The Republic of Uganda is located on the East African plateau bounded

on the east by Kenya, Sudan on the north, the Democratic Republic of the Congo

on the west, Rwanda on the southwest and by Tanzania on the south. It

averages about 1100 metres (3,250 ft) above sea level, and this slopes very

steadily downwards the Sudanese Plain to the north. However, much of the south

is poorly drained, while the centre is dominated by Lake Kyoga, which is also

surrounded by extensive marshy areas. Uganda lies almost completely within the

Nile basin. The Victoria Nile drains from the lake into Lake Kyoga and thence into

Lake Albert on the Congolese border. It then runs northwards into Sudan. One

small area on the eastern edge of Uganda is drained by the Turkwel River, part of

the internal drainage basin of Lake Turkana.

Lake Kyoga serves as a rough boundary between Bantu speakers in the south

and Nilotic and Central Sudanic language speakers in the north. Despite the

division between north and south in political affairs, this linguistic boundary

actually runs roughly from northwest to southeast, near the course of the Nile.

However, many Ugandans live among people who speak different languages,

especially in rural areas. Some sources describe a regional variation in terms of

physical characteristics, clothing, bodily adornment, and mannerisms, but others

claim that those differences are disappearing.


Uganda, a landlocked country in east-central Africa, situated north and

northwest of Lake Victoria, has a total area of 236,040 sq km (91,136 sq mi), of

which 36,330 sq km (14,027 mi) is inland water. Comparatively, the area

occupied by Uganda is slightly smaller than the state of Oregon. It extends 787

km (489 mi) NNE–SSW and 486 km (302 mi) ESE–WNW. Uganda has a total

boundary length of 2,698 km (1,676 mi).


Uganda was one of the lesser-known African countries until the 1970s

when Idi Amin Dada rose to the presidency. His bizarre public pronouncements -

ranging from gratuitous advice for Richard Nixon to his proclaimed intent to raise

a monument to Adolf Hitler - fascinated the popular news media. Beneath the

facade of buffoonery, however, the darker reality of massacres and

disappearances was considered equally newsworthy. Uganda became known as

an African horror story, fully identified with its field marshal president. Even a

decade after Amin's flight from Uganda in 1979, popular imagination still insisted

on linking the country and its exiled former ruler.

But Amin's well - publicized excesses at the expense of Uganda and its

citizens were not unique, nor were they the earliest assaults on the rule of law.

They were foreshadowed by Amin's predecessor, Apolo Milton Obote, who

suspended the 1962 constitution and ruled part of Uganda by martial law for five

years before a military coup in 1971 brought Amin into power. Amin's bloody

regime was followed by an even bloodier one - Obote's second term as president

during the civil war from 1981 to 1985, when government troops carried out

genocidal sweeps of the rural populace in a region that became known as the

Luwero Triangle. The dramatic collapse of coherent government under Amin and

his plunder of his nation's economy, followed by the even greater failure of the

second Obote government in the 1980s, gave rise to the essential question, -

"What went wrong?"

At Uganda's independence in October 1962 there was little indication that

the country was headed for disaster. On the contrary, it appeared a model of

stability and potential progress. Unlike neighboring Kenya, Uganda had no alien

white settler class attempting to monopolize the rewards of the cash crop

economy. Nor was there any recent legacy of bitter and violent conflict in Uganda

to compare with the 1950s Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya. In Uganda it was African

producers who grew the cotton and coffee that brought a higher standard of

living, financed the education of their children, and led to increased expectations

for the future.

Unlike neighboring Tanzania, Uganda enjoyed rich natural resources, a

flourishing economy, and an impressive number of educated and prosperous

middle-class African professionals, including business people, doctors, lawyers,

and scientists. And unlike neighboring Zaire (the former Belgian Congo), which

experienced only a brief period of independence before descending into chaos

and misrule, Uganda's first few years of self-rule saw a series of successful

development projects. The new government built many new schools, modernized

the transportation network, and increased manufacturing output as well as

national income. With its prestigious national Makerere University, its gleaming

new teaching hospital at Mulago, its Owen Falls hydroelectric project at Jinja--all

gifts of the departing British--Uganda at independence looked optimistically to the


Independence, too, was in a sense a gift of the British because it came

without a struggle. The British determined a timetable for withdrawal before local

groups had organized an effective nationalist movement. Uganda's political

parties emerged in response to impending independence rather than as a means

of winning it.

In part the result of its fairly smooth transition to independence, the near

absence of nationalism among Uganda's diverse ethnic groups led to a series of

political compromises. The first was a government made up of coalitions of local

and regional interest groups loosely organized into political parties. The national

government was presided over by a prime minister whose principal role

appeared to be that of a broker, trading patronage and development projects--

such as roads, schools, and dispensaries--to local or regional interest groups in

return for political support. It was not the strong, direct ideologically clothed

central government desired by most African political leaders, but it worked. And it

might reasonably have been expected to continue to work, because there were

exchanges and payoffs at all levels and to all regions.

UGANDA BEFORE 1900. Uganda's strategic position along the central

African Rift Valley, its favorable climate at an altitude of 1,200 meters and above,

and the reliable rainfall around the Lake Victoria Basin made it attractive to

African cultivators and herders as early as the fourth century B.C. Core samples

from the bottom of Lake Victoria have revealed that dense rainforest once

covered the land around the lake. Centuries of cultivation removed almost all the

original tree cover.

The cultivators who gradually cleared the forest were probably Bantu-

speaking people, whose slow but inexorable expansion gradually populated most

of Africa south of the Sahara Desert. Their knowledge of agriculture and use of

iron technology permitted them to clear the land and feed ever larger numbers of

settlers. They displaced small bands of indigenous huntergatherers , who

relocated to the less accessible mountains. Meanwhile, by the fourth century

B.C., the Bantu-speaking metallurgists were perfecting iron smelting to produce

Early Political Systems As the Bantu-speaking agriculturists multiplied over the centuries. The meeting of these peoples . a short grass "corridor" existed north and west of Lake Victoria through which successive waves of herders may have passed on the way to central and southern Africa.mediumgrade carbon steel in preheated forced draft furnaces--a technique not achieved in Europe until the Siemens process of the nineteenth century.D. settling internal disputes. This kinship-organized system was useful for coordinating work projects. farther north in the short grass uplands. The stimulus to the formation of states may have been the meeting of people of differing cultures. where rainfall was intermittent. or plantain. 1000. some of which would ultimately govern over a million subjects each. particularly after the introduction of the banana.D. Indeed. iron was mined and smelted in many parts of the country not long afterward. as a basic food crop around A. but it could effectively govern only a limited number of people. and carrying out religious observances to clan deities.. The lake shores became densely settled by Bantu speakers. Larger polities began to form states by the end of the first millennium A. pastoralists were moving south from the area of the Nile River in search of better pastures. they evolved a form of government by clan chiefs. Although most of these developments were taking place southwest of modern Ugandan boundaries.

based on kinship and decision making by kin- group elders.resulted in trade across various ecological zones and evolved into more permanent relationships. The earliest of these states may have been established in the fifteenth century by a group of pastoral rulers called the Chwezi. Nilotic-speaking pastoralists were mobile and ready to resort to arms in defense of their own cattle or raids to appropriate the cattle of others. But their political organization was minimal. A system of patronclient relationships developed. It preserved a caste system whereby the rulers and their pastoral . they may have acquired the ideas and symbols of political chiefship from the Bantu-speakers. three different types of states emerged. the Chwezi were displaced by a new Nilotic-speaking pastoral group called the Bito. Although legends depicted the Chwezi as supernatural beings. their material remains at the archaeological sites of Bigo and Mubende have shown that they were human and the probable ancestors of the modern Hima or Tutsi (Watutsi) pastoralists of Rwanda and Burundi. During the fifteenth century. whereby a pastoral elite emerged. In the meeting of cultures. and Burundi. Rwanda. to whom they could offer military protection. From this process of cultural contact and state formation. entrusting the care of cattle to subjects who used the manure to improve the fertility of their increasingly overworked gardens and fields. The Chwezi appear to have moved south of present-day Uganda to establish kingdoms in northwest Tanzania. The Hima type was later to be seen in Rwanda and Burundi.

ruling over Hima pastoralists and Hutu agriculturalists alike. The Bito type of state. Although some of these ambitions might be fulfilled by the Bunyoro king's (omukama) granting his kin offices as governors of districts. on the northern shores of Lake Victoria. the Hutu revolt after independence led to the expulsion from Rwanda of the Hima elite. The third type of state to emerge in Uganda was that of Buganda. which for several centuries was the dominant political power in the region. who became refugees in Uganda. Thus. In the twentieth century. in contrast with that of the Hima. Bito immigrants displaced the influential Hima and secured power for themselves as a royal clan. it granted every Bito clan member royal status and with it the eligibility to rule. in theory. The Hima rulers lost their Nilotic language and became Bantu speakers. but they preserved an ideology of superiority in political and social life and attempted to monopolize high status and wealth. This area of swamp and hillside was not attractive to the rulers of pastoral states farther north and west. however. No rigid caste lines divided Bito society. It became a refuge area. in Bunyoro.relatives attempted to maintain strict separation from the agricultural subjects. there was always the danger of coup d'état or secession by overambitious relatives. periods of political stability and expansion were interrupted by civil wars and secessions. The weakness of the Bito ideology was that. A counterrevolution in Burundi secured power for the Hima through periodic massacres of the Hutu majority. for those who wished to escape rule by Bunyoro or for . called Hutu. was established in Bunyoro.

Muganda) shifted away from defensive strategies and toward expansion. One such group from Bunyoro. the throne was never the property of a single clan for more than one reign. shadowy. rather than that of his father. When the ruler died. headed by Prince Kimera. who had eligible sons by most of them.. each of whom belonged to the clan of his mother. By the mid-nineteenth century. Unlike the Hima caste system or the Bunyoro royal clan political monopoly. All clans readily provided wives to the ruling kabaka.factions within Bunyoro who were defeated in contests for power. sing. Newly conquered lands were placed under chiefs nominated by the king. Buganda's kingship was made a kind of state lottery in which all clans could participate. his successor was chosen by clan elders from among the eligible princes. Ganda oral traditions later sought to disguise this intrusion from Bunyoro by claiming earlier. Buganda had doubled and redoubled its territory. Buganda's armies and the royal tax collectors traveled swiftly to all parts of the kingdom along specially constructed roads which . Assimilation of refugee elements had already strained the ruling abilities of Buganda's various clan chiefs and a supraclan political organization was already emerging. the Baganda (people of Buganda. Consolidating their efforts behind a centralized kingship. quasisupernatural kabakas. Each new king was identified with the clan of his mother. arrived in Buganda early in the fifteenth century. Kimera seized the initiative in this trend and became the first effective king (kabaka) of the fledgling Buganda state. In this way.

chiefs going to the royal advisory council. Chiefs (rwots) acquired royal drums. Stanley counted 125. however. To the north.crossed streams and swamps by bridges and viaducts. Stanley found a well-ordered town of about 40. and a corps of young pages. For communication across the kingdom. were not organized on such a vast political scale. At the entrance to the court burned the royal fire (gombolola). Stanley visited Buganda in 1875 and provided an estimate of Buganda troop strength.000 surrounding the king's palace. and storage buildings. meeting halls. At Buganda's capital. could transport Baganda commandos to raid any shore of the lake. a royal navy of outrigger canoes. commanded by an admiral who was chief of the Lungfish clan. Thronging the grounds were foreign ambassadors seeking audiences. which was situated atop a commanding hill. the messengers were supplemented by drum signals. messengers running errands.000 troops marching off on a single campaign to the east. collected tribute from followers. where a fleet of 230 war canoes waited to act as auxiliary naval support. A wall more than four kilometers in circumference surrounded the palace compound. On Lake Victoria (which the Baganda called Nnalubale). who served the kabaka while training to become future chiefs. which was filled with grass-roofed houses. Most communities in Uganda. the Nilotic-speaking Acholi people adopted some of the ideas and regalia of kingship from Bunyoro in the eighteenth century. and redistributed it to those who were most loyal. which would only be extinguished when the kabaka died. The mobilization of larger numbers of subjects . The journalist Henry M.

Leading large caravans financed by Indian moneylenders. Buganda was the destination of ever more caravans. One trader. more important. guns and gunpowder. Long-Distance Trade and Foreign Contact. Extensive areas of bushland were surrounded by beaters. Ivory had been a staple trade item from the East Africa coast since before the time of Christ. introduced Buganda's kabaka to the advantages of foreign trade: the acquisition of imported cloth and. a world in miniature. created a moving "ivory frontier" as elephant herds near the coast were nearly exterminated. together with the provision of increasingly efficient firearms to hunters. with an internal trade system. who forced the game to a central killing point in a hunting technique that was still practiced in areas of central Africa in 1989. and the kabaka and his . But these Acholi chieftaincies remained relatively small in size. By the 1860s. a great power rivalry between Buganda and Bunyoro.permitted successful hunts for meat. and its own inland seas. coastal Arab traders based on Zanzibar (united with Tanganyika in 1964 to form Tanzania) had reached Lake Victoria by 1844. Ibrahim also introduced the religion of Islam. it was in the form of long-distance trade for ivory. Uganda remained relatively isolated from the outside world. and within them the power of the clans remained strong enough to challenge that of the rwot. When intrusion from the outside world finally came. Ahmad bin Ibrahim. But growing world demand in the nineteenth century. Until the middle of the nineteenth century. but the kabaka was more interested in guns. The central African lake region was. after all.

in an effort to keep up with Buganda in the burgeoning arms race. They were already famous hunters and quickly acquired guns in return for tusks. Bunyoro also found itself threatened from the north by Egyptian- sponsored agents who sought ivory and slaves but who. and he denounced the Banyoro in a book that was widely read in Britain. Khedive Ismael of Egypt aspired to build an empire on the Upper Nile. The guns permitted the Acholi to retain their independence but altered the balance of power within Acholi territory. which eventually would cost the kingdom half its territory until the "lost counties" were restored to Bunyoro after independence. to raise the Egyptian flag over Bunyoro. The Banyoro (people of Bunyoro) resisted this attempt. Baker regarded the resistance as an act of treachery. Samuel Baker. It was judged finer in quality than European or Indian cloth. by the 1870s. unlike the Arab traders from Zanzibar. which for the first time experienced unequal distribution of wealth based on control of firearms. and increasing numbers of ivory tusks were collected to pay for it. . were also promoting foreign conquest. and Baker had to fight a desperate battle to secure his retreat. Bunyoro sought to attract foreign trade as well. his motley band of ivory traders and slave raiders had reached the frontiers of Bunyoro. Farther north the Acholi responded more favorably to the Egyptian demand for ivory.chiefs began to dress in cloth called mericani. which was woven in Massachusetts and carried to Zanzibar by American traders. Later British empire builders arrived in Uganda with a predisposition against Bunyoro. The khedive sent a British explorer.

Stanley wrote to the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in London and persuaded it to send missionaries to Buganda in 1877. he was deposed by the armed converts in 1888. Both Speke and Stanley (based on his 1875 stay in Uganda) wrote books that praised the Baganda for their organizational skills and willingness to modernize. the arrival of competing European imperialists-. and the stage was set for a fierce religious and nationalist rivalry in which Zanzibarbased Muslim traders also participated. Thus. and were not able to renew their effort. Soon afterwards. but a stream of foreign visitors as well. Stanley went further and attempted to convert the king to Christianity. Two years after the CMS established a mission. Speke passed through Buganda in 1862 and claimed he had discovered the source of the Nile. outside religion had disrupted and transformed the traditional state. The victorious Protestant and Catholic converts then divided the Buganda kingdom. By the mid-1880s. When a new young kabaka. Meanwhile. Finding Kabaka Mutesa I apparently receptive. attempted to halt the dangerous foreign ideologies that he saw threatening the state. however. They were soon defeated. some of whom attained important positions at court.the German Doctor Karl Peters (an erstwhile philosophy professor) and the British . The explorer J. Buganda was receiving not only trade goods and guns. Mwanga.H. A four-year civil war ensued in which the Muslims were initially successful and proclaimed an Islamic state. French Catholic White Fathers also arrived at the king's court. all three parties had been successful in converting substantial numbers of Baganda. which they ruled through a figurehead kabaka dependent on their guns and goodwill.

Bunyoro had been spared the religious civil wars of Buganda and was firmly united by its king. Kabarega. Allying with the Protestant Baganda chiefs. and the French bishop fled. fighting broke out between the Protestant and Catholic Baganda converts. . With Buganda secured by Lugard and the Germans no longer contending for control.Captain Frederick Lugard--broke the Christian alliance." as they called the land north of Lake Victoria. The Catholics quickly gained the upper hand. Hiram Maxim). until Lugard intervened with a prototype machine gun. as did the chiefdoms of Busoga. the British Protestant missionaries urged acceptance of the British flag. the British began to enlarge their claim to the "headwaters of the Nile. aided by Nubian mercenary troops who had formerly served the khedive of Egypt. the British occupied Bunyoro and conquered Acholi and the northern region. who had several regiments of troops armed with guns. Other African polities. while the French Catholic mission either supported the Germans (in the absence of French imperialists) or called for Buganda to retain its independence. such as the Ankole kingdom to the southwest. the French Catholic mission was burned to the ground. In January 1892. The Maxim decided the issue in favor of the pro-British Protestants. and the rough outlines of the Uganda Protectorate came into being. signed treaties with the British. the Maxim (named after its American inventor. After five years of bloody conflict. The resultant scandal was settled in Europe when the British government paid compensation to the French mission and persuaded the Germans to relinquish their claim to Uganda. the British set about conquering the rest of the country.

but the "lost counties" of Bunyoro remained a continuing grievance that would return to haunt Buganda in the 1960s. Buganda doubled in size from ten to twenty counties (sazas).but the kinship-based peoples of eastern and northeastern Uganda had to be overcome by military force. during which Baganda Christian allies of the British once again demonstrated their support for the colonial power. Sir Harry H. Johnston. Quelling the 1897 mutiny had been costly--units of the Indian army had been transported to Uganda at considerable expense. including the historic heartland of the kingdom containing several Nyoro (Bunyoro) royal tombs. THE COLONIAL ERA. the British negotiated a separate treaty with Buganda. granting it a large measure of autonomy and self-government within the larger protectorate under indirect rule. Although momentous change occurred during the colonial era in Uganda. The new commissioner of Uganda in 1900. Colonial rule affected local economic systems dramatically. As a reward for this support. some characteristics of late-nineteenth century African society survived to reemerge at the time of independence. One-half of Bunyoro's conquered territory was awarded to Buganda as well. Johnston approached the chiefs in Buganda with offers of jobs in the colonial . and in recognition of Buganda's formidable military presence. had orders to establish an efficient administration and to levy taxes as quickly as possible. A mutiny by Nubian mercenary troops in 1897 was only barely suppressed after two years of fighting. in part because the first concern of the British was financial.

The half left to the British as "Crown Land" was later found to be largely swamp and scrub.long cotton gowns called kanzus--as civilized. The British signed much less generous treaties with the other kingdoms (Toro in 1900. They regarded their traditional dress-. and testified to the continued alliance of British and Baganda interests. and Bunyoro in 1933) without the provision of large-scale private land tenure. The chiefs. designated the chiefs as tax collectors. This subimperialism and Ganda cultural chauvinism were resented by the people being administered. The Baganda immediately offered their services to the British as administrators over their recently conquered neighbors. Luganda. Bunyoro. Baganda agents fanned out as local tax collectors and labor organizers in areas such as Kigezi. Mbale. Johnston's Buganda Agreement of 1900 imposed a tax on huts and guns. all else was . Ankole in 1901. but the chiefs ended up with everything they wanted. an offer which was attractive to the economy-minded colonial administration. The smaller chiefdoms of Busoga were ignored. whom Johnston characterized in demeaning terms. and they planted bananas as the only proper food worth eating. and securing private land tenure for themselves and their supporters. Hard bargaining ensued. Baganda insisted on the exclusive use of their language. including one-half of all the land in Buganda.administration in return for their collaboration. were more interested in preserving Buganda as a self-governing entity. significantly. continuing the royal line of kabakas. Wherever they went. and.

Because the railroad experienced cost overruns in Kenya. They also encouraged and engaged in mission work. attempting to convert locals to their form of Christianity or Islam. having fought the Baganda and the British." and succeeded in having the Baganda subimperial agents withdrawn." and finally having "arrogant" Baganda administrators issuing orders. the British decided to justify its exceptional expense and pay its operating costs by introducing large-scale European settlement in a vast tract of land that became a center of cash-crop agriculture known as the "white highlands. Meanwhile. Catholics won converts in areas where oppressive rule was identified with a Protestant Muganda chief. to keep the entire railroad line under one local colonial administration. and forcing unpaid labor. Cotton was the . agricultural production was placed in the hands of Africans. In some areas. or "refusing. The people of Bunyoro were particularly aggrieved." In many areas of Uganda. in 1901 the completion of the Uganda railroad from the coast at Mombasa to the Lake Victoria port of Kisumu moved colonial authorities to encourage the growth of cash crops to help pay the railroad's operating costs. then called the East African Protectorate. In 1907 the Banyoro rose in a rebellion called nyangire.barbarian. by contrast. Another result of the railroad construction was the 1902 decision to transfer the eastern section of the Uganda Protectorate to the Kenya Colony. collecting taxes. having a substantial section of their heartland annexed to Buganda as the "lost counties. if they responded to the opportunity. the resulting backlash aided the efforts of religious rivals--for example.

were published monthly in Luganda.000. in 1906. Even the CMS joined the effort by launching the Uganda Company (managed by a former missionary) to promote cotton planting and to buy and transport the produce. Buganda. The advantages of this crop were quickly recognized by the Baganda chiefs who had newly acquired freehold estates. £52. and African converts quickly learned to read and write. and in 1908. They also invested in their children's educations. while in Kenya the white settlers required continuing subsidies by the home government.000. bicycles. Many Baganda spent their new earnings on imported clothing. The income generated by cotton sales made the Buganda kingdom relatively prosperous. compared with the rest of colonial Uganda. metal roofing.crop of choice. Lango. . although before World War I cotton was also being grown in the eastern regions of Busoga.000. which came to be known as mailo land because they were measured in square miles. and Teso.000. and Britain was able to end its subsidy of colonial administration in Uganda. The Christian missions emphasized literacy skills. and even automobiles. reaped the benefits of cotton growing. Ebifa (News) and Munno (Your Friend). £1. By 1911 two popular journals. largely because of pressure by the British Cotton Growing Association. £11. with its strategic location on the lakeside. textile manufacturers who urged the colonies to provide raw materials for British mills. By 1915 the value of cotton exports had climbed to £369. in 1907. In 1905 the initial baled cotton export was valued at £200.

Mary's Kisubi. who was the figurehead ruler of Buganda under indirect rule. Daudi Chwa. But Kabaka Daudi never gained real political power. together with the promise of a government job. in fact. The schools.Heavily supported by African funds. the younger aspirants to high office in Buganda became impatient with the seemingly perpetual tenure of Sir Apolo and his contemporaries. Calling themselves the Young Baganda Association. new schools were soon turning out graduating classes at Mengo High School. Gayaza. had inherited the educational function formerly performed in the kabaka's palace. where generations of young pages had been trained to become chiefs. Two important principles of precolonial political life carried over into the colonial era: clientage. Namilyango. whereby ambitious younger officeholders attached themselves to older high-ranking chiefs. including typing and English translation. personally awarded a bicycle to the top graduate at King's College Budo. members of the new generation attached themselves to the young kabaka. he died at the relatively young age of forty-three. and King's College Budo--all in Buganda. who lacked many of the skills that members of the younger generation had acquired through schooling. and generational conflict. Sir Apolo Kagwa. St. and after a short and frustrating reign. . Now the qualifications sought were literacy and skills. After World War I. The chief minister of the Buganda kingdom. which resulted when the younger generation sought to expel their elders from office in order to replace them.

who grew cotton. for the export market. began to feel that self-government was an obstacle to good government. and agricultural production shifted to independent smallholders. who had been laboring on the cotton estates of the chiefs before World War I. who in 1927 forced the chiefs to limit severely the rents and obligatory labor they could demand from their tenants. Although it was not a nationalist organization. their objections to privilege accompanying power ceased. The Buganda treasury was also audited that year for the first time. The pattern persisted in Ugandan politics up to and after independence. As soon as the younger Baganda had replaced the older generation in office. and later coffee. The commoners. As time passed. now serving as district commissioners. at about the same time that a host of elderly Baganda chiefs were replaced by a new generation of officeholders. they accused Sir Apolo and his generation of inefficiency. This land fragmentation was aided by the British. the Young Baganda Association claimed to represent popular African dissatisfaction with the old order. and failure to keep adequate financial accounts-- charges that were not hard to document. The contest was decided after World War I. who welcomed the typing and translation skills of school graduates and advanced the careers of their favorites. did not remain servile. however. they bought small parcels of land from their erstwhile landlords. Sir Apolo resigned in 1926. abuse of power. when an influx of British ex-military officers. Far more promising as a source of political support were the British colonial officers. Thus the oligarchy of landed chiefs who had emerged with the Buganda Agreement of 1900 declined in importance. Specifically. .

Two issues continued to create grievance through the 1930s and 1940s. setting prices and reserving the role of intermediary for Asians. the removal of the Asian monopoly over cotton ginning. In 1949 discontented Baganda rioted and burned down the houses of progovernment chiefs. The Issue of Independence. The rioters had three demands: the right to bypass government price controls on the export sales of cotton. Ugandans simply grew their own food until rising prices made export crops attractive again.1906). Unlike Tanganyika. which was devastated during the prolonged fighting between Britain and Germany in the East African campaign of World War I. After the population losses during the era of conquest and the losses to disease at the turn of the century (particularly the devastating sleeping sickness epidemic of 1900. Uganda prospered from wartime agricultural production. The colonial government strictly regulated the buying and processing of cash crops. who were thought to be more efficient. labor for sugarcane and other cash crops was increasingly provided by migrants from peripheral areas of Uganda and even from outside Uganda.owned sugar plantations established in the 1920s. and the right to have their own representatives in local government replace chiefs appointed by . Uganda's population was growing again. The British and Asians firmly repelled African attempts to break into cotton ginning. on the Asian. Even the 1930s depression seemed to affect smallholder cash farmers in Uganda less severely than it did the white settler producers in Kenya. In addition.

rescinded price discrimination against African-grown coffee. the Uganda African Farmers Union. founded by I.the British. Meanwhile. The British governor. and established the Uganda Development Corporation to promote and finance new projects. regarded the riots as the work of communist-inspired agitators and rejected the suggested reforms. The embodiment of these issues arrived in 1952 in the person of a new and energetic reformist governor. and a more liberal philosophy in the Colonial Office geared toward future self-rule all began to be felt in Uganda. Uganda's would-be agitators were slow to respond to popular discontent. which had . Far from leading the people into confrontation. was blamed for the riots and was banned by the British. They were critical as well of the young kabaka. he reorganized the Legislative Council. it stagnated and came to an end just two years after its inception. Sir Andrew Cohen (formerly undersecretary for African affairs in the Colonial Office). The effects of Britain's postwar withdrawal from India. Musazi in 1947. On the economic side. but because the congress remained a casual discussion group more than an organized political party. he removed obstacles to African cotton ginning. the British began to move ahead of the Ugandans in preparing for independence. for his inattention to the needs of his people. Sir John Hall. encouraged cooperatives.K. the march of nationalism in West Africa. Musazi's Uganda National Congress replaced the farmers union in 1952. Nevertheless. Cohen set about preparing Uganda for independence. On the political side. Frederick Walugembe Mutesa II (also known as Kabaka Freddie).

and Malawi) and its domination by white settler interests. and Tanganyika). to include African representatives elected from districts throughout Uganda. because they realized that the center of power would be at the national level. Ugandans deeply feared the prospect of an East African federation dominated by the racist settlers of Kenya. Uganda. similar to that established in central Africa. This system became a prototype for the future parliament. which was then in the midst of the bitter Mau Mau uprising. Zambia. This development alarmed the old-guard leaders within the Uganda kingdoms. Kabaka Freddie. he demanded that Buganda be separated from the rest of the . The prospect of elections caused a sudden proliferation of new political parties. The spark that ignited wider opposition to Governor Cohen's reforms was a 1953 speech in London in which the secretary of state for colonies referred to the possibility of a federation of the three East African territories (Kenya. Confidence in Cohen vanished just as the governor was preparing to urge Buganda to recognize that its special status would have to be sacrificed in the interests of a new and larger nation-state.consisted of an unrepresentative selection of interest groups heavily favoring the European community. now refused to cooperate with Cohen's plan for an integrated Buganda. They had vigorously resisted a similar suggestion by the 1930 Hilton Young Commission. Power Politics in Buganda. who had been regarded by his subjects as uninterested in their welfare. Instead. Many Ugandans were aware of the Central African Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (later Zimbabwe.

They were conservative.protectorate and transferred to Foreign Office jurisdiction. Not only was the kabaka reinstated in return. The negotiations leading to the kabaka's return had an outcome similar to the negotiations of Commissioner Johnston in 1900. Baganda politicians who did not . and willing to entertain the prospect of participation in an independent Uganda only if it were headed by the kabaka. The kabaka's new power was cloaked in the misleading claim that he would be only a "constitutional monarch. Cohen was forced to reinstate Kabaka Freddie. although appearing to satisfy the British. and he could find no one among the Baganda prepared or able to mobilize support for his schemes. Cohen's action had backfired. Cohen's response to this crisis was to deport the kabaka to a comfortable exile in London. fiercely loyal to Buganda as a kingdom. but for the first time since 1889. A new grouping of Baganda calling themselves "the King's Friends" rallied to the kabaka's defense. After two frustrating years of unrelenting Ganda hostility and obstruction. whose latent separatism and anticolonial sentiments set off a storm of protest." while in fact he was a leading player in deciding how Uganda would be governed. the monarch was given the power to appoint and dismiss his chiefs (Buganda government officials) instead of acting as a mere figurehead while they conducted the affairs of government. they were a resounding victory for the Baganda. His forced departure made the kabaka an instant martyr in the eyes of the Baganda. Cohen secured the kabaka's agreement not to oppose independence within the larger Uganda framework.

Political parties and local interest groups were riddled with divisions and rivalries. In 1960 a political organizer from Lango. Milton Obote. Elsewhere in Uganda." which meant political and social ostracism. but they shared one concern: they were determined not to be dominated by Buganda. which was published at the St. seized the initiative and formed a new party. as a coalition of all those outside the Roman Catholic- dominated DP who opposed Buganda hegemony. The DP had Catholic as well as other adherents and was probably the best organized of all the parties preparing for elections.share this vision or who were opposed to the "King's Friends" found themselves branded as the "King's Enemies. Mary's Kisubi mission. The major exception to this rule were the Roman Catholic Baganda who had formed their own party. Many Catholics had felt excluded from the Protestant-dominated establishment in Buganda ever since Lugard's Maxim had turned the tide in 1892. . Munno. the Uganda People's Congress (UPC). Religion and politics were equally inseparable in the other kingdoms throughout Uganda. It had printing presses and the backing of the popular newspaper. the emergence of the kabaka as a political force provoked immediate hostility. led by Benedicto Kiwanuka. and he was invested in a coronation ceremony modeled on that of British monarchs (who are invested by the Church of England's Archbishop of Canterbury) that took place at the main Protestant church. the Democratic Party (DP). The kabaka had to be Protestant.

Even discounting the many non- Baganda resident in Buganda. . but too few to dominate the country as a whole. and the decision on the form of government was postponed. there were at least 1 million people who owed allegiance to the kabaka--too many to be overlooked or shunted aside. preparing them for the probable responsibility of governing after independence. it was obvious that Buganda autonomy and a strong unitary government were incompatible. Buganda's population in 1959 was 2 million. although they had a minority of 416. It was assumed that those winning the election would gain valuable experience in office. capturing twenty of Buganda's twenty-one allotted seats. out of Uganda's total of 6 million.000 votes nationwide versus 495. This artificial situation gave the DP a majority of seats. At the London Conference of 1960." the next-to-last stage of preparation before the formal granting of independence. The British announced that elections would be held in March 1961 for "responsible government. In Buganda the "King's Friends" urged a total boycott of the election because their attempts to secure promises of future autonomy had been rebuffed. The steps Cohen had initiated to bring about the independence of a unified Uganda state had led to a polarization between factions from Buganda and those opposed to its domination. Benedicto Kiwanuka became the new chief minister of Uganda. but no compromise emerged. when the voters went to the polls throughout Uganda to elect eighty-two National Assembly members.000 for the UPC. in Buganda only the Roman Catholic supporters of the DP braved severe public pressure and voted. Consequently.

with Obote as prime minister and the kabaka as head of state. and twenty- four DP delegates. Buganda would enjoy a measure of internal autonomy if it participated fully in the national government. The kabaka was also promised the largely ceremonial position of head of state of Uganda. For its part. in return for a strategic alliance to defeat the DP. who formed a political party called Kabaka Yekka (KY--The King Only). In the aftermath of the April 1962 final election leading up to independence. had second thoughts about the wisdom of their election boycott. Uganda's approach to independence was unlike that of most other colonial territories where political parties had been organized to force self-rule or independence from a reluctant . accepting Buganda's special federal relationship and even a provision by which the kabaka could appoint Buganda's representatives to the National Assembly. INDEPENDENCE: THE EARLY YEARS. According to these recommendations. which was of great symbolic importance to the Baganda. This marriage of convenience between the UPC and the KY made inevitable the defeat of the DP interim administration. the UPC was equally anxious to eject its DP rivals from government before they became entrenched. twenty-four KY delegates. Shocked by the results. Uganda's national parliament consisted of fortythree UPC delegates. the Baganda separatists. Obote reached an understanding with Kabaka Freddie and the KY. The new UPC-KY coalition led Uganda into independence in October 1962. They quickly welcomed the recommendations of a British commission that proposed a future federal form of government.

K. Grace S. One of the major parties. Each of these regional political bosses and those from the other Uganda regions expected to receive a ministerial post in the new Uganda government.colonial regime. KY. each was likely either to withdraw from the UPC coalition or realign within it. and Felix Onama was the northern leader of the largely neglected West Nile District in the northwest corner of Uganda. most of which were led by non-Ugandan immigrant workers from Kenya (a situation which contributed to the independent Uganda government's almost immediate hostility toward the trade unions). Obote's strength lay among his Langi kin in eastern Uganda. leadership was factionalized. was even opposed to independence unless its particular separatist desires were met. in Uganda parties were forced to cooperate with one another. George Magezi represented the local interests of his Banyoro compatriots. For example. with the prospect of independence already assured. In the UPC. the composition . The UPC-KY partnership represented a fragile alliance of two fragile parties. and to bring the material fruits of independence to local supporters. Each party functionary represented a local constituency. to exercise patronage. Moreover. Ibingira's strength was in the Ankole kingdom. and most of the constituencies were ethnically distinct. Whereas these conditions would have required local and regional differences to be subordinated to the greater goal of winning independence. although it was able to mobilize the trade unions. the UPC had had no effective urban organization before independence. No common ideology united the UPC. Failing these objectives.

primarily the coalition between the UPC and the kabaka. Cuthbert Obwangor. leader of the UPC Youth League. Obote also faced the task of maintaining the UPC's external alliances. a humiliating blow to the new regime. Despite these separatist pressures. In the aftermath. deserved recognition under the rule of their newly defined monarch. but from the military. who had never recognized a precolonial king. who led Buganda's KY. Minister of Defense Onama. demanding higher pay and more rapid promotions. the kyabasinga. The Busoga chiefdoms banded together to claim that they. who courageously went to speak to the mutineers.of which ranged from the near reactionary Onama to the radical John Kakonge. This accession led to demands by other kingdoms for similar recognition. the Iteso people. As prime minister. was seized and held hostage. nor the regional interests. The first major challenge to the Obote government came not from the kingdoms. too. Obote's government acceded to all the mutineers' demands. Obote's long-term goal was to build a strong central government at the expense of entrenched local interests. units of the Ugandan Army mutinied. such as Buganda's claim for special treatment. claimed the title kingoo for Teso District's political boss. In January 1964. He even temporarily acceded to some demands which he found repugnant. Not to be outdone. unlike the . especially those of Buganda. Obote was forced to call in British troops to restore order. Obote was responsible for keeping this loose coalition of divergent interest groups intact. Obote proved adept at meeting the diverse demands of his many partners in government.

As the army expanded. opposed the plebiscite.000 veterans from Bunyoro massed on the frontier. and promoted him rapidly through the ranks as a personal protégé. and the referendum was held. Civil war was averted." which the British had conveniently postponed until after independence. The vote demonstrated an overwhelming desire by residents in the counties annexed to Buganda in 1900 to . Idi Amin Dada. Obote felt strong enough to address the critical issue of the "lost counties. After two years of independence. Obote selected a popular junior officer with minimal education. The combination of patronage offers and the promise of future rewards within the ruling coalition gradually thinned opposition party ranks. which responded to similar demands with increased discipline and tighter control over their small military forces. The kabaka. Obote finally acquired enough votes to give the UPC a majority and free himself of the KY coalition. it became a source of political patronage and of potential political power. The turning point came when several DP members of parliament (MPs) from Bunyoro agreed to join the government side if Obote would undertake a popular referendum to restore the "lost counties" to Bunyoro. he sent 300 armed Baganda veterans to the area to intimidate Banyoro voters. 2. In turn. The military then began to assume a more prominent role in Ugandan life. Later in 1964. as members of parliament "crossed the floor" to join the government benches.governments of Kenya and Tanganyika. naturally. Unable to prevent it.

Obote rivals questioned the incident. Idi Amin. the result was a parliament composed of seventy. This triumph for Obote and the UPC strengthened the central government and threw Buganda into disarray. however. eight KY. it merely relocated and intensified that conflict within the party. Paradoxically. which was duly enacted by the new UPC majority despite KY opposition. led by a . and it emerged that the prime minister and a handful of close associates had used Colonel Amin and units of the Uganda Army to intervene in the neighboring Congo crisis. as the perceived threat from Buganda diminished. too. Amin's account was ultimately credited with a deposit of £17. And as the possibility of an opposition DP victory faded. Former supporters of Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba. and one independent MP. however. In 1966 Amin caused a commotion when he walked into a Kampala bank with a gold bar (bearing the stamp of the government of the Belgian Congo) and asked the bank manager to exchange it for cash. after which some KY stalwarts. The issue that brought the UPC disharmony to a crisis involved Obote's military protégé. The one-party state did not signal the end of political conflict. many non-Baganda alliances weakened. the UPC coalition itself began to come restored to their historic Bunyoro allegiance. By early 1966. began to "cross the floor" to join Obote's victorious government. nine DP.four UPC. Obote's efforts to produce a one-party state with a powerful executive prime minister appeared to be on the verge of success.000. KY unity was weakened by internal recriminations.

K." opposed the American-backed government and were attempting to lead the Eastern Province into secession. Because he was faced with a nearly unanimous disavowal by his governing party and national parliament.000 each. voted against the motion. many people expected Obote to resign. used the evidence revealed by Amin's casual bank deposit to claim that the prime minister and his closest associates were corrupt and had conducted secret foreign policy for personal gain. supported by some Baganda politicians and others who were hostile to Obote. 1966. This attempt to remove Obote appeared to be organized by UPC Secretary General Grace S. Ibingira. . a seventy-five-ton shipment of Chinese weapons was intercepted by the Kenyan government as it was being moved from Tanzania to Uganda. The arrangement became public when Olenga later claimed that he failed to receive the promised munitions."General Olenga. Obote's rivals for leadership within the UPC. in the amount of £25. closely supported by the UPC leader from Bunyoro. John Kakonge. George Magezi. Obote denied the charge and said the money had been spent to buy the munitions for Olenga's Congolese troops. an effective "no confidence" vote against Obote was passed by the UPC Mps. and a number of other southern UPC notables. while Obote was away on a trip to the north of the country. These troops were reported to be trading looted ivory and gold for arms supplies secretly smuggled to them by Amin. On February 4. Only the radical UPC member. This claim appeared to be supported by the fact that in mid-1965.

