where I can see it as I sit at table or on bed. It's really quite effective.” Granger and Wang returned to Wang’s sauropod find at the east end of the mesa. Neither end of the bone was perfect and the shank was crushed, making it probably not worth taking. The other specimen, however, was a significant portion of a small dinosaur skeleton the size of the Ussuk specimen (Protiguanodon). This was to become known as Psitticosaurus mongolienses [Conq/159]. It was in concretion with its tail and pelvis exposed. The hind limbs were probably gone, Granger surmised, but he figured that the anterior portion of body should be there. He brought in the tail section which was already loose from the ledge and worked the rest of the day on the specimen which was somewhat larger than the Ussuk dinosaur. It had been an entire skeleton, but weathering had left it mostly in fragments all of which they gathered up. There was one perfect hind limb, but the foot and the tail were still in the rock. It was clear that this small dinosaur was common throughout these beds––many skeletons were to be had. It was a dinosaur of a type new to Granger. He thought it might be something like the Camptosaurus. The next day or so were devoted to the specimen recently found in the concretionary rock. When he broke into the top of the concretion, Granger found the skull attached. Extracating it was slow and difficult. The party returned to camp at sunset. Granger had a bath and seemed fairly pleased in general with his new, perhaps less complicated setting: Our well water is splendid for washing but not good for drinking–– not bad but the kind one doesn't linger over. Has something like washing soda in it. The Mongol, Bato, says that camels like this kind of water. Look for the geologs tomorrow. These are very quiet, peaceful days––excellent for collecting.

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* August 28, 1922––Cloudy all day––faint sunshine occasionally, alternating with sprinkle of rain. Strong easterly winds. All day on larger of small dinosaurs found by me, took up hind leg, foot and pelvis. Have tail to take tomorrow. Wang prospecting and found several more specimens, one a partial skeleton which will be worth taking if I have time. We also found a tooth of a Sauropod dinosaur [?Asiatosaurus mongoliensis?, Conq/159] [194]. Granger had wanted the geologs to come over and study the area. Presumably that’s the message he had sent to Andrews via Colgate. A lama riding through on the 28th reported that the geologs had returned to Andrews’s camp the day before. Granger expected their arrival in another day or so. But they had not shown up as he had hoped. He was irritated that he might have to fetch them. The weather further dampened his outlook, as his diary entry for the 29th made clear: A dismal day––especially with no company. Read and wrote until tiffin time and packed up specimens and pasted in afternoon. Sky perfectly clear tonight. It is surprising what a heavy rain it takes in this country to start the dry washes running. It rained constantly today for six hours and at times quite hard and yet the washes near camp were barely running. The absence of much clay in the formation seems to account for this––the surface soil is mostly gravelly or sandy and anything but a steady downpour sinks in. Our Mongol tents shed water except where the wind blows the rain against the tent––a slight spray comes through at such places and in a driving rain it comes through freely. The method of closing the front is not satisfactory and as it usually blows from the front in a rain we find it difficult to keep the front of the tent dry [195]. Granger and Wang had continued working on the small dinosaurs finding more and more evidence of them wherever they looked. “The whole badlands where I work seems to be fairly crawling with dinosaurs on certain levels,” Granger wrote. Finally, on the 30th,

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Berkey, Morris and Colgate arrived at about 5:00 p.m., having left Andrews’s camp right after lunch. They came in the No. 1 bringing along their beds and one tent. Granger immediately took them for a brief tour of the badlands before letting them settle in at camp. With another day’s work behind him and the geologs now there, Granger was pleased to note that the “[b]oys brought over a fine mess of partridges which we had for supper.” * Granger was up early the next morning. He instructed Loh (Wang and Bato) to break camp and return to Andrews’s camp while he, Berkey, Morris and Colgate spent the day going over the basin’s geology and taking photographs. They first went to the west end of the mesa, which they climbed. They then went back down into the basin and traversed over it to the north wall where they prospected until lunch. A few fragments of bone found in a paper shale layer established the age of this north wall as Cretaceous. They then went back across the basin to the east end of the mesa and up into the lava flow near where Granger had found the three sauropod dinosaur vertebrae. They exited the basin up the south rim and drove north to Andrews’s camp, arriving an hour after dark. Tomorrow, September 1, was departure day Conq/160].

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“Starting east tomorrow!” Our last camp opposite Artsa Bogdo mountain was on the ancient Kobdo-Kweihwating trail ten miles north of the mountain. We decided to follow the trail eastward to the vicinity of Ulan Nor [a lake about 20 miles north of the K-K trail] and then try to strike northward to the Uliassutai-Sair Usu road, which we believed could be traveled safely into Kalgan. If this route proved impracticable we should have to find some other way to Kalgan [Conq/161]. Friday, September 1, 1922, was a bright and pleasant day as the party got off at 9:00 a.m. Temperatures ranged from 42˚ at sunrise to 70˚ at around 4:00 p.m. The party drove 29 miles along the east-west Kweihwating-Kobdo trail until they reached a well. Berkey and Morris rode in the No. 1 (touring car) with Wang as driver and Loh as passenger. Andrews and Shackelford rode with a Mongol [?Bato] in the No. 3. Colgate and Granger rode together in the No. 2. The geologists had been switched into the No. 1 car from the dog-wagon they had been using so that it could be loaded to capacity with just a single driver. In fact, all the vehicles were heavily loaded now [Conq/161]. In addition to fossils, rock samples, and Andrews’s recently collected goat and sheep heads and skins to mount, they were also carrying enough gasoline to get all vehicles to Sair Usu. Despite the wonderful weather that day, the trip got off to a rocky start. Two tires were punctured by dropped Chinese shoe nails that morning––one on the No. 1 and one on the No. 2. Dropped shoe nails posed a constant problem, Granger recorded. They have caused all punctures so far on the trip. These nails have large heads and usually stand upright. Thousands of caravans passing over the Mongolian trails in times past have left the trails pretty well strewn with nails from the shoes of the Chinese caravan men [196]. At about 11:00 a.m., the Fulton truck’s clutch suddenly refused to work. Colgate took it apart and found that both clutch "fingers" were so worn from friction that the small pins

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that gripped the rim of the clutch to throw it out were lost [gone]. No new clutch fingers were in stock, so it was necessary to reattach the pins to the old fingers by drilling through each pin and each finger tip and fastening them together with wire nails. Granger made a sketch of this operation which consumed the balance of the day. By nightfall, the Fulton clutch was still not operable but the work was completed by early the next morning and the party moved on. The day’s run was 36.5 miles over some bad sand washes with many tussocks to a section of trail that ran along the top of a long red bluff. From that vantage point, they spotted a group of yurts off to the south with the distant, low-lying range of the Gurbun Saikhan behind them [Conq/162]. Andrews drove over to inquire about a [branch] road branching [heading] north to the Sair Usu trail. There had been no Mongols along the trail to ask. The yurts turned out to be a yamen, or checkpoint, at the entrance to the southwestern kingdom. The two Mongol soldiers guarding the road [compound] told Andrews that the north branch was another a mile or two farther on. The party decided to camp right where they were on the Kweihwating-Kobdo trail for the night and engage a guide the next day to take them on to the north turnoff [Conq/162]. Mosquitoes and black flies seemed rampant, Granger noted. Along with a well or two nearby the trail, they later discovered there was a small pond a couple of miles north in the badlands. This was only the second spot in Mongolia where these insects had bothered them so. The other was Ongin Gol where they had stopped on the way out, less than 100 miles away. While discussions took place and a decision was made about where to camp for the night, Shackelford had walked off a half mile north to prospect a red escarpment in the badlands. He, too, had found the insects particularly annoying and wanted to move around. Not long after, he returned to report a discovery to Granger. Shackelford had “found a fine skull of a reptile new to me, white bone in red sandy concretion,” Granger wrote. It would later be named Protoceratops andrewsi by Granger and William King Gregory in a paper they published in 1923 [Conq/162]. All hands returned to the escarpment to inspect the find and prospect further. Clearly they were in a very rich Cretaceous formation as many more fossils were found. Granger’s

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included “another small reptile skull and an eggshell, probably bird [Conq/162].” The men could not know it then and would not for many more months, but they were in one of vertebrate paleontology’s most magic moments of history. This place was to be called the Djadochta formation of Shabarakh Usu. It included the “Flaming Cliffs” and was long considered the most important deposit in Asia, if not the world [Conq/162]. The eggshell was a badly weathered fragment as to which Granger could draw no conclusion in the field. Fossilized bird eggshells were not uncommon. However, no dinosaurian eggshell had ever been confirmed. Therefore bird seemed more likely, although Granger’s “probably bird” left it open. * Fragments of eggshells thought to be dinosaur were first recorded by scientists in 1859. They were found in the French Pyrenees where nearly complete fossil eggs were discovered ten years later. These eggs were claimed to be dinosaur by the French paleontologist Paul Gervais in 1877. But the few fragments of dinosaur bone found in the same strata as the eggs could not be conclusively associated with them and his claim was not accepted. Nevertheless, while definitive evidence remained missing, speculation abounded. In 1899, while visiting at Sheep Creek, Wyoming, Granger and William H. Reed talked of dinosaur reproduction and the hope to someday find a dinosaur egg in the American West. Later reflecting on his eggshell fragment find in 1922, Granger wrote: When the Central Asiatic Expedition first entered the Gobi, in 1922, it was not known definitely that dinosaurs laid eggs. Reptiles of today have both oviparous and viviparous methods of reproduction––even with closely related species of snakes some lay eggs and others bring forth living young, and it was supposed that since dinosaurs are reptiles, some of them, at least, might have laid eggs, although none had ever been found. At Rognac in southern France some fragments of what seemed to be reptilian egg shells were found in strata bearing dinosaur bones and there is a possibility that these are really bits of dinosaur egg, but they may also belong to

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other contemporary reptiles. In North America, where dinosaurs flourished as nowhere else in the world and where their bones, their gizzard stones, their tracks and their tooth marks abound, not a trace of their eggs had ever come to light [197]. Knowing this fragment would require laboratory analysis, he wrapped it up carefully for transport back to the American Museum at the earliest opportunity. Shackelford provided just that when agreed to conceal it (and the Baluchitherium skull!) in one of the boxes of motion picture camera equipment he was shipping back to New York that Fall. By Spring of 1923, the Museum was able to confirm to Granger that the eggshell was dinosaur. * They moved on the next day and drove 81 miles straight north to the familiar lamasary at Ongin Gol they had visited on the way out earlier that summer. Their new Mongol guide rode in the No. 3 with Andrews. Shackelford rode in the No. 1 with the geologists and Granger rode in the No. 2 with Colgate. They left the trail when it became too steep for vehicles and descended a somewhat frightening escparment a little to the east. The driving became even more difficult when their route became obstructed by large areas of deep, loose sand and dense clumps of tussocks. Andrews scouted ahead only to return discourgaed, reporting that things seemed hopeless. Using up too much gasoline to negotiate these obstacles was one of their concerns [Conq/163]. They pressed on after finding a faint trail and deciding to follow it. Miraculously, it took them to a narrow strip of land along a rim free from sand and brush [Conq/164]. They “crept along this rim for ten miles and finally emerged onto one of the finest auto roads in the world!,” Granger wrote. For 40 miles, they drove along a gently sloping bench that was ten miles wide and dipped off only two feet or so to the rim. The surface was perfectly smooth and covered with tiny pebbles with only scant growth of grass and no bushes. They later agreed that it probably was the same great penaplane they had crossed on the way to the Ongin Gol from the east during their outward journey that Spring. The penaplane appeared to continue on to the north, and if it reached as far as their former crossing, they realized, it would be nearly 100 miles long. Indeed, it was later termed the “Hundred Mile Tennis Court [Conq/164].”

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The penaplane was dotted with yurts. Flocks of domestic animals fed on rich, grassy bottom land along the river. Once they struck good going, the cars were put on full speed “and buzzed past the yurts at 30 miles per hour, scattering the herds of sheep & goats, camels, horses and cattle, the natives peeping around the yurt at us in awe.” They stopped to camp just south of a lamasary a half hour before sunset. There they were told that the Uliassutai Trail was not more than 50 miles away and that Merin had crossed the Ongin Gol nearby some ten days before, informing the lamas that the cars would be coming. This lamasary, known as ‘Ongin Gol-in-Sumu,’ was “a small but picturesque group of temples with some 200 Lamas, the cleanest and most intelligent set of these people we have yet seen,” Granger wrote as he also noted “Puncture on No. 3 in a.m.; trouble with No. 1 [Conq/164].” On September 4th, Granger began keeping [taking] odometer readings in his journal. The day was bright with a moderate westerly breeze. The temperature rose from 45° at sunrise to 59° at ten o’clock that night. They covered 117 [112? Conq/165] miles that day after leaving the lamasary at 9:15 a.m., most of it fairly good going. The men angled northeast, first across the penaplane for about 11 miles and then through low hilly country following a foot trail. They struck the Sair Usu-Uliassutai Trail at 12:30 p.m. and stopped for lunch. Having reached this main caravan trail, there was no longer a need for their Mongol guide. So they sent him back and continued east. The trail was excellent going and Granger’s odometer readings for that day were: 17.2 - Well 29.6 - " 34.0 - lamasary 44.0 - Well 49.5 - Yurts 59.5 - " 61.2 - Well 67.7 - lamasary 76 (about) - Well and camp

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The next day's run was 75 miles to Sair Usu. In the morning they managed to lose the trail thereby mistakenly making a northerly course that ultimately forced them to travel two sides of a triangle instead of one straight line [Conq omits mention]. Granger sketched the route. At point “X” on Granger’s sketch, they finally took on a guide who showed them the way back to Sair Usu. (Granger also notes taking on guide at restart mile 14.6 below.) The trail was fair most of the way with only a few bad spots. Started at 8:25 a.m., the drive went as follows: 77.8 - Start 82.5 - lamasary––60.5 93.8 - Well 96.1 - Sand––probably left main trail here 07.8 - Well [restart at] 14.6 - Yurts––took guide 18.5 - Yurts––pool 23.5 - tiffin 30.4 - Well and mud houses 43.7 - Sair Usu In better times, Sair Usu, sitting at the intersection of main trails to Urga, Uliassutai, and Kobdo, “must have been a station of considerable importance [Conq/165].” Now it consisted of a tiny lamasary inhabited by 25 or so lamas, a half dozen yurts, the ruins of a large Chinese temple and another small temple in fair condition. There were also several mud barrack houses that had been used by soldiers when the Chinese were in possession of that region. Water was obtained from several wells and was of acceptable quality. Merin had arrived with the caravan and reported that all was well. The next day was spent unloading, repacking and reloading the fossils to the caravan. Unnecessary items were also taken out of the cars and put on camels to make room for gas––all gasoline containers were taken off the camels and loaded aboard the cars to get them back to Kalgan, 536 miles east. *

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Borghese’s 1907 campaign to race from Peking to Paris across the Gobi-Mongolia, Osborn-Granger’s 1907 expedition to the Fayum of Egypt and Albert Thomson’s employment of “AutoBilly” in Nebraska had laid the groundwork for the Central Asiatic Expeditions. The ability of the motorcar to travel off-road was well-known by 1922. The New York to Paris race of 1908 proved that, as did Horatio Nelson Jackson’s first crosscountry traverse of the US in 1903 followed by Alice Ramsey in 1909. Ramsey. "Alice only had 152 miles of paved roadway in 1909, and those roads were primarily within the cities. ... Otherwise it was all wagon trails, and that's some difficult terrain to cross [http://www.cnn.com/2009/TRAVEL/12/11/woman.crosscountry.driver/index.html]." Roaming freely about an expansive territory in motorized vehicles to hunt for and collect fossils and other specimens and materials already had been achieved at some level by arctic explorers, as well as by Albert Thomson in []. The CAE’s range and extended stay in Mongolia combining motor car with camel caravan was premised on the experiences on these explorers along with Borghese, Osborn-Granger, Thomson and other previous motorcar adventurers. Pre-arranged rendezvous with the caravan for resupply in the field followed the practice of Osborn-Granger during the 1907 Fayum expedition, as well as Borghese’s advanced cache arrangement for crossing the Gobi that same year. In Mongolia, the various rendezvous allowed the expedition to transfer their collections to date and make room for new ones. Boxes of supplies and gas tins brought out from Kalgan were emptied and then reloaded with fossils and other collections for transport back to Kalgan. From there they were taken on to Peking by rail to be repacked for shipment by ocean liner back to the American Museum in New York City. This was, of course, essentially the same procedure Borghese used in 1907 and akin to what Osborn-Granger did in the Fayum that same year. Camels dropped caches along Borghese’s route through the barren Gobi to sustained his effort which he could not otherwise have made. In the Fayum, Camels trundled out from Tamia loaded with supplies and water to keep Granger functioning at his stationary camp at the quarries. The rotation had the camels returning with boxes loaded with fossils to be taken to the railroad station in Tamia for transport to Cairo by rail. There they would be repacked for shipment by ocean liner back to the American Museum in New York City.

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Absent the camels, of course, this is roughly the way Granger and others had done things with horse, wagon and rail since the early days of fossil-collecting in the American West. Camels required less care and could bear more, however. The experience with camels in the Fayum in 1907 clearly impressed Osborn and Granger with the power and potential camels played in enabling a party to work long term at a remote desert work site sending out a succession of fossil boxes weighing as much as 400 pounds each. Writing for Science in 1907, Osborn stated that the party [would] only succeed through thorough, systematic and prolonged search and excavation... A train of eight camels is constantly moving to and fro, keeping the camp supplied, a three to four days' round journey [198]. Thus, as the ancient Persians brought camels to Egypt to abet the consolidation of their political influence, the Central Asiatic Expeditions deployed them to gain access to the riches of Mongolia's riches. Unlike Granger's stationary campsite in the Fayum, campsites in the Gobi were as wide-ranging as the reach of a motor vehicle and preplanned rendezvous with the double-humped back beast would allow. But Granger easily could have moved his camp elsewhere in the Fayum, to the Zeuglodon Valley for example, and the caravan system would have worked just as well. While the similarities between vast, barren and remote expanses of snow and ice to the equally barren and remote expanses of deserts and badlands were striking and required innovation, the CAE had one great advantage over the arctic explorers. Not only did Mongolia have an established route system, it was populated, there was vegetation, there was water, there was wildlife, there were landmarks, there were guides and there was foreknowledge. In organizing this, an already familiar sense existed of where and when camel and car could meet, and where help could be found. In the vast expanse of the Gobi and Mongolia that lay before them, the CAE already knew where it was were going. Exploration was designed to cover wide expanses of ground because it had already been done before. With their general route in mind, they knew how much fuel and supplies were needed, how many camels were needed, where and for how long they were going, and where and when to meet the next caravan.

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* The rendezvous at Sair Usu was to be the last meeting of motors and camels that season. Granger spent the 6th repacking fossils for shipment by caravan. All gasoline was taken off the camels and enough was loaded aboard the cars to get them to Kalgan. Every thing not needed in the cars was placed with the caravan “in order to reduce the motor loads, which will be extra heavy [due to the loaded gas tins] starting out tomorrow.” When the cars sped off the next day, September 7th, Granger resumed noting mileage and landmarks for the next 60-miles that day and another 57-miles the following day. The road generally had become a “mixture of good and Badmajapoff,” Granger joked. The natives, he also noted “have shown great fear of autos all day Conq/166-167].” And now they were traveling through a “very thickly populated region and it has been difficult to get proper directions. There are many possibilities of getting off the right road.” They drove 38 miles from 8:30 a.m. to tiffin time at Promontory Point (Ardyn Obo) the next day [Conq/168]. While it isn’t clear where Granger got the name Promontory Point, the trail passed along the base of the eastern end of a very extensive plateau of Tertiary strata which ended abruptly like the prow of a ship. The face of it rose several hundred feet high. The mesa was fairly flat on top with an elaborate obo near the “prow” called Ardyn Obo (ardyn means jewels) [Conq/168]. These were badlands of a general reddish color with a heavy capping of coarse sandstone. Prospecting the area before and after tiffin yielded several fragmentary bones of apparent mid-Tertiary age. After tiffin, the ever-developing fossil-hunting ace, Shackelford, discovered a deposit of rhinoceros material. Granger decided this find alone required at least a full day's stop [Conq/168]. And one day turned into four. On the first day, Granger picked up a pair of young jaws from the surface. Excavation led to a pair of adult jaws, an adult skull and considerable skeleton material. While Granger worked on this, the geologists measured the strata by taking sections (measuring stratigraphic section with a Jacob’s staff) while Andrews and Shackelford prospected nearby.

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A second smaller but nearly complete rhinoceros skull was found the next day, September 11. In the meantime, Colgate drove seven or eight miles up the road toward Kalgan to obtain a fresh supply of water from a well there since a third full day of fossil work lay ahead. Another palate was discovered the third day as Granger endeavored to finish up. A sprinkle of rain just before daybreak on September 13th alarmed Granger. “I had left pasted skulls uncovered in quarry and I went up and brought them down and covered up other things.” He stayed in the quarry all morning. Camp was broken after lunch and four of the cars proceeded on to the well Colgate had visited. Colgate remained behind with the fifth car until Granger’s last pasted up specimen, the palate, was dry enough to lift and carry. After they drove off, Granger “held it in my lap all afternoon and let it finish drying there.” Granger continued making odometer readings and landmark notations. That day's run was 36 miles in “’[c]hoppy sea’ topography most of afternoon.” These were his last jottings in that now full diary book. He started a new one. * September 14, 1922 Book III Mongolia-1922 33˚ Sunrise[;] 76˚ - 3:30 p.m.[;] 47˚ - 9:30 p.m. Light easterly breeze in forenoon; southwesterly breeze in afternoon; quiet in evening. Day's run about 28.5 miles. Camp on a level piece of ground by a well and carpeted with short green grass. 1/2 hour after sunset [199]. With camp break down finished that morning and all cars loaded, the No. 2’s motor balked and then refused to run at all. Colgate worked on it until nearly lunch time, finally getting it to sputter along for a mile or so before things went wrong again. He tinkered some more and got it going again after lunch. After running just a few miles, it finally quit completely.

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Colgate began pulling part after part off the engine until he at last discovered, as Shackelford had suggested from the beginning, that the carburetor float was rusted through and now filled with gasoline. In other words, it was no longer a float. With a new float in stock, the trouble was remedied in short order and the outfit finally got off at around 4 p.m. that afternoon. Trees resembling the willow-leaved cottonwood were scattered along the sandy washes they drove through and reminded Granger of parts of Wyoming. The party drove until dark and then camped near a well. As a precaution, they drained the water out of the auto radiators for the first time, in case the nighttime temperature dropped to freezing. The next day (15th) they pressed on, covering another 83 miles before going into camp on a flat upland near a Chinese caravan. The road was excellent most of that day, as was the weather. At some point between miles 05.1 and 19.0 Granger switched cars to ride in the No. 1 with Andrews. Why isn’t clear and it the first time since beginning the return trip. It also resulted an interesting departure from the usual convoy routine. As the route that afternoon took them by the southern end of an exposure of badlands which extended many miles northward, Andrews and Granger stopped to get out and prospect in some Tertiary exposures 18 miles east of the Jisu Honguer formation (permian/Dinantian) while letting the others continue [Conq/173]. In just a few minutes, they found many bones, mostly of a rhinoceros. That night, Granger recorded that Andrews had found a fine pair of jaws (?Titanothere). Other cars had gone on and we had only a short time to work in. Decided to take a section of one jaw with the cheek teeth. Had no wrapping material––it being ahead in No. 2 car––so we appropriated our pocket handkerchiefs and hats and managed to get the sections to camp without serious damage. Jaw found 238 paces north of road [200]. Granger surmised “and correctly so, that this was a western extension of the Irdin Manha basin, in which we had found the first fossils on the Kalgan-Urga road. The formation was formally designated the Shara Murun, and proved to be of Eocene age [Conq/173].”

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They moved on, climbing to the eastern edge of the basin before stopping for water in a small hollow at Ula Usu (Well of the Mountain Waters) before moving on for a short visit a small temple nearby called Baron Sog-in-Sumu. From there, they could look eastward across the broad, 300-foot deep valley of the Shara Murun River Conq/174]. The 16th [Conq says 15th at p.174] brought “rain from daybreak until ten o'clock. Lousy and dismal all balance of day. Some snow in afternoon.” The run was nearly 68 miles over road that Granger considered only fair at best. Adding to the misery was a fierce west wind that blew in at sunset causing the men considerable discomfort until the tents were up. The expedition’s next 76 miles on September 17th [Conq infers 16th at p. 175] put them “practically back in China,” Granger wrote. He found the road was “mostly bad after striking the Chinese area.” The 74th mile, he noted, had brought them to the “[c]enter of large yurt colony––Mongols and the first Chinese. Cultivated fields of the latter.” Nearly all available land was now under cultivation, mostly with oats and potatoes [Conq/175]. The road worsened as rocks and ruts dominated the 54.8 miles they traveled the next day “over the worst going encountered during our entire trip, mostly rocks and ruts [Conq/175].” On the 18th, they reached Miao Tan 34 miles north of Kalgan on the main Kalgan-Urga auto road and “camped” at an inn there. “Spent indoors tonight for the first time since leaving Kalgan. Had Chinese supper––cabbage & pork to which everyone did more than justice [Conq/175].” Kalgan was now only 34.8 miles away and they reached it by four the next afternoon after fixing a tire puncture on the No. 3 car. Nearly 2,500 miles had been covered roundtrip in a [loop] that ran west northwest from Kalgan to Urga, then west southwest to Tsagan Nor in the Altai Mountain Region and then east back to Kalgan. They missed the Mongolians who were gentle with each other, gentle with animals and gentle with life. And they missed the idyllic scenery of this now far away, totally beautiful land. The final stretch of road along the plateau was left very bad from recent rains. The pass where the wives had parted company with them in April was in horrible shape. They decided to take a more easterly route to avoid the sea of mud in the main trail. Two miles

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below the pass they stopped for lunch near where a small band of workers was trying to smooth out the ruts in the road. There, one of the two remaining crows brought all the way from Tsetsenwan escaped from its box. It could not be caught and had to be left behind. As the expedition filed into Kalgan, Colgate and Granger were last in the No. 2 car. At about one mile away from the Anderson & Meyer compound, where the motor vehicles were to be parked, “our gas gave out and we had to wait an hour until we could secure more from one of the other cars. Bought one case of gas at Miao Tan this morning to see us into town. Close figuring!” They were quartered at the British-American Tobacco, Co. (B.A.T.). A large accumulation of expedition mail had recently been forwarded to Iren Dabasu, he learned. A wire was sent asking that it be returned to Kalgan. Granger sent a telegram to Anna. The flatbed railcars needed to carry the autos to Peking would not be available for several days. The party took a passenger train to Peking. Andrews and Colgate planned to return to Kalgan to load the cars when the flatbeds were secured. Granger arrived at the West Gate Station [in Peking] at 6:00 p.m. and greeted by Anna whom he thought looked “unusuall well.” Yvette was there, as well with new Dodge touring car, and took Anna and me around to WagonsLits. Mrs. Shack also at station with car for her husband. Berkey and Morris still have their beards but I took mine off at Kalgan [201]. Interim in Peking The CAE’s 1922 expedition season was over for all but Granger. He would be returning to the Yangtze Basin in a few weeks for another winter of fieldwork at Yanjinggou [Conq/179]. Anna, Wong, 'Buckshot', Chih (the taxidermist) and a new cook would go with him. Until then, Granger’s days in Peking were spent resting and catching up with colleagues. He and the geologists met with Amadeus Grabau at Granger’s hotel on the evening of the 23rd to apprise him of their findings in Mongolia. Grabau was a research

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associate to the CAE, but his advanced arthritic condition kept him from conducting fieldwork. Following Grabau, Granger had lunch at his hotel with Ting and Andersson to brief them as well. Gatherings like these soon merged into a small group of key western and Chinese earth scientists who met occasionally, usually at Grabau’s home, and became known as ‘The Peking Circle.’ Granger would have known him from their years of plying the American Museum’s paleontology laboratories. Now in Peking these relationships deepened, especially between the two paleontologists. While Andrews and his wife attended socialite dinners and entertained in their lavish home such visiting celebrities as Noel Coward and Douglas Fairbanks, Sr., Granger was drawn into Amadeus’s more cerebral circle of scientific friends [202]. * Granger now found time to bring his father up-to-date noting that You will have seen cabled reports of our return to China before this and doubtless there will be some newspaper articles given out by the Museum, also there were articles on my work in the May and September numbers of "Asia." So I feel that you have been fairly well posted on our doing. I'm sending on a copy of yesterday's "Peking News" with Reuter's full article on the Mongolian Expedition. There will be a full series of articles in the trip which will appear in "Asia,"––probably beginning early in 1923 [203]. Andrews and Colgate went back to Kalgan on the 26th to bring back the five motor cars. The caravan was to return around the 10th to 15th of October, and Granger decided to stay in Peking until his collections arrived. “I don't like to delegate the repacking to anyone else. Fossils require about as much attention in packing as anything I know of.” Once they were prepared and shipped off to New York, Granger and his party were off for Yanjinggou.

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The original plan back in 1921 when he left for China, he recalled for his father, was for my return to New York this fall but the opening up of the great Mongolian field means that I shall probably have to put another summer there,––especially as Olsen is not here and possibly may not come at all; a letter from him is up in Mongolia now, along with several of yours, but Anna read it before sending it up and it seems that Olsen is still having trouble with his health and feels that China is a poor place for any but a robust man. As a matter of fact Mongolia is one of the greatest summer climates in the world, and as for China––it's as good a place to die in as New York any day [204]. Granger had left for Mongolia during a rough time of the year in Peking. Now the days were beautiful, clear and calm with mild temperatures. There was no dust. The vegetation was still lush and green. Fruit and vegetables were abundant. The town was full of tourists. And natives who lived inland chose this time of the year for their trips to the capitol. Anna was in splendid health, weighing more than she ever had before––close to 130 pounds––and Granger found it difficult to get down to work again, finally deciding that he was “entitled to a little loafing anyhow.” All seemed well. It had been expected that Osborn would make a ceremonious appearance upon their return from Mongolia. When it was learned that he could not, they were keenly disappointed over Prof. Osborn's failure to arrive here at this time; we sort of had the stage all set, all members in Peking and the collection will be here shortly––weather perfect and everything. Just at this point we are anxious to confer with Osborn over plans for the next year. If he delays his coming for six weeks, as a recent cable announced, we shall be dispersed when he arrives and the collection shipped, winter will have arrived and he will not be able to make the Yangtze gorge trip. Sickness of Mrs. Osborn has caused the delay [205].

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Granger found three unopened letters from his father waiting for him in Peking. He hadn’t received a letter from his father since July, and these pre-dated that one. The three had been sent from the US while Granger was still at Yanjinggou but had arrived after he’d departed that spring. They were then returned to the U.S. and then back to Peking “with some recent notes on the back of them.” Fortunately they were not among those just sent for pick-up at Iren Dabasu in Inner Mongolia. A change in the expedition’s route during their final week in Mongolia had them returning to Kalgan by the old post road from Sair Usu to the south of Iren Dabasu by some 150 miles [206]. That mail would be returned shortly. Other mail sent deeper in to Mongolia, however, “we may not get until next year.” The next American mail would bring something from his father, he hoped. Granger spent part of nearly each day at the CAE’s Peking headquarters organizing equipment, giving interviews and posing for publicity photographs. The headquarters was part of the Andrews’s large residential compound which formerly belonged to The Times Peking correspondent George Ernest Morrison. Andrews leased a former palace just northeast of the Forbidden City to serve as expedition headquarters; it was his personal residence for the next twelve years. The walled enclosure, occupying an acre of land, was remodeled into forty rooms including laboratories, bathrooms, storerooms, garages and stables, quarters for twenty household servants, beautifully landscaped courtyards, and a sumptuous residential suite ornately decorated in Oriental style. He joined the polo club and with his wife entered Peking’s social rounds [207]. In the wake of the great success of the first Mongolia expedition and the rapt attention of the press that followed, several key CAE members were in demand at social events. Granger and Anna dined with J. G. Andersson and his secretary-fiancee, Miss Rosenius, on the 28th, which also was the day the mail came back from Iren Dabasu. The next night they attended a formal dinner held by the President of the Geological Society of China at the Chinese Hotel. That was followed by a mobbed meeting at the Society Room Library where Granger and others summarized the work of the Mongolia expedition. The American ambassador, Jacob Gould Schurman, was in attendance. ”[S]ee [enclosed] press notices,” Granger wrote his father.

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* Berkey was making ready to leave for America soon, and the western members of the expedition held a festive farewell dinner for him at the Andrews’s residence. It was also a time of sight-seeing. Walter and Anna attended the polo games with Shackelford and visited the Ming tombs in Nankou for two days with Pope. The days stretched on pleasurably: “To Drum and Bell towers with Anna;” “To Agricultural Garden with Anna;” “To President's Palace––great throngs of Chinese out. Fall Festival;” “Tea [with] Miss E. Kendall, the author who tells me she went to Urga years ago in a buggy which was being sent by Larson to the Living God;” “To the Green Jade Fountain in our rickshaw with an additional boy each to push behind. Had lunch at the marble pagoda and returned by 5:30; Movies in evening.” On the 5th, a wire came in from Kalgan that the caravan had arrived safely in Hallong Ossu region where Joel Eriksson lived. The CAE requested a Chinese military escort to take the caravan through the bandit area and into Kalgan. On the 6th, Morris, Grabau, Pope, the American geologist George Barbour and Granger’s assistant Chow went off to Kalgan by train to reexamine the geology of the pass. Colgate and two other men rode up with them and then went on to Hallong Ossu to help bring in the caravan. Morris’ group returned on the 13th, as did Colgate and his men with the caravan loads. Granger met them all at the station with trucks to transport everything to headquarters. Off-loading was completed that night. Morris had brought “back an interesting reptile from the Kalgan variegated beds, vertebrae and [fragmented] pelvis.” A day or two later Granger began the work of packing fossils for shipment as Shackelford developed film. * October 26, 1922 Peking Dear Father:Two letters have come from you this week,––one from Rutland and one from Des Moines, also a couple of [Rutland] Heralds. Glad you could go to the encampment. Our collections are pretty well packed now and I'm getting ready to return to Yen-ching-kuo early in

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November, taking Anna with me as far as Wanhsien where she will probably make her headquarters at the China Inland Mission [208]. Shackelford, Granger wrote his father, was to sail home on November 12th and “take to the Museum one or two of the most striking of my fossils, for publicity use.” Shackelford’s motion pictures also would be on view by January, either sold to a syndicate like Fox or shown by the American Museum at a New York theater. And Andrews had cabled an 800-word story to Asia magazine that would appear soon, perhaps in December. Another written story with illustrations would be coming out early in 1923. Berkey, Granger continued, should just about have arrived in San Francisco by now. Pope, “the fish and reptile man,” was to start next week for the island of Hainan and stay for the winter. He would not be making any of the Mongolia trips. Andrews and Morris would remain in Peking for the winter. It was decided that next summer’s Mongolian party was to specialize in paleontology. Granger asked to have either Olsen or Thomson to assist him while also urging W. D. Matthew to visit if he could. Olsen still seemed unwell, however, and it wasn’t clear whether he would make the trip. “Mongolia is healthy enough but we were 900 miles from a doctor at one time last summer and it is a poor place to be sick in,” Granger wrote his father. * Fall was ending early as life in Peking headed for November. Strong icy winds blew off the Mongolian plateau into western China. A killer frost was on the way, but it hadn’t hit Peking just yet. Chrysanthemums still bloomed, trees stayed in leaf and crickets still sang at night. Some Chinese caught them and kept them in tiny jars until fight time. Then, after making considerable wagers on the outcome, they put two of them in a large bowl to “slug it out.” The crickets were even "weighed in" like prize fighters before the fight. Shackelford was going to get a picture if he had the time. In the meantime, socializing and sightseeing continued. There was a dinner at J. G. Andersson’s with Andrews, Morris, Grabau, Black and Anna––a “Scandinavian dinner––

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interesting and good, as always at Dr. Andersson's.” On November 2nd, Shackelford exhibited a selection of his films from Mongolia, about 1,500 feet, at the Andrews compound. Black, Anna and Mrs. Shackelford attended. Unfortunately, much of Shackelford’s filming of the CAE would become lost over time as edited sections were simply discarded and much of what remained was slowly deteriorated by acid. Very sadly, little has survived. Shackelford and his wife made ready to leave for the States on November 7th and Granger’s trust in him became clear. “Shackelford is taking back, as excess baggage, three of my boxes containing the Baluchitherium skull and some other smaller things.” Despite the skull’s immense size, great weight and extra expense, its promotion value was worth it. And so was one of the smaller things -- the eggshell. The Grangers and Andrews were at the station that morning to say goodbye to the Shackelfords when they left on the 10 a.m. train. Then it was off to lunch at the Andrews’s and dinner at Mrs. Kendall's. Two days later, the Grangers themselves boarded a train at the Peking train station and headed for the Yangtze. * Granger got his men and expedition equipment on an earlier train on the evening of November 8th with James Wong, the interpreter, in charge. "'Buckshot'," now of Mongolia experience, went along as general assistant, Whey [Huei] as the cook and Chih as the taxidermist. Like Granger and 'Buckshot', Chih was now a Mongolia expedition veteran. On the 9th, Granger and Anna followed on the semi-weekly express with Chow, their No. 1 assistant. This train had one 1st Class Coach, one 2nd Class Coach and a 3rd Class Coach for servants of passengers, as well as a dining car and baggage and mail car. It was more suited, Granger thought, for traveling with Anna. A cold winter wind blew into Peking stirring up much dust as their train rolled out. They were due in Hankow on Saturday at 9:00 a.m., but when they crossed the Yellow River the next day after dark, they were two hours behind schedule. Warlord general Feng's troops were advancing north to Peking and their movements were delaying Granger’s

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train at nearly every station along the way. In the evening, reports of banditry in southern Honan Province made it likely, Granger surmised, that progress would be slow. At about midnight on the 11th, the train was halted at Yen Cheng in southern Hupeh Province and held there for the day. Bandits were reported to have taken several towns on the railway line south of that station. Several train loads of Wu Pei Fu's troops were sent through to the scene throughout day. Two trains coming from the north, including the regular daily express, were also halted and turned around to take the place of the northbound trains held up somewhere south of the troubled area. While sitting at the station, the Grangers met a local French padre and a man in charge of the local China Inland Mission. The latter was harboring ten or so women refugees from other missions in devastated towns. The husband of one of the ladies was being held for ransom. A few wounded soldiers were returned to Yen Ching later that day and the Grangers learned that “considerable fighting has taken place between soldiers and bandits.” The “bandits” were an army unit that recently had been abandoned by their officers, but had not been disbanded, disarmed or paid off. They seemed not to have much choice but to turn to banditry while trying to resolve their status. The Grangers’ train started south just after lunch on November 12th. It proceeded slowly and reached the bandit area at about dark. Soldiers were camped along the tracks to protect the trains. Fires of burning villages and farms lit up the sky to the west. The burnings spread for miles parallel to and not more than five or ten miles away from the tracks. At one large town, the women folk of the Bank of China’s local manager hustled aboard, taking over whatever space they needed in the dining car because no more berths were available. There were eighteen, including children and a servant. Without further incident, the Grangers finally arrived at Hankow at 7:00 a.m. on the 13th. They had been delayed two days. 'Buckshot' met them at the station and they all went directly to the Terminus Hotel while Wong shopped for supplies [209]. After breakfast, Granger went to the International Banking Corporation to arrange an account and then on to the Asia Banking Corporation to obtain money on a letter of credit he carried. His next stop was the steamship office to engage passage to Ichang aboard the steamer Kiang Wo leaving at 8:00 p.m. The party did some additional shopping and then went aboard the Kiang Wo late in the afternoon. They were the only passengers and the Kiang Wo had a new captain from the previous year.

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They steamed into Ichang harbor at 8:00 p.m. on November 17th. The postmaster, a Frenchman Mr. Caplain, immediately came alongside in his postal sampan to advise that the Shu Hun would start for Wanhsien at dawn the next morning. Granger was then taken directly over to the Shu Hun in Caplain’s sampan to meet with Captain Bienairus and engage passage. Later that afternoon, he and Anna went ashore to visit with Caplain at his office and then at his house for tea. Dinner was back aboard the Kiang Wo with Wong and the Captain after which they transferred to the Shu Hun. The expedition men and baggage had been taken over earlier that afternoon. The Shu Hun was very crowded; so, the Grangers were given the captain's stateroom. Wong was berthed in the Steward's room. The Grangers absorbed the beautiful trip through the lower gorges aboard the Shu Hun. As they anchored for the night at Wushan, conditions in the gorges were peaceful. While they saw many soldiers, all were either drilling on various parade grounds on the steep slopes, or along the river paths. Granger found Captain Bienarius to be “a most genial sort of a fellow and threw open for our use the Captain's bridge which is on our deck and directly over the pilot's bridge.” The Captain’s cabin, he noticed, had an old bullet hole through the door, as did Wong's. “In fact,” Granger realized, “there are bullet holes about wherever one looks on the boat.” The only rapid that gave them trouble that day was the Yen Tan. It was at its worst level for navigation. To get up and over Yen Tan, the Shu Hun had to go under “forced draught, against the current,” by cranking up its boilers to the limit. The smokestacks grew so hot that water had to be poured on adjacent wood trim to prevent fire. Even with the boilers at full blast, the boat was brought to a complete standstill by the grip of the current’s immense force near the top of the rapids. It remained caught for nearly a minute before the propeller finally won the contest and slowly edged the steamer over the brim. Steamers would soon have to be hauled over that rapid by trackers, Granger noted. The Shu Hun steamed in to anchor at the opposite shore at Wanhsien after dark on the 19th. Not wishing to ferry his equipment across the river to town after dark, Granger hired a large sampan, had his expedition equipment loaded aboard and posted his men to

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guard it as it lay alongside the Shu Hun. He and Anna boarded in the morning before the Shu Hun sailed out. In the meantime, Chow was sent ashore to Druggist Chang's to arrange for coolies the next morning. Granger and Anna disembarked in the rain at 6:00 a.m. The sampan was then poled to shore and out of the way until the Shu Hun departed. Afterwards, it was rowed across the river and landed near the Post Office pontoon where Chow and the coolies had arrived to unload the expedition equipment and take it up to Druggist Chang's. While that was being handled, Granger took Anna to the China Inland Mission where she would be quartered when not with him in camp at Yanjinggou. The Mission’s director, Mr. Darlington, had a chair waiting at the wharf for her. That afternoon, Granger called on Mr. Annette, British Customs Commissioner, and arranged to have the local general and town magistrate asked when Granger could pay them a call. All agreed on 11:00 a.m. with the General and 3:00 p.m. with the Magistrate. Granger and Wong made the call on General Chang Tseng the next morning going by chair. Contrary to his usual practice, he obtained a four-coolie chair for himself and a two-coolie chair for Wong. To Granger, the general appeared to be not over 35 years old, looks intelligent and has had some military training in Japan.... Found the General interested in our work and had a chat of an hour and a half with him. The usual bad champagne, chocolate etc., as a layout [210]. At Granger’s request, the General issued an order for Druggist Chang to post at his shop that forbade soldiers from using it as a barracks, as they had been doing recently. Granger planned to store his fossil boxes there again this year and needed the room. The General also invited Granger to a dinner he was hosting at the Darlington's the following day. After lunch at the Darlington’s, Granger and Wong called on the Magistrate who, according to Granger, “was cordial and gave us notice (huchao) and other passes to use in our work. He is of an ordinary class, however, not at all up to his position.” *

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November 23, 1922 Chow left today for Yen-Ching-Kao to get things ready for Wong who goes up tomorrow. Dinner of the General's at 7 o'clock. Present besides the Mission people and Anna & I. Wanshien Magistrate General Chang's Secretary " " Newest wife Capt. Nielson of the "Monocacy" Mr. Annette [211]. It was “a rather peaceful meal in the absence of anything to drink––the Magistrate went to sleep in the drawing room afterward, much to the amusement of the ‘newest wife’ who is a good-looking woman in her teens (one baby) and came decked out in gorgeous costume and loaded with jewelry.” The Magistrate happened to have called on Granger at the Mission at about 4:30 p.m. and then remained for the dinner after an invitation by the General. Wong left early the next day with Huei [Whey], 'Buckshot' and Chih while Granger stayed with Anna for a few more days to help settle her in at the China Inland Mission. It was an English mission and Granger noted that the Darlingtons seemed like fine people who were doing everything in their power to make the Grangers feel comfortable. But, Anna wrote later, their house is not fitted up with stoves to withstand the winter cold. In a few rooms there are very small open fireplaces, which make little impression on the cold air. Very wide verandas on the upper as well as the lower story, out buildings for the Chinese helpers and a tall Chinese temple close by on the south side keeps the sun from helping to warm the rooms. There isn't much sun in Szechuan anyway, though it is abroad today much to my delight. If it were safe for me to roam about on the hills back of the house alone, I could easily get up my circulation in that manner. While Walter is here to go with me, I do go out once a day [212].

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There was a frost the first night and snow on the hills within sight of Wanxian. Anna wrote to her Aunt Jane about their train standing for two days and nights on a siding in the province of Honan awaiting the disbanding of a gang of robbers several stations ahead of them. It was a worrisome time. There was concern that the soldiers who were sent to disperse the bandits away from the railroad might desert to join the looters, “leaving us more than ever exposed.” But,” she wrote, “if that did happen, it was not until we had passed through the danger zone. It is impossible to get any news of what is really happening once one is out of the district.” During the trip up the Yangtze, she wrote, she had nothing to fear except the violence of the river itself. The Gorges were wonderful and it took all of the daylight hours of two days to pass through. And they had been aboard one of the most powerful steamers in service. There were three places where the cliffs were more precipitous and the river narrower than anywhere else. It took hours to pass through these most thrilling sections and none of the scenery was tame. “I think it is because the majestic beauty continues hour after hour that one gets so solemnly impressed. The fearful power of the rushing water adds to one's awe. For myself I shall be glad when we are safely down to Hankow again and beyond its power.” However, that wouldn’t be until next spring. Walter was to leave for his camp at Yanjinggou in just a few days. It was a day’s journey from Wanxian. After things got well underway there, Anna wrote I am to visit the camp. I doubt if I will be any colder than I am here, with no fire of any kind in a north bed-room. It happens that the temperature just now is particularly low, 29˚ yesterday and 30˚ this a.m. It will warm up again. The banana palms in the garden looked sick enough after the frost. We could see the snow in the mountains;––none fell in this town. The banana trees do not yield any fruit, but the orange and pomolo trees are well laden [213]. She took tiffin aboard the American gunboat USS Monocacy anchored in the river. There was steam heat in the officer’s mess which thoroughly warmed her for the first time in forty-eight hours, in or out of bed. A British gunboat, HMS Teal, was also in port and its

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captain, Lieutenant Commander Harrison, was a guest for the luncheon party aboard the Monocacy. After tiffin, they visited the Teal and later in the afternoon they went to the Standard Oil Company installation with Mr. Overstreet for tea and to watch a game of tennis. It was dark but with a new moon shining when they returned to the Mission, a one-hour ride in a chair. The streets were narrow, ill-lit, and level at intervals only, most of the route was up or down stone steps so that one felt “in terror of being dropped at every moment. Yet ‘they’ say that the coolies rarely stumble with their loads.” Thanksgiving dinner was already arranged, she wrote Aunt Jane. The Darlingtons, their two assistants, a Miss Rice and a Mrs. Jackson, and Anna were invited to the Standard Oil quarters as Mr. Overstreet's guests. Walter would remain in camp. At Christmas time the Darlingtons expected their three children, who were away at school, to visit them for the holiday. While the English school the children attended was on the seacoast near Peking, their parents had not seen them for two years. The children could not travel without an escort and such a trip was very expensive. This separation from their children while they were away being educated was, to Anna’s mind, one of the greatest trials a missionary had to endure. As well, they had to suffer danger to their lives, as these English mission people had many times. “No one can say that they are not the highest kind of heroes.” Yet she was not convinced that the native people they labored over were worth the sacrifice; whether it wouldn't be doing plenty enough to educate on American soil such Chinese as are eager to acquire the knowledge they must have and impart to their fellow men before they can be fit to join the company of the nations. Just as an American learns more of things Chinese in one hour on Chinese soil than he would by years of reading at home, so it is with a Chinese visiting America. This land is so vast and so thickly populated by people who are illiterate that they never will know anything different from what they do now until a better class of Chinese themselves make a concerted move to better conditions. I could tell you a lot more but must do some other correspondence now [214].