The kabaka objected. After the assault. carried out a coup d'état against his own government in order to stay in power. Amin's troops had heavy weapons but were reluctant to press the attack until Obote became impatient and demanded results.Instead. however. Obote turned to Idi Amin and the army. Instead. and Buganda prepared to wage a legal battle. He hailed a passing taxi and was driven off to exile. and assumed control of the state. arrested the offending UPC ministers. most notably the internal autonomy enjoyed by Buganda. Baganda leaders rhetorically demanded that Obote's "illegal" government remove itself from Buganda soil. for Obote was not interested in negotiating. Buganda was divided into four districts and ruled through martial law. and concentrated presidential powers in the prime minister's office. He forced a new constitution through parliament without a reading and without the necessary quorum. . Obote was reasonably secure from open opposition. Buganda. That constitution abolished the federal powers of the kingdoms. he sent Idi Amin and loyal troops to attack the kabaka's palace on nearby Mengo Hill. The palace was defended by a small group of bodyguards armed with rifles and shotguns. The new republican 1967 constitution abolished the kingdoms altogether. in effect. a forerunner of the military domination over the civilian population that all of Uganda would experience after 1971. once again miscalculated. Obote suspended the constitution. By the time the palace was overrun. and. the kabaka had taken advantage of a cloudburst to exit over the rear wall.

however. The original independence election of 1962. Akena Adoko. and proclaimed a "move to the left" to signal new efforts to consolidate power. The Special Force Units of paramilitary police. His critics noted. (Amin later promoted the man rumored to have recruited Okoya's killers. supplemented the security forces within the army and police. the GSU reported on suspected subversives. Obote created a system of secret police." echoed the call for African Socialism by Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. that he placed most control over economic nationalization in the hands of an Asian millionaire who was also a financial backer of the UPC. On the homefront. was murdered early in 1970. Headed by a relative. Obote's success in the face of adversity reclaimed for him the support of most members of the UPC. Obote was still concerned about security there. His concerns were well founded. heavily recruited from Obote's own region and ethnic group. He had retained power by relying on Idi Amin and the army. the General Service Unit (GSU).) A . Although Buganda had been defeated and occupied by the military. Brigadier Acap Okoya. which then became the only legal political party. Obote issued the "Common Man's Charter. therefore. Obote appeared particularly uncertain of the army after Amin's sole rival among senior army officers. in December 1969 he was wounded in an assassination attempt and narrowly escaped more serious injury when a grenade thrown near him failed to explode. but it was not clear that he could continue to count on their loyalty. was the last one held in Uganda until December 1980.

This foreign policy shift provoked an outcry from Israel. he relayed orders to loyal Langi officers that Amin and his supporters in the army were to be arrested. which had been supplying the Anyanya rebels. Amin was placed under temporary house arrest while investigators looked into his army expenditures. which was then known as West Nile District. Obote began to recruit more Acholi and Langi troops. Obote was prepared to rid himself of the potential threat posed by Idi Amin. Various versions emerged of the way this news was leaked to Amin.second attempt was made on Obote's life when his motorcade was ambushed later that year. Departing for the Commonwealth Conference of Heads of Government at Singapore. By January 1971. But in October 1970. Amin was close friends with several Israeli military advisers who were in Uganda to help train the Ugandan Army. but the vice-president's car was mistakenly riddled with bullets. Obote also enlarged the paramilitary Special Force as a counterweight to the army. in . Amin. and he accelerated their promotions to counter the large numbers of soldiers from Amin's home. reportedly several million dollars over budget. who at times inspected his troops wearing an outsized sport shirt with Obote's face across the front and back. Another charge against Amin was that he had continued to aid southern Sudan's Anya Nya rebels in opposing the regime of Jafaar Numayri even after Obote had shifted his support away from the Anyanya to Numayri. protested his loyalty. MILITARY RULE UNDER AMIN. and their eventual role in Amin's efforts to oust Obote remained the subject of continuing controversy.

He renamed Government House "the Command Post. opposed Amin's regime. which Obote had attempted to dismantle. presidents Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. and his government was quickly recognized by Israel. Nyerere. Amin's military experience. mechanized units loyal to him attacked strategic targets in Kampala and the airport at Entebbe. Amin repudiated Obote's nonaligned foreign policy. Britain. Amin decided to strike first. had been the tool of that military suppression. determined the character of his rule. Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya. and the United States. and he offered hospitality to the exiled Obote. and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) initially refused to accept the legitimacy of the new military government.any case. whom he believed to be pro-Obote. Amin's troops easily overcame the disorganized opposition to the coup. Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia. and Amin almost immediately initiated mass executions of Acholi and Langi troops. 1971. in particular. facilitating his attempts to raise a force and return to power. Idi Amin. Amin made the usual statements about his government's intent to play a mere "caretaker role" until the country could recover sufficiently for civilian rule. By contrast. where the first shell fired by a pro-Amin tank commander killed two Roman Catholic priests in the airport waiting room. They seemed willing to forget that their new president. The Amin coup was warmly welcomed by most of the people of the Buganda kingdom. In the early morning hours of January 25. which was virtually his only experience." instituted an advisory defense council composed of military .

Within the officer corps. and ethnic politics than the UPC coalition that it had replaced. .commanders. where battalion commanders. and even informed the newly inducted civilian cabinet ministers that they would be subject to military discipline. placed military tribunals above the system of civil law. who were identified with Obote. governed from a collection of military barracks scattered across the country. SRB headquarters at Nakasero became the scene of torture and grisly executions over the next several years. The GSU was disbanded and replaced by the State Research Bureau (SRB). acting like local warlords. the Lugbara and Kakwa (Amin's ethnic group) from the West Nile were slaughtering northern Acholi and Langi. well before the Amin era. Uganda was. The army itself was an arena of lethal competition. regional divisions. In 1971 and 1972. those trained in Britain opposed those trained in Israel. in which losers were usually eliminated. appointed soldiers to top government posts and parastatal agencies. in effect. Despite its outward display of a military chain of command. who soon eliminated many of the army's most experienced officers. northerners in the army had assaulted and harassed soldiers from the south. In 1966. Then the Kakwa fought the Lugbara. and both stood against the untrained. Amin's government was arguably more riddled with rivalries. Amin came to rely on Nubians and on former Anya Nya rebels from southern Sudan. represented the coercive arm of the government.

Early in 1972. had previously worked as a telephone operator. He also commissioned the construction of a great mosque on Kampala Hill in the capital city. An attempt by an American journalist. The army. Financing his ever-increasing military expenditures was a continuing concern. Nicholas Stroh. which had been progressively expanded under Obote. although this prohibition did not prevent a series of mutinies and murders. the unofficial executioner for the regime. promoting. Major Malyamungu. but not entirely. in the north. and his colleague. Each purge provided new opportunities for promotions from the ranks. The commander of the air force. Amin expelled the remaining Israeli advisers.never a major issue for Amin--to secure financial and military aid from Muammar Qadhafi of Libya. to whom he was much indebted. By the mid-1970s. Smuts Guweddeko. . and became vociferously anti-Israel. There were periodic purges. Recruitment was largely. Amin never forgot the source of his power. to investigate one of these barracks outbreaks in 1972 at the Simba battalion in Mbarara led to their disappearances and later deaths. He spent much of his time rewarding. Robert Siedle. he rediscovered his previously neglected Islamic heritage. when various battalion commanders were viewed as potential problems or became real threats. but it was never completed because much of the money intended for it was embezzled. To induce foreign aid from Saudi Arabia. had formerly been a nightwatch officer. only the most trustworthy military units were allowed ammunition. he reversed foreign policy-. was further doubled and redoubled under Amin. and manipulating the army.

These steps included orders to shoot smugglers on sight. Businesses were run into the ground. Shortly after the expulsion of Asians in 1972. especially to Kenya. summed up Amin's treatment of his army: "A dog with a bone in its mouth can't bite. transistor radios. turned to smuggling. and sugar production literally ground to a halt. but most of the foreign currency they earned went for purchasing imports for the army.000 Asians and seized their property. where planeloads of Scotch whiskey. to take all necessary steps to eliminate the problem. Although Amin proclaimed that the "common man" was the beneficiary of this drastic act-. The most famous example was the so-called "whiskey run" to Stansted Airport in Britain. Obote did . and luxury items were purchased for Amin to distribute among his officers and troops. toward the end of his rule. Another near-obsession for Amin was the threat of a counterattack by former president Obote. Amin expelled almost all of Uganda's 50. the former British citizen Bob Astles. he appointed his mercenary adviser. Uganda's export crops were sold by government parastatals. cement factories at Tororo and Fort Portal collapsed from lack of maintenance. it was said. The smuggling problem became an obsession with Amin. and businesses of the departing Asian minority. cars. particularly of coffee. An African proverb.which proved immensely popular--it was actually the army that emerged with the houses. In September 1972. as unmaintained machinery jammed permanently." The rural African producers. This expropriation of property proved disastrous for the already declining economy.

" State terrorism was evidenced in a series of spectacular incidents. former head of government and leader of the banned DP. people sometimes learned by listening to the radio that they were "about to disappear. . General fear and insecurity became a way of life for the populace. A planned seizure of the airport at Entebbe by soldiers in an allegedly hijacked East African Airways passenger aircraft was aborted when Obote's pilot blew out the aircraft's tires and it remained in Tanzania. as thousands of people disappeared. Whether calculated or not. he was forced to remove his shoes and then bundled into the trunk of a car. Amin was able to mobilize his more reliable Malire Mechanical Regiment and expel the invaders. for example. never to be seen alive again. Amin realized that Obote. He had the SRB and the newly formed Public Safety Unit (PSU) redouble their efforts to uncover subversives and other imagined enemies of the state. High Court Judge Benedicto Kiwanuka. might try again. Like many other victims. Although jubilant at his success. with Nyerere's aid. the symbolism of a pair of shoes by the roadside to mark the passing of a human life was a bizarre yet piercing form of state terrorism. His small army contingent in twenty-seven trucks set out to capture the southern Ugandan military post at Masaka but instead settled down to await a general uprising against Amin. In an ominous twist.launch such an attempt across the Tanzanian border into southwestern Uganda. was seized directly from his courtroom. which did not occur.

continued on. Amin's government in the 1970s resembled the governments of nineteenth-century African monarchs. and in long rambling speeches to which civil servants learned to pay close attention. but then the decision was reversed. Dora Block. The minister of defense demanded and was given the Ministry of Education office building. from which to press their demands in exchange for the release of Israeli hostages. conducted by often erratic personal proclamation. when he offered the Palestinian hijackers of an Air France flight from Tel Aviv a protected base at the old airport at Entebbe. and rewarding loyal followers with plunder. with the same problems of enforcing orders at a distance. Amin's government. . unassuaged by his murder of a hospitalized hostage. Amin's regime was possibly less efficient than those of the precolonial monarchs. The dramatic rescue of the hostages by Israeli commandos was a severe blow to Amin. Amin did attempt to establish ties with an international terrorist group in July 1976. over the radio. controlling rival factions at court. and his mass execution of Entebbe airport personnel. Because he was illiterate--a disability shared with most of his higher ranking officers--Amin relayed orders and policy decisions orally by telephone. In many respects. The bureaucracy became paralyzed as government administrators feared to make what might prove to be a wrong decision. Important education files were lost during their transfer back and forth by wheelbarrow. However.

It was increasingly risky to be too close to Amin. as his vice president and formerly trusted associate. Although Luwum's body was subsequently recovered from a clumsily contrived "auto accident. Muslims began to do well in what economic opportunities yet remained. a move which turned out to be a mixed blessing for them. This latest in a long line of atrocities was greeted with international condemnation. troops . By 1978 Amin's circle of close associates had shrunk significantly--the result of defections and executions. in turn. led by Archbishop Janan Luwum. When Adrisi was injured in a suspicious auto accident. perceived that they were under siege as a religious group. Amin began to pay more attention to the formerly deprived Muslims in Uganda. After rediscovering his Islamic allegiance in the effort to gain foreign aid from Libya and Saudi Arabia. the site of Kampala's most prominent mosque. Religious conflict was another characteristic of the Amin regime that had its origins in the nineteenth century. Construction work began on Kibule Hill. General Mustafa Adrisi. A number of priests and ministers disappeared in the course of the 1970s. it was clear that Amin viewed the churches as potential centers of opposition. the more so if they had relatives in the army. but the matter reached a climax with the formal protest against army terrorism in 1977 by Church of Uganda ministers. but apart from the continued trade boycott initiated by the United States in July 1978." subsequent investigations revealed that Luwum had been shot to death by Amin himself. Many Ugandan Muslims with a sense of history believed that the Muslim defeat by Christians in 1889 was finally being redressed. Christians. verbal condemnation was not accompanied by action. discovered.

Libya's Qadhafi sent 3. Amin invaded Tanzanian territory and formally annexed a section across the Kagera River boundary on November 1. Amin sent troops still loyal to him against the mutineers. In October 1978. Saudi Arabia. Amin then claimed that Tanzanian President Nyerere. expending much of its energy by looting along the way. The Ugandan Army retreated steadily. Amin accused Nyerere of waging war against Uganda. The once reliable Malire Mechanized Regiment mutinied. Tanzania and the UNLA took Kampala in April 1979.loyal to him became restive. while behind them Ugandan Army units were using supply trucks to carry their newly plundered wealth in the opposite direction. What kind of government would attempt the monumental task of rebuilding the economically and psychologically devastated country. 1978. some of whom fled across the Tanzanian border. which had lost an estimated 300.000 victims to Amin's murderous eight-year regime? . and. first to Libya and later to a seemingly permanent exile at Jiddah. Nyerere mobilized his citizen army reserves and counterattacked. but the Libyans soon found themselves on the front line. had been at the root of his troubles. as did other units. The war that had cost Tanzania an estimated US$1 million per day was over.000 troops to aid fellow Muslim Amin. his perennial enemy. joined by Ugandan exiles united as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). and Amin fled by air. hoping to divert attention from his internal troubles and rally Uganda against the foreign adversary.

revealed that many rival and would-be politicians who had returned from exile . Conflict surfaced immediately between Lule and some of the more radical of the council members who saw him as too conservative. Tanzania. to try to agree on an interim civilian government once Amin was removed. and too willing as a Muganda to listen to advice from other Baganda. but one who had previously served as a high-ranking member of Obote's UPC. it managed to establish the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) as political representative of the UNLA. Called the Unity Conference in the hope that unity might prevail. became head of the UNLF executive committee. Yusuf Lule. Lule was not regarded as a threat to any of the contending factions. UGANDA AFTER AMIN . a Muganda like Lule. was composed of representatives from the Unity Conference. which required political and economic stability. Indeed. with the apparent approval of Nyerere. representatives of twenty-two Ugandan civilian and military groups were hastily called together at Moshi.The Interim Period: 1979-80. former principal of Makerere University. which Binaisa enlarged to 127 members. the quarrels within the NCC. He was replaced by Godfrey Binaisa. where they established an interim government. in turn. As an academic rather than a politician. Lule became president. After only three months. too autocratic. whose troops still controlled Kampala. A month before the liberation of Kampala. the National Consultative Council (NCC). Lule and the UNLF moved to Kampala. It was not an auspicious start to the rebuilding of a new Uganda. The NCC. advised by a temporary parliament. Lule was forcibly removed from office and exiled. Shortly after Amin's departure. Dr.

which were harassing and detaining political opponents. but Nyerere refused to help Binaisa retain power. Obote's right-hand man and chair of the Military Commission. But in 1979. he was overthrown in a military coup on May 10.000. Museveni. The TPDF was still providing necessary security while Uganda's police force--which had been decimated by Amin--was rebuilt. In any case. Milton Obote.000 troops who had fought alongside the Tanzanian People's Defence Force (TPDF) to expel Amin. such leaders as Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and Major General (later Chief of Staff) David Oyite Ojok began to enroll thousands of recruits into what were rapidly becoming their private armies. At the beginning of the interim government. in an attempt to consolidate support for the future. Binaisa managed to stay in office longer than Lule. The army was back to the size of the original King's African Rifles (KAR) at independence in 1962. 1980. he indirectly facilitated the return to power of his old friend and ally. the Military Commission headed by Muwanga effectively governed Uganda during the six months leading up to the national elections of December 1980. . Many Ugandans claimed that although Nyerere did not impose his own choice on Uganda. The coup was engineered by Ojok. Museveni's 80 original soldiers grew to 8. Ugandans who endured the deprivations of the Amin era became even more disillusioned with their leaders.were resuming their self-interested operating styles. Ojok's original 600 became 24. and others acting under the general direction of Paulo Muwanga. the military numbered fewer than 1. When Binaisa sought to curb the use of these militias.000. but his inability to gain control over a burgeoning new military presence proved to be his downfall.

summarized by Minority Rights Group Report Number 66 as follows: Seventeen UPC candidates were declared "unopposed" by the simple procedure of not allowing DP or other . In the months before the December elections. the UPC had achieved some exceptional advantages. Security and defense were to be allotted more than 30 percent of the national revenues. the first election in eighteen years. By election day. was dominated by Obote supporters (notably chairman Paulo Muwanga). Further evidence of the militarization of Ugandan politics was provided by the proposed expenditures of the newly empowered Military Commission. he began to rally his former UPC supporters. Ominously. The national election on December 10. For a country desperately seeking funds for economic recovery from the excesses of the previous military regime. Obote also began to speak of the need to return to a UPC one-party state. the most important of which were Obote's UPC and the DP led by Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere. he often appeared on the platform with General Oyite-Ojok. Shortly after Muwanga's 1980 coup. Obote made a triumphant return from Tanzania. this allocation seemed unreasonable to civilian leaders. the DP and other contenders faced formidable obstacles. was a crucial turning point for Uganda. It was. Several parties contested. in view of recent Ugandan history. after all. as the acting government. along with many others whose main concern was to prevent the return of another Obote regime. Because the Military Commission. a fellow Langi. Most of Uganda's Roman Catholics were DP members. 1980.

were replaced with UPC nominees. who were expected to supervise local polling. the government press and Radio Uganda appeared to treat the UPC as the victor. a small contingent of neutral election watchers. to whom complaints of election irregularities would have to be made.candidates to run against them. and Kampala's streets were filled with DP celebrants. thus negating the right of secret ballot. on the basis of its own estimates. Muwanga announced a UPC victory. Some Ugandans criticized the Commonwealth Observer . The chief justice of Uganda. along with the power to count the ballots. declared itself satisfied with the validity of the election. non-UPC candidates were arrested. Fourteen district commissioners. including Muwanga's statement that the future parliament would also contain an unspecified number of unelected representatives of the army and other interest groups. the Commonwealth Observer Group. At this point. declared victory in 81 of 126 constituencies. with seventy-two seats. The British Broadcasting Corporation and Voice of America broadcast the news of the DP triumph. the DP. and declared that anyone disputing his count would be subject to a heavy fine and five years in jail. Eighteen hours later. Polling appeared to be heavy on election day. In a number of districts. There were a number of other moves to aid the UPC. Muwanga seized control of the Electoral Commission. Muwanga insisted that each party have a separate ballot box on election day. and one was murdered. Nevertheless. and by the end of the voting. Some DP candidates claimed the ballot boxes were simply switched to give their own vote tally to the UPC runner-up. was replaced with a UPC member. Even before the election.

Indeed. and his armed supporters declared themselves the National Resistance Army (NRA). The Second Obote Regime: 1981-85. with Paulo Muwanga as vice president and minister of defense. UNLA's many Acholi and Langi had been hastily enrolled with minimal training and little sense of discipline. campaigned in rural areas hostile to Obote's government. In February 1981. in the 1980s they were armed and . Several other underground groups also emerged to attempt to sabotage the new regime. Although they were survivors of Amin's genocidal purges of northeast Uganda. Museveni vowed to overthrow Milton Obote by means of a popular rebellion. shortly after the new Obote government took office. Museveni. The Obote government's four-year military effort to destroy its challengers resulted in vast areas of devastation and greater loss of life than during the eight years of Amin's rule. popular perception of a stolen election actually helped bring about the civil war the Commonwealth Observer Group may have feared. who had guerrilla war experience with the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frente de Libertaçâo de Moçambique--Frelimo). suggesting that members of the group measured African elections by different standards than those used elsewhere or that they feared civil war if the results were questioned. Yoweri Museveni.Group. and what became known as "the war in the bush" began. especially central and western Buganda and the western regions of Ankole and Bunyoro. a former Military Commission member. but they were eventually crushed.

000 people. conducting similar actions against Bantu-speaking Ugandans in the south. which in reality meant military abuse. These artificially created refugees were packed into several internment camps subject to military control." were presumed to be guerrillas or guerrilla sympathizers and were treated accordingly. In one famous incident in June 1981. Having born the brunt of Amin's anti-Acholi massacres in previous years. in what was then West Nile District. to eliminate rural support for Museveni's guerrillas the area of Luwero District. Ugandan Army soldiers attacked a Catholic mission where local refugees had sought sanctuary. Civilian loss of life was extensive. doors. In early 1983. The army also concentrated on the northwestern corner of Uganda. Civilians outside the camps. with whom they appeared to feel no empathy or even pity. Acholi soldiers avenged themselves on inhabitants of Amin's home region. . and even door frames were stolen by UNLA uniform. When the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) reported a subsequent massacre. Bordering Sudan. whom they blamed for their losses. The farms of this highly productive agricultural area were looted--roofs. the government expelled it from Uganda. West Nile had provided the ethnic base for much of Idi Amin's earlier support and had enjoyed relative prosperity under his rule. was targeted for a massive population removal affecting almost 750. in what came to be known as the "Luwero Triangle. north of Kampala. as evidenced some years later by piles of human skulls in bush clearings and alongside rural roads.

issued a chilling report of routine torture of civilian detainees at military barracks scattered across southern Uganda. and the occupation of a large part of the country by an army hostile to the Ugandans living there furthered discontent with the regime. The continued sufferance of the DP. unlike Amin's regime. North Korean military advisers . however. and postponed any plans he may once have entertained for reestablishing one-party rule. Obote's government. became an important symbol to international donors. recurred. Despite these activities. victims met the same fate at so-called "Nile Mansions. In place of torture at the infamous State Research Bureau at Nakasero. now appeared to be a liability to recovery. Obote subordinated other matters to a military victory over Museveni.000. In this deteriorating military and economic situation. although much harried and abused by UPC stalwarts. Abductions by the police. was sensitive to its international image and realized the importance of securing foreign aid for the nation's economic recovery. once seen by the donor community as the one man with the experience and will to restore Uganda's fortunes. attempted to facilitate the export of cash crops. The overall death toll from 1981 to 1985 was estimated as high as 500. Obote. as well as the detentions and disappearances so characteristic of the Amin period. even though the austerity measures ran counter to his own ideology. a human rights organization." Amnesty International. sapped its economic strength. The government's inability to eliminate Museveni and win the civil war. Obote had sought and followed the advice of the International Monetary Fund ( IMF). He devalued the Uganda shilling by 100 percent.

together with a large entourage. Obote once again left the capital after giving orders for the arrest of a leading Acholi commander. he appointed a Langi to the post and attempted to counter the objection of Acholi officers by spying on them. In the end.were invited to take part against the NRA rebels in what was to be a final campaign that won neither British nor United States approval. As if determined to replay the January 1971 events. Obote delayed appointing a successor to Oyite Ojok for as long as possible. reviving his old paramilitary counterweight. unlike the last. Okello invited former soldiers of Amin's army to reenter Uganda from the Sudanese refugee camps and participate in the civil war on the government side. The military government of General Tito Lutwa Okello ruled from July 1985 to January 1986 with no explicit policy except the natural goal of self-preservation--the motive for their defensive coup. Brigadier (later Lieutenant General) Basilio Olara Okello. but they were equally interested in looting and . Obote allegedly took much of the national treasury with him. it began to split along ethnic lines. But the army was warweary . As mercenaries fresh to the scene. This time. 1985. and after the death of the highly capable General Oyite Ojok in a helicopter accident at the end of 1983. The Return of Military Rule: 1985. these units fought well. the mostly Langi Special Force Units. Acholi soldiers complained that they were given too much frontline action and too few rewards for their services. who mobilized troops and entered Kampala on July 27. Obote. fled the country for Zambia. and thus repeating some of the actions that led to his overthrow by Amin. To stiffen the flagging efforts of his army against the NRA.

did not discriminate between supporters and enemies of the government. The

reintroduction of Amin's infamous cohorts was poor international public relations

for the Okello government and helped create a new tolerance of Museveni.

In 1986 a cease-fire initiative from Kenya was welcomed by Okello, who

could hardly expect to govern the entire country with only war-weary and

disillusioned Acholi troops to back him. Negotiations dragged on, but with Okello

and the remnants of the UNLA army thoroughly discouraged, Museveni had only

to wait for the regime to disintegrate. In January 1986, welcomed enthusiastically

by the local civilian population, Museveni moved against Kampala. Okello and his

soldiers fled northward to their ethnic base in Acholi. Yoweri Museveni formally

claimed the presidency on January 29, 1986. Immense problems of

reconstruction awaited the new regime.


Uganda is a landlocked

country astride the equator, about

800 kilometers inland from the Indian

Ocean. It lies on the northwestern

shores of Lake Victoria, extending

from 1 south to 4 north latitude and

30 to 35 east longitude.

Uganda is bordered by Tanzania and Rwanda to the south, Zaire to the

west, Sudan to the north, and Kenya to the east. With a land surface of 241,139

square kilometers (roughly twice the size of the state of Pennsylvania), Uganda

occupies most of the Lake Victoria Basin, which was formed by the geological

shifts that created the Rift Valley during the Pleistocene era. The Sese Islands

and other small islands in Lake Victoria also lie within Uganda's borders.


Southern Uganda lies at an altitude of 1,134 meters above sea level. The

plateau that stretches northward from Lake Victoria declines gradually to an

altitude of 914 meters on the Sudan border. The gradually sloping terrain is

interrupted by a shallow basin dipping toward the center of the country and small

areas of tropical forest, which mark the western border with Zaire.

Both eastern and western borders are marked by mountains. The

Ruwenzori Mountains (often called the Mountains of the Moon) form about eighty

kilometers of the border between Uganda and Zaire. The highest peaks of Mount

Stanley, in the Ruwenzoris, are snowcapped. Foremost among these are

Margherita (5,113 meters) and Alexandra (5,094 meters). Farther south, the

northernmost of the Mufumbiro volcanoes reach 4,132 meters on Mount

Mahavura; 3,648 meters on Mount Mgahinga; and 3,477 meters on Mount

Sabinio, which marks the border with Rwanda and Zaire.

In eastern Uganda, the border with Kenya is also marked by volcanic hills.

Dominating these, roughly 120 kilometers north of the equator, is Mount Elgon,

which rises from the 1,200-meter plains to reach a height of 4,324 meters. Mount

Elgon is the cone of an extinct volcano, with ridges radiating thirty kilometers

from its crater. Rich soil from its slopes is eroded into the plains below. North of

Mount Elgon are Kadam (also known as Debasien or Tabasiat) Peak, which

reaches a height of 3,054 meters, and Mount Moroto, at 3,085 meters. In the far

northeast, Mount Zulia, Mount Morungole, and the Labwor and Dodoth Hills

reach heights in excess of 2,000 meters. The lower Imatong Mountains and

Mount Langia, at 3,029 meters, mark the border with Sudan.

Land Use

In the southern half of the country, rich soil and rainfall permit extensive

agriculture, and in the drier and less fertile northern areas, pastoral economies

are common. Approximately 21 percent of the land is cultivated and 45 percent is

woodland and grassland, some of which has been cleared for roads, settlements,

and farmland in the south. Approximately 13 percent of the land is set aside as

national parks, forests, and game reserves. Swampland surrounding lakes in the

southern and central regions supports abundant papyrus growth. The central

region's woodlands and savanna give way to acacia and cactus growth in the

north. Valuable seams of copper, cobalt, and other minerals have been revealed

along geological fault lines in the southeast and southwest. Volcanic foothills in

the east contain phosphates and limestone.

Lakes and Rivers

Uganda is a well-watered country. Nearly one-fifth of the total area, or

44,000 square kilometers, is open water or swampland. Four of East Africa's

Great Lakes--Lake Victoria, Lake Kyoga, Lake Albert, and Lake Edward--lie

within Uganda or on its borders. Lake Victoria dominates the southeastern corner

of the nation, with almost one-half of its 10,200-square-kilometer area lying inside

Ugandan territory. It is the second largest inland freshwater lake in the world

(after Lake Superior), and it feeds the upper waters of the Nile River, which is

referred to in this region as the Victoria Nile.

Lake Kyoga and the surrounding basin dominate central Uganda.

Extensions of Lake Kyoga include Lake Kwania, Lake Bugondo, and Lake Opeta.

These "finger lakes" are surrounded by swampland during rainy seasons. All

lakes in the Lake Kyoga Basin are shallow, usually reaching a depth of only eight

or nine meters, and Lake Opeta forms a separate lake during dry seasons. Along

the border with Zaire, Lake Albert, Lake Edward, and Lake George occupy

troughs in the western Rift Valley.

Leaving Lake Victoria at Owen Falls, the Victoria Nile descends as it

travels toward the northwest. Widening to form Lake Kyoga, the Nile receives the

Kafu River from the west before flowing north to Lake Albert. From Lake Albert,

the Nile is known as the Albert Nile as it travels roughly 200 kilometers to the

Sudan border. In southern and western Uganda, geological activity over several

centuries has shifted drainage patterns. The land west of Lake Victoria is

traversed by valleys that were once rivers carrying the waters of Lake Victoria

into the Congo River system. The Katonga River flows westward from Lake

Victoria to Lake George. Lake George and Lake Edward are connected by the

Kizinga Channel. The Semliki River flows into Lake Edward from the north,

where it drains parts of Zaire and forms a portion of the Uganda-Zaire border.

Spectacular waterfalls occur at Murchison (Kabalega) Falls on the Victoria

Nile River just east of Lake Albert. At the narrowest point on the falls, the waters

of the Nile pass through an opening barely seven meters wide. One of the

tributaries of the Albert Nile, the Zoka River, drains the northwestern corner of

Uganda, a region still popularly known as the West Nile although that name was

not officially recognized in 1989. Other major rivers include the Achwa River

(called the Aswa in Sudan) in the north, the Pager River and the Dopeth-Okok

River in the northeast, and the Mpologoma River, which drains into Lake Kyoga

from the southeast.


In 1990 the Ugandan government estimated the nation's population to be

16.9 million people; international estimates ranged as high as 17.5 million. Most

estimates were based on extrapolations from the 1969 census, which

enumerated approximately 9.5 million people. The results of the 1980 census,

which counted 12.6 million people, were cast in doubt by the loss of census data

in subsequent outbreaks of violence.

According to the UN. Life expectancy in 1989 averaged fifty-three years. There were 99 males for every 100 females in the country in 2003.000 population. . However. density varied from 260 per sq km (673 per sq mi) in Kabale to 14 per sq km (36 per sq mi) in the dry Karamoja plains.2 percent per year. The population density in 2002 averaged 102 per sq km (265 per sq mi). a substantial increase over the rate of 2.000. the annual population growth rate for 2000–2005 is 3.827. eastern.335. The population of Uganda in 2003 was estimated by the United Nations at 25.24%. and western regions are less densely populated than the region along the north shore of Lake Victoria. and birth rates were lower among educated women.9 per 1.8 percent growth rate estimated for most of East Africa. with the projected population for the year 2015 at 39. The northern. roughly two years higher for women than men.000 women between the ages of sixteen and forty-five years. fertility declined in more developed areas. Uganda's population was expected to double between 1989 and the year 2012. which placed it as number 40 in population among the 193 nations of the world. The population was increasing by over 3. In general. In that year approximately 2% of the population was over 65 years of age. defined as the number of live births per year per 1.5 percent in the 1960s and significantly more than the 2. ranged from 115 in the south to more than 200 in the northeast. with another 51% of the population under 15 years of age. Fertility ratios. At this rate. was equivalent to other regional estimates.000. estimated to be 49. The crude birth rate.

49. The most serious political question was the deepening division between the north and the south.000 population. According to the United Nations. and Mbale. Infant mortality in the first year of life averaged 120 per 1.070. it added a new element to the unsolved political issues that had bedeviled Uganda since independence. but some infant deaths were not reported to government officials.000 populations. Masaka. even though these units were neither administrative regions nor socially or even geographically coherent entities.979. Kampala. the urban population growth rate for 2000–2005 was 5. Deaths from AIDS were increasing in the late 1980s. equivalent to the average for East Africa as a whole. The capital city.000 in that year. POLITICS When the NRM took power in 1986. This paradox appeared in one political issue after another through the first four years of the interim period. It was estimated by the Population Reference Bureau that 14% of the population lived in urban areas in 2001. but it also brought old fears to the surface.154. 53. If this government demonstrated magnanimity toward its opponents and innovative solutions to Uganda's political difficulties. Death rates were generally lower in high altitude areas.634. in part because of the lower incidence of malaria. The relationship of Buganda to . Other major cities were Jinja.7%. had a population of 1. 60. It promised new and fundamental changes. it also contributed significantly to the country's political tensions. The crude death rate was 18 per 1.

the rest of Uganda, an issue forcibly kept off the public agenda for twenty years,

re-emerged in public debate. Tension between the NRM and the political parties

that had competed for power since independence became a new anxiety. In

addition, the government's resort to political maneuvers and surprise tactics in

two of its most important initiatives in 1989, national elections and the extension

of the interim period of government, illustrated the NRM's difficulties in holding

the nation to its political agenda.

Fears of Regional Domination

For the first time since the protectorate was founded, the NRA victory in

1986 gave a predominantly southern cast to both the new political and the new

military rulers of Uganda. For reasons of climate, population, and colonial

economic policy, parts of the south, particularly Buganda, had developed

economically more rapidly than the north. Until the railroad was extended from

the south, cotton could not become an established cash crop in the north.

Instead, early in the colonial period, northerners established a pattern of earning

a cash income through labor on southern farms or through military service.

Although there had never been a political coalition that consisted exclusively, or

even predominantly, of southerners or northerners, the head of the government

had come from the north for all but one of the preceding twenty-three years of

independence, and each succeeding army's officers and recruits were

predominantly northerners. Northerners feared southern economic domination,

while southerners chafed under what they considered northern political and

military control. Thus, the military victory of the NRA posed a sobering political

question to both northerners and southerners: was the objective of its guerrilla

struggle to end sectarianism, as the Ten-Point Program insisted, or to end

northern political domination?

In the first few days following the NRA takeover of Kampala in January

1986, there were reports of incidents of mob action against individual northerners

in the south, but the new government took decisive steps to prevent their

repetition. By the end of March, NRA troops had taken military control of the

north. A period of uneasy calm followed, during which northerners considered

their options. Incidents of looting and rape of northern civilians by recently

recruited southern NRA soldiers, who had replaced better disciplined but battle-

weary troops, intensified northerners' belief that southerners would take revenge

for earlier atrocities and that the government would not stop them. In this

atmosphere, the NRA order in early August 1986 for all soldiers in the former

army, the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), to report to local police

stations gave rise to panic. These soldiers knew that during the Obote and Amin

governments such an order was likely to have been a prelude to execution.

Instead of reporting, many soldiers joined rebel movements, and a new round of

civil wars began in earnest.

Although the civil wars occurred in parts of the east as well, they

sharpened the sense of political cleavage between north and south and

substantiated the perception that the NRM was intent on consolidating southern

domination. Rebels killed some local RC officials because they were the most

vulnerable representatives of the NRM government. Because war made northern

economic recovery impossible, new development projects were started only in

the south. And because cash crop production in the north was also impossible,

the income gap between the two areas widened. Most government officials sent

north were southerners because the NRA officer corps and the public service

were mostly southern. By mid-1990, the NRA had gained the upper hand in the

wars in the north, but the political damage had been done. The NRM government

had become embroiled in war because it had failed to persuade northerners that

it had a political program that would end regional domination. And its military

success meant that for some time to come its response to all political issues

would carry that extra burden of suspicion.


Ministry of Planning and Economic Development officials estimated that

nearly 50 percent of the population was under the age of 15 and the median age

was only 15.7 years in 1989. The sex ratio was 101.8 males per 100 females.

The dependency ratio--a measure of the number of young and old in relation to

100 people between the ages of fifteen and sixty--was estimated at 104.

Uganda's population density was found to be relatively high in comparison

with that of most of Africa, estimated to be fifty-three per square kilometer

nationwide. However, this figure masked a range from fewer than thirty per

square kilometer in the north-central region to more than 120 in the far southeast

and southwest, and even these estimates overlooked some regions that were

depopulated by warfare.

In late 1989, nearly 10 percent of the population lived in urban centers of

more than 2,000 people. This figure was increasing in the late 1980s but

remained relatively low in comparison with the rest of Africa and was only slightly

higher than Uganda's 1969 estimate of 7.3 percent. Rural-to-urban migration

declined during the 1970s as a result of deteriorating security and economic

conditions. Kampala, with about 500,000 people, accounted for almost one-half

of the total urban population but recorded a population increase of only 3 percent

during the 1980s. Jinja, the main industrial center and second largest city,

registered a population of about 55,000--an increase of 10,000 from the 1980

population estimate. Six other cities--Kabale, Kabarole, Entebbe, Masaka,

Mbarara, and Mbale-- had populations of more than 20,000 in 1989. Urban

migration was expected to increase markedly during the 1990s.

Uganda was the focus of migration from surrounding African countries

until 1970, with most immigrants coming from Rwanda, Burundi, and Sudan. In

the 1970s, immigrants were estimated to make up 11 percent of the population.

About 23,000 Ugandans were living in Kenya, and a smaller number had fled to

other neighboring countries. Emigration increased dramatically during the 1970s

and was believed to slow during the 1980s.

In 1989 Uganda reported 163,000 refugees to the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Most of these were from Rwanda, but

several other neighboring countries were also represented. At the same time,

Zaire and Sudan registered a total of nearly 250,000 refugees from Uganda.


Although Uganda is on the equator, its climate is warm rather than hot,

and temperatures vary little throughout the year. Most of the territory receives an

annual rainfall of at least 100 cm (40 in). At Entebbe, mean annual rainfall is 162

cm (64 in); in the northeast, it is only 69 cm (27 in). Temperature generally varies

by altitude; on Lake Albert, the mean annual maximum is 29°C (84°F) and the

mean annual minimum 22°C (72°F). At Kabale in the southwest, 1,250 m (4,100

ft) higher, the mean annual maximum is 23°C (73°F), and the mean annual

minimum 10°C (50°F). At Kampala, these extremes are 27°C (81°F) and 17°C


Uganda's equatorial climate provides plentiful sunshine, moderated by the

relatively high altitude of most areas of the country. Mean annual temperatures

range from about 16° C in the southwestern highlands to 25° C in the northwest;

but in the northeast, temperatures exceed 30° C about 254 days per year.

Daytime temperatures average about eight to ten degrees warmer than nighttime

temperatures in the Lake Victoria region, and temperatures are generally about

fourteen degrees lower in the southwest.

Except in the northeastern corner of the country, rainfall is well distributed.

The southern region has two rainy seasons, usually beginning in early April and

but in the late 1980s it was still struggling to end a period of political and economic chaos that had destroyed the country's reputation as the "pearl" of Africa. Uganda's once flourishing tourist industry faced the challenges of reconstruction and restoring international confidence. And in the wake of the much publicized atrocities of the Idi Amin Dada regime from 1971 to 1979 and the civil war that continued into the 1980s.again in October. and the mountainous regions of the southeast and southwest receive more than 1. Successive governments had proclaimed their intention to salvage the economy and attract the foreign assistance necessary for recovery. but none had remained in power long enough to succeed.cultivation was almost at a standstill. including the power supply system. In the north. while the period from November to March is often very dry. Little rain falls in June and December.500 millimeters of rainfall yearly. and industry. Mean annual rainfall near Lake Victoria often exceeds 2. occasional rains occur between April and October. .100 millimeters. The lowest mean annual rainfall in the northeast measures about 500 millimeters. Other than limited segments of the agricultural sector--notably coffee and subsistence production-. ECONOMY Uganda was one rich in human and natural resources and possessed a favorable climate for economic development. Most of the economic infrastructure. operated only at only a fraction of capacity. the transportation system.

The economy seemed to have the potential to stabilize. especially industrial growth. In sum. but throughout the decade of the 1980s its capacity to generate growth. was small. just as the hard work of economic recovery was beginning to pay off. After 1986 the National Resistance Movement (NRM) succeeded in stabilizing most of the nation and began to diversify agricultural exports away from the near-total dependence on coffee. but most were adjuncts to cotton or sugar production. Similarly. Uganda did not possess significant quantities of valuable minerals. and other major industrial equipment. it was based largely on agricultural commodities with fluctuating international values. and they were not major contributors to gross domestic product ( GDP). Moreover. it still faced serious obstacles to the goal of economic self-sufficiency. some industries developed before 1970. and Uganda's scarce foreign exchange dwindled further. but these exports did not alter the importance of coffee in the economy. Some plantations produced tea and sugar. By 1988 Western donors were beginning to offer cautious support for the three-year-old regime of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. . Despite the country's record of economic resilience. machinery. coffee replaced cotton as the primary cash crop. world coffee prices plummeted. In the 1950s. and it limited development choices. Agricultural production based primarily on peasant cultivation has been the mainstay of the economy. such as oil or gold. This dependence forced Uganda to import vehicles. although the economy provided a livelihood for the population. But in 1989.