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In parting, Anna longed to hear how you are. Can not send you a greeting card this year. None to be had here and it is too late besides. I was much occupied at the date when Christmas mail should have been gotten ready. Bought only a few cards before I left Peking, and by dint of much trouble got them posted at one of the stops which our steamer made on the Yangtze. Much love to you, dear Aunt Jane, keep well if you can. I hope we shall get safely back to you some day [215]. * It was going to be a long winter in a strange place. This was not Peking. Sophisticated city culture and abundant western influences did not exist in Wanxian, a river trade town and much more frontier-like. Westerners were very much in the minority. Physical danger was heightened. The fighting en route to Hankow and the harrowing passage through the rapids up the Yangtze had shaken Anna. She now found herself in a cold house with warm people whose mission she doubted and who were so unlike her in their own practices and passions. Walter apparently did not sense her state of mind. His report to his father expressed a brighter picture. He and Anna attended a native wedding ceremony on the street near the Mission, a Christian ceremony conducted by Mr. Jackson, one of the Darlington’s assistants. They also watched a big fire over toward the Haikwan (Chinese maritime customs) that night at dinner time, the third big fire they had seen since their arrival. Apparently there was fighting. Nevertheless, Anna was “comfortably fixed here in the China Inland Mission with English people... Soldiers live in the temple on either side...but are orderly at present and a Christian compound is the safest place in China at all times. Once in a while they are violated but it is not at all common.” *

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The river level was down now, just twelve feet above low water mark and only a few steamers were running. On November 20th, Granger departed Wanxian for Yanjinggou. It was a four-hour trip to the Fu Tan by way of the north bank. They then proceeded through the rapids by staying close to shore and pushing their sampan from behind, with one of the crew wading in water hip deep. Their hike up from the landing to Yanjinggou was slower than usual because of poor coolies and rather heavy loads. Had two carriers who rowed [protested] over going until Chow cuffed one of them into agreement. We have often had trouble getting coolies at the river end of the trip [216]. Granger found that everything at camp was about the same as the previous winter. There had been one death in the village and one marriage during the summer. A small weaving frame set up opposite his quarters was an addition to the village’s industries. There also was a rather noticeable increase in the number of pigs, chickens, and ducks as the villagers gradually overcame the devastation wrought by the Shen Ping in the spring of 1921 when practically all their livestock had been killed off. Wong and 'Buckshot' had already been up the Lung Goo (Lung Ku) hill once and found one producing fossil pit. They bought a few fragmentary items of which a young Stegodon was of the most interest to Granger. Thanksgiving Day was “dinner at midday with pumpkin pie by way of celebration.” Back in Wanxian, Granger reflected, “Overstreet has a turkey and has invited the Mission, Haikwan and ‘Monocacy’ people to dinner.” Anna was there, too. * December 5, 1922 Dear Uncle Charles:Have just received a letter from Walter at his camp in the mountains, in answer to mail that I sent to him by messenger yesterday. He is well and sees prospects of getting a good deal of bones. On Dec. 20

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he expects to come in to Wanhsien and will take me out to camp with him to stay as long as I can keep warm [217]. Granger planned to remain in camp until December 19th. The weather was often cloudy and rainy, and sometimes dark and gloomy. There was snow in the higher elevations around camp. His days were spent as they were the winter before––visiting the pits to examine and perhaps purchase material, hunting and trapping for taxidermy, and entertaining. Captain Corlett of the Widgeon paid another visit. Corlett brought along a Mr. Dixon of McKenzies, an export business at Chung King. The two had arrived with their assistants and luggage just before dark on the 9th for a weekend outing. Dixon was the “No. 1 of McKenzies and has a considerable force of foreigners under him in Chung King.” Born in China of English missionary parents, Dixon was an expert rifle shot with medals from the Shanghai Rifle Club. Granger returned to Wanxian as planned on the 19th. Arriving in the late afternoon, he found that all was well with Anna and the Darlingtons and their three children. Letters from Andrews, Matthews, William J. Sinclair and Charles awaited him. His first full day was spent resupplying his cash and food. He also visited the Druggist Chang where his specimen boxes were being stored––in Druggist Chang's bedroom. The soldiers had honored General Chang Tseng’s notice and vacated the place. But Chinese soldiers were drilling on parade grounds throughout the city, Granger noted. “[E]very one says there is sure to be trouble here this coming spring.” He and Anna departed Wanxian at 9:00 a.m. on December 22nd. After a somewhat difficult time getting through the rapids, they arrived at the landing at Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) at midday. It had taken four hours to pole, row and track the boat and twice the Grangers had to leave the sampan, once to warm up by walking, and again to lighten the load when it passed swift water in the river just below the Hu Tan (Tiger or Fox Rapid). A tracker from another boat kindly helped them get through that difficult section. Upon landing, they walked up to the inn at the top of the steep bank and ordered hot water for tea and oranges and peanuts to eat. Chow boiled eggs which were eaten with bread. They ate somewhat bemusedly––a crowd of curious locals, men, women and children, had formed to watch them. After an hour, they left the inn and began the 11-

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mile hike up to Yanjinggou. Coolies carried the luggage. Walter and Chow walked while Anna was carried in Wong's chair, Wong having sent it down earlier along with extra coolies. To Anna, the most striking thing here is the arched bridge made of stone. Steps lead up to the top on each side. We made our first halt at Hsiu Kai Tien, one mile distant. The district is very mountainous, but cultivated almost up to the very summits. Crop is principally rice. Our roadway is only a stone-paved path cut in the side of the hills or running between the rice paddies. A mis-step would mean a frightful spill. My coolies were sure-footed and nothing befell. The last lap of the journey had to be done by the light of a lantern carried by the rear coolie [218]. Having reached Yanjinggou at about 6:45 p.m., they felt stiff and chilled. A pull of whiskey by a fire basket Chow had out for them made Anna feel more comfortable. After supper they gathered around the fire in the cook's room and after getting thoroughly heated through, got into bed. The owner of the ancestral hall where Walter works and sleeps had scruples against women occupying his premises. He was prevailed upon to let me stay in the building in the day time. At night he obliges us to take one of the gallery rooms in his inn. This is a windowless place, but draughty enough by reason of numerous chinks in the roof and partitions. Smoke frequently pours in through the door-way. Should a guest arrive late, talking continues far past our bed-time hour. Ducks in the court just outside begin their quacking at the first signs of dawn. Wearing a night cap helps to drown the sounds some-what [219]. Wong’s room was made into a dressing room for her and Wong was moved to Granger’s old quarters. There was a “grand reception after breakfast the next morning to see the

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foreign lady.” Although two western woman apparently had once passed through the village, Anna was the first to stay [220]. Christmas, 1922 Anna had developed a sore knee which confined her to camp. As it improved, she took short walks. With 'Buckshot''s help, she also began turning evergreen branches decorated with red berries into three Christmas wreathes. Granger was preparing a Stegodon skull for pasting by removing the loose clay and fragments of lime rock embedded in the harder clay around the skull. Several new birds, he noted, had been shot recently, bringing the total to at least 90 species of winter residents. His medical practice had resumed. “Our daily clinic has increased to some half dozen patients each morning.” The gloomy weather at Christmas holiday was brightened by Anna’s decorating. After a breakfast of tangerines, oatmeal, scrambled eggs and bacon, pancakes with syrup and coffee on Christmas morning, Anna finished making the wreaths she had started the day before. 'Buckshot' had made a frame-work for them out of split bamboo. The branches of an evergreen tree resembled a fine arbor-vitae and made up the body of each wreath. A thorny shrub furnished suitably scarlet berries. A tall, plume-like grass was bound to some of the pillars of the Ancestral Hall which gave a festive appearance. Jars of ferns and red berries were placed about to complete the decoration. The Christmas dinner cooked by Huei [Whey] was lacking in nothing for perfect satisfaction, the menu being as follows (Mrs. Darlington presented the plum pudding): Tomato Bisque Soup Creamed Salmon Mashed Potato Leg of Mutton Braised Onions Carrots Plum Pudding – Hard Sauce

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Coffee, Tangerines, Bon-Bons Cheese [221]. Chih, a Catholic, asked for the rest of the day off after making up three bird skins in the early morning. 'Buckshot' also was given most of the day to himself. The boys were going to have “a big feast of "Jowdzus" this evening,” Granger wrote. Expedition Work Continues Expedition work continued its day-to-day operations but Granger delegated more responsibility to his men. This may have been due mainly to Anna’s presence. 'Buckshot' and Wong, more often than not, went to the bone pits to inspect for fossils. The weather that winter also seemed worse than the previous winter. Granger had planned a trip to the pits at Shih Pa Tse on the 26th, “but it was raining at breakfast time and I gave it up. Much of the trail to Shih Pa Tse is bad going in rainy weather and it is a long tiresome trip in good weather even.” News of coolie drafting in Wanhsien also concerned him––”looks like a soldier movement,”he wrote. Nevertheless, the next day he was off to Shih Pa Tse with Wong and 'Buckshot' and a four-man chair. There he found a small amount of material and still more at a clearing on the hill two miles farther on. He discovered that the natives were actually bringing up bone from a new pit at the clearing and “got a very good carnivore skull before it had been wholly ruined.” He planned to return to this place in a day or so to look over material already taken out and stored in the house nearby. On December 30, 1922, he returned to Shih Pa Tse with 'Buckshot' and the chair coolies. Chih accompanied them to the top of the hill and then went off to hunt. Wong remained in camp with Anna. Granger discovered that two pits were being worked along the path one mile west of the Tso Ma Lin trail and were yielding a few fragments––mostly rodent and small artiodactyl. He took 5 x 7 photographs. Two miles beyond on Shih Pa Tse, at the clearing, was another pit that had been exhausted. The workers at that pit were now drying and cleaning their haul. He took all the artiodactyl teeth from the assortment and a “perfect carnivore skull” that had already been laid aside for him. It was quite different from the one he had obtained from the pit on his first visit. This pit, he noted, contained

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mostly large artiodactyl with a few small carnivores and broken Stegodon teeth. He also noted that the natives were using a process of drying I have not seen before. A bamboo mat about 10 x 5 feet was supported in a horizontal position, like a table, about two feet off the floor of the room and the bones laid out on this. A fire of charcoal sticks underneath did the drying. Several men sat around this mat cleaning the bones with iron tool looking something like an oyster knife. Mr. Wong thinks that artificial drying of bones means an urgent need of money. Otherwise they would be dried naturally and no fuel wasted on them [222]. Granger was now paying 20 cents per 20 catties and that seemed to be the prevailing price that year. "Lung Goo" Tan, he noted, seemed to be out of the bone business and Tan Wu was taking his place. Granger playfully nicknamed several of the Tan family members he dealt with. “Bucktooth Tan,” also known as “Tan’s Son,” was the son of “Inn-Keeper Tan” and worked as a coolie for Granger. “Inn-Keeper Tan,” of course, owned the inn adjacent to the Tan family ancestral hall where Granger resided. “Mrs. Tan” was “Inn-Keeper Tan’s” wife. “Grandma (‘Wandma’) Tan” likely was the Tan family matriach. “Lung Goo Tan” also worked for Granger, although his Tan family relationship is not known. “Tan Wu” replaced “Lung Goo Tan,” but his place in the family is not known either. “The Tan Family Committee” presided over Tan family affairs. “Charley Tan” and “Tan the Fifth” were so named by Granger, but not further described. The New Year, 1923 All hands remained in camp on New Year’s Day. Anna made repairs to her clothes while Granger mounted bird skins. It had been a dismal day, windy and raw with temperatures hovering between 44˚ and 48˚. At dark, they went to the inn next door to warm themselves by Inn-Keeper Tan's fire. Later that evening, a messenger came out from Wanxian with a batch of mail forwarded by Darlington. He spent the night and took letters back from the Grangers the next morning. The Grangers reluctantly delayed opening the letters and packages until they had finished supper and could take possession

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of the cook's quarters. “He gets chased from his fire every night for our benefit. It is the only time we get thoroughly warm for the whole day,” Anna wrote. Among the mail was a letter from Andrews and it brought chilling news––Charles Coltman had been shot and mortally wounded in his car by a Chinese soldier at the Kalgan gate. Coltman apparently had refused to allow his car to be inspected by the Chinese. The Chinese apparently suspected him of attempting to illegally take silver dollars into Mongolia. Samuel Sokobin, the American consul at Kalgan, was with Coltman in the car and tried to intervene. Why Consul Sokobin was there to begin with was not explained. If it was to provide protection, as an initial news account suggested, then seeking protection may be why Coltman had accompanied the CAE convey that previous April [223]. In any event, Coltman was armed, although whether Sokobin was was in dispute. The Chinese claimed he was and that both men fired a total of shots at the soldiers who then returned the fire that killed Coltman. The Americans claimed that Sokobin was not armed, and that Coltman could not have drawn his pistol and fired because he was driving. That suggests, however, that Coltman’s vehicle was not halted as ordered, or had resumed motion without permission. Coltman's parents were in America on vacation at the time, Andrews noted, and the expectation was that the matter would be taken up in Washington. Granger expressed his condolences. * About ten militia men were camped up on a hill nearby on New Year’s Day night as the Grangers read their mail by the kitchen stove. It was said that they were passing through, bound for their homes, and were to move on the next day. The snow that began to fall at daybreak came down in large flakes that melted as they landed in the village. The hills were coated white right down to the village’s perimeter, so Granger again canceled a trip. And the soldiers did not move either. It was 33° and “at this temperature,” Anna wrote, “dressing in the open is a chilly proposition.” The Grangers took a walk that afternoon and then had tea upon returning. They went to the Inn for a while after supper, but that kitchen was not as warm as usual. So, they

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went to bed very early. Fine moon light in the court as we passed along the corridor to our dark bed-room, which is little more than a cow shed. The rafters supporting the slanting tile roof and the barred and paper-covered window remind one of the stable as pictured in the paintings of the nativity. It could easily serve as a model for a German Crippen. The quacking of ducks in the passage way just back of our heads helps to keep up the illusion that we are living in biblical times. The room is one story above the ground, tho. Through breaks in the floor we can look down into the living quarters of some of the members of the Tan family. There is a door way into a store room beyond ours. We may not investigate that corner because we have been warned that the supporting beams may give out and let us through! What day or moon light reaches us, comes in from the court or from the space next [to] the temple wall, where the tiles of our roof fail to connect [224]. Camp life seemed sluggish. A man brought in three fine third molars of Stegodon, all apparently belonging to the same animal. Granger bought them for $5.00. Chih and 'Buckshot' went hunting, but without much success. The soldiers remained camped on the hill. Their Sergeant called them to order and delivered a lecture to two of them who had had a quarrel about a piece of bedding or some such. His lecture was followed by five strokes of the stick on both hands of each man and they were ordered to remain out in the weather as a general punishment. The hill was still covered in snow. Furthermore, the villagers said it was one of their coldest winters. A Temple Visit & Yanjingou Valley View Granger, Wong, 'Buckshot', Chih and Anna went up into the hills on the 4th to visit a temple called Erh Hsien Tung, or Two Fairies' Cave. Anna made the twelve-mile journey in a rude seat suspended between two bamboo poles, her feet resting on a small rod hung below. She found this mode of transportation to be very comfortable “except when going

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down very steep stairways, when one misses having anything to brace one's hands against.” Chih and 'Buckshot' hunted birds along the way. The party had lunch over a fire in the building at the entrance to the cave: hard-boiled eggs, a tin of baked beans, cheese, bread and butter, chocolate, a glass of port and a cup full of rice-water obtained from the coolies when they cooked their food. After lunch, the group took candles and walked into the cave for some distance. Images were set up in niches carved in the wall at the entrance. There were highly colored figures representing the sun and the moon. The Chinese had used a natural basin in the limestone resembling a wall-fountain as another place suitable for a god. Steps cut into the rock led up to that figure, but one would have to be of "fairy" dimensions to make the ascent easily, observed Anna. The biggest thrill of the day occurred in the home stretch when they reached a commanding view of the Yanjinggou valley and a “sea of mountain peaks that rose like rows of dragon’s teeth” in every direction. The sun was out finally, “making this view of the mountains“ wrote Anna, “one long to be remembered.“ Anna: Again First Foreign-Woman Seen The sun shown brightly all the next day as well and it was comfortable to sit out, so long as one stayed protected from the wind. Another pig killing had taken place in front of the Tan's Inn. A bench was brought out. Candles and joss were placed on it and lit. Red paper was placed near by. Then the pig was stuck into and blown up. A rod had been run through its body several times and then a man began blowing into the places where the rod had been inserted. Slowly the pig grew to twice its size until it looked like a balloon. This was said to make it easier to remove the hair after first scalding the hide. The next day they ascended one of the highest hills in the neighborhood. They stopped at a large farmhouse just below the summit where they ate lunch in a pine and cedar grove on some steps leading to a round platform which served as the resting place for three stone tombs. The entire household, consisting of two men, five women and at least six

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children turned out to watch them eat. The women and children had never seen a foreign woman before. The head of the house was given some soft cheddar cheese on a cracker and a quarter of a can of baked beans that was left over. He ate a little and sent the rest down to the house. The sun was just right for taking photographs. Walter and Anna left Wong and 'Buckshot' and went to the next farm house which overlooked the entire valley of Yanjinggou. Rice paddies extended tier on tier below them. From their vantage point, they could plainly see the trails they had taken on the opposite mountains when they visited the Two Fairies' Cave temple two days before. Back on the trail, they all stopped at a large farmhouse just below the summit where they had lunch. The expedition men and the four coolies who carried Anna’s chair were invited to sit at a table near by and share food and drink wine with the host. Anna was given a place beside the fire with the women and children. They had boiled turnip, pickled turnip, another kind of pickle, smoked meat, smoked sausage and rice. At Wong's suggestion, Anna tried some of the liquid that the rice was boiled in. It was quite thick, she thought, and would be tastier if a little salt were added. The host, a confirmed opium smoker, was about to indulge in a smoke when they had arrived. Wong induced him to let the Grangers see how it was done while one of the women offered to let Anna smoke her pipe. Lying on his kang (a brick sleeping platform), the host picked up a bit of opium from the flat clay or wooden slab on which it was purchased. This bit was held over a tiny lamp to heat. When it was of the right consistency, it was manipulated with the needle against a stone until a ball was formed. This was placed on top of the pipe bowl and then a hole was pierced in the center of the ball. The pipe bowl was held against the lamp at such an angle that the flame touched the ball. The smoke from this was drawn through the pipe and into the mouth. After about five or six puffs, the smoke was finished. An opium container held three balls, Anna noted. This man smoked seven times a day. His No. 1 wife, who had offered her pipe to Anna, also had the habit. Both now showed dark complexions and dull eyes.

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* Walking back by a grove by the farmhouse, Anna noticed a huge rock on the face of which were two vines. One resembled closely, she thought, the English Ivy. The other had long leaves and bore in their axis clusters of round scarlet berries with a rosy pith inside. This latter vine was well supplied with sharp prickles, as were so many plants in that region. Fan-shaped palm leaves and ferns with fronds three feet long were among the tangled undergrowth creating an enchanting spot. Anna could see how tall and straight the pine trees could grow when allowed to. Except in sacred spots, she wrote, “the natives cut everything down ruthlessly for firewood.” It had been a pleasant day all in all. From the steps where they had lunched and their extensive view of the valley up which they had traveled where “countless rice paddies shimmered in the sun[, c]edar trees, with lower branches all cut away, but still picturesque, gave variety to the immediate landscape, while a wonderful company of peaks formed the background.” The fright of their trip by train and through the gorges was replaced by Anna’s delight in her Yanjinggou surroundings. She and Walter went for daily walks, studied the regional flora and savored local persimmons that were “deliciously sweet and juicy.” The cook would make three kinds of candy to go with their afternoon tea. And one morning, as the weather warmed a bit, Anna and Walter “scrambled up the hill-side over the cave we had entered the other day to see if any bats were living there and succeeded in finding a place where the earth had fallen in and made the lighted chamber which had so appealed to us when we were exploring the inside.” * January 9, 1923 (Anna:) Walter, Wong, Chou and 'Buckshot' all went to the Tan's breakfast feast. I was invited, but declined. Tan's women folk are not admitted to the feed. The table was spread in the shrine room. One of the courses was liver from the pig killed yesterday [225].

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After the meal, Granger and 'Buckshot' were off for an inspection of some bone pits on the trail to Shih Pa Tse. They were back at 6:00 p.m. without much to show for the hard climb. Back at camp, Anna noticed that a little boy who used to stand about their courtyard nearly naked now wore a complete outfit made out of some blue cloth that she had given his mother. “She was so ignorant that she could not cut out the clothes. Some of the neighbors did that for her. It took her ten days to do the sewing. Mother made her boy kou tou to me.” * Granger was now feeling out of touch and finding little of a scientific nature to interest him. In a letter to John T. Nichols back at the Museum in New York, he wrote that he felt he was simply duplicating his existence there of the previous winter [225a]. Since everything was more familiar, it was not so engaging. He felt as if he were in a sort of winter exile. He had hoped to have a “white man with me this time but things did not seem to work out that way.” But this was where the fossils were and that was his job. So there was nothing to do but stick it out. The continuously dismal weather was the worst feature of the winter there, he wrote. There was not much frost, but the days were endlessly cloudy and damp. They lived practically out of doors on a balcony overlooking an open court, because in all of that district “there is no room with both light and heat and one would be obliged to build his own structure if he wanted such accommodations.” Most of their days were spent in a temperatures between 40˚ and 50˚. This was fine for climbing the hills which surrounded them, he noted, but too chilly for making up bird skins in comfort, or preparing fossils or doing anything with the hands. In addition to collecting fossils, he was also trying to assemble a good representation of recent mammals and birds. By the end of that season he expected to have about 500 each of birds and mammals, a significant sampling of the mammal and the winter bird fauna of that region. There would be about 35 species of mammals and over 100 species of land birds. Granger wrote that he “enjoyed making the acquaintance of the birds––the magpie being the only familiar friend.” He had seen only two or three species of birds that so far had escaped his collection––a small hawk and a swallow that was plentiful along the Yangtze, ten miles away, but that did not venture up into his valley.

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Andrews was discouraged about the bird spotting, he wrote, principally because of the apparent lack of interest by the Museum’s Bird Department in ornithological work in China. Nevertheless, Granger felt he should not let the opportunity pass to get a representative collection of the region. He let a native taxidermist do the majority of the work and assisted with the more difficult specimens that were beyond the man’s skills. “He was taxidermist for several years for Deha Tanabe, who made an extensive collection of the birds of North China, and he apparently did not receive proper instruction at the beginning and got into some bad ways and a Chinese is a hard person to reform. To[o] ‘sot’ in their ways.” * Granger continued in his letter to Nichols that he had received news the Linnean Society was going strong [robust] and that the Explorers Club had at last got a permanent home. He had heard of it first “through Harry Frank who lives in Peking at present and is writing for the Century Co. about conditions in China and Mongolia.” Granger also hoped that the folks back at the Museum had had a chance to see Shackelford's films of Mongolia and perhaps also to have heard him speak personally of the expedition’s activities. “We were all quite enamored of ‘Shack’ and hope they will send him out again. I've been camping most of my life but never got in with a more congenial crowd than we had last summer. That party will be pretty difficult to duplicate.” In that regard, Granger was hoping to have either Olsen or Thomson over in the spring as his assistant. “The Russians are going to get in on this new field in the north before long and we must do what we can next season to give it at least the ‘once over.’” Finally, Granger confided: About the only time the members of the Expedition can sit around the same table is a short period each spring and fall. Even in Mongolia Pope was not with us and so our table had one vacant chair. Just now Roy is in Peking, writing and getting ready for next summer. Morris is also in Peking working up his geological and topographical notes and studying Russian. Pope is on the island of

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Hainan and I'm in Szechuan, a big triangle. My best regards to Mrs. Nichols and yourself, in which my wife joins. Also please remember me to any friends in the Museum who may inquire about me. Don't ever hear from anyone in the Museum outside my own Department. So particularly glad to get your letter [226].

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Chapter [ ]

A new pet dog, ‘Teddy Bear,’ had discovered that Anna’s "huo pen," or fire basket, was a source of warmth. “This morning he teased so hard to be put on top that I wrapped him in a towel and let him have a nap there. First time he has ever been warm in his life probably.” It was time for Anna to go back to Wanxian. Granger took advantage of the opportunity to take a load of fossils in as well. On the way down the mountain, they stopped at two pottery works. “Walter took some photographs. Nobody would do their work because they were all determined to see the foreign Tai tai. We induced the man who puts the decoration on the bowls to paint a few so that we could watch him. When the last firing is over, the dishes are soft gray, and the painted pattern is deep blue.” At the China Inland Mission in Wanxian they found all was well and that the Darlington children were still there. They also noticed that the “soldiers are thicker in the town than before.” There was more drilling than ever. It was said there were now over 10,000 troops in Wanxian proper and across the river nearby. The rumor was that trouble would commence shortly after the Chinese New Year on February 16. The Grangers visited with the various westerners in town for business and pleasure. Walter left an order for more fossil boxes to be made by the Standard Oil Co. “carpenter––same man who did our work last season.” While there at the Standard Oil offices, Granger “saw a copy of Dec. ‘Asia’ with our cablegram and an explanatory article by Matthew.” It was peculiar to be in Sichuan Province reading a popular western magazine account of work he’d just done in an entirely different land only six months earlier. On the 20th, Walter and Anna boarded the U.S. Gunboat Palos at Captain George Sampson's invitation to lunch with him and the other officers. Served were olives, salted peanuts, soup, fried fish with sauce maitre d'hotel, chicken, carrots, mashed potatoes, peas, apricot pie, and coffee. Later, wrote Anna, at Mr. Overstreet’s, they “had a nice afternoon around a fine open fire in very comfortable chairs. Mr. O. showed us some Chinese handiwork, coats, shirts, scarfs, bamboo wall panels, etc. I bought two of the

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scarfs. One is a lovely garnet red and the other old gold. At five o'clock we had delicious tea and cakes.” Anna remained at the China Inland Mission for a spell. Granger pushed off with Chow for Yanjinggou the next morning at about 10:00 a.m. The trip up the river was particularly slow, taking four and a half hours. The sampan was smaller and lighter than the kind he normally used. Even so, making headway was difficult since the river was shallow and swift. It seemed the crew was having difficulty finding gentler backwater stretches where they could pole more effectively out of the main force of the stream. But Granger also thought his “crew of three none too efficient.” Eventually, the three were sent overboard to push the sampan while Granger worked the steering oar from the bow. It took 20 minutes or more to gain just 100 yards through one of the swift and shallow places. Back at camp, Granger learned that he would have to discharge "Bucktooth" Tan “because he has been flirting with various ladies hereabouts recently and using our uniform as a protecting screen. Wife of Asst. Gent'y of lower village one of the victims and some little row has been made over it.” To replace Bucktooth Tan, he hired one of the villagers, whom he nicknamed “New Lau,” because he was “Old Lau’s” cousin. Now Wong was ill. On the 25th, Granger returned from inspecting the pits to find “Wong ill with stomach pain and having passed a round worm about a foot long.” Granger gave him a healthy dose of castor oil. He then sent Old Lau in to Wanxian with a letter to Anna along with a note of inquiry to Dr. Williams at Chung Chow regarding Wong's illness. But, by the next day, Wong had recovered and was up and around. In the meantime Granger noticed that Laborers have today cut down a fine hard wood tree growing along the trail through the rice paddies opposite the temple. It was the only fine tree to be seen from our front door. Someone in Sin K'ai Tien owned it. Great inroads have been made this winter on the small second growth groves of soft wood in this section. A few more years and there will be little left here in the way of trees [227].

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Old Lau was back in camp at about 9:00 p.m. with a big bundle of New York newspapers and letters from Charles, Andrews, Osborn, Childs Frick, Bill Thomson, Peter Kaisen, Bayard Colgate, and Rutland friend Rob Davis. Anna also sent along a large pile of Christmas cards they’d received and reported that all was well except that a thief tried to get into the house adjoining the mission compound. The intruder was scared off by the occupant as soon as he opened the door. Two other places were broken into in that neighborhood, presumably by the same person. * On the 31st, Granger recorded that “a Major General or something passed through the village this morning and stopped, with his bodyguard of 60 or so soldiers, for tiffin at the lower village. On his way to Wanhsien from the Hupeh border. I did not see him.” Granger was making ready to embark on a four- or five-day trip along the fossil ridge to examine the working pits and make whatever collections he could. He took 'Buckshot' and three coolies. They camped at farmhouses along the way [228]. Since the route branched off the main trail which led from the river over into Hupeh province, he figured he probably would be the first white man to travel there. He expected the usual rather large and attentive audience wherever he stopped––they often stood three rows deep around his dinner table. The temperature continued around 30˚ and 40˚, sometimes nearing 45˚. It was a healthy enough climate he thought, since he’d had no illness other than one cold during his two winters there. Spring weather would set in about February 25th. At about that time the previous year, fruit trees were already in bloom down the river. In a letter to his father, he wrote that he imagined that the Chinese crickets were not the same species as the eastern American, but that they did make almost the same noise and were about the same size. The ones used for fighting in Peking, he noted, were light brown instead of black. It was too cold in Sichuan for crickets in the winter time “but I think they were singing when we came in September of last season. It is the one home touch to this country.” As for an American newspaper account Charles had forwarded, Granger replied that it “was a much garbled reporter's story––certainly not Berkey's stuff. Berkey is a very modest, gentle man and Roy is always fair and generous in giving credit.”

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The Expedition’s discoveries in Mongolia in 1922 were now generating considerable fervor in the press. Publicity value overruled accuracy. Charles’ lengthy correspondence with Granger led him to feel that the ensuing publicity wasn’t treating his son fairly. He expressed that concern and Granger tried to assure him that it was just an unfortunate mishap. But was it? Was it just another garbled reporter; or had Berkey opportunized at Granger’s expense; or had Andrews fiddled with the facts? Granger’s assessment of Berkey seems accurate. As to Andrews, Granger was being hopeful, perhaps still not completely aware of Andrews’s propensity and willingness to distort. He could not have done anything about it anyway, and likely would not have. Granger cared simply about doing his job. Like Berkey, he was a very modest, gentle man. He recognized that the two men he was working with, Osborn and Andrews, had egos totally different from his and Berkey’s. Though Osborn was running the show, he had given Andrews almost free rein on the publicity front. Regardless of whether Granger was the key man in the CAE’s scientific fieldwork was irrelevant. Regardless of whether Granger was the main cog in the DVP itself was irrelevant. Granger persisted with his work not caring about credit. He felt lucky and gratified to be doing what he was doing. He felt a solid contribution to science, regardless of acclaim, was the ultimate goal. Granger set off the next day with 'Buckshot', Old Lau, the opium smoker, and a quide. Chih accompanied them as far as the first night’s camp at Lung Chia Ta Yuan Tsi where he wanted to hunt squirrels and trap. Everybody was out in the sun that day and seemed to enjoy it greatly. The three carrying coolies had adjusted loads according to their term of service with Granger. The guide, a new man, carried two beddings––about 70 catties; the opium smoker, an occasional employee, carried the cots, duffel bag and additional items––about 40 catties––while Lau, the ranking coolie, carried two baskets with the food and cooking utensils––around 30 to 35 catties. Granger began making barometer readings and noting the weather at time intervals during this trip, as he had in the Gobi: Yen-Ching-Kao Inn Summit First Camp 1st First Camp 2nd Trail before descending -1290 -2240 - Brt. -2775 -3550 - 3:30 p.m. -3725 - 9 a.m. Brt.

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to Lan Chia Lan Bu Yan "

-3775 - 2 p.m. Cloudy. -3675 - 5 p.m. Cloudy. -3650 - 8 a.m. [229].

Back in Wanxian, Anna also enjoyed the day. “Another day of sunshine!,” she wrote. “Temperature 38˚ at 8:15 a.m. Sat out all morning enjoying the brightness.” Although the next day turned cloudy, she was warmed by a gift. “Walter sent one of his men in with a note. I had been wishing to hear from him all day. Sent him out money and two Rutland papers. He sent me in a nice fox skin which he bought from a native. The fur is reddish brown tipped with white.” Granger’s trip to the ridge 2,000 feet above the village lasted six days. The weather was much colder than at Yanjinggou and that required stamina. On the second day, February 3, 1923, “Our host insisted upon a Chinese breakfast which I ate on top of my regular eggs, bacon and coffee––pretty heavy diet to begin the day on. Our coolies have been taken care of by the host and are well fed & bedded.” They set off along the ridge, inspecting and selecting fossils at various work sites to buy and pick up on their return. The topographic and geologic features in that area were exactly the same as to the north except that the valley along the east side of the “Lung Goo” ridge was lower, narrower and steeper, Granger observed. As far as he could see to the south––perhaps ten miles––the characteristics were the same, except for some high ridges he observed to the east that ran parallel with the fossil ridge. As the collection grew, so did the size of the party. “We now have five coolies in our caravan.” But when they then spent a day trapped in a snow storm, it was time to return to Yanjinggou. “Our food is getting low and I'm reduced to sharing 'Buckshot''s fried egg & rice mixture.” It was the first day of spring according to the Chinese calendar. The snow was mostly gone as they returned the next morning although ice remained on the paddy fields at 9:00 a.m. The town sewer was being cleaned out in preparation for the New Year. Preparing for that festivity in Wanxian, Anna bought several sorts of paper, "Tung Shihs," which the Chinese used at New Year. “Yellow paper used if family has been in mourning one year, blue if two years, and red if three.“

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She sent the mail out to Granger which included a telegram from the Museum forwarded by Andrews stating that Olsen and one other man would be coming to China in March to assist him. A letter from Andrews stated that he was having trouble getting last year's fossil collection through the customs; the Chinese wanted to inspect the boxes before they left the country, Granger noted, “and this is impossible. Most of the boxes cannot be opened without ruining the boxes.” So they remained in Andrews’s compound in Peking. Only the fossils Granger had sent along with Shackelford as excess baggage had made it to the Museum. There also now was concern that they would have difficulty getting new expedition gear into China from America in the spring. The customs people had been “very decent up to the present time but there is a new crowd of officers in since Wu Pei Fu's victory last summer.” * The Chinese New Year was approaching, Granger wrote his father on February 8th, and there were the usual signs. “The Chinese drag everything out until it gets tiresome. They cannot even take a holiday and get it over the way the rest of the world does,” he complained. But he was also anxious: I'm curious these days to know just where the fighting is going to take place after New Year's. The Wanhsien soldiers are getting ready for a scrap somewhere but I don't know where it will be, and don't care much so long as they keep away from Yen-ching-kuo. Szechuan claims independence now but probably it will eventually come back to the central government whether by choice or force [230]. * February 12, 1923––7 a.m. - 43˚; 4 p.m. - 47˚. Cloudy. In camp packing fossils, with 'Buckshot', in preparation for going in to Wanhsien tomorrow. Plan to take in the big Stegodon skull, two

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coolie loads, and six baskets of smaller things, and one coolie for baggage. Chih hunting down by the pottery works again in afternoon; killed another squirrel and a new bird, blue back, white streak on face. Annette and Overstreet are to return with me on New Year's day unless plans miscarry (emphasis supplied) [231]. Granger left camp with Chow and the coolies the next morning. When they arrived at the river landing at Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi), they were told of heavy coolie drafting in Wanxian. They reluctantly rented a sampan for the downriver trip on the agreement that Granger would protect the boat's crew while they were in Wanxian. He decided to take along Old Lau outfitted in a Museum uniform to help with baggage. Granger thought the Museum uniform, which was white with a large red border, would keep the man fairly safe from the soldiers. The sampan arrived at the Post Office pontoon early that afternoon. Old Lau went up to a hotel with the men’s personal baggage, Granger’s bag going on to Anna’s room at the Mission. Chow and Granger then dropped down river “to the Haikwan with the fossils. Mr. Annette kindly loaned me his coolies to get the bones up to the temple and we dismissed the boat.” As Granger headed for the Mission, he found the streets almost deserted. Coolies who had not been drafted were in hiding. Five thousand men were said to have been taken by soldiers moving in two directions––to the south on the Hupeh border and to the west toward Chung King on the north side of the river. There was talk of fighting on the Hupeh border. General Chang seemed “to be the No. 1 in these parts just now. His two companies of the First Army having gone toward Chung King. He has installed a telephone line crossing the river near the Liking Station and going up the T'o K'o valley to Long Chen Pa.” Annette doubted that he or Overstreet would be able to leave town with Granger for the holidays. Granger made ready to return to Yanjinggou on the 15th. Most of Wanxian’s shops were closed and there were no coolies in the streets. Five thousand men were reported to have been taken away from their homes––most of them given no opportunity to notify their families. These coolies would be fed, but not paid. Those of them sent to the front, of course, would be in danger of getting shot.

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Darlington's gate man, however, knew where they hid and offered to obtain two or three for bearers if Granger agreed to protect them from being drafted. There was a temple near the mission which was used especially for ‘coolie storage.’ Looking in through the street side door, one could see a gallery packed with the poor fellows waiting for the soldiers to move along. Wives of the drafted men would gather in the street outside the door to try to catch glimpses of their husbands. How this place remained undetected by the soldiers was not known. One of Darlington's Christian workers came in from Lung Chu Pa that night with news that First Army soldiers camped there had done considerable damage to a church under construction. Annette and Overstreet abandoned plans to go to Yanjinggou with Granger. Anna would go instead. Darlington thought she would be safer there than in Wanxian. Granger wrote to his father and W. D. Matthew to bring them up-to-date. He noted that the map of their auto route in Mongolia the previous summer, as published in the December, 1922 issue of Asia magazine, was wrong in one respect––they did not cross the Altai Mountain range with the autos. They skirted along the north face. The geologists, however, did cross on camels and horses. And Granger had climbed up far enough to be able to look into the desert on the south side of the mountain range. He wrote that he was returning to camp on the 16th and taking Anna with him for her second visit. Spring, he noted, had already set in, in a mild sort of way, and the countryside was bright and fragrant with the purple and yellow blossoms of beans and rape. For a week now, he continued to his father, soldiers had been drafting carrying coolies to transport the army’s equipment. Granger figured there was going to be “quite a little row here this spring between local factions of the Szechuanese army. Some fighting has already taken place to the south––along the Hupeh border.” There was one American gunboat in port and another up at Chungking. There were also the British gunboats Widgeon and Teal, the French gunboat Doudart de la Greé and a Japanese gunboat on the upper river that winter. He thought his own valley was not likely to be disturbed since it was off the main trail.

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To W. D. Matthew, Granger wrote that while he had not yet found any fossil primates of consequence, he had turned up some fine small carnivore skulls––”a thing you noted the absence of in last winter's collection. Also some skulls of the larger carnivores––bear, hyaena, etc. and three skulls of tapir––one of them practically a perfect skull with jaws. Quite a year for tapirs.” He realized his efforts had added considerably to the knowledge of the fauna of the region and expected to make more new finds before the close of the work on about March 10th. Granger regretted that his old buddy Albert Thomson, an experienced and capable collector, could not be worked in with Olsen. “My only apprehension about Johnson has been that he might not be able to develop the technique necessary for the delicate work of collecting mammals. Most of the things which I took out last season were difficult work––even the small dinosaurs.” Albert Johnson was a rancher from Sweetgrass, Montana, who had assisted Barnum Brown at dinosaur digs in Montana and Alberta, Canada. Brown’s history was mainly with large dinosaurs. Johnson’s experience was likewise and, Granger feared, would do little to prepare him for the exacting tasks [more delicate/complicated work] that awaited in the Gobi [231a]. in his February 15, 1923 letter to Matthew, Granger reiterated his concurrence that the 1922 fossil collection had to remain free of inspection by the Chinese. “My own stuff would have to be repacked in new boxes if the present ones were opened, and the geological material is all sealed up in tin-lined cases.” He closed with this: Am taking Mrs. Granger out to camp tomorrow, as being rather safer and more undisturbed than here in town. No one has ever been hurt in the Mission, I believe, but there have been some close calls. It looks like another junk trip down through the Gorge for me this spring, which I don't relish but don't really worry about unless the fighting comes in to the river. I can't seem to dodge these provincial wars, although nothing serious has happened yet. Last year I ran directly into the Ichang battle and this season into the Honan bandits and there is promise of lively times hereabouts in the next few weeks...

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But the missionaries and the government officials and representatives of business concerns live here and travel up and down the river and nothing much seems to happen to them. There is, however, a growing dislike of and contempt for foreigners in this section. I find it more noticeable than last winter. It is not so marked out in the country districts but in the city and larger market-places one is sneered at a good deal. If our gunboats are withdrawn, as I have heard it proposed, then all foreigners will withdraw too [232].

The Granger party left the Wanxian for Yanjinggou shortly after 9:00 a.m. on Chinese New Year’s Day. It was a smooth sampan trip this time. One man and two boys handled the oars. Walter helped the smallest boy with the bamboo tracking rope at the Fu Tan rapids. They ate the sandwiches that Mrs. Darlington had made for them, along with tea, puffed rice and peanuts they purchased at the inn on the bank above the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing. As they made the steep climb up to Yanjinggou, they met “scarcely anyone on the road [trail] on account of its being a holiday. Front doors all closed in the village of Tsin Kai Tien and decorated freshly with red strips of paper and tissue paper cut out in different patterns. Often branches of evergreen are used, held together by a loop made of the joss paper burned ordinarily at shrines. In certain places along the road, tables were placed out of doors around which were groups of men standing. No business transacted on this day.” They reached camp at a little after five. Full darkness soon set in shortly after. Some of the Tan clan arrived to set off a cannon in front of the altar three times as part of their ancestor worship. As the holiday progressed, Wong became busy doling out money to various people who had been making him presents of rice, eggs, chickens, and other goods. “Grandma" Tan gave Walter some steamed cakes made of rice flour. The cakes were white, about 3/4” thick, 3” wide and marked in the middle with a design in red ink. To Anna, the taste was flat. Salt, sugar or flavoring of any kind would have helped, she thought. But the consistency was rather good.

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That morning, Tan had set off bombs in the temple, outside the temple and in front of his two houses before the Grangers were out of bed. “Three explosions constitute [a salute] to the dead.” Festivities continued. Itinerant acrobats appeared at the temple to give their show. Occupants of both villages and nearby farms streamed in to watch; the assembly entirely filled up the steps, altar platform and court of the temple. Three tables were stacked on top of one another to create a platform high enough to elevate the performers so that they could be seen. It also heightened the risk to the participants, thus spicing up the show. Four men, each with a shrill-sounding instrument, beat in unison throughout the two-hour performance. At one point, two of the actors united in impersonating a lion, covering themselves with a variegated silk robe to which a huge lion's head with a long mane was attached. A few bells sewn somewhere on the disguise gave a pleasant tinkle as the lion leapt about trying to intimidate another man costumed as a monkey. At 6:00 p.m., it became so dark that the stage manager lit three round swinging lanterns and four four-sided paper lanterns hung on the ends of long poles. These were supplemented by Granger’s museum lighting equipment, which consisted of two carbide lamps and four or five kerosene oil burners. It was 7:30 p.m. before the audience was satisfied and people began returning to their homes. * Anna continued her reading of “Mrs. [Elizabeth] Bishop's book ‘The Yangtze Valley and Beyond’” and making diary entries describing yet another troupe of itinerant performers passing through the village. There were five players, all men, one dressed as a woman. “She” wore a fancy skirt with a tight fitting waist, a wide belt and long, snug sleeves with white pearl buttons. “She” walked about with her legs enclosed in a gaudily painted wooden case with two handles projecting behind. This was intended to represent a wheelbarrow. In one hand, she carried a much battered-up folding fan. In the other she carried a man's size handkerchief which she waved wearily at the others, as the occasion offered. One man seemed to be making

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advances toward the maid, but he was continually repelled by the others with blows from a palm leaf fan. For music, the troupe had a variety of percussion instruments––one drum, a large gong held suspended by a cord from one hand and struck with the other, a pair of cymbals, one small metal disc held flat in the hand that gave out a high pitched sound when struck, and several bamboo rods hollowed out in sections and set with pieces of "cash." Anna thought these had an effect similar to castanets. A dramatic incident was being conveyed through recitations by individual actors in turns with the troupe uniting in a chorus at the end of each sentence. But there was little variety, to the Grangers’ ears, and they could not get a sense of the story. At the end of the show, requests for "kum shaw," (cumshaw, or donations), from Wong and Walter were skillfully interwoven into the narrative. Two hundred coppers were handed to the manager of the show and, since the actors would not get much of that amount, eighty more coppers were given to them. The troupe then departed to repeat their act at another time in another location. * It had been so long since the Grangers had had any warmth from the sun, that they moved the breakfast table into its rays the day they finally appeared. “Walter took a picture of the table, Mr. Wong, "Chow" and myself,” wrote Anna. After eating breakfast and reading their mail, Walter and Anna walked up a hill under a bright sky. They arrived at an inn with a splendid New Year’s decoration on its front door and were invited inside. Tea was offered in tiny handleless cups. As Anna looked about, she noted four colored panels hanging in the center of one of the walls. They appeared to be calendars. Over them, running the full length of the wall, was a shelf on which were placed candles and brass dishes. Another wall had a panel of white cloth with the figures of a woman and a man in blue. The mistress of the inn was feeding a small child seated at a table upon which was a tiny metal brazier filled with charcoal. A brass dish containing some chopped-up food “was boiling merrily over the little stove,” Anna wrote. When the child ran off into an

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adjoining room, she noted, “he jingled a row of bells hanging from silver chains to the back of his head dress––this very cunning.” There was more festivity. An engagement party was being held and the Grangers were invited to the feast. A young girl was being pledged to a young boy––she was 13 years and one month old and he 13 and 10 months old. Some of the gifts to the bridegroom were a cap, a pair of shoes, pens, ink and paper. The oddest things in his tray, Anna thought, were a little cedar tree and a bunch of garlic, both tied with red ribbon, along with some pieces of sweet potato. The potatoes and tree, she surmised, were to be planted and the garlic to be eaten, though Wong said that was not true. The bride-to-be received trays of soap, cologne and cosmetics. Other trays were filled with confections made of rice highly decorated with splashes of red, yellow and green dyes. After the party, the Grangers took their third stroll of the day. They found a warm, sunny, dry hillside commanding a fine view of the valley and the mountain range that surrounded it. Four young boys had followed them out of curiosity. After shooing them off, they sat down to enjoy the view. A messenger came in from Wanxian at noon the next day with mail and papers. There were letters from Granger’s father, Olsen and William Sinclair. Olsen with two other men were preparing the Baluchitherium skull, as Osborn had told him to hurry the work because he wanted to exhibit the specimen to raise $10,000 for expedition purposes. Darlington reported that things were quiet in town, but coolie drafting was still rampant. * February 27, 1923 Dear Father:Anna still in camp but will take her in about the first. Expect now to start down river in junk by March 16th or 17th. River fairly quiet below here so far as I know [233]. Granger made ready to pack up the expedition, wrap up business and break camp once again. Anna would be taken down to Wanxian in advance along with the fossils still in

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camp. Granger chuckled when one of his longstanding collecting problems struck again. Wong had shot a yellow-vent flycatcher. This is the bird which has a great variety of calls and which fooled all of us last year many times with the result that we had by the end of the season a series of twelve or fifteen of them, all but the first few having [been] shot under the impression that they were something else. Thus glad we have avoided shooting any until today when this bird, high up in a tree, fooled Wong [234]. The advance party started off for Wanhsien at 9:00 a.m. on March 2nd with nine coolies, two for Anna's chair and the rest for lung ku and baggage. They took all fossils with them except a box of small skulls. They arrived at the post office pontoon at around 3:00 p.m. As before, Old Lau disembarked with the personal baggage to take up to the Inn and Mission and the sampan then dropped down river to unload the fossils at the Haikwan. A chair could not be hired at the post office landing because coolie drafting had intensified. But there were some coolies about who attempted to rush their sampan. They had to be beaten back with walking canes. Chow grabbed Anna’s and cracked it over one man before the man finally retreated. No gunboats were in the harbor at the time, although the HMS Teal steamed in shortly after. The word was that General Chang Tseng was getting ready to vacate Wanxian and several thousand coolies were being held in various temples for his emergency use. The coolies were being kept on reduced rations, receiving only three meals in four days. One lay dying outside a temple near the Mission. It looked as if things would not go well for Chang Tseng. He had already sent his wife out of the city. The Grangers unloaded their gear and settled in. As they looked about the town, they noticed that the hillsides were becoming very pretty in their spring greenness with patches of yellow where mustard, known as rape, was in flower. Blossoms everywhere were very fragrant and the willow trees in the temple yard next door were in leaf. Birds competed for attention with their mating songs. The most noticeable triller, thought Anna and Walter, was a bird with a marked resemblance in manner and form to the American mockingbird. The day after next brought the first bright sun of the season, and it become

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so hot that it gave Granger “a fine headache” during a walk he took with Anna. He had intended to play tennis with Annette and Overstreet but had to give it up and go to bed at once, “feeling some better” after a few hours rest. It hailed that night for the second time since they’d been back. Still not feeling up to the mark, Granger returned to Yanjinggou the next morning, March 5th. There was little traffic on the river until just before they reached the landing where they began to encounter boat loads of soldiers heading down to Wanxian. Apparently, from what Granger could surmise, it was the First Army in retreat. There were many more soldiers waiting at the landing itself. Some of them attempted to commandeer his sampan even before it touched shore, but he succeeded in blocking them until his gear had been properly unloaded. New Lau and another of his regular coolies waited for him at the landing dressed in Museum uniforms. Chow was recovering from a previous fall and needed a chair to take him up to camp. Given the situation, this required some searching. Eventually, two coolies were found and sneaked out of their hiding place in between arrivals of groups of soldiers who were now pouring into the landing area. The party started for camp at about 3:00 p.m. just as soldiers at the landing began shooting at passing boats trying to force them to stop. One small junk going upriver under sail with a crew of two was fired at several times as it passed along the opposite shore. Both crew finally left their posts, ducking down below the gunwales, while letting the boat sail on its own. It appeared to get past the danger safely. The trek to camp was made without incident although they met many small groups of soldiers and baggage coolies along the way. They estimated they passed 30 litters carrying badly wounded men. Another thirty men walked by with bandaged heads, feet or arms. Almost no village men were to be seen along the route between the river and camp. They found Wong “holding the fort” and reporting that all had gone well in camp. Soldiers had camped nearby early that morning, but had done no damage. Reports of heavy fighting along the Hupeh border stated that the First Army was in retreat. Wong had remained awake and on guard most of the previous night. They remained on a high state of alert. The old opium-smoking coolie was hired to maintain watch as well.

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In Yanjinggou itself, all young men, eligible as coolies, had gone into hiding well away from the main trail. The women and children left behind wore “an anxious expression.” All was quiet that night, March 5th, until about 11 o'clock when small bodies of troops and coolies with luggage began to arrive and disperse themselves among the various houses and inns of the village. Many groups pounded on our door and each time Wong went down, flash-light in hand, and opened the door and told them of the presence of the foreigner and threw the flash on the flag hung out of the latticed windows. Sometimes if there was argument I went down also and the flash was thrown upon me to prove Wong's statement. No one tried to force entry but about midnight a large contingent arrived and as it was raining then the officer in charge asked permission to put the coolie loads out of the rain under our balcony. We permitted this and also for the coolies and accompanying soldiers to come into the shelter and put two officers in the Lung Goo gallery. The soldiers brought in straw and sweet potato vines and made themselves comfortable and were all asleep in a short time. Two sergeants slept by the wood pile near the shrine. Other houses in the village were evidently well filled with soldiers. At day break our party [of soldiers] left for the river [235]. All the next morning, March 6th, small contingents of soldiers came straggling down the hill, many of them stopping in the village. Granger took in several officers and gave them cigarettes. He also “showed them our birds & mammals.” At about noon, while he was showing four lieutenants some of his collection, a large column of soldiers appeared on the hill coming down at a trot. The lieutenants hastily got their men together and started off in advance of the column. The message had been sent to speed the First Army’s ‘movement’ to the river and for nearly two hours a solid line of men and equipment passed Granger’s doors. The officers told Granger that the army was hastening to the defense of the T'o K’o valley. One field artillary piece and two or three machine guns were in the formation. The coolies were having a hard time handling such heavy equipment. Older coolie men

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staggering under their loads goaded on by the soldiers. After a slight break at around 2:30 p.m., a second column appeared moving much more briskly. By 4:00 p.m. the last of the soldiers had passed. Wong and Granger walked down to the lower village where they found nearly every house deserted. Even the women and children were absent. “Things pretty well upset but seemingly no great damage done to furniture or houses. One woman had come up to us earlier in the day saying that the soldiers were breaking up her tables & chairs for firewood but we saw no evidence of such a thing,” Granger wrote. Three men were buried in the lower village that day––all of them were said to be soldiers who died either in the village or on the road. The two Laus remained on duty that night. 'Buckshot' was dressed in one of Granger’s khaki field shirts. He added leggings the next day “to make him look more imposing.” Wong donned a trench coat and a Tom Brown belt with a pistol attached. Granger kept a weapon with him at all times, as well. While the front doors of the hall were left open during daylight, someone always stood guard. Back in Wanxian, Anna was examining the American mail forwarded from Peking. Matthew, Thomson, Osborn and Frick all sent congratulations on the Baluchitherium skull. Osborn named the species Baluchitherim grangeri in honor of Walter and increased his salary in recognition of the difficult circumstances of his work in China. It was akin to hazardous duty pay. However, at the moment, Granger knew none of this. * All was quiet through the night in Yanjinggou. But at daybreak on the 7th, scouts from the Second Army passed through town and down to the Yangtze. The Second Army was on the advance. Another patrol arrived shortly after, and stopped to rest and cook rice. Then, at about 6:00 p.m., General Yang Sheng came along in a chair. Granger left his quarters and went down to the front gate “to greet him as he passed. He returned the greeting most cordially.” Behind the general was an almost a continuous file of soldiers and coolies which continued until dark. Stragglers, on the other hand, continued long into the night. Wong

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and Granger spent most of the day sitting on either side of their doorway watching “the interesting procession, talking to the officers when they stopped and giving out cigarettes judiciously.” In front of the temple, Granger had hung a museum banner from the same pole as the American flag. Written in Chinese, it read "America – Museum Representative.” An officer told Granger and his men that the nine- or ten-hour gap between the last man of the retreating First Army and the first of the advancing Second was due to the First Army’s having flooded the valley at Tso Ma Lin by breaching a dike near where the last fighting took place. The Second Army had to cross in small boats, a slow process. Otherwise there likely would have been fighting in the vicinity of the village. The pursuing Second Army had become quite desperate recently, fighting in snow with nothing but corn to eat. Their defeat of the First Army was due largely to this––the men of the Second Army were willing to die if they could not advance to the Yangtze. They advanced rapidly, but not hurriedly. Their general behavior seemed much better than that of the First Army. They paid for rice and, beyond the breaking of a few rice bowls, they did no damage to houses or furnishings. All the stoves in the upper and lower village were in use throughout the day cooking rice and vegetables for the soldiers who paused a half-hour or so for food and rest. Both armies would make free use of firewood, mostly brush and the Second Army men also took green cabbage out of the fields without paying for it. But the townspeople made no complaints. Interestingly to Granger, none of the Second Army’s wounded passed by. He was told they were all being sent back to field hospitals at the rear. The men of the Second Army were also “much better equipped as to guns & ammunition, although pretty ragged as to clothing.” The guns and ammunition had been supplied by warlord general Wu P'ei-fu. Many of the rifles were new, from the Hankow arsenal Wong told Granger. There were at least four pieces of field artillery and many machine guns. The field pieces were handled by about 25 coolies with the barrel, outside cylinder, and rear piece each requiring four men to carry. Two pairs of coolies handled each of the machine guns. Some in the First Army later laid its defeat to the Second’s superiority in artillery and rapid-fire guns.

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* The women had remained in the upper village throughout, Granger noticed, probably because of his presence. Inn-keeper Tan and the old opium-smoking fellow were the only men who had not fled. But everyone had worn “a much worried expression.” Just before dark, Granger got into conversation with a gentlemanly officer in citizen's clothes, as was the custom for most officers above the rank of captain. The officer offered to take a letter to Anna which Granger had kept ready for such an opportunity. It was a “note saying that we're all well.” He told Granger that General Yang Sheng intended to pursue the First Army until he could break it up entirely. The officer said the Northern Army was to march down the T'o K’o valley from Long Ku Pa. Granger thought, but did not say, that the First Army men he saw passing the day before did not seem to have the appearance of defeated men. “I think that they have really little interest in the contest and are as satisfied to retreat as to advance.” In fact, it seemed to him, that the possibility of looting Wanxian and other towns was more of an incentive for retreating than was advancing into inhospitable country along the Hupeh border. Among the swarm of soldiers in Yanjingou, one officer spoke with a Peking dialect: “the Peking ‘burr’ echoed in the Hall while he was here.” 'Buckshot' recognized it, introduced himself “and took him [the officer] in for a hasty cup of tea. The officer seemed delighted to meet a northerner.” In recording that event, Granger declared that 'Buckshot' had “found our Peking man today.” This was a savvy allusion to the ongoing work at Zhoukoudian by Andersson and Zdansky in the search for ancient man. Not only was Granger clearly at ease with his intuition that such would be found, his use of the term “Peking man” predates any public awareness that discovery of the hominid later known as “Peking Man” had been made. * Many seemingly good-natured monks walked with the soldiers, and there were mascots as well. One man passed with a partridge in a bamboo cage. Another had a squirrel sitting on his shoulder eating a sweet potato. The Second Army seemed keen on getting on to Wanxian to find good shelter and rest. They apparently had been led to understand that the soldiers of the First Army would not put up much of a fight. Many of them had said

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outright, Granger learned, that they would not fight, and it seemed they were living up to their word. In the meantime, there was not much for Granger and his men to do but stand guard at the front door of the temple and wait. Anna waited as well. On the 6th, she noted, a First Army non-commissioned officer still in Wanxian had sent his wife to the Fu Ying T'an (Happy Sound Hall––the name for this mission) for protection. Dr. Darlington is away at K'ai Hsien. Mrs. D. said she could not keep her, that if she did, others would ask to be kept and there was not room even for their own church members in the compound. Today the husband appeared and said he would set fire to this place because his wife was turned away. This makes us all anxious. I have packed a grip ready to grab at a moment's notice [236]. She also received a note from Mr. Annette saying that there was fighting at the Fu T'an rapid near the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing. * [Walter] March 8, 1923––52˚ - 8 a.m.; 51˚ - 1 p.m.; 50˚ - 6 p.m. Cloudy: Another quiet night––a good many of the stragglers stopped over in the village, but there was no disorder [237]. These soldiers and coolies, many of them having lagged behind because they were lame or ill, filed past in small groups, not over a dozen in any party. In the meantime, it was learned that much of the bedding and a great deal of rice had been taken from the village. General Yang Sheng apparently had expected to find the food supply low in Wanxian and was taking along all the provisions he could find. Some of the women folk began reappearing in the lower village, but the men had not yet dared to show themselves. Occasionally one of the men would sneak down the hill in back of Granger’s temple and go in by the side door to get news. Upon learning that soldiers were still passing, he would return to his hideout.