Kenya and Uganda to the southeast. It is the largest in the African continent and the Arab World. Sudan is currently ranked as the second most unstable country in the world according to the Failed States Index. and non-Arab Black Africans to the south. the Red Sea to the northeast. the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic to the southwest. with which it was united politically over several periods. Chad to the west and Libya to the northwest. Sudan's history has also been plagued by civil war stemming from ethnic. for its military dictatorship and the ongoing humanitarian . Eritrea and Ethiopia to the east. It is bordered by Egypt to the north. religious. and tenth largest in the world by area.B. The people of Sudan have a long history extending from antiquity. and economic conflict between the mostly Muslim and Arab population to the north. which is intertwined with the history of Egypt. THE SUDAN PROFILE Sudan (officially the Republic of Sudan) is a country in northeastern Africa.

the Democratic Republic of the Congo. racial. Egypt. It borders the Central African Republic. Imperial Britain acknowledged the north-south division by establishing separate administrations for the two regions. and its African heritages to the south. Kenya. Eritrea. It is dominated by the Nile River and its tributaries. and social life. Moreover.crisis in Darfur. Ethiopia. identified with northern Sudan. bordering the Red Sea and it has a coastline of 853 km along the Red Sea. religious. HISTORY Throughout its history Sudan has been divided between its Arab heritage. it is the largest country on the continent and the tenth largest in the world. However. Sudan has managed to achieve economic growth. the geographical isolation of Sudan's southern African peoples has prevented them from participating fully in the country's political.810 square kilometers (967. Independent Sudan further reinforced this cleavage by treating African southerners as a minority group. BOUNDARIES Sudan is situated in northern Africa.505. and economic lines. .499 sq mi). despite its internal conflicts. With an area of 2. and the cleavage has generated ethnic tensions and clashes. Libya and Uganda. economic. The two groups are divided along linguistic. Chad.

Modern relations between the two countries began in 1820. when an Egyptian army under Ottoman command invaded Sudan. As early as the eighth millennium B. Even in 1991. Similarly. . Britain sought to modernize Sudan by using technology to facilitate economic development and by establishing democratic institutions to end authoritarian rule. there was contact between Sudan and Egypt. Egypt expanded its area of control in Sudan down the Red Sea coast and toward East Africa's Great Lakes region. In the years following this invasion. the period of British control (1899-1955) has had a lasting impact on Sudan. The emergence of the Anglo-Egyptian condominium in 1899 reinforced the links between Cairo and Khartoum. Sudan's postindependence history has been shaped largely by the southern civil war. encouraged political instability.. left a deep mark on Sudan's political and economic systems.C. This conflict has retarded the country's social and economic development. and led to an endless cycle of weak and ineffective military and civilian governments. Egypt continued to exert influence over developments in Sudan. Another major factor that has affected Sudan's evolution is the country's relationship with Egypt. many of Sudan's political and economic institutions owed their existence to the British. The sixty-four- year period of Egyptian rule. Lastly. In addition to pacifying and uniting the country. The conflict appeared likely to continue to affect Sudan's people and institutions for the rest of the twentieth century. which ended in 1885. After Sudan gained independence in 1956.

000 years after the Old Kingdom (ca. to guard the flow of gold from mines in Wawat. 1570-1100 B. To fill the vacuum left by the Egyptian withdrawal.EARLY HISTORY – Cush. hides. Even during intermediate periods when Egyptian political power in Cush waned. in southern Egypt. and carnelian (a stone prized both as jewelry and for arrowheads) for shipment downriver. Yet there was no attempt to establish a permanent presence in the area until the Middle Kingdom (ca. After Egyptian power revived during the New Kingdom (ca. who served as domestic servants.. ended the Middle Kingdom. Egypt exerted a profound cultural and religious influence on the Cushite people. trade developed. Around 1720 B." For more than 2.). and destroyed the forts along the Nile River. Egyptian traders particularly valued gold and slaves.). incense. 2100-1720 B. Egyptian political and economic activities determined the course of the central Nile region's history. which described the land upstream from the first cataract.C. 2700-2180 B. the . severed links with Cush. Over the centuries. Egyptian military expeditions penetrated Cush periodically during the Old Kingdom.C. and soldiers in the pharaoh's army. Asian nomads called Hyksos invaded Egypt. called Cush. concubines. Northern Sudan's earliest historical record comes from Egyptian sources. Egyptian caravans carried grain to Cush and returned to Aswan with ivory. a culturally distinct indigenous kingdom emerged at Karmah. when Egypt constructed a network of forts along the Nile as far south as Samnah. near present-day Dunqulah.C.). as "wretched.C.

and artisans and settled in the region. There is no information about the region's activities over the next 300 years.C. merchants. In the eighth century B. the authority of the New Kingdom dynasties had diminished. The temples remained centers of official religious worship until the coming of Christianity to the region in the sixth century. Although Egypt's administrative control of Cush extended only down to the fourth cataract. Once Egypt had established political control over Cush. About 750 B.pharaoh Ahmose I incorporated Cush as an Egyptian province governed by a viceroy. the Cushite elite regarded themselves as champions of genuine Egyptian cultural and religious values. By the eleventh century B. The Cushite elite adopted Egyptian gods and built temples like that dedicated to the sun god Amon at Napata. Egyptian authorities ensured the loyalty of local chiefs by drafting their children to serve as pages at the pharaoh's court. Cush reemerged as an independent kingdom ruled from Napata by an aggressive line of monarchs who gradually extended their influence into Egypt. and ending Egyptian control of Cush. however.. a Cushite king called Kashta .. When Egyptian influence declined or succumbed to foreign domination. officials and priests joined military personnel. Egypt also expected tribute in gold and slaves from local chiefs. The Coptic language. near present-day Kuraymah. spoken in Egypt.C.. became widely used in everyday activities.C. allowing divided rule in Egypt. Egyptian sources list tributary districts reaching to the Red Sea and upstream to the confluence of the Blue Nile and White Nile rivers.

which passed successively under Persian. For several centuries thereafter.C. who raised stelae to record the achievements of their reigns and erected pyramids to contain their tombs.). Painkhy. finally. reunited Egypt under the Twenty-fifth Dynasty. Greek. the Meroitic kingdom developed independently of Egypt.C. withdrew and returned the dynasty to Napata. Egypt's succeeding dynasty failed to reassert control over Cush. and. In 590 B.. near present-day Khartoum. however. subdued the delta. Meroe. His successor. Taharqa (688-663 B.C. temples. A well-managed irrigation system allowed the area to support a higher population density than was possible during . compelling the Cushite court to move to a more secure location at Meroe near the sixth cataract.C. These objects and the ruins of palaces. During the height of its power in the second and third centuries B. When the Assyrians in retaliation invaded Egypt. The pharaonic tradition persisted among a line of rulers at Meroe. and founded a line of kings who ruled Cush and Thebes for about a hundred years.. an Egyptian army sacked Napata. Meroe extended over a region from the third cataract in the north to Sawba. where it continued to rule Cush and extended its dominions to the south and east. in the south. The dynasty's intervention in the area of modern Syria caused a confrontation between Egypt and Assyria. and baths at Meroe attest to a centralized political system that employed artisans' skills and commanded the labor of a large work force.conquered Upper Egypt and became ruler of Thebes until approximately 740 B. the last Cushite pharaoh. Roman domination.

In the second century A. In 23 B. However. They are believed to have been one of several well-armed bands . Meroe's succession system was not necessarily hereditary.. The queen mother's role in the selection process was crucial to a smooth succession. predatory nomads from east of the Nile. By the first century B. Nubian-related language spoken later by the region's people.later periods.. however. northern Cush eventually fell into disorder as it came under pressure from the Blemmyes. Additionally. Although Napata remained Meroe's religious center. as too poor to warrant colonization. Meroe maintained contact with Arab and Indian traders along the Red Sea coast and incorporated Hellenistic and Hindu cultural influences into its daily life. Relations between Meroe and Egypt were not always peaceful.C. in response to Meroe's incursions into Upper Egypt.C. the Nile continued to give the region access to the Mediterranean world. Inconclusive evidence suggests that metallurgical technology may have been transmitted westward across the savanna belt to West Africa from Meroe's iron smelteries. The Roman commander quickly abandoned the area. the Nobatae occupied the Nile's west bank in northern Cush. The crown appears to have passed from brother to brother (or sister) and only when no siblings remained from father to son.D.. the use of hieroglyphs gave way to a Meroitic script that adapted the Egyptian writing system to an indigenous. a Roman army moved south and razed Napata. the matriarchal royal family member deemed most worthy often became king.

an Axumite army captured and destroyed Meroe city. ending the kingdom's independent existence. 350. also known as Ballanah. Muqurra. who in the previous . the central kingdom. and Alwa. It is possible that the conversion process began earlier. the old Meroitic kingdom contracted because of the expansion of Axum. however. Nobatia in the north. under the aegis of Coptic missionaries from Egypt. Until nearly the fifth century. In all three kingdoms. in the heartland of old Meroe in the south. According to tradition. About A. a powerful Abyssinian state in modern Ethiopia to the east. had its capital at Faras. eventually they intermarried and established themselves among the Meroitic people as a military aristocracy. Christian Nubia. had its capital at Sawba.of horse. warrior aristocracies ruled Meroitic populations from royal courts where functionaries bore Greek titles in emulation of the Byzantine court. Rome subsidized the Nobatae and used Meroe as a buffer between Egypt and the Blemmyes. The earliest references to Nubia's successor kingdoms are contained in accounts by Greek and Coptic authors of the conversion of Nubian kings to Christianity in the sixth century. Meanwhile. By the sixth century. three states had emerged as the political and cultural heirs of the Meroitic kingdom.D. in what is now Egypt. a missionary sent by Byzantine empress Theodora arrived in Nobatia and started preaching the gospel about 540.and camel-borne warriors who sold protection to the Meroitic population. was centered at Dunqulah. the old city on the Nile about 150 kilometers south of modern Dunqulah.

The use of Greek in liturgy eventually gave way to the Nubian language. Because women transmitted the right to succession. however. a renowned warrior not of royal birth might be nominated to become king through marriage to a woman in line of succession. Additionally. The Nubian kings accepted the Monophysite Christianity practiced in Egypt and acknowledged the spiritual authority of the Coptic patriarch of Alexandria over the Nubian church. which was written using an indigenous alphabet that combined elements of the old Meroitic and Coptic scripts. In turn the monarch protected the church's interests. The queen mother's role in the succession process paralleled that of Meroe's matriarchal tradition. Arabic gained importance in the Nubian kingdoms. Coptic. early inscriptions have indicated a continuing knowledge of colloquial Greek in Nubia as late as the twelfth century. often appeared in ecclesiastical and secular circles. The church sanctioned a sacerdotal kingship. confirming the royal line's legitimacy. especially as a medium for commerce. The emergence of Christianity reopened channels to Mediterranean civilization and renewed Nubia's cultural and ideological ties to Egypt. A hierarchy of bishops named by the Coptic patriarch and consecrated in Egypt directed the church's activities and wielded considerable secular power. . The church encouraged literacy in Nubia through its Egyptian-trained clergy and in its monastic and cathedral schools. After the seventh century.century had brought Christianity to the Abyssinians.

Muslim domination of Egypt often made it difficult to communicate with the Coptic patriarch or to obtain Egyptian-trained clergy. However. Most historians believe that Arab pressure forced Nobatia and Muqurra to merge into the kingdom of Dunqulah sometime before 700. exercised temporal and religious authority. achieved their peak of prosperity and military power in the ninth and tenth centuries. By that time. therefore. The coming of Islam eventually changed the nature of Sudanese society and facilitated the division of the country into north and south. THE COMING OF ISLAM. who in 640 had conquered Egypt. and society under God's will. Islam also fostered political unity. Although the Arabs soon abandoned attempts to reduce Nubia by force. Islamic law ( sharia). Muslim Arab invaders. As a result. The spread of Islam began shortly after the Prophet Muhammad's death in 632. who were called Muslims ("those who submit" to God's will). encompassed all aspects of the lives of believers. and educational development among its adherents. these benefits were restricted largely to urban and commercial centers. economic growth. Islamic rulers. he and his followers had converted most of Arabia's tribes and towns to Islam (literally. which was derived primarily from the Quran. . The Christian Nubian kingdoms. posed a threat to the Christian Nubian kingdoms. the state. submission). the Nubian church became isolated from the rest of the Christian world. which Muslims maintained united the individual believer. which survived for many centuries. however.

The Arabs Contacts between Nubians and Arabs long predated the coming of Islam. governed relations between the two peoples for more than 600 years. the Arab commander in Egypt. however. causing the Arabs to accept an armistice and withdraw their forces. Abd Allah ibn Saad. with only brief interruptions. So long as Arabs ruled Egypt. Muslims imposed political control over conquered territories in the name of the caliph (the Prophet's successor as supreme earthly leader of Islam). Intermarriage and assimilation also facilitated arabization. The Nubians put up a stout defense. Arab armies had carried Islam north and east from Arabia into North Africa. Arab nomads continually wandered into the region in search of fresh pasturage.000 years. . tension arose in Upper Egypt. when they laid siege to the city of Dunqulah and destroyed its cathedral. when non- Arabs acquired control of the Nile Delta. there was peace on the Nubian frontier. the Muslim subjugation of all of North Africa took about seventy-five years. The Arabs invaded Nubia in 642 and again in 652. and Arab seafarers and merchants traded in Red Sea ports for spices and slaves. but the arabization of the Nile Valley was a gradual process that occurred over a period of nearly 1. concluded the first in a series of regularly renewed treaties with the Nubians that. However. After the initial attempts at military conquest failed. Within a generation of Muhammad's death. however. The Islamic armies won their first North African victory in 643 in Tripoli (in modern Libya).

gems. but the treaty did impose conditions for Arab friendship that eventually permitted Arabs to achieve a privileged position in Nubia. The treaty also contained security arrangements whereby both parties agreed that neither would come to the defense of the other in the event of an attack by a third party. For example. The treaty obliged both to exchange annual tribute as a goodwill symbol. Arab merchants established markets in Nubian towns to facilitate the exchange of grain and slaves. This formality was only a token of the trade that developed between the two. Even many non-Arabic-speaking groups claim descent from Arab forebears. Arab engineers supervised the operation of mines east of the Nile in which they used slave labor to extract gold and emeralds. gold. the Nubians in slaves and the Arabs in grain. gum arabic. The . provisions of the treaty allowed Arabs to buy land from Nubians south of the frontier at Aswan. Acceptance of the treaty did not indicate Nubian submission to the Arabs. not only in these commodities but also in horses and manufactured goods brought to Nubia by the Arabs and in ivory. ports that also received cargoes bound from India to Egypt. The Arabs realized the commercial advantages of peaceful relations with Nubia and used the treaty to ensure that travel and trade proceeded unhindered across the frontier. and cattle carried back by them to Egypt or shipped to Arabia. Muslim pilgrims en route to Mecca traveled across the Red Sea on ferries from Aydhab and Sawakin. Traditional genealogies trace the ancestry of most of the Nile Valley's mixed population to Arab tribes that migrated into the region during this period.

The Decline of Christian Nubia. Both showed physical continuity with the indigenous pre- Islamic population. the indigenous people absorbed Arab migrants who settled among them. Baqqara. acceptance of Islam facilitated the arabizing process. and forced conversion was rare. however. Both groups formed a series of tribal shaykhdoms that succeeded the crumbling Christian Nubian kingdoms and that were in frequent conflict with one another and with neighboring non- Arabs. Exemption from taxation in regions under Muslim rule also proved a powerful incentive to conversion. the Jaali have been sedentary farmers and herders or townspeople settled along the Nile and in Al Jazirah. the Nubian kingdoms proved their resilience in maintaining political independence and their . the Prophet Muhammad's tribe. as among the Beja. Until the thirteenth century. There was no policy of proselytism. Although not all Muslims in the region were Arabic-speaking. The former claimed descent from the Quraysh. Historically.two most important Arabic-speaking groups to emerge in Nubia were the Jaali and the Juhayna. In some instances. The nomadic Juhayna comprised a family of tribes that included the Kababish. and Shukriya. Islam penetrated the area over a long period of time through intermarriage and contacts with Arab merchants and settlers. They were descended from Arabs who migrated after the thirteenth century into an area that extended from the savanna and semidesert west of the Nile to the Abyssinian foothills east of the Blue Nile. Beja ruling families later derived their legitimacy from their claims of Arab ancestry.

the Mamluks seized control of the state and created a sultanate that ruled Egypt until the early sixteenth . The Rule of the Kashif. formed tribal organizations and adopted Arab protectors. who were an elite but frequently disorderly caste of soldier-administrators composed largely of Turkish. and Circassian slaves. ousted Dunqulah's reigning monarch and delivered the crown and silver cross that symbolized Nubian kingship to a rival claimant. Communities in the river valley and savanna. In the early eighth century and again in the tenth century. Thereafter.commitment to Christianity. Because of the frequent intermarriage between Nubian nobles and the kinswomen of Arab shaykhs. The expansion of Islam coincided with the decline of the Nubian Christian church. In 1315 a Muslim prince of Nubian royal blood ascended the throne of Dunqulah as king. however. intervened in a dynastic dispute. fearful for their safety. A "dark age" enveloped Nubia in the fifteenth century during which political authority fragmented and slave raiding intensified. In the thirteenth century. the lineages of the two elites merged and the Muslim heirs took their places in the royal line of succession. the Mamluks (Arabic for "owned"). For several centuries Arab caliphs had governed Egypt through the Mamluks. Dunqulah became a satellite of Egypt. In 1276. Muslims probably did not constitute a majority in the old Nubian areas until the fifteenth or sixteenth century. Kurdish. Nubian kings led armies into Egypt to force the release of the imprisoned Coptic patriarch and to relieve fellow Christians suffering persecution under Muslim rulers.

Although they established administrative structures in ports on the Red Sea coast. who controlled their virtually autonomous fiefs as agents of the pasha in Cairo. the Ottomans relied on military kashif (leaders). In 1517 the Turks conquered Egypt and incorporated the country into the Ottoman Empire as a pashalik (province). lasted 300 years. The Funj. a new power. By the mid-sixteenth century.century. The Black Sultanate eventually became the keystone of the Funj Empire. founded the Black Sultanate (As Saltana az Zarqa) at Sannar. the Funj. the military leaders terrorized the population and constantly fought among themselves for title to territory. Instead. many of whom were Mamluks who had made their peace with the Ottomans. which had been claimed as a dependency of the Egyptian pashalik. The rule of the kashif. the Ottomans exerted little authority over the interior. the Mamluks did not directly rule Nubia. At the same time that the Ottomans brought northern Nubia into their orbit. Ottoman forces pursued fleeing Mamluks into Nubia. Concerned with little more than tax collecting and slave trading. Although they repeatedly launched military expeditions that weakened Dunqulah. Amara Dunqas. had risen in southern Nubia and had supplanted the remnants of the old Christian kingdom of Alwa. to rule the interior. In 1504 a Funj leader. Sannar controlled Al Jazirah and commanded the allegiance of vassal states and tribal districts north to the third cataract and south to the rainforests. .

) The mek appointed a chieftain (nazir. where the mek granted the local population the right to use arable land. Vassal states in turn relied on the mek to settle local disorders and to resolve internal disputes. Themek also derived income from crown lands set aside for his use in each dar. The Funj stabilized the region and interposed a military bloc between the Arabs in the north. Farming and herding also thrived in Al Jazirah and in the southern rainforests.. paid tribute to the mek.. (Tribal distinctions in these areas in modern Sudan can be traced to this period. The Funj state included a loose confederation of sultanates and dependent tribal chieftaincies drawn together under the suzerainty of Sannar's mek (sultan). and collected taxes. Nawaziradministered dur according to customary law. levied taxes. nawazir) to govern each dar. the mek Badi II Abu Duqn (1642-81) sought to centralize the government of the . pl. dur). pl. After this victory. As overlord. Sannar repulsed the northward advance of the Nilotic Shilluk people up the White Nile and compelled many of them to submit to Funj authority. and called on his vassals to supply troops in time of war. The sultanate's economy depended on the role played by the Funj in the slave trade. and the non-Muslim blacks in the south. Movement from one dar to another entailed a change in tribal identification. the mek received tribute. the Abyssinians in the east. At the peak of its power in the mid-seventeenth century. Sannar apportioned tributary areas into tribal homelands (each one termed a dar. The diverse groups that inhabitated each dar eventually regarded themselves as units of tribes.

Sannar's hold over its vassals diminished. . The Fur. the Kanuri of Borno. To implement this policy. during which the region was briefly subject to Bornu. who had led the Funj army in wars.confederacy at Sannar. In 1761 the vizier Muhammad Abu al Kaylak. relegating the sultan to a figurehead role. carried out a palace coup. in modern Nigeria. Darfur was the Fur homeland. Another reason for Sannar's decline may have been the growing influence of its hereditary viziers (chancellors). Sulayman Solong (1596-1637). The move alienated the dynasty from the Funj warrior aristocracy. and by the early nineteenth century more remote areas ceased to recognize even the nominal authority of themek. and took control of much of Kurdufan. which in 1718 deposed the reigning mek and placed one of their own ranks on the throne of Sannar. After a period of disorder in the sixteenth century. Renowned as cavalrymen. defeated the Fur. Fur clans frequently allied with or opposed their kin. chiefs of a non-Funj tributary tribe who managed court affairs. Badi introduced a standing army of slave soldiers that would free Sannar from dependence on vassal sultans for military assistance and would provide the mek with the means to enforce his will. The mid-eighteenth century witnessed another brief period of expansion when the Funj turned back an Abyssinian invasion. the leader of the Keira clan. But civil war and the demands of defending the sultanate had overextended the warrior society's resources and sapped its strength. supplanted a rival clan and became Darfur's first sultan.

Some household slaves advanced to prominent positions in the courts of sultans. The struggles among the beys continued until 1798 when the French invasion of Egypt altered the situation. In the eighteenth century. large-scale religious conversions did not occur until the reign of Ahmad Bakr (1682-1722). The rivalry between the slave and traditional elites caused recurrent unrest throughout the next century. In the eighteenth century. Combined British and Turkish military . built mosques.Sulayman Solong decreed Islam to be the sultanate's official religion. or high gate. of the grand vizier's building. and compelled his subjects to become Muslims. each of which was placed under a Mamluk bey (governor) reponsible to the pasha. As a pashalik of the Ottoman Empire. Egypt had been divided into several provinces. who in turn answered to the Porte. no fewer than 100 pashas succeeded each other. 1821-85. They levied taxes on traders and export duties on slaves sent to Egypt. established a capital at Al Fashir. several sultans consolidated the dynasty's hold on Darfur. However. THE TURKIYAH. and contested the Funj for control of Kurdufan. who imported teachers. The sultans operated the slave trade as a monopoly. their authority became tenuous as rival Mamluk beys became the real power in the land. the term used for the Ottoman government referring to the Sublime Porte. and took a share of the slaves brought into Darfur. In approximately 280 years of Ottoman rule. and the power exercised by these slaves provoked a violent reaction among the traditional class of Fur officeholders in the late eighteenth century.

dispersed the Dunqulah Mamluks. . The Jaali Arab tribes offered stiff resistance. Muhammad Ali planned to build an Egyptian army with Sudanese slave recruits. in the suppression of a revolt by the Wahhabi. an ultraconservative Muslim sect.000 Albanian troops provided by the Ottomans. After he had defeated the Mamluks in Egypt. introducing a period of chaos in Egypt. In 1811 these Mamluks established a state at Dunqulah as a base for their slave trading. In response the pasha sent 4. the previous pashas had demanded little more from the kashif who ruled there than the regular remittance of tribute. Muhammad Ali purged Egypt of the Mamluks. a party of them had escaped and had fled south.000 troops to invade Sudan. clear it of Mamluks. and accepted Sannar's surrender from the last Funj sultan. In 1805 the Ottomans sought to restore order by appointing Muhammad Ali as Egypt's pasha. however. supporting his suzerain. conquered Kurdufan. In 1820 the sultan of Sannar informed Muhammad Ali that he was unable to comply with the demand to expel the Mamluks. The pasha's forces received the submission of the kashif.operations forced the withdrawal of French forces in 1801. that changed under Muhammad Ali. To replace the Albanian soldiers. In 1811 he launched a seven-year campaign in Arabia. Although a part of present-day northern Sudan was nominally an Egyptian dependency. With the help of 10. and reclaim it for Egypt. the Ottoman sultan. Badi IV.

Furthermore. which was known as the Turkiyah or Turkish regime. They also destroyed many ancient Meroitic pyramids searching for hidden gold. slave trading increased. to flee to escape the slave traders. soldiers lived off the land and exacted exorbitant taxes from the population. However. Kassala. were defeated and allowed to serve the Egyptian rulers as tax collectors and irregular cavalry under their own shaykhs. Arabic speakers who had resisted Egyptian occupation. supplemented by mercenaries recruited in various Ottoman domains. Within a year of the pasha's victory. heartland of Funj. literally. Nevertheless.000 Sudanese slaves went to Egypt for training and induction into the army. Under the new government established in 1821.supporting. and expected the country to be self. manned garrisons in Khartoum. the government became less harsh. As the military occupation became more secure. The Egyptians divided Sudan into provinces. however. causing many of the inhabitants of the fertile Al Jazirah. The Turkiyah also won the allegiance of some tribal and religious leaders by granting them a tax exemption. the Egyptian occupation of Sudan was disastrous. Initially. farmers and herders gradually returned to Al Jazirah. Egyptian soldiers and Sudanese jahidiyah (slave soldiers. fighters). so many perished from disease and the unfamiliar climate that the remaining slaves could be used only in garrisons in Sudan. In 1835 Khartoum became the seat of . 30. Egypt saddled Sudan with a parasitic bureaucracy. and Al Ubayyid and at several smaller outposts. which they then subdivided into smaller administrative units that usually corresponded to tribal territories. The Shaiqiyah.

The government undertook a mosque-building program and staffed religious schools and courts with teachers and judges trained at Cairo's Al Azhar University. introducing a commercial code and a criminal code administered in secular courts. But Sudanese Muslims condemned the official orthodoxy as decadent because it had rejected many popular beliefs and practices. the courts lacked credibility in the eyes of Sudanese Muslims because they conducted hearings according to the Ottoman Empire's Hanafi school of law rather than the stricter Maliki school traditional in the area. In some areas. ivory. Even in this area. The government encouraged economic development through state monopolies that had exported slaves. Until its gradual suppression in the 1860s. a traditional religious order. shaykhs and traditional tribal chieftains assumed administrative responsibilities. the pashalik revised the legal systems in Egypt and Sudan. because its leaders preached cooperation with the regime. and gum arabic.the hakimadar (governor general). tribal . many garrison towns also developed into administrative centers in their respective regions. the slave trade was the most profitable undertaking in Sudan and was the focus of Egyptian interests in the country. The government favored the Khatmiyyah. The change reduced the prestige of the qadis (Islamic judges) whose sharia courts were confined to dealing with matters of personal status. In the 1850s. The Turkiyah also encouraged a religious orthodoxy favored in the Ottoman Empire. At the local level.

but the reign of Ismail (1863-79) revitalized Egyptian interest in the country. Efforts to suppress the slave trade angered the urban merchant class and the Baqqara Arabs. and many Sudanese resented the quartering of troops among the civilian population and the use of Sudanese forced labor on public projects. In 1865 the Ottoman Empire ceded the Red Sea coast and its ports to Egypt. conquered and annexed Darfur. There is little documentation for the history of the southern Sudanese provinces until the introduction of the Turkiyah in the north in the early 1820s and the subsequent extension of slave raiding into the south. Ismail named Europeans to provincial governorships and appointed Sudanese to more responsible government positions. Abbas I (1849-54) and Said (1854-63). who had grown prosperous by selling slaves. this modernization process caused unrest. the Ottoman sultan granted Ismail the title of khedive (sovereign prince). in 1874. which had been held in common. Information about their .land. Under prodding from Britain. lacked leadership qualities and paid little attention to Sudan. became the private property of the shaykhs and was sometimes sold to buyers outside the tribe. However. and Equatoria and. The khedive also tried to build a new army on the European model that no longer would depend on slaves to provide manpower. Muhammad Ali's immediate successors. Army units mutinied. Bahr al Ghazal. Two years later. Ismail took steps to complete the elimination of the slave trade in the north of present-day Sudan. Egypt organized and garrisoned the new provinces of Upper Nile.

largely from the area of Bahr al Ghazal. Annual raids resulted in the capture of countless thousands of southern . who entered southern Sudan in the sixteenth century. Avungara power remained largely unchallenged until the arrival of the British at the end of the nineteenth century. Nuer. but southern Sudan. where slavery flourished particularly. Slavery had been an institution of Sudanese life throughout history. Some. and others--first entered southern Sudan sometime before the tenth century. In the eighteenth century. enabling them to retain their social and cultural heritage and their political and religious institutions. brought these peoples to their modern locations. was originally considered an area beyond Cairo's control. Geographic barriers protected the southerners from Islam's advance. During the nineteenth century. The non-Nilotic Azande people. Because Sudan had access to Middle East slave markets. the Nilotic peoples--the Dinka. the slave trade in the south intensified in the nineteenth century and continued after the British had suppressed slavery in much of sub-Saharan Africa. tribal migrations. like the Shilluk. developed a centralized monarchical tradition that enabled them to preserve their tribal integrity in the face of external pressures in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. established the region's largest state. the militaristic Avungara people entered and quickly imposed their authority over the poorly organized and weaker Azande. During the period from the fifteenth century to the nineteenth century.peoples before that time is based largely on oral history. Shilluk. the slave trade brought southerners into closer contact with Sudanese Arabs and resulted in a deep hatred for the northerners. According to these traditions.

Zubayr used his army to pacify the . succeeded Baker. a British officer.Sudanese. Ismail implemented a military modernization program and proposed to extend Egyptian rule to the southern region. Egypt prohibited the slave trade. In 1874 Charles George Gordon. The introduction of steamboats and firearms enabled slave traders to overwhelm local resistance and prompted the creation of southern "bush empires" by Baqqara Arabs. and in 1860. In 1871 he had named a notorious Arab slave trader. Thereafter. with orders to annex all territory in the White Nile's basin and to suppress the slave trade.conducted slave raids. However. Until 1843 Muhammad Ali maintained a state monopoly on slave trading in Egypt and thepashalik. in response to European pressure. as governor of the newly created province of Bahr al Ghazal. Gordon had weakened the slave trade in much of the south. The horrors associated with the slave trade generated European interest in Sudan. Gordon disarmed many slave traders and hanged those who defied him. the Egyptian army failed to enforce the prohibition against the private armies of the slave traders. In 1854 Cairo ended state participation in the slave trade. and the destruction of the region's stability and economy. Rahman Mansur az Zubayr. authorities sold licenses to private traders who competed with government. Ismail's southern policy lacked consistency. Unfortunately. By the time he became Sudan's governor general in 1877. In 1869 British explorer Sir Samuel Baker received a commission as governor of Equatoria Province.

. This commission eventually forced Khedive Ismail to abdicate in favor of his more politically acceptable son. Developments in Sudan during this period cannot be understood without reference to the British position in Egypt. As a result. and sent him back to Cairo. The illegal slave trade revived. THE MAHDIYAH. In 1873 the British government therefore supported a program whereby an Anglo-French debt commission assumed responsibility for managing Egypt's fiscal affairs.province and to eliminate his competition in the slave trade. Gordon resigned as governor general of Sudan in 1880. After the removal. Zubayr then offered the region as a province to the khedive. they failed to continue the policies Gordon had put in place. although not enough to satisfy the merchants whom Gordon had put out of business. 1884-98. Gordon ended Zubayr's slave trading. disbanded his army. The Sudanese army suffered from a lack of resources. After he became Sudan's governor general. in 1877. Zubayr defied Cairo when it attempted to relieve him of his post. and defeated an Egyptian force that sought to oust him. who had appointed him to the post. Britain sought a greater role in Egyptian affairs. His successors lacked direction from Cairo and feared the political turmoil that had engulfed Egypt. Tawfiq (1877-92). of Ismail. In 1869 the Suez Canal opened and quickly became Britain's economic lifeline to India and the Far East. Later that year. In 1874 he invaded Darfur after the sultan had refused to guard caravan routes through his territory. To defend this waterway.

Muhammad Ahmad spent several years in seclusion and gained a reputation as a mystic and teacher. Khartoum dismissed him as a religious fanatic. In this troubled atmosphere. In 1880 he became a Sammaniyah leader. as a shaykh of the order. the Ansar. The Mahdist movement demanded a return to the simplicity of early Islam. Muhammad Ahmad had become the disciple of Muhammad ash Sharif. the head of the Sammaniyah order. abstention from alcohol and tobacco. determined to expel the Turks and restore Islam to its primitive purity. the Mahdi and a party of his followers. Later." usually seen as the Mahdi). a Baqqara from southern Darfur. emerged. The government paid more attention when his religious zeal turned to denunciation of tax collectors. against the Turkiyah. Tax collectors arbitrarily increased taxation. where he gained a large number of recruits. Muhammad Ahmad ibn as Sayyid Abd Allah. who revealed himself as Al Mahdi al Muntazar ("the awaited guide in the right path. Muhammad Ahmad's sermons attracted an increasing number of followers. and the strict seclusion of women. a faqir or holy man who combined personal magnetism with religious zealotry. made a long march to Kurdufan. The son of a Dunqulah boatbuilder.and unemployed soldiers from disbanded units troubled garrison towns. Among those who joined him was Abdallahi ibn Muhammad. His planning capabilities proved invaluable to Muhammad Ahmad. or holy war. sent from God to redeem the faithful and prepare the way for the second coming of the Prophet Isa (Jesus). especially from the . To avoid arrest. Even after the Mahdi proclaimed a jihad.

he wrote appeals to the shaykhs of the religious orders and won active support or assurances of neutrality from all except the pro-Egyptian Khatmiyyah. who had received a reappointment as governor general.Baqqara. To avoid being drawn into a costly military intervention. As a result. along with the Hadendowa Beja. 30. Early in 1882. then defeated an 8. the British government ordered an Egyptian withdrawal from Sudan. The Ansar. The advance of the Ansar and the Beja rising in the east imperiled communications with Egypt and threatened to cut off garrisons at Khartoum. Sannar. Gordon. the Ansar. arranged to supervise the evacuation of Egyptian troops and officials and all foreigners from Sudan. who later became the first Egyptianappointed governor of Darfur Province. The Mahdi followed up this victory by laying siege to Al Ubayyid and starving it into submission after four months. Gordon realized that he could not extricate the garrisons. an Austrian in the khedive's service. Next the Mahdi captured Darfur and imprisoned Rudolf Slatin. Merchants and Arab tribes that had depended on the slave trade responded as well. From a refuge in the area. armed with spears and swords. he called for reinforcements from Egypt to relieve Khartoum.000 men strong. After reaching Khartoum in February 1884. who were rallied to the Mahdi by an Ansar captain. Usman Digna. Kassala. Gordon also recommended that Zubayr.000-man Egyptian force not far from Al Ubayyid and seized their rifles and ammunition.000-man Egyptian relief force at Sheikan. an old enemy whom . overwhelmed a 7. and Sawakin and in the south.

Kassala and Sannar fell soon after. and Wadi Halfa on the northern frontier remained in Anglo-Egyptian hands. be named to succeed him to give disaffected Sudanese a leader other than the Mahdi to rally behind. The Mahdiyah (Mahdist regime) imposed traditional Islamic laws. and delivering his head to the Mahdi's tent. London rejected this plan. reinforced by Indian army troops. In all Sudan. slaughtering the garrison. killing Gordon. 1885. and by the end of 1885 the Ansar had begun to move into the southern region. Increasing British popular support for Gordon eventually forced Prime Minister William Gladstone to mobilize a relief force under the command of Lord Garnet Joseph Wolseley.he recognized as an excellent military commander. As the situation deteriorated. A "flying column" sent overland from Wadi Halfa across the Bayyudah Desert bogged down at Abu Tulayh (commonly called Abu Klea). The Ansar had waited for the Nile flood to recede before attacking the poorly defended river approach to Khartoum in boats. Sudan's new ruler also authorized the burning of lists of pedigrees and books of law and . only Sawakin. Gordon argued that Sudan was essential to Egypt's security and that to allow the Ansar a victory there would invite the movement to spread elsewhere. An advance unit that had gone ahead by river when the column reached Al Matammah arrived at Khartoum on January 28. where the Hadendowa Beja--the so-called Fuzzy Wuzzies--broke the British line. to find the town had fallen two days earlier.

Six months after the capture of Khartoum. or pilgrimage to Mecca. service in the jihad replaced the hajj. Rivalry among the three. . The Mahdi maintained that his movement was not a religious order that could be accepted or rejected at will. The Mahdiyah has become known as the first genuine Sudanese nationalist government. Zakat(almsgiving) became the tax paid to the state. The task of establishing and maintaining a government fell to his deputies--three caliphs chosen by the Mahdi in emulation of the Prophet Muhammad. each supported by people of his native region. The Khalifa. continued until 1891. which challenged man to join or to be destroyed. Moreover. Abdallahi--called the Khalifa (successor)--purged the Mahdiyah of members of the Mahdi's family and many of his early religious disciples. The Mahdi modified Islam's five pillars to support the dogma that loyalty to him was essential to true belief. The Mahdi justified these and other innovations and reforms as responses to instructions conveyed to him by God in visions. but that it was a universal regime. with the help primarily of the Baqqara Arabs. overcame the opposition of the others and emerged as unchallenged leader of the Mahdiyah.theology because of their association with the old order and because he believed that the former accentuated tribalism at the expense of religious unity. when Abdallahi ibn Muhammad. as a duty incumbent on the faithful. the shahada. The Mahdi also added the declaration "and Muhammad Ahmad is the Mahdi of God and the representative of His Prophet" to the recitation of the creed. the Mahdi died of typhus.

however. and in 1893 the Italians repulsed an Ansar attack at Akordat (in Eritrea) and forced the Ansar to withdraw from Ethiopia. the Khalifa instituted an administration and appointed Ansar (who were usually Baqqara) as amirs over each of the several provinces. Regional relations remained tense throughout much of the Mahdiyah period. the Khalifa organized workshops to manufacture ammunition and to maintain river steamboats. but British-led Egyptian troops defeated the Ansar at Tushkah. In 1887 a 60. the Khalifa rejected an offer of an alliance against the Europeans by Ethiopia's negus (king). The failure of the Egyptian invasion ended the Ansar' invincibility. the Ethiopians withdrew. In March 1889. After consolidating his power. largely because of the Khalifa's commitment to using the jihad to extend his version of Islam throughout the world. which had the force of law. Sharia courts enforced Islamic law and the Mahdi's precepts. the Khalifa's best general. The Belgians prevented the Mahdi's men from conquering Equatoria.000-man Ansar army invaded Ethiopia. Yohannes IV. after Yohannes IV fell in battle. commanded by the king. Originally the Mahdiyah was a jihad state. For example. Although he failed to restore this region's commercial wellbeing . penetrated as far as Gonder. invaded Egypt in 1889. marched on Qallabat. and captured prisoners and booty. . The Khalifa then refused to conclude peace with Ethiopia. The Khalifa also ruled over rich Al Jazirah. an Ethiopian force. Abd ar Rahman an Nujumi. run like a military camp.