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No one had been up from the river landing yet and Granger remained “entirely ignorant of what has happened below here.” A local doctor came in to obtain medicine from Granger for a fellow somewhere along the trail who had been stabbed through the thigh two nights before “because he did not open his door quickly enough upon summons.” This was the only case of a villager injury Granger had heard of so far. In the meantime, matters remained tense in Wanxian. Oddly, to Anna, the day after the First Army departed and the townspeople awaited the Second “was the most beautiful one that one could imagine, and an extremely rare thing in Wanhsien.” But early the next morning, “all hands wakened at four o'clock...by disturbing noises in the city. Some of Chang Tseng's retreating army got back to Wanhsien and started the riot act.” A throng, lead by someone beating a watchman's gong, went through the streets on the opposite side of the stream from her location. “It was a hideous howling of a street mob which went from one end of the city to the other led by people beating on gongs.” After a few shots were fired as well, Anna and the others got dressed and prepared for whatever violence might take place and then sat and had tea until the din stopped. Just before noon they received news that the Second Army under General Yang Sheng had entered the gates and presented "credentials" to the city magistrate. Some of the soldiers then marched right back out of the city in pursuit of the First Army. The bugle stopped blowing. Absolute stillness prevailed. Mrs. Darlington, Anna wrote, was “quite worn out with yesterday's worries and the sleepless night. Mr. Darlington still away. She tried to reach him by messenger, but no one could be found who was willing to run the risk of being on the road. At 5 p.m. a soldier of the Second Army brought a note in from Walter saying that he was all right and there had been no fighting nearer than Tso Ma Lin.” * It was March 9, 1923, 48˚ at 8 a.m., 50˚ at 4:00 p.m. and cloudy in Yanjinggou. Four soldiers and a major who was ill stopped over at the inn the night before and there were a few coolies and soldiers in the lower village. Everything was quiet. The two Laus had

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been on night duty. It was to be another day of stragglers, mostly singles, twos or threes. A few rice and baggage carriers were among them. But mostly they were the sick and injured. Only a few of them still had weapons. Two coolies had come up from the river to report that there was no fighting there at present. There was a persistent report that Granger’s old friend, the boat owner at the landing, had been shot by soldiers of the First Army, but there were no details. A beggar from next door had carried a load part way down the trail that day and reported that two coolies had died at the halfway rest place. There must have been others farther down, Granger thought, judging from the very bedraggled appearance of some of the men who had passed him. Most of the women and children were now back in the lower village, but the young men were still engaged in watchful waiting. Three of them had gone to Granger’s temple to hide, but when they saw a soldier coming down the hill they ran off. Chih and 'Buckshot' felt it was safe to put out traps. It was the first time since the trouble had begun. They caught one rat and four brown-stripe mice. 'Buckshot' also took out the shotgun, went up the trail and shot three specimens of one of the new finches. His shooting frightened the locals half to death. They took to the woods until someone recognized him and gave out the word to return. An old man then came down to the Temple and requested Granger not send men out with guns for two or three days because the locals were still keyed up and panicky at the sound of a shot. Inn-Keeper Tan's daughter came in from the paper works, a mile and a half distant, and reported that soldiers of the First Army had taken ten measures of rice and paid nothing. Another fellow reported losing $10.00 worth of food and clothing to the First Army. Soldiers did not usually quarter themselves more than a half-mile off a trail, but the scouting and foraging parties had gone out as far as two miles off trail to find rice and whatever else they could lay their hands on. One old woman had suffered the loss of 300 coppers the first night of trouble. *

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Inn-Keeper Tan's fat pig was back again. A fat pig was usually the most valued possession of the farmer thereabouts and would be taken back to the hills along with bedding and other necessities whenever trouble came. Tan’s pig was worth $25.00, whereas an adult water buffalo might bring only $18.00 to $20.00. The village was settling back to normal again and most of the young men had now returned. They kept a constant eye on the trail, however, and when they saw two or three soldiers coming down they all sneaked back up into the hills until the danger was past. As a precaution, Wong’s little girl was to stay with them for another night. While preparing for bed, Granger realized he had not been able to take more than his boots off for days. He and his men had been constantly on guard and ready for trouble. He planned to send one of the Lau’s in to Wanxian the next day to get whatever news he could about military events there and take a note to Anna along with letters to Andrews and his father. On March 10th, he wrote: Dear Father:The military situation came to a culmination a few days ago and Wanhsien is now occupied by another general and another army. A large part of the retreating force came down our valley and almost across our doorstep. We were a bit anxious for two days, until the victorious army had passed in pursuit but nothing unpleasant happened. We have not yet heard from Wanhsien except that there was no fighting in the town. I'll ask Anna to enclose a note telling what really happened. As soon as the river is calmed down we will be ready to start for Ichang. I had a junk for the voyage all picked out and was ready to charter it when the trouble broke. I'm practically done with the collecting here now and am just holding on for the political situation to clear. The new General is much more liked by the foreigners of Wanhsien than the old one and he is in league with the northern forces, which makes our passing of the provincial frontier easier probably.

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You are about beginning sugaring back home now. Here the willow trees are leaving out and the wheat along the river is beginning to head. Noonday temperature here in camp has been about 60˚ on two days. In another month it will be too hot here [238]. * A dozen or so Second Army men filtered [sifted] down through the valley the next day, along with a major's wife. There were several guests at the inn that night. Only one was a soldier in uniform, so far as Granger saw, and he noticed no guns. One outfit with a dozen coolies had gone through that afternoon and stopped for a rest. About half the coolies then made a run for it at an opportune moment and escaped. Lau left for Wanxian at 8:00 a.m. wearing his Museum uniform. The previous day Granger had learned that the old boat owner was not dead after all, “but had only had a wordy row with the military.” This day he heard from one of the few coolies returning from the landing that the old boat owner had been stabbed. However, “coolie information is not very reliable at any time and especially so now. Most of the men we have questioned report that they got no pay but plenty of rice to eat and one fellow said they had given him some rice to bring back and cook along the road. Most of these men are decidedly foot-sore and weary.” * Chow had been doing practically all of the camp’s medical work that winter, and doing it rather well in Granger’s opinion. He seemed to understand the principles of western doctoring. Yet, to Granger’s dismay, he borrowed an old Leopard ?petilla that Granger had given Inn-Keeper Tan the year before. Following the traditional Chinese way, Chow planned “to soak it in Kaoline wine and then apply the wine to his bruised leg! Talk about your "Changing Chinese"––not so you'd notice it.” Camp and village life continued to edge back to normal. With danger passed, Wong’s adopted little girl would rejoin her family. 'Buckshot' and Chih went hunting at the pinnacle and the pottery works––they shot one bird and spotted no squirrels. Wong helped Granger with trapping. Granger had been unable to catch a shrew of either of the

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two species he’d observed since he began the trapping campaign mid-February, and he was wondering what had become of them. The villagers returned to tending the fields and gathering firewood from the mountainside. Firewood in the village was nearly exhausted. Militiamen from Wanxian arrived with a notice requiring each district to furnish 100 picules of rice to the Second Army. In the meantime, five miles above Wanxian, General Yang Sheng’s engineer was devising a bridge of junks stretched across the Yangtze River and held together with five bamboo cables and four small wires anchored to boulders on either side. Anchored at both shores with planking laid across the entire span, this bridge of boats apparently would barricade all river traffic. It, Granger was told, was for the General's “use in case of a retreat. His troops are said to be engaged at Feu Shui––half way between Wanhsien and Liang Shau Shen.” But it also meant that Granger’s descent by junk into Wanxian would be blocked. He sent Old Lau to Wanxian to learn what he could about the situation and to pick up supplies. In the meantime, Granger continued to wrap up work for the season. New Lau was sent to bring back their old fossil guide who was then engaged to go along the ridge “on a trip to take not more than five days and bring back to such desirable things as he can pick up.” Granger felt he could not go himself because of the military situation. He also did not want to divide his party by sending 'Buckshot' and a coolie alone. He promised the guide 70 coppers a day for his time and a bonus for good fossil skulls. In the meantime, Wong caught three brown-stripe mice in his traps and shot a rabbit, the first they had seen or heard of in the two winters they had been there. He later built a toy boat and sailed it on a paddy field to the great glee of every child in both villages. Their only toy seemed to be the shuttle-cock, so the toy boat created great excitement. At Wanxian, Mr. Annette sent over to Anna a huchao which he had obtained from the Second Army’s military headquarters. She was to send it on to Granger to facilitate his safe return to the city. Annette also advised her to tell him to break camp at once. Old Lau called on Anna at 7:00 a.m. for the huchao and letters and then left for Yanjinggou. That afternoon, Anna went to see the bridge of boats. It looked complete. One of the Darlingtons’ assistants told her that indeed the river was no longer passable because of it.

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“This means difficulty for Walter in getting his camp equipment to Wanhsien,” she wrote that night. Old Lau returned to camp at 8:00 p.m. with supplies, a note from Anna and letters from his father, Osborn, Thomson, Andrews and Frick. “Thomson writes much news of the Dep't. and has seen the first showing of the Mongolian pictures. Osborn seems elated over the Baluch. skull and the reptile skull from the red beds of the Artse Bogda region. A note also from Annette enclosing a huchao from General Yang Sheng passing my outfit from the Pai Shui Chi [Paishuchi] landing to Wanhsien.” Old Lau reported that the pontoon bridge was completed and that Northern soldiers were passing over it. The junk Granger hoped to rent was still at its mooring on the north bank below the landing. But unless the bridge opened up he would have no use for it. Lau had met the old boat owner at the landing and found him well. Annette was advising Granger to go in to Wanxian soon “as there are rumors of reverses of Yang's army to the westward near Liang Shau.” But Granger decided against it, reasoning that “I cannot get ready for a few days and anyhow prefer to wait until Yang either advances or retreats. Cannot afford to be caught with my outfit in a battle along the river.” Instead, he went up to the water cave in the p.m. to take notes on the intermittent flow [of water there]. Waited from 10 a.m. o'clock until 4:10, when it came: 4:10 Start 4:17 Stationary 4:19 Rising} this rise only slight. 1 inch on gauge. 4:20 Stationary 4:30 Dropping slightly 4:39 " rapidly 5:00 Slightly above minimum [239].

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[New Chapter] March 14, 1923 - 43˚ - 8 a.m.; 58˚ - 2 p.m. Clear at sunrise. Alternating clear & cloudy balance of day. Much high wind. Wong engaged a native cook to give our annual feast to neighbors and friends on the 16th... Our clinic seems to have developed recently largely into a baby clinic and from 10 o'clock until tiffin-time the court resounds with the squalls of infants remonstrating over Chow's ministrations [240]. Granger and his men were preparing their good-bye tiffin to neighbors and friends. In the temple kitchen, two cooks stayed busy into the night. During the day, two officers of the Second Army had stopped by on their way into Wanxian. One, it turned out, was a cousin of Druggist Chang. Granger sent a note to Anna with them saying he was in something of a quandary over a boat arrangement for the downriver trip. If there was no chance of getting a junk from the landing past the bridge, he would need to haul his gear by land and obtain a junk in Wanxian. He had no idea how long the bridge would remain in place or whether it would eventually be possible to pass a boat through, and, if it became possible, when. What he did know was that he had to leave camp soon, boat or no boat. Annette had urged him to get out quickly. Anna had expected him to be back in Wanxian by now. “Worried about Walter,” she wrote, “He was to have come in to Wanhsien today and he did not arrive.” * Granger’s farewell tiffin was held on March 16th. Tables were set on earth platforms in front of the shrine, two tables for men and one for women. The guests included InnKeeper Tan's family, the local militia captain and members of three other families who had entertained the expedition members that year. There were about 25 people including Granger and his crew. The two Laus served the guests. Old "Grandma Tan” was a most enthusiastic guest, Granger noted.

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The cooks were from Sin K'ai Tien and were “better than the average. Three or four kinds of dried sea food (?cephalofods) gave our feast quite a distinction for these parts. What Chow calls "Beche de Mer" being the piece de resistance.” Immediately following the feast, Granger dispatched Old Lau to Wanxian with letters to Anna and Annette asking for definitive information about the pontoon bridge. He planned to depart the landing by junk about the 19th and needed to know whether he could pass through the bridge and on into Wanxian. Old Lau was to return with that information by the next night, “if possible.” Meanwhile, collecting continued. A trap set by Wong the night before yielded a third specimen of a big sulfur rat. It was badly chewed up so they decided to keep only the skeleton. This rat had been living within a mile and a half of camp, but it was the first they had seen or heard of this type in the two winters they’d been trapping. Most of the natives declared that it was new to them as well. Wong caught his specimen in a very steep place on the mountain side. As for fossils, a man brought in a portion of a young Stegodon skull with the report that all pit work was now suspended. Anna received the note from Walter, brought in by the two officers of the Second Army. She dispatched it to Annette asking for news to send back to Granger via another coolie (Old Lau) expected from camp the next day. Annette responded that the bridge of boats was now open every day from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. Walter, he thought, should have no trouble bringing his junk down from Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi). * The weather cleared at noon on the 18th. Granger noticed a wonderful light on the hills all afternoon. The air was very “warm & soft,” fragrant with the blossoming rape fields. Granger was packing up. The traps they had set out again the previous night for the big rat remained empty––”they eluded us. Collecting is over with now.” The temple court was full of people waiting to take away the expedition’s discarded boxes, cans and bottles. Old Lau returned from Wanxian at dinnertime with the note from Annette confirming that the pontoon bridge of boats would be open for river traffic for five hours each day from 9 a.m. Everybody was busy packing, and by night everything was in order for an early morning start.

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Wong went down to Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) to finalize arrangements for a junk all the way to Hankow. The cost was $140 for the junk with a crew of seventeen or so. Granger would pay extra for any pilots needed to negotiate rapids down river. * That night (18th), Granger sat down to respond to Osborn’s latest, one-page letter. He thanked Osborn for the increase in pay, “feeling particularly glad to have been instrumental in bringing credit to the Museum the past year.” The extra money would come in handy, he wrote, because he had been in the field almost constantly since his arrival in China and wished to return home “by the western route and see [Guy Ellcock] Pilgrim in India and [Clive Forster-]Cooper in England.“ The longer trip home would be a welcome change, he said, from the tedium of back-to-back fieldwork in strange places. “Tomorrow I break camp here and shall have a scant two weeks in Peking before leaving for another five months in Mongolia. I would like to hear how you feel about my going on around.” He had not yet been in touch with Andrews about it. He had written Matthew recently, giving him a brief summary of the results of that winter's work at Yanjinggou. The collection was smaller than the previous year’s, but much more select, he thought. “The Doctor [W. D. Matthew] will be pleased with the assortment of carnivore skulls especially.” Granger thought the Yanjinggou localities warranted another season’s worth of work, but he was not inclined to do it himself. “I have already made the suggestion to Mr. Andrews that if you think it worth while we could send my highly trained native assistant down here next winter to pick up the better things and to keep an eye out especially for primates. Many pit workers are learning that it is worthwhile to take extra care of good skulls and another season should be even more productive of fine specimens than this one has been.” Perhaps, he suggested to Osborn, when “you come to China this summer try and arrange for time enough to come up through the Gorges and visit this really remarkable locality. My interpreter, Mr. Wong, would guide you safely and well. Steamers are running in the summer and if political conditions quiet down you would be perfectly safe.” But, for the present, it had been a trying time: “Things have been much upset recently but we've come

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through it safely and now if I can get through the gorges with my junk without mishap my anxiety will be over with.” Regarding his 1922 Mongolian work, Granger acknowledged that he went feeling very apprehensive about the palaeontological results of the expedition. The stories we heard about the nature of the plateau were not in the least encouraging. But as the season advanced we began to realize that we were making some big finds and that we were really opening up an important new fossil field. Returning to Peking and getting a little perspective on our season's work [we] were still more pleased, and now that we have reports from our first shipment we are elated [241]. Granger was addressing the high, advanced public expectation placed on the CAE. Certainly interest was fired up; the Expedition’s hunt for fossils and “ancient man” epitomized it. It was now Granger’s task to deliver from a field he’d never seen. In 1920, Osborn and Andrews were furiously at work sending out fund-raising letters with glowing assurances about the American Museum’s forthcoming scientific expeditions to Asia. In a solicitation letter, Andrews wrote that it will be the largest undertaking in which the Museum has ever engaged and will have far-reaching results, which should be of considerable importance to our diplomatic and economic relations with the Orient. Because of your intimate knowledge of the problems of the Far East, President Osborn has asked me to tell you something about the plan. I have already had a talk with Mr. [John Pierpont "Jack"] Morgan, [Jr.[ concerning it and he is greatly interested, as I feel you will be...[242]. And Osborn promised that the expedition which we are sending to China is of such scope that it should be of immense importance in our relations with the Far East

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and I feel that you cannot help but be interested in the work which is to be done...[243]. Granger was particularly pleased, he wrote Osborn, with the little reptile skull found by Shackelford. Shackelford, Granger noted, “should have been a fossil hunter.” Since it was an entirely new species, Granger no longer felt worried that he had been unable to place it, even ordinally in the field by evolutionary or stratigraphic sequence. “You ask about the possible age of the beds,” Granger wrote in response to Osborn’s inquiry as to Shackelford’s find: This must at present be determined solely on the fossils themselves. The formation makes a great flat-topped bench, the extent of which we could not determine and the exposures, some 200 feet thick, are along the northern face of this bench. They are not weathered down enough to expose the underlying formation so to us it was just an isolated mass of sediment, different in color and other features from anything we saw and containing a different fauna. From the fact that we found only reptiles and birds we were led to suspect Mesozoic age but it is totally different looking formation from the one in which we had found the dinosaurs previously. We must by all means get to this place again this summer as it appears from your reports to be one of the very most important of our finds. The exposures we examined lie within a half mile of the main caravan trail from northern Shansi to Uliassutai [244]. This site was to become known famously as the Flaming Cliffs. Granger wrote that while he’d had a good many species named after him in the past, “beginning with rats and mice and running up through rabbits, sinopas and titanotheres, as a climax [the Baluchitherium is] indeed an honor and I thank you.” But in giving names to their important finds, he hoped Osborn would not forget Andrews. He is not a palaeontologist but it is to his able and most enthusiastic leadership that we are indebted for what we did accomplish. The fact

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that he fully realized that the fossils were the important thing last summer and that he gave me all possible opportunity in my work helped immensely toward our success in this branch [245]. In closing, Granger predicted that with able assistants for the coming season and “with the good fortune which seemed to follow the Third Asiatic Expedition, we should reap a harvest. We have only the Russians to fear, politically and scientifically as well, but Mongolia is a big place and if we are let alone I think we can get our share of the treasures.” Anna, he added, was pleased to have Osborn’s remembrance. She had been very well that winter and, while she had been upset over the local politics, she had otherwise enjoyed her trip to Sichuan. “Her big thrill is coming though those cussed Gorges!” Granger sealed the letter and was ready to hit the trail the next day. [Granger] March 19th. Left camp about 8:30––26 coolies including our two––one load heavy & got additional man at 1/2 way place. Boat ready. Stopped at restaurant for usual kaoliang & peanuts & oranges. Pontoon bridge at 1:30 closed. 'Buckshot' and I went on in sampan leaving Wong in charge to come through in morning when bridge is open. Only private in charge [245a]. [Anna] (Temp. 54˚ at breakfast time. Faint sunshine.) Walter arrived at 5:30 p.m. His boat stalled at the bridge. It got there within the time set, but the bridge had been closed ahead of the hour stated. Mr. Wong stayed on the boat with the assistants and the equipment [245b].

The junk was brought through on the 20th, when the bridge was opened at seven in the morning. The USS Palos lay in port as did the HMS Teal. Granger and his men immediately got busy repacking as boxes stored in Wanxian were loaded. The junk was ready on the 21st and all went aboard for the night. Such was the haste that Granger’s

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diary-keeping was reduced to nearly unreadable notes scribbled on loose leaf paper by pencil rather than in his more carefully maintained softbound books penned by ink. * In the midst of final preparations for departure, Granger had accepted an invitation to lunch at the Standard Oil facility. His friend Lieutenant Commander George W. Sampson of the American gunboat Palos (II) was also there. The gunboat was stationed at Wanxian and monitoring events between Chang Chung and Yang Sheng. After learning of Granger’s plans to evacuate the next day, Sampson offered to escort the junk to Pan T’o (Pau’ tou or Panto), 20 or so miles downriver. This section of the river was considered one of the most frequently ambushed. Also, in light of matters at Wanxian, it was as far as he could go. Suggesting that Anna could travel aboard the Palos (II) for that leg, Sampson had a favor to ask in return. The Palos (II) had a delivery to make to the USS Quiros, a command gunboat stationed at Ichang. Granger agreed to assist. Anna’s diary-keeping remained composed. They awakened early, both had breakfast aboard the Palos at a little after seven and then both craft pushed off at nine. Anna remained aboard the Palos. The weather was fine, and perhaps a little too warm, she thought. In the late midmorning, the Palos steamed by the junk and went into anchor at Pan T’o (Pau’ tou or Panto). This was thought to be a stronghold for bandits and the Palos at anchor would provide security for an overnight stop. It was 10 a.m., and Granger’s junk was still on its way down. At noon, Anna disembarked with Captain Sampson and walked along the bank to a point where they could spot Granger’s junk which came into sight at 1:00 p.m. Soon a sampan from the Palos arrived to pick up Anna and the captain to take them back to the gunboat. Sampson invited Granger to come aboard and they all sat down to “a delicious tiffin. The ship's doctor (Stone) and Lieutenant Connelly joined in entertaining us.” Following lunch, Lt. Connelly took them to visit a temple built in a hollow location in some shelving rocks on the opposite shore. It was an unusual structure with one room reached by a ladder and containing a Buddha blackened by oil constantly poured over it

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by worshipers. Niches had been cut into the Buddha’s body which were just big enough to hold tiny crockery bowls. These were used for “libations.” Another building had numerous plaster figures on a low platform. Among the effigies, Anna spied a small lion carved of wood and covered with dust. As they had just paid the caretaker fifty-cents for a feast and tea which, on second thought, they dared not eat, she thought he might feel disposed to give her the small lion. ”[S]o I asked him and was much pleased when he said I could take it. Walter was so amazed at my temerity that he forthwith doubled the man's fee, and we departed, half expecting that he might follow us and change his mind, though he was smiling contentedly when we left.” The captain had played baseball with the crew on a nearby sandy beach. Walter, a longtime Brooklyn Dodgers fan, had watched the game. On their return, he and Sampson both had showers, and Anna wrote a luxury Walter had not enjoyed for many a long day. A game of "hearts" finished up this red-letter day, yet not exactly, because after we returned to our junk to get ready for bed, the ship's #1 boy came over to bring us a parting souvenir in the form of silk bands for our hats. I have mine on my khaki hat [246]. The Grangers dined with Wong aboard the Palos. In the hour before the meal, they all sat out on the forward deck watching the evening fade. The river had taken on the appearance of a lake hemmed in on all sides by mountains. The 23rd brought a favorable light breeze and was the fourth fine day in a row. The Grangers had intended to push off by daybreak but were persuaded instead to go aboard the Palos for coffee and egg sandwiches. They reboarded their junk at about 7:00 a.m., followed by “two sailors from the Palos who are being sent down to Ichang, also a Chinese soldier who begged for a ride.” The two craft parted and the Palos steamed up river as the junk headed down. Hsing Lung Tan (Hsinlungtan) was the first rapid to be negotiated. They waited until the junk had passed through “before having our real breakfast. All hands except the cook got out and walked around the rapid.” They noticed many soldiers of the Northern Army

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marching up river along the tracking path. The procession continued throughout the day. Ominously, at Yun Yeng on the opposite bank they noticed the fine temple called Chang Fei Mio with its perpetually lit lantern. Years ago, Chang Fei is said to have famously advised a general and his army trapped in Kuei Fu gorge to escape by cutting steps into the rock of the cliff-face by the first man to ascend. The Grangers reached the river town of Kuei Fu (Kueifu) at 4:00 p.m. Chow served tea, bread, cheese and jam and then all hands went ashore. When Walter and Anna returned to the junk, they found the laodah, or captain, was loading sugar cane and coal aboard. It took considerable persuasion to convince him that he was violating Granger’s lease agreement which specified that no extra cargo could be shipped. After dining on two ducks the Palos men had shot and presented to them, the Grangers were in bed at 9:30 a.m. to be up and dressed at 5:30 a.m. and out on deck by 6:00 to watch their approach to the Kuei Fu gorge. * The Kuei Fu cliffs seemed lovely in the morning mist, Anna noted. A huge isolated rock stood guard at the entrance with roosting cormorants. One could see evidence that a chain once had been anchored to stretch across the river as a blockade. Beyond, a sheer rock face stiil held the steps cut into it, carved hastily by an anxious army that had to climb to escape on the advice of Chang Fei. However, the stairs seemed so steep that, to Anna, the way appeared impassable. Shots rang out as they reached the lower end of the gorge. Soldiers demanded that they halt their junk and allow some of Granger’s coolies to be taken to man an ammunition junk. Wong persuaded them that there would be no help from Granger’s men since Granger held special status. They were allowed to proceed on their way. Minor rapids were negotiated between Kuei Fu and the entry to the Wushan gorge, which they reached at a little after 10:00 a.m. It was quite hot by then with only a breeze when they entered the gorge. When they sat for tiffin at noon; however, the light breeze had shifted to a following wind.

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They were near a village in the gorge called Pei Shih at about 1:00 p.m. when tiffin ended and Granger spotted four or five men up in the cliffs. Shots rang out only two hundred yards away. Granger and his men grabbed their weapons and returned fire, assuming they were bandits, not soldiers. Wong fired first with his rifle. A Palos sailor, McRoberts, then opened up with his automatic pistol. After emptying it, he grabbed Wong's rifle and emptied it. The other sailor from the Palos, Crabtree, also fired with his automatic pistol, as did 'Buckshot' with his rifle. Chih was armed, but did not fire. Chow hid with Anna, first on the floor in the cabin and then in the junk’s hold. Not armed, the Chinese soldier who begged a ride to Ichang stripped off his uniform and also hid in the cabin. Sampson, the captain of the Palos, had alerted Granger to be ready for trouble of this kind. Just before the shooting began, Granger had stepped to the after deck behind the cabin to scan the cliffs and shore with his binoculars. He spotted a man on the cliff appearing to signal another man to fire. Forty-three rounds of ammunition were sent up from Granger’s junk. The noise and spit of so much returning fire had quickly silenced the bandits. Though firing first, they’d gotten off only three shots. One was aimed at the steersman, and the other two at the rowers. Their aim was to disable the junk’s steerage, render the boat helpless and perhaps force it to shore. Now the junk had all the air of a state of siege. Bedding and duffel bags were banked up against the insides of the junk’s cabin in case incoming firing resumed. But the danger had passed, and they reached Pa Jung at 7:15 p.m. with barely enough light to see as they tied up to the bank. Wong immediately paid a visit to the yamen (a headquarters or residence of a Chinese government official or department) to report on the bandits and all hands then turned in early. But at a.m., they were rudely awakened by a soldier begging for a ride to Ichang. Wong quickly got rid of him by saying there were armed men aboard who were prepared to shoot. The soldier said he would look elsewhere for a berth. They shoved off at 6:00 a.m. in an intermittent rain. The hills were white with blossoming plum trees. The occasional peach tree stood as well with large and showy

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flowers. Colors added a bit of charm to the river scene. There was little traffic. The few craft were filled with soldiers of the Northern Army. A strong upstream breeze slowed progress. Anna watched some “red boats” coming up river with their set sails striped with alternating dark blue and white vertical panels. These were the rescue boats of the Yangtze that monitored the rapids along the gorges and provided assistance whenever a boat wreck occurred. Each rescue boat flew a red flag on the port quarter [247]. It was March 24th. The day’s oncoming wind grew so strong that the junk could no longer proceed. It put to shore and tied up for a time, but soon started off again. Reaching Lao Kuei Cho at 4:45 p.m., it was moored for the night. All hands went ashore. The village had just one street that ran parallel to the shoreline high along the bank. Wong, in American soldier's trench clothes, the Chinese soldier back in uniform, the uniformed American sailors, and the Grangers dressed in western riding attire must have presented a strange sight. That might have been what drew the curious natives out to watch them. There was no evidence of aversion to the foreigners as had been so noticeable in Wanxian. March 26, 1923––Misty––but sun shining early enough to make the gorge, which we entered directly after getting under way at 6 a.m. [248]. It was a beautiful day, Granger continued, though such a strong wind sprang up that it was thought best to wait before trying the Hsin T'an rapid. As Grangers’ junk was taken to a mooring on the opposite shore, all watched as the steamer, Sha Kiang, was hauled up and over the rapid. At 8:30 a.m., the pilot they had engaged at the head of the rapid said he was ready to proceed. Coolies loaded with bedding and baggage followed the passengers off the junk for the walk around the rapids. The junk swung into the rough waters of the rapid and, as all watched from shore, it passed through safely. A river inspector followed in his craft. He “did not come through in as good style as ours did. This man is the one who was attacked by bandits at Pau tou a few days before we started from Wanhsien.”

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While making their way down the shore, the Granger party “sauntered along the tracking path, watching a native scooping fish out of the river in a dip net and emptying the catch into a basket just as fast as he could turn from one to the other.” The little fish were about the size and shape of smelt and many of them spread out on boards to dry in the sun. Another kind of fish brought in was three feet long. Granger photographed the rapid, the fishermen and a rock along the tracker’s path which showed how continual use of the bamboo hauling ropes had worn deep grooves into the limestone. The junk was already at anchor in a bay below the fishing village well before they arrived. Granger photographed the scene on the beach in front of the junk. Peanuts and pomelos were added to their larder before they pushed off at 9:30 a.m. The scenery through the "ox-lung" and "horse liver" gorges was, to Anna, “very fine.” At the lower end of these was another difficult set of rapids which obliged them to take on two pilots. One held the rudder and the other the sweep. The Ta Tung (Tatungtan) rapid “looked villainous enough, but gave our men no serious trouble.” The steamer Ta Fu had foundered at this place just a few days before and was still bailing water as they passed by. The wind began to blow against them at 10:00 a.m. and the sky became overcast. But then, at 1:00 p.m., the wind died and the sun came out making the afternoon oppressively hot. They stopped at the little village of Huanglingmiao (Yellow Cliff Temple) at the head of Ichang gorge to take some tracking rope in for mending, “it being one of the centers for making bamboo hawsers.” When they started off again at 3:45 p.m., the wind resumed blowing upstream against them. At 4:00 p.m., one of the oars broke and had to be replaced with a new blade. Once in the Ichang gorge, the sun set, the wind died and the moon rose. The night was clear and bright. Mat coverings over the cabin’s entries were left open and all slept well. As they departed for Ichang with a favorable breeze the next morning, Anna noted that compared to the Wushan and Kuei Fu [Wind Box] gorges, the Ichang gorge seems very tame. One does not feel so strongly what an awful convulsion of nature took place to make all this river

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scenery the wonderful thing it is. The cliffs are neither very high or precipitous, and are mostly covered with grass & shrubs giving them a lady-like appearance. The highest water level mark that we saw was 60 ft. The bases of the cliffs do not show the ravages of a mighty current [249]. They arrived at Ichang harbor just before noon and moments later Walter and the two Palos sailors were ferried over to the American gunboat USS Quiros. There he transferred custody of the two sailors to Captain Mclaren along with their weapons and an accounting for their spent cartridges. The sailors, it turns out, had been sent downriver to be dishonorably discharged from the Navy and returned to the States. Since the Palos had not been free to bring them down because of the trouble in Wanxian, Captain Sampson had asked Granger to take custody of the men in return for their added protection. The reason for their discharge is not known. Captain Mclaren invited the Grangers for lunch, although he and his fellow officers had just finished theirs. The Grangers accepted, “being glad of the change from the rather cramped quarters of the junk.” There they met Lt. Buckhalter whom they knew from the Monocacy. After tiffin, while the captain and Walter went ashore to do errands, Lt. Buckhalter took Anna to visit two places where grass linen table covers and runners decorated with cross-stitching in blue are sold. I bought several pieces of Mrs. Graham's of the Scotch Mission and Ranking Memorial Hospital. We also went to see the work done at another Scotch Hospital & School where a Miss Moore has charge of sales. A ride into the Chinese City came next where I bought a blue & white cloth curtain. The pattern is put on after the Batik method, certain parts being coated with a mixture which keeps the dye from entering the goods. At five o'clock Walter & I, the captain & Mr. B. all turned up at a Mrs. Windhams for tea. Mr. P. C. Windham is the Ichang manager of the Robert Dollar Steamship Co. Their house is on the Bund. It was nice having the "eats" in true American fashion [250].

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Dinner was back aboard the Quiros and then it was off to their quarters aboard the SS Tung Ting sitting in port awaiting departure for Hankow. A hard thunder shower blew in at 9:00 p.m. cooling off the air. The heat had been unbearable all day. * Since the next day was to be a layover, the Grangers decided to celebrate their safe arrival. They strolled about the city of Ichang, taking lunch here, tea there, shopping, playing tennis, shopping and relaxing. That night, while they sat out in the moonlight on deck aboard the Tung Ting, “thirteen sailors from the British gunboat "Gnat" came aboard, bound for England. They are a bit hilarious from the send-off their companions have been giving them.” The Tung Ting steamed out of Ichang on the 30th at 5:00 a.m. and spent the entire day travelling down river. Once stopped for the night, Walter and Anna sat out on the main deck talking with the Tung Ting’s Captain Bailey. They then moved to the top deck to listen to a sailor play his mandolin. Well rested and out of danger, Granger now found time to write legibly to his father. “You will be glad to hear that we're safely through the gorges again and aboard a steamer with my party, collections and equipment and bound for Hankow,” he began. “I should be in Peking, with good luck, about the fourth. I will write you directly upon arrival there. We made the trip down in five and a half days this time and had beautiful weather except one half day.” “A couple of sailors who were ready for transfer,“ he wrote, came on [down] to Ichang as our guests. We ran into a small band of robbers in the Wushan gorge and opened up on them with everything we had. Our junk was not hit and I'm not sure that we got any of the bandits, but we broke up their little party in a hurry and they will hesitate a bit about firing on the next junk flying the American flag [251].

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Ichang, he added, was a very pleasant time “after the anxiety of getting my party through the gorges.” The weather was perfect now––just warm enough for comfort and the countryside was bright and fresh from spring rains. The Yangtze was at its lowest level, and as they traveled along they could see only the steep banks––none of the flat country lying beyond. That land was below high water level and was protected from flooding by the embankment. Long lines of coolies were seen at many points repairing sections of the bank before the coming seasonal rise of the river. Many junks with their sails set had made a pleasant picture along the otherwise now flat waterscape. Because of the bright moon, they could travel at night which advanced their arrival time. Olsen and Johnson were probably in China by now and Granger was sorry he hadn’t been there to welcome them, but Andrews would be there to greet them when they arrived. All were awakened at 2:00 a.m. by the noise of the Tung Ting docking at Hankow. It was a clear and warm Easter. The sailors from the Gnat managed to depart right after breakfast, while Walter and Anna set off for Sunday service at the church in the English legation. Later that afternoon, a Captain Tully escorted them aboard the steam tug Tan Wu to a picnic in their honor hosted by some of Hankow’s prominent foreign residents. The party traveled some 25 miles back up the river and landed at a “very pretty grassy hill topped by a picturesque temple pavilion.” Company included “Mr. & Mrs. Lackey (Butterfield & Swire), Mr. Todd and Mr. Grant (Jardine & Co.), [and] Mr. & Mrs. Archibald of the Central China Post, a newspaper.” Walking up to the summit Anna noted several interesting wild flowers, one like the American lilac, another like the American rose, only lavender in color, and third very like the American cornelia. A hard wind came up as they returned to the boat. The captain decided to return to Hankow at once. The original plan had been to dine aboard there and then enjoy a leisurely cruise back down to Hankow in the moonlight. But now the waves were so high that the boat was drenched with spray, obliging them to stay in the cabin for the trip back. “All were more or less anxious on account of the rough water.”

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* Easter Monday: All banks closed, so that we can not draw our money and get the Express Train to Peking tonight as we wanted to. Weather cold & windy & disagreeable. Stayed on board the Tung Ting all morning and turned the cuffs on one of Walter's shirts. In the afternoon made an attempt to get across the river to Wushan to see Pres. & Mrs. Gilman of Boone University. The only ferry that had not stopped running on account of the rough water was so overcrowded with passengers that I was afraid to set foot on the boat and so we returned and had tea on board the Tung Ting [252]. Granger had a miserable time in the rain getting his baggage transferred from the steamer to the railroad depot that Tuesday. And when he saw the poor quality of the accommodations aboard that train, he decided to leave Anna and Chow in Hankow to await the Thursday night express. Anna was put up at the American Christian and Missionary Alliance where they had supper. He was off early that evening to oversee the weighing of his fossils at the depot and told Anna that he did not expect to be able to take off his clothes to sleep for the next two nights. Chow brought Anna to the station on Thursday, April 5th at 8:30 p.m. He traveled on the same train, but in 3rd class. She worried about him because she had been told by people at the mission of a number of thefts occurring in 3rd class travel in China. The train started off at 10:00 p.m. and proceeded only a short way when it stopped unexpectedly. Anna had heard a man weeping bitterly and evidently he had been discovered. It proved to be someone who had hidden himself under the car just beneath her compartment to steal a ride to Peking. Later in the trip, “the dining car got on fire and had to be uncoupled and a miserable substitute taken on in its place. There are not enough dishes to go around, no salt or pepper boxes. Too few glasses, etc.”

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The next day brought fine weather as they continued north through flat country. When they crossed the Yellow River, Anna could see dwellings, habitats, cut into the cliffs. Chow checked in on her occasionally. Anna’s train arrived on time in Peking at 9:45 a.m. the following day, her 20th wedding anniversary. Walter with Vance Johnson, one of the CAE’s two motormen for 1923 (Mac Young the other), were at the station to greet her. Once back in their suite at the Wagons-Lits, she noticed that things looked very spruce. Waiters in the dining room now wear a nice silk sleeveless vest over dark blue gowns, very becoming costume. We have same room and the same boys to wait on us that we had when we left last November. Had tea at the Andrews' compound, tho the Andrews were not there. Met Dr. Morris' wife, and think he is lucky in his choice. Weather raw and cold with considerable wind. Found three wedding bouquets in my room on arriving, two pots of flowers and a bunch of small pink roses. These were from Walter, Mr. Olsen & Mr. [Peter] Kaisen combined [253]. Kaisen, Granger’s trusted field assistant from Bone Cabin Quarry was now in China, along with Albert Johnson, to supplement George Olsen which gave Granger the team he desired. However, as he had written his father, he would have much preferred Bill Thomson over Albert Johnson. Notes on Chapter

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* April 8, 1923 Peking Dear Mary:Anna hasn't decided what she will do this summer but probably will go to the seashore for August again, or possibly up on the plateau to a Swedish Minister's there. It gets almost intolerably hot here in Peking in August [254]. Walter Granger’s youngest sister, Mary Granger Morgan, lived in Hanover, New Hampshire in the US with her husband Frank and their two small boys, Millet and Norman. Frank taught mathematics, first as a professor at Dartmouth College and later at the Clark School, a local, private boys school. The father, Charles, still lived in Rutland, Vermont, not far away. He was recently widowed and their aunt and Charles’ sister Jane had moved in with him. It seemed to be working well enough, Granger learned that both “have been comfortable and that the arrangement has been a good one.” Mary’s and Walter’s brother Arthur Granger also lived in Rutland with his wife Julia. Arthur was an editor at the Rutland Herald and Julia was a teller at a bank in town. They lived only a few blocks away from father Charles and Aunt Jane. The letters Charles received from Granger were passed on to Arthur who occasionally published excerpts in the Rutland Herald. The townfolk enthusiastically followed news of this amazing international quest by one of their own. For Charles, who had facilitated his son’s apprenticeship at the American Museum in 1890, it was a proud time. Granger also wrote to his sister Daisy, saying that “It was almost like getting home to come back to Peking this time. Christmas boxes from you and Mary and six letters from Father as well as yours and a couple of Mary's to you and Father.” Daisy and her husband Frank lived in Winchedon, Massachusetts, not far from the rest of the New England family. Another brother, Martin, lived with his family in Maryland and, while out of the New England loop, stayed in touch.

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Holiday baskets of goodies had arrived in Peking in perfect condition and Anna and Walter were having a fine time looking over and savoring their contents. It would have been better, of course, to have had these in camp at Yanjinggou, but Granger had asked Andrews not to forward large parcels from home that winter because the delivery of parcel mail was “so frightfully slow on the Yangtze and there is considerable danger of looting by bandits.” In fact, Granger did not even get much of the normal mail that winter as he reported to Daisy. Absence of Christmas cards from friends and family who always remembered him meant, he thought, that that mail indeed must have been lost. In the winter, he explained, the mail went up through the gorges in post boats that were simply large sampans with a sail and a crew of eight or ten oarsmen. Many of these boats capsized in the rapids. Over both winters in Sichuan Province he had received letters which had been in the river and then dried out. This past winter the mail was so sparse that he feared it “got into the river and never got out again.” He asked Daisy to “get all recent news of our doings from letters to Father,” and, in parting, remarked Expect you will be getting your "American Rickshaw" out soon now. We have seen out here in Peking too, they even use them up on the road to Urga although they prove a bit too light for that traffic. Anna went up on the plateau in one last spring,––made more racket than all five of our own cars put together, but it got up the hill somehow and got down again. Our own cars are Dodge's, the best car out for the Mongolian work; just the right combination of power, weight and durability [255]. * Anna discovered that her former rickshaw boy was now working for someone else. “’Chang’ got me a new boy.” “He is nice, but I don't like his side-wise gait.” Perhaps that sentiment was lost once the quick round of socializing began. On April 11, they went to a dinner at Mr. & Mrs. Morris'. Two new members for the 1923 Mongolian party were there, J. McKenzie (Mac) Young, a motor man and a member of the U.S. Marines now assigned to the CAE, and C. Vance Johnson, also a motor man and also a U.S. Marine.

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The dinner favors were unique. They were modeled in a clay-like substance and represented the calling of each guest. Walter's was a prehistoric-looking man dragging a lizard behind him. His pockets were stuffed with bones, and in his mouth was the omnipresent pipe. Anna’s place at the table was indicated by a seated woman's figure in a priest's hat and was called "The Goddess of Szechuan." After supper they told stories, a form of entertainment in which the Morris' reveled. Soon there was a gathering at Dr. Andersson's during which he announced his engagement to Miss Rosenius. The following night, dinner was held at Dr. Grabau's in the West City in a continuance of the Peking Circle tradition. The Grangers themselves gave a dinner to welcome the new assistants for the 1923 Mongolia trip––Olsen, Kaisen and Johnson. James Wong was invited as well. * Walter spent time at the CAE headquarters cleaning and arranging gear and making ready for the Mongolian trip. It was now mid-April, 1923, and he had been in the field almost continuously since August, 1921. His expedition schedule to date had been one to Zhoukoudian for a few days, one to Sichuan for the winter of 1921-22, one to Mongolia for the summer of 1922 and another to Sichuan for the winter 1922-23. These had been back-to-back expeditions for this 50-year old. Already he’d twice been trapped in Chinese warlord battles, once been ambushed by Chinese bandits, and [thrice] directly shot at or confronted by Chinese soldiers. Now he was about to embark for another Mongolia trip. At least it would be peaceful out there. No other western member had been as engaged in a marathon of fieldwork and danger as Granger, and never would be. Years later even Andrews acknowledged that the CAE’s accomplishment “...which brought large results to science and to the Museum, never could have been achieved without Walter.” The gratifying results were back from the museum in New York: Granger’s eggshell fragment was dinosaurian, new dinosaur species were confirmed and the Baluchitherium was a huge hit. The fossil fields were rich and collecting was the key. Yet, in the middle

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of his last-minute preparations on the day before departure to Kalgan, Granger and Anna made time to go to the Andersson-Rosenius wedding supper at the Peking Hotel on April 16. “Guests gathered in the room at the end of the dance hall and the meal was served in a private room opening off from it,” Anna wrote. It was a gathering that included Ting, Grabau and a long list of dignitaries and diplomats, but not the Andrews [256]. “Mongolia, 1923” The 1923 CAE Mongolia expedition party set out from Peking for Kalgan by train the next morning [Conq/183], April 17, 1923. Granger listed the cast: April 17, 1923 Cars: 2 Fulton trucks of last year's expedition. 2 "Dog Wagons of last year's expedition. 1 Dodge touring car--new. Party: Roy Chapman Andrews-Leader. Walter Granger-Paleontologist. Fred K. Morris-Geologist & Topographer. George Olsen, Peter Kaisen, and Albert F. Johnson-assistants in Paleontology. J. McK. Young [chief] and C. Vance Johnson [assistant]-motor transport. Merin and 5 Mongols with the 61 camels. Serim Peel, Bato and Ioshih with the motor cars, Serin replacing Serim Peel about June 1st. Chow (No. 1), 'Buckshot' (Asst. in Pal.) and two cooks. (Whey [Huei], No. 1 cook, joined in May). Two Chinese chauffeurs and an assistant to [V.] Johnson (Lieu by name).

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Chih (taxidermist) and Whey [Huei] (cook) to join in May. Dogs: Mushka and Buster (a fox terrier belonging to V. Johnson) [257]. With the addition of longtime field assistants George Olsen and Peter Kaisen and newcomer Albert Johnson, this was now primarily a fossil- [hunting/collecting] [gathering] expedition. Frederick Morris would handle geology and topography without Charles Berkey; photography would be handled without James Shackelford; and two active duty U.S. Marines from the Legation Guard in Peking, Mac Young and Vance Johnson, were detailed to replace S. Bayard Colgate on motors. Despite huge promotion of and public interest in the CAE and now the assurance of continued success in collecting fossils, perhaps even a complete dinosaur egg or two, movieman Shackelford was not with the 1923 group. Nor was anyone was assigned to replace him. This time, the Expedition would travel without a professionally-kept visual record, except for the still photographs made by its members and by Granger’s continued diary-keeping. * The men left at 8:30 a.m. Granger hired a Ford to take him, Anna, and Olsen to the train station while Yvette Andrews took Kaisen and Johnson in her car. All the heavy duffels went with the dog-wagons which had departed headquarters at 6:30 a.m. for loading on a freight train. Chow and 'Buckshot' went aboard with them while other native assistants rode with the expedition vehicles secured to flatcars. Anna, Mrs. Morris and a friend of the Morrises, Miss McIvers planned to accompany their husbands to Kalgan. J.G. Andersson arrived to see them all off at the station. Ironically, Mrs. Charles Coltman, whose husband was killed at the Kalgan-Mongolia barrier the previous December [Conq/184], also happened to be a passenger on the Grangers’ train. April 17th was the same date the expedition had left Peking for Mongolia the previous year. This time, however, the weather was decidedly cooler after a rain and it snowed on

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the way up through Nankou pass to Kalgan. After all these years, a usable auto road from Peking to Kalgan still had not been constructed. Arriving in Kalgan at about 4 p.m., all hands except Andrews took rooms at the Pioneer Inn which now occupied new and rather attractive quarters, according to Granger, just east of the American Consulate. Andrews put up [with a Mr. and Mrs. Dorrance of] at the Meifu where the expedition vehicles were to be parked. That train had arrived at about 8:00 p.m., and Young and Vance Johnson had begun unloading the vehicles. A high, chilly wind that evening [night] was followed by a raw and cold day. Half-inch thick ice covered puddles in the yard. Sheep-skin lined coats and sweaters were in order. Larson, just in from Urga, reported considerable snow, as well as drifting, and that the road up to Chap Ser was very muddy [“the soft snow which formed a gluelike mud.”Conq/184]. Carts would be needed to lighten the cars by taking some of expedition’s load up over the pass. But cart and handlers seemed to be scarce at the moment. So it was decided to wait until the 20th to let the mud dry a bit and locate some carts [Conq/184]. Larson’s timing was not accidental. He had come to Kalgan to pick up $25,000 in silver to take back to Urga for purchase [of] skins and horses. With that kind of money in his car, he thought it wise to travel in the company of the CAE convy to get our protection through the bandit-infested region of Tabool. A motor car with Chinese passengers and Russian driver was held up there recently and stripped of everything––(Chinese bandits–– probably soldiers). Also a caravan belonging to Larson was recently held up and robbed [Conq/184] [258]. Cut #17 As they waited, the Grangers took tea at the American Consulate with Samuel Sokobin, then Vice Consul. Mrs. Coltman stopped by, as well, with some of Coltman’s family. [Though it is not known why,] Sokobin was the other person in the car when Coltman was killed. The incident had precipitated a diplomatic row between Washington and China which remained unresolved.

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* Three carts were finally found, rented and loaded on the night of the 18th and sent off at daybreak on the 19th for Miao Tan. Andrews telephoned Granger at breakfast that morning asking for keys. The carts had been detained at the Liking (tax) station because some of the boxes were locked and could not be inspected. After breakfast, Granger and Andrews went to the Liking station only to find that the carts had already been released. Andrews was now down with a severe cold, but everything was set for a 9:00 a.m. start on the 20th [see Conq/184]. The Grangers decided to take a last walk up to the North Gate and back. As they went down the main street, they realized they were being hailed by someone. It was Persender, ”the man who was discharged from the Expedition last year for doubledealing.” Persender had survived and done well since the 1922 debacle. He escorted Walter and Anna to his new compound from which he operated a transportation service to Urga. He had seven cars, he said, driven by Russians. He insisted on sending the Grangers up to the North Gate in one of them [Conq omits any mention of this. Would be amazing to think RCA said 19th in order to “erase” WG’s/AG’s Persender event!]. * The north wall defined that edge of town was an older, inferior section of the Great Wall of China. Mongol caravans came down to that gate to unload their goods and take on new cargo for the return to Urga. Outside the gate the Grangers saw products of many kinds piled up on the ground and covered with mats. Some of it was brought in from Mongolia and some of it was awaiting shipment to Urga and beyond by camel train. Tea, hides and packages of camel's hair formed most of the bales they saw piled up. Open stalls nearby displayed articles made of pewter, brass, white metal. Anna bought a small covered jar of the white metal for 50 cents. A group of Mongols passed through, three riding fast ponies and two on trotting camels. Anna had noticed several groups of Mongols in town that day––”very picturesque people, riding through the streets of the town on camels and horses, costumes of the brightest colors and fancy head-dresses for both men and women.” It had been wise, she and

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Walter later agreed, to accept Persender’s offer of a car since the distance to the Great Wall and back was much greater than they had thought. They walked back to the Pioneer Inn from Persender’s compound and made ready to view the movie film taken by Shackelford in Mongolia the previous summer. It had started showing in a local movie house the night before. “About half our crowd saw it then & the other half saw it tonight at the same hour,” Anna wrote. Supper was at 9:00 p.m. The expedition was ready to leave in the morning [of the 20th]. There were eight westerners in the party this season and Granger wondered whether it would be a bit crowded in the vehicles. But they would splitting up the party soon and establishing separate camps. Granger’s plan, he wrote his father, was “to keep the two dinosaur men [Kaisen and A. Johnson] by themselves as much as practicable and have Olsen with me. Later on Andrews, Morris and I will do some prospecting to the westward of where we were last year (Tsagan Nor), out toward Uliassatai and also to the south of the Altai Mountains.” Their first destination [layover] would be Iren Dabasu, 260 miles from Kalgan, where they had made their initial finds the previous year [in 1922]. This year, the Chinese postal officials hoped to arrange for mail service to the party while it was in that vicinity which was near by Ehrlien telegraph station. The Chinese were even considering establishing a weekly or fortnightly courier service that would follow [deliver mail to] the party as it progressed west. “At any rate we will be in much better shape for mail than last season,” Granger wrote. The weather had improved, Granger continued to his father. Much of the snow on the hills was gone. The party hoped the mud up on the plateau was dried by now. The procedures and route out were the same as the year before. The party was not much larger with the addition of Olsen, Kaisen and Johnson, since Berkey and Shackelford were dropped. Andrews would not remain with the party long, Granger informed his father. He was “to return to Peking early in May for supplies, etc., and we can send in for all sorts of things at that time. I'll know by then, for instance, whether my tobacco is lasting according to schedule or not.” There may have been a twinkle in Granger’s eye when he

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wrote this, since surely, after years of experience with extended expeditions including one deep into Mongolia just the year before, Granger knew how much tobacco to bring. * April 20, 1923 Third Asiatic Expedition left the Mei fu [] compound for Mongolia 9:15 a.m. Everybody in high spirits. I [Anna] returned to Peking on the 11:30 a.m. train. Arrived at the hotel at 6 p.m. Weather much milder, though there was snow still lingering on the tops of the mountains between Kalgan and the Nankou pass [259]. While Granger gave no further explanation for Andrews’s need to return to Peking, the expedition having just set out in the same manner as they had the year before which required no return trip to Peking, Anna would divulge the [real] reason when the time came. She took up residence at the Wagons-Lits Hotel after seeing the men off and considered going to the seashore for a month later in the summer. Kalgan, her alternate choice, was a fair place to spend the summer because it was at 2,500 feet in elevation and had a dry climate. However, there were few foreigners there beyond the US Consul Sokobin, a Standard Oil man and his wife, two or three British-American Tobacco Company people, a few families engaged in trading with Urga, and missionaries. The countryside around Kalgan was quite barren. Hardly a tree stood anywhere except for the few poplars planted about the foreigners’ residences. Surrounding hills and fields were absolutely barren at this time of the year, not yet sporting a spear of grass or even a weed. All was just soil and stones. Later, when the rains came, the landscape would green up a bit. But, still, Anna thought, the absence of trees would leave it with an empty look. * Larson waited patiently on the Mongolia side of the Liking [tax] station with his two-car fleet for the CAE party to arrive. When in did, special passes from the local general, Granger noted, allowed them to proceed through the Liking station tax-free. The American consul was not with them this time, as he had been in 1922.

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Granger noted the car seating arrangements: No. 1. Roy [driving], Granger, Olsen, Kaisen. " 2. Chinese chauffeur [driving], Chow. " 3. Young driving, Morris. " 4. V. Johnson driving, [A.] Johnson. " 5. Chinese chauffeur [driving], 'Buckshot' [260]. The remaining native assistants rode “on top of the trucks.” The road up to Wanchuan Pass was adequate and the one dog-wagon that did become stuck in mud was hauled out with the Fulton. Once they reached the top at noon, lunch was passed out to be eaten [and consumed] as they drove on. They made Miao T’an at three only to find that the carts had not yet arrived. After was decided to spend the night at a local inn, the carts arrived about an hour later and the native assitants set about transferring everything from carts to cars. “Chinese chow was served for dinner, prepared by the innkeeper.” A squad of Chinese soldiers had awaited them at Miao T’an, the officer-in-charge taking the names of the CAE men and informing them that he had arranged for a mounted detachment to scout ahead of the fleet when it departed the next morning. The officer said it was to "’protect’ us,” Granger wrote, noting that the officer also “[r]equested us ‘please not to shoot his soldiers when we came upon them,’ a commentary on the Chinese soldier of these parts [Conq/184].” A hard freeze that night set the mud sufficiently to enable the expedition to get underway very early that morning and set off for P’ang Kiang, 175 miles from Kalgan and 143 miles from Miao T’an [Conq/185]. It was a cold, clear and windy day for those driving in the open vehicles. Road conditions were fair throughout. Chinese farmers, they noticed, had stretched their cultivation to 88 miles out from Kalgan and even up into the Tabool Hills [260-a] [Conq/185]. [Conq at p. 185 says they saw 20 mounted brigands lining both sides of the hills before they were out of the culitivated area...but WG makes NO mention of this.]