Britain wanted to establish control over the Nile to safeguard a planned irrigation dam at Aswan. the British established army headquarters at Wadi Halfa and extended and reinforced the perimeter defenses around Sawakin. In preparation for the attack. Britain provided men and matériel while Egypt financed the expedition. After this engagement. Reconquest of Sudan.600 of whom were British. 8. of the Egyptian army and started preparations for the reconquest of Sudan.800 men. The British decision to occupy Sudan resulted in part from international developments that required the country be brought under British supervision. Britain feared that the other colonial powers would take advantage of Sudan's instability to acquire territory previously annexed to Egypt. Apart from these political considerations. but there was little other significant resistance until Kitchener reached Atbarah and defeated the Ansar. and Belgian claims had converged at the Nile headwaters. British. An armed river flotilla escorted the force. The remainder were troops belonging to Egyptian units that included six battalions recruited in southern Sudan. . In 1892 Herbert Kitchener (later Lord Kitchener) became sirdar. French. By the early 1890s. The British then constructed a rail line from Wadi Halfa to Abu Hamad and an extension parallel to the Nile to transport troops and supplies to Barbar. or commander. In 1895 the British government authorized Kitchener to launch a campaign to reconquer Sudan. Kitchener captured Dunqulah. In March 1896. which also had artillery support. in September. the campaign started. The Anglo-Egyptian Nile Expeditionary Force included 25. Anglo-Egyptian units fought a sharp action at Abu Hamad.

religious brotherhoods had been weakened. or joint authority. THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM.000-man army to a frontal assault against the Anglo-Egyptian force. persecution. largely because of superior British firepower. about 11.000 Mahdists died whereas AngloEgyptian losses amounted to 48 dead and fewer than 400 wounded. where the Khalifa made his last stand. Although it emphasized Egypt's indebtedness to Britain for its . exercised by Britain and Egypt. Many areas welcomed the downfall of his regime. and orthodox religious leaders had vanished. Moreover. an Anglo-Egyptian agreement restored Egyptian rule in Sudan but as part of a condominium. 1899-1955. During the five-hour battle. Mopping-up operations required several years. the Khalifa committed his 52. The outcome never was in doubt. but organized resistance ended when the Khalifa. In January 1899. 1898. none of the country's traditional institutions or loyalties remained intact. disease. Tribes had been divided in their attitudes toward Mahdism. and warfare. On September 2. Sudan's economy had been all but destroyed during his reign and the population had declined by approximately one-half because of famine. which was massed on the plain outside Omdurman. who had escaped to Kurdufan. died in fighting at Umm Diwaykarat in November 1899.Kitchener's soldiers marched and sailed toward Omdurman. The agreement designated territory south of the twenty-second parallel as the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.

After 1910. two inspectors and several district commissioners aided the British governor (mudir). reported to the Foreign Office through its resident agent in Cairo. the governor general and provincial governors exercised great latitude in governing Sudan. In the condominium's early years. nearly all administrative personnel were British army officers attached to the Egyptian army. He shall be appointed by Khedival Decree on the recommendation of Her Britannic Majesty's Government and shall be removed only by Khedival Decree with the consent of Her Britannic Majesty's Government. whose approval was required for all legislation and for . he exercised extraordinary powers and directed the condominium government from Khartoum as if it were a colonial administration. In each province. who was a military officer. In 1901. however. Initially. Sir Reginald Wingate succeeded Kitchener as governor general in 1899.participation in the reconquest. Article II of the agreement specified that "the supreme military and civil command in Sudan shall be vested in one officer. however. civilian administrators started arriving in Sudan from Britain and formed the nucleus of the Sudan Political Service. In practice. the agreement failed to clarify the juridical relationship between the two condominium powers in Sudan or to provide a legal basis for continued British presence in the south." The British governor general. termed the Governor-General of Sudan. an executive council. however. Britain assumed responsibility for governing the territory on behalf of the khedive. Egyptians filled middle-level posts while Sudanese gradually acquired lower-level positions.

in 1904. and the size of herds. or revolts of short duration. The 1902 Code of Civil Procedure continued the Ottoman separation of civil law and sharia. the British dedicated themselves to creating a modern government in the condominium. in 1902-3. the number of date palms. however. and two to four other British officials appointed by the governor general. After restoring order and the government's authority. Jurists adopted penal and criminal procedural codes similar to those in force in British India. and in 1908. For example. legal. but it also created guidelines for the operation of sharia courts as an autonomous judicial division under a chief qadi appointed by the governor general. the amount assessed depending on the type of irrigation. which included the inspector general. the rate of taxation was fixed for the first time in Sudan's history. Taxes on land remained the basic form of taxation. In 1916 Abd Allah as Suhayni. banditry. and financial secretaries. who claimed to be the Prophet Isa. The executive council retained legislative authority until 1948. Commissions established land tenure rules and adjusted claims in dispute because of grants made by successive governments. . There was little resistance to the condominium. the civil. assisted the governor general.budgetary matters. Breaches of the peace usually took the form of intertribal warfare. Mahdist uprisings occurred in February 1900. launched an unsuccessful jihad. The governor general presided over this council. Religious judges and other sharia court officials were invariably Egyptian.

In the first two decades of condominium rule. which had been lost to the Egyptians in 1874 and held the throne under Ottoman suzerainty. Port Sudan opened in 1906. replacing Sawakin as the country's principal outlet to the sea. Planters sent . A 1902 treaty with Ethiopia fixed the southeastern boundary with Sudan. with British approval on condition that he pay annual tribute to the khedive. The western boundary proved more difficult to resolve. In 1911 the Sudanese government and the private Sudan Plantations Syndicate launched the Gezira Scheme (Gezira is also seen as Jazirah) to provide a source of high-quality cotton for Britain's textile industry. Britain. Darfur was the only province formerly under Egyptian control that was not soon recovered under the condominium. In 1916 the British annexed Darfur to Sudan and terminated the Fur sultanate. Sultan Ali Dinar reclaimed Darfur's throne. economic development occurred only in the Nile Valley's settled areas. completed in 1925. The problem of the condominium's undefined borders was a greater concern. An irrigation dam near Sannar. sent a small force against Ali Dinar. an AngloBelgian treaty determined the status of the Lado Enclave in the south establishing a border with the Belgian Congo (present-day Zaire). the British extended telegraph and rail lines to link key points in northern Sudan but services did not reach more remote areas. When World War I broke out. who died in subsequent fighting. Seven years later. When the Mahdiyah disintegrated. brought a much larger area in Al Jazirah under cultivation. Ali Dinar proclaimed his loyalty to the Ottoman Empire and responded to the Porte's call for a jihad against the Allies. which had declared a protectorate over Egypt in 1914. During the condominium period.

Subsequent negotiations in London between the British and the new Egyptian government foundered on the Sudan question. The number of Sudanese recognizing them and the degree of authority they held varied considerably. which allowed the British to govern through indigenous leaders. was assassinated in Cairo. The Gezira Scheme made cotton the mainstay of the country's economy and turned the region into Sudan's most densely populated area. the 1923 Egyptian constitution made no claim to Egyptian sovereignty over Sudan.cotton by rail from Sannar to Port Sudan for shipment abroad. During this period. In 1925 Khartoum formed the 4. The British first delegated judicial powers to shaykhs to enable them to settle local disputes and then gradually allowed the shaykhs to administer local governments under the supervision of British district commissioners. the colonial government favored indirect rule. and public employees withdrawn from Sudan.500-man Sudan Defence Force (SDF) under Sudanese officers to replace Egyptian units. In 1922 Britain renounced the protectorate and approved Egypt's declaration of independence. where a minority supported union with Egypt. tribes. However. and districts--in the north and tribal chiefs in the south. governor general of Sudan and sirdar. the traditional leaders were the shaykhs-- of villages. In Sudan. civil servants. Britain ordered all Egyptian troops. . Sudan was relatively quiet in the late 1920s and 1930s. Nationalists who were inflamed by the failure of the talks rioted in Egypt and Sudan. Sir Lee Stack. In November 1924.

except for efforts to suppress tribal warfare and the slave trade. exacerbated tribalism in the north. indirect rule prevented the country's unification. As a result. the south remained isolated and backward. supported the concept. many of whom enjoyed positions of local authority. To allow the south to develop along indigenous lines. occurred among local leaders and among Khartoum's educated elite. the British sought to modernize Sudan by applying European technology to its underdeveloped economy and by replacing its authoritarian institutions with ones that adhered to liberal English traditions. . Britain's Southern Policy. The mainstream of political development. closed the region to outsiders. The British justified this policy by claiming that the south was not ready for exposure to the modern world. however. and served in the south to buttress a less-advanced society against Arab influence. However. provided limited social services in southern Sudan. Although nationalists and the Khatmiyyah opposed indirect rule. who operated schools and medical clinics. therefore. the Ansar. In their view. Bahr al Ghazal. the British. and Upper Nile--received little official attention until after World War I. From the beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian condominium. Indirect rule also implied government decentralization. A few Arab merchants controlled the region's limited commercial activities while Arab bureaucrats administered whatever laws existed. which alarmed the educated elite who had careers in the central administration and envisioned an eventual transfer of power from British colonial authorities to their class. Christian missionaries. southern Sudan's remote and undeveloped provinces--Equatoria.

and the wearing of Arab dress. which barred northern Sudanese from entering or working in the south. Other missionary groups active in the south included Presbyterians from the United States and the Anglican Church Missionary Society. thereby exacerbating the north-south division. a 1930 directive stated that blacks in the southern provinces . the British made efforts to revitalize African customs and tribal life that the slave trade had disrupted. Because mission graduates usually succeeded in gaining posts in the provincial civil service. At the same time. as it consolidated its southern position in the 1920s. largely because they maintained separate areas of influence. and Tanzania) rather than in Khartoum. the practice of Arab customs. many northerners regarded them as tools of British imperialism. Finally. a Roman Catholic religious order that had established southern missions before the Mahdiyah. The colonial administration. The earliest Christian missionaries were the Verona Fathers. The government eventually subsidized the mission schools that educated southerners. Uganda. reinforced this separate development policy. The period's "closed door" ordinances. British authorities treated the three southern provinces as a separate region. thereby severing the south's last economic contacts with the north. There was no competition among these missions. detached the south from the rest of Sudan for all practical purposes. the British gradually replaced Arab administrators and expelled Arab merchants. The few southerners who received higher training attended schools in British East Africa (present-day Kenya. The colonial administration also discouraged the spread of Islam. Moreover.

the south's economic development suffered because of the region's isolation. Sudanese nationalism. . Those individuals who served in the southern provinces tended to be military officers with previous Africa experience on secondment to the colonial service. a continual struggle went on between British officials in the north and south. Nationalists opposed indirect rule and advocated a centralized national government in Khartoum responsible for both regions. By contrast. Nationalists also perceived Britain's southern policy as artificially dividing Sudan and preventing its unification under an arabized and Islamic ruling class. They usually were distrustful of Arab influence and were committed to keeping the south under British control. was an Arab and Muslim phenomenon with its support base in the northern provinces. Whereas northern provincial governors conferred regularly as a group with the governor general in Khartoum. Although potentially a rich agricultural zone. Rise of Sudanese Nationalism. as those in the former resisted recommendations that northern resources be diverted to spur southern economic development. their three southern colleagues met to coordinate activities with the governors of the British East African colonies. Personality clashes between officials in the two branches in the Sudan Political Service also impeded the south's growth. as it developed after World War I.were to be considered a people distinct from northern Muslims and that the region should be prepared for eventual integration with British East Africa. Moreover. officials in the northern provinces tended to be Arabists often drawn from the diplomatic and consular service.

Ali Abd al Latif's arrest and subsequent exile in Egypt sparked a mutiny by a Sudanese army battalion. The Mahdi's son. the British regarded their role as the protection of the Sudanese from Egyptian domination. Although they settled most of their differences in the 1936 Treaty of Alliance. The nationalists feared that the eventual result of friction between the condominium powers might be the attachment of northern Sudan to Egypt and southern Sudan to Uganda and Kenya. Three years later. the suppression of which succeeded in temporarily crippling the nationalist movement. . a non-Arab led Sudan's first modern nationalist movement. however. Britain and Egypt failed to agree on Sudan's future status. Nationalists and religious leaders were divided on the issue of whether Sudan should apply for independence or for union with Egypt. nationalism reemerged in Sudan. Educated Sudanese wanted to restrict the governor general's power and to obtain Sudanese participation in the council's deliberations. Ali Abd al Latif's movement. a Muslim Dinka and former army officer. However. reconstituted as the White Flag League. In 1921 Ali Abd al Latif. which set a timetable for the end of British military occupation. Moreover. founded the United Tribes Society that called for an independent Sudan in which power would be shared by tribal and religious leaders. Ironically. Neither Britain nor Egypt would agree to a modification. organized demonstrations in Khartoum that took advantage of the unrest that followed Stack's assassination. any change in government required a change in the condominium agreement. In the 1930s.

the SDF prevented a further advance on Port Sudan. the SDF assumed the mission of guarding Sudan's frontier with Italian East Africa (present-day Ethiopia). The moderates favored Sudanese independence in cooperation with Britain and together with the Ansar established the Umma Party. The Road to Independence. Later. the condominium government made a number of significant changes. and an increase in the number of . In 1942 the Graduates' General Conference. However. Coalitions supported by each of these leaders formed rival wings of the nationalist movement. who favored union with Egypt. the Khatmiyyah leader. a quasi-nationalist movement formed by educated Sudanese. In the immediate postwar years. later renamed the National Unionist Party (NUP).000 troops. In January 1941. radical nationalists and the Khatmiyyah created the Ashigga. an end to the separate curriculum in southern schools. Some Sudanese units later contributed to the British Eighth Army's North Africa victory. During the summer of 1940. Italian forces invaded Sudan at several points and captured Kassala. retook Kassala and participated in the British offensive that routed the Italians in Eritrea and liberated Ethiopia. to advance the cause of Sudanese-Egyptian unification. expanded to 20.Abd ar Rahman al Mahdi. the SDF. As World War II approached. presented the government with a memorandum that demanded a pledge of self-determination after the war to be preceded by abolition of the "closed door" ordinances. emerged as a spokesman for independence in opposition to Ali al Mirghani.

pro-independence groups dominated the Legislative Assembly. The pro-Egyptian NUP boycotted the 1948 Legislative Assembly elections. which remained in the British governor general's hands. In 1948. which demanded recognition of Egyptian sovereignty over Sudan. Faruk. Colonel Muhammad Naguib broke the deadlock on the problem of Egyptian sovereignty over Sudan. Cairo previously had linked discussions on Sudan's status to an agreement on the evacuation of British troops from the Suez .Sudanese in the civil service. The legislators then enacted a constitution that provided for a prime minister and council of ministers responsible to a bicameral parliament. As a result. Cairo. king of Sudan. The new Sudanese government would have responsibility in all areas except military and foreign affairs. The governor general refused to accept the memorandum but agreed to a governmentsupervised transformation of indirect rule into a modernized system of local government. Sir Douglas Newbold. governor of Kurdufan Province in the 1930s and later the executive council's civil secretary. After seizing power in Egypt and overthrowing the Faruk monarchy in late 1952. over Egyptian objections. advised the establishment of parliamentary government and the administrative unification of north and south. repudiated the condominium agreement in protest and declared its reigning monarch. Britain authorized the partially elected consultative Legislative Assembly representing both regions to supersede the advisory executive council. In 1952 leaders of the Umma-dominated legislature negotiated the Self- Determination Agreement with Britain.

and allow southerners to seek employment in the north. In February 1953. In 1946 the Sudan Administrative Conference determined that Sudan should be administered as one country. abolish the trade restrictions imposed under the "closed door" ordinances. Britain also had become more sensitive to Arab criticism of the southern policy. which had called for an eventual union with Egypt. The South and the Unity of Sudan. At the end of this period. British and Egyptian troops would withdraw from Sudan. the Sudanese would decide their future status in a plebiscite conducted under international supervision. Naguib's concession seemed justified when parliamentary elections held at the end of 1952 gave a majority to the pro-Egyptian NUP. Naguib separated the two issues and accepted the right of Sudanese self- determination. a new government emerged under NUP leader Ismail al Azhari. the conference delegates agreed to readmit northern administrators to southern posts. During World War II. Moreover. which allowed for a three-year transition period from condominium rule to self-government. London and Cairo signed an Anglo-Egyptian accord. In January 1954. During the transition phase. Some southern British colonial officials responded to the Sudan Administrative Conference by charging that northern agitation had influenced the . some British colonial officers questioned the economic and political viability of the southern provinces as separate from northern Sudan.Canal. Khartoum also nullified the prohibition against Muslim proselytizing in the south and introduced Arabic in the south as the official administration language.

the southern elite abandoned hope of a peaceful. only four of whom were southerners. The hostility of southerners toward the northern Arab majority surfaced violently when southern army units mutinied in August 1955 to protest their transfer to garrisons under northern officers. and merchants. which deprived most of the few educated English-speaking southerners of the opportunity to enter public service. army officers.conferees and that no voice had been heard at the conference in support of retaining the separate development policy. an increasing number of southerners expressed concern that northerners would overwhelm them. Khartoum therefore convened a conference at Juba to allay the fears of southern leaders and British officials in the south and to assure them that a postindependence government would safeguard southern political and cultural rights. The government quickly suppressed the revolt and eventually executed seventy southerners for sedition. independent Sudan. unified. These British officers argued that northern domination of the south would result in a southern rebellion against the government. including government officials. Despite these promises. After the government replaced several hundred colonial officials with Sudanese. In particular. They also felt threatened by the replacement of trusted British district commissioners with unsympathetic northerners. But this harsh reaction failed to pacify . The rebellious troops killed several hundred northerners. they resented the imposition of Arabic as the official language of administration.

hoping to promote unity with Egypt. On December 19. who had been the major spokesman for the "unity of the Nile Valley. unanimously adopted a declaration of independence. 1955. under Azhari's leadership. 1956. the Sudanese parliament. The Politics of Independence Sudan achieved independence without the rival political parties having agreed on the form and content of a permanent constitution. Although his pro-Egyptian NUP had won a majority in the 1953 parliamentary elections. As a result. Sudan became an independent republic. as some of the mutineers escaped to remote areas and organized resistance to the Arab-dominated government of Sudan. which replaced the governor general as head of state with a five- member Supreme Commission that was elected by a parliament composed of an indirectly elected Senate and a popularly elected House of Representatives. ." reversed the NUP's stand and supported Sudanese independence. Azhari realized that popular opinion had shifted against union with Egypt. the Constituent Assembly adopted a document known as the Transitional Constitution. Instead. Azhari called for the withdrawal of foreign troops and requested the condominium powers to sponsor a plebiscite in advance of the scheduled date.the south. The Transitional Constitution also allocated executive power to the prime minister. on January 1. INDEPENDENT SUDAN. Azhari. The Azhari government temporarily halted progress toward self-determination for Sudan.

Khartoum needed foreign economic and technical assistance. it retained those who could not be replaced. Khartoum achieved this transformation quickly and with a minimum of turbulence. although southerners resented the replacement of British administrators in the south with northern Sudanese. Sudan inherited many problems from the condominium. Conversations between the two governments had begun in mid-1957. Chief among these was the status of the civil service. and transportation sectors. and the parliament ratified a United States aid agreement in July 1958. Although determined to resist what they perceived to be Arab imperialism. where they hoped to win constitutional concessions. Although it achieved independence without conflict. mostly technicians and teachers. Washington hoped this agreement would reduce Sudan's excessive reliance on a one-crop (cotton) economy and would facilitate .who was nominated by the House of Representatives and confirmed in office by the Supreme Commission. economic. The parliamentary regime introduced plans to expand the country's education. many southern leaders concentrated their efforts in Khartoum. they were opposed to violence. to which the United States made an early commitment. To achieve these goals. The government placed Sudanese in the administration and provided compensation and pensions for British officers of the Sudan Political Service who left the country. To advance their interests. Most southern representatives supported provincial autonomy and warned that failure to win legal concessions would drive the south to rebellion.

however. objected to this strategy because it promoted . but he alienated the Khatmiyyah by supporting increasingly secular government policies. and improving relations with Egypt. This downturn depleted Sudan's reserves and caused unrest over government-imposed economic restrictions. Strains within the Umma-PDP coalition hampered the government's ability to make progress on these matters. The Umma and the PDP combined in parliament to bring down the Azhari government. In June some Khatmiyyah members who had defected from the NUP established the People's Democratic Party (PDP) under Mirghani's leadership. With support from the two parties and backing from the Ansar and the Khatmiyyah. wanted the proposed constitution to institute a presidential form of government on the assumption that Abd ar Rahman al Mahdi would be elected the first president. for example. To overcome these problems and finance future development projects. The Umma. the Umma called for greater reliance on foreign aid. A poor cotton harvest followed the 1957 bumper cotton crop. stabilizing the south. Consensus was lacking about the country's economic future. which Sudan had been unable to sell at a good price in a glutted market. Abd Allah Khalil put together a coalition government. The PDP. encouraging economic development. The prime minister formed a coalition government in February 1956. Major issues confronting Khalil's coalition government included winning agreement on a permanent constitution.the development of the country's transportation and communications infrastructure.

The NUP. won nearly one-quarter of the seats. As a result. The PDP's philosophy reflected the Arab nationalism espoused by Gamal Abdul Nasser. the Umma-PDP coalition lasted for the remaining year of the parliament's tenure.unacceptable foreign influence in Sudan. factionalism. After the new parliament convened. after the parliament adjourned. largely from urban centers and from Gezira Scheme agricultural workers. The electorate gave a plurality in both houses to the Umma and an overall majority to the Umma-PDP coalition. Unfortunately. In the south. Khalil again formed an Umma-PDP coalition government. the vote represented a rejection of the men who had cooperated with the government--voters defeated all three southerners in the preelection cabinet--and a victory for advocates of autonomy within a federal system. Resentment against the government's taking over mission schools and against the measures used in suppressing the 1955 mutiny contributed to the election of several candidates who had been implicated in the rebellion. who had replaced Egyptian leader Naguib in 1954. the two parties promised to maintain a common front for the 1958 elections. however. the Umma-PDP coalition failed to exercise effective leadership. . Moreover. and vote fraud dominated parliamentary deliberations at a time when the country needed decisive action with regard to the proposed constitution and the future of the south. corruption. Despite these policy differences.

Moreover. the commodity from which Sudan derived most of its income. he discovered that the NUP wanted to use the issue to defeat the Umma-PDP coalition and that many PDP delegates opposed the agreement. When he presented the pact to parliament for ratification. Nevertheless. rural northerners also suffered from an embargo that Egypt placed on imports of cattle. Restrictions on imports imposed to take pressure off depleted foreign exchange reserves caused consternation among town dwellers who had become accustomed to buying foreign goods. Growing popular discontent caused many antigovernment demonstrations in Khartoum. and dates from Sudan. the Umma. coupled with the government's inability to resolve Sudan's many social. political. increased popular disillusion with democratic government. reports circulated in Khartoum that the Umma and the NUP were near agreement on a new coalition that would exclude the PDP and Khalil. Another issue that divided the parliament concerned SudaneseUnited States relations. . In March 1958. Factionalism and bribery in parliament. with the support of some PDP and southern delegates. and economic problems. managed to obtain approval of the agreement. Egypt also criticized Khalil and suggested that it might support a coup against his government. This policy resulted in low sales of cotton. Meanwhile. Specific complaints included Khartoum's decision to sell cotton at a price above world market prices. Khalil signed a technical assistance agreement with the United States. camels.

Abbud maintained. The Abbud Military Government. a military coup occurred. who became leaders of the military regime. Abbud belonged to the Khatmiyyah. himself a retired army general. that political parties only served as vehicles for personal ambitions and that they would not be reestablished when civilian rule was restored. the Ansar were the stronger of the two groups in the government. planned the preemptive coup in conjunction with leading Umma members and the army's two senior generals. On November 17. however. Khalil. The regime benefited during its first year in office from successful marketing of the cotton crop. whereas Abd al Wahab was a member of the Ansar. including the long-standing problem of the status of the Nile River. 1958. 1958-64. Abbud also profited from the settlement of the Nile waters dispute with Egypt and the improvement of relations between the two countries. He also appointed a constitutional commission. the day parliament was to convene. Until Abd al Wahab's removal in March 1959. the influence of the Ansar and the . Under the military regime. Abbud immediately pledged to resolve all disputes with Egypt. Abbud abandoned the previous government's unrealistic policies regarding the sale of cotton. This body contained officers affiliated with the Ansar and the Khatmiyyah. to draft a permanent constitution. headed by the chief justice. Abbud created the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to rule Sudan. The coup removed political decision making from the control of the civilian politicians. Ibrahim Abbud and Ahmad Abd al Wahab.

The government suppressed expressions of religious and cultural differences and bolstered attempts to arabize society. His son and successor.Khatmiyyah lessened. Southern leaders had . and to gain the army's support created an atmosphere that encouraged political turbulence. Despite the Abbud regime's early successes. failed to enjoy the respect accorded his father. the younger Sadiq al Mahdi. for example. The strongest religious leader. to launch a credible economic and social development program. In particular. discontent in the military continued to hamper the government's performance. which supported the attempted coups. Imam Al Hadi al Mahdi. gained a reputation as an effective antigovernment organization. In 1959 dissident military officers made three attempts to displace the Abbud government and to establish a "popular government. In February 1964. He then closed parliament to cut off outlets for southern complaints. Abd ar Rahman al Mahdi. To compound its problems. and his son. Ansar religious and political leadership divided between his brother." Although the courts sentenced the leaders of these attempted coups to life imprisonment. the Abbud regime lacked dynamism and the ability to stabilize the country. the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP). opposition elements remained powerful. Abbud ordered the mass explusion of foreign missionaries from the south. Abbud's southern policy proved to be his undoing. died in early 1959. When Sadiq died two years later. the elder Sadiq al Mahdi. Its failure to place capable civilian advisers in positions of authority.

as prime minister to head a transitional government. Along with some former politicians. Return to Civilian Rule. However. tried to end political factionalism by establishing a coalition . which operated under the 1956 Transitional Constitution. 1964-69. Abbud dissolved the government and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The so-called October Revolution of 1964 centered around a general strike that spread throughout the country. brought a reaction not only from teachers and students but also from Khartoum's civil servants and trade unionists. The rebellion was spearheaded from 1963 by guerrilla forces known as the Anya Nya (the name of a poisonous concoction). which were centered in the University of Khartoum. Sirr al Khatim al Khalifa. Government attempts to silence these protests. After several days of rioting that resulted in many deaths. UNF leaders and army commanders who planned the transition from military to civilian rule selected a nonpolitical senior civil servant. the Abbud regime asked the civilian sector to submit proposals for a solution to the southern problem.renewed in 1963 the armed struggle against the Sudanese government that had continued sporadically since 1955. Strike leaders identified themselves as the National Front for Professionals. which made contact with dissident army officers. The new civilian regime. they formed the leftist United National Front (UNF). criticism of government policy quickly went beyond the southern issue and included Abbud's handling of other problems. Recognizing its inability to quell growing southern discontent. such as the economy and education.

Exiled SANU leaders balked at Deng's moderate approach and formed the Azania Liberation Front based in Kampala. SANU remained active in parliament for the next four years as a voice for southern regional autonomy within a unified state. Eventually two political parties emerged to represent the south. because of their divisiveness during the Abbud regime. founded in 1963 and led by William Deng and Saturino Lahure. a Roman Catholic priest.government. however. only five of fifteen posts in Khatim's cabinet went to party politicians. The Sudan African National Union (SANU). which included several communists. to operate. operated among refugee groups and guerrilla forces. including the SCP. functioned openly within the southern provinces. There was continued popular hostility to the reappearance of political parties. Deng's wing of SANU--known locally as SANU-William--and the Southern Front coalesced to take part in the parliamentary elections. The prime minister gave two positions to nonparty southerners and the remaining eight to members of the National Front for Professionals. The Southern Front. Although the new government allowed all parties. Additionally. After the collapse of government- sponsored peace conferences in 1965. Anya Nya leaders remained aloof from political movements. a mass organization led by Stanislaus Payasama that had worked underground during the Abbud regime. conflicts surfaced within Anya Nya between older leaders who had been in the bush since . The guerrillas were fragmented by ethnic and religious differences. Uganda.

who had replaced Abbud as chief of state. whereas Azhari. The Umma captured 75 out of 158 parliamentary seats while its NUP ally took 52 of the remainder. both fearful of losing votes. . The PDP and SCP.1955. and younger. Their opposition forced the government to resign. few of those elected won a majority of the votes cast. The PDP rejected this decision and boycotted the elections. wanted to postpone the elections. Apart from a low voter turnout. as did southern elements loyal to Khartoum. As a result. better educated men like Joseph Lagu. The 1965 election results were inconclusive. and the political parties split on the question of whether elections should be held in the north as scheduled or postponed until the whole country could vote. the NUP leader. largely because of his ability to get arms from Israel. The deteriorating southern security situation prevented elections from being conducted in that region. The president of the reinstated Supreme Commission. a former Sudanese army captain. became the Supreme Commission's permanent president and chief of state. directed that the elections be held wherever possible. who eventually became a strong guerrilla leader. The government scheduled national elections for March 1965 and announced that the new parliament's task would be to prepare a new constitution. The two parties formed a coalition cabinet in June headed by Umma leader Muhammad Ahmad Mahjub. however. there was a confusing overabundance of candidates on the ballots.

The Sadiq al Mahdi government. Mahjub continued in office for another eight months but resigned in July 1966 after a parliamentary vote of censure. under the Imam Al Hadi al Mahjub's spiritual leadership. closed schools. supported by a sizable parliamentary majority. especially at Juba and Waw. The traditional wing led by Mahjub. or Azhari. as president. the younger Sadiq al Mahdi. the Umma-NUP coalition collapsed because of a disagreement over whether Mahjub. Sudanese army troops also burned churches and huts. The army launched a major offensive to crush the rebellion and in the process augmented its reputation for brutality among the southerners. Sadiq al Mahdi also planned to use his personal rapport with . Many southerners reported government atrocities against civilians. Sadiq became prime minister with backing from his own Umma wing and from NUP allies. To achieve his second objective. and destroyed crops and cattle. Mahjub succeeded in having parliament approve a decree that abolished the SCP and deprived the eleven communists of their seats. sought to reduce regional disparities by organizing economic development. opposed the party's majority. In October 1965. The latter group professed loyalty to the imam's nephew. which resulted in a split in the Umma. as prime minister. The Mahjub government had two goals: progress toward solving the southern problem and the removal of communists from positions of power. should conduct Sudan's foreign relations. who was the Umma's official leader and who rejected religious sectarianism.

Despite this apparent boost in his support. When the traditionalists and the NUP withdrew . He proposed to replace the Supreme Commission with a president and a southern vice president and called for the approval of autonomy for the southern provinces. they represented an influential portion of educated public opinion. and social problems. In March 1967. Leftist student organizations and the trade unions demanded the creation of a socialist state. Although these elements lacked widespread popular support. The government subsequently arrested many communists and army personnel. a coup attempt by communists and a small army unit against the government failed. Their resentment of Sadiq increased when he refused to honor a Supreme Court ruling that overturned legislation banning the SCP and ousting communists elected to parliamentary seats. the federalist SANU ten. however. Sadiq's position in parliament had become tenuous because of concessions he promised to the south in order to bring an end to the civil war. The Sadiq al Mahdi wing of the Umma won fifteen seats.southern leaders to engineer a peace agreement with the insurgents. economic. In December 1966. The educated elite and segments of the army opposed Sadiq al Mahdi because of his gradualist approach to Sudan's political. The Umma traditionalist wing opposed Sadiq al Mahdi because of his support for constitutional guarantees of religious freedom and his refusal to declare Sudan an Islamic state. and the NUP five. the government held elections in thirty-six constituencies in pacified southern areas.

also won a seat. Thirty-six seats went to the Umma traditionalists. Mahjub therefore dissolved parliament. Mahjub became prime minister and head of a coalition government whose cabinet included members of his wing of the Umma. The coalition's program included plans for government reorganization. Sadiq lost his own seat to a traditionalist rival. However. widening divisions in the Umma threatened the survival of the Mahjub government. two governments functioned in Khartoum--one meeting in the parliament building and the other on its lawn--both of which claimed to represent the legislature's will. In December 1967. the DUP concluded an alliance with Umma traditionalists. Abd al Khaliq Mahjub. The army commander requested clarification from the Supreme Court regarding which of them had authority to issue orders. Sadiq refused to recognize the legitimacy of the prime minister's action. By early 1968. and four other cabinet posts. and .their support. In a major setback. In May 1967. Sadiq al Mahdi's wing held a majority in parliament and could thwart any government action. the PDP and the NUP formed the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) under Azhari's leadership. the government scheduled new elections for April. The SCP secretary general. Muhammad Ahmad Mahjub. The court backed Mahjub's dissolution. and twenty-five to the two southern parties--SANU and the Southern Front. As a result. Because it lacked a majority. thirty to the Sadiq wing. who received the prime ministership for their leader. no single party controlled a parliamentary majority. closer ties with the Arab world. and of the PDP. his government fell. of the NUP. Although the DUP won 101 of 218 seats.

particularly in the southern provinces. At the conspiracy's core were nine officers led by Colonel Jaafar an Nimeiri. At the same time. seized power. 1969-85. had failed to deal with the country's economic and regional problems. most of which involved army factions supported by the SCP. whom they viewed as an ally because he had ruled against the government when it attempted to outlaw the SCP. the two Umma wings agreed to support the Ansar chief Imam Al Hadi al Mahdi in the 1969 presidential election. and had left Sudan without a permanent constitution. By late 1968. calling themselves the Free Officers' Movement. He justified the coup on the grounds that civilian politicians had paralyzed the decision-making process. . technical. and economic aid from the Soviet Union. Sadiq al Mahdi's wing of the Umma formed the small parliamentary opposition. the DUP announced that Azhari also would seek the presidency. already ten years overdue. The Muhammad Ahmad Mahjub government also accepted military. 1969. Nimeiri's coup preempted plots by other groups. On May 25. or conservative religious groups. When it refused to participate in efforts to complete the draft constitution. The communists and other leftists aligned themselves behind the presidential candidacy of former Chief Justice Babikr Awadallah. Arab nationalists. the government retaliated by closing the opposition's newspaper and clamping down on pro-Sadiq demonstrations in Khartoum. several young officers. who had been implicated in plots against the Abbud regime. THE NIMEIRI ERA.renewed economic development efforts.

Despite the influence of individual . Others identified themselves as Marxists. appointed prime minister to form a new government to implement RCC policy directives. including one of the two southerners in the cabinet. and the banning of political parties. On assuming control. Awadallah. businesses. wanted to dispel the notion that the coup had installed a military dictatorship. the former chief justice who had been privy to the coup. John Garang. the abolition of all government institutions. and banks. Since the RCC lacked political and administrative experience. Nimeiri ordered the arrest of sixty-three civilian politicians and forcibly retired senior army officers. Revolutionary Command Council The coup leaders. the communists played a significant role in shaping government policies and programs. Furthermore. constituted themselves as the ten-member Revolutionary Command Council (RCC)." The RCC's first acts included the suspension of the Transitional Constitution. the RCC proclaimed the establishment of a "democratic republic" dedicated to advancing independent "Sudanese socialism. among them its chairman. The RCC also nationalized many industries. who was also defense minister. He presided over a twenty-one-member cabinet that included only three officers from the RCC. minister of supply and later minister for southern affairs. Nine members of the Awadallah regime were allegedly communists. Nimeiri. The cabinet's other military members held the portfolios for internal security and communications. which posssessed collective executive authority under Nimeiri's chairmanship. joined by Awadallah.

The government exiled Sadiq al Mahdi to Egypt. . who became head of a largely civilian government in addition to being chief of state.000 Ansar. About 3. Awadallah retained his position as RCC deputy chairman and remained in the government as foreign minister and as an important link with leftist elements. where Nasser promised to keep him under guard to prevent him from succeeding his uncle as head of the Ansar movement. Conservative forces. and an end to RCC rule.SCP members. Nimeiri. after he claimed the regime could not survive without communist assistance. the RCC claimed that its cooperation with the party was a matter of convenience. The imam had demanded a return to democratic government. Imam Al Hadi al Mahdi had withdrawn to his Aba Island stronghold (in the Nile. posed the greatest threat to the RCC. In November 1969. In March 1970. When the Ansar ignored an ultimatum to surrender. near Khartoum) in the belief that the government had decided to strike at the Ansar movement. the exclusion of communists from power. led by the Ansar. army units with air support assaulted Aba Island. hostile Ansar crowds prevented Nimeiri from visiting the island for talks with the imam. succeeded him. The imam escaped only to be killed while attempting to cross the border into Ethiopia. Fighting subsequently erupted between government forces and as many as 30.000 people died during the battle. Awadallah lost the prime ministership.

The SCP. demanded a popular front government with communists participating as equal partners. led by party secretary general Abd al Khaliq Mahjub. After this speech. Nimeiri placed him under house arrest. After neutralizing this conservative opposition. Before further action could be taken against the party. would be placed under government control. including the SCP. This strategy prompted an internal debate within the SCP. He ordered the deportation of Abd al Khaliq Mahjub. Nimeiri moved against the SCP. Soon after the army had crushed the Ansar at Aba Island. 1971. which would assume control of all political parties. Nimeiri announced the planned formation of a national political movement called the Sudan Socialist Union (SSU). The RCC also banned communistaffiliated student. Major Hisham al Atta. The coup occurred on July 19. The National Communist wing. women's. Additionally. Then. The orthodox wing. surprised Nimeiri and the RCC meeting in . when the SCP secretary general returned to Sudan illegally after several months abroad. when one of the plotters. a traditional communist stronghold. the SCP launched a coup against Nimeiri. supported cooperation with the government. retained a covert organization that was not damaged in the sweep. on the other hand. In March 1971. the RCC concentrated on consolidating its political organization to phase out communist participation in the government. however. Nimeiri indicated that trade unions. and professional organizations. the government arrested the SCP's central committee and other leading communists.

Three days after the coup. the war had resulted in the deaths of about 500. described Sudan as a "socialist democracy" and provided for a presidential form of government to replace the RCC.000 people. however. the Equatoria Corps.the presidential palace and seized them along with a number of proNimeiri officers. . The Southern Problem. ordered the arrest of hundreds of communists and dissident military officers. in which communists ranked prominently. to serve as the national government. Several hundred thousand more southerners hid in the forests or escaped to refugee camps in neighboring countries. On August 18. A plebiscite the following month elected Nimeiri to a six-year term as president. rescued Nimeiri. published in August 1971. The government subsequently executed some of these individuals and imprisoned many others. marking the beginning of the first war in southern Sudan. mutinied at Torit. loyal army units stormed the palace. and arrested Atta and his confederates. By the late 1960s. Having survived the SCP-inspired coup. 1955. Nimeiri. The origins of the civil war in the south date back to the 1950s. a military unit composed of southerners. A provisional constitution. Nimeiri reaffirmed his commitment to establishing a socialist state. many mutineers disappeared into hiding with their weapons. who blamed the SCP for the coup. Atta named a seven-member revolutionary council. Rather than surrender to Sudanese government authorities.

for example. The guerrillas operated at will from remote camps. equipment. Militarily. when negotiations failed to result in a settlement.000 to 10. armored personnel carriers. Sudan obtained some Soviet-manufactured weapons from Egypt. however. the nation failed to deliver any equipment to Khartoum by May 1969. Government operations against the rebels declined after the 1969 coup.000 in 1969. By 1969 the rebels had developed foreign contacts to obtain weapons and supplies. trained Anya Nya recruits and shipped weapons via Ethiopia and Uganda to the rebels. Israel. Western Europe. Khartoum increased troop strength in the south to about 12. and aircraft. Although the Soviet Union had concluded a US$100 million to US$150 million arms agreement with Sudan in August 1968. and . By the end of 1969. Anya Nya also purchased arms from Congolese rebels and international arms dealers with monies collected in the south and from among southern Sudanese exile communities in the Middle East. Estimates of Anya Nya personnel strength ranged from 5. sixteen MiG-21s. most of which went to the Sudanese air force. However.000. the Soviet Union had shipped unknown quantities of 85mm antiaircraft guns. However. and North America. During this period. and supplies from government troops. Anya Nya controlled much of the southern countryside while government forces occupied the region's major towns. The rebels also captured arms. and intensified military activity throughout the region. which included T-55 tanks. rebel units were too small and scattered to be highly effective in any single area.

with Lagu at its head. Although the SSLM created a governing infrastructure throughout many areas of southern Sudan. Eventually. In 1971 Joseph Lagu. By October 1971.five Antonov-24 transport aircraft. Ethiopia. Over the next two years. the Soviet Union delivered an impressive array of equipment to Sudan. who had become the leader of southern forces opposed to Khartoum. Anya Nya leaders united behind him. The Addis Ababa accords guaranteed autonomy for a southern region-- composed of the three provinces of Equatoria (present-day Al Istiwai). Nimeiri remained committed to ending the southern insurgency. real power remained with Anya Nya. Initially. Khartoum had established contact with the SSLM. He believed he could stop the fighting and stabilize the region by granting regional selfgovernment and undertaking economic development in the south. the two sides were far apart. however. reached an agreement. T-55. Despite his political problems. and BTR-40 and BTR-152 light armored vehicles. in February 1972. After considerable consultation. the two sides. proclaimed the creation of the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM). a conference between SSLM and Sudanese government delegations convened at Addis Ababa. T56 . and nearly all exiled southern politicians supported the SSLM. with the help of Ethiopia's Emperor Haile Selassie. the southerners demanding a federal state with a separate southern government and an army that would come under the federal president's command only in response to an external threat to Sudan. including T-54. and T-59 tanks. Bahr al .

Khartoum also announced an amnesty.Ghazal. Nimeiri attempted to mend fences with northern Muslim religious groups. The High Executive Council or cabinet named by the regional president would be responsible for all aspects of government in the region except such areas as defense. The . 1972. including qualified Anya Nya veterans. would be incorporated into a 12. Lagu approved its terms and both sides agreed to a cease-fire. authority over which would be retained by the national government in which southerners would be represented. The accords also recognized Arabic as Sudan's official language. economic and social planning. and English as the south's principal language.000-man southern command of the Sudanese army under equal numbers of northern and southern officers. which would be used in administration and would be taught in the schools. Although many SSLM leaders opposed the settlement. foreign affairs. After the settlement in the south. which was thereafter celebrated as National Unity Day. The two sides signed the Addis Ababa accords on March 27. and Upper Nile (present-day Aali an Nil)--under a regional president appointed by the national president on the recommendation of an elected Southern Regional Assembly. Southerners. The national government issued a decree legalizing the agreement and creating an international armistice commission to ensure the well-being of returning southern refugees. currency and finance. retroactive to 1955. Political Developments. and interregional concerns.

a reconciliation with conservative groups. In May 1973. . Khartoum also reaffirmed Islam's special position in the country. the Constitutent Assembly promulgated a draft constitution. and the president appointed the remaining 25. the constitution admitted Christianity as the faith of a large number of Sudanese citizens. Nimeiri sought to consolidate his position by creating a Constituent Assembly to draft a permanent constitution. eluded Nimeiri. recognized the sharia as the source of all legislation. In August 1972. SSU-affiliated occupational and professional groups named 100. Although it cited Islam as Sudan's official religion. popular with the Ansar.government undertook administrative decentralization. voters selected 125 members for the assembly. In May 1974. recognized the SSU as the only authorized political organization. The constitution also stipulated that voters were to choose members for the 250-seat People's Assembly from an SSU-approved slate. and supported regional autonomy for the south. that favored rural over urban areas. where leftist activism was most evident. However. and released some members of religious orders who had been incarcerated. which had organized outside Sudan under Sadiq al Mahdi's leadership and were later known as the National Front. This document provided for a continuation of presidential government. He then asked for the government's resignation to allow him to appoint a cabinet whose members were drawn from the Constituent Assembly. Nimeiri excluded individuals who had opposed the southern settlement or who had been identified with the SSU's pro- Egyptian faction.

an Islamic activist movement. Nimeiri also replaced some cabinet members with military personnel loyal to him. and arranged for a conference between Nimeiri and Sadiq al Mahdi in Port Sudan. In 1973 and 1974 there were unsuccessful coup attempts against Nimeiri. Conservative opposition to Nimeiri coalesced in the National Front. including many prominent religious leaders. Discontent with Nimeiri's policies and the increased military role in government escalated as a result of food shortages and the southern settlement. Following the 1976 coup attempt. The National Front included people from Sadiq's wing of Umma. government officials met with the National Front in London. then the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood. purging the SSU. the NUP. which many Muslim conservatives regarded as surrender. formed in 1974. In September 1974. and arresting large numbers of dissidents. In what became known as the "national reconciliation. Nimeiri and his opponents adopted more conciliatory policies. Their activity crystallized in a July 1976 Ansar-inspired coup attempt. Muslims and leftist students also staged strikes against the government." the two leaders signed an eight-point agreement that readmitted the opposition to national life in return for the dissolution of the . Government soldiers quickly restored order by killing more than 700 rebels in Khartoum and arresting scores of dissidents. Despite this unrest. Nimeiri responded to this unrest by declaring a state of emergency. in 1977 Sudanese voters reelected Nimeiri for a second six-year term as president. In early 1977. and the Islamic Charter Front. National Reconciliation.

the government released about 1. However. The agreement also restored civil liberties. cast increasing doubt on Nimeiri's ability to govern Sudan. As a result. The end of the SSU's political monopoly. Nimeiri authorized returning exiles who had been associated with the old Umma Party. The SSU also admitted former supporters of the National Front to its ranks. The first test of national reconciliation occurred during the February 1978 People's Assembly elections. coupled with rampant corruption at all levels of government. the DUP. These independents won 140 of 304 seats. Sadiq renounced multiparty politics and urged his followers to work within the regime's one-party system.000 detainees and granted an amnesty to Sadiq al Mahdi. an increasing number of assembly deputies used their offices to advance personal rather than national interests. the People's Assembly elections marked the beginning of further political decline. To preserve his regime. and promised to reform local government. As a result of the reconciliation. He ordered the State Security Organisation to imprison without trial . The SSU's failure to sponsor official candidates weakened party discipline and prompted many assembly deputies who also were SSU members to claim that the party had betrayed them. Nimeiri adopted a more dictatorial leadership style.National Front. leading many observers to applaud Nimeiri's efforts to democratize Sudan's political system. and the Muslim Brotherhood to stand for election as independent candidates. reaffirmed Sudan's nonaligned foreign policy. freed political prisoners.

On June 5. Demonstrators opposed rising food. gasoline. and Aali an Nil. the security situation in the south had deteriorated so much that by the end of 1983 it amounted to a resumption of the civil war. which emerged in mid-1983. unsuccessfully opposed this redivision and called for the creation of a new united Sudan. who was on a visit to the . Nimeiri also dismissed or transferred any minister or senior military officer who appeared to be developing his own power base. he had suspended the Southern Regional Assembly almost two years earlier. Nimeiri's decrees. Nimeiri selected replacements based on their loyalty to him rather than on their abilities. This strategy caused the president to lose touch with popular feeling and the country's deteriorated political situation. were bitterly resented both by secularized Muslims and by the predominantly non-Muslim southerners. in September 1983 Nimeiri proclaimed the sharia as the basis of the Sudanese legal system. Nimeiri sought to counter the south's growing political power by redividing the Southern Region into the three old provinces of Bahr al Ghazal. Al Istiwai. The general strike paralyzed the country. the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA). Meanwhile. 1983. antigovernment discontent resulted in a general strike in Khartoum.thousands of opponents and dissidents. Nimeiri. and transport costs. which became known as the September Laws. In early 1985. The SPLM denounced the sharia and the executions and amputations ordered by religious courts. Within a few months. The southern-based Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and its military wing.

and released hundreds of political detainees from Kober Prison. Three days later. overthrew Nimeiri. the introduction throughout the country of the sharia. and establish national unity. was unable to suppress the rapidly growing demonstrations against his regime. Sudan's economy was in shambles. who took refuge in Egypt. a group of military officers. Dhahab authorized the creation of a fifteen-man Transitional Military Council (TMC) to rule Sudan. the TMC suspended the constitution. On April 6. led by Lieutenant General Abd ar Rahman Siwar adh Dhahab. THE TRANSITIONAL MILITARY COUNCIL. it soon became evident that Dhahab lacked the skills to resolve Sudan's economic problems. Agricultural and industrial projects funded by the International Monetary Fund ( IMF) and the World Bank remained in the planning stages. restore peace to the south. and the parliament and regional assemblies. dissolved the SSU. and growing economic problems eventually contributed to Nimeiri's downfall. The combination of the south's redivision.United States. During its first few weeks in power. Most factories operated at less . the renewed civil war. The general populace welcomed and supported the new regime. 1985. Despite the TMC's energetic beginning. the secret police. dismissed regional governors and their ministers. Dhahab also promised to negotiate an end to the southern civil war and to relinquish power to a civilian government in twelve months. By the time Dhahab seized power. The country's international debt was approximately US$9 billion.

than 50 percent of capacity. in February 1986. Dhahab adopted a conciliatory approach toward the south. The TMC recognized the need for special development efforts in the south and proposed a national conference to review the southern problem. the IMF. which influenced nearly all bilateral and multilateral donors. Among other things. Although he appealed to forty donor and relief agencies for emergency food shipments. . which constituted the major drain on Sudan's limited resources. famine threatened vast areas of southern and western Sudan. However. The TMC lacked a realistic strategy to resolve these problems.3 billion investment. he declared a unilateral cease-fire. Shortly after taking power. Dhahab's refusal to repeal the sharia negated these overtures and convinced SPLM leader Garang that the Sudanese government still wanted to subjugate the south. called for direct talks with the SPLM. and offered an amnesty to rebel fighters.000 lives. He also failed to end hostilities in the south. The Dhahab government refused to accept IMF economic austerity measures. Dhahab was unable to prevent famine from claiming an estimated 400. Efforts to attract a US$6 billion twenty- five. Moreover.year investment from the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development failed when Sudan mismanaged an initial US$2. A rapid expansion of the money supply and the TMC's inability to control prices caused a soaring inflation rate. declared Sudan bankrupt. while agricultural output had dropped by 50 percent since 1960. As a result.000 to 500.

Sudan remained a divided nation. All major political parties and organizations. To avoid a confrontation with the DUP and the NIF. Bahr al Ghazal. The TMC's greatest failure concerned its inability to form a national political consensus. negotiations between the TMC and the Alliance of Professional and Trade Unions resulted in the establishment of a civilian cabinet under the direction of Dr. with the exception of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the National Islamic Front (NIF). the cabinet failed to win the loyalty of most southerners." The declaration also demanded the repeal of the sharia and the opening of a constitutional conference. especially in Aali an Nil. supported the Koka Dam Declaration. Despite this gulf. the SPLA kept up the military pressure on the Sudanese government. In late April 1985. Dhahab decided to leave the sharia question to the new civilian government. Gazuli Dafalla. Meanwhile. The cabinet. devoted itself to conducting the government's daily business and to preparing for the election. . which was subordinate to the TMC. In March 1986. sectarianism and all causes of discrimination and disparity. As a result. and Al Istiwai provinces. the Sudanese government and the SPLM produced the Koka Dam Declaration. who believed the TMC only reflected the policies of the deposed Nimeiri. Although it contained three southerners who belonged to the newly formed Southern Sudanese Political Association. both sides continued to work for a peaceful resolution of the southern problem. tribalism. which called for a Sudan "free from racism.

which was led after the April 1985 uprising by Khatmiyyah leader Muhammad Uthman al Mirghani. The Umma Party. gained sixty-four seats. and the Red Sea Hills won lesser numbers of seats. which the authorities spread over a twelve-day period and postponed in thirty-seven southern constituencies because of the civil war. The Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) and other radical parties failed to score any significant victories. Dr. headed by Sadiq al Mahdi. Dhahab sanctioned the promised April 1986 general election. After sixteen years of one-party rule. The political parties ranged from those committed to revolutionary socialism to those that supported Islamism. Hassan Abd Allah at Turabi's NIF obtained fifty-one seats. won ninety-nine seats. However. policy disagreements over the sharia. In this troubled atmosphere. and the country's future direction contributed to the confusion that characterized Sudan's national politics. Of these latter. the NIF had succeeded the Islamic Charter Front as the main vehicle for the Muslim Brotherhood's political aspirations. the Nuba Mountains. In the aftermath of Nimeiri's overthrow. approximately forty political parties registered with the TMC and announced their intention to participate in national politics. The DUP. Regional political parties from the south. the southern civil war. The other factor that prevented the emergence of a national political consensus concerned party factionalism. most Sudanese favored the revival of the multiparty system. .

the DUP. Sadiq proved to be a weak leader and incapable of governing Sudan. Instead of removing the ministers who had been associated with the failures of the first coalition government. As a result. After less than a year in office. and four southern parties. In June 1986. reach an agreement with the IMF. Sadiq al Mahdi retained thirteen of them. Sadiq al Mahdi formed a coalition government with the Umma. or devise a scheme to attract remittances from Sudanese expatriates. Sadiq and DUP leader Mirghani signed an inadequate memorandum of understanding that fixed the new government's priorities as affirming the application of the sharia to Muslims. the NIF. the memorandum directed the government to remove Nimeiri's name from all institutions and dismiss all officials appointed by Nimeiri to serve in international and regional organizations. corruption. consolidating the Islamic banking system. antigovernment elements criticized the memorandum for not mentioning the civil war. and changing the national flag and national emblem. many Sudanese rejected the second coalition government as being a replica of the first. famine. As expected. To retain the support of the DUP and the southern political parties. of whom eleven kept their previous portfolios. Sadiq formed another ineffective coalition government. scandals. . or the country's disintegrating social and economic conditions. Sadiq al Mahdi dismissed the government because it had failed to draft a new penal code to replace the sharia. Unfortunately. SADIQ AL MAHDI. Furthermore. personal rivalries. and political instability characterized the Sadiq regime. To make matters worse. however. Party factionalism. end the civil war in the south.

Because of the endless debate over these issues. the DUP brought down the government because Sadiq al Mahdi opposed the appointment of a DUP member. 1988. the NIF refused to join a coalition government that included leftist elements. it was not until May 15. the NIF. another more explosive political issue emerged when Mirghani and the SPLM signed an agreement in Addis Ababa that included . and the NIF's opposition to the replacement of senior military officers and the chief of staff of the executive branch. Members of this coalition included the Umma. the inability to establish criteria for the selection of regional governors. During this period. Sadiq moved closer to the NIF. to the Supreme Commission. and the continuation of the Constituent Assembly. and some southern parties. In August 1987. Major disagreements included the NIF's demand that it be given the post of commissioner of Khartoum. In November 1988. the coalition quickly disintegrated because of political bickering among its members. Moreover. the DUP. the lifting of the state of emergency reimposed in July 1987. However. however. Sadiq and Mirghani failed to agree on the composition of another coalition government. Turabi indicated that the formation of a coalition government would depend on numerous factors. the most important of which were the resignation or dismissal of those serving in senior positions in the central and regional governments. For the next nine months. that a new coalition government emerged headed by Sadiq al Mahdi. As in the past. Ahmad as Sayid.

On March 11. The new coalition had included the Umma. the DUP. Sadiq al Mahdi responded to this pressure by dissolving the government. and the abolition of all foreign political and military pacts. The two sides also proposed to convene a constitutional conference to decide Sudan's political future. Colonel (later Lieutenant General) Umar Hassan Ahmad al Bashir overthrew Sadiq and established the Revolutionary Command Council for National Salvation to rule Sudan. Bashir's commitment to imposing the sharia on the non-Muslim south and to seeking a military victory over the SPLA. 1989. the lifting of the state of emergency. and representatives of southern parties and the trade unions. signed by 150 senior military officers. The NIF opposed this agreement because of its stand on the sharia. the DUP withdrew from the coalition. reduce the government's international debt. Sadiq claimed his new government was committed to ending the southern civil war by implementing the November 1988 DUP-SPLM agreement. 1989. Sadiq's inability to live up to these promises eventually caused his downfall. . When the government refused to support the agreement. the freezing of the sharia. however. The NIF refused to join the coalition because it was not committed to enforcing the sharia. He also promised to mobilize government resources to bring food relief to famine areas. to Sadiq al Mahdi demanding that he make the coalition government more representative and that he announce terms for ending the civil war.provisions for a cease-fire. On June 30. Shortly thereafter armed forces commander in chief Lieutenant General Fathi Ahmad Ali presented an ultimatum. and build a national political consensus.

seemed likely to keep the country divided for the foreseeable future and hamper

resolution of the same problems faced by Sadiq al Mahdi. Moreover, the

emergence of the NIF as a political force made compromise with the south more



Sudan is Africa's

largest country, embracing

2,505,813 square kilometers

of northeast and central

Africa. It consists of a huge

plain bordered on three sides

by mountains: to the east the

Red Sea Hills, to the west

Jabal Marrah, and on the

southern frontier the Didinga

Hills and the Dongotona and

Imatong mountains. Jutting up abruptly in the south-central region of this vast

plain are the isolated Nuba Mountains and Ingessana Hills, and far to the

southeast, the lone Boma Plateau near the Ethiopian border. Spanning eighteen

degrees of latitude, the plain of the Sudan includes from north to south significant

regions with distinctive characters--northern Sudan, western Sudan, the central

clay plains, eastern Sudan, the southern clay plains, and the Jabal Hadid, or

Ironstone Plateau, and southern hill masses.

Northern Sudan, lying between the Egyptian border and Khartoum, has

two distinct parts, the desert and the Nile Valley. To the east of the Nile lies the

Nubian Desert; to the west, the Libyan Desert. They are similar--stony, with

sandy dunes drifting over the landscape. There is virtually no rainfall in these

deserts, and in the Nubian Desert there are no oases. In the west there are a few

small watering holes, such as Bir an Natrun, where the water table reaches the

surface to form wells that provide water for nomads, caravans, and administrative

patrols, although insufficient to support an oasis and inadequate to provide for a

settled population. Flowing through the desert is the Nile Valley, whose alluvial

strip of habitable land is no more than two kilometers wide and whose

productivity depends on the annual flood.

Western Sudan is a generic term describing the regions known as Darfur

and Kurdufan that comprise 850,000 square kilometers. Traditionally, this has

been regarded as a single regional unit despite the physical differences. The

dominant feature throughout this immense area is the absence of perennial

streams; thus, people and animals must remain within reach of permanent wells.

Consequently, the population is sparse and unevenly distributed. Western Darfur

is an undulating plain dominated by the volcanic massif of Jabal Marrah towering

900 meters above the Sudanic plain; the drainage from Jabal Marrah onto the

plain can support a settled population. Western Darfur stands in stark contrast to

northern and eastern Darfur, which are semidesert with little water either from the

intermittent streams known as wadis or from wells that normally go dry during the

winter months. Northwest of Darfur and continuing into Chad lies the unusual

region called the jizzu, where sporadic winter rains generated from the

Mediterranean frequently provide excellent grazing into January or even

February. The southern region of western Sudan is known as the qoz, a land of

sand dunes that in the rainy season is characterized by a rolling mantle of grass

and has more reliable sources of water with its bore holes and hafri (sing., hafr)

than does the north. A unique feature of western Sudan is the Nuba Mountain

range of southeast Kurdufan in the center of the country, a conglomerate of

isolated dome-shaped, sugarloaf hills that ascend steeply and abruptly from the

great Sudanic plain. Many hills are isolated and extend only a few square

kilometers, but there are several large hill masses with internal valleys that cut

through the mountains high above the plain.

Sudan's third distinct region is the central clay plains that stretch eastward

from the Nuba Mountains to the Ethiopian frontier, broken only by the Ingessana

Hills, and from Khartoum in the north to the far reaches of southern Sudan.

Between the Dindar and the Rahad rivers, a low ridge slopes down from the

Ethiopian highlands to break the endless skyline of the plains, and the occasional

hill stands out in stark relief. The central clay plains provide the backbone of

Sudan's economy because they are productive where settlements cluster around

available water. Furthermore, in the heartland of the central clay plains lies

the jazirah, the land between the Blue Nile and the White Nile (literally in Arabic

"peninsula") where the great Gezira Scheme (also seen as Jazirah Scheme) was

developed. This project grows cotton for export and has traditionally produced

more than half of Sudan's revenue and export earnings.

Northeast of the central clay plains lies eastern Sudan, which is divided

between desert and semidesert and includes Al Butanah, the Qash Delta, the

Red Sea Hills, and the coastal plain. Al Butanah is an undulating land between

Khartoum and Kassala that provides good grazing for cattle, sheep, and goats.

East of Al Butanah is a peculiar geological formation known as the Qash Delta.

Originally a depression, it has been filled with sand and silt brought down by the

flash floods of the Qash River, creating a delta above the surrounding plain.

Extending 100 kilometers north of Kassala, the whole area watered by the Qash

is a rich grassland with bountiful cultivation long after the river has spent its

waters on the surface of its delta. Trees and bushes provide grazing for the

camels from the north, and the rich moist soil provides an abundance of food

crops and cotton.

Northward beyond the Qash lie the more formidable Red Sea Hills. Dry,

bleak, and cooler than the surrounding land, particularly in the heat of the Sudan

summer, they stretch northward into Egypt, a jumbled mass of hills where life is

hard and unpredictable for the hardy Beja inhabitants. Below the hills sprawls the

coastal plain of the Red Sea, varying in width from about fifty-six kilometers in the

south near Tawkar to about twenty-four kilometers near the Egyptian frontier. The

coastal plain is dry and barren. It consists of rocks, and the seaward side is thick

with coral reefs.

The southern clay plains, which can be regarded as an extension of the

northern clay plains, extend all the way from northern Sudan to the mountains on

the Sudan - Uganda frontier, and in the west from the borders of Central African

Republic eastward to the Ethiopian highlands. This great Nilotic plain is broken

by several distinctive features. First, the White Nile bisects the plain and provides

large permanent water surfaces such as lakes Fajarial, No, and Shambe.

Second, As Sudd, the world's largest swamp, provides a formidable expanse of

lakes, lagoons, and aquatic plants, whose area in high flood waters exceeds

30,000 square kilometers, or approximately the size of Belgium. So intractable

was this sudd as an obstacle to navigation that a passage was not discovered

until the midnineteenth century. Then as now, As Sudd with its extreme rate of

evaporation consumes on average more than half the waters that come down the

White Nile from the equatorial lakes. These waters also create a flood plain

known as the toicthat provides grazing when the flood waters retreat to the

permanent swamp and sluggish river, the Bahr al Jabal, as the White Nile is

called here.

The land rising to the south and west of the southern clay plain is referred

to as the Ironstone Plateau (Jabal Hadid), a name derived from its laterite soils

and increasing elevation. The plateau rises from the west bank of the Nile,

sloping gradually upward to the Congo-Nile watershed. The land is well watered,

000 were in Al Khartum State.which rise to more than 3. but Sudan was expected to continue its rapid population growth. These mountains form a stark contrast to the great plains to the north that dominate Sudan's geography. To the east of the Jabal Hadid and the Bahr al Jabal rise the foothills of the mountain ranges along the Sudan-Uganda border . death rate. However.providing rich cultivation. of whom it was estimated that 750. but declining.000 in Ash Shamali State.000 each in Darfur and Ash Sharqi states. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reported that in early 1991. but in 1990 it was clear that the country was experiencing a high birth rate and a high. Didinga.000 people were displaced in the northern states. approximately 1.the Imatong. with famine affecting much of the country. Along the streams of the watershed are the gallery forests. with a large percentage of its people under fifteen years of age. Efforts were underway to provide permanent sites for about 800. and 150. internal migration by hundreds of thousands of people was on the increase. and Dongotona . 30. the beginnings of the tropical rain forests that extend far into Zaire.000 meters. 300. for some time to come. The trends indicated an overall low population density. Infant mortality was high.800.000 each in Kurdufan and Al Awsat states. POPULATION Population information for Sudan has been limited.000 of . but the streams and rivers that come down from the watershed divide and erode the land before flowing on to the Nilotic plain flow into in As Sudd.

compared with the world average of 1. The first was inadequately prepared and executed. . population estimates were complicated by census difficulties.6 million with a growth rate between 1956 and 1983 of 2. this percentage made Sudan one of the world's fastest growing countries. At the estimated 1990 growth rate of 3. 1973. the National Population Committee and the Department of Statistics put Sudan's birthrate at 50 births per 1. the population would reach 38.000 or 3. Sudan's population in 1990 would have been well over 25 million. In addition to uncertainties concerning the number of refugees. Even if the lower estimated rate were sustained.8 percent per year and the average for developing countries of 2. The civil war and famine in the south was estimated to have displaced up to 3. Since independence there have been three national censuses.1 percent.5 million southern Sudanese by early 1990. for a rate of increase of 31 per 1. in 1955-56.6 million in 2003 and 50. the population would double in twenty-two years. and 1983.8 percent. The third census was of better quality. The 1983 population estimate was thought to be too low. but some of the data has never been analyzed because of inadequate resources.000 and the death rate at 19 per 1.8 percent per year. In 1990. but even accepting it and the pre-1983 growth rate of 2.these displaced people. The 1983 census put the total population at 21. and thus its complete findings have never been released.1 percent per annum. This is a staggering increase.1 percent per year.000.9 million by 2013. The second was not officially recognized by the government.

it was commonly thought that with an average population density of nine persons per square kilometer. 80 percent still lived in rural areas. In fact. and the estimated life expectancy rose from 43. however. In 1990 the population of the Three Towns (Khartoum.9 in 1983.000.000 populations. but estimates of 3 million. only 20 percent of Sudanese lived in towns and cities. and Khartoum North) was unknown because of the constant influx of refugees. failed to take into account that much of Sudan was uninhabitable and its people were unevenly distributed. Moreover. may not have been unrealistic. The birthrate between the 1973 census and the 1987 National Population Conference appeared to have remained constant at from 48 to 50 births per 1. Knowledge of family planning remained minimal. population density was not a major problem. The fertility rate (the average number of children per woman) was estimated at 6. 66 percent of the population lived within 300 kilometers of Khartoum. Both within Sudan and among the international community. well over half the urban dwellers in Sudan. Nevertheless.5 years to 47 years. This assumption. a trend indicating that Sudan would have difficulty in providing adequate services for its people. For more than a decade the gross domestic product (GDP) of Sudan had not kept pace with the increasing population. with about 33 percent of the nation's population occupying 7 percent of the land and concentrated around Khartoum and in Al Awsat. Omdurman. the annual death rate fell from 23 to 19 per 1. half the populations were under eighteen years of age and therefore were primarily . During the period.

according to the United Nations World Food Program and other agencies.8 million Sudanese were estimated to be at risk from famine in early 1991. Sudan has suffered a continuous "brain drain" as its finest professionals and most skilled laborers emigrated. producing overpopulation in areas that could provide neither services nor employment. and 1990s have undermined Sudan's food production. The Save the Children Fund estimated that the famine in Darfur would cost the lives of "tens of thousands" of people in the early 1990s. Internal migration caused by civil war and famine created major shifts in population distribution. while simultaneously there has been an influx of more than 1 million refugees. Experts estimated that desertification caused by deforestation and drought had allowed the Sahara to advance southward at the rate of ten kilometers per year. Moreover. they were expected to worsen. the climate ranges from arid in the north to tropical wet-and-dry in the far southwest. Furthermore. Analysts believed that the lack of rainfall combined with the ravages of war would result in massive numbers of deaths from starvation in the 1990s. About 7. who not only lacked skills but required massive relief. throughout Sudan continuous environmental degradation accompanied the dearth of rainfall. CLIMATOLOGY Although Sudan lies within the tropics. In the absence of a national population policy to deal with these problems. Temperatures do not vary .consumers not producers. Droughts in the 1970s. and the country would have to double its production to feed its expected population within the next generation. 1980s.

In some years. Khartoum has a three-month rainy season (JulySeptember ) with an annual average rainfall of 161 millimeters. There is practically no rainfall countrywide except for a small area in northwestern Sudan in where the winds have passed over the Mediterranean bringing occasional light rains. the most significant climatic variables are rainfall and the length of the dry season. has a nine-month rainy season (April-December) and receives an average of 1.142 millimeters of rain each year. By early April. and in August it extends to its usual northern limits around Abu Hamad. Variations in the length of the dry season depend on which of two air flows predominates. dry northeasterly winds from the Arabian Peninsula or moist southwesterly winds from the Congo River basin. close to the border with Zaire. or they may not come at all. the country is under the influence of the dry northeasterlies.greatly with the season at any location. Yambio. drought and . If that happens. although in some years the humid air may even reach the Egyptian border. By July the moist air has reached Khartoum. Atbarah receives showers in August that produce an annual average of only 74 millimeters. In September the dry northeasterlies begin to strengthen and to push south and by the end of December they cover the entire country. the moist southwesterlies have reached southern Sudan. the arrival of the southwesterlies and their rain in central Sudan can be delayed. bringing heavy rains and thunderstorms. The flow becomes weaker as it spreads north. From January to March.

with disastrous results for the Sudanese people and economy. The moist. with only a short dry season. when average highs are 41° C and temperatures can reach 48° C. has uniformly high temperatures throughout the year. the warmest months are May and June. can occur in central Sudan when the moist southwesterly flow first arrives (May through July). The far south. The haboob. The decades of the 1970s and 1980s saw the southwesterlies frequently fail. Lows in Khartoum average 15° C in January and have dropped as low as 6° C after the passing of a cool front in winter. and the hot daytime temperatures during the dry season throughout central and northern Sudan fall rapidly after sunset. In Khartoum. The initial downflow of air from an approaching storm produces a huge yellow wall of sand and clay that can temporarily reduce visibility to zero. unstable air forms thunderstorms in the heat of the afternoon. Northern Sudan. however. a violent dust storm. Conditions in highland areas are generally cooler. except for winter months in the northwest where there is precipitation from the Mediterranean in January and February.famine follow. . has hot daytime temperatures year round. with its short rainy season. Temperatures are highest at the end of the dry season when cloudless skies and dry air allow them to soar. HYDROGRAPHY Except for a small area in northeastern Sudan where wadis discharge the sporadic runoff into the Red Sea or rivers from Ethiopia flow into shallow.

At Bor. the entire country is drained by the Nile and its two main tributaries. the Nile flows for 6. The river has no well-defined channel here. For the remainder of the year. have headwaters in the Ethiopian highlands and discharge water into the Blue Nile only during the summer high-water season. Several dams have been constructed to regulate the river's flow--the Roseires Dam (Ar Rusayris). and the largest. its flow usually accounts for only one-sixth of the total.evaporating ponds west of the Red Sea Hills. the Blue Nile (Al Bahr al Azraq) and the White Nile (Al Bahr al Abyad). the water flows slowly through a labyrinth of small spillways and lakes choked with papyrus and reeds. The Blue Nile flows out of the Ethiopian highlands to meet the White Nile at Khartoum. Much water is lost to evaporation. however. As Sudd begins. the forty-meter-high Sennar Dam constructed in 1925 at Sannar. the Dindar and the Rahad. The Blue Nile's two main tributaries. In August. The White Nile flows north from central Africa. Rwanda. To provide for water .737 kilometers from its farthest headwaters in central Africa to the Mediterranean. and Burundi. about 100 kilometers from the Ethiopian border. The longest river in the world. the rains in the Ethiopian highlands swell the Blue Nile until it accounts for 90 percent of the Nile's total flow. the Meina al Mak Dam at Sinjah. for centuries the river has been a lifeline for Sudan. the great swamp of the Nile. The Blue Nile is the smaller of the two. The importance of the Nile has been recognized since biblical times. draining Lake Victoria and the highland regions of Uganda. their flow is reduced to pools in their sandy riverbeds.

is . The White Nile has several substantial tributaries that drain southern Sudan. Sudan. the Nile flows through desert in a large Sshaped pattern to empty into Lake Nasser behind the Aswan High Dam in Egypt. flowing out of Ethiopia. Although the drainage area is extensive. the British built the Jabal al Auliya Dam in 1937 to store the water of the White Nile and then release it in the fall when the flow from the Blue Nile slackens. the Sobat River drains an area of western Ethiopia and the hills near the Sudan-Uganda border. South of Khartoum. However. began building the Jonglei Canal (also seen as Junqali Canal) from Bor to a point just upstream from Malakal.transportation through this region and to speed the river's flow so that less water evaporates. or it merely evaporates. The river flows slowly above Khartoum. Above Khartoum. the Bahr al Ghazal drains a basin larger in area than France. In southeast Sudan. at its confluence with the White Nile just south of Malakal. evaporation takes most of the water from the slowmoving streams in this region. however. dropping little in elevation although five cataracts hinder river transport at times of low water. construction was suspended in 1984 because of security problems caused by the civil war in the south. The Sobat's discharge is considerable. so the overall flow released downstream is not great. In the southwest. and the discharge of the Bahr al Ghazal into the White Nile is minimal. The Atbarah River. the Sobat accounts for half the White Nile's water. Much water from the reservoir has been diverted for irrigation projects in central Sudan. with French help.

the Atbarah's bed is dry. an influx of refugees from neighboring countries. and a decade of below normal annual rainfall with the concomitant failure of staple food and cash crops. as did the government's revenue. Sudan's greatest economic resource was its .the only tributary north of Khartoum. and China. and its waters reach the Nile for only the six months between July and December. and by large increments of foreign aid from the United States and the European Community (EC). Yugoslavia. except for a few pools and ponds. Predictions of continuing economic growth were sustained by loans from the World Bank and generous contributions from such disparate countries as Norway. an inept government. invested with the expectation that Sudan would become "the breadbasket" of the Arab world. economic growth had been stimulated by a large influx of capital from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. information concerning Sudan's economy tends to be more historical than current. The economic and political upheavals that characterized Sudan in the 1980s have made statistical material either difficult to obtain or unreliable. During the rest of the year. Consequently. ECONOMY The economy of Sudan continued to be in disarray in mid-1991. In the 1970s. The principal causes of the disorder have been the violent. Prices and wages in the marketplace fluctuated constantly. costly civil war. as well as internal migration.

including much of agriculture and most of large-scale industry. had seemingly ended the insurgency. banking. but also to improve the life of the Nilotic people of the canal zone. but entrepreneurs could make fortunes through the intricate network of kinship and political relations that has traditionally driven Sudan's social and economic machinery. New. public enterprises dominated the modern sector. however. The Khartoum government controlled these development projects. electric power. 1972. the most thoroughly researched hydrological project in the Third World. Sudan's economic future in the 1970s was also energized by the Chevron Overseas Petroleum Corporation's discovery of oil on the borderlands between the provinces of Kurdufan and Bahr al Ghazal. Particularly in southern Sudan. dashed. In the early 1970s. to be developed in the vast arable land that either received sufficient rainfall or could be irrigated from the Nile. when the civil war resumed in 1983. transport. where the Addis Ababa accords of March 27. was proceeding ahead of schedule. large agricultural projects had been undertaken in sugar at Kinanah and cotton at Rahad. and insurance. By 1991 Sudan had not yet claimed its full water share (18. This situation resulted from the private sector's inability to finance major development and from an initial government policy after .agriculture. the Jonglei Canal (also seen as Junqali Canal). Concurrently.5 billion cubic meters) under the 1959 Nile Waters Agreement between Egypt and Sudan. planned not only to provide water for northern Sudan and Egypt. a sense of optimism and prosperity prevailed.

Uganda. both Sudanese and foreigners from Eritrea. The military transitional government and the democratically elected coalition government of Sadiq al Mahdi that succeeded the exiled Nimeiri failed to address the country's economic . Private economic activities were relegated to modern small. The SPLA made steady gains against the Sudanese army until by 1991 it controlled nearly one-third of the country. When Jaafar an Nimeiri was overthrown in April 1985. but the government rejected their help. Ethiopia. The dearth of rainfall in the usually productive regions of Sahel and southern Sudan added to the country's economic problems.and medium-scale industry. In the 1980s. as did his elaborate security apparatus. Sudan underwent severe political and economic upheavals that have shaken its traditional institutions and its economy. at a cost of more than £Sd11 million per day. and Chad. The private sector dominated road transport and domestic commerce and virtually controlled traditional agriculture and handicrafts. International humanitarian agencies have rallied to Sudan's aid. the armed wing of the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM)).the 1969 military coup to nationalize the financial sector and part of existing industry. however. further strained the Sudanese budget. The civil war in the south resumed in 1983. Refugees. The main participant in the war against government was the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA. under John Garang's leadership. his political party disappeared.

On June 30. the National Islamic Front.problems. and a foreign policy that has left Sudan economically. isolated from the world community. but it also stopped work on the Jonglei Canal. the trade unions. The national debt grew at an alarming rate because Sudan's resources were insufficient to service it. Not only did the SPLA shut down Chevron's prospecting and oil production. a military coup d'état led by Colonel (later Lieutenant General) Umar al Bashir overthrew the government of Sadiq al Mahdi. the continuation of the war in the south. 1989. the Bashir regime has methodically purged those agencies that dealt primarily with the economy--the civil service. Sudan's economy has been further strained by the most severe famine of this century. . Ideologically tied to the Muslim Brotherhood and dependent for political support on the Brotherhood's party. if not politically. Under Bashir's government. the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning. Production continued to decline as a result of mismanagement and natural disasters. and the central bank. the boards of publicly owned enterprises.

250 ft. The northern region is mountainous with plateaus ranging 3. SOMALIA PROFILE Somalia is situated on the horn of East Africa and is bordered by the Gulf of Aden and Djibouti to the north. Despite its . The Shebeli dries up before reaching the ocean.000 ft. South and west of this region. They provide water for irrigation but are not navigable by commercial vessels. extending to the Shebeli River. The Juba and Shebeli rivers originate in Ethiopia and flow toward the Indian Ocean. lies a plateau whose maximum elevation is 2. to the north and northwest by Ethiopia and Kenya to the southwest.C. and the area that extends southwest of the Juba River to the Kenyan border is low pasture land. the Indian Ocean to the east and south. The region between the Juba and Shebeli rivers is low agricultural land. To the northeast there is an extremely dry dissected plateau that reaches a maximum height of 8.250 ft.000 and 7.

although plagued by territorial disputes with Ethiopia and Kenya. what came to be called the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya. In 1960 Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland were merged into a single independent state. It is bordered by Djibouti to the northwest. Somalia has no natural harbours because of inshore coral reefs. Taking advantage of the widespread public bitterness and cynicism attendant upon the rigged elections of early 1969. and Ethiopia to the west. HISTORY By the eighteenth century. and by difficulties in integrating the dual legacy of Italian and British administrations. French Somaliland (east and southeast). governments were regularly voted into and out of office. During the colonial period (approximately 1891 to 1960). the Somali Republic. the Somalis were separated into five mini-Somalilands: British Somaliland (north central). In its first nine years the Somali state. Italian Somaliland (south).lengthy shore line. BOUNDARIES Somalia is in the Horn of Africa. . the Indian Ocean to the east. Major General Mahammad Siad Barre seized power on October 21. Kenya to the southwest. Ethiopian Somaliland (the Ogaden). the Somalis essentially had developed their present way of life. which is based on pastoral nomadism and the Islamic faith. the Gulf of Aden with Yemen to the north. remained a model of democratic governance in Africa. and.

Some render it as a Somali version of the Arabic "maqad shah. raising the possibility of its being the northernmost of the chain of Swahili city-states on the East African coast. Whatever its origin.1969. In the regime's place emerged armed clan militias fighting one another for political power. Mogadishu and Its Banaadir Hinterlands. Others consider it a Somali mispronunciation of the Swahili "mwyu wa" (last northern city). Siad Barre maintained control of the social system by playing off clan against clan until the country became riven with interclan strife and bloodshed. the largest and most prosperous. Mogadishu. Mogadishu. 1991. Ibn Batuta . dates back at least to the ninth century. The meaning of Mogadishu's name is uncertain." thus hinting at a Persian role in the city's founding. the southern city of Mogadishu became Somalia's most important city. but by the fourteenth century travelers were mentioning the three towns more and more as important centers of urban ease and learning. Merca. when Persian and Arabian immigrants intermingled with Somali elements to produce a distinctive hybrid culture. Siad Barre fled the capital on January 27. had been major Somali coastal towns in medieval times. into the safety of his Mareehaan clan's territory in southern Somalia. Mogadishu was at the zenith of its prosperity when the well- known Arab traveler Ibn Batuta appeared on the Somali coast in 1331." or "imperial seat of the shah. Their origins are unknown. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Over the next twenty-one years Siad Barre established a military dictatorship that divided and oppressed the Somalis. in a bloodless coup. and Baraawe. Siad Barre's regime came to a disastrous end in early 1991 with the collapse of the Somali state.