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The group stopped for lunch at Chap Ser. Most of the Mongols hired by the Expedition lived in the Chap Ser area. But the Chinese advance into Mongolia was such that there was now comfortable lodging at Chap Ser, Granger noted. The Chinese-owned inn sported several rooms each with a wide kang (sleeping platform) and a stove. While stopped at Chap Ser, they met up with Serin. Merin had left Serin behind this year “because the other Mongols said he had become too unbearable because of his being employed last season as a hunter and later as a guard to the caravan from Sair Usu to Kalgan.” Andrews decided he would pick up Serin when he returned from his Peking trip in May and bring him back to camp. After reaching P’ang Kiang at 6:30 p.m. on the 21st, the tents went up and the "’bar’ opened.” Granger recorded the tent configuration: Mess tent - Andrews & Granger Small tent - A. Johnson & Kaisen “ “ - V. Johnson & Olsen “ “ - Morris & Young * April 22nd’s run Iren Dabasu was 80 windy, chilly miles to Iren Dabasu. A tire was punctured on the No. 2 by a Chinese-made shoe nail. A pinion gear broke on the No. 4 truck. It took almost three hours to install a new gear and then have tiffin. When the party finally reached Iren Dabasu to set up camp about a hundred feet from the previous year's site [Conq/188], it was sunset. Merin and the caravan had not yet arrived. There was now a considerable Chinese community at Iren Dabasu, Granger noted. A Mongol girl residing there, he observed, now dressed and wore her hair in Chinese fashion. Six or seven yurts used by Chinese travelers as an overnight stop in 1922 had been replaced by a new building with several rooms including a storeroom for gasoline tins. The entire affair was surrounded by a mud wall. Down near the water wells was another large, mud-wall enclosed complex which served as an automobile station selling gas and oil. The telegraph station was just north of this compound [Conq/186].

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On the 23rd, Olsen, Kaisen and Johnson prospected the Cretaceous beds near camp at Iren Dabasu while Granger, Andrews, Morris and Young drove off west in the No. 1 to reconnoiter [Conq/188]. Eight miles by road from camp, they found a considerable patch of Cretaceous material--‘gray-white strata,’ Granger termed it [Conq/188]--at the east end of a lake. Many weathered dinosaur bones lay about. They continued southeast on good road and crossed a granite ridge. On the far side of that ridge, they found an entire bluff of exposures apparently Irdin Manha in age. They collected a few teeth fragments and some foot bones. [Conq/190, Andrews’s disavows capability to be ‘a paleontological collector’ and is told by Granger to stay away from fossils.] They drove another mile beyond the bluff to a dry lake and then on to a small lamasary called "Boloto." They were about 30 miles away from Iren Dabasu when they turned back to retrace their route to camp. Upon their return, Olsen reported he had found a promising prospect of a carnivorous dinosaur material just 200 yards south of camp [Conq/190]. Granger decided to send a telegram to Anna saying all was well. * While Olsen remained at work on his carnivore in the Cretaceous near camp on the 24th, Granger went off five miles south with Andrews and Young along the main trail to the Oligocene Houldjin gravels [Conq/191]. They returned to camp for tiffin and then went back for the afternoon. But nothing of much consequence was found. In the meantime, Olsen's discovery had yielded a good hind leg and foot and part of the other hind foot. Granger assigned 'Buckshot' to assist Olsen, noting that 'Buckshot' seemed to be “doing good work.” Granger noticed that the auto traffic between Kalgan and Urga had increased considerably since 1922. The cars were mostly Dodge automobiles driven by Chinese and Russian chauffeurs carrying mostly Chinese passengers. Each car carried eight

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passengers and their duffels and Granger counted five or six cars passing by each day. Those arriving late always stopped and a lantern was kept burning on a high pole at each compound as all night beacon. Some of the vehicles, Granger thought, might have been Persender’s. * On the 25th, Granger spent the day in camp following the departure by Andrews and V. Johnson for Kalgan in two trucks at dawn. From there, they would go on to Peking by rail. The plan, Granger wrote this time, was to bring back “the 90 cases of gas left in Kalgan and get additional supplies of food, etc., from Peking––also they will try and have some new pinion gears made for the trucks. We now have only one spare left.” Olsen continued the work on his carnivore in the Cretaceous while Kaisen and A. Johnson prospected in the Oligocene at the Houldjin gravels. In Peking, Anna kept busy with social calls and other engagements. She also called on Wong who was at a German hospital and Grabau who was at the Peking Union Medical College Hospital. It is not known why either was hospitalized. On the 26th, Granger went off with Kaisen and A. Johnson to inspect their newly discovered eastern exposures with promising outcrops containing dinosaur material. Granger agreed that the eastern exposures were promising and quarrying was begun which soon led to significant finds of small carnivores (Kaisen) and pre-dentaries (A. Johnson). Olsen remained behind to finish up his carnivore. [ADD per 189-190 Conquest] START HERE] It was April 27th. Merin and the caravan still had not arrived, nor was there any word of them. [As we later [soon] learn,] Not only were some of the men still without their cots, food supplies, including necessaries such as milk and butter, were perilously low. Andrews was aware of these developments when he left camp on the 25th as orginally planned. In Conquest [192], he claimed to be returning only to Kalgan, making no mention of going on to Peking [Conq/192]. He also threw in another one of his conjuredup, unverifiable bravado adventures to boot in “An Experience with Brigands” at page 192 of Conquest. This was patent malarky since it would have been foolhardy to travel

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alone, especially with the foreknowledge he had that there were bandits in the area, and, in fact, he wasn’t traveling alone. V. Johnson was accompanying Andrews in a second vehicle. While Andrews claimed to have gotten a mile ahead of Johnson when the alleged incident occurred, he simply wouldn’t have had the courage or the stupidity to place himself in such a situation. That’s why Johnson was taken along to begin with. Andrews never went into or about the field alone: that’s his history. Perhaps more troubling is that Andrews also implied in Conquest [186] that Merin and the caravan had arrived safely at Iren Dabasu before Andrews and V. Johnson departed on the 25th, thereby also implying that there was no longer a problem with the expedition’s food supplies. Precisely the opposite was the case and this is another example of Andrews’s [wholesale] distortion of events [the facts] not only to selfaggrandize, but also to hide his malfeasance [character failure]. In this case, it was his failure of leadership. [And this would not be the only example [instance] on almost the same set of facts.] Neither Anna or Walter Granger made reference to Andrews or V. Johnson reporting a bandit incident while on their way to Kalgan from Iren Dabasu, and both Granger accounts otherwise unmask Andrews’s telling of the entire matter. This also occurs elsewhere and perhaps is why the Grangers’ CAE diaries and letters were not left with the American Museum. They might not have survived to see the light of day. While serving as the basis for the Mongolia expeditions narration in Conquest, the Granger diaries also posed a conundrum. Unlike the after-the-fact revising, editing and polishing process Conquest went through, the Granger diaries were raw, spontaneous, private, contemporaneous accounts of events that happened the very day they were recorded. * With Andrews returning to Peking just two days after arriving at Iren Dabasu, it was up to the expedition’s second-in-command Granger to set aside science and try to find Merin, or at least try found out whatever he could. Granger set off with Morris and

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Young in a dog-wagon packed with bedding and a day's provisions. Ioshih went along as interpreter. The men drove 30 miles south along the Kalgan-Urga “auto route” and then 20 miles along an easterly branch on which Merin was supposed to have come. The first 10 miles of this branch were fine driving over the penaplane, Granger noted. But the next 10 miles were “billowy and slow.” At a fork in the road, they met a Chinese caravan which had just come over the easterly route. They reported not having seen Merin on the way out from Kalgan, although they had encountered him when they were going into Kalgan a week or so before. Further inquiry along the route proved “fruitless” and having only enough oil [fuel] left [supply left in camp/on hand] for another 100 miles or so of driving capability [range], they decided to conserve and not continue their search for Merin. Turning back at “a point about east of the Ting lamasary on the auto route,” they returned to camp [just] before sunset. With Merin and the caravan still unaccounted for, the expedition remained faced with dwindling amounts of food and fuel. Granger paid $7.00 the next day (28th) for a sheep to slaughter, even though the animals were in poor shape that year and the Mongols were not anxious to sell any. That same day, he returned to the recently-discovered eastern exposures with Olsen, Kaisen, A. Johnson and 'Buckshot'. With 'Buckshot'’s help, Kaisen opened a quarry of small carnivores. Nearby, A. Johnson found a deposit of pre-dentaries with associated material including limb bones. * Andrews “has returned to Peking for the Spring Races,” Anna noted in her diary on April 28. Andrews kept a stable of race horses in Peking and had absented the expedition to return to watch his horses run. Delivering a letter to Anna from Walter that stated that “the caravan has not made connections with the men now camped at Erhlien, consequently some are without their cot beds and food supplies have given out, even such necessaries as milk & butter,” Andrews had left anyway, not to rescue the situation, but to watch his horses race [260 - b]. V. Johnson had gone all the way to Peking with Andrews, apparently to oversee the making of new pinion gears. Whatever the case, Anna recorded that “Mr. Johnson

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(Marine) here for tiffin. Showed me some photographs of the campers at Erhlien and of scenes in Kalgan.” On the 29th, Granger was still looking Merin. He drove back with Morris and Mac [Mack] to a lamasary 25 miles southeast of camp hoping for news of the caravan on a hunch that Merin might have taken a more easterly route. But there was no news. While there, Morris and Granger “examined the exposures of Tertiary to the west of the lake and found sufficient fossils to determine these beds as Irdin Manha.” On April 30, 1923, a Mr. Wooden stopped by Granger’s camp on his way back to Kalgan from Urga carring a message from Larson that prospects were good for getting passports. A Mr. Lacy of Jardine Mattheson & Co. then came in at dusk, on his way to Urga, and reported that Merin’s caravan was about 50 miles south on the main trail. With this welcome news, Granger set out the next morning, May 1, with Young, Chow and a Mongolian assistant in a dog-wagon to locate Merin. They found him 30 miles from camp. While all had been well with the caravan, Merin explained, he had been forced to travel slowly because the camels were not getting good feed. The caravan, moving at a rate of only two miles an hour, was reduced 15 to 20 miles a day of progress. It was still more than a day away from camp. Granger took a load of provisions and returned to camp for lunch, shooting an antelope along the way to supplement their food supplies. He telegraphed Anna to say "Caravan arrived." The next morning there was ice on the dishes of water left out for the dogs. This was followed on the 3rd by “[s]ome considerable shower of rain and hail about 6 p.m. West wind. Small draw near camp running water which collected in pools in the sand dunes.” Anna went to the Andrews for tiffin that same day and received a letter from Walter, probaby sent down via Mr. Wooden who had stopped by the camp a few days earlier. The American sweets she had sent along with Walter “came in very fine during the food shortage.” On the 4th, Anna wrote, “Mr. Johnson took me out to the races at Pa Ma Chang in a borrowed auto. I won eight dollars the first time I bet. Spent all of this and two dollars besides on further bets but did not win again. Mr. Johnson lost over $30.”

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On the 5th, Granger and his men worked in “a windstorm from the southwest late in the afternoon; much dust.” The temperatures ranged from 42˚ F in the morning to 73˚ F in the afternoon. He went with Morris and Young 20 miles southwest on the Kweihwating Trail where they found good Irdin Manha exposures and many fossils, although they seemed unusually broken up. The men returned to camp in a dust storm. All hands were back in the quarries at the eastern exposures on May 6th. Olsen worked his area a mile or more to the northeast of the road. Kaisen’s and A. Johnson’s quarries, now developing into important deposits, lay some 400 yards to the southwest of the road and were the main exposures of this section. In Peking that day, Anna went to see Chinese paintings exhibited at the Returned Foreign Students Club to aid a famine relief fund. The scrolls were loaned by individuals whose collections were rarely seen. But very few foreigners were present, perhaps “on account of the horse races,” Anna surmised. On the subject of foreigners, Anna had just learned that 27 foreigners were captured by bandits at Paotzuku in Shantung Province. Some of them were held 38 days and among them was the well-known J. B. Powell, editor of the China Weekly Review. The newspapers were also reporting a “bad hold-up by bandits” on the Pukow-Tientsin line at Liu-ching, also in Shantung Province. Back at Iren Dabasu, the weather turned bad again with a strong wind all day on the 7th. First it blew in from the west, then from the east and finally from the north. It was too much wind for fieldwork, and the men remained in camp. Anna went over to the Andrews’s compound on the 7th to give him a packet of items to take back to Granger. Andrews was planning to depart Peking in two days, having been there since the 28th. Upon her return to the Wagons-Lits Hotel from the Andrews’s, Anna found a telegram from Walter. “He just sent love which I was glad to get.” *

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May 9th found Granger, Morris and Mack 25 miles to the northeast just beyond a small lamasary called [Sa Tuga or Sa Tunga], prospecting in a basin of red sediments. found two or three bone fragments, “but nothing identifiable.” Granger “[k]illed a fine buck on the return journey.” He also found “[a] bush, plum, in full flower; brought some branches home.” The next day was spent back with olsen, Kaisen and A. Johnson at their sites in the eastern exposures. Morris and Mack remained in camp. * Andrews and Vance Johnson arrived in camp just after dinner on May 11th with the two loaded trucks. They’d been gone since April 25th, nearly two and a half weeks. With them in a rented Ford automobile was Colonel H. R. “Hal” Dunlap, commander of the U.S. Marine Legation Guard in Peking, along with two other Marines, Major Williams and Private Bresrep [Conq/193]. This was a hunting party that had gotten underway before reaching camp, the Colonel and Major each shooting an antelope on the way out. Credit is given in Conquest to Dunlap and Williams for having “done much toward equipping the Expedition, and we had planned to have them visit us before we started west [193].” It is not clear whether this plan [agenda] provided another reason for Andrews to go back to Peking and, if so, why is not clear either. The expedition camp at Iren Dabasu was not hard to find, as ordinary civilian motorists began demonstrating during the 1922 expedition. On the other hand, it is possible that the U.S. Marines needed CAE cover in order to enter Mongolia and that is another reason why Andrews needed to leave the field. But even that does not explain why he had to go all the way back to Peking, other than to watch the horse races. What equipping of the expedition the two officers assisted with also was not disclosed. Nor is it known whether their effort began with the 1922 expedition. It is likely, however, that it related to weapons of which the expedition had an assortment: rifles, shotguns, handguns. It is also known that, at some point during the CAE, Andrews began using a silencer when hunting.

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* Andrews delivered Anna’s mail to Granger and gave news of the bandit activity in Shantung Province. He’d brought a new temporary mess tent from Kalgan for the hunters and two new pinion gears made in Peking. Another pinion gear had broken on the way up from Kalgan, but they had managed to make it into camp without changing it. That night, he unveiled a leather covered "Sonora" phonograph presented to the expedition by last year’s motorman, S. Bayard Colgate. It came with about 30 double records and there was “much interest shown by the Mongols over this machine.” The daily routine resumed. Granger and his men [staff, crew] continued collecting fossils. After cataloging, they were packed in boxes using coarse, dead grass cut by the Mongols for cushioning. One bed of red sandy clay near A. Johnson’s quarry had “contained abundant fragments of smooth curved plates [Conq/191].” Later in the season while at another location, “Granger began to suspect that these...represented dinosaur eggshells.” Sent off to European scientist Victor Van Straelen for study that Fall, Granger’s diagnosis was confirmed when in 1925 it was determined that these were egg shell fragments representing different types of dinosaurs. Iren Dabasu thus became “the second place in Mongolia where dinosaur eggs have been discovered [Conq/191].” [Van Stralen also continued the question whether the eggs from Rognac were really dinosaurian.] In the meantime, Andrews and the marines were off hunting antelope each day. For evening entertainment, in addition to the new phonograph, the men now had “a set of horseshoes and a game is on tonight.” The winds continued. Andrews and his hunter friends started targeting grouse as well as antelope. The opportunity presented itself one morning when newly formed pools of water in the nearby sand dunes began attracting grouse. The birds flew down low over camp to land at the water. Several hundred birds passed over the tents daily between 7:00 and 9:00 a.m., Granger observed. Before the pools formed, only a few birds of any kind were to be seen about the camp. *

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Andrews, Morris and the two officers made a short reconnaissance trip to the west on May 16th, and reported badlands bluffs 25 miles away. There was no road but they said the going was fair. They made ready to move on. The plan was to move to [?out onto] the Irdin Manha bench leaving Kaisen and A. Johnson at Ehrlien with 'Buckshot', Liu, No. 2 cook and a Mongolian assistant to finish up their respective quarries [Conq/193]. Olsen closed his quarry, though it was not yet exhausted, covering it up and marking it with an obo [cairn]. The military men left camp on May 18th at about 7:00 a.m. and returned to Kalgan [Conq/193]. Olsen packed, Andrews reorganized the caravan loads, and Granger went to the quarries. The caravan was to leave at daybreak on the 19th. With the tents down, dinner was outside that night for the first time in weeks. In preparation, Andrews bought one camel for $55 and 24 cases of gas for $14 and $15 per case, the two stations having different prices. Two five-gallon tins fit into one case which was made of wood and alone weighed 65 pounds. The Standard Oil Company had furnished the expedition with 1,800 gallons of gas (and four cases of cylinder oil) that season though 2,200 gallons of gas had been supplied for the 1922 season. Andrews now thought more would be needed with the extra return of two trucks to Kalgan by him and V. Johnson and the driving around in the field by hunting parties. The vehicles averaged about seven miles to the gallon under ordinary driving conditions. Sand, rugged terrain and additional loads could affect that mileage significantly. Loss rate was another factor. Carrying liquid in soldered, rectangular tin cases packed in wood boxes aboard the humped, swaying back of a lumbering camel was not a most stable way to freight fuel. Extreme temperature ranges during hot days and cold nights exacerbated the situation by causing the metal to expand and contract. The gas tins used that season had been re-soldered at the seams and packed with extra care to prevent the evaporation and leakage that had occurred in 1922 when the fuel loss rate was 50%. Putting two steel bands around each wood case also helped cut the loss rate during the 1923 season by about 30%. The idea of using steel drums had been raised and then [but] abandoned because of the cost to manufacture, the difficulty of placing [seating] and securing a round drum on a camel’s back, the trouble having either to dispose of steel drums somewhere in the field

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or return them to Kalgan empty, and the need to return [large quantities of] fossils from the field. The empty wooden gas tin cases [crates] worked perfectly for this. Otherwise lumber would have to be brought in to construct them. * May 19, 1923––57˚-7:30 a.m.; 63˚-2 p.m. Calm at daybreak, strong northwest wind starting up at 8 a.m. and developing into a gale with much dust. Caravan off at sunrise. Motors at 8:20. Camped about 11 a.m. on edge of flat near the spring on the main highway where it drops down over the Irdin Manha bench. Camp is about 1/2 mile northeast of the telegraph line. Passed our caravan 7 miles out from Erhlien. Too windy in the afternoon to do much prospecting. Kaisen, Johnson, 'Buckshot', Liu, No. 2 Cook and our Mongol remained at Erhlien to finish the quarry [261]. Tents “were pitched on the edge of the bluff, near a spring which bubbled out of a layer of Eocene clay. To the north and west we could look over the rim of the basin to the sculptured flanks of the great escarpment; to the south and east lay the flat reaches of the Gobi erosion plane as level as a gigantic polo field [Conq/193].” Once established, Granger went off to the location where he had collected part of a titanothere jaw found by Berkey in 1922 [Conq/195]. Nearby in a small wash, he almost immediately found another fine pair of titanothere jaws weathering out at the very bottom of the wash. He decided to wait to excavate until after tiffin when Andrews could come along and take photographs of the “untouched prospect” in situ. He decided to subdivide the formation to distinguish the upper gray sandy clays, sands and gravels (Irdin Manha) from the red clays below it (Arshanto) [Conq/194]. Interestingly, Conquest states at p. 194 that “We did not know until later that it was near where the Kalgan-Urga road cuts this [Irdin Manha-Arshanto] deposit that the Russian explorer, Obruchev, in 1892, collected the fragment of a ‘rhinoceros jaw, which was the first and only fossil recorded from Mongolia, prior to the 1922-1930 work of the Central Asiatic Expeditions.” This seems illogical.

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First, Obruchev’s Mongolia venture was published by the Imperial Russian Geological Survey in Russian in 1893. The fossil, as we know, was sent to Dr. Eduard Seuss whose conclusions were published in English by the Royal Geological Society in 1897. These followed years of speculation about Mongolia by earth scientists such as Lydekker who had been dealing with rumored fossils from Mongolia before Obruchev’s find. Henry Osborn, notorious for keeping informed of developments in paleontology worldwide, was no stranger to British scientific publications, or probably even Russian publications, since it would have been irresponsible not to be kept up-to-date is considering exploration in Central Asia. Obviously, his 1900 publication of his theory on the significance of Central Asia to the origin and dispersal of mammals followed the British publication on Obruchev’s find in Mongolia by two years. Perhaps Conquest was saying that they did not know until later precisely where Obruchev had made his find. That, however, raises the question: what new piece of information informed them? Second, there indeed were other pre-CAE fossil discoveries in Mongolia besides Obruchev’s. J. G. Andersson began making them in Mongolia in 1919, personally informing Andrews (and Osborn) of his intent to do so in mid-January of that year. And, as we know, he was succeessful. Andersson, of course, went to Mongolia because of reports from Larson, Eriksson, Haldjinko and Jensen, and perhaps others, that fossils were there. While Andersson published on his finds in [ ], on April 22, 1922, Granger recorded wishing to visit “Andersson’s Pliocene locality [at] Ertemte near Tabool.” But Andrews thought they should keep going. Oddly, Conquest finally acknowledges Andersson’s antecedent work at p. 240, 50 pages after ignoring it. * Back to working out Berkey’s jaw that afternoon, Granger soon discovered “a fine skull and a single ramus of another jaw––all three specimens washed in close together.” The pair of jaws he had found when he first entered the site evidently belonged with the skull

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he had found while working on Berkey’s 1922 find. Olsen also found a titanothere maxilla in the same locality [Conq/195]. Merin and the caravan arrived in the afternoon of the 20th and set up camp between the expedition tents and the road. A strong west wind on the morning of the 21st developed into a fierce gale afternoon and then into a severe sandstorm that night. With Olsen assisting, Granger spent all that day and the next two days carefully excavating, “my skull & jaws Conq/193].” The gale continued through the night leaving the next day’s sun obscured by dust throughout the day. By the evening, calm had returned. Back in Peking, Colonel Dunlap delivered the letter to Anna that Walter had sent in with him. Her eye was now inflamed, and she decided to have it treated at the Methodist Hospital. Shortly after her return to the hotel, “Miss Aldrich and Miss McFadden called. Much astonished that I did not go to the Rockefeller Hospital to have my case looked after.” She recovered in time to attend a tea, “a gathering of about twenty women to meet Miss Jane Addams [262].” Andrews and Young returned in a dog-wagon to Ehrlien from the new Irdin Manha bench camp to pick up the several boxes of fossils left there and bring them back. The plan was to send V. Johnson into Miao T’an with all fossils collected to date. From there, they would be taken on to Kalgan by cart for storage at “Paulsen's.” This arrangement would permit the party to proceed west without the extra weight in the vehicles. As for fossils collected after V. Johnson’s departure for Miao T’an and before heading west, “we plan to store with the telegraph operator at Erhlien,” Granger noted. Granger returned to the Iren Dabasu quarry to check in with Kaisen and A. Johnson finishing up their work. With still plenty of bones around, they either duplicated those already collected or did not offer sufficient diagnostic association with other bones. One load of fossils was taken out of the quarry and back to the Irdin Manha camp. Checking in at the telegraph station, they found a cable from Larson to Andrews stating that it now seemed hopeless that the party would obtain Outer Mongolian passports from the Urgan government. In light of that, Andrews decided to go to Urga on the 26th to see what he could do to secure the passports. V. Johnson’s trip to take fossils to Miao T’an

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was postponed so that he could accompany Andrews [Conq/195-196 glosses right over this-makes no mention of it]. On the 25th, Granger and Olsen finally freed the titanothere skull and then prospected to the southwest. Granger found more titanothere jaws but did not develop any new excavations. Early the next day, Andrews and V. Johnson left for Urga and were back before sunset, having been stopped at the Inner-Outer Mongolia border at Ude by a Mongolian official who would not allow them to proceed without passports. They were “much put out by the matter,” until they stopped at Erhlien on their way back to camp and found a telegram from Larson saying that the passports had been granted. Anna, in the meantime, had Received a letter from Walter late in the afternoon. He reports the finding of a skull and jaws of a titanothere, a choice specimen. The wind has been long & violent at the camp, Irdin Manha, the same as here. Some of the time could do no prospecting or excavating. In the evening went to the pavilion to hear Fritz Chrysler. He was as wonderful as ever. Had fine audience. Chrysler’s bored expression lasted until the last two encores when a faint smile appeared. The loveliest piece was Chrysler’s transcription of Rimsky-Korsakoff's "Hymn to the Sun" from "Coy d' Or [263]." * Over the next few days, the wind and weather continued to interfere with the collecting. Andrews, V. Johnson and Young, on the other hand, began hunting antelope daily. All were back in camp by nightfall and lit up the sky with a fire. It served as a beacon for one of Larson’s men, a Mr. Lacey, who came into camp from Urga after dark in Larson’s car on the 27th and left for Kalgan the next morning with a borrowed magneto (electrical generator) and a letter for Anna from Walter. On the 29th, Granger and Olsen began using Chih, the taxidermist, as an assistant infossil fieldwork. Since the expedition now had a good series of the recent mammals from that region, it was thought wise to have Chih devote his time to fossils. Morris also assisted

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when he was not working on his own assignments or conducting motorized reconnaissance. Andrews, Young and V. Johnson continued to hunt when not attending to logistical and maintenance matters. This was the work pattern that continued while they waited for their passports. It was all quite congenial and, occasionally, Andrews did make it into the fossil field. “He came down to my specimen in afternoon,” Granger noted, “with a cold bottle of beer. Also one for Olsen in the next pocket beyond.” Shortly after 6 a.m. on June 1, V. Johnson drove left fo Miao T’an with as much fossil material as the Fulton could carry. It was estimated to be two tons [Conq/195]. Granger noted it “was the hottest day of the year, so far, owing to lack of wind.” It was warmer in Peking, too, Anna noted, with “hot wind” blowing. Fossil collecting continued over the next few days as the workers focussed on finishing up their specimens to bring in to camp for cataloguing and packing. It was now June 6th and Granger set off that morning to his fossil deposit in the northeast of the basin with Andrews and Chih in the No. 1 car. Morris and Young followed in a dog-wagon. Granger and Chih planned to work that area all day while Young and Morris went on to explore the basin farther to the east. Andrews returned to camp. Morris and Young picked up Granger and Chih on their way back at 6:00 p.m. Returning to camp, they found that V. Johnson had returned from his trip to Miao T’an, that Lacey, driving back through from Kalgan in Larson's car on his way to Urga, had brought mail and newspapers and that the Marines had sent out a case of beer and sour mash whiskey as a “thank you” for hosting their hunting excursion. Olsen, in the meantime, reported that 'Buckshot' had found a sizable Creodont skull at their locality [Conq/196]. 'Buckshot' actually had found it the day before, Granger recorded: all hands to the big skull which I believe to be an entelodont [giant bear-like artiodactyls]. Morris makes a sketch of it in situ. Camels will leave tomorrow for the place on the Sair Usu trail where we found the titanothere’s jaw last fall. We leave as soon as the Urga passports and the Buriat representative who is to accompany us,

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arrives. Lacey is to take an oral message to Larson to please hurry matters [264][Conq/198]. This specimen was later determined not to be an omnivore as Granger orignally thought, but a primitive carnivore with features “remarkably similar” to Entelodon. In part confusing the matter was that it was “the largest terrestrial carnivore which has thus far been discovered in any part of the world.” Osborn named it Andrewsarchus mongoliensis [Conq/196]. [Andrews makes a big deal here (Conq/196] of disputing Granger in the field and ultimately being vindicated by Osborn. But, really, WTF did Andrews know...] On the 8th, the passports still not having arrived, Granger brought his father up-to-date. “On the 6th,” he wrote, “...I got a fine batch of mail including your letters up to No. 84 (two of that number) and the maple sugar. Thank you for both.” The caravan had left at daybreak the day before (7th), he continued, and they too would depart as soon as they received their Urga passports and the government representative who was to accompany them. The morning and evening temperatures were in the low 50’s with winds that had the men still walking around in their fur coats despite an occasional midday temperature of 85˚. Climate was quite variable in this high plateau region wherever they went, Granger noted, and they could count on about six weeks of actual summer and no more. It seemed to run from July 1st to August 15th. Collecting was going well, Granger wrote. He figured he could get a full caravan load by fall and they had already taken out two camel loads in addition to the first car load taken to Miao T’an. He then admonished his father for having shared Osborn’s letter about naming the Baluchitherium after him and granting him extra pay for the risky China expeditions. “I had hoped you would not pass the Osborn letter around,” Granger wrote. “Thought probably you would not.” Nevertheless, “You may give out any facts of my letters you like now to the [Rutland] Herald. The ‘Asia’ articles of last season's trip are coming on and there seems no further reason for keeping things out of print.” In any event, Granger added, Osborn had written recently that he hoped to sail for the Orient on July 25th, and expected to be in Peking when the expedition returned from the field.

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A. Johnson, Morris and Granger set off in a car on the 9th to the southeast, but found no fossils. Olsen continued to work on 'Buckshot'’s Creodont skull while Kaisen attended to several small prospects of titanotheres. Andrews and Young drove to the Erhlien telegraph station and came back with two cables from Larson indicating that their passports would be delivered to the camp and that a daytime beacon should be set out. A truck was parked on the edge of the plateau near camp to serve as a guide post for the passports bearer. At last, they would be on their way into Mongolia. Final arrangements were made with the telegraph agent at Erhlien for storing fossils until their return in the fall. At 9:00 a.m. on June 10th, four cars stopped at the Ehrlien telegraph station on their way from Urga to Kalgan. One of the cars carried a Mrs. Popoff, apparently the wife of a Russian official in Urga, who carried with her the Expedition’s passports. Not finding the daytime beacon the CAE had set out, she decided to leave the passports at the Ehrlien telegraph station [Conq/198]. Only learning of this later in the day, the men decided to pick up the passports the next morning after breaking camp. They were about to head west, Granger wrote, “and immediately get out of touch with the rest of the world.” Granger took time to write another letter to his father. Their first six weeks, he recounted, had been spent along the main highway between Kalgan and Urga. Cars passed by their camp every day. Some days there were as many as ten. However, once one left the main route, there were no more cars to be seen. At one lamasary, not more than 10 miles off the main road, the lamas were badly frightened when an expedition vehicle approached. That meant, Granger observed, “that both the autos and lamas stick pretty closely to their prescribed routes or abodes.” That is, they didn’t mix much. The plan was to meet the caravan at Ula Usu near the Shara Murun River where they had located a great fossil deposit the year before, he wrote his father [Conq/198]. They planned to travel roughly 100 miles south to intersect the old Chinese post route from Kalgan to Sair Usu. Then they would take that route to the northwest for some 200 miles before driving cross country west to meet the main trail between Kweihwating and Uliassutai. They would stay west on this trail all the way to the Altai Mountains.

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Much of this followed the route by which they had returned in the fall of 1922, but we're going to attempt some cutoffs this time. A good deal of the Gobi is such fine going for the cars that we do not need to keep the established routes of travel although it must be said that the old camel trails, which have been smoothed down and hardened by the pressure of countless thousands of padded feet, are really better going than the cross-country routes which we have had to take sometimes [265]. Stretching southward from their present camp was a great flat tableland with a hard pebbly surface. There was little vegetation to impede a car. “[W]e can push our Dodge touring car to forty-eight miles an hour and one hardly needs to touch the wheel,” Granger wrote. Hunting antelope on these plains was also a simple matter. They drove up to within a 100 yards or so, and then stopped quickly, got out and started shooting. If they did not get a kill the first time, they jumped back in the car and overtook the animals again. Forty-five miles per hour was about as fast as an antelope could run for any length of time, although it could run as fast as 60 miles an hour when fresh. Responding to his father’s inquiry about "Mongol cultivation, Granger replied "there ain’t no such animal.” The previous year, he wrote, they traveled some 2,500 or 3,000 miles and never saw a single sod turned by a Mongol. In the extreme northern part of outer Mongolia there may be some farming, but certainly not where the expedition party had traveled. The Mongol diet was, consequently, almost entirely meat, milk and milk products such as butter and cheese. They ate beef, but greatly preferred sheep. The nine Mongol members of the expedition would not even eat antelope, insisting instead on buying sheep for which they were allotted 8/s ($8.00 silver) a month. “The antelope they could have from us for the asking but they will have none of it. Other Mongols eat antelope, however, and I think that our own group would if there were not some one to buy sheep for them.”

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The Expedition’s westerners practically lived on antelope, he wrote, supplemented by sheep once a fortnight or so just to keep them from tiring of the game. Their dinner menu that night was: Bean soup Roast antelope French-fried potatoes Baked macaroni with cheese Young green onions Corn fritters Stewed dried peaches Biscuits, tinned butter, and Tinned milk and loaf sugar [266]. “Not so bad for the Gobi Desert!” he wrote. There also was bottled beer if any one wanted it, but with the temperature averaging around 50˚, everyone seemed to prefer coffee. The beer was a luxury sent out by friends in Peking and would soon be gone. The onions would last another two or three weeks and the potatoes until late July. They would manage to get through August to early September on the other provisions. Lunches were usually much like the dinners but without the dessert. Breakfasts were cereal, eggs or meat, pancakes and syrup, and coffee. While the Mongols did nothing agriculturally, Granger continued, the Chinese were doing a great deal. It would not be many years before they were directly up to the southern edge of the Gobi with the cultivated fields, substantial villages, Buddhist temples and their entire civilization. Chinese cultivation now extended 88 miles north of Kalgan and was advancing in some places as much as 10 miles a year. As the Chinese advanced, the Mongol had to retreat, “for a nomadic people cannot live in a highly cultivated area; they must have the open country for their herds.” The 700 miles between Kalgan and Urga was divided into southern grasslands, the true Gobi desert, and the northern grasslands. Not only was precipitation in the grasslands sufficient to grow crops, even in the Gobi, Granger wrote, “I think farming could be carried on successfully in many places by irrigation from the numerous shallow wells.” The Chinese were wonders at farming, he noted, and their advance into the plateau was

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some day going to be a serious problem for the Mongols. The Great Wall was now well behind the advancing Chinese. While the Mongols moved with their herds wherever grazing took them during the summer months, in the winter they established permanent camps. Winters were extremely harsh. Camps were usually located at the south slope of a hill. A small shelter was created for the sheep by piling up a wall of stones or cakes of dried manure. There they made the best of it, although Granger wondered how the stock got “through one of these terrific winters I do not know. But in the spring when we came up, here they all are––not fat but a long way from being dead.” The animals, of course, grew an extra heavy coat of hair or wool that was an enormous help in the fight for existence. The Mongols themselves were very comfortable in their felt yurts (gers) with their argul fires. But the daily task of tending the flocks during the raw winter days must have been strenuous. The yurt (ger), Granger continued, was the most practical structure for habitation in that region. It was circular with a conical roof and made of heavy felt mats laid over a collapsible framework of small slats. The yurt was secured in place by ropes attached firmly to pegs driven into the ground. In blizzard conditions, the walls of felt kept out the cold and even the sound of the howling wind. Family life of the Mongols was confined to one room of the yurt “and is something of a mess of course. An odor of rancid mutton fat is the dominating thing and the fact the Mongols never wash doesn't help things along any.” Both men and women wore long gowns lined in sheepskin for winter and heavy cotton or silk for warm weather. Trousers and heavy leather boots with turned up toes and “a ridiculous peaked hat completes the costume.” They always rode when possible, either horses or camels, and seemed clumsy even ungainly on foot, especially in their great boots which were made large enough to permit the addition of several felt or woolen socks in severe weather. Granger estimated that 60-75% of the male population over eight-years old were “lamas––priests of the Tibetan church. Lamas do not marry, do not kill, and do not work, absolutely worthless parasites and it is just this which is sapping the life blood of a once powerful and dominant race.”

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* It was now June 10th, but real summer had not yet set in. The Expedition men all had on their sheepskin coats that day and still felt the chill. The dry air and almost daily wind made the region an excellent one in which to carry on fossil work. “On the whole it's an enjoyable summer climate and there are few biting insects in the Gobi which is a wonderful relief.” They were starting west in good health and spirits, Granger assured his father, “and if the fates which looked after us last summer are still kindly disposed we shall be returning to Kalgan in September with another successful expedition behind us.” He thought he might have an opportunity to send in a batch of letters by a Chinese caravan bound for Kweihwating in northern Shansi Province, but he asked his father not to expect mail until the expedition got back to China. Then we will cable and you can get news either from the Museum or through the New York papers. You are probably seeing the articles in "Asia" this summer. There is a series of them and they seem to give a fairly good account of our doings last year. The later articles are better than the earlier ones I think [267]. By now, headline press accounts and feature magazine articles were touting the CAE’s feats and results and examining some of the men behind them. One newspaper account began with “Shanghai Writer Describes Walter Granger as Man to Whom Earth is Open Book.” Another chronicle was headlined “Walter Granger: A Great Paleontologist.” The New York World later featured Granger under the banner “New York’s Strangest Jobs–– Bone Picker on Gigantic Scale His Job as He Probes Far Past––Builds Dinosaurs From Few Bones He Searches World For––The Dinosaur Man.” One of the museum’s journalists later was to name him “Daddy of the Gobi.“ * June 11, 1923(W. Granger diary entry):

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48˚ - 7 a.m.; 78˚ - 2 p.m. Mostly bright, calm––not enough breeze to stir the flag. Johnson and Kaisen took out a jaw and ?maxilla of titanotheres in forenoon. Roy & Mac took our ten boxes of fossils to Erhlien in the p.m. and brought back the passports. Olsen and I in camp all day packing up for tomorrow's travel [268]. (A. Granger diary entry): (Perfect weather.) Went to the Andrews compound and opened up Walter's Szechuan collection to see if the moths were in the boxes. Mrs. Dye & Miss Walters came to see the bird skins. Mrs. Andrews asked us all to stay for tiffin [269]. The men in cars covered 101 miles on that calm and bright June 12th, passing the “lamasary of Ula Whatica” quipped Granger at mile 16.1. At mile 84.2, they caught up with and overtook Merin and the camels. Since it was then only 4:30 p.m., they drove another two hours before making camp on the edge of a dry lake bed. [Conq’s trip seq. at p. 198-199 seems different and perhaps summarized.] Starting off again at 7:15 a.m. on the warm, foggy morning of June 13, only four miles into the journey not 15 minutes later, they suffered a tire puncture on the No. 1. The trip continud unevefully until mile 67.3 when they lost V. Johnson's dog Buster near a creek. Camp that night was on the fringe of the [Eocene] badlands near the Well of the Mountain Water and where the previous year Andrews had found the set of titanothere jaws of Granger partly excavated and then covered the rest. * It was 59˚ at 10:00 a.m, clear and turning hot by midday in the Gobi on June 14. Though calm, there were many "sand devils" (sand lofted in whirlwind) in the basin north of camp. All hands prospected close to camp from morning until tiffin. There was a hum of activity. A new species later named Protitanotherium mongoliense by Osborn [Conq/200], Granger uncovered the balance of the titanothere jaws found by Andrews in 1922, while 'Buckshot' worked a titanothere skull and jaws he had just found. Chih found

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a jaw and Kaisen a forefoot. Olsen opened a quarry of small artiodactyl bones while A. Johnson found a fine hind foot bone of an artiodactyl. Granger helped 'Buckshot' with his skull all the next day while Olsen worked the artiodactyl quarry. A. Johnson found a new rhinoceros prospect, and Kaisen stayed busy with several finds he had made. In the meantime, after reconnoitering to the north by car, Morris and Young reported considerable badlands exposure in that area, but few fossils. Morris planned to set up camp 30 miles to the west [?at Jisu Honguer-Conq/203] the next day to begin work on the Palaeozoic [?Permian-Conq/203]. In the meantime, a procession of Mongols from the nearby yurts continued filtering into camp to visit. The 16th was clear day when Kaisen found a fine titanothere skull that morning. Morris went off with Young, Chih, Ioshih and a cook to make his new camp 18 miles west on the trail. Andrews accompanied them in another car and returned to the main camp by tiffin. By noon it began to cloud over with a strong west wind following. All hands were back in camp when, at 3:30 p.m., the wind “became a severe sandstorm and continued until nearly 5 p.m. when a dead calm set in––followed by more wind before sunset. Calm in evening. Tents buried in sand [Conq/200].” [Conq devotes 2 1/2 pages of Andrews’s b.s. prose to this at 200-202.] Andrews’s eyes had started giving him serious trouble, Granger noticed, apparently due to the sandstorm. The wind blew hard again that night and by morning (17th) the tents were sagging and partially buried as they had been after the storm the previous afternoon. The sand continued blowing all day making fossil collecting and camp life difficult and uncomfortable. Nevertheless, “Kaisen finds another titan. skull. I worked all day on 'Buckshot''s titan. skull.” * Back in Peking, Anna had lost weight. She went to the tailor's “to gather in my skirts & dress which had to be altered.” She was also busy packing to go to the seashore for a few weeks at Pei Tai Ho, a fashionable resort. The Thompson family had asked Anna to be their guest for a few days. The Andrews’s six-year old son George was staying at the shore, at the home of Mrs. Goodrich, while Yvette remained in Peking [270].

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“Took my first bath in the ocean,” Anna wrote later. The Thompsons were “religious poeple [sic],” she noted, idiosyncratically misspelling ‘people’ as she did throughout her diaries. Their children went to Sunday, school and they all went to the five o'clock afternoon service. Later, at eight o'clock, Mrs. Thompson and Anna joined “a group of people who met to sing hymns on the rocks above the beach in the moonlight.” * Granger continued with extracting 'Buckshot''s skull which he considered a good speciman. It was found under the lower jaws Chih discovered the first day they were there. V. Johnson had also found a large titanothere skull. The abundance of titanothere bones at Ula Usu was amazing. There were many spots where hundreds of fragments lay in a white heap on the surface, remains of skeletons which had weathered out and broken up. Although we discovered no complete usable skeletons, hardly a day passed that someone did not find a new skull or important bones [Conq/202]. Merin came in with the caravan later that day reporting they had negotiated [encountered] some rough trail. He also said that Ioshih had frightened the locals along the route by telling them that the expedition party “had many arms and much ammunition and that soldiers were following behind us.” Andrews, Chow, Serin and Merin later went to try to arrange for storage of extra gas and accumulated fossils for retrieval upon their return in the fall. They were considering placing them at a nearby lamasary called Baron Sog-inSumu. The evening of the 19th was calm, but a heavy southeast wind developed by noon the next day kicking up dust. The camel caravan made ready to leave for Ardyn Obo, a shrine consecrated by the lamas. The cars were to follow in a few days taking the same trail they took in 1922 [Conq/203]. Granger continued work on a specimen he’d designated “No. 105,” as well as on the new skull and jaws found by Chih and 'Buckshot'. Andrews and V. Johnson went off to hunt,

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stopping by Morris’ camp along the way for lunch. The following day they took nine cases of gas into storage they had secured at Baron Sog-in-Sumu [Conq/203]. The weather alternated between breezes, sandstorms and rainstorms. Merin was off at sunset on the 21st. Meanwhile, Granger discovered that a mongrel dog had destroyed the plaster jacketing on specimen No. 105, the Protitanotherium mongoliense [Conq/200]. It would have to be redone. Kaisen's three jacketed skulls were brought into camp as a precaution. As he worked on his specimen, A. Johnson was finding that an entire skeleton was attached [associated with] to the rhinoceros skull he had found. On the 25th, Andrews and V. Johnson drove to Morris' Jisu Honguer camp to pick up and bring back four cases of rock samples while 'Buckshot' and Granger finished plastering Vance Johnson's titanothere skull and the others also finished up their specimens. Andrews, Kaisen and V. Johnson took a truck loaded with 21 boxes of fossils and a dogwagon with Morris’s four boxes of rocks up to the lamasary for storage on the 26th. There was now about a ton of fossils stored at the lamasary, along with a supply of gasoline [Conq/203]. Eight dollars was advanced to the lamas for which a receipt in the shape of a half of a block of wood was issued. V. Johnson’s missing dog, Buster, found by Mongols at the creek and then cared for, was brought back camp. He was, Granger noticed, “thin but mighty happy to get back.” On the 27th, the expedition was on the road again covering 166.9 miles that day. They picked up Morris and his group at mile 18.9 at 8:00 a.m. The entire party reached Ardyn Obo at 8:00 p.m. and set up camp as a west gale blew. Andrews, Young and Morris drove over to a nearby group of yurts the next morning to inquire about a road they had heard ran south to the Kweihwating Trail. All other hands prospected along the face of a bluff near the camp while Granger reopened his Baluchitherium quarry from the previous year. Andrews and his group returned by tiffin without information [empty-handed]. After tiffin, he and Young went out again to locate an "oasis" called Gatun Bologai and a road said to be 20 miles southwest of where they were.

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The expedition was setting up to return to the Flaming Cliffs where Granger had found the dinosaur eggshell fragment and Shackelford had found the new dinosaur Protoceratops, now thought to be ancestral to any known horned dinosaur. They were loking for a direct route to the Flaming Cliffs rather than going via their longer [return] route from the year before [Conq/204]. A pit viper was found [had crawled] into Chow's tent that day [271]! The party remained at the Ardyn Obo camp for a few days while Granger, 'Buckshot' and Chih worked the 1922 quarry discovery and the others prospected the bluffs nearby. V. Johnson with Olsen, Kaisen and A. Johnson drove along the bluff in a dog-wagon. Many small jaws and other fragments were found to the west along the face of the bluffs. They were all titanothere, Granger realized, and represented a range of age from young to old. As the collectors worked the bluffs, Andrews and Young backtracked the route the expedition had taken out until they met up with the caravan. They needed to hold the caravan at the last campsite, Ula Usu, because there was no grazing at the new one at Ardyn Obo {Conq/205]. That accomplished, they returned at about 5:00 p.m. bringing extra provisions with them. Granger listed some of the items: butter, jam, tomatoes, sugar, corn, macaroni, potatoes, onions, beef tablets, cream of wheat, corn meal, baking powder, crisco, bacon, eggs, matches, small beans. The plan was to go on to Sair Usu, the central headquarters of the post road installations in Mongolia, and send the caravan along by a more direct overland route [272] [Conq/205]. On July 3rd the men drove 81.6 miles before going into dry camp at a site Granger described as a cotton-wood-like grove [Conq/206]. The next day (4th), they drove another 65 miles to within nine miles of Sair Usu when they stopped at 3:00 p.m. to make camp and take the rest of the day off in celebration of the Fourth of July. Always investigating, Morris set out to examine the hills nearby. July 5th was spent there as well. It was a warm day, the afternoon high reaching 90˚ at 3:00 p.m. even with a strong south wind.

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Pressing on for Sair Usu the next morning (6th), the men departed at 7:15 a.m., stopping at 8:00 to replenish their water supply at a well near some old walls and a shrine. Still hoping for a way to cut south directly to the Flaming Cliffs, they inquired at a lamasary named by Granger as Mangti in Suma along the way which led to engaging a lama as “a guide on trail running south from here.” After enduring 115.9 miles of hard riding that day, they halted at 6:30 p.m. to make camp near a temple called Menk Ta Urtu [Conq/207]. Soldiers were camped a few miles away. Conquest (p. 207) described it as a basic training camp for drafted Mongolians, lamas included, and was run by Buriat officers. After completing this phase, the recruits were sent to an advanced training camp and then on to Urga for training under Russian officers. The expedition started off along a small road at about 7:00 a.m. the next day (7th) with their lama guide. Not long after, they left the road to head west cross country. Tiffin break was at a well after which they resumed their cross country trek until striking north on a northwest-southeast road. This was followed for several miles before the men left it to continue their drive cross country due west. There they promptly got stuck [bogged down, trapped] in sand, forcing a return to the road which they took for a few more miles before attempting another cross country run to the west. Granger found it a welcome change when the cars finally reached the hard, smooth surface of the great Ongin Gol penaplane. Some distance below a lamasary, the men set up camp at a creek along the lower edge of the penaplane at around 5:30 p.m. There was a strong northwest wind that evening and a wonderful sunset. Day's run 111 miles. Old Lama to return tomorrow. A new one engaged to take us to south trail by a new route tomorrow. Camped on grass tonight. In p.m. passed several dead horses & 2 men. Chinese soldiers killed many Mongols two years ago [273]. *

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The new lama, a young fellow, arrived early to pilot the party south. They broke camp at about 7:30 a.m. and started out across the vast penaplane toward a small lamasary called Holostai Suma 10 miles distant. The first Mongol guide, "Hoodoo Lama" as Granger dubbed him, had left camp early by camel so that he could wait for them at the turning point where they were to veer slightly to the right and proceed south on the penaplane. The surface alternated between perfect going and sandy-lumpy. They were obliged to detour in two or three places before finally “to our surprise [we] found ourselves on our old tracks of last year where we had crossed a great tamarisk bottom with powdery soil.” After crossing this, they found the main trail between the Gurbun Saikhan and Urga and followed it to the Flaming Cliffs. The road, they noted, was not much improved from the previous fall. They had had to get out and push the trucks across a big sand wash before turning westward along the base of the dramatic red bluff. This brought them into camp at the top of the bluff at 4:00 p.m., very near the spot where they had made two of their most important finds in 1922: Shackelford’s Protoceratops and Granger’s dinosaur eggshell fragment [Conq/207]. Everything was exactly as we had left it on our last visit. The marks of our tents and the motor car tracks were almost as distinct as though they had just been made [Conq/207]. Their water came from a good well about one mile to the north, in the lowland. Seven yurts set up near the well could be seen from camp. A lake, a mile away to the northeast, which had water in it last fall, was now just a muddy basin. Following camp set-up, the fossil hunters proceeded down the escarpment to investigate the area. An hour’s worth of work in the exposures “yielded many prospects––including one skull of the Protoceratops which I found in a concretion on the surface [Conq/207-RCA claims he found it].” It was clear there was a wealth of material yet to be uncovered. * (Anna) July 5, 1923: Returned to Peking in company with Miss Conantz... Had a hot journey and felt quite used up on reaching the hotel [274].

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While Walter and the men were out in the field, Anna had fallen ill. On July 7th, she asked a physician, Dr. Heath of the Methodist Mission, to come over to the Wagons-Lits to see her. ”She [Dr. Heath] has put me on a diet of ice water. At 9 a.m. I feel much better.” But the prognosis was not good. Anna was at the onset of an extended illness. “Dr. Heath says I have amoebic dysentery.” There was a storm in Peking that afternoon and the city was pummeled with “the largest hail-stones I ever saw. Some windows were broken and undoubtedly much damage done to foliage.” In spite of the weather, visitors began paying calls, some bringing flowers. She eventually moved to the Andrews compound “to stay for a while.” * Back at the Flaming Cliffs on July 9th, all hands were “out prospecting and many finds were made. The ‘pocket’ from which Shack got the skull last year seems rich––much more so than I had suspected from the two hour's examination last fall.” Granger assigned 'Buckshot' to Olsen while Chih worked independently. The latter had just found “a weathered skull of either a slender-headed reptile or a toothed bird,” Granger recorded [275] [Saurornithoides mongoliensis?-Conq/213]. A trio of soldiers came into camp to check passports. One, who seemed to be No. 1, and who arrived later than the other two, was inclined to argue our right to excavate fossils in this kingdom. After establishing our right to [do] this by our passports the soldiers resorted to the superstition about excavating in the ground and said that sickness among the natives would be soon to follow our work. Andrews finally talked him into submission [276]. July 10, 1923, found Andrews and Young staying in camp to get ready for departure the next day for Artsa Bogdo to hunt. They planned to stay three weeks and would take Chih, the No. 2 cook, and Serin with them. Granger and his party would remain at Flaming Cliffs during this time. They would then break camp and meet up with Andrews and his group at Artsa Bogdo.

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As the morning of the 10th developed, Andrews paused from packing to take movies and stills of three Mongols who had come into camp and were introduced to the phonograph. They were intrigued by this device and, as they listened, Andrews began filming them before returning to packing. Granger had remained in camp that morning to sort fossils. When Olsen came in from the field for lunch, he quietly advised Granger of a major discovery. He had found a group of fossil eggs, dinosaur’s presumably. Two or three fairly complete but somewhat crushed eggs are weathered out and several more crushed or broken eggs are running in the bank. All are clustered into a small area––eggs touching each other. They are elongated and measure about six inches long. A partial skeleton of a small ?carnivorous dinosaur lies directly over the eggs and separated by only a few inches of matrix [277]. Conquest and all other historical accounts of this event place it as having occurred on July 13th [Conq/208]. Granger’s diary, which has been consistent date-wise with Conquest throughout, shows the discovery as having occurred three days earlier on July 10th. Why? The answer seems to lie with Granger’s determination as to when the find should be made known to the others. When Olsen came back to camp for lunch, he apparently quietly reported the find to his boss Granger and no one else. Granger’s diary makes no mention of Andrews being informed or visiting the site, as did Granger. Instead it suggests that Granger decided not to make the discovery known. After lunch, it states, he simply returned to the field with Olsen to assess the matter. In her diary written years later, Yvette Andrews claimed that Andrews was not present when Olsen’s famous dinosaur eggs discovery was made. But she also has the year wrong, placing it in 1922 instead 1923. Perhaps she was thinking of Granger’s find of the eggshell fragment at Flaming Cliffs [?Shabarakah Usu] in 1922. It is likely that Andrews was not made aware of its possibilities, since even Granger wasn’t sure what it was at the time.