The Majeerteen Sultanates. proselytization. and that of . and brought Islam to temper the random violence of the inhabitants. married local women. Among Somali towns and cities. Evidence of that influence was the increasing Islamization of the interior by sufis (Muslim mystics) who emigrated upcountry. and political influence. only Mogadishu successfully resisted the repeated depredations of the Portuguese. where they settled among the nomads. The considerable power of the Ujuuraan state was not diminished until the Portuguese penetration of the East African coast in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.describes "Maqdashu" as "an exceedingly large city" with merchants who exported to Egypt and elsewhere the excellent cloth made in the city. by the middle of the nineteenth century two tiny kingdoms emerged that would play a significant political role on the Somali Peninsula prior to colonization. By the end of the sixteenth century. Evidence of the shift of initiative from the coast to the interior may be found in the rise between 1550 and 1650 of the Ujuuraan (also seen as Ajuuraan) state. Mogadishu and other coastal commercial towns influenced the Banaadir hinterlands (the rural areas outlying Mogadishu) in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Farther east on the Majeerteen (Bari) coast. These were the Majeerteen Sultanate of Boqor Ismaan Mahamuud. the locus of intercommunication shifted upland to the well-watered region between the Shabeelle and Jubba rivers. which prospered on the lower reaches of the interriverine region under the clan of the Gareen. Through commerce.

however. and gum arabic. The Majeerteen Sultanate originated in the mideighteenth century. who was finally driven into exile in Arabia. ambitious cousin. . Boqor Ismaan Mahamuud's sultanate was nearly destroyed in the middle of the nineteenth century by a power struggle between him and his young. the Somalis became the subjects of state systems under the flags of Britain. ostrich feathers.his kinsman Sultan Yuusuf Ali Keenadiid of Hobyo (Obbia). Keenadiid. in the 1870s. he carved out the small kingdom of Hobyo after conquering the local Hawiye clans. With their help. the sultan kept his desert kingdom free until well after 1800. Ismaan Mahamuud's kingdom benefited from British subsidies (for protecting the British naval crews that were shipwrecked periodically on the Somali coast) and from a liberal trade policy that facilitated a flourishing commerce in livestock. IMPERIAL PARTITION. During this period. Both kingdoms. The last quarter of the nineteenth century saw political developments that transformed the Somali Peninsula. Keenadiid returned from Arabia with a score of Hadhrami musketeers and a band of devoted lieutenants. A decade later. Nearly five years of destructive civil war passed before Boqor Ismaan Mahamuud managed to stave off the challenge of the young upstart. but only came into its own in the nineteenth century with the reign of the resourceful Boqor Ismaan Mahamuud. were gradually absorbed by the extension into southern Somalia of Italian colonial rule in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. While acknowledging a vague vassalage to the British.

As a result of the growing importance of the Red Sea to British operations in the East. British occupation of the northern Somali coast began in earnest in February 1884. In southern Somalia. The new rulers had various motives for colonization. Bullaxaar. Egypt. Aden was regarded as indispensable to the defense of British India. better known as the Banaadir coast. It was therefore content to stake out a territory whenever it could do so without confronting another colonial power. and Saylac. France extended its foothold on the Afar coast partly to counter the high duties that the British authorities imposed on French goods in Obock. Hunter arrived at Berbera to negotiate treaties of friendship and protection with numerous Somali clans. but the extension of Italian influence was painstakingly slow owing to parliamentary lack of enthusiasm for overseas . The French. A French protectorate was proclaimed under the governorship of Léonce Lagarde. Italy was the main colonizer. Hunter arranged to have British vice consuls installed in Berbera. The French were also eager to bisect Britain's vaunted Cairo to Cape Town zone of influence with an east to west expansion across Africa. wished to establish a coaling station on the Red Sea coast to strengthen naval links with their Indochina colonies. Italy was inexperienced at imperial power plays. and Ethiopia. when Major A. having been evicted from Egypt by the British. Italy.France. Recently unified. who played a prominent role in extending French influence into the Horn of Africa. Britain sought to gain control of the northern Somali coast as a source of mutton and other livestock products for its naval port of Aden in present-day Yemen.

territory. Italy acquired its first possession in southern Somalia in 1888 when the

Sultan of Hobyo, Keenadiid, agreed to Italian "protection." In the same year,

Vincenzo Filonardi, Italy's architect of imperialism in southern Somalia,

demanded a similar arrangement from the Majeerteen Sultanate of Ismaan

Mahamuud. In 1889 both sultans, suspicious of each other, consented to place

their lands under Italian protection. Italy then notified the signatory powers of the

Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884-85 of its southeastern Somali

protectorate. Later, Italy seized the Banaadir coast proper, which had long been

under the tenuous authority of the Zanzibaris, to form the colony of Italian

Somaliland. Chisimayu Region, which passed to the British as a result of their

protectorate over the Zanzibaris, was ceded to Italy in 1925 to complete Italian

tenure over southern Somalia.

The catalyst for imperial tenure over Somali territory was Egypt under its

ambitious ruler, Khedive Ismail. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, this

Ottoman vassal sought to carve out for Egypt a swath of territory in the Horn of

Africa. However, the Sudanese anti-Egyptian Mahdist revolt that broke out in

1884 shattered the khedive's plan for imperial aggrandizement. The Egyptians

needed British help to evacuate their troops marooned in Sudan and on the

Somali coast.

What the European colonialists failed to foresee was that the biggest

threat to their imperial ambitions in the Horn of Africa would come from an

emerging regional power, the Ethiopia of Emperor Menelik II. Emperor Menelik II

not only managed to defend Ethiopia against European encroachment, but also

succeeded in competing with the Europeans for the Somali-inhabited territories

that he claimed as part of Ethiopia. Between 1887 and 1897, Menelik II

successfully extended Ethiopian rule over the long independent Muslim Emirate

of Harer and over western Somalia (better known as the Ogaden). Thus, by the

turn of the century, the Somali Peninsula, one of the most culturally

homogeneous regions of Africa, was divided into British Somaliland, French

Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland (the Ogaden), and what

came to be called the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya.

Although the officials of the three European powers often lacked funds,

they nevertheless managed to establish the rudimentary organs of colonial

administration. Moreover, because they controlled the port outlets, they could

levy taxes on livestock to obtain the necessary funds to administer their

respective Somali territories. In contrast, Ethiopia was largely a feudal state with

a subsistence economy that required its army of occupation to live off the land.

Thus, Ethiopian armies repeatedly despoiled the Ogaden in the last two decades

of the nineteenth century.

Dervish Resistance to Colonial Occupation. Given the frequency and

virulence of the Ethiopian raids, it was natural that the first pan-Somali or Greater

Somalia effort against colonial occupation, and for unification of all areas

populated by Somalis into one country, should have been directed at Ethiopians

rather than at the Europeans; the effort was spearheaded by the Somali dervish

resistance movement. The dervishes followed Mahammad Abdille Hasan of the

puritanical Salihiyah tariqa (religious order or brotherhood). His ability as an

orator and a poet (much-valued skills in Somali society) won him many disciples,

especially among his own Dulbahante and Ogaden clans (both of the Daarood

clan-family). The British dismissed Hasan as a religious fanatic, calling him the

"Mad Mullah." They underestimated his following, however, because from 1899

to 1920, the dervishes conducted a war of resistance against the Ethiopians and

British, a struggle that devastated the Somali Peninsula and resulted in the death

of an estimated one-third of northern Somalia's population and the near

destruction of its economy. One of the longest and bloodiest conflicts in the

annals of sub-Saharan resistance to alien encroachment, the dervish uprising

was not quelled until 1920 with the death of Hasan, who became a hero of

Somali nationalism. Deploying a Royal Air Force squadron recently returned from

action in combat in World War I, the British delivered the decisive blow with a

devastating aerial bombardment of the dervish capital at Taleex in northern


Consolidation of Colonial Rule. The two decades between 1900 and

1920 were a period of colonial consolidation. However, of the colonial powers

that had divided the Somalis, only Italy developed a comprehensive

administrative plan for its colony. The Italians intended to plant a colony of

settlers and commercial entrepreneurs in the region between the Shabeelle and

Jubba rivers in southern Somalia. The motivation was threefold: to "relieve

population pressure at home," to offer the "civilizing Roman mission" to the

Somalis, and to increase Italian prestige through overseas colonization. Initiated

by Governor Carletti (1906-10), Italy's colonial program received further impetus

by the introduction of fascist ideology and economic planning in the 1920s,

particularly during the administration of Governor Cesare Maria de Vecchi de Val

Cismon. Large-scale development projects were launched, including a system of

plantations on which citrus fruits, primarily bananas, and sugarcane, were grown.

Sugarcane fields in Giohar and numerous banana plantations around the town of

Jannaale on the Shabeelle River, and at the southern mouth of the Jubba River

near Chisimayu, helped transform southern Somalia's economy.

In contrast to the Italian colony, British Somaliland stayed a neglected

backwater. Daunted by the diversion of substantial development funds to the

suppression of the dervish insurrection and by the "wild" character of the

anarchic Somali pastoralists, Britain used its colony as little more than a supplier

of meat products to Aden. This policy had a tragic effect on the future unity and

stability of independent Somalia. When the two former colonies merged to form

the Somali Republic in 1960, the north lagged far behind the south in economic

infrastructure and skilled labor. As a result, southerners gradually came to

dominate the new state's economic and political life--a hegemony that bred a

sense of betrayal and bitterness among northerners.

Somalia During World War II. Italy's 1935 attack on Ethiopia led to a

temporary Somali reunification. After Italian premier Benito Mussolini's armies

marched into Ethiopia and toppled Emperor Haile Selassie, the Italians seized

British Somaliland. During their occupation (1940-41), the Italians

reamalgamated the Ogaden with southern and northern Somalilands, uniting for

the first time in forty years all the Somali clans that had been arbitrarily separated

by the Anglo-Italo-Ethiopian boundaries. The elimination of these artificial

boundaries and the unification of the Somali Peninsula enabled the Italians to set

prices and impose taxes and to issue a common currency for the entire area.

These actions helped move the Somali economy from traditional exchange in

kind to a monetarized system.

Thousands of Italians, either veterans of the Ethiopian conquest or new

emigrants, poured into Somalia, especially into the interriverine region. Although

colonization was designed to entrench the white conquerors, many Somalis did

not fare badly under Italian rule during this period. Some, such as the Haaji

Diiriye and Yuusuf Igaal families, accumulated considerable fortunes. One

indicator of the Somali sense of relative wellbeing may have been the absence of

any major anti-Italian revolt during Italy's occupation.

At the onset of World War II, Italian holdings in East Africa included

southern Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea. Italy subsequently invaded northern

Somalia and ejected the British from the Horn of Africa. The Italian victory turned

out to be short-lived, however. In March 1941, the British counterattacked and

reoccupied northern Somalia, from which they launched their lightning campaign

to retake the whole region from Italy and restore Emperor Haile Selassie to his

was established. Thus. the Somaliland Camel Corps (local levies raised during the dervish disturbances) was reorganized and later disbanded. Accordingly. This effort resulted in the creation of five battalions known as the Somaliland Scouts. commanded by British officers. The British then placed southern Somalia and the Ogaden under a military administration.throne. A military governor. the British established military administrations in what had been British Somaliland. to police the occupied territory. the Somalia Gendarmerie. The British disbanded the Italian security units in the south and raised a new army. (Ilalos). Italian Somaliland. In what had been Italian Somaliland. headed by a military commander. and under intense pressure from Haile Selassie. Following Italy's defeat. and Ethiopian Somaliland. The principal concern of the British administration during World War II and subsequently was to reestablish order. took over the work of the colonial civil service. however. a similar military administration. . which absorbed former irregular units. Britain agreed to return the Ogaden to Ethiopian jurisdiction. aided by a handful of military officers. British Military Administration. all Somali-inhabited territories--with the exception of French Somaliland and Kenya's Northern Frontier District (NFD)--were for the second time brought under a single tenure. No integrated administrative structure for the Somali areas was established.

many of the rank and file of the gendarmerie were askaris from Kenya and Uganda who had served under British officers. Also. efforts were made to establish health and veterinary services. so the security services of the northern and southern protectorates collaborated in rounding them up. Britain's wartime requirement that the protectorate be self-supporting was modified after 1945. the British military forces that administered the two Somali protectorates from 1941 to 1949 effected greater social and political changes than had their predecessors. Ethiopia also armed clan militias and encouraged them to cross into the British zone and cause bloodshed. The greater security challenge for the British during World War II and immediately after was to disarm the Somalis who had taken advantage of the windfall in arms brought about by the war. whose location on the inland plateau offered the incidental benefit of a more hospitable climate. To signal the start of a new policy of increased attention to control of the interior. to Hargeysa. Originally. and the appropriation of new funds for the north created a burst of development. to improve agriculture in the Gabiley-Boorama agricultural corridor northwest of . Although the civil service remained inadequate to staff the expanding administration. a hot coastal town. the capital was transferred from Berbera. Ethiopia had organized Somali bandits to infest the British side so as to discourage continued British occupation of the Ogaden. Somalia was full of Italian military stragglers. Despite its distracting security problems. The gendarmerie was gradually transformed into an indigenous force through the infusion of local recruits who were trained in a new police academy created by the British military administration.

and to introduce secular elementary schools where previously only Quranic schools had existed. and to agitate. as well as district and regional councils whose purpose was to advise the military administration. Italians were permitted to organize political associations. and allowed Somalis to staff the lower stratum of the civil service and gendarmerie. the Somalis and the . Islamic sharia or religious law. and British common law. sometimes violently. to increase the water supply to pastoralists by digging more bore wells. replacing Italian-appointed chiefs with clan-elected bodies. Additionally.Hargeysa. doubled the size of the elementary school system. the British improved working conditions for Somali agricultural laborers. for the return of the colony to Italian rule. Military officials could not govern without the Italian civilians who constituted the experienced civil service. In early 1943. particularly the towns of Mogadishu. A host of Italian organizations of varying ideologies sprang up to challenge British rule. The judiciary was reorganized as a dual court system combining elements from the Somali heer (traditional jurisprudence). In Italian Somaliland. to compete politically with Somalis and Arabs (the latter being politically significant only in the urban areas. inimical to continued British tenure and to Somali aspirations for independence. Merca. and Baraawe). The British military also recognized that Italian technocrats would be needed to keep the economy going. Faced with growing Italian political pressure. military administrators opened the political process for Somalis. Only Italians deemed to be security risks were interned or excluded from the new system.

and the United . in political parties. if not membership. the Somali Youth Club (SYC). to safeguard Somali interests. representing the two interriverine clans of Digil and Mirifle. The situation prompted British colonial officials to encourage the Somalis to organize politically.British came to see each other as allies. To empower the new party. A second political body sprang up. The HDM allegedly cooperated with the Italians and accepted significant Italian financial backing in its struggle against the SYL. The SYC expanded rapidly and boasted 25. the result was the first modern Somali political party. the British allowed the better educated police and civil servants to join it. to develop the Somali language by a standard national orthography. mainly associated with the Isaaq clan-family. thus relaxing Britain's traditional policy of separating the civil service from leadership.000 card-carrying members by 1946. established in Mogadishu in 1943. to create opportunities for universal modern education. SYL policy banned clannishness so that the thirteen founding members. the principal parties in British Somaliland were the Somali National League (SNL). and to oppose the restoration of Italian rule. refused to disclose their ethnic identities. The SYL's stated objectives were to unify all Somali territories. although representing four of Somalia's six major clans. originally calling itself the Patriotic Benefit Union but later renaming itself the Hisbia Digil Mirifle (HDM). In 1947 it renamed itself the Somali Youth League (SYL) and began to open offices not only in the two British-run Somalilands but also in Ethiopia's Ogaden and in the NFD of Kenya. Although the SYL enjoyed considerable popular support from northerners. including the NFD and the Ogaden.

When the SYL held its rally. the commission proceeded with its hearings and seemed favorably impressed by the proposal the SYL presented: to reunite all Somalis and to place Somalia under a ten-year trusteeship overseen by an international body that would lead the country to independence. a counter demonstration led by Italian elements came out to voice pro. but the other powers accused Britain of imperial machinations. which assigned a four-power commission consisting of Britain. The disposition of Somalia therefore fell to the Allied Council of Foreign Ministers.Italian sentiment and to attempt to discredit the SYL before the commission. In January 1948. the Soviet Union. which had the support of the Dir (Gadabursi and Issa) and Daarood (Dulbahante and Warsangali) clan-families. preferably British. The commission heard two other plans. France. Despite the confusion. in 1945 the Potsdam Conference decided not to return to Italy the African territory it had seized during the war. One was offered by the HDM. The British suggested that all the Somalis should be placed under a single administration.Somali Party (USP). commission representatives arrived in Mogadishu to learn the aspirations of the Somalis. The SYL requested and obtained permission from the military administration to organize a massive demonstration to show the commission delegates the strength of popular demand for independence. which departed from its . A riot erupted in which fifty-one Italians and twenty-four Somalis were killed. and the United States to decide Somalia's future. Although southern Somalia legally was an Italian colony.

Britain favored a formula much like that of the SYL. France favored the colony's return to Italy. Britain was unwilling to quarrel with its erstwhile allies over Somali well-being and the SYL plan was withdrawn. failed to reach consensus on the way to guide the country to independence. The commission recommended a plan similar to that of the SYL. but the British plan was thwarted by the United States and the Soviet Union. Britain returned the Ogaden to Ethiopia in 1948 over massive Somali protests. For its part. but the shock was softened by the payment of considerable war reparations--or "bribes. Under United States and Soviet prodding. which accused Britain of seeking imperial gains at the expense of Ethiopian and Italian interests. The other was put forward by a combination of Italian and Somali groups petitioning for the return of Italian rule. Meanwhile. Ethiopia strongly pressured Britain through the United States. but which included a request that the trusteeship period last thirty years. which was anxious to accommodate Emperor Haile Selassie in return for his promise to offer the United States a military base in Ethiopia. In 1949 many grazing areas in the . the Soviet Union preferred to reinstate Italian tenure." as the Somalis characterized them--to Ogaden clan chiefs. The action shattered Somali nationalist aspirations for Greater stance to present an agenda similar to that of the SYL. mainly because of the growing communist influence on Italian domestic politics. under the influence of conflicting diplomatic interests. but the Allied Council of Foreign Ministers.

both to demonstrate its sovereignty and to defray administrative costs by seizing Somali livestock. The General Assembly seems to have been persuaded by the argument that Italy. To the .protected Somali clans. The liaison officers protected the pastoralists from Ethiopian "tax collectors"--armed bands that Ethiopia frequently sent to the Ogaden. because of disagreements among commission members over the disposition of Somalia. was best suited to administer southern Somalia. Thus. the General Assembly voted to make southern Somalia a trust territory to be placed under Italian control for ten years. Meanwhile. Trusteeship and Protectorate: The Road to Independence. the Allied Council of Foreign Ministers referred the matter to the United Nations (UN) General Assembly. The General Assembly stipulated that under no circumstance should Italian rule over the colony extend beyond 1960. following which it would become independent. the SYL's vehement opposition to the reimposition of Italian rule fell on deaf ears at the UN.hinterlands also were returned to Ethiopia. The conditional return of Italian administration to southern Somalia gave the new trust territory several unique advantages compared with other African colonies. The liaison officers moved about with the British-protected clans that frequented the Haud pasturelands for six months of the year. but Britain gained Ethiopian permission to station British liaison officers in the Reserved Areas. areas frequented by British. In November 1949. because of its experience and economic interests.

the SYL distrusted the new administration. soon after taking control. did not have. civil disobedience. Although in the 1950s British colonial officials attempted. and to give the indigenous people freedom of the press and the right to dissent. The SYL responded with protests. These political and civil guarantees did not make for smooth Italo-Somali relations. Under the agreement. to make up for past neglect. These were advantages that British Somaliland. through various development efforts. which was to be incorporated into the new Somali state. The agreement required the new administration to develop the colony's political institutions. suspecting it of having a hidden colonial agenda. and representations to the UN Advisory Council. the trusteeship provisions gave the Somalis the opportunity to gain experience in political education and self- government. Seen by the Italians as the source of nationalist sentiment and activity. a UN Advisory Council based in Mogadishu observed the AFIS and reported its progress to the UN Trusteeship Council. to expand the educational system. The council intervened to arbitrate the disputes and to . to improve the economic infrastructure. The UN agreement established the Italian Trusteeship Administration (Amministrazione Fiduciaria Italiana della Somalia--AFIS) to prepare southern Somalia for independence over a ten-year period. SYL fears were exacerbated when the AFIS.extent that Italy held the territory by UN mandate. the protectorate stagnated. The disparity between the two territories in economic development and political experience would cause serious difficulties when it came time to integrate the two parts. proceeded to jail some SYL members and to fire others from their civil service posts.

student enrollment at the elementary and secondary levels doubled.000 students receiving secondary. an acute balance of payments deficit persisted. and to expand educational facilities. these programs were severely handicapped by the absence of a standard script and a written national language. Egypt. The centerpiece of the initiatives was a series of seven-year development programs introduced in 1954. responding to these stimuli. and English served as media of instruction in the various schools. the Italian administration initiated plans to stimulate local agriculture. trebled from 1954 to 1960. In 1957 there were 2. . Between 1952 and 1957. Arabic. Exports. However. The conflict simmered for three years (1950-53) until new economic and political initiatives provided a channel for the energies of Somali nationalists. Development efforts in education were more successful. later the United States Agency for International Development--AID) and the UN Development Programme. and Italy. and the administration had to rely on foreign grants and Italian subsidies to balance the budget.encourage the two sides to collaborate. technical. Drawing on development blueprints provided by the United States Agency for International Cooperation (AIC. and university education in Italian Somaliland and through scholarship programs in China. this linguistic plurality created a Tower of Babel. to improve the infrastructure. Another program offered night-school adult literacy instruction and provided further training to civil servants. Italian. Despite these improvements.

Composed of thirty-five members. a situation that enabled AFIS-appointed district commissioners to become the focus of power and political action. the UN Advisory Council's plans to use the rural councils as bridges to development turned out to be untenable. public services. after 1956. the Territorial Council gained experience not only in procedural matters but also in legislative debates on the political. fiscal and budgetary matters. whose members dealt with urban planning. besides the Territorial Council. However. There were other forums. a circumstance that made stable political organizations difficult to sustain. . which took an active part in discussions of proposed AFIS legislation. Thus. in 1950 the Italians had established in Italian Somaliland an advisory body known as the Territorial Council. These included the forty-eight- member Municipal Council introduced in 1950. won legitimacy in Somali eyes. and social problems that would face future Somali governments. and. economic. the effectiveness of the rural councils was undermined by the wanderings of the nomads as they searched for water wells and pastures. Progress was made throughout the 1950s in fostering political institutions. In accordance with a UN resolution. For its part the AFIS. Rural councils handled tribal and local problems such as conflicts over grazing grounds and access to water and pasturelands. by working closely with the council. Acting as a nascent parliament. in which Somalis gained executive and legislative experience. the council came to be dominated by representatives of political parties such as the SYL and HDM.

pro-Italian. defense. Territory-wide elections were first held in southern Somalia in 1956. and public order. external finance. Although ten parties fielded candidates to select representatives to a new seventy-seat Legislative Assembly that replaced the Territorial Council. Arabs. became the first prime minister of a government composed of five ministerial posts. and nationalization at all levels of administration from district commissioner to provincial governor proceeded apace. The new assembly assumed responsibility for domestic affairs. Moreover. Attempts were made to suppress clannishness and to raise the status of women and of groups holding lowly . This period was the most stable in modern Somali politics. The term of office of the Iise government was four years (1956-60)--a trial period that enabled the nascent southern Somali administration to shape the terms under which it was to gain its independence. although the governor as representative of the Italian government and as the most senior official of the AFIS retained the "power of absolute veto" as well as the authority to rule by emergency decree should the need arise. once the Somalis become convinced that Italy would not attempt to postpone independence. and other non-Somalia. Abdullaahi Iise.three seats) and HDM (which won thirteen seats) gained significant percentages of the sixty seats that the Somalis contested. The franchise was extended to women in 1958. The remaining ten seats were reserved for Indians. until 1958 the AFIS continued to control important areas such as foreign relations. leader of the SYL in the assembly. The government's outlook was modernist and. only the SYL (which won forty. all held by Somalis.

Not surprisingly. arguing that federalism would encourage clannishness and social strife. In the end. the active backing of the UN. the SYL advocated a unitary form of government. The future promised hope: the moral support of global anticolonial forces. Another major concern was to frame the constitution that would take effect once Somalia became independent. The HDM wanted a federal form of government. This preference derived from concerns about dominance by the SYL.occupations. including Italy. political and numerical strength enabled the SYL to prevail. which was supported by pastoral clans that accounted for 60 percent of the population (Daarood and Hawiye). Djibouti. The southern Somali government's principal tasks were to increase economic self-sufficiency and to find external sources of financial assistance that would replace the support Italy would withdraw after independence. The writers of this document faced two sensitive issues: the form of government--federalist or unitary--the new nation would adopt. and the goodwill of the Western powers. and nationalist aspirations concerning Greater Somalia. and Kenya of Somali-inhabited areas. whose supporters mainly were cultivators from the well- watered region between the Shabeelle and Jubba rivers and who represented about 30 percent of the population. The first issue was of great interest to the HDM. presented Somali leaders with a dilemma: they wanted peace with their . The delicate issue of Greater Somalia. whose recreation would entail the detachment from Ethiopia.

the Greater Somali League (GSL). The Daarood accused Iise's government of being under Italian influence and the Hawiye countered with a charge of clannishness in the Daarood ranks. as Daarood and Hawiye party stalwarts banded into factions." During the four-year transition to independence. but making claims on their territory was certain to provoke hostility. Husseen created a militant new party. and of doing little to realize the national goal of reconstituting Greater Somalia. the moderate majority prevailed in modifying the wording to demand "reunification of the dismembered nation by peaceful means. Husseen. The latter two responded by expelling Husseen and his supporters from the SYL. conflicts over unresolved economic and political issues took the form of intraparty squabbling within the dominant SYL rather than interparty competition. But his agenda of looser ties with the West and closer relations with the Arab world clashed with the policies of Iise and of Aadan Abdullah Usmaan." In the end. was again elected SYL president in July 1957. Despite his rift with prime minister Iise. Having lost the power struggle.neighbors. the SYL radical wing wanted to include in the constitution an article calling for the unification of the Somali nation "by all means necessary. who had headed the party in the early years. Husseen's radical faction continued to charge Iise's government with being too close to the West. Led by Haaji Mahammad Husseen. Although Husseen's firebrand politics ." a thinly veiled reference to Iise and Usmaan. the parliamentary leader who would become the first president of independent Somalia. Husseen inveighed against "reactionaries in government. and to Italy in particular.

The SYL won the 1958 municipal elections in the Italian trust territory. The . in addition to the twenty seats contested and won by the party. The National Assembly had been enlarged to contain ninety seats for southern representatives and thirty. The expanded SYL gave representation to virtually all the major clans in the south. The new government formed in 1959 was headed by incumbent prime minister Iise. The number of Somalis qualifying for administrative posts remained negligible. The HDM and the GSL accused the SYL of tampering with the election process and decided to boycott the elections. the SYL garnered sixty-one uncontested seats by default. Meanwhile.three for northern representatives. in part because it had begun to succeed in attracting important Rahanwayn clan elements like Abdulqaadir Soppe. a political tug-of-war within the party continued between conservatives from the religious communities and modernists such as Abdirashiid Ali Shermaarke. Consequently. however. Its growing appeal put the SYL in a commanding position going into the pre- independence election campaigns for the National Assembly of the Republic. he never managed to cut deeply into the party's constituency. who formerly had supported the HDM. Although efforts were made to distribute the fifteen cabinet posts among the contending clan-families. in British Somaliland the civilian colonial administration attempted to expand educational opportunities in the protectorate. a new body that replaced the two legislative assemblies of British and Italian Somaliland.continued to worry the SYL leadership.

although the SYL opened branches in the north and the SNL continued to expand its membership. The British colonial administrators of the area were. Politically. arose under the leadership of a Somali civil servant. the man selected to lead the nationalist struggle for the return of the Haud. NUF representatives visited London and the UN seeking to have the Haud issue brought before the world community. in accordance with a 1942 military convention between Britain and Ethiopian emperor in exile Haile Selassie. when the last British liaison officers withdrew from the Reserved Areas--parts of the Ogaden and the Haud in which the British were given temporary administrative rights. Michael Mariano. A new party named the National United Front (NUF). supported by the SNL and the SYL. embarrassed by what they saw as Britain's betrayal of the trust put in it by Somali clans who were to be protected against Ethiopian raids. however. The Somalis responded with dismay to the ceding of the Haud to Ethiopia. for the militantly Muslim country. This move conformed with Britain's agreement with Ethiopia confirming the latter's title deeds to the Haud under the 1897 treaty that granted Ethiopia full jurisdiction over the region. Comprehensive geological surveys failed to uncover exploitable mineral resources. was a Christian. Remarkably. in particular . This changed in 1954.protectorate had experienced little economic or infrastructural development apart from the digging of more bore wells and the establishment of agricultural and veterinary services to benefit animal and plant husbandry. a prominent veteran of the SYL's formative years. neither party could mobilize grass-roots support.

In 1960 the first elections contested along party lines resulted in a victory for the SNL and its affiliate the USP. Mahammad Ibrahim Igaal was chosen as prime minister to lead a four-man government. Following the election. as part of historical Ethiopia--territories. which his political opponents had made a prominent campaign issue. Britain attempted unsuccessfully to purchase the Haud from Ethiopia. and fifteen senior elders and notables chosen as ex officio members. in 1957 a Legislative Council was established. including the British and Italian Somalilands. two appointees. The electoral procedure in the north followed that in the south. composed of six members appointed by the governor to represent the principal clan-families. The council was expanded the following year to consist of twelve elected members. Political protests forced Britain in 1956 to introduce representative government in its protectorate and to accept the eventual unification of British Somaliland with southern Somalia. Accordingly.the International Court of Justice. the NUF's defeat clearly attributable to his Christian affiliation. with elections in urban areas conducted by secret ballot and in the countryside by acclamation in clan assemblies. Haile Selassie claimed. The remaining seat was won by Mariano. . The Europeans were reluctant to press new territorial demands on Haile Selassie and did little to help the Somalis recover the Haud. Ethiopia responded with a counterprotest laying claim to all Somali territories. the two winning between them all but one of the thirty-three seats in the new Legislative Assembly. seized by the European powers during a period of Ethiopian weakness.

was more limited. Women had voted in Italian . Usmaan's appointment as president was ratified a year later in a national referendum. Accordingly. 1960. The legislature appointed Usmaan president. The British government acquiesced to the force of Somali nationalist public opinion and agreed to terminate its rule of Somaliland in 1960 in time for the protectorate to merge with the trust territory on the independence date already fixed by the UN commission. freedom of expression was widely regarded as being derived from the traditional right of every man to be heard. An elected president was to be head of state. the SNL and the USC. In April 1960. Full executive powers would be held by a prime minister answerable to an elected National Assembly of 123 members representing the two territories. 1960. The national ideal professed by Somalis was one of political and legal equality in which historical Somali values and acquired Western practices appeared to coincide. Popular demand compelled the leaders of the two territories to proceed with plans for immediate unification. During the nine-year period of parliamentary democracy that followed Somali independence. FROM INDEPENDENCE TO REVOLUTION. he in turn appointed Shermaarke the first prime minister. clan. and united with the trust territory to establish the Somali Republic on July 1. leaders of the two territories met in Mogadishu and agreed to form a unitary state. Shermaarke formed a coalition government dominated by the SYL but supported by the two clan-based northern parties. The role of women. or class. however. British Somaliland received its independence on June 26. but open to all male members of society. Politics was viewed as a realm not limited to one profession.

because of experience gained under the Italian trusteeship. by an assembly margin of 52 to 42. which was used to keep informed on political news. legal. The level of political participation often surpassed that in many Western democracies. Politics was at once the Somalis' most practiced art and favorite sport. Composed of Somalis. from an institutional perspective. two separate countries. Italy and Britain had left the two with separate administrative. taxes. The most desired possession of most nomads was a radio. Problems of National Integration Although unified as a single nation at independence. administrative.Somaliland since the municipal elections in 1958.) But many southerners believed that. (In 1964 the Consultative Commission for Legislation succeeded this body. and education systems in which affairs were conducted according to different procedures and in different languages. Their educated elites had divergent interests. In 1960 the UN created the Consultative Commission for Integration. theirs was the better prepared of the two regions for self-government. to guide the gradual merger of the new country's legal systems and institutions and to reconcile the differences between them. an international board headed by UN official Paolo Contini. Police. In May 1963. and economic contacts between the two regions were virtually nonexistent. and . and the exchange rates of their respective currencies also differed. suffrage was extended to women in former British Somaliland as well. the south and the north were. Northern political. it took up its predecessor's work under the chairmanship of Mariano.

which had adopted a moderate stand before independence. The southern opposition party. Northern misgivings about being too tightly harnessed to the south were demonstrated by the voting pattern in the June 1961 referendum on the constitution. In a unified Somalia. the GSL. whereas the northern Daarood joined members of their clan-family from the south in the SYL. supported largely by the Dir and the Daarood. At independence. The Dir. pro-Arab and militantly panSomali . and the USP. representing the Isaaq clan-family that constituted a numerical majority there.commercial elites were reluctant to recognize that they now had to deal with Mogadishu. Dissatisfaction at the distribution of power among the clanfamilies and between the two regions boiled over in December 1961. however. the northern region had two functioning political parties: the SNL. which was in effect Somalia's first national election. the Isaaq were a small minority. attracted the support of the SNL and the USP against the SYL. it was supported by less than 50 percent of the northern electorate. Although the draft was overwhelmingly approved in the south. The ringleaders urged a separation of north and . having few kinsmen in the south. when a group of British- trained junior army officers in the north rebelled in reaction to the posting of higher ranking southern officers (who had been trained by the Italians for police duties) to command their units. were pulled on the one hand by traditional ties to the Hawiye and on the other hand by common regional sympathies to the Isaaq.

seeking in part to exploit northern dissatisfaction. Preoccupation with Greater Somalia shaped the character of the country's newly formed institutions and led to the build-up of the Somali military and . but discontent in the north persisted. some of which were displeased with the northern SNL representatives in the coalition government. the Somali National Congress (SNC). The new party also gained support in the south when it was joined by an SYL faction composed predominantly of Hawiye. In early 1962. Northern noncommissioned officers arrested the rebels. This move gave the country three truly national political parties and further served to blur north-south differences. In May 1962. Husseen's attempt failed. Pan-Somalism. It enrolled northern elements. GSL leader Husseen. Politicians assumed that this issue dominated popular opinion and that any government would fall if it did not demonstrate a militant attitude toward neighboring countries occupying Somali territory. or Greater Somalia. known as the Somali Democratic Union (SDU).south. however. Despite the difficulties encountered in integrating north and south. attempted to form an amalgamated party. which won widespread northern support. Igaal and another northern SNL minister resigned from the cabinet and took many SNL followers with them into a new party. the most important political issue in postindependence Somali politics was the unification of all areas populated by Somalis into one country--a concept identified as pan-Somalism.

the Oromo. Moreover. By law the exact size of the National Assembly was not established in order to facilitate the inclusion of representatives of the contested areas after unification. The Somalis did not claim sovereignty over adjacent territories. the preamble to the constitution approved in 1961 included the statement. no matter where they resided. Djibouti. . the union of the territories. Its investigation indicated that separation from Kenya was almost unanimously supported by the Somalis and their fellow nomadic pastoralists. The national flag featured a five-pointed star whose points represented those areas claimed as part of the Somali nation--the former Italian and British territories. At the 1961 London talks on the future of Kenya. "The Somali Republic promotes by legal and peaceful means. and the NFD. represented a majority of the NFD's population." The constitution also provided that all ethnic Somalis.ultimately to the war with Ethiopia and fighting in the NFD in Kenya. it was noted. Somali leaders asserted that they would be satisfied only when their fellow Somalis outside the republic had the opportunity to decide for themselves what their status would be. the Ogaden. Somali representatives from the NFD demanded that Britain arrange for the NFD's separation before Kenya was granted independence. These two peoples. were citizens of the republic. but rather demanded that Somalis living in them be granted the right to self-determination. The British government appointed a commission to ascertain popular opinion in the NFD on the question.

however. The Somali government officially denied Kenya's charges that the guerrillas were trained in Somalia. that the Somalis were not consulted on the terms of the treaties and in fact had not been . and the modicum of federalism disappeared after Kenya's government opted for a centralized constitution in 1964. Somalia refused to acknowledge in particular the validity of the Anglo- Ethiopian Treaty of 1954 recognizing Ethiopia's claim to the Haud or. second. and directed from Mogadishu. the Somalis conducted a guerrilla campaign against the police and army for more than four years between 1960 and 1964. This solution did not diminish Somali demands for unification. The denial of Somali claims led to growing hostility between the Kenyan government and Somalis in the NFD. Somalia's position was based on three points: first. equipped there with Soviet arms. in general. British officials believed that the federal format then proposed in the Kenyan constitution would provide a solution through the degree of autonomy it allowed the predominantly Somali region within the federal system. Adapting easily to life as shiftas. But it could not deny that the Voice of Somalia radio influenced the level of guerrilla activity by means of its broadcasts beamed into Kenya. or bandits. the relevance of treaties defining Somali-Ethiopian borders. that the treaties disregarded agreements made with the clans that had put them under British protection. the colonial government in Kenya did not act on the commission's findings. Despite Somali diplomatic activity.

and third. Hostilities ended in April through the mediation of Sudan. At first the incidents were confined to minor clashes between Ethiopian police and armed parties of Somali nomads. Their actual causes aside. further military confrontations were prevented. Most OAU members were alienated by Somali irredentism and feared that if Somalia . livestock rustling. calling for the coordination of the armed forces of both states in the event of an attack by Somalia. and a demilitarized zone ten to fifteen kilometers wide was established on either side of the border. Incidents began to occur in the Haud within six months after Somali independence. In February 1964.informed of their existence. Ethiopia and Kenya concluded a mutual defense pact in 1964 in response to what both countries perceived as a continuing threat from Somalia. At least temporarily. a joint commission was established to examine the causes of frontier incidents. This pact was renewed in 1980 and again on August 28. and tax collecting. these incidents tended to be viewed in Somalia as expressions of Somali nationalism. rather than irredentist agitation. Under the terms of the cease-fire. that such treaties violated the self- determination principle. usually resulting from traditional provocations such as smuggling. Hostilities grew steadily. eventually involving small-scale actions between Somali and Ethiopian armed forces along the border. armed conflict erupted along the Somali-Ethiopian frontier. and Ethiopian aircraft raided targets in Somalia. 1987. acting under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

particularly Italy and Britain. President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. The growth of Soviet influence in Somalia dated from 1962. 1960-69. The Soviet Union also provided nonmilitary assistance. whose inventories had been stocked almost entirely with equipment of East European manufacture. broadcasting equipment for the . In addition. As a result of their contact with Soviet personnel. printing presses. Nevertheless. By the late 1960s. the Somali government established ties with the Soviet Union and China soon after independence. some Somali military officers developed a Marxist perspective on important issues that contrasted with the democratic outlook of most of the country's civilian leaders. as a reflection of its desire to demonstrate self-reliance and nonalignment. the example might inspire their own restive minorities divided by frontiers imposed during the colonial period. about 500 Somalis received military training in the Soviet Union. in whose political traditions many of them had been educated. about 300 Soviet military personnel were serving as advisers to the Somali forces. Foreign Relations. including technical training scholarships. During the same period. in making its irredentist claims. Somalia's government was in the hands of leaders who were favorably disposed toward the Western democracies. when Moscow agreed to provide loans to finance the training and equipping of the armed forces.were successful in detaching the Somali-populated portions of Kenya and Ethiopia. the Somalis had challenged two of Africa's leading elder statesmen.

Meanwhile. which formed another source of economic and technical aid and assured preferential status for Somali exports in West European markets. the Italians residing in Somalia still dominated many of the country's economic activities. and agricultural and industrial development aid.000 by 1965. Although their number had dropped to about 3. Italian-owned commercial farms in the river valleys. Such projects included the construction of hospitals and factories and in the 1970s of the major north-south road. Italy's sponsorship enabled Somalia to become an associate of the European Economic Community (EEC). By 1969 considerable nonmilitary assistance had also been provided by China. Somalia's relations with France were likewise strained because of opposition to the French presence in the Territory of the Afars and Issas (formerly French Somaliland. and Italian influence continued in the modernized sectors of social and cultural affairs. later independent Djibouti). Somalia's relations with Italy after independence remained good. In contrast to the cordial relations maintained with Italy. particularly food crops produced on the large. most notably sharing with Italy and the United States the task of training the . and Italy was an important market for Somali goods. the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) provided Somalia with a moderate amount of aid. Italian economic assistance during the 1960s totaled more than a quarter of all the nonmilitary foreign aid received.government. Somalia severed diplomatic ties to Britain in 1962 to protest British support of Kenya's position on the NFD.

The Somali government purposely sought a variety of foreign sponsors to instruct its security forces. the division of training missions was believed to reduce dependence on either the West or the communist countries to meet Somali security needs. The Husseen Government. Likewise. Again the SYL triumphed. The large scale of United States military aid to Ethiopia was particularly resented. These were followed in March 1964 by the country's first postindependence national elections. The party's true margin of victory was even greater. Although aid to that country had begun long before the Somali-Ethiopian conflict and was based on other considerations.police force. President Usmaan. and Western-trained police were seen as counterbalancing the Soviet-trained military. the Somalis' attitude remained unchanged as long as the United States continued to train and equip a hostile neighbor. Countrywide municipal elections. winning 69 out of l23 parliamentary seats. a large proportion of it in the form of grants. But the image of the United States in the eyes of most Somalis was influenced more by its support for Ethiopia than by any assistance to Somalia. occurred in November 1963. as the fifty-four seats won by the opposition were divided among a number of small parties. in which the SYL won 74 percent of the seats. a crisis occurred that left Somalia without a government until the beginning of September. the United States supplied nonmilitary aid to Somalia. who was empowered to propose the candidate for prime minister after . After the 1964 National Assembly election in March. Throughout the 1960s.

the nominee for prime minister chose candidates on the basis of ability and without regard to place of election or the fall of a government. only two members of Shermaarke's cabinet were to be retained. and the number of posts in northern hands was to be increased from two to five. Although the disagreements primarily involved personal or group political ambitions. Shermaarke had been prime minister for the four previous years. chose Abdirizaaq Haaji Husseen as his nominee instead of the incumbent. In drawing up a Council of Ministers for presentation to the National Assembly. Several political leaders who had been left out of the cabinet joined the supporters of Shermaarke to form an opposition group within the party. the Husseen faction sought support among non-SYL members of the National Assembly. As a result. Both Usmaan and prime minister-designate Husseen . the debate leading to the initial vote of confidence centered on the issue of Greater Somalia. Shermaarke. and Usmaan decided that new leadership might be able to introduce fresh ideas for solving national problems. His primary appeal was to younger and more educated party members. who had the endorsement of the SYL party leadership. Husseen had been a party member since 1944 and had participated in the two previous Shermaarke cabinets. But Husseen's choices strained intraparty relations and broke the unwritten rules that there be clan and regional balance. The SYL's governing Central Committee and its parliamentary groups became split. For instance.

seventeen members of the parliamentary opposition resigned from their parties to join the SYL. The 1967 presidential elections. Husseen presented a second cabinet list to the National Assembly that included all but one of his earlier nominees. However. while forty-eight members of the SYL voted for Husseen and thirty-three opposed him. The new cabinet was approved with the support of all but a handful of SYL National Assembly members. Although Husseen had supported militant pan-Somalism. In the first three months after the election. it continued to attract recruits from other parties. Seven National Assembly members. Again the central issue was moderation versus militancy on the pan-Somali . Husseen remained in office until the presidential elections of June 1967. After intraparty negotiation. pitted former prime minister Shermaarke against Usmaan. Usmaan ignored the results of the vote and again nominated Husseen as prime minister. which included the reinstatement of four party officials expelled for voting against him. including Shermaarke. The proposed cabinet failed to be affirmed by a margin of two votes. he was portrayed as willing to accept the continued sovereignty of Ethiopia and Kenya over Somali areas. Despite the apparent split in the SYL. the proposed new cabinet contained three additional ministerial positions filled by men chosen to mollify opposition factions. abstained. conducted by a secret poll of National Assembly members.wanted to give priority to the country's internal economic and social problems.

who raised cabinet membership from thirteen to fifteen members and included representatives of every major clanfamily . The new president nominated as prime minister Mahammad Ibrahim Igaal. was elected president of the republic. The Igaal Government. the National Assembly confirmed his appointment without serious opposition. In these areas. parliament. with many other northern members of that group. had stressed priority for internal development. Although many of his domestic policies seemed more in line with those of the previous administration. he was allied with the "modernists" in the government. he was a northerner and had led a 1962 defection of the northern SNL assembly members from the government. Shermaarke. had rejoined the SYL after the 1964 elections. In August 1967. who had served as prime minister when pan- Somalism was at its height.question. Although the new prime minister had supported Shermaarke in the presidential election. A more important difference between Shermaarke and Igaal. Usmaan. and administration who favored redirecting the nation's energies from confrontation with its neighbors to combating social and economic ills. as well as some members of the rival SNC. was the new prime minister's moderate position on pan- Somali issues and his desire for improved relations with other African countries. Igaal continued to hold the confidence of both Shermaarke and . other than their past affiliations. through Husseen. He had also been closely involved in the founding of the SNC but.

In September 1968. Of the remaining fifty-five parties.the National Assembly during the eighteen months preceding the March 1969 national elections. Igaal's policy of regional détente resulted in improved relations with Ethiopia and Kenya. only twenty-four gained . The conflict with its neighbors had promoted Somalia's internal political cohesion and solidified public opinion at all levels on at least one issue. The termination of the state of emergency in the border regions. However. Somalia and Ethiopia agreed to establish commercial air and telecommunication links. which had been declared by Ethiopia in February 1964. With foreign affairs a less consuming issue. permitted the resumption of free access by Somali pastoralists to their traditional grazing lands and the reopening of the road across Ethiopian territory between Mogadishu and Hargeysa. but he hoped to create an atmosphere in which the issue could be peacefully negotiated. Sixty-four parties contested the elections. Eight other parties presented lists of candidates for national offices in most districts. presented candidates in every election district. The March 1969 elections were the first to combine voting for municipal and National Assembly posts. in many cases without opposition. As tension from that source subsided. the government's energy and the country's meager resources could now be applied more effectively to the challenges of internal development. old cleavages based on clan rivalries became more prominent. however. Only the SYL. the relaxation of tensions had an unanticipated effect. The prime minister did not relinquish Somalia's territorial claims.

the almost 900. Thus. Offered a huge list of candidates. Of the incumbent deputies. expressed through a vote of its traditional assembly. which could make a candidate a one-person party. A few of these 120 left the SYL after the composition of Igaal's cabinet became clear and after the announcement of his program.representation in the assembly.000 voters in 1969 took delight in defeating incumbents. but these figures did not unequivocally . he would remain on the ballot as an individual contestant. To register for elective office. a candidate merely needed either the support of 500 voters or the sponsorship of his clan. both of which were bound to displease some who had joined only to be on the winning side. (This practice explained not only the proliferation of small parties but also the transient nature of party support. Voting was by party list. Both the plethora of parties and the defection to the majority party were typical of Somali parliamentary elections. the eleven SNC members had formed a coalition with the SYL. but all of these were disbanded almost immediately when their fifty members joined the SYL. In addition. if elected. Failing this. the office seeker then attempted to become the official candidate of a political party. 77 out of 123 were not returned (including 8 out of 18 members of the previous cabinet). by the end of May 1969 the SYL parliamentary cohort had swelled from 73 to 109.) Many candidates affiliated with a major party only long enough to use its symbol in the election campaign and. After registering. which held 120 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly. abandoned it for the winning side as soon as the National Assembly met.

Lewis has noted that the SYL government was a very heterogeneous group with diverging personal and lineage interests. the . Statistically.demonstrate dissatisfaction with the government. and. Neither the president nor the prime minister seemed particularly concerned about official corruption and nepotism.) Of these dissatisfied groups. (General Mahammad Abshir. some were bitter over their prevalence in the National Assembly. a clear sense of public opinion could not be obtained solely on the basis of the election results. declined to accept jurisdiction over election petitions. although it had accepted such jurisdiction on an earlier occasion. under its newly appointed president. they were nearly identical with the results of the 1964 election. where it seemed that deputies ignored their constituents in trading votes for personal gain.M. the chief of police. Among those most dissatisfied with the government were intellectuals and members of the armed forces and police. Although these practices were conceivably normal in a society based on kinship. The fact that a single party--the SYL--dominated the field implied neither stability nor solidarity. Candidates who had lost seats in the assembly and those who had supported them were frustrated and angry. A number of charges were made of government election fraud. given the profusion of parties and the system of proportional representation. had resigned just before the elections after refusing to permit police vehicles to transport SYL voters to the polls. Discontent was exacerbated when the Supreme Court. Anthropologist I. at least some firmly founded.

a member of the Daarood clan-family (Igaal was an Isaaq).) Igaal returned to Mogadishu to arrange for the selection of a new president by the National Assembly. It had done so partly because the government had not called upon it for support and partly because. unlike most other African armed forces. installed Siad Barre as its president. like Shermaarke.most significant element was the military. 1969. On October 21. saw no hope for improving the country's situation by this means. The stage was set for a coup d'état. The . was subsequently tried and executed by the revolutionary government. particularly a group of army officers. The new governing body. Government critics. On October 15. the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC). His choice was. 1969. army commander Major General Mahammad Siad Barre assumed leadership of the officers who deposed the civilian government. when it became apparent that the assembly would support Igaal's choice. (The assassin. Although not regarded as the author of the military takeover. army units took over strategic points in Mogadishu and rounded up government officials and other prominent political figures. The police cooperated with the army. a bodyguard killed president Shermaarke while prime minister Igaal was out of the country. but the event that precipitated the coup was unplanned. a member of a lineage said to have been badly treated by the president. Coup d'Etat. which since 1961 had remained outside politics. the Somali National Army had a genuine external mission in which it was supported by all Somalis--that of protecting the borders with Ethiopia and Kenya.

nepotism. and purged civilian officials who were not susceptible to "reeducation. The country was renamed the Somali Democratic Republic. including Igaal. THE REVOLUTIONARY REGIME. and suspended the constitution. The SRC. spokesman for its . reorganized the country's political and legal institutions. but the young Soviet-trained junior officers--versed in Marx and Lenin--who had encouraged the coup were excluded from important positions in the revolutionary regime. no evidence indicated that the coup was Soviet-inspired. formulated a guiding ideology based on the Quran as well as on Marx. The SRC banned political parties. corruption. and misrule." Existing treaties were to be honored. The new regime's goals included an end to "tribalism. which was synonymous with the new government." The influence of lineage groups at all levels and elitism in public life based on clan affiliation were targeted for eradication. but national liberation movements and Somali unification were to be supported. abolished the National Assembly.SRC arrested and detained at the presidential palace leading members of the democratic regime. The military coup that ended the democratic regime retroactively defined its action as a Marxist revolution not only instituting a new political order but also proposing the radical transformation of Somali society through the application of "scientific socialism. SRC members included officers ranging in rank from major general (Siad Barre and Jaama Ali Qoorsheel) to captain. Eventually. Siad Barre emerged as Somalia's strongman." Despite the presence of Soviet advisers with the armed forces.

functioned as a cabinet and was responsible for . and leader of its government. the First Charter provided the institutional and ideological framework of the new regime. an enabling instrument promulgated on the day of the military takeover. Supreme Revolutionary Council. Law Number 1 assigned to the SRC all functions previously performed by the president. The regime pledged continuance of regional détente in its foreign relations without relinquishing Somali claims to disputed territories.revolution. Actions were based on majority vote. A subordinate fourteen-man secretariat--the Council of the Secretaries of State (CSS)-. Along with Law Number 1.and decision-making body." efficient and responsive government. The SRC also gave priority to rapid economic and social development through "crash programs. but deliberations rarely were published. and creation of a standard written form of Somali as the country's single official language. appeared in 1969. The role of the twenty-five-member military junta was that of an executive committee that made decisions and had responsibility to formulate and execute policy. as well as many duties of the courts. SRC members met in specialized committees to oversee government operations in given areas. The SRC's domestic program. and the Council of Ministers. known as the First Charter of the Revolution. In 1971 he announced the regime's intention to phase out military rule after the establishment of a political party whose central committee ultimately would supersede the SRC as a policy. the National Assembly.

Siad Barre filled a number of executive posts: titular head of state. including some SRC members. trade. Existing legislation from the previous democratic government remained in force unless specifically abrogated by the SRC. suspended at the time of the coup. His titles were of less importance. financial management. civil servants attended reorientation courses that combined professional training with political indoctrination.. commander in chief of the armed forces. usually on the grounds that it was "incompatible. however. chairman of the CSS (and thereby head of government). to which most SRC members deferred. although it lacked political power. headed government agencies and public institutions to supervise economic development. however. than was his personal authority. the democratic constitution of 1960. Military and police officers. and those found to be incompetent or politically unreliable were fired. communications." In February 1970. and public government operation. Military officers replaced civilian district and regional officials. Meanwhile.with the spirit of the Revolution. and his ability to manipulate the clans. but until 1974 several key ministries were headed by military officers who were concurrently members of the SRC. was repealed by the SRC under powers conferred by Law Number 1. Although the SRC monopolized executive and legislative authority. The CSS consisted largely of civilians.. A mass dismissal of civil servants in 1974. . and president of the SRC. was dictated in part by economic pressures.

A uniform civil code introduced in 1973 replaced predecessor laws inherited from the Italians and British and also imposed restrictions on the activities of sharia courts. and village levels to advise the government on local conditions and to expedite its directives. to bring government "closer to the people. the National Security Courts (NSC). The NSC subsequently heard cases with and without political content. Using a military attorney as prosecutor. The new regime subsequently extended the death penalty and prison sentences to individual offenders. subject to modification. breaking up the old regions into smaller units as part of a long-range decentralization program intended to destroy the influence of the traditional clan assemblies and. In 1970 special tribunals." Local councils. district. were established under the Ministry of Interior at the regional. directed initially at halting the flow of professionals and dissidents out of the country and at counteracting attempts to . were set up as the judicial arm of the SRC. The first cases that the courts dealt with involved Shermaarke's assassination and charges of corruption leveled by the SRC against members of the democratic regime. the courts operated outside the ordinary legal system as watchdogs against activities considered to be counterrevolutionary. composed of military administrators and representatives appointed by the SRC. The legal system functioned after the coup. Other institutional innovations included the organization (under Soviet direction) of the National Security Service (NSS). in the government's words. The SRC also overhauled local government. formally eliminating collective responsibility through the payment of diya or blood money.

but also throughout the Third World. appointed by the ministry. Tribalism was condemned as the most serious impediment to national unity. appointed by Mogadishu to represent government interests. revolutionary road. were replaced by reliable local dignitaries known as "peacekeepers" (nabod doan). To increase production and control over the nomads. the government resettled 140. The newly formed Ministry of Information and National Guidance set up local political education bureaus to carry the government's message to the people and used Somalia's print and broadcast media for the "success of the socialist." A censorship board. The SRC took its toughest political stance in the campaign to break down the solidarity of the lineage groups. Traditional headmen. whom the democratic government had paid a stipend. Siad Barre presided over these ceremonies from time to time and contrasted the benefits of socialism to the evils he associated with tribalism. The government meted out prison terms and fines for a broad category of proscribed activities classified as tribalism. tailored information to SRC guidelines. the SRC decreed that all marriage ceremonies should occur at an orientation center. Siad Barre denounced tribalism in a wider context as a "disease" obstructing development not only in Somalia. Community identification rather than lineage affiliation was forcefully advocated at orientation centers set up in every district as the foci of local political and social activity.000 nomadic pastoralists in farming communities and in coastal .settle disputes among the clans by traditional means. For example.

towns. was arrested and charged with treason. despite Siad Barre's argument that such reforms were consonant with Islamic principles. The SRC announced on two occasions that it had discovered plotters in the act of initiating coup attempts. but despite government efforts to eliminate it. Concurrent SRC attempts to improve the status of Somali women were unpopular in a traditional Muslim society. were arrested along with several other army officers for plotting Siad Barre's assassination. the government may also have undercut clan solidarity. the second vice president. real improvement in the living conditions of resettled nomads was evident. By dispersing the nomads and severing their ties with the land to which specific clans made collective claim. Challenges to the Regime. the first vice president. He was convicted of treason in a trial before the National Security Court and sentenced to a prison term. The conspirators. Qoorsheel represented the more conservative police and army elements and thus opposed the socialist orientation of the majority of SRC members. where the erstwhile herders were encouraged to engage in agriculture and fishing. clan consciousness as well as a desire to return to the nomadic life persisted. In many instances. In April 1970. In May 1971. Both instances involved SRC members. Qoorsheel. Major General Mahammad Ainanche. who had sought the support of clans that had lost influence in the 1969 overthrow of the . and a fellow SRC member. Soviet-trained Lieutenant Colonel Salah Gaveire Kedie. who had served as head of the Ministry of Defense and later as secretary of state for communications.

" although such a definition was at variance with the Soviet and Chinese models to which reference was frequently made.democratic regime. Siad Barre explained that the official ideology consisted of three elements: his own conception of community development based on the principle of self- reliance. Mao. appeared to have been motivated by personal rivalries rather than by ideology. and Mussolini. For purposes of Marxist analysis. despite the fact that the country had no history of class conflict in the Marxist sense. Igaal received thirty years for embezzlement and conspiracy against the state. however. therefore." he explained. The theoretical underpinning of the state ideology combined aspects of the Quran with the influences of Marx. tribalism was equated with class in a society struggling to liberate itself from distinctions imposed by lineage group affiliation. Somalia's adherence to socialism became official on the first anniversary of the military coup when Siad Barre proclaimed that Somalia was a socialist state. "Socialism is not a religion. "It is a . and were sentenced to long prison terms. the two key figures in the plot and another army officer were executed after a lengthy trial. At the time. Igaal and four other former ministers were excepted from the amnesty. These were subsumed under "scientific socialism. but Siad Barre was pragmatic in its application. By 1974 the SRC felt sufficiently secure to release Qoorsheel and most of the leaders of the democratic regime who had been detained since the 1969 coup. Siad Barre and Scientific Socialism. Accused of conspiring to assassinate the president. and Islam. Lenin. a form of socialism based on Marxist principles.

and advice of the paternalistic leader who had synthesized Marx with Islam and had found a uniquely Somali path to socialist revolution were widely distributed in Siad Barre's little blue-and-white book. and Dulbahante (the clan of Siad Barre son-in-law Colonel Ahmad Sulaymaan Abdullah. Styled the "Victorious Leader" (Guulwaadde). Siad Barre fostered the growth of a personality cult. But the ideology was acknowledged--partly in view of the country's economic and military dependence on the Soviet Union--as the most convenient peg on which to hang a revolution introduced through a military coup that had supplanted a Western-oriented parliamentary democracy. however.political principle" to organize government and manage production. ten of the twenty . Despite the revolutionary regime's intention to stamp out the clan politics. the government was commonly referred to by the code name MOD. genuine Marxist sympathies were not deep-rooted in Somalia. For all the rhetoric extolling scientific socialism. for example. Ogaden (the clan of Siad Barre's mother). Somalia's alignment with communist states. In 1975. More important than Marxist ideology to the popular acceptance of the revolutionary regime in the early 1970s were the personal power of Siad Barre and the image he projected. who headed the NSS). This acronym stood for Mareehaan (Siad Barre's clan). Portraits of him in the company of Marx and Lenin festooned the streets on public occasions. exhortations. These were the three clans whose members formed the government's inner circle. led to frequent accusations that the country had become a Soviet satellite. The epigrams. coupled with its proclaimed adherence to scientific socialism.

and various indigenous scripts. Latin. English had dominated Italian in official circles and had even begun to replace it as a medium of instruction in southern schools. including Arabic. Religious traditionalists and supporters of Somalia's integration into the Arab world had advocated that Arabic be adopted as the official language. One of the principal objectives of the revolutionary regime was the adoption of a standard orthography of the Somali language. . when a number of English-speaking northerners were put in prominent positions. the Somali Language Committee was appointed to investigate the best means of writing Somali. the sedentary interriverine clan- families. Indeed.members of the SRC were from the Daarood clan-family. were totally unrepresented. the Digil and Rahanwayn. it had been considered necessary that certain civil service posts of national importance be held by two officials. Since independence Italian and English had served as the languages of administration and instruction in Somalia's schools. A11 government documents had been published in the two European languages. with Somali as a vernacular. A few months after independence. one proficient in English and the other in Italian. Arabic--or a heavily arabized Somali--also had been widely used in cultural and commercial areas and in Islamic schools and courts. Such a system would enable the government to make Somali the country's official language. The Language and Literacy Issue. of which these three clans were a part. During the Husseen and Igaal governments. The committee considered nine scripts.

all materials would be immediately transcribed. Modern printing equipment would also be more easily and reasonably available for Latin type. The understanding was that. contributing to the stratification of society on the basis of language. . and each member of the committee worked in the one with which he was familiar. of which only a relatively small fraction of the population had an adequate working knowledge. Disagreement had been so intense among opposing factions. which the committee regarded as the best suited to represent the phonemic structure of Somali and flexible enough to be adjusted for the dialects. as a threat to national unity.Its report. favored the Latin script. In 1971 the SRC revived the Somali Language Committee and instructed it to prepare textbooks for schools and adult education programs. offered obvious advantages to those who sought higher education outside the country. although outdated for modern teaching methods. however. issued in 1962. and a new Somali dictionary. that no action was taken to adopt a standard script. the SRC made clear that it viewed the official use of foreign languages. On coming to power. upon adoption of a standard script. would give some initial advantage in the preparation of teaching materials. a national grammar. no decision was made at the time concerning the use of a particular script. moreover. However. Existing Somali grammars prepared by foreign scholars. Facility with a Latin system. although successive governments continued to reiterate their intention to resolve the issue.

As a prerequisite for continued government service. the SRC announced that a Latin script had been adopted as the standard script to be used throughout Somalia beginning January 1.000 teachers were recruited. all officials were given three months (later extended to six months) to learn the new script and to become proficient in it. The campaign in settled areas was followed by preparations for a major effort among the nomads that got underway in August 1974. 1973. to conduct the program. Somalia's literacy rate was estimated at only 5 percent in 1972.000 teachers. The program in the countryside was carried out by more than 20. The first part of the massive literacy campaign was carried out in a series of three-month sessions in urban and rural sedentary areas and reportedly resulted in several hundred thousand people learning to read and write. On the third anniversary of the 1969 coup. After adopting the new script. mostly among government employees and members of the armed forces. As many as 8. the program appeared to have achieved . During 1973 educational material written in the standard orthography was introduced in elementary schools and by 1975 was also being used in secondary and higher education. The rural program also compelled a privileged class of urban youth to share the hardships of the nomadic pastoralists. the SRC launched a "cultural revolution" aimed at making the entire population literate in two years. half of whom were secondary school students whose classes were suspended for the duration of the school year. Although affected by the onset of a severe drought.

generally as local selfhelp projects. 1976. Creation of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party. and other public figures.substantial results in the field in a short period of time. . in addition to civilian advisers. One of the SRC's first acts was to prohibit the existence of any political association. The SRC already had begun organizing what was described as a "vanguard of the revolution" composed of members of a socialist elite drawn from the military and the civilian sectors. Siad Barre had announced as early as 1971 the SRC's intention to establish a one-party state. heads of ministries. formally vesting power over the government in the SRSP under the direction of the Supreme Council. The council included the nineteen officers who composed the SRC. the UN estimate of Somalia's literacy rate in 1990 was only 24 percent. the SRC dissolved itself. The SRC convened a congress of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) in June 1976 and voted to establish the Supreme Council as the new party's central committee. The National Public Relations Office (retitled the National Political Office in 1973) was formed to propagate scientific socialism with the support of the Ministry of Information and National Guidance through orientation centers that had been built around the country. Nevertheless. Civilians accounted for a majority of the Supreme Council's seventy-three members. On July 1. Under Soviet pressure to create a communist party structure to replace Somalia's military regime.

SOMALIA'S DIFFICULT DECADE. local party leadership assumed its functions. Decision- making power resided with the new party's politburo. NSS chief Abdullah. a select committee of the Supreme Council that was composed of five former SRC members. using jailings. especially the United States. In theory the SRSP's creation marked the end of military rule. The MOD circle also had wide representation on the Supreme Council and in other party organs. but in practice real power over the party and the government remained with the small group of military officers who had been most influential in the SRC. Siad Barre was also secretary general of the SRSP. torture. . and summary executions of dissidents and collective punishment of clans thought to have engaged in organized resistance. The Ogaden War of 1977-78 between Somalia and Ethiopia and the consequent refugee influx forced Somalia to depend for its economic survival on humanitarian handouts. Organized opposition groups began to emerge. Upon the establishment of the SRSP. Siad Barre's new Western friends. Domestically. as well as chairman of the Council of Ministers. the National Political Office was abolished. Military influence in the new government increased with the assignment of former SRC members to additional ministerial posts. which had replaced the CSS in 1981. which had replaced the Soviet Union as the main user of the naval facilities at Berbera. and in dealing with them Siad Barre intensified his political repression. 1980-90 . including Siad Barre and his son-in-law.Entrenching Siad Barre's Personal Rule. the lost war produced a national mood of depression.

Siad Barre again reshuffled the cabinet. A "people's parliament" was elected. abolishing the positions of his three vice presidents. In February 1982. On June 7. the SRSP. which exercised executive powers through its Central Committee. and relaxed International Monetary Fund ( IMF) regulations. The resulting confusion of functions within the administration left decision making solely in Siad Barre's hands. In response. and the SRC. former premier Igaal and former police commander Abshir. Although prepared to help the Siad Barre regime economically through direct grants.7 million. This action was followed by another reshuffling in October 1980 in which the old Supreme Revolutionary Council was revived. . World Bank . the Council of Minsters. He had responded to growing domestic criticism by releasing from detention two leading political prisoners of conscience. all of whose members belonged to the government party. Western countries were also pressuring the regime to liberalize economic and political life and to renounce historical Somali claims on territory in Kenya and Ethiopia. Following the elections. both of whom had languished in prison since 1969. the United States hesitated to offer Somalia more military aid than was essential to maintain internal security. The amount of United States military and economic aid to the regime was US$34 million in 1984. Siad Barre visited the United States. The move resulted in three parallel and overlapping bureaucratic structures within one administration: the party's politburo. Siad Barre held parliamentary elections in December 1979. a fraction of the regime's requested allocation of US$47 million. 1982. by 1987 this amount had dwindled to about US$8.turned out to be reluctant allies.sponsored loans.

but to repress Siad Barre's domestic opponents. The jailing of these prominent figures created an atmosphere of fear. threatening to split the country in two. northwest of the Mudug regional capital of Galcaio. the others were members of the Central Committee of the SRSP. Majeerteen. This development shook the "old establishment" because the arrests included Mahammad Aadan Shaykh. At the time of detention. ordered the arrest of seventeen prominent politicians. and a former vice president and a former foreign minister. Siad Barre's regime declared a state of emergency in the war zone and appealed for Western aid to help repel the invasion. a prominent Mareehaan politician. . The invaders managed to capture the Somali border towns of Balumbale and Galdogob.apparently wishing to prove that he alone ruled Somalia. Somali dissidents with Ethiopian air support invaded Somalia in the center. one official was a member of the politburo. and alienated the Isaaq. The regime's insecurity was considerably increased by repeated forays across the Somali border in the Mudug (central) and Boorama (northwest) areas by a combination of Somali dissidents and Ethiopian army units. detained for the second time. In addition. In mid-July 1982. The new arms were not used to repel the Ethiopians. also a Mareehaan. whose disaffection and consequent armed resistance were to lead to the toppling of the Siad Barre regime. and Hawiye clans. The United States government responded by speeding deliveries of light arms already promised. chief of staff of the military. Umar Haaji Masala. however. the initially pledged US$45 million in economic and military aid was increased to US$80 million.

In December 1984. by the "scandal" of South African foreign minister Roelof "Pik" Botha's secret visit to Mogadishu the same month. One amendment extended the president's term from six to seven years. On the diplomatic front. An accord was signed with Kenya in December 1984 in which Somalia "permanently" renounced its historical territorial claims. Another amendment stipulated that the president was to be elected by universal suffrage (Siad Barre always received 99 percent of the vote in such elections) rather than by the National Assembly. at the end of 1984 the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) (a guerrilla organizaton based in Ethiopia seeking to free the Ogaden and unite it with Somalia) announced a temporary halt in military operations against Ethiopia. thereby presiding over its own disenfranchisement. and relations between the two countries thereafter began to improve. This diplomatic gain was offset. and Somali units participated in war games with the United States Rapid Deployment Force in Berbera. Although the Siad Barre regime received some verbal support at the League of Arab States (Arab League) summit conference in September 1982. Siad Barre sought to broaden his political base by amending the constitution. The assembly rubber- stamped these amendments. the revolutionary government's position continued to erode. in which South Africa promised arms to Somalia in return for landing rights for South African Airways. Complicating matters for the regime. a . however. This decision was impelled by the drought then ravaging the Ogaden and by a serious split within the WSLF. the regime undertook some fence mending.

IGADD brought together Djibouti. Siad Barre met Ethiopian leader Mengistu Haile-Mariam in Djibouti to discuss the "provisional" administrative line (the undemarcated boundary) between Ethiopia and Somalia. Ethiopia. and Uganda in addition to Somalia. Kenya. these plans were never implemented. To overcome its diplomatic isolation. the Inter-Governmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD). Although Siad Barre and Mengistu agreed to exchange prisoners taken in the Ogaden War and to cease aiding each other's domestic opponents. Formed in January 1986 and headquartered in Djibouti. In August 1986. Somalia resumed relations with Libya in April 1985. Somalia held joint military exercises with the United States. under the auspices of IGADD. These elements said they now favored autonomy based on a federal union with Ethiopia. They agreed to hold further meetings. In January 1986.number of whose leaders claimed that their struggle for selfdetermination had been used by Mogadishu to advance its expansionist policies. . This development removed Siad Barre's option to foment anti-Ethiopian activity in the Ogaden in retaliation for Ethiopian aid to domestic opponents of his regime. Sudan. Also in early 1985 Somalia participated in a meeting of EEC and UN officials with the foreign ministers of several northeast African states to discuss regional cooperation under a planned new authority. Recognition had been withdrawn in 1977 in response to Libyan support of Ethiopia during the Ogaden War. which took place on and off throughout 1986-87.

a dreaded elite unit recruited from among the president's Mareehaan clansmen. however. the United Nations Development Programme. In September. Somali foreign minister Abdirahmaan Jaama Barre. Specifically. accused the Somali Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation of anti- Somali propaganda. the Hawiye. Economically. the president's brother. Wholesale human rights violations documented by Amnesty International. he was severely injured in an automobile accident. The regime also entered into a dispute with Amnesty International. by the beginning of 1986 Siad Barre's grip on power seemed secure. Siad Barre unleashed a reign of terror against the Majeerteen. the regime was repeatedly pressured between 1983 and 1987 by the IMF. Siad Barre's Repressive Measures. however. and subsequently by Africa Watch. and the World Bank to liberalize its economy. which charged the Somali regime with blatant violations of human rights. . and the Isaaq. Astonishingly. carried out by the Red Berets (Duub Cas). Diplomatic setbacks also occurred in 1986. The president received a severe blow from an unexpected quarter. despite the host of problems facing the regime. Thus. The charge precipitated a diplomatic rift with Britain. Faced with shrinking popularity and an armed and organized domestic resistance. prompted the United States Congress by 1987 to make deep cuts in aid to Somalia. On the evening of May 23. Somalia was urged to create a free market system and to devalue the Somali shilling so that its official rate would reflect its true value.

although at the time he was in his early seventies and suffered from chronic diabetes. elements of the president's Mareehaan clan. Colonel Masleh Siad. the president's son. together with president Siad Barre. had well-placed political contacts. including his brother. two groups contended for power: a constitutional faction and a clan faction. Siad Barre's senior wife. Abdirahmaan Jaama Barre. Siad Barre recovered sufficiently to resume the reins of government following a month's recuperation. Broadly. and oversaw a large group who had prospered under her patronage. the ministries atrophied and the army's officer corps was purged of competent career officers on suspicion of insufficient loyalty to the president. ministers and . Mama Khadiija ran her own intelligence network. Meanwhile. especially members of his immediate family. Opposed to the constitutional group were elements from the president's Mareehaan clan. and the formidable Mama Khadiija. and related factions. The constitutional faction was led by the senior vice president. In addition. Brigadier General Mahammad Ali Samantar. In November 1986. whose infighting practically brought the country to a standstill. the dreaded Red Berets unleashed a campaign of terror and intimidation on a frightened citizenry. and generals Ahmad Sulaymaan Abdullah and Ahmad Mahamuud Faarah. Major General Husseen Kulmiye. the second vice president. constituted the politburo of the SRSP. By some accounts. The four. But the accident unleashed a power struggle among senior army commandants.

later the Somali Salvation Democratic Front. In the aftermath of the Ogaden debacle. with a weak opposition divided along clan lines. During their preeminence in the civilian . escaped to Ethiopia and founded an anti-Siad Barre organization initially called the Somali Salvation Front (SSDF. Thus. The regime might have lingered indefinitely but for the wholesale disaffection engendered by the genocidal policies carried out against important lineages of Somali kinship groupings. The same month. All but one of the executed were of the Majeerteen clan. Persecution of the Majeerteen.bureaucrats plundered what was left of the national treasury after it had been repeatedly skimmed by the top family. Lieutenant Colonel Abdillaahi Yuusuf Ahmad. then against the Isaaq clans of the north. SSDF). and finally against the Hawiye. Their leader was Colonel Mahammad Shaykh Usmaan. a Majeerteen. who occupied the strategic central area of the country. Siad Barre seemed invulnerable well into 1988. a member of the Majeerteen clan. including Usmaan. which included the capital. These actions were waged first against the Majeerteen clan (of the Daarood clan-family). The disaffection of the Hawiye and their subsequent organized armed resistance eventually caused the regime's downfall. the SRSP held its third congress. which he skillfully exploited. The coup failed and seventeen alleged ringleaders. were summarily executed. One of the plotters. The Central Committee was reshuffled and the president was nominated as the only candidate for another seven-year term. a group of disgruntled army officers attempted a coup d'état against the regime in April 1978.

Garoowe.000 camels. members of the Victory Pioneers. more than 2. capturing Burao on May 27 and part of Hargeysa on May 31. 10. Thus. and Jerriiban. when Siad Barre sent the Red Berets against the Majeerteen in Mudug Region. and Isaaq outbursts against the central government had occurred sporadically since independence. Burao in the interior. The Red Berets systematically smashed the small reservoirs in the area around Galcaio so as to deny water to the Umar Mahamuud Majeerteen sublineages and their herds. and 100. The SNM launched a military campaign in 1988. the second largest city in Somalia until it was razed during disturbances in 1988. and the port of Berbera. The Isaaq felt deprived both as a clan and as a region. the Majeerteen sublineage of Colonel Ahmad.regimes. died of thirst in the waterless area northeast of Galcaio. Three major cities are predominantly. . the Somali National Movement (SNM) remained an Isaaq clan-family organization dedicated to ridding the country of Siad Barre. if not exclusively. also destroyed by the military. Formed in London on April 6. The Isaaq as a clan-family occupy the northern portion of the country. In Galcaio.000 cattle. raped large numbers of Majeerteen women. the Majeerteen had alienated other clans. other clans declined to support them. the clan lost an estimated 50. by 400 to 500 Isaaq emigrés. Isaaq: Hargeysa. In addition. the urban militia notorious for harassing civilians. Oppression of the Isaaq.000 Umar Mahamuud. 1981.000 sheep and goats. In May and June 1979.

Harrying of the Hawiye. In numbers the Hawiye in Somalia are roughly comparable to the Isaaq. The military regime conducted savage reprisals against the Isaaq. including women and children. was a Hawiye. was also a Hawiye. About 4. An estimated 5. In the late 1980s. to Giohar.000. a Hawiye subclan. Government . General Daauud. they had occupied important administrative positions in the bureaucracy and in the top army command.Government forces bombarded the towns heavily in June. so was the trust territory's first president. The Hawiye occupy the south central portions of Somalia. occupying a distant second place to the Daarood clans. and in Mogadishu. disaffection with the regime set in among the Hawiye who felt increasingly marginalized in the Siad Barre regime. The first commander of the Somali army. The capital of Mogadishu is located in the country of the Abgaal.000 died in the fighting. From the town of Beledweyne in the central valley of the Shabeelle River to Buulobarde. but 1. Aadan Abdullah Usmaan.destruction of water wells and grazing grounds and raping of women.000 Isaaq to flee to Ethiopia.000 Isaaq were killed between May 27 and the end of December 1988. Although the Hawiye had not held any major office since independence. Southern Somalia's first prime minister during the UN trusteeship period. The same methods were used as against the Majeerteen-. forcing the SNM to withdraw and causing more than 300. were alleged to have been bayoneted to death. the clan was subjected to ruthless assault. Abdullaahi Iise.

Siad Barre committed a fatal error. forty-seven people. were taken to Jasiira Beach west of the city and summarily executed. he still controlled the capital and adjacent regions but by alienating the Hawiye. an outspoken critic of the regime. Somalia's Italian-born Roman Catholic bishop. The July massacres prompted a shift in United States policy as the United States began to distance itself from Siad Barre. By 1989 torture and murder became the order of the day in Mogadishu. at a soccer match in the main stadium deteriorated into a riot. Siad Barre ordered remaining units of the badly demoralized Red Berets to massacre civilians. More than 2.000 were seriously injured. Salvatore Colombo.atrocities inflicted on the Hawiye were considered comparable in scale to those against the Majeerteen and Isaaq. was gunned down in his church in Mogadishu by an unknown assassin. By undertaking this assault on the Hawiye. Faced with saboteurs by day and sniper fire by night. 1989. the regime grew more desperate. mainly from the Isaaq clan. Siad Barre turned his last stronghold into enemy territory. On July 15. On July 9. causing Siad Barre's bodyguard to panic and . An anti-Siad Barre demonstration on July 6. With the loss of United States support. 1990. By the end of 1990. The order to murder the bishop. was widely believed to have had come from the presidential palace. when the Red Berets slaughtered 450 Muslims demonstrating against the arrest of their spiritual leaders. On the heels of the bishop's murder came the infamous July 14 massacre.

At least sixty-five people were killed. . A week fire on the demonstrators.540 square kilometers. Somalia occupies the tip of a region commonly referred to as the Horn of Africa--because of its resemblance on the map to a rhinoceros's horn--that also includes Ethiopia and Djibouti. a body of 114 notables who had signed a petition in May calling for elections and improved human rights. slightly less than that of the state of Texas. Siad Barre sentenced to death 46 prominent members of the Manifesto Group. while the city reeled from the impact of what came to be called the Stadia Corna Affair. As the city celebrated victory. Somalia has a land area of 637. During the contrived trial that resulted in the death sentences. retreated into his bunker at the military barracks near the airport to save himself from the people's wrath. demonstrators surrounded the court and activity in the city came to a virtual halt. On July 13. a shaken Siad Barre dropped the charges against the accused. GEOGRAPHY Africa's easternmost country. conceding defeat for the first time in twenty years. Siad Barre.

however. and highlands. The weather is hot throughout the year. and mineral extraction played a very minor role in the economy. In the absence of independent verification. The local geology suggests the presence of valuable mineral deposits.arid environment suitable only for the nomadic pastoralism practiced by well over half the population. and particularly in the southwest. Only in limited areas of moderate rainfall in the northwest. the reliability of the 1975 count has been questioned because those conducting it may have overstated the size of their own clans and lineage groups . The exploitation of the shore and the continental shelf for fishing and other purposes had barely begun by the early 1990s. plains. In the far north. is agriculture practiced to any extent. only a few significant sites had been located. where the country's two perennial rivers are found. except at the higher elevations in the north. Somalia's long coastline (3. POPULATION Somalia's first national census was taken in February 1975. the rugged east-west ranges of the Karkaar Mountains lie at varying distances from the Gulf of Aden coast. As of 1992. Rainfall is sparse. and as of mid- 1992 no further census had been conducted. Sovereignty was claimed over territorial waters up to 200 nautical miles. and most of Somalia has a semiarid-to. however.025 kilometers) has been of importance chiefly in permitting trade with the Middle East and the rest of East Africa. Somalia's terrain consists mainly of plateaus.

the sampling units were chiefly watering points.3 million. In the latter case. The Ministry of National Planning's preliminary census data distinguished three main categories of residents: nomads. The total population according to the 1975 census was 3. The census nonetheless included a complete enumeration in all urban and settled rural areas and a sample enumeration of the nomadic population. Not included were numerous refugees who had fled from the Ogaden (Ogaadeen) in Ethiopia to Somalia beginning in the mid-1970s.) Somali officials suggested that the 1975 census undercounted the nomadic population substantially. Those living in urban centers were defined as nonagricultural regardless of their .7 million. no ministry of planning. and others might have been craftsmen and small traders. (Because the Somali state had disintegrated and the government's physical infrastructure had been destroyed. although some of these were in fact pastoralists. 1979-81. a time when many people were moving in search of food and water. settled augment their allocations of political and economic resources. regional. issued by the Ministry of National Planning in existence at the time. and district capitals. or indeed any other government ministry. existed in mid- 1992. Preliminary results of that census were made public as part of the Three-Year Plan. The United Nations (UN) estimated Somalia's population in mid-1991 at nearly 7. Settled farmers lived in permanent settlements outside the national. in part because the count took place during one of the worst droughts in Somalia's recorded history. and persons in nonagricultural occupations.