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Andrews always let stand the assumption that he was present for and aware of Olsen’s historic dinosaur egg discovery on July 10th and that he remained with the party in the days that followed [278]. This was not the case. While it is true that Andrews was at the Flaming Cliffs camp on July 10, 1923, when Olsen discovered the eggs, he was not in the field but in camp preparing to depart on an extended hunting trip at a new camp at Artsa Bogdo, which he did early the next morning [Conq/214]. After several weeks, Granger et al., also planned to break camp at Flaming Cliffs and meet up with Andrews at Artsa Bogdo. That is, Andrews left the main camp at Shabarakah Usu (Shabarakah Usu is a geological formation within which Flaming Cliffs is a fossil locality) on July 11th with the intent not to return. This means either that Andrews saw no need to remain at Shabarakah Usu because of Olsen’s Flaming Cliffs discovery, or that he did not know of it. It is possible that he never saw Olsen’s discovery in situ before he departed Shabarakh Usu early on the morning of the 11th. Granger might have been pleased to have it that way. Though surely a highly gratifying, historic though not unexpected experience, Olsen’s find nevertheless presented a delicate and complicated challenge. It wasn’t just eggs he’d discovered: it was a whole nest of them, along with a dinosaur skeleton lying over them. This was unique, a first of its kind. Preparing it for plastering and extraction promised to be a delicate, complicated task. The fewer hands and feet roaming about, the better. CAE cinemaphotographer Shackelford was not around in 1923 to capture Olsen’s discovery for motion picture film. Had he been, Andrews likely would have remained at Shabarakah Usu for a few days. Instead, Granger made do by taking still photographs. He even moved one of the eggs and a bit of debris around it to get a different look (see Figures []). One of them became Plate LII in Conquest. And while Andrews and others posed with finds of eggs in 1925, so far as is known, no photograph exists of anyone posing with Olsen’s find in 1923. * Andrews and his party departed Shabarakah Usu at 8 a.m. on July 11th. They took the touring car, No. 2 dog-wagon, two small tents, enough food for three weeks, saddles, and

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hunting gear. They also took whatever else they could from camp in order to fully load their vehicles and make as much room for fossils as possible in the vehicles left behind with Granger when he moved out three weeks later. Granger spent most of the 11th in camp, leaving Olsen alone to do the work on his eggs discovery. Contrary to the filmed re-enactment two years later that portrayed surprise and glee, the CAE’s most significant fossil discovery to date was in fact handled just like any other find. The eggs were not stumbled upon by men tumbling wildly down the side of a bluff, as was depicted in Shackelford’s 1925 film re-enactment. No egg was picked up in haste and thrust at Granger for confirmation, also depicted by Shackelford [278a]. Granger would not have tolerated this sort of mayhem in fieldwork. But, in fact, he appeared to tolerate the very things it was just said he wouldn’t have by participating in Shackelford’s re-inactment. Why? Publicity: he bowed to pressure to promote the CAE. Wishing to be or not, the expedition’s chief paleontologist simply had to be in the film. In doing so, there appears to be a slight look of chagrin on his face. On With Life at the Fieldwork Camp With Andrews gone, Morris moved into the mess tent with Granger on the 11th. He sat at one of the wooden dining tables to do his work shifting his materials over to an extra empty table at meal times. Granger sketched the arrangement. Back in the field, 'Buckshot' continued development of his numerous prospects. One was a “fine” Protoceratops skull with a complete series of vertebrae down to the 10th or 11th caudal. As he excavated a forelimb, a femur and the pelvis were also revealed. Kaisen also worked on developing a “very good” Protoceratops skull with detached jaws. And Albert Johnson found a dinosaur egg [apparently of a different dinosaur? - see Conq/211] that day while working on various prospects of jaw and skeleton material. The finest fossils found so far, Granger noted, were coming from these beds. V. Johnson spent the 11th in bed with a touch of malaria. Granger gave him 15 grains of quinine before going out into the field long enough to take 5 x 7 photos of 'Buckshot's’ specimen and of the exposures. Olsen was still being left alone to ready his momentous

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find for removal. Two had spilled out of the nest due to erosion and were broken. The remaining eggs and the dinosaur skeleton lying over them were encased in sandstone. Olsen’s job was to excavate around the portion of the sandstone block containing the nest and skeleton and then jacket the entire thing. The entire affair was to be shipped back to New York City where DVP lab preparators would painstakingly removed the plaster casing and then work out the sandstone material from the skeleton and nest of eggs. Thirteen eggs were found inside the matrix and were determined to be of Protoceratops andrewsi [Conq/209]. * A number of Mongols had drifted into camp that day, the 11th. A group of five young men said to be horse-raisers also arrived that day. They appeared to prosperous and, having learned of the expedition’s presence, had come some distance just to visit. The news also had spread that the expedition party carried medicine. Two Mongol men came in for treatment, one for sore eyes and the other for a bad scalp and skin disease. In the evening, three girls and four or five men including an old blind man from the yurt near the lake came to visit. All were treated to the phonograph. V. Johnson later “amused the girls with some of his slight-of-hand tricks.” * On the afternoon of the 12th, Granger spent all morning in camp cataloguing fossils. In the afternoon, he opened up a small prospect near Kaisen’s location and found a partial skull and skeleton of a small dinosaur. Olsen, in the meantime, had located the skull and neck vertebrae of the dinosaur which lay over his nest of eggs. While the skull suggested Struthiomimus to Granger, no conclusions could be drawn in the field since it was not exposed enough to determine whether it possessed teeth [Conq/209]. This dinosaur was later named Oviraptor philoceratops by Osborn [Conq/208].

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[All throughout Conquest at pp. 208-213, etc., RCA talks like he knows what he’s talking about paleontologically. But fact is that he didn’t. He also said in the same book that he was not a paleontologist nor had he the temperament for collecting. And to underscore the point, he was off hunting, etc. most of the time. THEN, at p. 214, he discusses going off to hunt at Artsa Bogdo and says: “The work at Shabarakh Usu was entirely paleontological and geological, and was so efficiently handled by Walter Granger that I could be of no use there.”] * The beating of a drum in the small yurt “village” in the basin a mile or so to the north of camp indicated that a lama doctor was attempting a cure, according to the expedition’s Mongols. There were now seven yurts in that area: four in one group and three singles. The group of four had moved in that day and now got water from the same well as did the expedition. Camp fire fuel was another issue. “Our cooks and the other Chinese are using tamarisk stalks for fuel instead of argul,” Granger wrote. “Some of the tamarisk plants, which grow as a little forest a mile and a half to the north, are higher than a camel and the trunks are six inches in diameter. Our Mongols however still use the good old argul from force of habit. Even in the fine larch timber country of Sain Noin Khan last year the local Mongols used argul.” The fieldwork continued to take its own pace. On July 13, Granger remained in camp most of the morning pausing only to take snapshots of Olsen's nest of eggs and the overlying skeleton. In the afternoon, he worked on a small skeleton opened up the previous day and then on a fragmentary skull of Protoceratops discovered the day they arrived. Olsen, with 'Buckshot’s’ assistance, continued work on the eggnest. A. Johnson found a new Protoceratops skull and partial skeleton to excavate. Kaisen continued work on his hind limb and tail of the same genus, Protoceratops. Morris took section samples in and about the locality. After dinner, when it looked like rain, he and Granger went back to the locality by auto with some Mongolian assistants to bring in all the samples that were finished. Taking time on the 13th to calculate their progress, as well as the needs of the weeks ahead, Granger realized that

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because of the heavy running between the Sair Usu trail and here and the consequent large consumption of gasoline we are short on this commodity. Andrews took enough to get him safely to Artsa Bogdo and left us with enough in the trucks to take them there when we move, a few gallons (4) in the dog-wagon, and three extra cases. This will give us enough to make the daily trip to the well, allow about 140 miles of exploring and take the dog-wagon to Artsa Bogdo. Assuming, of course, that the caravan does not show up before we leave here. At the rate we are now collecting it is hoped that the camels will come because otherwise we shall have heavy loads in spite of the reduced food and gasoline [279]. Two Mongols, he continued, came into “our clinic today––one for sore eyes––a common disease hereabouts––and one for the treatment of sores on the head, possibly syphilis.” A rain began to fall that night at about midnight and continued until noon the next day (14th). The sun came out making the afternoon very warm. There was thunder to the south at 5:00 p.m., but no more rain fell. Granger remained in camp that morning. Kaisen prospected and found a skull or two out in the basin near the red buttes of Flaming Cliffs. After tiffin, Granger, Olsen and A. Johnson took a break in a tamarisk grove. On the way back “we stopped and paid our respects at the group of three yurts.” Olsen took photographs of a diminutive sheepherder. A boy of about four showed no fear of them and was highly pleased at the presents they gave him from their pockets––a piece of string, a cigarette picture, a bit of tinfoil and two matches. Later, some Mongols came up to the camp for entertainment by the phonograph and V. Johnson's sleight-of-hand performances. The usual game of horseshoes was forsaken. “One of our four horseshoes broken tonight and no way of mending it!” A day or so later (16th), the little sheepherder wandered up to the camp in the forenoon from his yurt, a mile out in the valley to the north. He was entertained in the Mongols’ tent and finally went to sleep there. Later his father came up looking for him and took him home. He was about five––so his father said––and was about 2 1/2 feet high. It was a beautiful sunset that evening, Granger noted. A Chinese caravan passed by just after dark, traveling eastward. He could hear the bells, but could not see the camels.

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Local Mongols continued to frequent the fossil collector’s camp daily. One night (17th), there was a “tug-of-war” between seven Chinese and seven Mongols. The Mongols won. Unfortunately, Mushka the dog had thought something was wrong when the action started, and proceeded to bite one of the visiting Mongols in the hip. Merin dressed the wound. At the camp clinic on the 18th, one young woman from the yurt village was being treated with antiseptic wash for a loose and sore molar, but was experiencing no relief. She came up to the camp with her blind husband “and V. Johnson extracted the tooth with a pair of pliers from the auto kit. She presented him with the usual blue silk sash as a thank offering.” * The fossil hunting continued to intensify and expand. Over the next few days, many more skulls and jaws were found. The men began exploring several miles out in all directions typically being taken out in a vehicle and then prospecting various exposures in that area by foot as well as propsecting along their way back in to camp. Sometimes they went out in a vehicle, parked it and then radiated out from what Granger called the “car base.” On at least one occasion (18th), all found themselves having walked back into camp, leaving V. Johnson to walk back out to get the car. A. Johnson prospected to the west and, after returning to camp, reported finding a concretion at a lower stratum containing a wealth of material. Since it was not yet dinnertime, he, Olsen and Granger went back out to take a look at it. The next day, Albert Johnson again prospected to the west. Kaisen was dropped off two miles to the east to prospect for the day in an area that also proved to be fossiliferous. He then walked back in to camp for the evening, checking on some of his earlier prospects along the way. Olsen and 'Buckshot', in the meantime, worked on two skeletons found within 500 yards of camp. One of these developed a good skull. Fossils were coming in at such a rate that Granger often stayed in camp just to catalogue them. Packing them safely had become another issue. Luckily, Kaisen “found a place where we can cut a coarse grass for packaging purposes.”

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On the 19th, Granger concluded that their effort “exhausts the exposures in this direction,” while noting that there remained unexamined exposures six to eight miles away to the southwest. Their success was such that material for wrapping and packing fossils was now exhausted. As a result, Bato started cutting the very coarse grass Kaisen had found growing on sandy hillsides. It was the only material readily available. “Better than the Ula Usu "whisk brooms" anyhow... We have used so much burlap here that I have had to commandeer everything I could find about camp––even to the wrapping of the various spare parts about the cars and the padding under the boys' beds.” On the 20th, Granger recorded that there had been no news of Merin. “Some of our food will be getting low, but our greatest need is gasoline, and burlap for pasting purposes.” Worsening the situation was that the increased Mongol presence had begun to roil their water supply so much that the men had to drive to another source. “Vance Johnson is now going down for water about half past six in the morning, driving himself. We get cleaner water this way because it gets rather muddied up as soon as the Mongols come along with their stock. It takes about one quart of gas to make the trip.” Granger took stock of the situation. There were 20 gas cases, 5 or 6 camel boxes and 2 special boxes of fossils, and there are many more good things in sight in the badlands. Our available packing boxes consist of about 12 or 13 gas cases, no camel boxes and no lumber for the special boxes. By the time our present collection is packed we shall have a good truck load, and I do not quite see how we are going to transport both our equipment and collection to Artsa Bogdo, even with the help of the caravan, unless the dog-wagon comes down to help take the large sections which we cannot get into boxes. Evidently much of our larger material will have to be sent back to Kalgan [281]. It was time to notify Andrews:

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July 21, 1923––76˚ - 8 a.m.; 89˚ - 2 p.m. Bright: Have decided that Roy should be notified of our success in the fossil field––so great in fact that we cannot move from here without help from the caravan or an extra car from the other camp [280]. Granger’s note to Andrews on the 21st informed him of the situation and requested that he send an empty vehicle back to Flaming Cliffs immediately. It also raised concern that Merin may have passed to the north and missed them. Bato, who had taken the note to Andrews, was to return to Granger’s camp with a bag of white flour borrowed from Andrew’s camp and then start out in search of the caravan early the next day. With two horses borrowed from nearby Mongols, he was to return within four days, success or not. Food was low, but the bag of white flour was not for cooking. Granger was informed that “the cook in looking over our three remaining bags discovered that two of them were buckwheat which I found to be worthless for pasting.” Therefore, the bag of white flour was needed for pasting. As if to underscore the point, on the day Bato left, Olsen reported finding a “fine large and complete Protoceratops skull” and Johnson and Kaisen reported finding new skulls and skeletons. Granger sighed, “our pile of bones under the tarpaulin at camp is assuming formidable proportions.” There appeared to be no end in sight. On the 24th, at the extreme eastern end of the Shabarakh Usu basin, Morris found a new Paleocene formation unusual in that it lay atop Cretaceous deposits of the Djadochta formation [Conq/218]. Later named the Gashato formation, it yielded largely unknown fauna of early Tertiary age “for the most part too specialized and peculiar to cast much light either on phylogeny or on correlation [Conq/218].” Spending most of his days in camp, Granger continued to clean matrix off some of the specimens as well as catalog each. But he also checked on his men’s prospects each, sometimes stopped to admire one of Morris’ sketches of the Flaming Cliffs, and then would off to work for a spell on one of his prospects or someone else’s. On the 24th, three Mongols came up to him while he was in the field “and shared with me some small green milkweed pods which they were eating––not at all bad. They ate seeds, silk and all, but Ioshih, to whom I showed them, later ate only the outer back.”

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Granger watched a caravan of nineteen camels pass by in the afternoon, bound west. It was not Merin. The 25th began with a sprinkle of rain which, after tiffin, turned into a continuous drizzly rain until about 7 p.m. Then it cleared to reveal “a glorious sunset with rainbows in the east.” There were no Mongol visitors at camp that day for the first time since the expedition’s arrival. Bato returned from Andrews’s Artsa Bogdo camp on the morning of the 26th with a sack of flour and Andrews’s reply. Granger summarized it and his reaction: [P]oor luck hunting––3 sheep and 1 Ibex and none large. Mannlicher ammunition gone bad. Suggests our waiting for Merin but going on the Artsa Bogdo by ourselves in case he doesn't arrive promptly. This latter course is impossible with our great accumulation of fossils [282]. Andrews had declined to send a vehicle to take the fossils as Granger had requested. Granger, his men and their collection were therefore stuck in place with dwindling food and gas supplies, the continued need to make a daily run for potable water, and no apparent relief in sight. A lama who had recently come up the Kweihwating Trail did, however, report to Bato having seen Merin's caravan "500 li away" and moving slowly because of the poor condition of the camels. Bato thought the "500 li" was an exaggeration and that Merin would arrive in three or four days. Granger bought a sheep––”an extra fat one for $6.00. The cook says he is out of fat for cooking and needs the mutton fat.” They were also getting short of sugar and he told Chow to try to buy some from the Chinese traders who were camped about three miles northwest out in the flat. They typically carried a brown sugar for sale to the Mongols, Granger was told. He also paid $8.00 rent for the two horses used by Bato for his fourday roundtrip to Artsa Bogdo. “The owner came up this evening in an effort to get an extra dollar because the horses were returned this morning instead of last night but I didn't allow it,” Granger added. Morris was out with Kaisen all day that day, the 26th, sketching the badlands. Olsen and 'Buckshot' prospected down toward Kaisen's pocket bringing back one large skull in a

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concretion and reporting a peculiar skull they found late in the afternoon but had no time to excavate. * Except to note the daily morning and afternoon time and temperature, Granger entered nothing in his diary for the next three days. Then, on July 30th, he wrote I came in to camp for tiffin to find Roy, Mac and Serin there, they having come down from Artsa Bogdo in about four hours in the touring car (7:20 to 11:30). Roy became anxious about the caravan and decided to leave the hunting until the camels arrived. He reports fairly good success with the sheep and Ibex but no very large specimens [283] [Conq/216]. Granger’s diary records that Andrews left Chih and the No. 2 cook behind at the Artsa Bogdo camp with one tent, the dog-wagon, $10 to buy sheep and enough food to last them ten days. Further, since his hunting venture had used up practically all of the gas allotted to him, Andrews planned to borrow from Granger’s supply to drive out along the main Kweihwating Trail the next day and seek word of Merin. In Conquest, Andrews wrote While Young and I were at Artsa Bogdo, our minds were not entirely at rest, for the expected messenger announcing the arrival of the caravan did not come. We became so worried at last that I decided to leave the cook and camp-gear at Artsa Bogdo, put all the gasoline in one car, and drive back to Shabarakh Usu. We reached there without incident on July 30, but were disappointed to learn that there was no word of the caravan. Matters were becoming serious, because there was only very little gasoline left, and food and other supplies were running short [Conq/216].” Granger recorded that Andrews left not one, but two assistants, Chih and a cook, behind at Artsa Bogdo with 10-days’ food supply. Why mention of Chih is omitted in the quote

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above is not clear, but implicit is that Andrews intended to return. More significant, however, is Andrews made it sound as if he rushed back on the 30th based on a worry fueled by no word and then acted to save the day. But, of course, he had received word, six days earlier: Granger had notified him of Merin’s failure to show up at Shabarakh Usu by written note delivered to Andrews by Bato on or about the 24th. Fully informed on the 24th, Andrews replied to Granger that he wouldn’t budge. Six more days of hunting passed before he finally relented and returned to Shabarakh Usu. In delaying, he consumed another six days’ worth of non-rationed food and fuel to continue hunting before deciding to return to the scientists’ camp where rationing was already in place. Then he had to cadge what was left of Granger’s fuel to look for Merin. This was the second time in as many months that the expedition’s main party had run seriously low on food and fuel due to a missing caravan while, for himself, Andrews chose diversion. * Prospecting and discovery continued apace, nevertheless, on the 30th. Olsen and 'Buckshot' went back to their [newly discovered - see 8/1 entry] “(?)Eocene beds to make a small collection, including a perissodactyl and a tiny Archaeomeryx-like thing––several of this latter [284][?is this the Gashato formation thing viz. Conq/218].” Granger had worked on Morris' specimen in the morning while Kaisen and A. Johnson worked on prospects to the east. On July 31st, Andrews, Young, Morris and Ioshih went off in a dog-wagon to a lamasary about 45 miles southeast near the main trail. A field meet was being held there, and among the Mongols present were travelers from the east. But no one had news of Merin. Back at Shabarakh Usu/Flaming Cliffs, Granger bought a sack of Mongol flour, a few yards of blue cloth for jacketing and some sugar, all for $14 from a Chinese merchant who had set up camp nearby. The sugar was of two kinds, a semi-refined brown sugar and some dark brown raw stuff full of cane pumice but sweet. Both kinds were dealt out into eight parts and a drawing, from numbers in a hat, was held and the various piles

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thus distributed among us. We have about eight or ten ounces each now to use as we wish [285]. Granger then went with Kaisen and Johnson to look over some of Kaisen's specimens. Olsen and 'Buckshot' continued working to the east of Kaisen. They all rode up in a dogwagon and “were dropped off at our places.” * On August 1, Serin was sent off to the north in search of Merin. The lama’s claim on July 26th of having seen Merin's caravan 500 li away seemed to have been unfounded. The expedition’s Mongols now said that it was the Chinese merchant who had brought the news, and that he had not actually seen the caravan but had met a lama who said he had seen it. Serin obtained two horses in the morning and started out riding one and leading the other. Andrews promised him a .22 caliber rifle if he found the caravan. Olsen and 'Buckshot' rode off to the southeast by horseback that day to examine Morris’s newly discovered Eocene (now Gashato) formation. Morris accompanied them on a camel. A tiny quarry at the site of the discovery of the small jaws obtained on the 30th yielded some additional and well-preserved jaws of that same small form [? Archaeomeryx-like]. There were also one or two other small genera found there [Conq/218]. Olsen and 'Buckshot' went back to the Eocene (now Gashato) again the next day on horses, but with poor success. Nevertheless, the material collected in these red beds had been on such a scale that the party was again finding themselves desperately short of pasting material. The regular supply of burlap had long been exhausted, and all bits of any other suitable wrapping material to be found about the camp was already taken. “Spare parts on the cars have been unwrapped, trimming has been cut off the bottoms of our tents and all available old clothing cut up.” Taking Stock Serin returned from the north as dusk fell on August 4th. It was just after dinner when one of the party caught sight of him through fieldglasses while still over five miles away.

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They watched though the glasses until he entered a tamarisk grove. He reported having gone as far north as the Ongin Gol temple, but had found absolutely no trace of Merin. All were keenly disappointed, Granger confiding “the situation appearing really serious.” In an unusual move, all were convened to decide what to do. It was a long conference. Morris acted as interpreter for the three language groups––Chinese, Mongol and English––patiently translating everything said for each group. It was finally decided that Serin and Bato each would take two horses and head out on different routes for the ? Talyü Suma [Toylee-in-Sumu, Conq./224-225, the point from which Merin had started. The men were to leave the next morning and go on until they find Merin. We now have a half sack or more of Mongol flour (whole wheat) and about 1/4 sack of white flour and less than a half sack of buckwheat. Further use of flour for pasting is to be prohibited and only such skulls, etc., as can be taken out with the paste already mixed will be taken up. We have tea (fine Chinese) in plenty and there are still two tins of Anna's "S. S. Washington" coffee left and there is a small quantity of rice and spaghetti, also a few tinned beets [286]. Ioshih also departed camp on horseback the next morning. He was headed for Andrews’s Artsa Bogdo hunting camp with a note for Chih and the cook to relieve any anxiety over why Andrews, Young and Serin were not yet back. He took two horses and hoped to return by the third day. He was to “bring back any sugar, jam, etc., there may be there, leaving flour rice and tea for the two men.” Breakfast was now reduced to “thin rice gruel and pancakes.” August 8, 1923, was bright in forenoon but clouded over by afternoon with heavy showers off on the distant mountains. Morris and Granger set off on foot to the Eocene (now Gashato) beds, six miles southeast of camp. [Conq/218, for some reason makes no mention that Granger also worked the Gashato formation, along with Morris, Oslen and 'Buckshot' who are mentioned.] The others went to their various sites along the bluff. Andrews went along with them “to look at their various prospects.”

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Morris and Granger first detoured to the Chinese merchant’s caravan camp to ask for some flour. They were received “very courteously in their large tent and gave us tea and bread and presented us with a half sack of whole wheat flour, all they feel they could spare.” The caravan was on its way from Quashing [?sp] to Uliassutai with Mongol tea and high-grade cloth for gowns. Their camels were in such poor shape upon arrival that they planned a stopover for a month, if necessary, to feed up before going on their way. There was water at a good spring at their camp, flowing at a rate of two or three barrels a minute, Granger noted. The water collected in a small pool which slowly settled into the ground. A brood of ruddy sheldrake sat on this tiny pond. As Granger and Morris approached it, a white-tailed eagle hovered overhead. The six young––nearly full grown––took flight while the parents took after the eagle “and drove him off much after the manner of a pair of kingbirds chasing away a crow or hawk.” After leaving the Chinese caravan merchant’s camp, Granger and Morris went to prospect the upper Eocene beds (now Gashato) for a few hours without success. In the meantime, they picked about three quarts of the ripe garnet-colored berries. Two clumps of bushes were found “draping their stems down over a cut-bank, which were just prime and a beautiful sight covered with clusters of berries.” They returned to camp with flour, berries, etc., arriving at camp about 7 o'clock to find that Ioshih had returned to camp, from his trip to Artsa Bogdo, about 10 o'clock having found our caravan camped near the temple twenty miles this side of the sand grouse camp at Artsa. He brought back a box of cube sugar, a tin of coffee and some butter. V. Johnson, immediately upon Ioshih's arrival, went up along the bluff in a car and found Roy and the two, with Ioshih, set out for the caravan. They have not returned at bedtime and we presume they have gone on to the Artsa Bogdo camp to get the other car. Chow says that Merin passed us to the south, on a trail which runs along the base of Gurbun Saikhan [287]. That night, Granger, who had eaten his “entire allotment of the caravan sugar this morning for breakfast,” dined “on cube sugar.”

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* August 9, 1923 Merin with about fifteen camels was found at the Artsa Bogdo camp. The balance of the caravan near the small temple. Two camels have died on the trip, two purchased for $75 and $55 respectively and two traded off for fresh animals with $35 each to boot. Camels in fair condition as a whole [288]. Andrews and V. Johnson returned from their Artsa Bogdo camp to Granger’s Shabarakh Usu/Flaming Cliffs camp with a fully loaded dog-wagon at about 12:30 p.m. on the 9th. They brought 16 cases of gas, four camel boxes of food and supplies, and five bags of camel wool for packing fossils. Merin had further reported that there was a severe drought in the region between Ardyn Obo and the Ongin Gol. Also, the route he had taken taken out of the Talyü Suma [?Toylee-in-Sumu-Conq224/225] was indeed to the north and was suitable for the auto use except for one steep mountain slope. And, he and the caravan had crossed the Ongin Gol another 20 miles beyond the temple where Serin inquired of Merin and must have been in that region several days prior to Serin’s inquiry. Rain and wet ground kept the party confined in camp that day (9th). After tiffin, some of the natives headed out by car to collect grass for packing while Kaisen and A. Johnson finished up their prospects. Olsen and 'Buckshot' began the work of packing fossils [Conq/218]. Granger went out with a car to carry out several jacketed skulls of Kaisen's and A. Johnson's that had been stored in the field under a canvas cover. Dinner that night (9th) was a grand affair: Tomato Soup Tinned Sausage on Toast Creamed Dried Beef Rice––Tinned Beets––Beans [289]. *

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A heavy Gobi haze had begun setting in each day, Granger recorded, as the expedition made ready to move. All fossil work was to be completed by the 11th. Kaisen and A. Johnson went off with Liu and the dog-wagon to finish up their prospects. Olsen and 'Buckshot' remained in camp to continue the work of packing. Still in the field, A. Johnson had one skull to complete and Kaisen had a skull and a “beautiful” Protoceratops skeleton with skull [Conq/220]. While there, Kaisen found yet another a fine skull and jaws of a carnivorous dinosaur. Nevetheless, everything not excavated by the following day would have to be left behind. * On the 11th, Granger set off on the Urga-Gurbun Saikhan trail at 6:00 a.m. in the No. 1 with Andrews, Morris and Young with Ioshih as interpreter to reconnoiter the area between Flaming Cliffs and the Gurbun Saikhan mountain range. They paused at the Chinese merchant’s camp to give him a small sack of rice and five tins of jam as a ‘thank you’ for the sugar and flour he’d provided a few days earlier. Then they proceeded south, mostly off trail, until they reached foothills about 20 miles south of camp. There they turned west and headed into the ravines and washes at the base of the hills where they found Tertiary beds but no fossils. They stopped for tiffin at about noon and then turned north, coasting down a long gentlegrass covered slope. After working their way through an area choked with tussocks, they proceeded eastward along the Kweihwating-Uliassitai trail until they came to a great valley with exposures of Red Beds along both sides. Andrews took time to shoot, with a Savage rifle, one of two adult bustards standing within 55 yards of the car at the base of the mountains. Granger had hoped to prospect at the Red Beds, but a dense haze was forming in the basin that caused concern about whether they could find their way back. They could no longer see any of the landmarks and began to navigate by compass. It was if they were in fog on an open sea. They left the trail and headed to the northeast across the valley to rejoin a northerly trail some five miles west of camp. About half way back to camp, they ran into an immense herd of large-headed antelope [Conq/219]. There were several thousand, the largest herd Andrews said he had ever seen. The driving surface was not suitable at that point or they

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could have gone directly in amongst them. As it was, some of the animals passed within fifty yards of the car and hundreds were within two hundred yards. Andrews and Young shot two old bucks and one young female. They took the head only from one buck and planned to tell the first Mongol they encountered about its body left on the plain. Further along, there was another herd of a thousand or more antelope. It was a mix of bucks and does, as it had been in the first herd. The two antelope and bustard were brought back to camp for food. Total mileage for the trip, Granger noted, was about 80 miles and they were in by 3 p.m. * From that one locality our collection numbered sixty cases of fossils, weighing five tons. It included seventy skulls, fourteen skeletons and twenty-five of the first dinosaur eggs ever seen by human eyes [Conq/220]. Kaisen, A. Johnson, 'Buckshot' and two chauffeurs drove up along the red bluff to bring in last of the fossils and cut more grass for packing. All were back in camp for tiffin. Collecting at Flaming Cliffs was now ended. Olsen and 'Buckshot' were nearly finished with the packing. Granger could the total number of fossil boxes coming from that site to four regular camel-load boxes and 34 gas tin and grocery boxes. There were still 25 large-jacketed specimens yet to be packed, some of which were too large even for a camel box and would require special crating. It was planned to leave Lieu behind to guard about 20 small cases until a dog-wagon could return from Artsa Bogda to retrieve them. Unboxed material would be taken along in a dog-wagon and in the back of the No. 1 car for eventual packing at Artsa Bogdo. Nearby Mongols, upon learning that the expedition was about to depart, came into camp to collect tins and other discarded items. But relations had cooled: We've recently been rather put out by the demands of our Mongol neighbors for money for all favors done us and Andrews is giving out tins now only to such as bring milk or otherwise show a disposition to be ungreedy. The Rich Man wants one of our auto rain

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coats in exchange for horse hire and a dicker will be made with him tomorrow [290]. The party was up at 5:00 and off at 7:30 a.m. on the 12th [Conq/219]. While they were loading, Andrews took the No. 1 over to the Rich Man's yurts and dropped off the raincoat. Merin's caravan was found camped one mile east of the Sand Grouse Spring at 12:30 p.m. and the party stopped for tiffin. They got back in their cars at about 1:30 p.m. and headed for the Oshih Basin. To reach the pass accessing the Oshih Basin, they took Granger’s old road from the Sand Grouse Spring. Merin went with them so that he would know just where to bring the caravan the next day. Arriving at the spring where Granger had camped in August of 1922, they found the water low and roiled, and tasting as if there were a dead animal in it. It was “simply impossible to drink.” The well had recently caved in after a heavy rain and apparently quantities of filth had washed in from the slopes above it. Fortunately, a Mongol living a half mile east told them of a good well to the northwest. Andrews decided to camp at the edge of badlands some distance away from it. That well was at the western edge of the basin where they had seen yurts and herds in 1922. After camp was set, Andrews, after picking up the Mongol at his yurt on the way down as a guide, took a dog-wagon across the basin to the well. The distance from camp was about 11 or 12 miles of ‘farily good’ driving. The water was plentiful and excellent. Because of the distance from the camp to the well, the party went on short rations for washing. They hoped to make two trips for water that would last three days. There were to be no baths. Andrews had hoped to go back to Artsa Bogdo in a Fulton to pick up Chih and the equipment left there, but it was too late in the day to attempt it. “So Merin spends the night with us and will return to his caravan tomorrow when Young goes in after Liu and the boxes and Roy goes up to the Artsa Bogdo camp to bring back the men and outfit now up there.” There were 44 cases of gas with the caravan. A hasty examination showed that evaporation loss had not been as excessive as they feared. Andrews went back to the camp at Artsa Bogdo in the Fulton the next day while Young took a dog-wagon to the Shabarakh Usu/Flaming Cliffs to fetch Liu and the balance of

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fossils to be boxed. Chih and the No. 2 cook seemed glad to be back among their fellow men when they arrived, Granger noted. Young followed them in before dark with Liu and Bato. Bato, who, like Serin, had been sent out several days before to find Merin, had returned to the Shabarakh Usu camp after the main party had left. He reported having gone a 100 miles or so down the Kweihwating Trail and then across to a temple where he met Serin. Serin planned to get a camel at that point and go on to the Ardyn Obo headquarters, if possible. Neither had heard no news of Merin passing through that region. And, so, Serin still did not know he’d been found. On the 13th, all hands prospected near the new camp with little success. Merin arrived by noon the next day with his 39 camels, all the gas, surplus food and equipment. He pitched camp near the main party. Three of his camels were in very poor condition and would not be able to make the return journey. He would try to trade them off for one good camel. Collecting resumed as some of the fossil hunters fanned out. Olsen and 'Buckshot' remained in camp packing up fossils left over from the Shabarakh Usu camp at Flaming Cliffs. Granger set off with A. Johnson to an outcrop of fossil-bearing beds near the trail about five miles east of camp. They found two prospects of Camptosaurus which were ”not extra good but worth taking.” They also visited the sauropod vertebrae site Granger found the previous fall and discovered some ribs. They returned to develop it further the following day, deciding to take out the ribs. Kaisen went to assist them a day later, and the work was finally done by the fourth day. Nothing more was found [Conq/222]. Granger also spent time in camp labeling and recording fossils. The total number of fossil boxes to date was 135. One large skull remained unboxed for lack of boxing material. It was to be wrapped in felt for transport in the dog-wagon. In the afternoon, Andrews, Young and V. Johnson took two truck loads of fossils and some of the gas to Merin's camp, now on the trail near the Sand Grouse Spring. Granger, A. Johnson and Kaisen headed east in the No. 1 to hunt sheep they’d spotted from the sauropod site. When they arrived, however, the sheep were gone. Evidently, figured Granger, they either had moved across the basin to the north, or had slipped along the bluff around to the east and out of sight.

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August 21, 1923 The men broke camp about 8:00 a.m. on August 21 and drove to Merin's location to unload “such equipment, etc.[,] as we shall not need in this hunting camp.” There was to be a recreation break for all except Morris who took the No. 3 car loaded with camping equipment, food, and other supplies and headed east to the small lamasary 17 miles away. There he planned to establish headquarters and prospect northward before re-joining the main party at Merin's camp on the evening of the 24th. The rest headed for ‘the old hunting camp’ on the slopes of Artsa Bogdo, reaching it in time for tiffin [Conq/223-224]. The little Mongolian lama who had hunted and been employed by Andrews in 1922, was on hand with an outfit of horses and two Mongolian assistants when the party arrived. After tiffin, the hunters broke into groups. Andrews, Kaisen and the little lama drove out to the west returning long after dark with a “fair Ibex head (RCA) and a female sheep (PCK).” Olsen and A. Johnson hunted on foot up the draw behind camp. V. Johnson went on foot to a high mountain a few miles southwest. There he shot a baby ibex. Granger with Young and one of the extra hunters, an old lama, rode horseback along the front of the range to the west for several miles. After watching two or three groups of ibex, they finally picked out one and shot at it. Wounded, it got away. Granger and Young went with the little lama and another lama as horse tender for a high peak 4 or 5 miles west of camp. They took beds and food enough for two days and reached “the old camp on top about sunset.” Granger slept in a small ave Andrews had used several before. Mack slept on a bed of Artshe stalks. The hunting continued for several days. In a deep valley a mile from that camp [away], Granger and Young spotted one herd of sheep and two herds of ibex. Granger hit a sheep in the chest with his first shot. As it rounded a hill 500 yards away, Young shot and blew a large hole in its abdomen. It ran off and had to be tracked for a mile down the valley “by the blood and long strings of intestines” before Young finally finished it off with two more shots. It had a “fine old head, 19 1/2 in., but tips of horns were broken in fighting.” Young took it [severed it and carted it off] anyway.

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After getting the sheep’s head to the top of the mountain where they had left their horses, they rode back to the old hunting camp to pick up their pack horses and start back for the main hunting camp. “Arrived home in time for late tea.” They broke camp the next day in a drizzle after luncheon and made a soggy passage down to Merin's camp {Conq/224]. Morris was already there, having arrived earlier in the day from the temple. Morris reported a successful geological reconnaissance around the temple. And he had brought Serin with him. Serin had made it back to Shabarakh Usu with his two horses by way of the Kweihwating Trail. After returning the horses, the "rich man" who owned them brought Serin as far as the finger-clutch camp and there had put Serin afoot for some reason and he had to walk ahead to the temple carrying his saddle on his shoulders. At the temple a lama told Fred [Morris] about Serin and he picked him up this morning [291]. Serin reported that after leaving Bato, he continued east on the Kweihwating Trail, and later the Kalgan Trail, finally reaching a lamasary about a two-day march from Gatun Bolgai. Starting out from the temple on a camel on the last leg of his journey, he was then set upon by two young lamas who clubbed him off his camel and robbed him of thirteen dollars and Granger’s loaned field glasses. Serin returned to the lamasary and, after a day or two of rest, started back to rejoin the main party. * Another season in Mongolia was coming to a close. The men were setting out for Iren Dabasu. There they would rendezvous with Henry Osborn who was enroute from the States. Andrews would go to Peking to pick him up. With the help of Mongol guides, they planned to take the most direct route back by following a northeast diagonal that kept them off most of established trails. That would save them hundreds of miles compared to 1922 when they drove north from Flaming Cliffs to Tugurik and then east-south-east to Sair Usu and then on to where the road north to Ihren Dabasu intersected at Urtyn Obo.

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They broke camp early on August 25, 1923, in “dismal weather with heavy clouds over mountains––all day.” Raining as they left, their tents and other equipment became soaked, adding “probably 1,000 lbs. of water in the loads [Conq/224].” Eighty-seven miles after departing Merin's camp, they passed through an alkali wash when the clutch collar loosened on the No. 5 truck. Since it was four in the afternoon and repairs would take a while, they decided to camp in place. They called site “Clutch Collar Camp [Conq/224].” Then, five miles into next morning’s start, the pinion gear broke on one of the dog-wagons. It took until 2 p.m. to repair it and get underway again [Conq/224]. With a native Mongol to guide them, the party traveled cross country for several days before reaching a post [telegraph] station in the lowlands. The going had been rough, even nasty recorded Granger. It also seemed as if they’d seen more trees in that region during the last day than they had anywhere else in the Gobi. “All washes leading down from the hills to the south of the trail are well-wooded, reminding one of the large stream valleys of Wyoming,” Granger wrote on the 27th. The clerks at the station advised them to return to the main road six or eight miles to the south for better driving [Conq/224]. After stopping at a well to fill the radiators and pick up another Mongol guide at a yurt nearby, the group proceeded east along a main trail, then north cross country with yet another guide in search of a road said to go directly to the Gatun Bologai oasis. The road was much farther away than the guide had indicated. After heavy going, they reached it at a point where it headed up along a sand wash and entered rocky hills. They followed this for about 20 miles until darkness set in, forcing them into camp just short of Gatun Bologai [Conq/224]. While the cook and mess tents were put up before nightfall, the cars had to be parked in a circle and all search lights turned on so that the men could finish setting up the remaining [rest of the, their personal] tents [Conq/224]. A large Chinese horse drive they had overtaken late that afternoon before going in to camp likely meant that the spring at the Gatun Bologai oasis would be overrun with livestock by the time they got there. After an early departure the next day, avoiding a sand wash by scouting on foot and finding a way for the cars through the hills, they arrived at Gatun Bologai not two miles away on the Sair Usu trail. Surrounded by camels,

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horses and sheep, the oasis was “very muddy and unattractive––in great contrast to the place when visited by Roy and Mac late in June [Conq/225].” From Gatun Bologai, they traveled cross country to avoid traveling a southerly loop in the Sair Usu trail. The trail was rejoined at a well, just south of the lake, where they had obtained water the previous year. They reached the Toylee-in-Sumu lamasary near the Ardyn Obo at 1:30 p.m. and stayed until 3 p.m. took a few hours to sort out provisions and readjust loads to make room for the extra food and fifteen cases of gas that had been stored there [Conq/225]. While at the lamasary, they learned that Merin's caravan was said to be a half-day away and that the camels were in good condition. The three sick camels left behind earlier that summer, however, had died. The party moved on, making a day's run of 68 miles before going into camp that night at a well in the bottom of the wash near what Granger termed the "Elaborate Obo." This obo was “a large affair of loose stones decorated on top by a bunch of wooden knives, spears & other cutlery.” Granger sketched it into his diary. * August 30, 1923 Dear Father:We're now on our eastward trek; left the Altai Mountains five days ago and have come thus far safely. I remain here [Ula Usu] for a week or ten days and finish up some work and then continue on to Iren Dabasu where I will be in touch with the telegraph again. Andrews goes on tomorrow with one car and is due in Peking on Sept. 4th. He hopes to meet Prof. Osborn there and bring him up on the plateau to see us all in our native haunts before we get in to Kalgan. This will be a fine experience for the Prof. if he can make it [Conq/225][292]. The men had reached Ula Usu at noon that day. By Granger’s reckoning, they were now 200 miles south-southwest of Iren Dabasu. The countryside was a bright green with

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onions and other vegetation, in great contrast to its appearance earlier in June. Evidently, though Granger, it had rained considerably over the past month. Camp was pitched a little farther up the ridge than where it was earlier in June, closer to the rhinoceros skeleton A. Johnson had found earlier that season. They planned to jacket it and take it out first thing. Once settled in, Andrews drove over to the lamasary in a dog-wagon to bring back the gasoline stored there. All was well with the fossil boxes also in storage, he reported. Granger took a moment to write his father from Ula Usu that everything has gone smoothly this summer,––no sickness, no accidents, and unusual success with the fossils. You will have seen cabled reports of our work long before this reaches you... We've had no news from the outside world for three months now. Hope all is well with you and the rest of the family. I have no definite plans for homecoming, but it looks now as if I would be in Peking until early December getting our collection packed and shipped. Caravan will not reach Kalgan until into November I'm afraid. Andrews is to sail October 13th and I have to close up the work myself. I shall surely be back by January or early February [293]. He expected to reach Kalgan by September 15th, five days earlier than in 1922. The weather was still mild, he added. The morning temperature was around 50˚ F and by noon it was as high as 80˚. The first frost the previous year had been September 11th, and they could look for bad weather to begin any time after that. * Andrews, Young and Vance Johnson set off for Iren Dabasu early the following morning with Lieu and Serin in the No. 5 truck, the No. 2 dog-wagon and the No. 1 car. They stopped at the lamasary 14 miles to the east of the Ula Usu camp to load the fossils left there earlier and take them on to Iren Dabasu. All fossils reposited at Iren Dabasu would be taken back to Kalgan and ultimately to Peking when the main party left Mongolia. Vance Johnson, Lieu and Serin were to return to the Ula Usu camp while Andrews and Young went straight on into Peking in time to greet Osborn [Conq/225]. It was planned,

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“if possible, to bring the professor up on the plateau to meet the rest of us as we are on our way in from Iren Dabasu early in September.” In the meantime, Olsen worked with Ioshih to reopen an earlier prospect of lower jaws of titanotheres found in June. In the process, they found a skull with jaws. Kaisen went back to work on his old quarry of miscellaneous titanothere fossils while A. Johnson, Olsen[?], 'Buckshot' and Granger went to work on the rhinoceros skeleton. It seemed to be nearly complete with only one fore limb and half the tail missing. Everything had remained nearly in position, except the ribs on the top side. Granger figured the specimen would take several days to encase and extract. V. Johnson, Lieu and Serin returned from Iren Dabasu on the 3rd with a letter from Andrews announcing that while all was quiet in China and Urga, Tokyo was nearly destroyed by a typhoon, U.S. president Harding was dead, and the Chinese president had been ousted. That night, a Mongol dog seriously damaged the plastering on the scapula and anterior vertebrae of the rhinoceros skeleton. Granger thought it was “probably the same dog which destroyed the lower jaw for me in June. This dog ate first a tin of paste and then attacked the wet bandages.” The dog then visited Olsen's skull and “as we had seen him starting down that way at tiffin time Vance Johnson took a rifle along when Olsen returned to work. The dog sneaked away as they approached and Johnson killed it. Ate some paste but did no damage to skull.” Work continued until the 7th when all remained in camp to pack and get ready for the move to Iren Dabasu. Granger was pleased to see that they had accumulated another sixteen boxes from the Ulu Usu site. Everything was packed now except the large ceratopsian skull all done up in felt pads and brought along from Flaming Cliffs. Granger took 5x7 group photographs of the CAE’s 1923 ”foreigners and natives.” The party got off on the 8th. Four of the native assistants rode on atop the pile of equipment, boxes and gear loaded aboard the No. 4 truck, as did another five on the No. 5. Granger noted proudly that he “drove No. 2 Dodge all day without accident. Road mostly fine.” And while the No. 4 truck’s [dog-wagon’s] differential gear was now damaged, V. Johnson elected to drive it anyway since he preferred to run on the broken gear as long as it held out and keep the remaining spare set in reserve. At 2 p.m., camp was set up on the Irdin Manha bench near an obo. It had been good going most of the

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way except for a stretch of soft sand where the men were forced to unload some of the No. 4 truck [dog-wagon] and push it through by hand. Tarpaulins were laid down to provide traction and prevent further sinking. The operation took about an hour. After making camp, Granger took the No. 2 dog-wagon to the Ehrlien telegraph station to see about news from Andrews. V. Johnson and Lieu went along in the No. 5 Fulton with a load of fossils. Granger found telegrams waiting from Anna and Mrs. Morris, but none from Andrews. But then, just as he was about to send a wire, a message came in from Andrews confirming Osborn’s arrival and requesting Granger to maintain camp at Irdin Manha. Granger replied announcing their own safe arrival and asking for a definite confirmation of the plans for meeting Osborn at Irdin Manha. When there was no response, he decided to wait overnight at the auto station with V. Johnson and Lieu, noting with some disgust that the road between Irdin Manha and Iren Dabasu was “vile from cart traffic. 30 camels drawing carts passed north at sunset. Said to be Larson's. Traffic heavy on trail now.” A telegram came in from Andrews the next morning at about 10:00 a.m. confirming that he and Osborn would arrive at the Irdin Manha camp on the 14th. Granger replied that V. Johnson and Lieu were about to start for Miao Tan with a load of fossils. It seemed prudent, thought Granger, to start getting the collection back to Peking as soon as possible. After the Fulton set off, Granger “bought two doz. eggs ($1.00) and twenty catties brown flour ($4.00) from the auto station to help out our larder. We get water from the well two miles or more east, as before.” * It was now September 11th. Rainy weather began interfering with prospecting. But there was some excitement. Just after tiffin, a wolf came to within 200 yards of camp and Mushka took after him. The wolf turned and chased Mushka back and then lay down. A. Johnson and Granger “got after him in the dog-wagon and soon ran him down and Johnson shot him. Have saved skin as a specimen––hair very short & thin.”

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No motor cars passed by that day, rather unusual in these times, Granger noted. They drained the auto radiators that night for the first time since Spring concerned that the water would freeze. On the 12th it rained intermittently all day and no fieldwork was conducted. Some of the showers were sufficient to leave pools in the road and making the going soft when Kaisen and Granger drove over to Erhlien in the No. 3 at about 11 a.m. They found no messages from Andrews “although we waited until 4:30 p.m.” In the meantime, Granger sent a wire to Anna who recorded in her diary that day that “Mr. Andrews & Prof. Osborn [have] returned to Mongolia [to join] the expedition camp at Erhlien.” Granger also “bought another gas tin of flour and 10 catties of rice at the station. Took several gallons of water up to the telegraph agent who finds Erhlien water disagreeable.” Granger and his party were able to prospect on the 13th finding labyrinthodonts and titanothere. V. Johnson and Lieu returned from Miao Tan that day bringing “...melons and grapes. Uneventful journey but reports twenty miles of bad road between here and Pankiang and some mud in the Chinese cultivation.” Still no news from Andrews. The 14th was another perfect day and, while there was some prospecting nearby, the party spent most of the day relaxing in camp while V. Johnson overhauled the cars. At about 10:30 a.m., a motor came up to camp from the south. Had in it a Mr. Marshall and the Chinese inspector of the telegraph line from Kalgan to the Inner Mongolia line. Mr. Marshall bound for Urga where he buys sheep for an English concern. Sheep are trailed eastward from Urga to Harbin where they are butchered and sent in refrigerator ships to England. Three cars following behind his had $100,000 in silver which he was taking up to Urga for his business. He reported that Andrews & Osborn & Young were in Kalgan when he left and were due to leave for Miao Tan after tiffin on the 13th and to spend tonight in Pankiang [294]. Larson arrived at the camp at about 4 p.m. “having come on from the [Hallong Ossu] Mission today.”

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He had in his car Miss Nielsen, a nurse, formerly of Urga. Also three or four Mongols. His second car followed him. He is taking up $40,000 in silver. Said Andrews would be here for tiffin tomorrow. Reported having seen Anna in Peking and her not being well. Further reports of the earthquake in Japan. Yokohama said to be totally destroyed and 80% of the houses in Tokyo gone [295] [Conq/225]. Vance Johnson shot a fine dry doe that day while he was fetching water. “[Th]is gives some game for the professor's tiffin tomorrow,” Granger wrote in his last diary entry for the 1923 Mongolia expedition. Osborn’s visit to the Irdin Manha camp 250 miles out from Kalgan lasted two days and was duly documented with photographs of him with expedition members and fossils still in situ. On the 17th, the entire group returned to Peking. Thus ended the second Mongolian expedition of the CAE. Including Zhoukoudian, it was Granger’s fifth expedition since his arrival in China in June of 1921. [At Conq/226-227, RCA brags about Professor O.’s interest in Coryphodont tooth he’d found.] * Notes on 1923 CAE expedition to Inner and Outer Mongolia []

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[Chapter] [To Walter’s father:] September 19, 1923 American Museum of Natural History 77th Street and Central Park West New York My dear Mr. Granger:We have had no word as yet from our field party since the first of June. My last letter from Walter was written on Decoration Day. As soon as we have any cable message I will send you word; we expect to hear within a short time, probably by the end of this month, but it is always possible that they may be delayed in order to finish up certain work before they can come back to civilization. I do not think there is much risk of trouble in Mongolia unless from some accident to their equipment. They are a pretty strong party, crack shots, and have nothing that bandits would value much, so that any organized attack on them is unlikely, and the natives in that region are few in numbers, widely scattered, and so far as I understand quite friendly everywhere. Walter's south China expedition I think involved more risk, and I am glad he is out of that region. So far as I know he plans to come back by way of India and Europe, and so we do not expect to see him until Christmas time or thereabouts. He will certainly come home with feathers in his cap, and it is the greatest pleasure to all of us here that the credit of the greatest paleontological discoveries of recent years should come to him. His laurels are certainly well earned. Sincerely yours, W. D. Matthew [296]. On the 26th, Matthew wrote again to Charles and enclosed a copy of a cable from Osborn to Asia Magazine indicating that Walter had “arrived safe and well at Peking, and that the expedition this summer has been a splendid success.” On the 28th, the Andrews held a function for Osborn in Peking. Thirty people were invited including all CAE members

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(except Chinese and Mongolian assistants), prominent western residents in Peking, members of the Chinese scientific community and the American Minister. The dining room was designed to represent a huge Mongol tent within which five tables were arranged. Various papier mâché dioramas depicting scenes from Mongolia were the center pieces of each table. Place cards done in color showed camels, tents, motor cars, Mongols, and other such subjects. Anna’s had Baluchitherium painted on it, two animals browsing on trees. Dinner was good. Flower arrangements in corridor and drawing room delightful. The date was the 45th anniversary of Prof. Osborn's wedding. Andrews proposed a toast and the Prof. responded. After dinner both Andrews and the Professor made a speech concerning the experiences in Mongolia. Party broke up at twelve [297]. Professor Osborn, his wife and Andrews were to take the same boat for America on the 16th of October. Morris and his wife would follow on the 30th. Anna and Granger were to leave by mid-November. They thought they might get back in time for Christmas unless they went by way of Europe, and that would depend largely on Anna's health. She had had a bad summer with dysentery “and was not any too strong yet, although she seems to be picking up with the coming of cool weather and already weighs more than she did in the States (124 pounds).” All the expedition vehicles were sold in Kalgan, purportedly for more than was originally paid for them. Andrews planned to spend the winter lecturing in America to raise money for future expeditions. The dinosaur eggs found in 1923 were the key to that quest [Conq/230], as had been the Baluchitherium in 1922. Further, wrote Granger, Andrews expected to return to Peking in late spring or early summer of 1924, but not in time to make a trip to Mongolia. The next exploration there will have to hold over until 1925. If I come out again, as now seems likely, it would be in the spring of '25, in time to join the Mongolian expedition. I came out here for a year and a half, you

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remember, but we have opened up such an extensive and important fossil field that I've simply had to stay on for another year and it will probably be to the advantage of all concerned if I continue on in this field [298]. As for the mail delivery, Granger reported that a big batch had followed them around Mongolia the past year (1922) but never caught up. It was finally returned to Urga where Larson held it until the summer of 1923 “when he managed to smuggle it down to Kalgan and from there it was sent up to our camp by Osborn. So now I think the slate is clear.” Granger then addressed an incident still lingering from the 1923 expedition. The Bolsheviks in Urga apparently remained upset that the CAE had not waited for their representative to accompany them. “[B]ut we had an itinerary to follow and it did not include waiting indefinitely at Iren Dabasu,” wrote Granger. A young Mongol did arrive after they had started west and could have easily have overtaken them had he tried, Granger wrote. They had heard that he was a very decent fellow, but it would have been difficult to have him with the party. They could not have him, as a Buriat, in a tent with their own Mongols. He also would have further crowded their cars, and Granger doubted whether he “would have cared for our mess, with our foreign food.” Under separate cover, Granger sent Charles copies of Peking’s English papers with full accounts of the summer's trip and the recent Geological Society meeting. “In giving the report of the trip to the newspaper men,” Granger advised his father, Andrews has adopted the motto of the Californians ‘Always tell the truth but tell it big enough.’ With regard to the results of our work, however, there is no exaggeration; we have made a splendid collection [299]. Granger busily repacked the fossil collection already in Peking for shipment back to New York [Conq/229]. When finished, he hoped to take a three-day trip with Anna to the Western Tombs, he advised his father. By the end of that trip, the caravan would probably arrive with the rest of the fossils and another repacking job would be on hand [Conq/229]. After that he would look up the steamship sailings for America. He hoped to get off a letter each week while he was in Peking. He would have written earlier,

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but the boat which was to have sailed today has been delayed and I delayed the letter in consequence. This probably goes on the boat which carries the fossil men; it should reach you before they reach New York because the mail trains are faster than the passenger trains [300]. * By October 22nd, all western members of the CAE party except for Granger were somewhere on the Pacific Ocean heading home. Morris and Kaisen were about to land in Vancouver. Pope was nearing Honolulu. Olsen and Johnson on one boat and Osborn and Andrews on another, were half way across the northern route. The first lot of fossils was now ready for shipment. Granger awaited the arrival of the rest. He and Anna, in the meantime, had decided they would return by way of the Pacific, he wrote his father, and would be home sometime in January. To which he added: It looks now as if I should be coming back to China; have had talks with Prof. O. on the subject and he seems to approve. Probably I can't do any work that will bring me more credit [301][Conq/228].

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[ ].

November 18, 1923 Grand Hotel des Wagons-Lits, Ltd. Peking, China Dear Father:The caravan arrived in Kalgan the first week in November and I went up and disbanded it and brought the collections back to Peking where we are now packing them [Conq/229]. The camels––about fifty-one––will be wintered on the plateau and probably be kept on until the spring of 1925 when the Mongolian work will be resumed. I have engaged passage on the "President Cleveland"; leaving Shanghai on Dec. 12th, and going down to HongKong then on to Manila,––back to HongKong and up to Shanghai and then starting across. It will be about Feby. 1st, before I get to Rutland, but so long as I couldn't be there by Christmas it does not so much matter. I hope you have some celery and apples left by that time. All of the balance of the party should be in America by now. Kaisen was probably the first one back, Olsen will probably write you after he reaches the Museum; he was to stop a few days in California and also in Utah to see his father. Weather cooling off here now–– freezing most every night––but there has been no snow yet. I'm still boxing up our summer's collection but will be through this week; have a total of 135 cases, including my last winter's fossils from Szechuan. Glad I do not have to go back to Wanhsien this winter; plenty of trouble down there apparently. I have a small Thibetan rug for you,––and a Chinese hat which you can wear indoors if you like [302]. By November 22, Granger’s fossil-packing was finished and he only awaited permission from the Chinese government to ship them. He thought that would come by early December and all boxes would begin their way across the Pacific. It also had been planned that he would

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take two of our Chinese boys to America with me for a few month's training in our laboratory {Conq/229]. The Dept. of Labor has sort of half promised a special dispensation in the case and unless they change their minds when we reach San Francisco there should be no difficulty in the matter. It[']s going to be some trip for the boys. They both speak English and I will outfit them with some foreign clothes and get them to practice up with the knife and fork [303]. The two Chinese assistants were 'Buckshot' (Kan Chuen-pao) and Liu (Liu Hsi-ku). Granger planned to send a cable to the Museum when he was finally leaving Shanghai and ask Andrews or Matthew to also notify his father once they received it. He and Anna would have a good many changes in temperature to go through, he added, if they took “the southern trip. Clothing will vary between furs and palm beach suits before we reach California.” On November 27th, Granger confirmed to Andrews that he and Anna planned to leave Shanghai on December 27th and arrive in San Francisco on January 15th. The two Chinese were to go along with them unless he got an unfavorable report from their medical examination due the next day. Apparently the U.S. Department of Labor was agreeable to “the entry of the boys under a bond.” But Granger wanted Professor Osborn personally to clarify with the Department that they are to enter under my escort and not his, as they had understood; also the Museum should arrange for some bonding concern in San Francisco to have a representative meet us and attend to the bonds for the boys. These bonds are, so the Consulate informs me, usually not in excess of $500 gold for each person [304]. At San Francisco, Granger put the “boys” on a second-class sleeper on the Union Pacific line with tickets through to New York. He’d written to an old collecting associate from the American west days, Paul Miller, at the Field Museum in Chicago asking if he would see that Liu and 'Buckshot' got [were] transferred properly in Chicago and started east. “I

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will, of course, wire the Museum about the arrival of the boys in New York, so that someone can meet them.” Granger then informed Andrews that “ever since you left, the matter of taking the boys back has seemed rather inadvisable to me but the thing had progressed so far that I did not want to take the initiative in stopping it.” His belief, underscored by Grabau and others of the ‘Peking Circle,’ was that the feelings and needs of the Chinese scientific community would be better served by training Chinese lab assistants in China. Laboratory work on some CAE fossils could be done in Peking, instead of having them all shipped overseas. It would be savvy politically not to perpetuate the inference that China was inadequate for such training, as Andrews had suggested in 1920. Although it was too late to stop 'Buckshot' and Liu from heading to New York, ultimately Granger’s position prevailed. In 1925, a paleontology laboratory was established at CAE headquarters in Peking and training of Chinese preparators begun. It was a hit. In 1926, one Chinese student wrote Most recently, Dr. Wong got me a small job. He asked me to learn practical experiences in the preparation of Fossil Bones under the guide of George Olsen, Assistant to Dr. Granger. So that every afternoon, I spare my time to work in the Paleontological Laboratory of the 3rd Asiatic Expedition. Though it is not difficult task, but requires patience and takes long time [305]! * “The Osborn furniture and your rugs go with the first boxes” Granger continued in his November 27 letter to Andrews. The second consignment of 49 boxes would, if the huchao arrived in time, be sent on the Radnor (former USS Radnor?) sailing December 12th or the Ethan Allen departing on December 29th. Both were direct to New York. The caravan had arrived in Kalgan in the first week in November and all was well. Merin had made some trades of poor camels for good ones and came back with 55. Of these he thought 51 would last the winter on forage, but four would have to be sold. Merin had

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been paid up to May 1st and his meat allowance was also paid up. He would recoup expenses for additional food, extra felts for his yurt and some incidentals, from the proceeds from the sale of those four camels. Other expeditionary news from Peking was that the Swedish explorer and climatologist Sven Hedin had been in town for two weeks. He then left for Sweden by way of Urga, Larson taking him up from Kalgan. S. T. Dockray was still about, but hoped to leave soon for New York. Frederick Wulsin was back and now planning his Quoting expedition. “I've a notion that there will be plenty of room there for Pope too, if you see fit to send him in. Conditions in Quoting are said to be bad just now and Wulsin may delay his trip.” Also, Granger continued, a Mr. Floyd S. Tangier-Smith blew in to the hotel and told me that he is to accompany a party bound for Kashgar. A Mr. Lamb, motion picture man, seems to be heading the outfit and they have some arrangement with the Fox people. Smith spoke of a conversation with you some time ago and of your arrangement with him to pay him $.50 (gold) each for small mammals and $1.00 (gold) each for larger ones, which he hoped to collect in Quoting. He says he is to look after the zoological collecting on this trip and would like some traps and also to dispose of the mammals collected at the above rates. I will get him 100 or so traps and you can write him, care of your wife, about the possible purchase of his material. Says he has a good taxidermist along, one whom [Arthur de Carle] Sowerby knows and recommends [306]. J. G. Andersson was still away collecting in Kansu province, Granger’s update continued, and Mrs. Andersson seemed uncertain about his plans. Andersson was apparently now worried about the non-payment of salaries, including his, by the Chinese government and that he might return to Peking before he had planned. Granger also had gone to Tientsin that past Saturday to see

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the stuff collected last season by Pere Licent and Pere Teilhard out Kansu way. They have the first positive evidence of palæolithic man in these parts––great quantities of Mousterian-type implements at the base of the loess. Also the bones of the various animals upon which these men fed. But no trace of the men themselves [307]. Skulls found nearby, however, were comparatively modern and surely dated to a much later time. But there was no doubt about the antiquity of the flints found. Interesting also was a great quantity of Struthiolithus egg shell discovered in a nearby refuse heap. The humans undoubtedly fed upon these eggs, Granger opined. Granger relayed to Andrews that he had promised Teilhard that he would send copies of Third Asiatic Expedition publications on fossils. Would Andrews please make a note of this and have them sent in care of the French Catholic Mission at Tientsin. Teilhard had been dispatched from Paris, Granger informed, by the famous French paleontologist Marcellin Boule for the special purpose of making the Kansu trip with Emile Licent. Apparently Pére Licent had found these two important sites some time ago along the Yellow River where it turned northward in the Ordos region. One of the sites stretched well up into Mongolia. Whether early human culture was confined to the Yellow River valley remained to be seen, Granger noted that “we may find something of it to the northward.” In parting, Granger said that he would write again before sailing from Shanghai. Yvette, he reported, “seems to be going strong––has had a cold the past few days but looks firstrate. It was pretty lonesome-looking around the ‘Hutung’ now,” a reference to the Andrews’s large and enclosed residential compound in Peking which also served as the CAE’s headquarters. * The Grangers began their final week in Peking. “It's quite a little wrench,” he wrote his father, “getting away after two and a half years, but I expect everything will get packed up somehow and all essential matters attended to.” There were last-minute details connected with taking the two Chinese stateside, such as obtaining affidavits, outfitting

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for foreign clothes, and the like. It surely would be a “wrench” for them, too. The weather in Peking was now getting cold and the various ice rinks of the city were being put in order. There was never much snow in Peking, but there was plenty of freezing weather and skating was the chief winter amusement for the foreign residents. The Grangers departed Peking for Shanghai on December 8 on the 9:00 a.m. train. Yvette, “little George” and the Wulsins, among others, were there to see them off. It was difficult to realize, Anna wrote, that they were really leaving Peking and that some of the good people to whom we said good-byes would likely never cross our paths again. Others were to be in Peking more or less permanently and these we may see if we return. The parties were pretty thick toward the last and we both got rather used up from lack of sleep, and caught colds. The balmy weather in Shanghai was in great contrast to the snow and ice the Granger left behind in Peking and Tientsin. Shanghai occasionally had a frost but not much. A few flowers still to be seen in the gardens and some trees were only now shedding their leaves. The Grangers were to board the SS President Cleveland on December 13th. The ship had arrived from the States early on the 12th and would sail back out at 1:00 p.m. on the 13th. While waiting, the Grangers visited with their old friend C. C. Asker of the Customs Service at Wanxian. He was now stationed in Shanghai and had a house in the French concession along with a car. The car “has made it very nice for us. Drove out to St. John's University yesterday and had tea with Mr. Morton, son of Dr. Morton of Middletown; said he was home last winter.” Shanghai was growing rapidly, Granger noted––”houses going up everywhere and magnificent bank and office buildings being constructed down town. Captain Dollar said in a speech recently that Shanghai was the second port in the world in tonnage of imports and exports. But it is not China any more than New York is America.” Granger, prone to seasickness, also noted that the sea seemed “very calm the past few days––hope it will stay so for the next month! I did not miss a meal coming over but can hardly hope for the

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same luck returning.” Anna, who had a cold, had gone outdoors that morning anyway “to get used to the air before sailing.” The Grangers departed Shanghai aboard the Cleveland at 2 p.m. on December 13th and, at dusk, went into anchor at a sand bar in the Yangtze to await high tide at 1:00 a.m. and clear the sandbar. There were two days of pleasant sailing weather. If a little chilly the first day, it certainly was balmy the second. On the 15th at 7:00 p.m., they were within sight of Hong Kong harbor. The China coast had remained in sight most of the trip. On the second day they also were continuously in sight of fishing fleets. Sometimes over a hundred junks were within just a few miles of them. The Philippines was to be their next stop, in a day or so. Granger had “my straw hat and white ducks ready for Manila!” It was to be a short vacation. They were due back in Shanghai on the 26th and expected to have dinner ashore with C. C. Asker before reboarding and sailing for the States on the 27th. Walter and Anna remained on deck that evening to watch as they went into anchor at Hong Kong. The banks of the harbor, steep, high and studded with twinkling lights, made it all a “pretty” sight. A launch took them in directly after breakfast the next morning. Anna shopped and bought a string of ivory beads. Then she and Walter took the tramway up to Victoria Peak to “a fine view of the city and bay & mountains. Had lunch at The Peak Hotel. Returned to the wharf at 3 o'clock. Boat left port at 4 o'clock.” The sea built and that sent Walter to his berth. “Sea rough & our boat light, result–– Walter in bed all day.” The temperature was rising, as well, making their cabin uncomfortably hot. They reached Manila at a little after nine in the morning, quickly got ahore and checked into the Manila Hotel. The weather was said to be cool, but, to Granger, it seemed unbearably hot. The humidity, he noticed, was higher than the temperature. On the 19th, the Grangers went out for a morning auto ride to the Ishuan hot springs with their friends the Dickersons. Along the way, they stopped many times to look at trees, rocks, houses, industries, eat a coconut, and sample some sugar still uncooled in a

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sugaring off station at a cane plantation. Lunch was at a hotel at the hot springs run by “a nice Southern American lady.” That night, they “took dinner with Mrs. Jarman, met Mr. & Mrs. Fowler and Mr. & Mrs. Fleming.” The next morning, they went riding again with the Dickersons to visit Manila’s water supply facility. More interesting trees were seen along the way, Anna noted, one a gardenia whose blossoms were used “to make the "Y lang y lang" perfume.” At noon they lunched with a Major Parfit and his wife, her mother and sister. After “a most delicious meal,” Walter showed his Mongolian pictures. The Grangers left Parfit’s at 2:00 p.m. to return to the hotel, pack, board ship and return to Hong Kong for a few days. * The Grangers departed Hong Kong for Shanghai on Christmas Day, “one lovely sailing day,” Anna wrote, with the temperature around 70˚. Mr. McGreagor of Manila and Miss Lancel of California were the leading spirits in organizing some deck sports in the morning. There was a special dinner at night, with colored balloons & snappers and paper tapes to play with afterwards. At eight there was a movie and at ten o'clock Chinese chow was served in the tearoom. Mr. Lyons brought along a very long string of firecrackers, some small ones and larger ones at intervals. The string was suspended from a pole held well over the side of the boat. Explosions lasted for ten minutes, and made a pretty show. The captain of the boat assisted in the ceremony [308]. * “This is my first Christmas afloat,” Granger wrote his father. There was a small Christmas tree in the dining salon and “the place was gay with flags and bunting.” He and Anna had had

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three fine days in Manila where we fell into the hands of friends and were taken around in a car to various places of interest. Saw primeval tropical forest coconut and banana groves, went through native houses and old Spanish churches, and were entertained at luncheons and dinners by various people. Returning to Hong Kong we spent some time going about the town and around the island in a car. Could have made the trip up to Canton but preferred to stay in the harbor [309]. The sea was clear blue that day, but by nightfall they would be passing into the muddy waters of the Yangtze delta. The discoloration went far out to sea, although the line between blue and mud remained sharply demarcated. Due off the Yangtze bar some time that night, Shanghai would be reached the next afternoon. Once in Shanghai, Granger disembarked immediately to determine whether all was clear for the passage of the two Chinese, 'Buckshot' and Liu, to America. As soon as he could get “my two boys aboard at Shanghai I shall feel relieved and will then be ready for the homeward voyage,” Granger wrote to his father. He was hoping there had been no hitch in the matter since it had been a bit of a task to obtain their entry to the States. They and Chow were waiting for the Grangers at the wharf. Granger went in the next morning “to finish up matters in regard to Chinese boys who are being examined physically for the third time, tho there is nothing the matter with them.” As a result, he and Anna were left with only a little time left in which to do a bit of shopping. Their ship was to leave the wharf at 3:00 p.m. and go to anchor off Wu Sung. A Mr. White, Anna noted, who had got off their ship at Hong Kong and was then left behind when it departed, had “managed to come up to Shanghai on another boat and is now one of our number again. Still going strong on the whiskey.” The President Jefferson of the Admiral Line also was sailing to Seattle, Granger noted in the letter to his father, and probably would keep near the Cleveland as far as Yokohama. She will then take the northern route which is shorter and should reach the States several days ahead of us, so I'm sending this [letter]

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by her. She left Hong Kong a few minutes ahead of us and the speed of the two vessels are so nearly equal that now, thirty-four hours later, we're only a half mile ahead of her [310]. After the Cleveland left its mooring at eleven in the morning on December 28th, the sea became rough almost immediately. Walter went straight to his bunk. That evening, few people showed up in the dining room for dinner. Anna, one of the few, “lost my supper shortly after eating it.” Walter slept in his clothes all night, remaining in bed until four in the afternoon of the 29th. The ship reached the entrance to the Inland Sea at about eight that evening where the water was calmer. Nearly all went out on deck to see what was reported to be very lovely scenery. But the wind blew up a gale, snowflakes filled the air and all turned in early to make up for lost sleep. Anna and Walter were miserable with afflictions as their ship entered Kobe harbor at 11:30 a.m. on the morning of December 30th: “I with a strained back and he from food poisoning,” she wrote. Both were bedridden, although Walter did go ashore for two hours after lunch to buy some pearl beads for Anna. Once returned to ship, however, he was back in bed until dinner. They departed Kobe that night at 9:00. The next morning, Fujiyama could be plainly seen. “A glorious day, clear sky, a few clouds in the neighborhood of the mountain, water deep blue with whitest of whitecaps,” wrote Anna. “I managed, with Walter's help, to get a view of it from the port-hole three times. At about noon it appeared very near and large. Snow extended a good way from the summit.” Walter now had a rash all over his body. And, though Anna was feeling more comfortable than the day before, she still was unable to move about easily. Reaching anchorage at Yokohama at 6:00 p.m., the Grangers decided to pass on the New Year’s Eve party scheduled in the dining saloon that night. Walter felt better the next morning, January 1, 1924, and went ashore early with Mr. Senneck, the ship’s head wireless operator. But after departing Yokohama at 10:00 a.m., both Walter and Anna were back in bed, “though our condition is improved.”

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It was now the 2nd and the ship continued to roll. The Grangers kept their porthole open all day. Walter finally got up at about 4:00 p.m. and was able to stay up for a couple of hours. Anna could “now move about on the level without help.” When the sea roughened at supper time, both Grangers took their meals in bed. The ship rolled all night, at times nearly tipping the Grangers out of bed. It was a cloudy sky on the morning of January 3rd. Two kinds of birds were within view of the porthole, Anna noted, though she did not name them. Both Grangers were on deck at 11 a.m.––the sea had calmed. But, in the middle of the afternoon, a large rogue wave hit the ship. Every room had something in it upset by the force. Anna’s bottle of chloroform liniment fell, spilling its entire contents. The Grangers went to “bed directly after supper because of the billows. Sky clear.” The heavy roll of the ship continued through the night and all the next morning until finally it settled sufficiently that they were up and on deck again at 11:30 a.m. The sea continued to heave on January 5th. One of the wireless operators told Walter that it was all the result of a bad storm reported further north. The Grangers took their breakfast in bed and then went up on deck where the sports contests had begun. A Mr. McGregor was the chairman of this event. At 2:00 p.m. a Miss Alexander gave a talk on the Baha’i movement. A fancy dress ball took place that evening. A Miss Lancel won the second prize by dressing herself as a doll––curls, stockings rolled down, gray dress with pink sash to match hair ribbons, deep lace crochet collar at neck. First prize went to a woman in Japanese costume. A Mr. Pratt, dressed as a ‘Chinese #1 Boy,’ won the men's first prize. Second prize went to a man dressed as a colored dandy. Honorable mention was given to a Mrs. Osborn (not Henry’s wife) and a Miss Pryser who dressed as Hugenot and Moro respectively. A Mr. McDermot received mention for his "sheik" costume. On the 6th of January, Walter commented to Anna that “the ocean is still here but not here still.” The ships’ rail-to-rail roll had continued for five days without intermission. It was said to be a common thing in those parts at that time of the year, Anna assured herself. She began working on a handbag she planned to give to her friend Sarah Sinclair.

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There was a movie show in the evening, and that morning a Mr. Petit gave a talk on some sidelights of missionary work in China. It was now Meridian Day. The sky was clear, but the ocean was full of white caps and not nearly smooth enough for Walter’s comfort. He felt miserable and was now trying some of Mrs. Osborn’s medicine. At the concert that evening, Mrs. Kitchen (star performer in the “Merry Widow”) sang several times with true artistic finish. A Bohemian from Shanghai gave some Italian songs and was heard with enthusiasm. Mr. Harwood accompanied Mr. Sinnock's piano-playing with the clappers, afterward doing the same stunt with a couple of table spoons. At ten o'clock, Chinese chow was served in the tea room [311]. On January 7th, the sea was “wobbling in four directions all at once. Motion kept Walter in his chair all day.” But it had turned warmer and some of the passengers were now out on deck in summer clothes. It was Italian dinner night for that evening's entertainment. Several couples dressed in costume. A “Mr. Harwoood borrowed the room-boy's dark blue cloth coat, put bands of red on collar & cuffs, (material cut from the red border of a ship's face towel!) wore a Sam Brown belt and sword (the steel bar used to close the drawers of a wardrobe trunk) and a black felt hat with rim turned up on one side and feather stuck in cavalier fashion–– best get-up of the evening.” They sailed into Honolulu quarantine at 3:00 p.m. that afternoon. But it was after five before they were allowed to dock because there was found to be a case of small pox on board. Two men, a woman and one child were taken off the ship aboard the doctor's launch. Before sailing out at noon the next day, Walter sent a telegram to his father. It read simply: “Pleasant weather due fourteenth.” The 10th was a fine day. Many cumulus-nimbus clouds sat in the sky. But although the sea looked calm enough, it rolled the boat a good bit. This was said to be characteristic of that part of the ocean, Anna noted, while she continued sewing on the brocade bag she

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was to give Sarah Sinclair. Walter had written nearly nothing in his diary since their departure from Shanghai. Everyone dressed for the Captain's Dinner on the 13th. At about 8:30 p.m., the passengers assembled in the social hall to witness the distribution of the "Sports" prizes. Mr. McGregor was the spokesman and Miss Lancel and Mrs. Wooten assisted in the distribution of prizes. Mr. Sawyer made a speech complimenting the captain and crew to which the captain briefly responded. Some of the men took the balloons that they had as favors at dinner and burst them at appropriate times throughout the various speeches, causing much fun. Once the ceremony was over, Mr. McGregor brought out a game called Kon Kon. He had bought it in Honolulu and it was a shallow box filled with tiny rolls of paper on which were written amusing stunts to perform. One received his/her paper roll by punching the box at a circular spot with a match end which caused the roll to drop out on the lower side. Anna’s stunt was: Make a spit curl on your sweetie's forehead. Dancing came next, along with singing Hawaiian songs. The sea became rough before they went to bed. It stayed so all night and into the mid-afternoon of the next day. At one point, such a big wave hit that it spilled into the ventilator shaft on the top deck that led down to the dining room. Buckets of water poured into the room. They afrrived at San Francisco Bay on the 14th at about 6:00 p.m., too late to be examined by the port doctor and go ashore.

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[ ]. WESTERN UNION TELEGRAM Received at Rutland Vt. SB San Francisco Calif Jan 15-16 1924 C. H. Granger, Pearl St., Rutland, Vt Greetings from the home soil. Your letter received. Los Angeles next week. Walter [312]. They docked at 9:15 a.m. on the 15th of January and cleared customs at 11:30. Sarah Sinclair and a Mrs. Stewart, at the wharf to meet them, presented Anna with a bouquet of violets and Walter with a box of cigars. Anna gave Sarah a string of pearls and “[t]he brocaded bag which I made for her seemed to suit her fancy too.” The Grangers were escorted to the fine, old Stewart Hotel. While Anna rested that afternoon, Walter tried to find out whether 'Buckshot' and Liu would be admitted into the U.S. without delay. It turned out, however, that the immigration authorities had not had any advice from Washington and telegraphing was now in progress to find out what to do. This was presenting a unique case because, of course, the museum had asked for special handling. Anna spent the morning of January 16 in the hotel room putting her clothes in order and writing notes while Walter went to Angel Island to visit 'Buckshot' and Liu. All steerage passengers from the Cleveland had been taken there the previous day. But nothing further had developed in the matter ‘Buckshot’ and Lieu. As soon as Granger could get them started for New York, he planned to go over to Oakland for a few days and then to Los Angeles and home. It would be February, he told his father, before he could get to Rutland and he hoped “you all hold out until then. Hope you have some snow. I saw some on the top of Fujiyama the other day and there was a film of it at Peking but that is all I've seen since last winter in Peking and not much there either.” Paleontologist Charles L. Camp of the University of California was the Grangers’ guest for dinner that night. They went to a restaurant he recommended called the ‘Aladdin.’ It was decorated in Chinese fashion with “real Chinese girls” to wait on the tables. A curio store sat off the tea room, Anna noted. After dinner, Camp took them to a variety show.

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“Nazimora gave a one-act performance, clowns did some good acrobatics and a dough boy got off a funny monologue reminiscent of the war.” Anna spent the morning of January 19 mending her clothes. In the afternoon Walter took her to Golden Gate Park to see the new aquarium. They both thought the exhibit was “very finely done.” After dinner at the Palace Hotel they returned to their own hotel. Many of the hotels around there, Anna noted, were filled with movie artists who have come up from Hollywood to hold a ball to-night. They were not allowed to hire a hall in Los Angeles for use all night, so they come to San Francisco where no restrictions were placed on the dancing hours. The lobby of the Palace hotel was filled with men & women who were waiting to see some of their movie favorites come down in the elevator to go to the ball––which is held in the Exposition auditorium [313]. As they waited for word from Immigration in Washington, the Grangers filled their days with socializing and sightseeing. In one day, they visited the sight of the World's Fair, looked in at an art museum, passed by the Presidio and its military barracks and fortifications and went up to Twin Peaks for a view of the city and the bay. On another, it was a ferry boat ride to Oakland and an evening performance of dancing by Pavlova and her company. Yet another was to “hear Heifitz play in the evening. Enjoyed the program which was rather simple in comparison to some that are rendered before New York audiences,” wrote Anna. On January 22nd, word finally came “that the Commission for Immigration is now advised from Washington to allow 'Buckshot' & Liu to enter the U.S. Walter has gone to the bank to buy the bonds to deposit for their release.” The next day the Grangers escorted 'Buckshot' and Liu to their train at the Santa Fe depot in Oakland. Walter then spent most of the next two days at the University of California with Charles Camp and others, including future CAE member paleobotanist Ralph Chaney. Both Grangers were invited to a faculty dinner at the University on the 30th, Walter lecturing afterwards in Wheeler Hall with a presentation of lantern slides he had made of Sichuan and Mongolia. The audience was “attentive & enthusiastic.”

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* Granger wrote his father on the 1st of February to say that at last he was ready to travel east. I did not get my boys out of the Immigration Service until a week after we arrived in S.F., and it was the 23rd when I finally put them on a train and started them east. Then I moved across the bay and put up at Miss Sinclair's. At the university, where I went the next day to see my old friends in the Department of Geology, they asked me to give a public lecture on the 30th and as a courtesy to my friends there I did so. They were all keen to get some first hand information about our doings in the east. Had a very responsive audience of about six hundred. Yesterday was asked to a reception by President Campbell of the University and met many of the faculty. At Los Angeles I hoped to see my old boss, John Rowley. I had a telephone conversation with him when we were at Uncle Jim's in 1921 but did not get to see him. He is the taxidermist at the Los Angeles Museum now. He made some wonderful animal groups for the Museum out in the Golden Gate Park when he was up here. Much needed rain has come at last and things are green again. In another two weeks Spring will be on in earnest. I do hope you are not getting too impatient at my delay, but while I'm here I ought to see people I'm particularly interested in because there may be no opportunity the next time I pass through [314]. Granger wrote his father again on the 5th to say that he finally had met up with Rowley, his wife and three boys. Granger and Rowley had not seen each other “since 1901 when he left the Museum in New York.” The Grangers also visited the famous La Brea pits for the first time and paid a visit to San Diego’s Natural History Museum and [the Zoo’s]

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zoological laboratory. Then he would “be starting eastward by way of New Orleans after we have had a short visit with Jim––two or three days.” Uncle Jim was Charles Granger’s brother. A real estate boom, Walter noted, was underway “and Jim is holding his place at $20,000 and will pretty surely get it within a year or so––perhaps this spring. He will sell for that amount and probably take a cheaper and smaller place further out.” There had been no rain there yet, he added, and things were awfully dry, “the usual "unusual" California weather. Every year brings record weather of some sort.” While they were at the zoological station, Anna noted, “a reporter asked for an interview at the last moment.” They also ran into one of Granger’s old northeast Wyoming collecting buddies, Frederick B. Loomis, and wife and two boys, a “great surprise.” The Grangers departed aboard the Southern Pacific Railroad on the morning February 9th. “Saw wonderful orchards of oranges, olives, & dates throughout the day.” When they reached Yuma at a little after 4:00 p.m. and the Colorado River thereafter they began seeing cacti of various kinds. The most startling one, to Anna, “was the Sahuaro, tall & straight.” They awoke the next day, however, to find that the train was heading back to Tucson. A wreck ahead of them obliged them to go back and take the Rock Island Railroad to El Paso with a time loss of 12 hours. At 8:30 a.m. on the 11th, their train crossed the deep canyon of the Pecos River. The bridge was over 300 feet high and led the railway up to traverse along the top of a high plateau for some distance afterwards. That countryside, Anna thought, was very sterile and rocky, a “badlands” variety so familiar to her husband. She did see some mistletoe, however, growing on a high shrub which some other passenger on the train mistakenly thought was mesquite, she chuckled. When they arrived at San Antonio at 2:00 p.m., Anna’s impression was that it as a large city of one-story buildings with an aviation center, the air filled with flying machines, and flat land all under cultivation so far as she could see. Rumbling on eastward, they arrived at Houston at about 7:30 p.m. that night.

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Rain fell as the Grangers’ train rolled into New Orleans early in the morning of the 12th. They checked into the Monteleone Hotel, an establishment, Anna thought, that was “not first class in any particulars and especially poor as to the ‘eats.’" Later that morning they took a sight-seeing bus around the town. There was a park that “was a pretty place, contained a body of water for swans, some nice statuary in bronze around a large pool, and many live oak trees with the Usuca barbita hanging from the branches.” Lunch was in an oyster house. Oysters on the half shell sold at 30¢ per dozen. At 2:30 p.m. they took a steamer on a sight-seeing trip along the Mississippi River. Docks, grain elevators and factories of various kinds along the way interested them as did the typical upriver boat laden with cotton tied up to one of the wharves. Their steamer was propelled by an immense stern wheel. It was a paddle-wheeler new to Anna. The boilers were in the forward section of the vessel. One deck was given up to a dancing floor and another had many tables where refreshments were served. On their return, they visited a shop to buy some bottles of perfume made by a local Frenchman. Anna chose Magnolia, Jessamine and Sandalwood. Oysters were had again for supper after which the Grangers went to bed early “to make up for lack of good rest on the train from Los Angeles.” They took the 8:30 a.m. train out of the Louisville & Nashville R.R. depot bound for for New York. At Montgomery, Alabama, their car was attached to a train going over the Southern Railway tracks. Anna found the landscape to be very low and swampy. The higher parts were favorable to the growth of the pitch pine, she noted, and they saw many trees cut near their bases, cups placed at the bottom of the gash to collect the sap. As they entered North Carolina shortly after breakfast, passing a little to the east of Tyron, the country became hilly and well-wooded. Deciduous trees mingled with the pines. The soil looked pink. Factories began to appear, such as towel, denim and furniture factories. There were macadam roads here and there. And the “Negroes' homes,” she wrote, “are larger and kept in better repair [than those she’d just seen].” They reached Danville, Virginia, at 2:30 that afternoon. It was Valentine’s Day, 1924, and for the next year, they would no longer be so far away from home.

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[Update on CAE publicity and impact; Granger’s year in States; setting up for 1925 season as “the big one”]

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1925 January 1, 1925 American Museum of Natural History 77th Street and Central Park West New York City Dear Father: Here is the first letter of the new year. I'm beginning to think about passports and I may need the old one which I left with you.––the last time I was up it was on the small table in the living room. The table that Aunt Jane uses. Would you please send this passport down to me. You can have it back if it is of any interest to you. This is a pretty nippy and windy day. We saw the old year out at the house last night and go to Brooklyn for dinner tonight. Olive and Millett came to the Museum yesterday. Millett went back with his father to Hanover late in the afternoon [315]. January 22, 1925 27 West 82nd St New York City Dear Father: I think I told you that the passport came safely. I plan now to go home on Friday night Feby. 13th and return to the Museum on Monday morning following––this gives me Saturday and Sunday with you. I'd like to stay longer but there is too much to do. The following weekend will be so close to starting time that I don't dare make it then. We'll probably go out by the Santa Fe again and stop over a day or so with Uncle Jim. If we don't go by the southern route I shan't be able to see him for I couldn't go down from San Francisco. I enclose prints of the snaps I took at the White Mountain luncheon. Pretty good of you & Frank and the boys but the girls were out of luck––the pictures are underexposed. Your affectionate son, Walter.

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P.S.: We're hoping to see the eclipse Saturday morning if all goes well––Museum employees are to be given until 10 o'clock to do it in. W. [316]. It had been a year stateside for the Grangers and their two Chinese assistants. 'Buckshot' and Liu were now on their way back to Peking to begin packing camel boxes for the CAE’s 1925 Mongolia expedition. Urgan passes were already issued and all seemed to be set for the coming summer. Granger hoped, however, that the Urgan government would not see the report [an item] just published in the New York Times. It was based on a letter written by Andrews, now back in China, to various of the CAE’s financial contributors mentioning rather harshly the killings of several [?anti-Soviet] officials in Urga during the summer of 1924. “It might work out against us if the Soviets did learn about the report,” Granger wrote his father. “They are a sensitive crowd to some things and mighty callous to others.” Granger also informed his father that “the Pathe' people have begun the story of our expedition––it is coming out in several installments. I haven't seen it yet but will as soon as I hear where and when it is showing.” The Grangers departed New York City on Wednesday, February 25, 1925, from Pennsylvania Station at 2:20 p.m. on the “Panhandle Express.” They arrived in Chicago the next day at about 5:15 p.m. and checked into the Blackstone Hotel. Granger spent the next morning at the Field Museum and that afternoon at the Walker Museum where he visited with Paul Miller who had helped with transiting 'Buckshot' and Liu though Chicago. Then he and Anna were off on the "Overland Limited" at 8:10 p.m. that night. As they traveled through Nebraska toward Wyoming, Granger prepared a letter he would post in Cheyenne. It was to George Sherwood, a savvy administrator at the Museum. He told Sherwood that he had been unable to attend to one of Andrews’s requests about photos before leaving and asked whether Sherwood would look after it. Andrews wanted enlargements made of four or five of the CAE’s field pictures to hang in the headquarters office in Peking. Granger suggested the following: 1) Group picture with Prof. Osborn––Sept. 1923, 5

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x 7. 2) Expedition camp in Oshih Basin with lava capped mesa in background––Aug. 1923, 5 x 7. 3) A good caravan picture––probably one at Tuerin, 1922––Kodak––would be best. 4) Motor fleet at top of Kalgan pass with Great Wall in background––1923––Sept. Kodak. 5) The best of the pictures of the running wild ass––1922 4 x 5 [316a]. These enlargements, he wrote, could be packed with a shipment that was to be sent off that spring. Or they could be sent over by mail if they were not made too large. In either event, he assured, they would not get them until they returned from Mongolia in the fall, which was soon enough. * Oakland, California, was in early spring with fruit trees in bloom and lawns bright green when they arrived. Sailing time was Saturday, a few days away. Olsen was due any day and Shackelford was due Thursday. Granger hoped to spend Wednesday at the University of California. Dr. Chaney would be giving them a dinner there that evening. On Thursday and Friday “the Expedition crowd will be together in San Francisco and by Saturday I ought to be in fine shape to get seasick as soon as we get outside the Golden Gate. Rough weather is liable to come the first two days out if at all, and then again in the Yellow Sea. Sort of a greeting and farewell.” Andrews, in the meantime, had cabled Granger to proceed via Shanghai which to Granger meant that the railway to Peking was now back to running. “I am glad not to have to take the trip from Kobe to Tientsin in the small steamers as would have been the case if the trains between Shanghai and Tientsin were still interrupted.” They were to sail out at noon on March 7th with five members of the Expedition aboard ship this time, plus four wives, three children, a sister, a brother and a friend. The weather promised to be good, Granger assured himself. San Francisco and vicinity was as fine and

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lovely as ever, he wrote his father. “I enjoy this part of California. Spring has set in and everything is bright and green.” Granger listed the sailing party: Walter Granger & Wife Roger Granger [Anna’s brother] Mary Smith R. W. Chaney, Wife, 3 children and Mary Chaney - sister George Olsen N. Nelson & Wife J. B. Shackelford & Wife [316b]. Notably, Peter Kaisen and A. Johnson were not returning, although George Olsen was. Ralph W. Chaney was a paleobotanist from the University of California. Nels C. Nelson was an archaeologist who had been at the American Museum since 1912 and was known primarily for his work in the American Southwest and Europe. Topographers would be added as well, as will be seen, as would physician Dr. Harold Loucks of the Peking Union Medical College [Conq/232]. The days of medical treatment by a paleontologist and taxidermist were over, at least for the CAE-Mongolia. This 1925 Mongolia party was to be the largest of the CAE’s five Mongolia expeditions. But its supposedly innovative, multi-disciplinary scientific approach was not actually employed until this 1925 season when the disciplines of paleobotany, archaeology and topography were added to those of paleontology, geology, zoology and taxidermy during the first two seasons [Conq/231]. Furthermore, not all western members of the 1925 CAE were employees of the American Museum. Berkey, Morris, Pope, and Chaney were non-Museum scientists, Young and V. Johnson were U.S. marines, a new assistant motorman, Norman Lovell, was British and the topographers, one of whom would join the sailing party in Honolulu, all were U.S. or British military men [Conq/232]. Departing Oakland

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Newspaper photographers took shots of the 1925 Expedition members gathered at the dock in Oakland before they set off. Although there was a fairly rough sea outside the Golden Gate Bridge and many passengers became ill, there were no more storms. The sailing was relatively pleasant all the way to Honolulu. Granger did miss dinner that first night of rough seas, however. And there was to be no St. Patrick's Day. When he and Anna retired to their beds on March 16th, they woke up the next morning on March 18th. St. Patrick’s Day, the 17th, had disappeared beneath the 180th Meridian. The party arrived in Honolulu at about 8:00 a.m. on March 13th. Charles Berkey met up with them there, along with Fred Morris and his wife. Chief topographer Major L. B. Roberts of the U.S. Army Reserve, a friend of Berkey’s, also joined them there [Conq/232]. Topography was to be a major endeavor and selected as Roberts’ assistants were Lieutenant F. B. Butler of the U.S. Army and Lieutenant H. O. Robinson of the British Army’s First Royal Lancashire Regiment. While this military presence within the CAE became public knowledge in later years, it was not well known at the time. The premise for topographical work was that nearly all existing maps of Mongolia were based on a Russian map “which is very unreliable. Apparently much of it was prepared from native information, and this is proverbially bad [Conq/237].” But, of course, guides seemed to suffice; Larson seemed to know his way around, as did other westerners living and working in Mongolia; the CAE had successfully driven deep into Mongolia in previous seasons and would do so again during this one without a good map; and Granger and the geologists seemed satisfactorily able to note, sketch and locate their Mongolian discoveries for future reference. Since the poor, Russian-based maps had not significantly hampered the CAE in 1922 amd 1923, or for this 1925 season, the questions then become: what scientific purpose would be accomplished by new mapping and why was the mapping being done by U.S. and British military personnel, one of whom was recommended by Berkey? The answer is that the CAE’s topographical endeavor carried military and commercial implications, as well as scientific.

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This point was not lost on the CAE. Wanting to commence the mapping survey at the Kalgan railroad station and take it through the north gate and up over the Wan Ch’uan Pass into Mongolia, Andrews declared in Conquest at page 237, that: It was by no means easy to carry out the initial and most important stage of the survey. Marshal Feng Yu hsiang, who then was in charge of the Kalgan region, had refused to permit another foreign geological party to make a survey of the Pass. There was no probablity that we would fare better at his hands. In such cases, in China, I have found that the best plan is to go ahead until you are stopped. It is quite possible to make unending trouble for oneself by being too conscientious in the observance of rules. Therefore, I instructed Major Roberts to say nothing to the authorities, but to do his job. If he got into trouble, I would guarantee to get him out of it. Departing Honolulu Granger’s Museum colleague, paleontologist William King Gregory, happened to be in Honolulu for vacation and came to the dock on March 7th to see the CAE party off. It was good weather all the way to Yokohama, which was reached early in the afternoon on March 23rd. The Grangers spent the night at the American architect Frank Lloyd Wright’s new Imperial Hotel. “This,” Granger wrote his father, “is the strangest hotel I've ever seen and one of the best. It stood the earthquake almost better than any other building in the city. The dining room floor is somewhat warped but no cracks show in the walls.” They were back at the harbor for sailing at 10:00 a.m. the next morning. March 25th was fine sailing through the Inland Sea into the Yellow Sea, which was perfectly calm. They hove to at the Yangtze River sand bar to again wait to cross it that night at high tide and then sail on in to Shanghai. After a visit to the American Consul and two visits to Customs with Roberts, Granger got all expedition gear cleared by 11:00 a.m., “without examination and without duty.” However, a letter and wire from Andrews delivered to Granger while he was still aboard

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ship had advised “us not to arrive in Peking before Apr. 4 as the Empress of France crowd will have all hotel rooms until that date. All hands to the Palace Hotel.” Arrive Peking April 8 and 12, 1925 Peking Dear Father: We all reached Peking on Saturday the 4th and our baggage came in Tuesday three days late; it never gets across the Yangtze at Nanking in time to get put on that day's train and as trains are run to Peking only three times a week now the traveler usually has to spend two or three days waiting for his baggage here [317]. The party got off from Shanghai on April 2, 1925, at 11:30 p.m. The train had only one first-class coach, so the ladies took one compartment and the men two others. Chow, who was working in Shanghai at the moment, was at the station to see them off. He planned to return to Peking in another week to join the party once it started for Mongolia. Liu, 'Buckshot', Whey [Huei], along with Yenching University (1923-1932) geology professor George Barbour, were at the station to greet them [n. Barbour and his odd nonack. of Granger] when the party arrived at Peking on the 4th at 7:30 p.m., five hours later than scheduled. The contingent checked in to the Wagon-Lits hotel. Andrews, who had been in Peking since July, 1924, showed up that evening to report that all expedition cars except his No. 1. had been sent up to Kalgan along with most of the gear; the Chinese assistants were mostly assembled and ready to go; and herpetologist Pope was already back at work in Fukien Province. Public interest in the CAE’s Mongolia work was such, Andrews continued, that new funding now totalled $284,000 [Conq/231]. Outfitted with new cardigans sporting, big, fraternity-like, TAE (Third Asiatic Expedition) patches, along with dashing hats and military-like shirts, trousers and footgear, this 1925 CAE venture seemed to be making a point of fashionable territorial presence [occupation, conquest].

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In addition, Dodge Brothers Corporation had supplied the Expedition with an entirely new fleet of four cars and two trucks (‘dog-wagons’) modified with “heavier springs, increased radiation, larger gas tanks, and open ‘express’ bodies [Conq/231].” Including Andrews’ personal touring car, this more functional fleet totalled seven vehicles. The days of the cumbersome Fulton truck were over. Merin and his caravan were already on their way to Shabarakh Usu/Flaming Cliffs and expected to arrive before May 1 to await the CAE men in their new motor fleet [Conq/235-236]. [Conq/233-235 contain some interesting background info. including negotiations with Urga and RCA meeting Kozloff.]

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[ ]. The warlord General Feng Yu Hsiang, known as the Christian General, who now occupied Kalgan and was in full control of that region did not recognize the Peking government. So the Expedition had to deal directly with him. They were hoping this situation would not delay getting started though Inner Mongolia, but there was no way to tell until they reached Kalgan. Beyond that, they anticipated no trouble entering Outer Mongolia since the Urgan passes had already been issued. Looming on the horizon, on the other hand, was an expected “contest this summer between Gen. Feng and Chang-Tso Ling, the Manchu warlord. If it comes, we shall be safe in Outer Mongolia and the wives safe in the Legation Quarter here [in Peking],” Granger wrote his father on April 8. Not addressed was whether and how the contest’s outcome might affect the CAE’s return. For the moment, Anna and Mrs. Shackelford would stay at the Wagons-Lits Hotel, Mrs. Morris would go back to Shanghai and Mrs. Nelson had taken rooms with a friend outside the Legation Quarter. The Chaneys were renting a house in one of the residence compounds of the Rockefeller College. On the 12th, Granger continued his April 8th letter to his father. “This letter has hung fire for several days––there is so much to do in the ten days we have here that I seem to find but little time for letter-writing. Social life in Peking is pretty strenuous and a quiet evening in our room at the hotel is something we look forward to but don't get very often.” Expedition party members all were well he wrote, except for the usual Peking colds which newcomers acquired at that time of the year. It was a season of dust storms and the germ-laden atmosphere was hard on mucous membrane. “It's a wonder we don't get all sorts of disease from this filthy city dust, but the ever-present sun seems to take care of things pretty well. There are no rains in North China until late June as a rule.” The three topographers, he reported, were already up in Kalgan on the 11th to begin surveying before the rest of the party arrived. That was scheduled for Wednesday, April 15, and, with good luck, the party would get off for the plateau on the 17th. He also promised that “I will send you some newspapers with accounts of our doings” under separate cover. Arrive Kalgan

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Granger drew $3,000.00 from the Harbin bank for Expedition expenses and the main party left Peking for Kalgan by train on April 15 at 8:28 a.m. Granger, Berkey, Morris & wife, Chaney & wife, Nelson, Olsen and Dr. Loucks. A Miss Wolff from P.U.M.C. [Peking University Medical College] accompanied Mrs. Morris and Mr. and Mrs. Daley of the Chicago Tribune came along to see us off. Roy and Shack to follow tomorrow after attending to urgent matter––mostly radio–– today [318][Conq/238]. Their baggage was put in charge of Liu and Whey [Huei] to follow on a later train and navigated through the new “Octroi” (tax collector) that had been established by Feng. The General, Granger noted, was in residence in a compound just north of the Catholic Church. Upon arrival, the CAE party filed over to the Pioneer Inn run by a Mr. and Mrs. Williams. Bachelors were obliged to sleep on their cots in another compound owned by the Inn a short distance north. Larson, now relocated from Urga because of the political changes there, had built a new compound that stood in between. Kalgan was busy. A carload of Russian officials stopped at the Pioneer Inn that night. They were going on to Peking the next day. Kalgan was also full of Mongols. Several hundred were seen boarding a train bound for Peking to see Panchen Lama. Bato went, as well, as did Ioshih [319]. The topographers were off on Monday the 13th as planned, carrying their site line out from a mark on a railway bridge near the city. 'Buckshot', a No. 2 Cook named Shah and a cart load of baggage went with them. It was decided to send two more cart loads of equipment to Miao Tan early on the 17th because bad roads between the top of the pass and Miao Tan had been reported by Young who had returned two days before from his trip 20 miles north to Chap ser to pick up Bato and a Mongol named Tserin [future CAE caravan leader, 1928-30]. There also were reports of rampant banditry between Miao Tan and Chap ser. Five cars, including one owned by the Williams, were held up a few days

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earlier and many thousand dollars worth of furs were taken from one of them. The main party would follow in lightened cars ready for action on Saturday the 18th. In the meantime, Berkey had developed a temperature of 104˚ on the 17th and was confined to his bed by Dr. Loucks, the CAE’s physician. It was decided that the balance of the party would go on to Ula Usu with all seven cars and then Young would return to Kalgan with one dog-wagon for Berkey and Loucks. “The Dr. feels that it will be a week before Berkey can be moved [Conq/238].” Mr. and Mrs. Daley of the Chicago Tribune had had tiffin with General Feng who then extended an invitation to the expedition party to have a meal with him before they departed. Feng was also suggesting that the CAE delay its departure for a week or so until his soldiers could clear the trail of bandits [Conq/238]. But the seven-car fleet now lined up in the compound with flags flying and ready to start for the plateau was quite imposing. Granger took a moment to a make a striking photograph of a domesticated Feng standing with his wife and holding their newborn child in the doorway of their home. The expedition did not think bandits would want to give them any trouble. The General would have to wait. The advance party was to be met at Miao Tan, 35 miles out from Kalgan. Even though the pass was bad just now and the weather unseasonably warm, making bad going until they got beyond the Chinese cultivation, the cars would go up light and the road beyond was excellent, so they heard [Conq/238-239]. Granger wrote his father that Anna would mail some newspapers to him, as well as “a photograph of each of us. We took some new ones in the headquarters compound the day before I left but I did not see them before I left.” Shackelford, he wrote, wanted to shop around a reel of motion pictures of their start for Miao Tan. If it got to the Pathé people “you may see it. I'm wondering if the serial story of the Expedition in 1922 issued by Pathé ever got to Rutland. If the motion picture people there request it it probably could be obtained.” In closing, Granger wrote, I shall think of Vermont a good deal along about June this year. I was mighty glad to have a look at her last June and to find her up to expectations. And it is not so bad there in October [320].

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The Expedition’s main party was off in convoy about 10 o'clock a.m. on the 18th [Conq/238]. Berkey, better but still weak remained behind with Loucks. Granger sketched the vehicles and seating arrangement. “When our cars started for the Pass they made a very impressive spectacle. The huge trucks flying American flags [U.S., Ex.Cl., AMNH], and piled high with baggage and men, looked like battleships under full steam [Conq/238].” Indeed, the CAE’s tone was different in 1925. With evidence of success to bolster them, the expedition’s presence was formatted by a flotilla of gleaming new cars packed with equipment, arms and native assistants. American, Museum and Explorers Club flags affixed to windshield uprights flew boldly over Mongolian soil. Western men of science and military, dressed in new, soldier-like uniforms, sat comfortably, if not a bit imperiously, in their throne-like seats with eyes fixed forward in resolute manner. The way up to the pass was good going since many of Feng's soldiers had been detailed to drain and repair that portion of the road [Conq/238]. But from the top of the pass on, the road turned bad, the expedition cars repeatedly becoming mired in mud [Conq/238]. The expedition proceeded to Chang Pei Hsien [Changpeh-hsien] arriving after dark on April 18th in a blinding sandstorm and putting up at a large inn on the southern edge of town [Conq/238]. Sentries had challenged them as they approached town. With a “fine Chinese chow” for dinner, they planned to be off early the next day. As they approached a river crossing near Miao T’an on April 19th, a Saturday, the party encountered a number of stopped motor cars that were on their way from Urga to Kalgan loaded with boxes of ammunition for General Feng’s army. Soldiers now lined both banks of the river to stand guard over the halted cars because one of them had become stuck on the far bank of the river. Boxes of ammunition were being unloaded from that vehicle and all others to enable the cars to be taken across river empty. The boxes were being taken across in ox carts for reloading once the vehicles had safely crossed [Conq/239]. The expedition cars got over safely and “then we hauled the soldier truck out and proceeded [Conq/239].” Meanwhile, Morris had walked on up to Miao T’an to meet up with the three topographers and 'Buckshot.' Having finished their leveling to Miao T’an earlier that

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Thursday, they since had been waiting for the main party to arrive. The carts also had arrived, the expedition laid over at Miao T’an to reload the cars. While waiting, the topographers ran seven more miles of route mapping out of Miao T’an while a large military presence remained to guard cars filled with ammunition for Feng’s army continued to arrive from Urga [Conq/241]. On Monday, April 20th, the party “got off fairly early –– topographers preceeding us.” Tiffin was by the roadside and camp was at 4 p.m. on “Wolf Creek about 5 miles south of Chap Ser.” The road had been good most of the way. The party had also traveled through bandit territiory that day “without seeing any signs of them.” Feng’s ammunition cars continued to pass by daily.

We discovered very soon why Marshal Feng Yu-hsiang, the so-called “Christian General,” had objected to our going out to Mongolia. He knew that a clash with Chang Tso-lin was inevitable in the not far distant future, and was preparing himself with arms and ammunition from Russia. Great quantities passed our camp daily in motor cars, and fifteen hundred camels were reported to be south of P’ang Kiang. Since Feng had categorically denied his Russian affiliations, he was not anxious to have foreigners on the road who would tell the truth [Conq/241]. Part Failure On the 21st, after breaking camp, with everything loaded aboard the cars which were being tuned up for the day’s run, the No. 1, Andrews’s car, would not start, even when towed about in gear by a dog-wagon [Conq/239]. [I thought we had all new cars and no trucks?] An examination of the timing gear (cam gear) revealed that one lug tip had broken off causing two adjoining it to become sheared off. No repair could be made since the gear was made of fiber instead of metal. A spare was not taken because “the Dodge people had said that this gear never broke [Conq/240].” Camp was re-established at Wolf Creek while Mac Young headed back in the No. 2 car for Kalgan 90 miles away to get new gears. He would also bring back Berkey if he was

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well enough. Andrews and Granger went by road north to alert the topographers and Morris who had already gone on ahead before the trouble on the No. 1 was discovered. While they waited, the topographers and geologists found enough work to do. But the rest were destined to hunt ducks for a few days –– ”pleasant enough but not so profitable,” Granger wrote. Although they were forced to remain in a bandit area, “I do not feel that we are in much danger,” opined Granger, despite Andrews’s later claim to worrying otherwise [Conq/240]. Nevertheless, five Mongol soldiers came into camp that morning (April 21st) to report that they were hunting bandits who took two Chinese women for ransom the day before. The Wireless A special tent was pitched near a watercourse which gave a good ground for the expedition’s secretly brought along wireless radio. An antenna of a single wire about 150 feet long was suspended 20 feet off the ground by means of two spliced bamboo poles. Once set up, the wireless received time signals from Peking along with a message from Dr. Loucks saying that Charles Berkey's condition was improved. Music from Shanghai could be heard clearly over the wireless in the evening. Numerous [Morse] code stations could be heard [were received/detected] as well. [After more than 150 years, the dots and dashes of Morse code are quickly fading into the static of the past. For generations, these electric sounds were the only form of longdistance communication. On land, they heralded the arrival of a telegram or a news dispatch from far away. On the seas, they were a lifeline for lonely mariners. Today, overtaken by the telephone and the Internet, Morse code is considered obsolete, and the people who once used it are mourning its loss. - 1999 http://www.nlm.nih.gov/onceandfutureweb/database/secd/case2-artifacts/audio3.html] Interestingly, Conquest makes mention of wireless radio at page 243 only to say that it was not permitted to be used in Outer Mongolia. Nevertheless, for the moment, time signals continued to be taken each morning along with messaging. On April 23rd, the party received word from Dr. Loucks announcing Mac Young’s arrival in Kalgan along with the continued recovery of Charles Berkey [Conq/240]. Young, they were told, would have to send in to Tientsin for a spare timing (cam) gear. In the meantime, the

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topographers initiated a contour map of the Hallong Ossu region to provide a useful rendering of that grasslands country [Conq/240]. The rest of the party spent their third full day of waiting sitting in camp or hunting duck. On the 24th, Granger accompanied the topographers to Eriksson’s mission at Hallong Ossu so that Eriksson could take him a few more miles north to J. G. Andersson's old Olan Chorea and Ertemte localities [Conq/240]. Granger found “little of consequence” there, Conquest later stating (p. 240) that no work was attempted because the CAE had yet to be informed that Andersson “had abandoned his investigations” there. Regardless, Granger finally in 1925 was able to inspect the Inner Mongolia fossil localities Andersson had discovered in 1919. The 25th was another day of waiting, most of the men remaining in camp. Morris surveyed the hills nearby while the topographers continued working on the Hallong Ossu quadrangle [Conq/240]. The 1925 Expedition was stymied. It had departed Kalgan on the 18th and proceeded 90 miles north by the 20th only to have not moved an inch since. It was now Sunday, April 26th. The day dawned bright, calm and fairly warm with a light skim of overnight ice [icing] still on the pools. Oscar Mamen, one of Andrews’s old [1919] Outer Mongolia hunting buddies, and five others came by car from Urga that day at about 10 a.m. and stopped at camp for coffee [321]. They reported that political conditions were still bad in Urga. Larson was expecting to leave Urga in a few weeks, perhaps for good. He was now forbidden by the Bolsheviks to ship horses out of Outer Mongolia. Shortly after lunch, Mac Young drove into camp in the No. 2 car with Berkey, Loucks and 'Buckshot' aboard [Conq/241]. Berkey looked “pretty feeble but apparently able to carry on.” Young had remained in Kalgan and ordered the new gears sent up by mail from Tientsin. Loucks had briefly returned to Peking and from there brought back letters and mail. There were four letters from Anna for Granger and one from his father Charles. There were also several photos of Anna taken in the Andrews/CAE compound. Copies of the "Peking Leader" featured an article by the [Chicago Tribune] reporter [? John] Daley had caused some trouble in diplomatic circles. His article stated that the expedition party had departed Kalgan despite General Feng's request that they wait for

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two weeks while he cleared the country of bandits, and that they had to sign papers releasing the Chinese government of responsibility for any consequences. Andrews “has had to write to the Legation saying that matters were not so bad as stated.” The No. 1 car was back to running that afternoon and sent over to Eriksson’s mission at nightfall with a large bundle of letters. The topographers had finished the Hallong Ossu quadrangle and were ready to go. The expedition was off to an early start on the 27th, the topographers going on ahead to finish siting four or five miles of trail beginning about 15 miles north of Chap ser. The party was to take a cut-off trail the next day that they had learned about from the Williams at the Pioneer Inn. It was off the main Urga trail about 21 miles north of Chap ser at the yurt village they called "Tserinville" because Tserin the future caravan leader lived there [Conq.241]. They then took a route westward to the lamasary of Gushih in Suma where they headed southwest on one of the numerous trails leading out of an intersection there. While stopped at Gushih in Suma, they learned from three lamas who were traveling east on camels “that Merin had been held up by five soldiers at Bulli in Suma and had been keeping him there for a month. No reason given –– this is disquieting news.” Conquest later stated that the soldiers claimed to have found ammunition among the expedition’s equipment. “As a matter of fact, there were several boxes of shotgun shells in one of the cases, but the Urga authorities had assured me that their permit covered whatever our camels would carry, and that the caravan would be allowed to pass the frontier without examination,” Andrews wrote in Conquest [Conq/243-244]. “Since I knew from previous experience,” he continued, the type of insolent Buriat officials who are in charge of every border station, there was little doubt in my mind as to why our camels were being held. Every Chinese caravan is treated in the same way until the merchants pay enough “squeeze” to satisfy the greed of the Buriats [Conq/244].