The 1975 census did not indicate the composition of the population by age and sex. The areas of greatest rural density were the settled zones adjacent to the Jubba and Shabeelle rivers. Population densities varied widely. about 30 percent were considered seminomadic because of their relatively permanent settlements and shorter range of seasonal migration. that more than 45 percent of the total was under fifteen years of age. Estimates suggested. to settle nomads as cultivators or fishermen were likely to diminish the proportion of nomads in the population. Various segments of the population apparently increased at different rates. even if of limited success. In 1975 nomads constituted nearly 59 percent of the population. and that there were more males than females among the nomadic population and proportionately fewer males in urban areas. and the seminomadic. and nonagricultural persons more than 19 percent. however.occupations. fully settled rural and urban populations (in that order) at higher rates--well over 2. a few places between them. The nomadic population grew at less than 2 percent a year. settled persons nearly 22 percent. These varied rates of growth coupled with increasing urbanization and the efforts. and several small areas in the northern highlands.5 percent in the case of the urban population. Of the population categorized as nomads. only about 2 percent was over sixty-five years. The most lightly populated zones (fewer than six persons per square kilometer) were in .

occasionally. and the range of seasonal migrations is more restricted. cattle. Somalia's best arable lands lie along the Jubba and Shabeelle rivers and in the interriverine area. Nomads are also found in this area. The nomadic and seminomadic segments of the population traditionally engage in cyclical migrations related to the seasons. In most cases.northeastern and central Somalia. the nomads scatter with their herds throughout the vast expanse of the Haud. When the rains come. Little is known about the migratory patterns or dispersal of these peoples. herders move . Most of the sedentary rural population resides in the area in permanent agricultural villages and settlements. particularly in northern and northeastern Somalia. Grazing camels are herded at some distance by boys and young unmarried men. adult men and women and their children remain with the sheep. the area empties as the nomads return to their home areas. goats. and. or as long as animal forage and water last. the nomads of the Ogo highlands and plateau areas in the north and the Nugaal Valley in the northeast generally congregate in villages or large encampments at permanent wells or other reliable sources of water. During the dry season. but there were some sparsely populated areas in the far southwest along the Kenyan border. After the spring rains begin. A nomadic population also inhabits the southwest between the Jubba River and the Kenyan border. where they live in dispersed small encampments during the wet season. burden camels. When these resources are depleted. but many pastoralists engage part-time in farming.

which range from Chisimayu and Mogadishu in the southwest to Berbera and Saylac in the far northwest. The sedentary population was augmented in the mid-1970s by the arrival of more than 100.from the river edge into the interior. The fisheries' potential and the need to expand food production. although some towns. coupled with the problem of finding occupations for nomads ruined by the 1974- 75 drought. Some of the towns south of Mogadishu have long been sites of non-Somali fishing communities. by Arab and Persian immigrants. They then retreat to the rivers until the next spring rains. however. They return to the rivers in the dry season (hagaa).D. data on the extent of this reverse movement remain unavailable. The present-day major ports. resulted in government incentives to nomad families to settle . Unlike in other areas of coastal Africa. such as Saylac. were founded from the eighth to the tenth centuries A. important fishing ports failed to develop despite the substantial piscine resources of the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden. a function they continued to perform in the 1990s. The locations of many towns appear to have been determined by trade factors. This failure appears to reflect the centuries-old Somali aversion to eating fish and the absence of any sizable inland market. However. They became centers of commerce with the interior. had declined because of the diminution of the dhow trade and repeated Ethiopian raids. the 1980s saw some Somalis return to nomadism.000 nomads who came from the drought-stricken north and northeast to take up agricultural occupations in the southwest. but move again to the interior in October and November if the second rainy season (day) permits.

In 1988 Hargeysa was virtually destroyed by troops loyal to Siad Barre in the course of putting down the Isaaq insurrection.permanently in fishing cooperatives. including Mogadishu) and districts (second order administrative . In some cases. the ready availability of water throughout the year led to the growth of substantial settlements providing market and service facilities to nomadic populations. Present-day inland trading centers in otherwise sparsely populated areas began their existence as caravan crossing points or as regular stopping places along caravan routes. One such settlement is Galcaio. an oasis in the Mudug Plain that has permanent wells. An example is the large town of Baardheere. also started as a religious community in the second half of the nineteenth century. After the establishment of a number of new regions (for a total of sixteen as of early 1992. The distribution of town and villages in the agricultural areas of the Jubba and Shabeelle rivers is related in part to the development of market centers by the sedentary population.000 nomads were reported established in such cooperatives in late 1975. However. about 15. which evolved from ajamaa founded in 1819. Hargeysa. But the origin of a considerable number of such settlements derives from the founding of agricultural religious communities (jamaat) by various Islamic brotherhoods during the nineteenth century. the largest town in northern Somalia. on the Jubba River in the Gedo Region. growth into the country's second biggest city was stimulated mainly by its selection in 1942 as the administrative center for British Somaliland.

Some administrative headquarters were much smaller than that. such as Baraawe. In the Bay Region the major towns. There were several other port towns. the government defined towns to include all regional and district headquarters regardless of size. the regional administrative system was nullified and replaced by one based on regional clan groups. and the Bay--had urban populations constituting 7 to 9 percent of the total urban population in 1975. The chief town in Shabeellaha Hoose Region was Merca. Shabeellaha Hoose. Data on the number of communities specified as urban in the 1975 census were not available except for the region of Mogadishu.000 or more. At that time. There were a few important towns in other regions: the port of Chisimayu in Jubbada Hoose and Dujuuma in the agricultural area of Jubbada Dhexe. Baidoa and Buurhakaba. were located in relatively densely settled agricultural areas. (When the civil war broke out in 1991.000 residents.areas--sixty-nine as of 1989 plus fifteen in the capital region). slightly more than 52 percent of all persons in the category of "nonagricultural" (taken to be largely urban). Only three other regions--Woqooyi Galbeed. which was of some importance as a port. but as a port on the Gulf of Aden it had the potential to grow considerably. and some inland communities that served as sites for light manufacturing or food processing.) Also defined as towns were all other communities having populations of 2. the capital had 380. Berbera was much smaller. . The sole town of importance in Woqooyi Galbeed Region at that time was Hargeysa.

the timing and amount of rainfall are crucial determinants of the adequacy of grazing and the prospects of relative prosperity. and a person's age is calculated in terms of the number of gus he or she has lived. The gu season is followed by the hagaa drought (July- September) and the hagaa by the day rains (October-November). starvation can occur. whose blessings they seek. . water is plentiful. For the large nomadic population. There are some indications that the climate has become drier in the last century and that the increase in the number of people and animals has put a growing burden on water and vegetation. outstanding disputes are settled or exacerbated. Milk and meat abound. The clans. the harshest season for pastoralists and their herds. producing a fresh supply of pasture and for a brief period turning the desert into a flowering garden. assemble to engage alternately in banter and poetic exchange or in a new cycle of hereditary feuds. two rainy (gu and day) and two dry (jiilaal and hagaa). Next is jiilaal (December-March). The gurains begin in April and last until June.CLIMATOLOGY Climate is the primary factor in much of Somali life. During droughts such as occurred during 1974-75 and 1984-85. Lush vegetation covers most of the land. Numerous social functions occur: marriages are contracted. and animals do not require much care. especially the central grazing plateau where grass grows tall. Somalis recognize four seasons. reprieved from four months' drought. They also offer sacrifices to Allah and to the founding clan ancestors.

Coastal readings are usually five to ten degrees cooler than those inland. Generally. The coastal zone's relative humidity usually remains about 70 percent even during the dry seasons. The hottest months are February through April. December to February. Northern Somalia experiences the greatest temperature extremes. Mean daily maximum temperatures throughout the country range from 30° C to 40° C. and a large area encompassing the northeast and much of northern Somalia receives as little as 50 to 150 millimeters. as do some coastal sites. record more than 500 millimeters a year. visibility at higher elevations is often restricted by fog. varying somewhat with the season. Most of the country receives less than 500 millimeters of rain annually. however. rainfall takes the form of showers or localized torrential rains and is extremely variable. with readings ranging from below freezing in the highlands in December to more than 45° C in July in the coastal plain skirting the Gulf of Aden. During the colder months. Certain higher areas in the north. The north's relative humidity ranges from about 40 percent in midafternoon to 85 percent at night. except at higher elevations and along the Indian Ocean coast. Mean daily minimum temperatures vary from 20° C to more than 30° C. The southwest receives 330 to 500 millimeters. ranging from about 20° C to 40° C. . Temperatures in the south are less extreme.

Camels are provided as compensation for homicides and are a standard component of the dowry package. nomads have relied on their livestock for subsistence and luxuries. and goats. They have sold cows. Economic statistics from the early post-Siad Barre period were not available in early 1992. and older camels to international traders . but the camel plays the central role as an indicator of wealth and success. however. sheep. Pastoralism and Commerce in Historical Perspective The Somalis raise cattle. interventions in the Somali economy. and serve as their principal medium of exchange. milk. Yet the shrewd Somalis have been able to survive and even prosper in their harsh desert homeland. goats. whether by Italian fascists. have had minimal impact on economic development. the Somali economy was further undermined by the fall of President Mahammad Siad Barre's government in late January 1991 and the subsequent absence of political consensus. For centuries. or International Monetary Fund ( IMF) economists. Somali Marxists. They provide meat. Generally.ECONOMY Already seriously weakened by a devastating civil war. one can gain some understanding of Somalia's economic situation during that period by looking at the country's prior economic history. and transportation for Somali pastoralists. Camels can survive in an environment where water and grazing areas are scarce and widely scattered.

who needed meat for their enclave in Aden. and salt. India. On the Banaadir coast. POLITICS The most significant political consequence of Siad Barre's twenty-one-year rule was an intensified identification with parochial clans. slaves. had proclaimed his opposition to clan politics and had justified the banning of political parties on the grounds that they were merely .and butchers in the coastal cities. following the 1969 military coup that had brought him to power. ostrich feathers.000 sheep and goats were being exported annually from Berbera to Aden. ghee (a type of butter). In the nineteenth century. skins. By the turn of the century. starting with the Somalis who for centuries have joined the crews of oceangoing ships. northern Somalis were quick to take advantage of the market for goats with middlemen representing the British. especially in Mogadishu but also in Merca and Baraawe. with weapons. gums. the exportation of labor has long been a crucial element in Somalia's ability to sustain itself. By 1992 the multiplicity of political rivalries among the country's numerous clans seriously jeopardized Somalia's continued existence as a unified state. There was considerable irony in this situation because Siad Barre. a lively trade with China. Finally. coffee beans. Starting in the fifteenth century. a coaling station for ships traveling through the Suez Canal.000 cattle and 80. the ports of Saylac and Berbera were well integrated into the international Arab economy. hides. and in the urban markets have bought tea. and Arabia existed as early as the fourteenth century. and ivory being traded. about 1.

The members of the SRSP. the Mareehaan.000. the Daarood. who never numbered more than 20. In particular. Nevertheless. which Siad Barre chaired. he distributed political offices and the powers and rewards concomitant with these positions disproportionately to three clans of the Daarood: his own clan. The exclusion of other clans from important government posts was a gradual process. from the beginning of his rule Siad Barre favored the lineages and clans of his own clan- family. the Dulbahante. the clan of his son-in-law. decided the party's position on issues.partisan organizations that impeded national integration. implemented directives from the politburo (via the central committee) or the government. The creation in 1976 of the governmentsponsored Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) failed to fill the political vacuum created by the absence of legitimate parties. Siad Barre and his closest military advisers had formed the SRSP as the country's sole political organization. Because most of the top SRSP leaders by 1980 were of the Mareehaan. at least among the political elite. The SRSP's five-member politburo. the Ogaden. they did not debate policy. anticipating that it would transcend clan loyalties and mobilize popular support for government policies. that Siad Barre was unduly partial toward the three Daarood clans to which he had family ties. The forced dissolution of political parties in 1969 and the continuing prohibition of political activity tended to enhance the importance of clans because family gatherings remained virtually the only regular venue where politics could be discussed freely. or Ogaden . and the clan of his mother. Dulbahante. but by the late 1970s there was a growing perception.

clans. the party became another example to disaffected clans of their exclusion from any meaningful political role. .

Despite recent increased investments in economic infrastructure. DJIBOUTI BACKGROUND Djibouti. particularly Djibouti’s modern port. which serves Ethiopia. Djibouti is affected by events in neighbouring countries and has provided refuge to thousands of people. . the country remains underdeveloped.D. mainly from Somalia. Djibouti is still recovering from the 1990-1994 civil war that led to massive population displacement. the smallest country in the Horn of Africa. A sizeable proportion of the population lives on less than US$2 a day while one-third lack adequate access to healthcare. fleeing droughts and war. destruction of infrastructure and a downturn in the economy. education and clean water. is strategically located at the mouth of the Red Sea with a large natural harbour providing essential port services to neighbouring landlocked countries.

Ethiopia to the west and southwest. which opens into the Gulf of Aden. . It was Rochet d'Hericourt's exploration into Shoa (1839- 42) that marked the beginning of French interest in the African shores of the Red Sea. Tadjoura. BOUNDARIES Djibouti is bounded by Eritrea to the north. Through close contacts with the Arabian Peninsula for more than one-thousand years. and Gobaad. from whom the French purchased the anchorage of Obock in 1862. goes back thousands of years to a time when Djiboutians traded hides and skins for the perfumes and spices of ancient Egypt. French Consular Agent at Aden. the Somali and Afar tribes in this region became among the first on the African continent to adopt Islam. HISTORY The history of Djibouti. and China. French Interest. with a limited capacity for disaster prevention and management. bifurcates the eastern half of the country and supplies much of its 230 miles (370 km) of coastline. and Somalia to the south. The Gulf of Tadjoura. and Captain Fleuriot de Langle led to a treaty of friendship and assistance between France and the sultans of Raheita. India. The country is also prone to natural disasters such as drought and floods. Further exploration by Henri Lambert. recorded in poetry and songs of its nomadic peoples.

After the Italian invasion and occupation of Ethiopia in the mid-1930s. French Somaliland. increasing the volume of trade passing through the port. In . The administrative capital was moved from Obock in 1896. In June 1940. constant border skirmishes occurred between French forces in French Somaliland and Italian forces in Italian East Africa. which had a harbor with good access that attracted trade caravans crossing East Africa as well as Somali settlers from the south. Growing French interest in the area took place against a backdrop of British activity in Egypt and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. World War II. In 1941. In 1884-85. the Italians were defeated and the Vichy forces in French Somaliland were isolated. France fell and the colony was then ruled by the pro-Axis Vichy (French) government. during the early stages of World War II. The Franco-Ethiopian railway. became the new administrative capital. Léonce Lagarde was installed as governor of this protectorate. Boundaries of the protectorate. British and Commonwealth forces fought the neighboring Italians during the East African Campaign. marked out in 1897 by France and Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia. began in 1897 and reached Addis Ababa in June 1917. The city of Djibouti. linking Djibouti to the heart of Ethiopia. were reaffirmed by agreements with Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia in 1945 and 1954. The Vichy French administration continued to hold out in the colony for over one year after the Italian collapse. France expanded its protectorate to include parts of Somaliland.

On October 5. a decree applying the Overseas Reform Act (Loi Cadre) of June 23. Members of the executive council were responsible for one or more of the territorial services and carried the title of minister. established a territorial assembly that elected eight of its members to an executive council. the French Fifth Republic was formed. The council advised the French-appointed governor general. the colony fell under the Provisional Government of the French Republic. A local battalion from French Somaliland participated in the Liberation of Paris in 1944. The first elections to the territorial assembly were held on November 23. and one counselor in the French Union Assembly. 1957. Governor Pierre Nouailhetas surrendered French Somaliland. On the same day. In a September 1958 constitutional referendum. Manyo rocks out lound one of the greatest to ever walk on this earth. 1958. Reform. Free French and Allied forces then occupied the French colony. after a 101-day long British blockade. 1956. Even though he has many temptations sometime he falls but he gets back up and fights to see another day. French Somaliland opted to join the French community as an overseas territory. Before the war ended.December 1942. under a . the colony was reorganized by the French Fourth Republic to give the people of French Somaliland considerable self- government. On July 22. 1958. This act entitled the region to representation by one deputy and one senator in the French Parliament.

allegedly of Turkish origin. Independence. Ali Aref Bourhan. The directive also reorganized the governmental structure of the territory. the French Government began to accommodate increasingly insistent demands for independence. was selected to be the president of the executive council. making the senior French representative. the executive council was redesignated as the council of government. which favored the Afar minority. In 1975. In June 1976. with nine members. In March 1967. In July of that year. On September 21. announced the French Government's decision to hold a referendum to determine whether the people would remain within the French Republic or become independent. French Territory of the Afars and Issas. a high commissioner. In addition. Representation was abolished in exchange for a system of straight plurality vote based on lists submitted by political parties in seven designated districts. French President Charles de Gaulle's August 1966 visit to Djibouti was marked by 2 days of public demonstrations by Somalis demanding independence. 60% chose to continue the territory's association with France. was revised to reflect more closely the weight of the Issa Somali. The electorate voted for independence in a . a new electoral law was enacted. a directive from Paris formally changed the name of the region to the French Territory of the Afars and Issas.system of proportional representation. Louis Saget. appointed governor general of the territory after the demonstrations. In the next assembly elections (1963). 1966. the territory's citizenship law. formerly the governor general.

The peace accord successfully completed the peace process begun on February 7. the Rassemblement Populaire pour le Progrès (RPP) (People's Rally for Progress). His successor was his nephew. 2005 Ismail Omar Guelleh was re- elected to a second 6-year term at the head of a multi-party coalition that included the FRUD and other major parties. and the Republic of Djibouti was established June that same year. the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD). A civil war broke out in 1991. ending the conflict. and in the presidential elections of 1999 the FRUD campaigned in support of the RPP. Aptidon resigned as president 1999. 2000 in Paris. On May 12. In 1981. Aptidon turned the country into a one party state by declaring that his party. between the government and a predominantly Afar rebel group. Two FRUD members were made cabinet members. A loose coalition of opposition parties . Ismail Omar Guelleh. led by Ahmed Dini Ahmed. Hassan Gouled Aptidon became the country's first president. President Ismail Omar Guelleh presided over the signing of what is termed the final peace accord officially ending the decade-long civil war between the government and the armed faction of the FRUD. In the presidential election held April 8. The FRUD signed a peace accord with the government in December 1994. at the age of 83. 2001.May 1977 referendum. after being elected to a fifth term in 1997. an Afar nationalist and former Gouled political ally. Ahmed Dini Ahmed represented the FRUD. was the sole legal one.

with an Afar career diplomat as Foreign Minister and other cabinet posts roughly divided. has bred resentment and continued political competition between the Issa Somalis and the Afars. together with a shortage of non-government employment. Djibouti held its first regional elections and began implementing a decentralization plan. political power is shared by a Somali president and an Afar prime minister. civil service. The broad pro-government coalition. In March 2006. again ran unopposed when the government refused to meet opposition preconditions for participation. Issas are predominate in the government. Currently. the lowest point. ranging from rugged mountains in the north to a series of low desert plains separated by parallel plateaus in the west and south. However. That. A nationwide voter registration campaign is now underway in advance of the scheduled 2008 parliamentary elections.028 metres).again boycotted the election. including FRUD candidates. and the ruling party. Its highest peak is Mount Moussa at 6. which is . GEOGRAPHY The landscape of Djibouti is varied and extreme.654 feet (2.

Drainage. complete with spectacular lava flows. the other major inland body of water is Lake Abbe. 509 feet (155 metres) below sea level. CLIMATOLOGY The often torrid climate varies between two major seasons. although some subterranean rivers exist. The country is internationally renowned as a geologic treasure trove. and East African rift systems. In November 1978 the eruption of the Ardoukoba volcano. is the saline Lake Assal. The cool season lasts from October to April and typifies a Mediterranean-style climate in which temperatures range from the low 70s to the mid-80s F (low 20s to low 30s C) with low humidity. attracted the attention of volcanologists worldwide. the country hosts significant seismic and geothermal activity. The hot season lasts from May to September. Slight tremors are frequent. located on Djibouti’s southwestern border with Ethiopia. The country is completely devoid of any permanent above-ground rivers. Besides Lake Assal. Of particular interest was the tremendous seismic activity that accompanied the eruption and led to the widening by more than a metre of the plates between Africa and the Arabian peninsula. and they range . Gulf of Aden. Located at a triple juncture of the Red Sea. and much of the terrain is littered with basalt from past volcanic activity. Temperatures increase as the hot khamsin wind blows off the inland desert.also the lowest in Africa.

The average annual precipitation is limited and is usually spread over 26 days. temperatures in the low to mid-50s F (low to mid-10s C) have been recorded. Among the coolest areas in the country is the Day Forest.from an average low in the mid-80s F (low 30s C) to a stifling high in the low 110s F (mid-40s C). This time of year is also noted for days in which humidity is at its highest. while the northern and mountainous portions of the country receive about 15 inches (380 mm). with executive power in the central government. which is located at a high elevation. and legislative power in both the government and parliament. The country's current constitution was approved in September 1992. One outcome of this erratic rainfall pattern is periodic flash floods that devastate those areas located at sea level. POLITICS Djibouti is a semi-presidential republic. Union for a Presidential Majority. but the main opposition. . Other parties are allowed. The rainy season lasts between January and March. boycotted the 2005 and 2008 elections leaving all of the legislative seats to the PRP. Different regions of the country receive varying amounts of precipitation: the coastal regions receive 5 inches (130 mm) of rainfall per annum. short bursts. with the majority of precipitation falling in quick. Djibouti is a one party dominant state with the People's Rally for Progress in power. The parliamentary party system is dominated by the People's Rally for Progress and the President who currently is Ismail Omar Guelleh.

Guelleh was first elected to office in 1999. who follows the council of ministers “cabinet”.9% turnout. Guelleh was sworn in for his second and final six- year term as president after a one-man election on 8 April 2005. Djibouti's second president. Camp Lemonier is being used for fighting terrorism in the region.the Chambre des Députés - consists of 52 members who are selected every five to nine years. which arrived in 2002. Despite elections of the 1990s being described as "generally fair". France's 13th Foreign Legion Demi-Brigade shares Camp Lemonier with the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) of the United States Central Command. . the Djiboutian government leased the former French Foreign Legion base Camp Lemonier to the United States. The prime minister. The country has recently come out of a decade long civil war. is appointed by the President. mainly performing airstrikes on suspected terrorist targets in the Somalian territory by the United States Central Command as part of Operation Enduring Freedom. with the government and the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) signing a peace treaty in 2000. It is from Djibouti that Abu Ali al-Harithi. Two FRUD members are part of the current cabinet. The government is seen as being controlled by the Somali Issa clan. taking over from Hassan Gouled Aptidon. He took 100% of the votes in a 78. In 2001. The parliament . who had ruled the country since its independence from France in 1977.

and the American citizen Ahmed Hijazi.suspected mastermind of the 2000 USS Cole bombing. The country has a harsh climate. and also the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). providing services as both a transit port for the region and as an international transshipment and refuelling centre. with its annual GDP improving at an average of over 3 . lost their lives in 2002 while riding a car in Yemen. a largely unskilled labour force. by a Hellfire missile launched by an RQ-1 Predator drone provided by the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The country’s most important economic asset is its strategic location connecting the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. as well as the African Union. The country of Djibouti is a member of the Arab League. Djibouti is mostly barren. In recent years. with little development in the agricultural and industrial sectors. along with four others persons. As such. the country has benefited from political stability. Between 1991 to 1994. Djibouti experienced a civil war which had a devastating effect on the economy. Since then. Djibouti’s economy is dominated by the services sector. Djibouti has seen significant improvement in macroeconomic stability. It is also from there that the American Army launched a few attacks in 2007 against enemy forces in Somalia. and limited natural resources. ECONOMY The Economy of Djbouti is derived in large part from its strategic location on the Red Sea.

These conditions can be achieved through improvements in macroeconomic and fiscal framework. and labour market flexibility. Efforts are needed in creating conditions that will enhance private sector development and accumulate human capital. particularly job creation and poverty reduction. This is attributed to fiscal adjustment measures aimed at improving public financing. public administration. Djibouti is faced with many economic challenges. With an average annual population growth rate of 2. .percent since 2003. Unemployment is extremely high at over 50 percent and is a major contributor to widespread poverty. This comes after a decade of negative or low growth. as well as reforms in port management. the economy cannot significantly benefit national income per capita growth.5 percent. Despite the recent modest and stable growth.

marked by lakes and rivers. are predominantly Muslim Swahili cities such as Mombasa. Inland are populous highlands famed for both their tea plantations. and their variety of animal species. cheetahs. KENYA BACKGROUND A country in East Africa famed for its scenic landscapes and vast wildlife preserves. rhinoceroses. Kenya’s western provinces. a historic centre that has contributed much to the musical and culinary heritage of the country. .E. while a small portion of the north is desert and semidesert. and hippopotamuses. are forested. elephants. Its Indian Ocean coast provided historically important ports by which goods from Arabian and Asian traders have entered the continent for many centuries. an economic staple during the British colonial era. and tourism is an important contributor to Kenya’s economy. which holds some of the finest beaches in Africa. Along that coast. The country’s diverse wildlife and panoramic geography draw large numbers of European and North American visitors. including lions.

and hyena. with modern skyscrapers looking out over vast shantytowns in the distance. weak. Kenya enjoys a rich tradition of oral and written literature. and Kikuyu peoples. while the tents and hastily assembled shacks that ring the city tend to be organized tribally and even locally. to name only some of the groups. one of the country’s best-known authors internationally. Luo. leopard. many harbouring refugees fleeing civil wars in neighbouring countries. like many other African metropolises. The capital of Kenya is Nairobi. is a study in contrasts. Kikuyu writer Ngugi wa Thiong’o. Kalenjin. a sprawling city that. Adding to . some of them prosperous. Luhya. but full of innovative wit. important and widely shared values. We identified with him as he struggled against the brutes of prey like lion. largely because of the British colonial administration’s openness to study. Kenya’s many peoples are well known to outsiders. tend to be ethnically mixed and well served by utilities and other amenities. was our hero. His victories were our victories and we learnt that the apparently weak can outwit the strong. inasmuch as in some instances whole rural villages have removed themselves to the more promising city. Anthropologists and other social scientists have documented for generations the lives of the Maasai. addresses these concerns in his remarks on one folkloric figure: Hare being small. including many fables that speak to the virtues of determination and perseverance. given the country’s experience during the struggle for independence. Older neighbourhoods. With a long history of musical and artistic expression.

A key figure in researching Kenya’s prehistoric past was the British-Kenyan anthropologist Louis Leakey. and to the west by Lake Victoria and Uganda. a motto of “Harambee” (Swahili: “Pulling together”) has been stressed by Kenya’s government since independence. to the east by Somalia and the Indian Ocean. around Lake Turkana (in the north of Kenya) suggest that hominids (the family of man apes and humans) walked around there several millions of years ago. yet they are also cognizant of the importance of national solidarity. . BOUNDARIES Kenya is Bisected horizontally by the Equator and vertically by longitude 38° E.the country’s ethnic diversity are European and Asian immigrants from many nations. Kenya is bordered to the north by The Sudan and Ethiopia. But there are little remains and a new find could change the theories quickly. who find them to be insulting to their religion. Fossils found in the Great Rift Valley. to the south by Tanzania. Many remains are displayed in the famous Kenya National Museum in Nairobi. where they have met with fierce opposition from Kenyan Christians. HISTORY Kenya has been called the ‘cradle of mankind’: the place where the first humans appeared. Kenyans proudly embrace their individual cultures and traditions.

gathering and trading their iron products with the other tribes who mainly limited themselves to hunting and gathering. Rendille and Wata tribes are Cushitic. Arabs and Persians . Today they form only a small part of the population: for example the Somali. Kenya history underwent a big change when Arab traders started coming to Kenya by dhows (boats) over the Indian Ocean. Nilotes and Cushites. By 1000 AD the techniques from the Stone Age had been replaced by those from the Iron Age throughout Kenya. Together they form the bulk of the Kenyan people nowadays. They were mainly farmers but they supplemented this with herding. The Cushitic-speaking peoples moved into what is now Kenya from north African territory around 2000 BC. Especially the Bantus brought new technologies. Taveta and Akamba tribes emerged. Kalenjin and Turkana tribes are Nilotic. From about the 7th century on. From them. important phase in Kenya history. such as iron working. They were hunterer-gatherers. A new phase in Kenya history was born. Arab domination. and more sophisticated farming methods were developed. but also livestock herders and farmers. Boni. Tribes Moving In. The Masai. More important for Kenya were the Bantu and Nilotic peoples. fishing. The current tribes in Kenya – like elsewhere in East Africa – can be divided into three (language) groups: the Bantus. The Bantu peoples came from the Nigeria and Cameroon region (in West-Africa). who moved into the area from about 400 AD on . Luo. Mijikenda. hunting. During the 8th century. the Kikuyu.

In 1515. transporting them to the Arab Peninsula. The Arab and Persian traders also brought religion with them – today the majority of the people in the coast region are Muslim – and from the beginning they traded slaves. were regarded by the Africans with the same hostility as the Portuguese. now the second city of Kenya. . However. on his route to India. This is how Swahili (together with English the official language of Kenya) appeared: a Bantu language with many Arabic loan words. Francisco de Almeida’s armada staged a full-scale invasion of several coastal cities. the Portuguese only gained a partial control over the region. the Persian Gulf and other Asian regions. In 1498 Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama’s ship landed in what is now Malindi.founded colonies along the coast and came to dominate a large part of what is now Kenya for many centuries to come. The Omani Arabs. The Arabs kept several strongholds and attempts to convert the population to Catholicism generally failed. who heavily increased the slave trade. The European colonial period of Kenya history began. In 1525 the Portuguese returned again to sack Mombasa. In 1698 Mombasa fell to the Arabs from Oman after a 33-month siege and in 1729 the Portuguese left East Africa for good. a city on the Kenyan coast. In Mombasa they built Fort Jesus as a stronghold. which still is a main tourist attraction. The Portuguese Period. Swahili became the ‘lingua franca’ (general language) between the many tribes.

Germany was to get Tanganyika (Tanzania). The British were more interested in controlling Uganda (because of the Nile River) than Kenya. Coffee licenses. Moreover. which would become a decisive factor in Kenya history. British Colonization. Britain was awarded Kenya and Uganda. The British began building a railroad through Kenya. Africans were supposed to pay them through labor. but as there existed no money. Oman came under British influence. at the height of European colonialism. Cash cropping was discouraged or banned for Africans on their own plots. for example. the European powers arbitrarily divided Africa among themselves. Several factors led to African resistance against colonization. and became a British protectorate. . The British lost a lot of prestige in the eyes of Africans. After decades the British had taken the bulk of the land suitable for farming – especially the highlands which were declared solely for whites . The British introduced taxes. but when it failed it’s mission. World War I proved that Europeans were not so civilized as they appeared to be. were strictly reserved for whites. The British would be the next external force dominating the region. the squatters were more or less forced to labor on the lands from which was taken from them by the British. The Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC) was authorized to set up commercial operations in Uganda and Kenya.pushing aside the original inhabitants or turning them into squatters without rights. Kenya and Uganda were made a direct British protectorate in 1895. At the 1885 Berlin conference. but needed Kenya in order to do that. This way.

led by Jomo Kenyatta. He asked white settlers not to leave Kenya. They became more aware of their own Kenya history. This was led by the Kikuyu. Foreign investments flew in because of Kenya’s relative stability and Kenyatta had political influence throughout Africa. This was the first period of freedom in Kenya history for a long time . Although the British had sentenced Kenyatta to 7 years of hard labor for his role in the Mau Mau rebellions. This organization went over into the Kenya African Union (later renamed Kenya African National Union or KANU). who suffered heavily from British land politics as they had lived in the highlands before colonization. because the Cold War ensured plenty of Western grip in the next phase of Kenya history. On December least formally. Kenyan Independence under Kenyatta. the British granted full independence to Kenya. Kenyatta followed a course of reconciliation. In the Cold War he followed a pro-Western. anti-communist course (more on our separate page about Kenya and the Cold War). where they had learned about justice. freedom and love. The famous Mau Mau rebellion from 1952-1960 was the culmination of these protests. One of them was Harry Thuku. Interestingly enough they were generally started by Kenyans which had attended missionary schools. and made Kenya a member of the British Commonwealth. . let many colonial civil servants keep their jobs. A relative prosperous phase in Kenya history began.Several movements began to agitate against colonization. 1963. who was sent to prison for 11 years for organizing mass protests in 1921 with the Young Kikuyu Association that he co-founded. KANU leader Jomo Kenyatta (a Kikuyu) became it’s first president.

he tightened his grip on the country. Foreign donors. and Moi won these as well as the 1997 elections by skillfully exploiting fear of the smaller tribes that they would be dominated by the big tribes. Mwai Kibaki won the elections on the promise to fight corruption. The Constitution forbade Arap Moi to run again for president in the 2002 elections. The authoritarian traits of Kenyatta’s government increased. Ethiopia and Uganda. The Kibaki Presidency. Daniel Arap Moi’s one Party State. Arap Moi received support of the West. and became the third president. regularly visiting many parts of the country. However. this support fell away. Kenyatta was criticized because of authoritarian politics and favouritism: during his land reforms the best pieces of land went to his relatives and friends (the “Kiambu Mafia”). After the end of the Cold War. changed the constitution to outlaw all political parties other than KANU. who saw in him a bulwark against communist influences from Tanzania. However. now withheld financial aid if Moi would not allow political reforms. Daniel Arap Moi – vice president under Kenyatta – became the second president in modern Kenya history. he was rather popular among the population. including the USA. and Kenyatta himself became the nation’s largest landowner. After Kenyatta’s death in 1978. So in 1992 elections were held again. After a coup attempt against his government in 1982. and put his friends on important government positions. He had the main conspirators executed. Kibaki had been a minister .

critics say he has done little to fight corruption and done much to take good care of himself.under Arap Moi. GEOGRAPHY Kenya is the world's forty-seventh largest country (after Madagascar). On the other hand.057 ft) and is also the site of glaciers. The Kenyan Highlands comprise one of the most successful agricultural production regions in Africa. which reaches 5. Kibaki’s cabinet spent 14 million dollars on new Mercedes and BMW cars for themselves. The highlands are bisected by the Great Rift Valley. This program saw nearly 1. Kibaki was praised for abolishing school fees for primary education. The highlands are the site of the highest point in Kenya (and the second highest in Africa): Mount Kenya. a fertile plateau in the east. From the coast on the Indian Ocean the Low plains rise to central highlands.7 million more pupils enroll in school by the end of 2004. From 2003 to 2006. Kibaki lost the 2005 referendum on a new Constitution. Climate . but fell out of favor with Moi in the 1980s. after he changed the constitutional proposals to increase the power of the president.199 metres (17.

341 ft) can be seen from Kenya to the South of the Tanzanian border. A significant population of other wild animals. The environment of Kenya is threatened by high population growth and its side effects.19. summer in France or southern Britain rather than those elsewhere in Africa. Kenya has considerable land area of wildlife habitat. Only the coastal lowlands experience the constant high temperatures and humidity associated with equatorial latitudes. reptiles and birds can be found in the national parks and game reserves in the country. including the Masai Mara. rhinoceros and elephant.000 blue wildebeest perish each year in the long and arduous movement to find forage in the dry season. Even they are less oppressive than one might expect. because of the reduction of temperature with altitude. and are similar to those in California. because of the regular daytime sea breezes and longer hours of sunshine. CLIMATOLOGY The weather in Kenya is observed from the starts of summer from December to March and winter starts from July to August. It is not surprising that with such a favourable weather pattern - . where Blue Wildebeest and other bovids participate in a large scale annual migration.varies from tropical along the coast to arid in the interior. The "Big Five" animals of Africa can also be found in Kenya: the lion.895m . Temperatures over much of Kenya are subtropical or temperate. Up to 250. leopard. buffalo. Mount Kilimanjaro (5.

The low plateau area is the driest part of the country.050 mm (41 in) per year. Generally. wild life. Higher elevation areas within the highlands receive much larger amounts of rainfall. in the temperate Kenya highlands. each with certain features of equatorial weather climates. and good communications. receives an average annual rainfall of 790 mm (31 in) and experiences average temperatures ranging from 9° to 29°C (48° to 84°F) in January and 7° to 26°C (45° to 79°F) in July. Kenya’s different topographical regions experience distinct climates. for instance. the town of Wajir receives an average annual rainfall of 320 mm (13 in) and experiences average temperatures ranging from 19° to 37°C (66° to 99°F) in January and 19° to 34°C (66° to 93°F) in July. The Lake Victoria basin in western Kenya is generally the wettest region in the country. with average temperatures ranging from 21° to 32°C (70° to 90°F) in January and 20° to 29°C (68° to 84°F) in July. The city of Malindi. There. Nairobi. and not too hot . the hottest time is in February and March and the coldest in July and August. with two intervening dry seasons.sunny.and a great variety of scenery. There is a double rainy season between March and May and between November and December. only moderately wet. game parks. receives an average rainfall of 1. particularly the highland regions to the north and south of . The variety of relief and the range of altitude in Kenya produce a considerable number of distinctive local climates and local weather too numerous to be detailed here. The country can be divided broadly into four climatic regions. The coastal region is largely humid and wet.

Executive power is exercised by the government. . Nairobi: Max 25ºC.940 mm (80 in). Min 22ºC. and of a multi-party system. or delays in the start of the rainy seasons. The highlands of western Kenya have a single rainy season. POLITICS Kenya is a presidential representative democratic republic. Min 13ºC. The average annual temperatures in the main areas are: Mombasa (coastal): Max 30ºC. whereby the President is both the head of state and head of government. and Lake Basin experience two rainy seasons: the “long rains” extends roughly from March to June. North Plainlands: Max 34ºC. However. All parts of the country are subject to periodic droughts. Average temperatures in this region range from 14° to 34°C (57° to 93°F) in January and 14° to 30°C (57° to 86°F) in July. as for centuries population has been concentrated in the wettest areas of the country. Kenya’s climate has had a profound effect on settlement patterns. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. where average annual rainfall ranges from 1. and the “short rains” lasts from approximately October to December. The coast. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. Rainfall occurs seasonally throughout most of Kenya.740 mm (70 in) to 1. eastern plateaus. lasting from March to September. there was growing concern especially during former president Daniel arap Moi's tenure that the executive was increasingly meddling with the affairs of the judiciary. Min 23ºC.Kisumu.

Under the presidency of Mwai Kibaki. There is free primary education. secondary education would be heavily subsidised. improving education. combating corruption. which had ruled the country since independence to the National Rainbow Coalition (Narc). This improved public freedoms and contributed to generally credible national elections in December 1997. Kenya had hitherto maintained remarkable stability despite changes in its political system and crises in neighbouring countries. . Until the unrest occasioned by the disputed election results of December 2007. with the government footing all tuition fees. most of which were judged free and fair by international observers. a coalition of political parties. and rewriting its constitution. In 2007 the government issued a statement declaring that from 2008. A few of these promises have been met. the new ruling coalition promised to focus its efforts on generating economic growth. Kenyans held democratic and open elections. A cross-party parliamentary reform initiative in the fall of 1997 revised some oppressive laws inherited from the colonial era that had been used to limit freedom of speech and assembly. The 2002 elections marked an important turning point in Kenya's democratic evolution in that power was transferred peacefully from the Kenya African Union (KANU). In December 2002.

8% and 15.9% of GDP and about half of total exports in 2007. accounting for 18. was severely damaged.ECONOMY The Kenyan economy remains dependant on agriculture and periodic drought often threatens GDP growth. .5% respectively of total sales in 2007. The post-election violence in the first quarter of 2008 hit the Kenyan economy hard. Horticultural produce and tea are Kenya’s two single most valuable exports. The agriculture sector was also been heavily affected.000 jobs were lost and economic growth was expected to slow to 4%. which is a major source of foreign exchange. which will have long term effects on Kenya's economy. Farming and livestock are important activities. accounting (with forestry and fishing) for 23. The tourism industry. The Kenya Private Sector Alliance (representing most major businesses) estimated that 400.

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