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[Note that Conquest/Mongolia has two voices: Andrews per Granger/Granger diary and Andrews per Andrews.] That day’s run was about 65 miles to a night camp at a well, Granger recorded, located in the center of a plain west soutwest of Gushih in Suma. As he settled in for the night, he noticed that near the camp was a horned lark’s nest with two half grown young in it. They had also passed, he wrote, many antelope that day north of Chap ser. Of them, Andrews had shot an old buck. Loucks had shot a female. Departing on the 28th, another fine clear day, the expedition struck the Sair Usu trail at about 10:00 a.m. passing across an ancient wall 3 1/2 miles north of the trail. They drove 60 miles to a campsite at a well on a large dry wash surrounded by a few yurts. Twice that afternoon they thought they had finally reached the Bultai Urtu lamasary and the point where the trail south from Irdin Manha joined the Sair Usu road. But that night (28th) they found they were still east of it, although they knew where they were. Andrews and Mac were to take one car early the next morning (29th) to Sharu Marun lamasary and bring back a few cases of fuel out of the 42 cases which Merin was supposed to have dropped off there. Both trucks had run out of gas a few miles east of the new campsite that afternoon and they had to borrow some from Granger’s car after he drove back three miles to find them. “Thousands of Mongolian gazelles today,” Granger noted on the 28th, “especially just a mile or so east of this camp. Nearly all does and unusually tame. One bunch of 200 or so crossed less than 100 yards in front of me when I was on the way back to Lovell (and the stalled trucks) and did this trick over again upon my return.” Norman Lovell, a U.S. Marine, replaced Vance Johnson as a motorman that season. And thanks to Loucks’s, also a U.S. Marine, skill with a weapon the men had “Antelope filet for dinner and wonderfully fine.” On Thursday the 30th, they drove to Ula Usu, about 71 miles away, “and found the place little changed since our last visit in 1923 [Conq/244].” On the 1st, Granger, Andrews, Shack, Mac, Lovell and Loucks proceeded, according to Granger, to Merin’s camp. Andrews, on the other hand, takes 2 1/2 pages of Conquest (pp. 244-246) to portray a

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daring drive straight to the nearby yamen by the six men, each heavily armed, in three cars to take on the Buriat officials who had dared to stop and delay Merin and his caravan. Grabbing a Mongolian soldier as hostage, Andrews not only claims to have led the storming of the yamen, but, once inside, he successfully slammed his fist so hard on a sheet-iron stove that all culprits jumped with great fear before duly slumping into quiet submission. He then launches into a somewhat nasty diatribe about dealing with Buriat officials, to wit: “As soon as we arrived, an insolent young Buriat from the yamen swaggered into the tent [apparently confirming Granger’s version that Merin’s tent is where they went first]...I know of no more insolent type of human being than a Buriat in possession of a little authority...we had to let the yamen officials understand that we would enforce our rights, with bullets if necessary [Conq/245-246].” Granger records nothing like this other than, as said, that the six men drove to Merin’s camp. Beyond that, however, his diary is also intriguingly blank from May 1 through May 5, except twice to record mileages of 46 on the 1st and 58.6 on the 5th [the latter shows up in Conq/249]. Merin and the caravan departed Ula Usu on May 2nd. On the 6th, the expedition went into camp at Gatun Bologai, the topographers continuing their survey line across the plateau from camp to camp. Berkey seemed recovered, Granger thought, although he was not allowed by Loucks to be very active. On the 7th, they camped at Baiying Goshigo after a 57.2-mile run. The location was in a wash with many elm trees and a well on a high mound of earth just to the east [Conq/250]. They recognized the place as one they had passed in the fall of 1923 when they had the lama guide with them and then turned off to the north some distance further east. “We are therefore on the main trail to T'sagan Nor and not on a northerly road as we had supposed.” They had passed Merin’s new camp shortly after tiffin and found that all was well with him. On the 8th, the party made a roughly 52-mile run on a clear day against strong headwinds. The topos carried their line into camp ‘Khundelungi Usu’ at the bottom of a broad sand wash with a well and a field of large tussocks along the eastern edge. This had

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been a hard day for everybody [Conq/251]. “Three or four bad washes gave trouble to all cars in both parties. In one broad sandy wash we had to make a pavement of flat granite stones for the cars to run over and it required the assistance of all available men pushing in addition.” Saturday, May 9th, was different. They covered about 72 miles into camp by a well a mile south of and considerably above the road at the southwestern end of a long rocky range of hills Granger called “Gee Cheh Ola [‘Jichi Ola’-Conq/252].” The topographers did 70.4 miles of the route with Chaney and Granger assisting all day. It was “wonderful going, only one bad place about 53 miles west of camp –– a low tussocks place with some water and a little sand. Nobody of our party stuck. (Mac reports getting stuck).” For game, however, it was a desolate section with almost none in sight all day. They’d seen just ten antelope, a few sand grouse and one plover. The next day was through “much rough country and a good deal of heat waves and topography difficult.” Scouting for the right route, Andrews went off on a southerly road for about 10 miles east of camp and then cut across country to the northward to a camping place on the main trail and then east to a fork where he left a note directing the party to keep on the main road. He also reported having seen auto tracks in the road ahead. Tserin reported hearing that two cars had passed westward. Liu learned from a Chinese trader that three cars had gone westward and one had returned. He understood that Russians were in the cars. Mongolia was getting crowded with auto traffic, Granger noted, and while the road had been fine and hard most of the way, it was a bit wavy in places and that necessitated frequently slowing down the cars. It was a cloudy damp day with sprinkles of rain. The Gurban Saikhan mountain range was obscured and, as if to join them, Granger made no more diary entries for the next month. From late May to late June, 1925, he wrote nothing and left the next 28 pages of his diary book pages as if he’d planned to fill them in later. Why? Because the party was headed back to Shabarakh Usu. “Return to the Flaming Cliffs” Olsen’s original find of dinosaur eggs at Shabarakh Usu in 1923 was never filmed for motion picture because Shackelford was not with the expedition that year. But a

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Shackelford film portraying the discovery does exist. It was made in 1925. The monthlong (late-May to late-June) gap in Granger’s 1925 diary is explained by the CAE’s return to the Flaming Cliffs to restage the discovery of dinosaur eggs for Shackelford’s camera. Conquest takes us back at page 253, Andrews opening that chapter true to form: On the way to Shabarakh Usu [the] next morning, we had a surprising exhibition of the ability of a gazelle to run when badly wounded. I shot a young buck, completely severing the hind leg at the knee. The animal continued to run at a speed of twenty-five miles an hour for five miles. The going was so bad that the car could not reach a greater speed than that and we were not able to get near enough for a second shot [Conq/253]. After a two year absence, the CAE party arrived at Shabarakh Usu on May 11. After setting up camp, the men of the varied scientific disciplines now in the field began making their inspections of the area. Freshly exposed after two year’s of weathering, all kinds of new evidence seemed to lay about. Among the discoveries for the paleontologists and archaeologist were pieces of fossil eggshell of the giant ostrich Struthiolithus [J. G. Andersson] along with those of the dinosaur. Interesting was their realization that a number of eggshells apparently had been handled, even worked decoratively, by an older human culture they named the “Dune Dwellers of Shabarakh Usu [Conq/254-255] [A. Mayor].” Olsen prospected in the gully where he had found the original nest of eggs in 1923 and found another within yards of it [Conq/256]. These eggs were smaller than the ones he’d found in 1923 and were later determined to be of the dinosaur [ ] [Conq/257]. Motorman Lovell found nested dinosaur eggs as well, and quickly deferred to Granger to handle excavating and removing the entire block of matrix contained them [Conq/257]. Finally, the topographers found many fragments of Struthiolithus eggs in the peneplane indicating an apparent nesting site of that giant ostrich [Conq/258]. * The next few pages of Conquest are devoted to Andrews’s return to Urga with Mac Young and Tserin on May 24th, neither of whom would be around in 1933 to verify this

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drama-filled account of that journey. The upshot was that the Urgan officials had recalled Andrews to Urga to address their concerns about the CAE’s motives and activities and provide greater accountability. “On June 4, the last document had been signed,” wrote Andrews, “the last permit received and the last dollar paid... The agreement which we finally signed with the Scientific Committee was fair and provided that certain duplicates of our collections should be returned to Urga [Conq/262].” Andrews also agreed to return to the expedition with two Buriats in tow: Dalai Badmajapoff, a young boy taken along as a “guest” (as requested by T. Badmajapoff), and John Dimschikoff, a 24-year old professor of science [Conq/263]. Things were not to go well with Dimschikoff. Andrews and party returned to Shabarakh Usu two weeks after they’d left. Among other things, more dinosaur eggs had been discovered, these “of very small thin-shelled kind unlike any of the others [Conq/266].” More news awaited: Granger’s previously noted “unidentified reptile” found in the Cretaceous Djadochta during the 1923 expedition’s stop at Shabarakh Usu was actually “one of the oldest known mammals [to be found]...in a hundred years of science only one skull of a mammal from the Age of Reptiles ever had been discovered [Conq/271].” In the days and weeks following, Granger and his men found seven more. “Those skulls were the most precious of all the remarkable specimens that we obtained in Mongolia [Conq/271].” Members of classification orders known as Multituberculata and Insectivora, the latter order now abandoned, these archaic mammals bridged the transition from the Age of Reptiles to the Age of Mammals [Conq/273]. William K. Gregory saw them as the “missing links in the story of mammalian evolution [Conq/273].” [First appearing in the early Jurassic, possibly the Triassic, multituberculates survived the mass extinction in the Cretaceous, only to become extinct in the early Oligocene epoch, some 35 million years ago. - Wiki] [The order Insectivora is a now-abandoned biological grouping within the class of mammals. Some species have now been moved out leaving the remaining ones in order Eulipotyphla, within the larger clade Laurasiatheria, which makes up one of the most basic clades of placental Mammals. - Wiki]

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* Not surprisingly, Shackelford’s 1925 film version of discovering dinosaur eggs at Shabarakh Usu wasn’t anything like the original event in 1923. Instead, it is characterized by a clatter of men frolicking with glee while recklessly retrieving [grabbing, hoisting] fossil eggs from in situ. Motorman Norman Lovell is in the film, even though he wasn’t with the CAE in 1923! And, of course, Andrews is in it too, although we now know that he didn’t become aware of Olsen’s original find for several weeks [322]. In the meantime, back in Peking, Anna had been sorting out money matters. She wrote to the Museum’s financial officer, Mr. Smythe, to say that while she seemed to have drawn more heavily on their letter of credit for the month of May than she should, she did so knowing that what was drawn had to suffice for all of June. “I am trying to change the time of taking out money on the letter on the last of the old month rather than at the beginning of a new one because the rate of exchange seems to be higher then. Just at the first week of a month when everybody is needing money for bills, it seems as if the bankers manipulate to keep the exchange for their advantage.” Regardless, she asked Smythe to get in touch with my brother, Roger Granger at #50 Church St. N.Y. City––Telephone Cortlandt 7656 in case you need money to cover. I am writing to him. I found a memorandum among Walter's papers saying I could only draw $268. gold per month. At this rate I have exceeded the quota. There will not be the demand for funds in the coming month as there has been up to date. I am sure I shall not have any further difficulty in keeping within the limit [323]. The weather was wonderfully fine for this season of the year in Peking, she added. The city had received more than the usual amount of rain and the parks were delightfully green. Anna also was busy, noting that “What time I have left from social functions, rickshaw riding, browsing around in curio stores, etc., I am spending on Chinese. Have a fine teacher and am enjoying the lessons very much.”

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[ ]. June 24, 1925 Rode over to badlands and walked home. Found the pelvis of a mastodont and the usual scrap of foot bones, tooth fragments, etc. A dull day with summit of the mountain obscured most of the time [324]. The CAE party left Shabarakh Usu for Tsagan Nor on June 8 and arrived two days later on the 10th [Conq/275 & 279]. Shortly after, Granger and Olsen proceeded another fifteen miles north of Tsagan Nor with their field and camp assistants to establish camp at Loh where the first Baluchitherium skull had been found in 1922. Granger was interested in finding more parts of this animal, along with whatever else the site had to offer. He and the other collectors began finding a variety of material right away [Conq/279]. Most spectacular among the fossil discoveries was Liu’s find of evidence further excavated by Granger that eventually revealed all four lower legs of a Baluchitherium that apparently sank to death by suffocation in quicksand while remaining upright [Conq/279]. After finshing their work at Loh, the paleontologists moved over to the slopes of Baga Bogdo where they studied “an enormous” but badly preserved mastodont pelvis found by Olsen. Because of its size, its rather bad preservation and the amount of time and material required to collect it, Granger decided to leave it and take measurements and photographs instead. In the meantime, the Chinese chauffeur Wang “found a deposit of Struthiolithus eggshells. Fine large pieces and, when fresh (newly cracked), looking for all the world like recent eggs.” Nothing else of much of importance was found at Hung Kureh Formation and Granger summarized the rest of that day: Robbie stopped in on us at the pelvis today and reported that Chaney & Nelson were at my camp. They came in from Tiger

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Cañon with three camels and are staying overnight. They report that Loucks and Butler climbed Boga Bogdo yesterday in spite of the rain, snow and clouds, left an Expedition letterhead in a Listerine bottle in an obo at the top and flew the American and Explorer's Club flags. Climb took 7 1/2 hours, from the first cañon west of Tiger cañon. They have gone on to Tsagan Nor today. Calm and hot [Conq/281] [325]. On the 26th, Granger began wrapping up matters at the Hung Kureh location and getting ready to move on. His plan was to relocate camp at a lake on the 28th about 30 miles northwest of his present location. Andrews had reported a continuation of the Hsandu Gol beds in that direction. Granger left the Hung Koreh Formation camp on foot just after breakfast, while the loads were being made up for the camels, walking first to the mastodont pelvis, which he took snaps of with his Leica. He then struck across the dunes to Andrews’ main camp, reaching it in time for late tiffin. The rest of the party came back in from prospecting a couple of hours later. Andrews reported the capture of a baby ass a few days before. Young was nursing it and the little beast was becoming quite gentle. But it had escaped the previous night and they could not find it although they looked everywhere, including in the cars. It carried away a dog's collar and ‘Robbie’s’ leather vest. Granger spent the 27th in camp packing. Except a large skull of a Protoceratops found by Shackelford which Merin said was too heavy to put on camels in hot weather, all fossils were now boxed and turned over to the caravan. The skull would have to be taken along in one of the trucks for present. At Andrews’s request, one of the Buriats (perhaps the not-so-bad, but un-named Secret Service agent Granger called the ‘Controller’) marked the fossil boxes so that they would not be opened at any of the yamens as the caravan returned to Kalgan. Berkey, Morris, Shackelford and Lovell returned from the mountain that night (27th) at about 11:00 p.m. As for pets, Granger noted, Chaney had brought back from the mountains a baby black vulture which seemed to thrive on the raw meat he was feeding it. 'Buckshot' kept four or

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five young brown shrikes Liu had taken from a nest in the tamarisks. A small Mongol dog had attached himself to the caravan. A young female dog, which seemed marooned at a nearby spring became friendly, having followed the camels into camp the previous day (June 26th). Per Granger’s totalling, then, the CAE party now included four dogs, a vulture and five shrikes. Shack's hedgehog had escaped two nights before. On June 28th, the party set off to find a large lake called Orok Nor which they had not been to before [Conq/286]. They could see it, but could not access it because of a vast sand-dune area that nearly encircled it. And where there wasn’t a sand-dune, the lake abutted the base of a mountain. They camped at a river nine miles away hoping to try again in the morning. But it was without success and they finally drove off [Conq/286]. Eventually, they linked up with “the old Uliassutai caravan trail which passes north of Tsagan Nor, and followed it eastward [Conq/287].” As Granger records it (Conquest following suit at p. 287), 38 miles later, they ended up at a lake called Kholobolchi Nor and went into camp [Conq/288]. Kholobolchi Nor, about 2 1/2 by 1 1/2 miles in size and shallow with a pebbly and sandy bottom, was alive with a species of small fish different from the lake at Tsagan Nor. The area teemed as well with swans, gulls, terns, [curley,] ducks of several species, geese and many wading birds including a black stork. The CAE party located camp on the south side of the lake a mile off the road that skirted its west end. The tents were pitched on a rather bumpy stretch of green sevard of grass thick, short and soft. But altogether the camp was perhaps “the most delightful one we have yet had in the Gobi [WGDiary6/28/25] [Conq/287-288].” Chaney and Granger had assisted the topographers along the way “as usual” and had arrived in camp late in the afternoon. By then, 'Buckshot' had a net out and was hauling in fish. The next day, June 29th, was to be one of relaxation. Granger made no entry for that day part of which was devoted swimming, listening to the victrola, and watching a glorious sunset. *

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On June 30, 1925, Andrews drove off in a dog-wagon with Roberts, Young, Lovell and Tserin. They were to inspect a road going over the Altais west of Ike Bogdo and would be gone for three or four days [Conq/293 says July 1 and that they took an ‘automobile’]. Granger, in the meantime, set off in the No. 1 with Olsen, Dalai Badmajapoff and his wife, and John Dimshikoff westward in search of exposures. Except for a small patch of badlands to the northeast, probably Pleistocene Granger thought, they saw nothing worthwhile. Among them, they found only a single, badly preserved mastodont molar [Conq/288-89]. Shackelford, Loucks and Chaney, in the meantime, went off by dog-wagon to set up camp near the east end of a lake called Orok Nor where Chaney hoped to find plant fossils and Shackelford planned to take motion pictures of the waterfowl in the lagoons about the lake. Butler and Robinson spent the day surveying the lake. On the 1st, Berkey and Morris, with Shah as cook, started for the mountain the next day by way of the west end of the lake. Motoring over to the base of the mountain, they then took camels up into the valley. It rained steadily from before daylight until just past noon. Breakfast was at 11:00 a.m., and no work followed for the rest of the day. Nelson, 'Buckshot' and the geologists had found a set of exposures south of the road the previous day from which 'Buckshot' brought a few fragments and reported a fine skull, evidently Eocene. But Granger decided to wait a day before taking a look so that the topographers could continue their survey line up to it. Butler and Robinson rode with Granger to carry the line of survey down toward the lake. The geologists’ car assisted with the sighting as far as the Eocene exposure they had found two days before, 7.8 miles from camp. They then, with Wang driving, struck directly for the west end of the lake. Two caravan Mongols with nine or 10 camels followed them. Another six camels led by Bato started early for Shackelford's camp, which could be seen through the glasses from the Eocene exposures. Shackelford was to use the camels going to and fro between camp and the lagoons for motion picture purposes. *

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'Buckshot''s skull proved to be an Amblypod about the size of a Coryphodon. Olsen found another skull of the same sort a few days later [Conq/289]. A few fragmentary items found by Liu and Granger led Granger to conclude that the beds were Eocene without a doubt. But they were unlike any other beds they had seen in lithology and in preservation of fossils. The color was mostly a dirty yellow. All fossil collectors returned to this Eocene locality the next day where 'Buckshot' finished his skull and brought it in to camp. Nothing much else was developed. Granger walked across the [?name] Gol to a small set of Eocene exposures to the west in which he found a good deal of bone, but nothing worth keeping. Wong returned to camp on July 3rd at about 1:00 p.m. with Berkey's car stopping by Granger’s location on the way with a letter from the geologist reporting that his camp was set at the west end of lake. He would be starting for the valleys with the camels that morning. Andrews and his party returned at about 6:00 p.m. and reported crossing the range over a low pass without a trail. They found many parallel ranges on the south side with high mountain penaplanes in between and no later sediments in sight. Following Colonel Pyotr Kuzmich Kosloff's (Koslov’s, or Kozlov’s) old camel trail through the mountains proved impossible, he said, because of boulders in the valley through which that trail passed [Conq/293]. * The strong west wind of the past two days seems to have driven the fish in our lake over to one side and this evening 'Buckshot' was hauling them a hundred at a time. The Chinese are fond of these fish but we find them too soft to be very palatable [326]. Conquest places this event late at night on the 4th, rather than in the evening of July 3rd when Granger recorded it, causing Andrews to awaken from his sleep. Ever the drama was Roy’s life it seems. In any event, this final paragraph concluded Granger’s 1925 Mongolia diary and we are left with Conquest to narrate the remainder of the season. All, except Chaney, Loucks, Shackelford, Berkey and Morris were back in camp at Kholobolchi Nor for the 4th of July [Conq/298]. On the 10th Granger, Berkey, Lovell and Andrews left camp and headed west. Their purpose was “to get a general view of the

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region at least as far as the longitude of Uliassutai, and especially the basins which lie parallel with the Altai Mounatins on the north side [Conq/300] But the trip produced little of interest and the recon party returned to Kholobolchi Nor on the 13th following which it was decided to return to Shabarakh Usu and set up the main camp [Conq/302]. From there, they planned to find a way through the Gurbun Saikhan range to the south to inspect the area beyond [Conq/302]. The men broke camp at Kholobolchi Nor on the 16th and headed for Shabarakh Usu. Once established at Shabarakh Usu, Olsen, Shackelford and Liu planned to hunt for fossils at Flaming Cliffs while Granger, Berkey, Lovell and Andrews set off for the Gurbun Saikhan, or “Three Good Ones” [Conq/304]. A few days and six hundred miles later, the recon party would return empty-handed. In the meantime, Olsen and Liu both discovered more [new] dinosaur eggs of different kinds than found before at Flaming Cliffs. Nevertheless, it was decided to leave Shabarakh Usu on August 2nd and begin the return east to Kalgan [Conq/309]. The party made it as far as the old ‘Clutch Camp’ from 1922 when a similar breakdown again occurred to one of the dog-wagons. As a result, the party went into camp 43 miles from Flaming Cliffs [Conq/311]. The next recorded stops were at Jichi Ola [Conq/312] where the party hunted for a few days and then moved on to Golobai-in-Ola on August 6 and Gutul Usu on the 8th [Conq/313]. By August 9th, they were at the border with Inner Mongolia where on the 10th they dropped off their “Secret Service official and his bags and passed into Inner Mongolia [Conq/314].” They “camped at Ula Usu for a few days while Berkey and Granger made a reconnaissance to the northeast along the west side of the Shara Murun valley. They found what they believed were very rich fossil deposits [Conq/315].” In the meantime, with the work of the topographers finished, Shackelford anxious to return to Peking to develop film, Chaney finished with his work, and Andrews desiring to learn more about the political situation, this group decided to return early to Peking [Conq/315]. At some point a week or so later, Andrews and some of his Kalgan friends rejoined the CAE men at their camp four miles north of the Baron Sog-in-Sumu monastery [Conq/319]. “After we had eaten tiffin, Granger took us out to the fossil fields. He and

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Berkey had reached the conclusion that they were dealing with a new geological horizon, probably Lower Oligocene. Loucks had discovered [a most interesting skull which later] proved to be a new titanothere, representing a new phylum [Conq/319].” In 1929, Osborn named it Embolotherium loucksi after Loucks who had orignally discovered the specimen Granger then took over and exposed [Conq/319]. The party moved their next camp, later called ‘Viper Camp,’ ten miles north of Baron Sog-in-Sumu. “The tents were pitched on a great promontory which projectd far out into the basin [Conq/321],” and the area proved to be quite fossiliferous in the Eocene. Skulls of the clawed-hoofed Chalicothere and jaws and skulls of the five-toed Lophiodon were found in great abundance [Conq/322-223]. Andrews also recounts yet another recon and run-in with Mongolian officials he described as ‘insolent,’ a word he uses many times in several forms while recounting the 1925 CAE-Mongolia. End of the 1925 Expedition When we returned from the southern trip the caravan was awaiting us at the Baron Sog monastery. Rain and snow warned us that it was time to leave if we were not to be caught in the bad weather of early winter... On September 12, we drove down the slope to the basin floor,... Another season had ended and we were well content [Conq/323]. Granger reported to his father in a letter written from Peking on September 18th, that the CAE had returned to Kalgan “at noon on Sept. 15th––on time as usual. I drove in the same car which I took out on April 18th––still in good shape as were the three other Dodges and the two trucks. One Dodge was left in Kalgan in August when Andrews came in with a part of our crowd.” He thanked his father for all the letters awaiting him in Peking. They and those from other family members that were newsy of family affairs. “I feel that I am in fairly close touch with you all once more.” About June 1st I had a chance to send letters out and wrote to both Anna and you. These letters along with letters from all the other

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Members of the party were taken to Urga by Andrews, who had to go up there to get our passports, and after having passed through the politikraus (censor's office) were given by Andrews to a Russian chauffeur who was just starting for Kalgan. This batch of mail never got through and we do not know just what happened to it although it was reported to have been delivered at the wrong Inn in Kalgan and there destroyed. Another opportunity to send out mail came July 15th when the two Buriats who were with us for a time decided to return to Urga. I wrote only one letter that time––to Anna––but asked that she forward the news to you. That batch of letters did get through but not until after the letters which Andrews himself brought in to Peking in August. Our wireless was again a failure; we succeeded in getting time signals and one message from Anna came through early in May but the time signals were later declared to be wrong by the operator in Peking so all we got out of it was the one personal message. Shackelford, who handled the wireless was preparing to get the Japanese signals or those from Zickawei Observatory near Shanghai when our two Buriats arrived from Urga––one as a representative of the Gov't there––and from then on we didn't dare show the apparatus [327]. Nothing serious, he continued, had happened the whole summer. But, upon returning, they learned that the Urgan government “had plans well under way to send down an armed expedition and take us up to Urga under arrest for overstepping our privileges–– especially in the matter of mapmaking [Conq/233-234].” This plan was finally abandoned, however, through the intervention of our good friend [T.] Badmajapoff who has still much influence with the Urga people [Conq/235]. His nephew [Dalai Badmajapoff], a young Japanese educated boy, was one of the two Buriats who were with us for about two months. The other fellow, named "John" Dimshikoff came as a representative of the so-called "Scientific Committee" of the Urga Gov't [Conq/233].

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He was supposed to come along to learn about the field methods of a scientific party and proved a good deal of a failure both as a scientist and everything else. It was apparently on reports which Dimshikoff either sent back or took back to Urga, that the officials there decided to arrest us. We understand that "John" is now in jail in Urga because he said that he had escorted us across the frontier––which he hadn't. We don't quite know what to make of it all but think that "John" was sore because we joked him a good deal about shooting three tame goats on Ikhe Bogdo, thinking they were Ibex, and thought he would make us plenty of trouble by making adverse reports about us and our work. Anyhow, we hope the jailer loses the key. Another Buriat, a soldier whose name I won't attempt to write, was detailed to be with us as observer of our actions and he did escort us to the frontier and returned to Urga from there. He couldn't speak English but seemed to be a pretty decent sort of a fellow and probably did us more good than harm [328]. They were finished with Outer Mongolia for now. Working there had become increasingly difficult since 1922. It was now at the point where it was not worth the effort one had to make to get permission. The Urga officials, nearly all Buriats, backed by Russian Jews, act like a lot of extremely ill-mannered children and they cannot understand our motives for going into their country and do everything possible to hamper our work. The trip for next year is planned to extend somewhat parallel to this year's trip but much to the southward––through Inner Mongolia and Chinese Turkestan and we will pray that Bolshevik Control does not expand in the mean time to include that part of Asia. We may have to deal with General Feng [Yü-hsiang] next season and he seems to be in thick with the Bolsheviks at present so we may have our troubles even though we've left Outer Mongolia behind us [329]. Despite Andrews’ embellishments in Conquest, all members of the party had returned safely from the Gobi-Mongolias without a single martial incident or encounter to report,

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Granger assured his father. Andrews, Berkey, Morris, Shackelford, Roberts and Chaney were to return to the States that fall. Andrews, Shackelford and Roberts planned to be back in the spring. Berkey, Morris and Chaney were to return to their various duties back home. Lieutenants Butler and Robinson returned to their military posts and Dr. Loucks returned to his work at the Peking Union Medical College. Next year's party would be smaller, probably not more than eight. Nelson hoped to work the caves along the Upper Yangtze River over the winter in conjunction with Granger who also hoped to return to that region “where I would like to put in the winter again. No news has come from Osborn or Matthew recently and it is barely possible that I may have to return to the Museum this winter to run the laboratory next year while Matthew is out here.” Olsen was to remain in Peking to establish a laboratory at CAE headquarters that fall and run it over the winter. He would be training the Chinese in fossil preparation by working up some of the Mongolia material that had been collected that season. Young and Lovell also were to be based in Peking, keeping themselves busy with getting the motor cars in shape and helping with the arrangements for next summer’s Mongolia exploit. Though the largest in scale, albeit foreshortened in length, lighter on fossils than in previous seasons and burdened with Buriats nearly the entire time, the 1925 Mongolia season was successful in Granger’s view. Each scientist seemed satisfied with his own particular branch of work: While the fossils do not bulk up as great as the second year[,] the collection is fully as valuable a one as either of the others. Nelson has made a good start on the trail of primitive man in these parts and next year should bring even more important discoveries than this year. Robert's maps are the first ones of first-class type to be made inside the Mongolian boundaries. Chaney's collection of plants is almost an exhaustive one of the region we traversed and the zoological work completed what was begun in 1922 and extended the second season [330].

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Peking was still warm and bright and green, and in such a contrast to the dry, dusty, brown city they left in April, Granger continued. The next six weeks were to be the most glorious of the year––fine crisp air, temperature just right and cloudless skies. The city was quiet now, following the student troubles over the summer. There was a growing anti-foreign feeling in China which made being there “a bit less attractive than before. Business is hard hit and many of our old friends have had to return to the States.” Granger enclosed some news clippings and student handbills for his father to see. The manifestos were amusing, he wrote: “My attitude in the matter is this: on the day that the Foreign Powers relinquish their extra-territorial rights in China, Anna and I are going to sail for home––and the boat will be crowded too!” Nevertheless, he allowed, it still was a pretty comfortable and interesting place to be. Local curiosity in scientific matters was increasing, especially in Peking and Shanghai “and this is always a good sign. Our Expedition has done much to arouse this interest here in Peking.” In a post-script, Granger noted that “If Arthur [Granger] wishes to make published reference to this letter [in the Rutland Herald,] be sure and omit paragraphs about wireless and Urga affairs––these must not get into the papers, at present at least.” A month and a half later, Granger, Nelson, their wives, 'Buckshot', Liu, Chow and Whey [Huei] were headed to Sichuan Province for the winter. * Notes on 1925 CAE expedition to Inner and Outer Mongolia []

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[ ]. November 6, 1925: Diary of Winter Trip to Szechuan––1925-'26 Walter Granger Anna G. Granger Chow - No. 1 Boy “'Buckshot'” - Chinese Assistant Whey [Huei] - Chinese Cook (Friday). Left Peking for Hankow at 10 p.m. on the tri-weekly express. Lovell, Mac, Olsen and Mary Smith over to the station to see us off. Lovell, with a dog-wagon, took our baggage from hotel and our boxes and bundles from Headquarters. Weighed at the station at 8 p.m. and about $40. excess baggage charges paid. Mr. and Mrs. Nelson accompany us. They are to proceed with us to Ichang and there charter a junk and spend the winter in the gorges examining the caves there. Anna to go with me to Wanhsien and spend the winter there and at my camp at Yen-Ching-Kao. A Mr. Isaac Upham, a photographer from California, is on our train bound for the Gorges and Chungking. A free lance who plans to present his own pictures in America [331]. They crossed the Yellow River mid afternoon of the next day, on time and with no significant signs of military activity. At Cheng Chow one or two trains were full of soldiers on the siding, but otherwise there seemed to be an unusual scarcity of soldiers. Wu Pei Fu's reported advance on Suchow Fu would seem to have hardly begun. As “boys,” Granger noted, “I have Chow, No. 1; Shah, Cook; Liu Taking, assistant,” thus adding Shah and Liu to his list above. The train arrived at Hankow at 9:00 a.m. on time. It had rained hard all day. The boys went to a Chinese hotel near the station taking the Granger’s baggage with them.

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The Grangers and Nelsons went over to the Christian and Missionary Alliance where Granger and Anna had stopped in 1923. The house was designed to accommodate missionaries passing through Hankow and “we have found it both cheap and comfortable.” They remained indoors practically all day Sunday, only walking out on the Bund in the evening when the rain let up. The S.S. Tung Ting was due to leave for Ichang on Tuesday at 10:00 p.m., and Granger planned to take her. On Monday, he, Nelson and the boys would provision up. But the Tung Ting did not get off until nearly 5:00 a.m. on November 11th and spent all day in the lower river reaching Ching Ling at daybreak the next morning. The captain, Mr. Bailey, one of the oldest skippers on the Hankow to Ichang run, reported to Granger that the Tung Wo, which was scheduled to leave Hankow the evening of the 9th was still anchored there. Apparently this was to suggest that delay on the Yangtze at this time was not uncommon. The Tung Ting broke a steering chain that afternoon and had to anchor for an hour or more while a new one was installed. Yet another steering chain was broken during the night forcing the ship to anchor for three hours to fix it. They passed one steamer crowded with soldiers bound downstream and reached Shasi at about 5:00 p.m. to anchor in stream. They remained until midnight while discharging the cargo of sugar, cigarettes, cotton, yarn, and other items. The Tung Wo, Granger noted, arrived in Shasi before they left. After leaving Shasi at midnight, they proceeded for about three hours into a dense fog that had settled on the river. They sat at anchor until it dispelled around 10:00 a.m. when they weighed anchor and proceeded to Ichang. They arrived at 10:00 p.m. and did not go ashore. Granger, in the meantime, learned “that the Greek hotel at Ichang is closed and we shall have to try the Mission.” The Tung Wo arrived about 9:00 a.m. with the photographer Upham aboard. He was to proceed upriver on Tuesday. The gunboats in port, Granger noted, were the U.S.S. Elcano, H.M.S. Cockchafer and H.M.S. Widgeon. There also were one French and two Japanese gunboats. Many upriver steamers sat in port and a few had been idle for some time. Cargo shipments had slowed due to the military situation. *

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At 9:00 a.m. on Monday, November 16, Chow came alongside with a large sampan and got the Grangers’ and Nelsons’ gear loaded while they went ashore in a smaller boat and on to the China Inland Mission where they settled in. Their gear was stored in the cellar of the large mission building. Mr. Squire of the mission, Granger noted, had been stationed there for some 20 years. Just before noon, Granger called on the British Consul and was later was invited over to his house for a cocktail. There he was introduced to the commander of the H.M.S. Cockchafer. In the meantime, Nelson was looking for an interpreter since James Wong was not along for this trip. That afternoon a Mr. Feng was interviewed. He formerly was an interpreter in the consular office and now taught in the American Church School. He was a promising man, Granger thought, “but probably Mr. Howe of that Mission will not care to release him.” A candidate sent over to the CIM to interview with Nelson “threw up his hands as soon as he heard that Nelson was to go into the gorges in a junk.” In other words, it was too dangerous. Granger then interviewed a Mr. Yen who was connected with the St. Andrews School of the Scotch Mission and then went to call on Mr. Howe of the American Church Mission. “Mr. Howe does not wish to relinquish Mr. Feng as a teacher and I must take Mr. Yen on a venture although he does not offer to promise as well.” He then engaged Mr. Yen Yun Nien at $100 per month. Nelson was already at work, taking Liu and 'Buckshot' across the river to explore the pyramid-like structures and the valleys beyond them. He excavated near one “pyramid” and found what he thought to be neolithic pottery. A few days later, both Nelsons went to inspect a glen five miles up the river. They reported an interesting day, but no results from excavating. On the 23rd, Granger arranged for the party to sail the next afternoon on S.S. Chi Chuen of the C.R. Cox & Co., an American shipping firm. The Nelsons were to accompany them as far as Kwei Fu where they would stop off to survey the gorges and then continue to Wanhsien by the next available boat. Nelson’s own huchao from the local general to do this work had just arrived. They did not depart until the 25th, setting off at daybreak and steaming up to Wushan to anchor for the night and take on coal. Their steamer was shot at once along the way by soldiers on a junk but not apparently hit. She had been heavily fired on while upriver

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above Chungking earlier that summer. Some 250 hits were made upon her, Granger learned. They were off the next morning at the first gray of dawn, stopping at Kwei Fu at about 9:00 a.m. to disembark the Nelsons “and young Edward Bromley whose father and mother were down on the fore shore to meet him.” At tiffin time, their steering gear jammed while in a narrow rock-lined channel. “Only quick work of the captain and engineer avoided a collision with the shore,” Granger wrote. When they reached Wanxian at 6:45 p.m., they anchored across the harbor from the city and alongside the HMS Widgeon, the only gunboat then in port. Shortly afterward a small lighter [barge] came alongside with a card from Mr. Walter C. Jenkins saying that it was for my use. A bit later Mr. Jackson of the C.I.M. [China Inland Mission] came aboard to welcome us and we asked him to dinner. Mr. and Mrs. Jenkins then boarded us and took us all to their house for Thanksgiving dinner which was served about 9 p.m. We're to stay here until, we go to Yen-Ching-Kuo. Loaded equipment on lighter and boys & lighter are to stay alongside until morning. The Jenkinses live up under the cliff to the southwest of Wanhsien and live extremely comfortably. Jenkins is the agent for Gillespie & Sons [Gillespie & Company, upriver merchants] and buys wood oil here [332]. Granger made ready for his usual courtesy rounds, arranging with Jackson to call on a General Tang, as well as the “Postmaster, M. Jounilet, the Comm. of Customs, Mr. Watanabe and on the Commander of the ‘Widgeon,’ Mr. Simpson, and Mr. Pugsley, Lieutenant.” There were many soldiers in Wanxian now but no disorder. Military drilling was occuring at every available location on both sides of the river with bugles awakening the Grangers at daybreak almost every day. It was heard that the MV Mei Lu, which had been held at Chungking by soldiers for some time, was to start down river soon and that the USS Palos, normally stationed at Wanxian had gone up to accompany her. There was some confusion––General Tang had asked the captain of the Widgeon to detain the Mei Lu when it reached Wanxian––and trouble was expected. Chinese soldiers were posted about the harbor and two small cannons had been mounted.

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As Granger and Anna made their rounds, he noticed some changes that had occurred since their last visit. One was that the Customs house was now run by a Mr. Watanabe, Japanese, a genial sort and a good provider, thought Granger. The living and dining rooms were now combined into one room and seemed rather bare––Japanese-like. After lunch with the Watanabes and their other guests, Mr. and Mrs. Kitijima, the Grangers went to the shingle bank across the river to see the S.S. Chi Nan with her nose rested up on shore. She had hit a rock with her bow the previous evening and the hole was being cemented up. It was expected that she would be underway for Chungking the next day. Later they visited the temple cave after which they went aboard the Widgeon for tea. There, Commander [Simpson] informed that the Mei Lu was expected to arrive after dark under escort of the Palos. “We hurried ashore and home for dinner,” not wanting to be caught in the harbor if a battle ensued. They found that new Lau was in from Yanjinggou. November 30th was bright and warm as Granger went with Jackson to call on General Tang. Tang gave him four passports and, after a short tiffin, “asked Jackson and me to write A. B. C.'s on his blackboard. He has been trying to study English under Jackson’s tutelage this summer and not making much headway.” The Mei Lu came through later that day, at 3:00 p.m. with the Palos following close behind. Not a shot was fired. All was calm and Granger made ready to go to Yen-Ching-kuo the next day. Mr. Jenkins kindly loaned his sampan for the trip up river and Granger hired another small one “for the boys and the baggage.” New Lau reported that all was quiet in the village and that Chow already had the expedition set up in the Tan’s temple. The coolies would be waiting at the Pai Shui Chi (Paishuchi) landing.

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[ ]. December 2, 1925: Warm, with sun dimly shining through Szechuan mist. Wanhsien water level abt 12 ft. Pushed off at 9 o'clock. Anna and I in the Jenkin's sampan with our personal baggage and 'Buckshot' and Whey [Huei] and our camp equipment in a hired sampan. Four men in each boat. River about 12' and fairly easy except at the lower end of the shingle bank two miles below Pei Shui Chih [Paishuchi]. Here the water still flows through on the left side of the shingle bank and, being shallow and swift, makes much trouble for a short distance. Reached Pei Shui Chih [Paishuchi] at 2:15. Lau with 11 coolies waiting. Recognized several familiar faces among them. While several coolies were adjusting loads Anna and I and the two boys had tiffin at our old restaurant which is down on the fore shore now. Mrs. Jenkins had provided a lunch for us to which we added the usual peanuts, kaoling, and persimmons [333]. The chair provided for Anna was found to be inadequate because it was not covered. A messenger was sent up to Yanjinggou to obtain a covered one. It had to be brought down from Sin K'ai T'ien by "Bucktooth Tan," Inn-Keeper Tan's son. Extra coolies had to be hired to carry the chair. But two locked expedition boxes had to be left behind until the next morning because another four coolies necessary for carrying them could not be found. The delays because of the chair and coolie hiring meant that the Grangers did not reach Yanjinggou until 8:30 p.m. Whey (Huei) had gone on ahead to have dinner ready for them by 9:00 p.m. Anna slept in the temple with Granger that night. Chow's room and kitchen were as before. Whey (Huei) and 'Buckshot' occupied the south balcony. Breakfast was at about 9:00 a.m. on a fine, sunny day, after which Granger made the rounds of the village to greet old friends. "Grandma Tan" was still going strong. The beggar man next door was dead, but his widow and two ragged children still occupied the lean-to. Wu You Er was married. Inn-keeper Tan and his family were all alive although two of his sons were now smoking opium “and started downhill apparently.”

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Tan was asked to allow Anna to sleep in the temple that winter. But after consulting with other elders of the family, he announced that it could not be permitted. The Grangers would stay one more night in the temple and then move over to their old room in the Inn the next morning. The temple had been repaired since they were here last. Apparently the family had used the $30 Granger gave them for rent for the two winters he was there to refurbish it. One or two new beams had been put in one of the galleries. Some new tiles were put on the roof and the ridge to the main building, and the south gallery was painted. The "Chancel rail" was restored with plaster and some new panels painted on it. There had also been a little plastering on the walls where it was most needed. Four coolies returned later that afternoon with the two locked boxes. And so it began all over again, as another fine bright day dawned––most unusual Szechuan weather. 'Buckshot' and New Lau set off for Chang Chia Chiao to bring back a cleaned fossil skull and jaws of bear. They reported that many hundred catties (1 cattie=500 grams) of bone were being taken from one pit still being worked. Old Lau's brother came by that day, also, to say that Old Lau, who was sent for by Chow some days ago, would be along in four or five days. The brother would help out until then. The Grangers’ cots were moved over to the Inn. Knowing Granger was back, a man came in that night with a carcass of a great chestnut-colored flying squirrel he’d found over near the Hupeh border.

Taking Stock Granger was now into his third Yangtze basin winter-long expedition having just completed his third summer-long expedition into the Gobi basin. He had been in the field almost constantly since the fall of 1921. But expeditions were not his only focus during this time. He was also producing scientific papers on the CAE’s work and the list was growing. From 1922 through to this point in 1925, Granger’s name was on twenty papers, four of them as sole author, two with Berkey, one with William K. Gregory and the rest with W. D. Matthew.

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The titles began with “The wider significance of paleontological research in China,” published in a bulletin issued by the Geological Society of China in 1922 in Granger’s furtherance of the Museum’s initial denouement with the Chinese scientific community. They also published his first report on the “Paleontological discoveries of the Third Asiatic Expedition” in 1923. Other titles were published mainly by the Museum, such as “Discovery of Cretaceous and older Tertiary strata in Mongolia” with Berkey in 1922, “Protoceratops andrewsi, a preceratopsian dinosaur from Mongolia” with Gregory in 1923, “New fossil mammals from the Pliocene of Sze-Chuan, China” with Matthew in 1923, “Comments on the epidermal tubercles,” in a larger work by Osborn in 1924, “New ungulates from the Ardyn Obo Formation of Mongolia with faunal list and remarks on correlation,” in 1925 with Matthew, and so on. More papers would follow, especially with Matthew, but also with Osborn and an eventual newcomer to the Museum’s paleontology department, George Gaylord Simpson. There were more papers yet to be issued with Berkey and Morris, and a few more with Gregory. As he set about to work in Yanjinggou over that winter of 1925-26, Granger had now published or contributed to a career total of 46 scientific papers, most of them in paleontology, geology and mammalogy. In his later years, he would publish more, as well as a few chapter-length popular accounts. However, he never wrote a book. * It was December 5th, and Old Lau's brother decided that he no longer wanted to do coolie work for the expedition. He had been a soldier “and seems to have been spoiled for much of anything else.” It now appeared also that Old Lau had departed the area some time ago and had not been heard from causing Granger to have to look elsewhere for a second man. “I miss Jim Wong,” he confided to his diary. “Things do not go quite as smoothly about camp and I probably do not get as much information as I used to about pit workings, etc., but most of all I miss his cheery good humor and conversation. Also in case of threatened trouble I shall be much more apprehensive than formerly.” Anna put one over on the Tan family the next day by rigging up a bed in her dressing room out of a grip, a stove, a dufflebag and a rug and taking a nap on it that afternoon. They were to have the kitchen ceiling repapered to keep in the heat and keep out the cold draft which wafted down into the room from above. The old paper ceiling of 1922-23 was

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destroyed in the recent repairs. Despite the Tan family feelings about a woman sleeping in the temple, Anna decided to take control until the promised repairs were made. Granger also noted that small amounts of money in Sichuan, at least this part of it, had changed materially since the winter of 1922-23. One sees no more single cash pieces or anything in fact short of 100 cash pieces. Things of small value, such as persimmons, are now sold at so many (8 or 10) for 100 cash. In Ichang the 50 cash predominates as small change now but the 100 cash pieces are not taken. What has become of the single cash coins I do not know: possibly collected for their value as metal and used by the military for recoinage or for cartridge cases [334]. Granger resumed personal inspection the pits and went with 'Buckshot' and New Lau to Chang Chia Chiao. This was a large pit some 75-feet deep and had produced a ton or so of bone to date, mostly badly broken up. Granger took 10 Kodak snaps of the pit and then moved on to a farm house where the bones were stored. He looked over a pile of cleaned bone, finding parts of two pandas. Despite the overall poor condition of the material, the presence of a panda fossil made it well worth looking over the rest of the unprocessed material. The owners agreed to let him know when they were to clean up the remaining piles of bone. Jenkins’s Ma Fu (native assistant) arrived after sunset with a bundle of Shanghai papers, a letter from Nelson and a few Peking papers forwarded by Mary Smith. But there was “No home mail!” Nelson reported that he had engaged a boat and that everything was ready for his start. Granger sent the Ma Fu back with a mallard he’d shot and a large bouquet of narcissus picked from behind the temple. He sent “no letters except to Jenkins whom I have asked to order a mountain chair for Anna.” * December 9th was another bright day––”but there is an increasing chilliness in the air.” And now there was fog nearly every morning, though it dissipated at around ten. Granger’s coolies were preparing a bamboo strip for the kitchen ceiling which was ready

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to be papered. The strip first had to be wrapped in paper to give the paper ceiling sheets something to hold on to. The kitchen would be sealed in a day and become quite cozy. The Tan family cat, in the meantime, had visited the temple that previous night “and ate up a prepared bat and also the feet from a white heron.” In the afternoon, 'Buckshot' got a second white heron which Granger prepared. Meanwhile, Chow reported that a robbery had occurred at a home up on the side of the mountain not far from the T'zo Ma Lin trail and some six or seven li (500 meters, 547 yards) from camp. Three men, one with a pistol, held up a man and took two or three catties of opium. Granger brought his father to date on the 13th of December. He was still without news of the family since mid-August. In fact––without any American mail since that time. There has been serious interruption between Peking and the Yangtze River ports and I presume that accounts for the delay. But there should soon be some mail direct to Wanhsien. River steamers are to run all winter now and this will make a lot of difference both in speed and safety [335]. Anna and he found life in Sichuan much as formerly. He missed Jim Wong, he confided yet again, but they seemed to be able to manage without him. There was no suggestion of political or military disturbance in the area, or indeed all of China, and matters appeared relatively tranquil. As he finished writing that sentiment, the Wanxian magistrate passed by with an escort of a half dozen soldiers on his way to a market place ten miles beyond. “These are the first armed soldiers I have seen since we came out.” Anna had been in camp 11 straight days now. Ten of those had been sunny––”a most unheard of thing in this region in December. The reverse is the rule.” Fossil digging had begun on the hill above them and bones were beginning to come in. More workers would begin to work the fossil pits as soon as all the sweet potatoes were finished being dug up and the winter crop of rice and wheat were sowed.

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They had fallen into good hands in Wanxian this year. “A man named Jenkins and his wife took us in and made us most comfortable.” Jenkins was a purchasing agent for Gillespie & Sons of New York, he wrote, a buyer of wood oil. “This oil is one of the principal exports from China and is used extensively in the making of paints, varnishes, etc., at home. It is prepared from the nut of a tree growing hereabouts.” Jenkins’ wife was a New Englander, formerly from Concord, NH, not far from Rutland, VT. Anna and he were both well. Living out of doors as before, but with the aid of good clothing, good food and fire baskets, they managed to keep fairly “comfortable––these sunny days are a great help of course but I am afraid the cloudy dismal weather will settle down upon us at any time.” The villagers seemed glad to have them back. One or two of them had passed on since they were last here, but several newborns had taken their places, Granger noted. “The population increases here as well as elsewhere in China although the soil hardly takes care of them as it is. I notice that there are more cultivated fields and fewer patches of trees on the hillsides than formerly which in itself is an indication of increased population.” Opium raising and smoking was common in Sichuan province now, and that had caused a drop in the food supply from crops, which had not been completely sufficient to begin with. A missionary at Ichang told him that seven-tenths of all land in the province, aside from the rice paddies, was now under poppy plant cultivation. The military helped push this business, even enforcing poppy growing in some regions. Granger had not see so much opium smoking in Peking, but the minute one strikes the Yangtze, the smell of it is in one's nostrils all the time. The boats reek with it and every native hotel has a room or two set apart for smoking. This little village has two places and they are also sprinkled along the highways at frequent intervals so that the carrying coolies can have their pipe about whenever they want it. Opium derelicts are to be seen everywhere, more now than ever before. A few smoke and live to be old but most of them pass out early and miserably. With a weak central government and with local military authorities looking to opium for financial support the situation is bad [336].

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Granger closed with assuring his father that he was waiting every day for a messenger from Wanxian to bring in mail forwarded from Peking. “We're naturally getting anxious for news from home as well as from the Museum. I hope you are all well.” * The CAE had made an incredible splash that was reverberating around the world. But, as he now continued to advance its work, Granger’s world might just as well have been entirely elsewhere. Even the comparative proximity of Anna and Nelson was not sufficient to allay his need for contact from family and colleagues at the museum. On the 14th, he found no pits working over the entire area he traveled. The principal reason was that the wholesale buyers were not buying and when they did they did it was at low prices, as little as 13 cents per cattie. Granger spent most of his days in camp on taxidermy projects and writing letters. On the evening of the 17th, eleven suspiciouslooking men came in just before sunset. Eight of them took quarters at Tan's Inn. Chow got into a conversation with one who said he was a gun repairer and was bound inland to work. Another told Mrs. Tan that he was a merchant. Both the villagers and Granger’s men became suspicious, thinking they were robbers. 'Buckshot' gave up his kang (brick sleeping platform) and Granger moved his and Anna's cots over to the temple for the night. “We will keep some sort of vigil.” Granger’s coolie men sat up on watch until 1:00 o'clock in the morning. Then Chow took watch until 5:00 a.m. when 'Buckshot' relieved him. The lights were kept burning all night. Mrs. Tan reported there had been much whispered conversation among the men during the evening, and that one of them had a "piece of iron or steel eight or ten inches long". They had practically no baggage. The night passed uneventfully, however, and the eight men left early, heading toward T'so Ma Lin. December 20, 1925, arrived with a thin ice for the first time on the paddy fields. Otherwise it was another bright day. It also brought an influx of animals to Granger. First, a local hunter from whom they had bought a gray civit, came with a small brown civit. Then another fellow arrived with a young gray civit followed by a chap with a large gray civit still alive and held by a rope around its middle. The rope was protected from

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gnawing by a length of bamboo. Granger sketched the apparatus and bought the animals. 'Buckshot' also shot a new shrike near the temple. Five of the so-called robbers passed through in the forenoon and went on toward the river. Two were said to have gone through the day before. There seemed to be little doubt now that they were robbers. Someone at T'zo Ma Lin reported having seen cartridges and a gun on one of them. But no one was known to have been robbed. New Lau came back from Wanxian at about 8:30 a.m. with two coolies and a new chair for ‘Tai Tai’ (Anna). He also brought oil, cotton and food along with a bundle of papers and a package of letters from Young. But there was none from relatives other than a letter from Aunt Jane. And there was no word from anyone at the Museum. A note from Jenkins forwarded news radioed in to the USS Palos that pro-Japanese Manchurian warlord Chang Tso-Lin was being driven out of the city of Mukden (Shenyang) in the southern part of that province [337]. Chang eventually regained control of Mukden and resumed his attacks on Peking which he finally entered in June of 1926. Granger followed these events as closely as he could. As the days remained cloudless, Anna began a Christmas wreath while Granger sent 'Buckshot' and Lau off for a two-day reconnaissance along the fossil ridge. 'Buckshot' came back early “by way of rose bush trail” after spending the first night “at the baby elephant skull place.” He reported seeing no working pits or any collections of bones. There were men starting up work at one pit, however. Christmas was spent quietly in camp, as was New Year’s, without any more outside mail or greetings.

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[ ]. American Museum of Natural History Yen-Ching-Kao, Sze. Feby. 10, 1926 Dear Father: Your letter No. 4, postmarked Dec. 30. came out today. Your previous letters I have acknowledged. I think I have missed none of them. Nelson and his wife have reached Kwei Chow fu safely–– having come through the gorges in about a month's time. He is now on his way to Wanhsien and will be in camp here sometime this month. Things are stirring somewhat in military circles along the river just now and we do not know just what will happen––perhaps nothing at all. Out here in my village things are dead quiet. New Year's is three days off (Feby. 13th) and after that there is no immediate danger of bandits or wars for a couple of weeks or more anyhow. Please tell Arthur Keys I just received his Christmas card and note both of which were most welcome. Nothing special here. I expect Andrews is on his way to England now––he has to lecture there in Feby. and then return to China by way of Siberia. I haven't heard from him directly since he left Peking [338]. Your affectionate son, Walter Granger The mail had finally come in, and Granger was busy with a pen in hand. On the 21st, he replied to Osborn’s December 23, 1925, letter which Granger had just received. It was a “fine letter” that included some scientific publications on his fossils and a copy of the Museum’s November-December issue of Natural History magazine. “I am particularly glad to have this because of the general Museum news in it. We get pretty hungry for news out here.”

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The Nelsons joined them on Friday, February 17th, “and after looking over this immediate neighborhood may take a trip southward over the Hupeh border using this camp as a base.” They had made the gorge trip safely and completed his survey of the river from ten miles below Ichang to ten miles above Wanxian. Nelson reported abundant evidence of Late Neolithic man, but nothing older. He was prepared now to swear that Palaeolithic man had not lived in the Gorges. Perhaps, Granger observed, the Gorges were as forbidding to ancient man as they were to present-day people. The evidence of Neolithic Man was in the shape of stone implements––no weapons–– found mostly along the water's edge and in the cultivated fields. Nelson had obtained many hundreds of pounds of these and they were almost entirely made of quartzite. Only one specimen of a flint-like rock was found. If time permitted, Nelson hoped to take a steamer up to Chung King to make a preliminary survey of that region before they all started back for Peking. A letter from Mac Young, dated Jan. 19, stated that, after a two-month delay, the Chinese Customs Commission had refused to allow shipment of last summer's [the 1925 Mongolia] collection to leave Tientsin without examination, “which is a serious business for us. It looks now as if we have to hold this shipment until Roy's arrival in Peking. Probably the port of Tientsin is closed by ice now anyhow and we couldn't ship even if we had permission. At any rate I'm wiring Young to hold the shipment unless conditions have changed.” The fossil pits at Yanjinggou, Granger continued to Osborn, were not being worked as extensively as they had been the previous seasons. A great majority of them have proved either entire failures or have yielded scanty and poor material. Granger had made a small collection of a few choice things, but was hoping for better success in the coming month. In the meantime, he thought it was fortunate that “I can, and do, turn my hand to zoological collecting and I now have a fairly exhaustive collection of the birds and mammals of this region as well as many of the other vertebrates.” * He reviewed the Museum’s Novitates articles up to No. 61 taking great interest in the description of the smaller forms from the Mongolian Tertiary that had finally been

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analyzed. “We shall have a splendid assemblage of forms from that region by the time we are through with it. I'm keen now to learn just what will be made of the Cretaceous mammals.” He told Osborn that while he had had no news from the laboratory in Peking, he presumed that things were going forward smoothly with Olsen and that “a lot of cleaned material may be included in our shipment when we get it off this spring.” One of the researchers on Granger’s China and Mongolia fossil collections was Granger’s colleague and friend DVP chair W. D. Matthew whose relationship with Osborn had grown testier as Granger’s absence from the Museum grew longer. Matthew was a sensitive type, not at ease with the bluster and self-confidence of a man like Osborn. And Osborn could be particularly over-bearing if he thought he had a point to register. The two men even sparred over Matthew’s continued Canadian citizenship. But Matthew mainly was dissatisfied with his departmental administrative duties. He felt chafed under Osborn and wanted to shift to fulltime research and theorizing. Osborn felt he could not support that. There was too much at hand on all fronts to allow such special treatment. Granger, aware of the problem, asked that Matthew be sent to China to work with the CAE, although he wasn’t much of a field man. Osborn seemed reluctant. Caught between his friendships with both, Granger wrote “I'm sorry to hear of your decision regarding Dr. Matthew's coming out, and hope that I may still greet him upon my arrival in Peking.” * Writing to his father a few days later, Granger added a twist in his thoughts about Nelson’s work and ultimately it proved to be accurate. He recounted, as he had for Osborn, Nelson’s finds along the river that evidenced a late prehistoric human presence in that region. But while Nelson had found “hardly a trace of early [human] occupation as yet ––...I feel that primitive people did live here and that positive evidence will be forthcoming sooner or later.” It would prove to be so, but not for another seventy years. Some military movement had been taking place in the region, Granger wrote, but he could not quite make out what it was about. “In fact nobody knows in all probability.” A few soldiers had been passing by the temple door recently, going both ways, and Granger

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had heard that there were a few hundred camped ten miles away. But they seem to be organized and under officers and Granger did not anticipate trouble from them. Although this had been a fine bright day, the past week, Granger wrote his father, had been the coldest weather of the season. There was plenty of snow still on the mountains along with an often-enough cold drizzly rain in camp that had kept them in the temple most of the time. Though, when dry, the cold weather was fine for climbing the hills to the bone pits, it was less comfortable when sitting around camp. “But what with fire baskets and extra clothing we manage to stick it out. We have quite a templeful now with four whites, six Peking men and two local coolies. Nelson's three men came along with him and will remain here as long as he stays which will be until just before I leave.” By the 27th the military presence had grown to some 1,000 soldiers camped along the fossil ridge ten miles from Granger’s location, apparently waiting for something to happen down along the river. While he did not expect personal meddling from the soldiers, they were stopping all pit digging nearby “and that interferes seriously with the work I am trying to do here.” There were plenty of steamers still running, he noted, and when they were ready to break camp they surely would be able to take one down river. “I certainly am relieved to avoid the junk trip again although Nelson had good luck coming up.” The weather seemed to be breaking now as well, and they would soon abandon their kitchen in the evening and stick it out in the gallery. It had been a cold, wet winter, “but beyond a chilblain or two for Anna we haven't suffered.”

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[ ]. March 5, 1926 American Museum of Natural History Peking Dear Granger: At last I have managed to get the shipment off to the U.S. without any inspection or duty. Freddie Butler is the man that managed it. He is a personal friend of the Commissioner's. Conditions are absolutely Hell around here. It has been absolutely impossible for the Standard Oil Co. to get our stuff out of Tienstin so I have taken it into my own hands to get it up, with our own trucks. The freight that Roy sent from the States is also about four weeks late arriving at Tientsin. It seems that everything is playing against us, but I am managing to get it moving towards Kalgan anyway... Sincerely, /s/Mac. [339] [Conq/328] He could not understand why Granger had not received his notes which he had been “dropping you one every week or so.” Young had had to make several trips to Tientsin and Kalgan and had not spent much time in Peking to monitor events [Conq/328]. But he did know that passenger trains were running intermittently between Peking and Tientsin. There were only four locomotives left in service and they were falling to pieces. Freight trains were not running at all, and had not for a month or so. It was impossible even to get a freight car attached to a passenger train. So all freight was being brought up by auto road and the charges for that were excessive. The camel caravan was going to be quite late in setting off, he reported [Conq/334,338&339]. But nothing less than a real war would stop the 1926 CAE from taking to the field, he vowed. Andrews was scheduled to arrive in Shanghai on March 22nd aboard the Empress of Russia [Conq/330]. The operation on his shoulder [injured

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from playing horse polo] reportedly was a success. The Expedition was getting three new dog-wagons from the States and the Dodge people had presented Andrews with a special touring car for his own use in Peking [Conq/329]. In other news, Olsen and his Chinese trainees were nearly finished preparing the 1925 Mongolia specimens at the new laboratory set up in Peking. And Pope seemed to have had quite a successful winter in south China and was raring to go again in the spring. Young inquired as to when Granger was returning “to this Hell-hole, as that is about all it is; between the student demonstrations and Feng's Christian-like attitude towards foreign business; it cannot be called anything better [Conq/328-338],” and parted with the hope that Granger was having trouble-free good luck in his work. * The mail came in and Granger responded to Charles with “I'm glad my letters finally reached you––there has been a fairly steady flow of them since that first one,” he wrote. He noted that he had recently “received a fine greeting from the annual Christmas luncheon crowd of my Dept. with some fourteen signatures headed by Osborn's.” He wrote that he had just heard from Matthew that he was expecting to join the expedition party in Peking in April for the summer trip to Mongolia. Granger hoped there would be no hitch in the plans, since “We have not been in the field together since 1904 in the Fort Bridger country.” Andrews was to arrive in Shanghai by April 1st and had apparently decided not to return by way of Russia. It was not stated why. Yes, Granger assured his father, there were now two U.S. gunboats on the upper river––”I wouldn't be here if there were not.” And since his father had also asked about food, Granger reported that we have chicken, pork, beef whenever we send in to town, eggs, white and sweet potatoes, spinach, carrots and a few odd vegetables such as bamboo sprouts, lotus root and the small bulbs of a water lily called "water chestnuts." Plenty of peanuts, oranges and, in the

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early winter, delicious persimmons. Then we have a supply of foreign food which we bring up from Hankow [340]. It was too bad, Granger wrote, to think that the sleighs were now all gone from Vermont, as his father had apparently reported. “It must be that some of the poorer farmers still use them a bit but I suppose they have a hard time of it contending with motor cars on the roads. The auto is a great thing but it is a devastating sort of machine, and is rendering nature most unnatural in many places.” In the meantime, it was also learned that Aunt Jane had taken quite ill. Anna wrote, also on March 7th, to her that “We are very sorry to know that you are confined to your room, but are happy that you have Nellie with you, and someone, too, to do what she can not.” Anna continued that they were getting along nicely in their camp now and the Nelsons, who came on Feb. 17th were good people to have about. “They busy themselves in their own way, and we in ours, and at meals we have a sociable time all together.” The weather, on the other hand, had been so very rainy for so many days that there was nothing they could do outside. So, we have sat and read hour after hour. Luckily we have loads of reading matter. We brought some books from Peking, some came by mail in January from America, Aunt Mary sends the Outlook Magazine, and Sarah Sinclair in California sends the Ladies Home Journal and the Christian Herald. The friends in Wanhsien have loaned us books and always send us Shanghai newspapers whenever a messenger comes out with mail [341]. Anna wrote that she wished Aunt Jane could see the lovely flowers that had been brought into the temple for them by some of the village people. The most unusual among them were bright red camelias. These were grown by somebody at a house some distance away from Yanjingou. The Grangers had not seen them growing wild. Other flowers brought to them were blossoms of fruit trees, possibly cherry or plum. The locals themselves did not seem to be sure what to call them. Every time any of them went out, she wrote, they were sure to bring back some new evidence that spring was there, though the blossoms were not always showy. She pressed a sample of each in her letter to Aunt Jane.

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While the weather was somewhat warmer and their noses and hands not cold, “we seem to have to keep on as many layers of clothing as ever. If the sun would shine that would make a different story. We had a chance to sample the sun's rays once last week, and found that they hadn't lost their power. We were too warm walking in it.” Lately some soldiers had come to occupy a pass in the mountains above their valley. Walter did not like their near [such close] presence, “principally because they draft the people in the village as carrying coolies and also frighten the people who are working in the fossil bone pits. Since the pits are near trails used by the soldiers, the workmen have all gone off to hide in other places. The result is that no bones are being brought in to add to what has been a rather meager collection compared to other seasons.” She thought Aunt Jane would be pleased by the wonderful cross-stitched work done by the poor people in the neighborhood. Anna had bought a few samples to take home to America to show those who were interested in Chinese handiwork. Almost all of the pieces were worked in cotton on a coarse cotton cloth. A few were done in silk on a piece of mohair. If wool was used, it was of the brightest hue possible, a brilliant scarlet, or a vivid pink, and the stitching was done in black. This made a very striking object in Anna’s view. The favorite use for this combination was for a set of nuptial pillows. These were long, four sided, and stuffed hard. The square ends were sewed in permanently. There was a detachable cover tied to a foundation pillow with tapes. Most of the local women, Anna noted, normally went about in narrow-legged trousers with only a bit of cross stitching extending three or four inches above the hem. Sometimes, however, wider-legged trouser were worn and the whole leg was filled with designs of animals and flowers. A woman brought in one of these older style wide trousers for Anna to buy, saying that she would be glad to get the money to buy materials for an up-to-date pair which would be much narrower. Anna also bought a jacket, an ornamental head cloth, and had under consideration a curtain for a door which had on it two Chinese women standing under a graceful spray of bamboo. 'Buckshot' did the bargaining for her and “I shall give him a present for his pains.” They had gotten no mail from Peking that day and suspected that the railroad was again blocked y troop movements. Their Wanxian friend, Jenkins, sent more radio dispatches

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received by the American gunboat stationed there. They had learned that General Feng's army had been routed and was retreating to Peking, causing a panic there. “China is certainly in an awful mess and will be until she can rid herself of these military war-lords [Conq/328-338].” Departing Yanjingou It was March 20th. Granger’s plan was to break camp on the 24th and go in to Wanxian. After a few days layover there, he and his party would depart downriver by steamer, though to where he wasn’t sure. Since rail transportation was reported to be unreliable at the moment, along with everything else, so it seemed to Granger, he figured they might have to sail [steam] all the way to Shanghai and then on up to Tientsin. He wouldn’t know for certain until he got downriver. There were reports of considerable fighting in the north, Granger writing his father that “I'm hoping that they will be fought out by April 1st and that the railway lines may be open. Our last letter from Peking came down to camp in about two weeks––apparently by way of Hankow-Peking Ry.” In any event, he was “mighty glad I don't have to take the junk trip this spring.” He planned to give his annual feast, he continued, “to the friends up the ridge––about twenty guests and my own crowd––three square tables with eight at a table and a little overflow besides. I invite the elders of the Tan family as well as the various people who have given me feasts during the winter.” In the meantime, the ill-weather of winter had moderated. Fields of jessamine, beans and peas were in full bloom and gave a bright touch to the landscape. Nelson and 'Buckshot' had been away for six days on a trip to Hupeh Province and were due back that night but had not yet shown up. There had been a couple of rainy days when they could not travel, and that had no doubt delayed them. Granger had no notion of what would happen with the CAE’s camel caravan that spring, he wrote his father. He presumed it was being sent off for the first rendezvous point in Mongolia later on. But political and military conditions in north China had been so

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disturbed that there was now some doubt “whether we can really get away but if possible some way will be found to do it I'm sure.” They broke camp on the 24th and after a few days in Wanxian took a steamer for Ichang, making the trip between daylight and 8:00 p.m. without being fired at. It was only the second passage through the gorges going one way or the other [going either way] that Granger hadn’t been shot at. The Nelsons, who had proceeded down river two days earlier, were not so lucky. After leaving Wanxian at daybreak, their steamer collided with [one of] General Yang Sheng's gunboat[s]. Soldiers aboard the gunboat fired several rounds at the steamer, killing a Chinese soldier who was a passenger traveling aboard the Nelson's steamer. The Nelsons were awaiting the Grangers at Ichang with the intent to travel on to Peking together. But getting to Peking remained complicated by the fluidity of the military situation. “I enclose a letter from Mac Young which gives a little Peking news,” Granger wrote his father. “Evidently we shan't get off on April 15th this year. If we [the Grangers and Nelsons] have to go via Shanghai we shall not reach Peking much before the 15th and certainly the expedition will not leave without its paleontologist and archaeologist. We're the ones who give it its advertising stuff.” Matthew and other CAE members should be reaching Shanghai by now, he wrote [Conq/336]. Summer had settled in at the lower Yangtze area. Sweet peas were in full bloom at Ichang. The temperature reached 80˚ the day before. But in Peking, it was still cold and very dusty. It was dust storm season. By the middle of April, however, the apple blossoms would be out which was seen as a signal for the party to start for the Gobi. Granger noted to his father that “We also got quite a batch of Christmas cards last mail! Sometime I may get far enough away to get one year's Christmas cards in time for the following Christmas, and that will be better than having them come for Easter or Fourth of July!” And, on the good news that Aunt Jane’s condition had improved and that she was sitting up everyday, Granger wrote, “Pretty hard to kill a Granger isn't it?”

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Anna wrote to Aunt Jane that same day after successfully getting the ship’s steward to make a Chinese passenger, an Army general who was wealthy enough to be traveling first class, stop playing his phonograph. For three solid hours we have been obliged to listen to Chinese theatrical songs, and if you could ever hear one of them, you would understand how weary the mind gets with such music. Unfortunately it is rainy and very windy out on deck, or we could have gotten away from the sound a little. The General eats at our table. He certainly doesn't look as if he could be a leader of anybody. We are told that he is an opium smoker, and his complexion bears that out [342]. They had good luck getting out of the Wanxian region this time, she wrote. The sun was shining when they broke camp at Yanjingou, as it had for the two days before. That gave them a good chance to do the final laundry and get it dried before stowing it away. And when it came time to board the down-river boat from Wanhsien to Ichang, the moon shone brightly. Nevertheless, the current military situation at Wanxian was causing more inconvenience than before, Anna continued. Shipping suffered because there no longer was much produce available to be put aboard the steamers. The occupying army was requisitioning much of it. And since telegraphic communication was in the hands of the army, steamship companies no longer knew when to expect a ship to arrive. Steamers seemed to come in from Chungking sometime after dark for layover until dawn the following morning and continuation down river at daylight. For reasons Anna did not explain, one could not get luggage loaded aboard at any time except at night. Perhaps this was to facilitate immediate departure at first light. This was how the scene played out while Grangers and Jenkins were dining at the home of Japanese friends. Jenkins' coolie was posted at the harbor to keep watch for the next steamer. When he returned to say that the Chi Lai was in, Granger sent a note to the Captain asking whether he could accommodate the Grangers along with all camping gear and scientific paraphernalia. It took an hour to obtain a positive reply and another hour to get themselves and their baggage carried down to the river and then freighted over to the

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steamer. “It was twelve o'clock precisely when [Jenkins] had made the last provision for our comfort and left us.” The Chi Lai, it turned out, was a small steamer carrying a number of Chinese passengers whose only place to sit was on deck adjacent to the Grangers’ cabin. Since the trip down to Ichang took only one day, we didn't mind. What we didn't like was that the boat was so arranged that we could neither look straight ahead or behind from our portion of the deck. To have to view the Gorge scenery only from the side is not very satisfactory, and if I hadn't had wonderful opportunities before for seeing them, I would have greatly regretted this [343]. No untoward event had taken place during their journey down, Anna assured Aunt Jane. They avoided all rocks, and the soldiers “omitted to amuse themselves by firing on us. Walter says this [is] only the second time out of six transits through the gorges that he has not been fired on.” * The Grangers and Nelsons were now aboard the SS Kian en route from Ichang to Hankow. Sun shining, they steamed along mud banks made golden with flowering mustard. The air was sweet with the fragrance. Above the yellow, Anna could see the tops of trees just coming into leaf in the distance. Water buffalo and their drovers silhouetted against the sky here and there added a touch of action to the scene. The day before, they lay at anchor opposite the town of Sha Ze for four hours while huge lighters brought out raw cotton and cotton seeds to be loaded aboard. The cotton was to be cleansed at Hankow and then taken to Shanghai and made into yarn. Where the oil was pressed out of the seeds, Anna did not know. An upriver junk made good progress passing by with sail set in a stiff breeze. Minutes before, a motor launch sped out from shore and headed toward the SS Kian. One of the occupants crew manned a long bamboo pole at the end of which was fastened a bundle of

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letters. As the launch hove to and the tip of the pole was placed at the rail, the clutch was deftly snatched off by one of the steamer’s crew. * Before the Grangers and Jenkins sat down for dinner at the Kitishimas on the eve of the Grangers’ departure, they posed for a photograph in front of a cave on the river bank opposite the city. Mrs. Kitishima, Anna wrote to Aunt Jane, was “a very dainty little lady with lovely soft shiny eyes and dimples in her cheeks.” And when she presided over meal-making at the coal brazier herself, she handled the chopsticks used in frying the foods most gracefully. The round table used for their sukiaki supper had a section in the middle that lifted out to make room for the stove. On a low table at the side sat containers of all the foods to be cooked, already cut in small pieces and “looking most attractive.” The hostess and guests sat around the cooking table on flat cushions, first having taken off their shoes. A bowl containing a raw egg was set before each, as were chopsticks, a paper napkin and two toothpicks. The chopsticks were made of pine, sealed in paper and not completely separated so that the diner was assured that they had not been used before. Once the Madame, Anna called her, had cooked the first frying panful thoroughly, she invited the guests to choose from it as they wished. But first she used her chopsticks to beat up the raw egg sitting in the bowl making it ready to be scalded by the very hot food to be laid in on top of it. Madame then assisted those who seemed awkward with their chopsticks. Chicken, mushrooms, scallions, carrots, turnip sliced into extremely slender strings, lotus seeds and cabbage were some of the eatables Anna remembered. The whole of it was seasoned with a soya bean sauce “and the resulting odor and taste was [sic] most delicious.” The meal began and ended with tea served with crackers made of gluten rice and with a touch of soya sauce for flavor. Foreign chocolate bonbons were passed around at the conclusion. “You must be tired reading this by now. I'll say goodbye with love from us both,” ended Anna’s letter to Aunt Jane.

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Maintaining Correspondence April 10, 1926 Dear Father: I despatched four of our six boys by the Peking-Hankow Ry which is running two trains of freight cars a day as far as Pao ting fu near Peking, and am trusting to luck that they make the balance of the journey before I reach the capital [344]. At Hankow, the Grangers and Nelsons boarded the SS Kut Wo bound for Shanghai. There they would find a steamer to take them to Tientsin. While at Hankow, Granger wrote his father that he had met “a missionary who came over with Andrews and Shackelford so I know that those two are here anyhow.” But judging from Peking news, it wasn’t clear that the expedition would be getting off on time. “We'll be playing in luck if we get started at all,” he wrote his father. “We will have to cross military frontiers to get from Peking to Kalgan evidently and that always is bad business.” It had been nice, Granger wrote, to run the relatively calm lower Yangtze between Hankow and Shanghai, “but I don't fancy the three day voyage through the choppy Yellow Sea to Tientsin. Deuce of a note to have to be seasick traveling from Szechuan to Peking!” A week had gone by since their arrival in Shanghai. The weather was unusually pleasant in Shanghai as they got out and about. They socialized. One night, the editor of the China Journal of Arts and Sciences and his wife entertained them at dinner in their home. They then accepted the Grangers’ invite to have lunch at one of the hotels in the city. Other visits with friends were held over tea at four in the afternoon. The Grangers also did a little shopping. A certain class of linens could be had in the stores there more cheaply than in Peking because goods were taxed as they passed from province to province and Shanghai was nearer the cities where the linens were made. This also was the season for mangoes. The Grangers were, Anna wrote to Aunt Jane,

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having our fill of them. We get them at a fine, big market by the dollar's worth and eat them in our rooms, or rather, over the bathtub. According to the size and ripeness, one gets 5, or 6, 7, 8 fruits for that price. I don't know anybody who's not fond of them, once he has had a taste [345]. Anna thought Aunt Jane would be pleased to know that she was using the Paisley scarf Aunt Jane had sent. In their stops at the several cities they passed through on the way to Wanxian and back, the scarf had been “in service many times and is never worn without exciting some one's admiring comment.” “Out in the Orient,” she continued, “everybody wears bright colors. The fashion has spread to other lands as well, now that all the world has had its attention fixed on the East, I guess.” * On April 2nd, Andrews wrote Granger to say that conditions were bad in Peking. Fighting was reported in the area: wire and mail service had stopped. Nonetheless, even if the start was delayed, he hoped to get the expedition off. Beyond those already known to Granger, he did not provide a roster for the rest of the 1926 Mongolia party. Granger figured the trip from Shanghai to Tientsin would take three days aboard the S.S. Tung Chow. They would sail out of Shanghai on the 17th of April, 1926, and it promised to be an interesting journey. Not only was the Yellow Sea nasty in the springtime, that particular steamer had been subjected to a pirate attack earlier that winter. The ship was diverted to Hong Kong where the pirates disembarked after taking everything of value from the Chinese passengers. Once the Grangers and Nelsons docked at Tientsin, they would still be almost 90 miles away from Peking by auto. Granger hoped to “slip up at first opportunity.” And he was a bit anxious about his four native assistants, he confided to his father, nevertheless presuming they were all right ”even if they haven't been able to get up to Peking yet.” He also wondered about the various international concessions and what the foreign nations with extra-territoriality rights in China (the international concessions) were thinking about the recent developments. At Shanghai, residents were anxious about the

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coming May 30th anniversary of the ‘Shooting of the Mob,’ despite assurance that preparations were underway to cope with any outbursts [346]. “I must say,” Granger confided, “life in China is getting to be a bit exciting.” On the 23rd of April, Granger wrote Charles again to confirm that the party had reached Tientsin. With luck, they would arrive in Peking that afternoon “in two of our motor cars which Lovell has down here.” Rail service between Tientsin and Peking was still poor, he advised. Only one train ran. Not only was it crowded, it was took from nine to 15 hours to make the run. The trip by auto took only five hours including a half-hour stop for lunch. Fifty of the precisely 84 miles were “fine going, twenty miles bad and the balance fair to middlin'” on a road specially built for automobiles by the Famine Relief Board a few years earlier. It constituted the longest stretch of regular auto road in China. The rest of the party were there to greet Granger and Nelson when they arrived at the CAE headquarters in Peking. “Andrews is hoping to get off May 1st. Things are in a most chaotic state however and you can never tell from day to day what will happen [Conq/330].” In closing, Granger asked his father to “send by Express to Osborn at the Museum a gallon of Spring brew and tell him it is from me. I'll send you check from Peking.” W. D. Matthew to Charles At his Wagon-Lits Hotel suite in Peking, W. D. Matthew wrote Charles Granger on April 26th to bring him up to date, having postponed thanking him for his kind wishes until he could tell him something about Walter. Relating that he himself had had an uneventful journey from the U.S. until he reached China, like Walter, he found that he could not proceed from Shanghai to Peking by rail. Instead, he had to take a steamer to Tientsin and, once there, was delayed another eight days before he could get [find, secure] passage through [stet?] to Peking. Walter and Anna were in Peking, he wrote, and both were looking very well [Conq/336]. Granger was somewhat disappointed, however, with his fossil collection from Sichuan. He had acquired some fine things, but it was not as much material as in previous seasons.

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Andrews' plans for Mongolia remained disorganized, Matthew wrote. Fighting in that area of China had delayed starting the trip. One warlord’s army was now in retreat along the very route the CAE intended [was] to start out on [take]. [Reportedly] There also was clashing [were clashes] somewhere near Nank’ou city, just 30 miles north of Peking. The American Ministry had tried to get permission allowing [enabling] the Expedition to pass through on May 14th. But to no avail. Young and two cars were already in Kalgan, but the main party in Peking had further no contact with him following a cablegram he managed to get through telling of the departure of the camel caravan on the 26th [Conq/336]. Until the armies moved on or peace was made, Matthew continued to Charles, the Expedition’s main party could not make a start. For now, they were hung up in Peking. “I dare say we shall all find plenty to do; I have work laid out, and Walter is busy enough; but it is provoking to have our start delayed.” The fighting held no danger to foreigners, Matthew assured Charles [RCA au contraire, Conq/336]. “It was simply a scrap between Chinese factions for the possession of the central government and the taxes (collected by foreigners employed under treaty by the central 'government' of China.)” But, naturally one did not intentionally get in the way of active fighting or send out expedition camel caravans and automobiles without proper official permits to do so. “That would be to invite risk of accidental shooting in the one case and almost a certainty of confiscation in the other.” Walter to Charles “Just now the locust trees which line the streets of Legation Quarter are in bloom,” Walter wrote his father, “and the air is full of their fragrance.” A rain today will put the crops in good condition and goodness knows the farmers near Peking need all the good luck they can have to balance the depredations of the soldiers hereabouts recently.

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'Buckshot's’ family was cleared out of about all they possessed about a week before I got here. The Shantung [provincial] and Fengtian [warlord] soldiers which comprise the invading army are about the worst that have visited Peking in years [347]. Granger sent along copies of the Peking Leader covering the local war news. The city itself had been fairly quiet. But beyond, robbery was rampant as people fared badly. The Grangers’ hotel was now a refuge for many Chinese families as it always was whenever there was a turnover in the government. At the hotel’s breakfast room one morning, Granger noticed the vice-chancellor of the National University and stopped to chat. [H]e said that he was one of nine educators whose execution had been ordered by [warlord] Chang Tso Lin. His university has been a hot bed of Bolshevism recently and I can quite understand it. Most of us are glad to see Bolshevism get driven out even of it becomes necessary to make a few executions. The next war hereabouts is likely to be between Wu Pei Fu and Chang this summer––sort of grand finals and then the tournament will begin all over again next year. It's a hopeless mess [348]. The new letterhead on Granger’s 1926 expedition stationery read “CENTRAL ASIATIC EXPEDITIONS.” This was a change from “Third Asiatic Expeditions” ordered by Osborn, Granger explained, “because the public never seemed to understand that this was all the Third Asiatic Expedition regardless of how many years we took to do it. Personally I much preferred to keep the old name regardless and it will still be used on scientific labels, etc.” * In addition to Granger, Olsen, Andrews, Matthew, Nelson, Shackelford, Young, Lovell, the 1926 CAE Mongolia party included Radcliffe H. Beckwith for geology, W. P. T. Hill replacing Roberts for topography and Mont Reid as the Expedition’s doctor [Conq/327]. Hill was another military man, a captain in the U.S. Marines “detailed to the Expedition through the kindness of Major-General Le Jeune and of the Honorable Curtis D. Wilbur,

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Secretary of the Navy [Conq/327].” Radcliffe Beckwith was a geology professor at the University of Wyoming in Laramie. He also played a wooden flute and was an avid photographer who did his own developing and printing. He was familiar with Granger’s extensive fieldwork in Wyoming and that gave them a common ground to form a fast and lasting friendship. They especially liked to sit outside and talk. Beckwith and his wife Terri later named their only son after Granger: Walter Granger Beckwith. Cut #9 Roughly thirty years younger than Granger, Radcliffe Beckwith volunteered for service in W.W.I as a 17-year old Army infantryman. Once out of the service, he became a Rhodes scholar at Oxford University. He also was something of a linguist. When it became clear, because of warlord battles, that the 1926 CAE would be unable to access to Mongolia by the regular route through Kalgan, thought was given to attempting access via Siberia from the north. Beckwith was asked to learn Russian and went off to Shanghai to study with the White Russian exiles living there. Cut #10

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[ ]. Grand Hotel Des Wagons-Lits Peking. May 25th, 1926 Dear Father: Your letter of April 23rd (No. 16) came today; it was in answer to mine from Yen-Ching-Kou of March 20th. A little over two months for the round trip, which is about right considering the extra time [above?] Hankow. You will, by this time, have had my Tientsin letter. The military situation hereabouts remains pretty much unchanged. The armies still have their frontiers near Nankow [Pass] and block completely our way to Kalgan. Fighting in northern Shansi is taking place and if Feng's troops should be successful there they may pass on westward to Kansu and retire from Kalgan. There is a desperate food shortage in Kalgan and we do not feel that the Kuo Min Chun [Kuomintang, or Guomindang] can hold on there indefinitely. And it does not look as if they could force back the armies of Wu [Wu Peifu, or Wu P'ei-fu] and Chang and regain Peking and this province. Andrews will attempt within the next few days to find a way up to the plateau through Jehol, to the northeast of Peking, but I do not have much hope from that direction [349] [Conq/328]. Things were quiet enough in the capital even though many thousands of refugee children and women from surrounding districts milled about. There were a number of soldiers, as well, especially in the Chinese section. Order prevailed. Farmers and merchants continued attending to their own affairs while probably giving as little thought as possible to public ones. That was why, Granger opined, the various warlord generals and field marshals were able to continue their interminable warfare. All the gates were open during the day and fresh meat, vegetables and strawberries were available in sufficient quantities to supply all who could afford them. Granger surmised that the beggars, on the other hand, probably were having a rather hard time of it.

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Trains were running, intermittently, to Hankow and Mukden but as yet none to Shanghai. When the Kuo Min Chun [Kuomintang, or Guomindang] retreated to Kalgan, they took all the rolling stock they could lay their hands on. Now the sidings beyond the great wall were chocked with locomotives, passenger and freight cars from every railroad north of the Yangtze, except the narrow gauge line from Tainanfu in Shansi Province to the junction on the Kiu-Han Railway. They would have had that too except that the rail gauge size was different, and it would not fit a regular car’s wheel span. Most of the locomotives were out of repair. These were American-built Baldwins and had been among the world's best. Idle railroad cars were now used as troop barracks. The famous "blue trains" which ran from Peking to Pukow on the Yangtze River were wrecked: paint all gone, glass broken, woodwork scarred and, in some cases, holes cut in roofs to accommodate a stove pipe. Granger thought that the country had never been in quite such a desolate condition––at least not since the fall of the Qing Empire. News from Sichuan confirmed Granger’s sense that all there should be prepared for war which was actually now there, according to reports in a Peking morning newspaper. General Yang Sheng, driven out of Wanxian a year before, had returned before the Grangers departed and was now fighting his way up the river toward Chung King. His quest to again control Sichuan would only re-ignite a battle to oust him once again. Granger now realized he had “just managed to slip in last winter between scraps.” * The idled 1926 CAE party members were trying to occupy their time. Beckwith moved over to the Russian Mission to study the language in order to be able to read Russian geological works. Granger finished packing all accumulated fossil and recent mammal and bird collections at the compound. Shackelford was photographing the U.S. Marines for a forthcoming Goldwyn movie to be called "Tell it to the Marines." Matthew was writing a book, the motor men were attending the spring races and the surgeon was still operating on people at the Rockefeller College. Hill, the topographer, checked his chronometers twice a day at the American radio station in the Legation and acted as Shackelford's “No. 1 boy” in between.

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Andrews, in the meantime, continued consulting with Legation staff, Government officials, missionaries and others in the hope of finding a way to get through various army front lines. It was felt that they still could venture out with the entire party if they got off by June 15th. After that they would have to alter the itinerary and personnel considerably. The camels were already three weeks out and it was essential for at least one car to overtake them sometime before fall either to bring them back or arrange for them to winter in the west. * Peking was getting warm now, but not uncomfortably so. Two recent heavy rains were quite unexpected and most welcome to the farmers. Usually the North China rains did not come much before July. “The poor farmers certainly need all the good luck going to make up in a measure for the devastation that has been brought about by the military operations,” Granger wrote his father. Osborn, in the meantime, was thanking Charles for the maple syrup just received. “I was indeed delighted to receive your gift of the Vermont maple syrup, especially because I appreciate your thoughtfulness and Walter's thought of me also,” he wrote on June 2, 1926. “We have very recently received word that owing to the war conditions, the party has been greatly delayed in entering Mongolia. In fact, on May twenty-ninth, they were still in Peking. Fortunately there is a very large bed of fossils within striking distance and undoubtedly they will make a wonderful collection [there] instead of pushing to the Far West as they had previously planned.” But on June 11, the party still awaited military developments. Decisive action was being promised later in the month. Wu and Chang were to have a conference in Peking, Granger wrote his father, and “we may expect fireworks soon after. I don't care what happens to any of them just so one crowd gets control of the entire Ry. line to Kalgan. As soon as we can get out of here we're going like a singed cat.” Granger ventured to his father that Vermont probably looked “pretty fine about now and I should like to see it.” The spring rains in Peking had made things wonderfully green there. But Granger also had not been outside the city walls since his return to Peking on

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April 23rd. Chinese soldiers were gathered thick in numbers outside and there were reports of unpleasant experiences when encountered. I don't care to submit myself to indignities by Chinese uniformed coolies unless it is a case of necessity. Something is going to happen out in this neck of the woods before long that will put a crimp in the growing arrogance of the Chinese military. A lot of foreigners will probably have to suffer before it's brought about, as they did in 1900, but it's coming [350]. He sent along a photograph to Charles ”of our Scottish Rite group taken this spring out at the Temple of Heaven where the last two degrees are conferred. Shackelford was put through this spring. Grand Sovereign Commander Cowles of the Southern Jurisdiction is the man at the right, next to the Chinese. He is on a tour around the world and arranged to be here for our Spring reunion [350a].” Among these Scottish Rite Freemasons in Peking was Commander Irwin Van Gorder Gillis, the Naval Attache in Peking to whom ‘Mr. Reynolds’ (Andrews) had reported between June, 1918 and April 1919. * Otherwise, there is nothing much for the CAE party to do but wait. The delay had changed everything and Granger advised Charles that, with that season's plans shot to pieces, they would have to carry on next summer. [A]nd so I can't be with you for Thanksgiving. There are other Thanksgivings coming through and I feel sure I shall join you in one of them. Something might happen, of course, which would necessitate my going home this fall, in fact all of us might have to return, but it looks as if I should have to stay on for next summer. I can't do any more important work than I am doing here (when I have a chance), things are going smoothly at the Dept. under Brown's direction and so my duty lies here in China for another year [351].

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W.D. Matthew’s time at the Museum effectively had come to a close upon his trip to Peking. That was Osborn’s farewell gesture in gratitude for services Matthew had provided the Museum, as well as relief that their differences would no longer be in play. * The 1926 Mongolian campaign was finally fully abandoned on June 15th, which passed without any improvement in the situation. Gasoline and food already stored in Kalgan were to be sold off and the camels put into winter quarters. Andrews would leave for the States on August 29th. Shackelford had already left and Matthew would be starting for India via the Yangtze Gorges by September 1st. Olsen hoped go to Yanjinggou for the winter if the military situation settled enough. There were only a few fossils left for him to work on in Peking and he needed something else to do to keep busy. He planned take one of Granger’s Sichuan men and two others who had been to Mongolia but not to Sichuan. Since there was less than a year wait before the 1927 Mongolian season, Granger and Nelson decided to spend the winter prospecting in Yunnan Province. Their wives were go along and remain in Yunnan Fu “while Nels and I prowl about the country side looking for fossils and artifacts. It's going to be something of a gamble but––we're gamblers always in our work.” Chow, Whey [Huei] the cook, and 'Buckshot' accompanied Granger to Yunnan. Chow, now the No. 1, had spent several years in Yunnanfu and spoke the dialect which was closer to northern Mandarin than to the Sichuan dialect, queerly enough to Granger. The party planned to leave on August 14th. Instead of traveling through China proper, their route would take them via Tientsin, Shanghai, HongKong and Haifong, Indo-China and on to Yunnan Fu by rail. The trip would take nearly a month and most of that would be “down the China coast in small steamers in the typhoon season! And I a rotten sailor at that!” Yunnan’s climate was splendid in fall and winter, Granger noted. Yunnanfu, the capitol, was at 6,500 feet and much of the surrounding country was still higher. It served as quite a summer resort for the French residing in Indo-China. And although bandits were as

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abundant in Yunnan Province as elsewhere in China, they were assured of adequate protection by the Yunnan provincial government “which probably means that we must take along a few soldiers wherever we go, useful as a preventative but no good as a cure––like moth balls.”

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Expedition to Yunnan Province, Winter 1926-27 August 14, 1926 YUNNAN 1926 Trip to Yunnan 1926-'27 Party: Walter Granger and Wife N.C. Nelson and Wife Chow - No. 1 Boy 'Buckshot' - Assistant Whey [Huei] - Cook To proceed via Tientsin, Shanghai, Hongkong and Haiphong. Have 5 cases of equipment plus numerous duffel bags and bundles containing tents, saddles clothing etc. altogether about 40 pieces of baggage. Yunnanfu the headquarters, mail c/o American Consul. Paleontological and archaeological reconnaissance to be carried on so far as conditions permit [352]. The party boarded the “Foreign Devil” train at 4:30 p.m., August 14th, as Olsen, Matthew, Beckwith and Young gathered to see them off. After an hour delay to allow three soldier trains bound north pass through, they arrived in Tientsin at 8:30 p.m. The Nelsons went directly aboard the Tung Chow. Anna and Walter checked in to the Imperial Hotel. The Chinese assistants went to a Chinese inn. Facing a lengthy sea voyage, Granger wished to spend as many nights ashore as he could. All were aboard the Tung Chow for departure the next morning after breakfast. Upon arrival at Chefoo harbor the next day, British Consul “Fossil” Smith, formerly of Ichang, came aboard on the first tender out to the steamer to invite them ashore for tea. Smith was the amateur fossil collector who had informed the China Geological Society, Andersson and then Granger that Yanjinggou region appeared to be a source for fossils. Another Yangtze area acquaintance, C.G. Asker and his wife, were living nearby Consul

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Smith and came to tea as well. They all visited the lighthouse just above the consulate “from which a fine view of the harbor was to be had. The American fleet in port at present.” Reboarding at 4:00 p.m. in a driving rain, the party made Wei-Hai-Wei harbor at about 9:00 p.m. They anchored for the night to avoid a typhoon that was passing over the end of the Shantung peninsula. “August is typhoon season along the China coast,” Granger wrote his sister Mary. “I feel a good deal about the typhoon as the fellow did about the purple cows. I’ve never seen one and don’t want to see one,––unless I could watch it from shore!”” But the delay cost them a day and the paleontologist wasn’t pleased. The sea was pretty rough most of the way down and I didn't get much pleasure out of it. If this country would build some more railroads and keep open the ones they already have one wouldn't need to be seasick traveling from Peking to Hong Kong. A break of some 200 miles is all that separates Peking from Canton by rail now although practically all of the strips south of the Yangtze are not usable by foreigners. The Cantonese and the Hupeh and Hunan troops have so abused these branches of the great north-south line that there isn't much left of them [353]. They docked at the French Concession’s wharf in Shanghai at daybreak. Sunday they were to start down the coast on another small steamer and, after stopping at Amoy, would reach Hong Kong on Thursday. Shanghai was suffocatingly hot with the temperature above 90˚ and it had been over 100˚ a few days earlier. Everything was moist and sticky. The residents were having a disagreeable time. There was an outbreak of cholera to add to their worries. But most of the people the Grangers knew in Shanghai “were out of town ‘for the heated spell’ so there won't be much to do but mop our streaming faces until Sunday when we put to sea again and should get another breathing spell. It was hot enough on the ship coming down but nothing like this place.” Peking would be cooling down by this time, he recalled. Hopefully, the bad weather they’d been following down the coast would not follow them into Indo-China and Yunnan which, everyone said had a delightful climate.

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In the meantime, Granger and Nelson arranged to have “a talk with Dr. Ting who used to be the head of the Chinese Geological Survey in Peking and who is now director of this port. Ting has done work in Yunnan and knows much about it. Nelson and I have dinner with him tomorrow night.” Ting called to change plans to lunch at the Majestic Hotel on the 21st. Granger and the others relaxed in the meantime, after making final preparations for the Yunnan expedition. They went to a band concert in the Gardens one evening. On the eve of their departure aboard the S.S. Sinkiang, Granger and Nelson planned to give “short talks to the assembled missionaries at their evening prayer service.” The weather in Shanghai was still “excessive hot” compared with Peking and yet it was almost 10 degrees colder than the week before the typhoon hit. To his sister Mary, Granger wrote “Oh boy, but this man's town is hot just now. Envelopes all stuck together and postage stamps stuck to everything but the envelope. Four collars a day, unless you don't care a darn which is my state just now. In fact things about as uncomfortable as they possibly could be.” He added he was also thinking “a good deal about New England gardens these days. We get corn, tomatoes and a sort of cucumber here but they are not in a class with home stuff––even from home seed the things do not take on the home quality. Chinese soil seems to have lost its flavor-giving qualities. Here in Shanghai there is Cholera just now and no one eats raw vegetables or fruit except such as is protected by a good skin like bananas or oranges.“ Typhoon signal flags flew in Shanghai harbor as they sailed out at 11 o'clock the next morning, August 22. To everyone’s relief, the air cooled when the boat reached open waters and remained so into the night. The Sinkiang was a small freighter with accommodations for eight passengers. The first class accommodations and officers quarters were all amidship and a deck above the rest of the boat. There were three staterooms, two of which were occupied by the Grangers and Nelsons. Chow, 'Buckshot' and Huei utilized deck space on the same level as the staterooms, but well aft at the stern. Other passengers included a Mr. Spray who, somewhat humorously, happened to be connected with the lighthouse service.

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Access at the fore and aft ends of the first class deck was heavily secured. Two iron doors leading out from the first class section to the lower deck aft were kept locked and a Sikh Indian stood constant guard with a Winchester rifle, a revolver and a belt full of cartridges. There was a spiked affair along the top sides to make it difficult for anyone to climb over up to the deck above where the bridge was located and the Captain had his stateroom. All this was to guard against pirates. Late the next morning, the Sinkiang received a message over its new wireless that the typhoon reported at Shanghai was now to the south and traveling in a general northwest direction. By this time, the weather had become thick and squally, forcing the Captain to take the ship into refuge behind the outer islands of the Tai Chou group, northeast of Wenchow. They dropped anchor in a great swarm of fish nets. Shortly after, other steamers appeared also seeking shelter. As the wind blew and the rain beat down, the protected steamers rode quietly at anchor. By nightfall there were six, all small coastal craft like the Sinkiang. But none of the other boats had a wireless, so the captain kept the others apprised by signaling them with updates on the typhoon’s location and direction. The wind continued to rise. The storm was coming up the coast from the direction of Hong Kong. It was the 15th day according to the Chinese calendar, the full moon day. This day was called the Ghost Festival, the day the spirits of the dead make their flight to their heavenly home. To celebrate the event, a dock nearby the Sinkiang’s anchorage was decorated with a huge warrior and a water bird, both made of paper. A dozen or so horn lanterns were suspended from a pole. On August 24, the wind grew to gale force and the wireless reported the typhoon heading inland at Wenchow, not far away. The Sinkiang’s whistle blew as flags were run up to inform the other vessels of the news. Fishermen, who were attending their nets the day before in spite of the rather high seas, were all in harbor now. Terrific downpours of rain accompanied the gale most of the day with the wind reaching its maximum velocity by afternoon. By evening the wind had shifted about 90˚, Granger noted, going from north to east. Wireless reports indicated that the storm center had passed within 60 miles of them. The bay, churned up by the storm, was now very muddy and the atmosphere close and muggy.

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With the storm inland, although still not far distant, the captain decided to depart at daybreak. But a heavy squall of rain arrived as soon as the anchors were up and they were underway. Less than a half mile, they dropped anchor again. The other ships had remained at anchor. While a change in the wind had indicated that the typhoon was past, they were now getting hit by a southwest monsoon. The rain was so ferocious that water leaked in to the cabins aboard the Sinkiang. Decks were also flooding, and all were forced to remain in their cabins. Walter began reading H.G.W. Woodhead's 1925 book, "The Truth About the Chinese Republic." Anna undertook translating the book "Une Jeune Fille Voyagea" also published in 1925 by Claude Farrere. Another steamer arrived in the night to make it seven ships at anchor. After breakfast, as the rain abated somewhat, anchors were again raised and the Sinkiang departed. They found the open sea to be less disturbed than they had expected. But its muddiness even at 15 fathoms attested to the severity of the disturbance. There also was evidence of disaster. The body of one Chinese was seen floating alongside the Sinkiang while still at anchor. Another was seen after it put out to sea. The air cooled at last. A blanket felt comfortable to Anna while she sat out on deck.

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Peking August 25, 1926 Dear Granger: Enclosed are some letters from home for the Nelsons and yourselves. I opened those for you from the Museum as you told me. One parcel came for Mrs. Granger, some moth proof bags, so I put them in your personal box. Tell Nels that his slides arrived this morning and I have sent the receipt back to the Museum. Roy got away alright on Monday morning and there has been no word from them yet so we think that the train got through alright. There were a good many rumors that it would not, but China is full of those. Dr. Matthew is going to take Clifford's trunk and leave it in Shanghai. I have just received a letter from Larson saying that our gasoline and camels are missing. They never reached Pangkiang and it is impossible to get any word from them as all communications are broken between Mongolia and Kalgan. He says "You should have seen the Reds scoot for Urga, wild asses weren't in it. They commandeered any and all kinds of transport to take them back.” Ericksson is supposed to be still with our camels but they are unable to get any word from him at all. I fear that they are gone and we are out about 58 camels and 288 cases of gas. Larson wants me to come up and look for them but the Legation advises against it as they say that it would only be presenting the Reds with another motor car, and probably I would have a much longer walk home than I had before. Hoping you had a pleasant trip down and that you will not encounter any trouble. Regards to all. Sincerely, /s/Mac. [354].

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The reference to Pope’s trunk was that Granger had forgotten to take it with him to leave in the care of Arthur de C. Sowerby at Shanghai until Pope could pick it up. Sowerby was a naturalist and the editor of the China Journal of Science and Arts there. Mac’s reference to “a much longer walk” involved a considerably more serious event. As the Expedition tried to launch another season in Mongolia that past spring, Mac Young was the point man. He had gone up to Kalgan that April with two cars and food and gasoline supplies needed for the Expedition. But it was just before the Kuominchun evacuated Kalgan in the face of advancing Fengtien allied forces. The evacuation left Kalgan very short of food and the Expedition’s supplies apparently were confiscated as a result. Early in May, Mac decided to return to Peking and boarded a train. Shortly after departing Kalgan, however, rail service was interrupted by warfare. So Mac decided to walk through the war zone. It took him seven days to reach Peking and when he did, he had not had his clothes off for five. He had slept little and was so exhausted that he was put to bed at once. Somehow the press found out. “Expedition Motor Chief Returns From Kalgan,” blared The Peking Leader on May 13, 1926. “Gets through war zone and reaches Peking after week of exhausting travel: tells Andrews suicide to take expedition through battle lines.” The Leader also reiterated Mac’s warning to Andrews : it would be nothing short of suicide to attempt to take the Expedition from Peking to Kalgan through the battle lines. The war zone is thick with snipers and it was Young’s opinion that passports or other papers would be of little avail to save the party from death [355]. * On the morning of August 27th, the Grangers, Nelsons and Chow took a sampan over to a section of the shore at Amoy where the foreigners and more wealthy Chinese lived. They walked through the main shopping district along a street which then led up the hill into the residential section and to an interesting rock pile. All of the hills about the harbor were topped by huge bare boulders, they noticed. Pumalos, bananas and papaya flourished, and also a fruit similar to the leiche nut. Chow told them it was called in

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Chinese the "Lung Yen" or dragon's eye. A coolie later brought a basket of them on board, and the steward bought some for Anna. The sampans about the harbor were painted most attractively. Insides were white and outsides green with a band of red at the waterline. Sky blue was the color often used at the prow and stern of the boat, the prow shaped like a fish's head with an eye on each side done in black with a white ring about it. The stern resembled the back of a bird, two planks sticking up jauntily as if they were the tips of a bird's wing. Small stools were provided for passengers to sit on. They were kept under a cover when not in use and the saying went “If the day is hot, your seat is cool, if it rains your seat is dry.” A crushed strawberry-colored piece of canvas provided shelter from the elements. Sometimes a white, supplementary canvas was arranged over the principal seat in the sampan for better protection. If a fair wind blew, the top canvas was taken down and “a wondrous redbrown sail run up.” Granger and Nelson took a walk through the strictly Chinese section of town that afternoon. They found themselves in streets so narrow that the roofs of the buildings on either side almost overlapped. Their “tramp” finally led them up a rocky hill that was used as a burying ground. Since coffins could not be buried in the rocks, they were set among them and then cemented over. Bits of glass and pottery were stuck in the cement while still wet. * Granger brought his father up-to-date. Amoy was a peculiar place, he thought. There were many imports but few exports and the population lived largely on the labor of coolies who go by thousands to find work in Singapore and other regions to the south. They hire out for all sorts of labor and then remit money back to their families in Amoy which keeps the place going. Amoy was beautifully situated up an estuary with green clad hills on all sides. The sea apparently kept the temperature down and it was not as hot there as in Shanghai, which from all accounts was one of the worst places along the coast. The hundred or so foreigners that lived in Amoy