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Author(s): Kurt Wilk
Source: Ethics, Vol. 51, No. 2 (Jan., 1941), pp. 158-184
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2989062
Accessed: 23/07/2010 01:40
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LAW AND THE STATE AS PURE IDEAS: CRITI-
CAL NOTES ON THE BASIC CONCEPTS OF
KELSEN'S LEGAL PHILOSOPHY
KURT WILK
I
AT of society is
A timewhen a profoundtransformation
reflected in widespread departure from established
legal values and a quest for new fundamentalrights
problemsinevitably come to the fore which touch upon the na-
ture of law itself. The contemporaryrevolutionariesof Conti-
nental Europeclaim to createlaw of an entirelynew orderafter
destroyingobsolete legal systems. Of the underlyinglegal and
constitutional concepts of the Anglo-Americanworld, mean-
while, many have been subject to a processof reinterpretation.
Now, finally,the violent clash betweennationalsocietiesorgan-
ized in differentdirectionsand stages of transitionhas resulted
in a series of breaches and pretendedredefinitionsof interna-
tional law. All this raises questionsof the law's relation to the
world of changing facts to which it is to apply. Can law be
changed,can it, indeed,be made and unmade,by alteredfacts
or by the responseto alteredfacts in creativecourt decisionsor
politicalfiat? How far and in what sense can the law itself gov-
ern the facts of changingsocial relationships? Can it be con-
ceived of as a self-centeredregulativesystem, and, if so, are the
contents of its rulesadjustableto changesin factual conditions?
What, in particular,is the role of the state in sustaining,adjust-
ing, or creating and destroyinglaw?
Questionssuch as these revive an old antagonismin legal and
politicalthought. Its developmenthas been markedby the con-
flicting ideas of those to whom law, in the last analysis, is the
pronouncementof a sovereignwill backed by political power
i58
LAWAND THE STATEAS PUREIDEAS I59
and those who ascribeto the law a validity of its own, independ-
ent of factual forcesand ultimately foundedon ideal principles
intelligible to human reason. The progressof thinking along
these two distinctlines is indicatedby the namesof Machiavelli,
Hobbes, Austin, Bergbohm,and the school of legal positivism,
on the one hand, and of the monarchomachs,Althusius,Grotius,
Coke, Locke, and Bentham, on the other, with influencesfrom
both sides mergingin conceptssuch as Rousseau'svolontegene-
rale, Savigny'sVolksgeist,and Hegel'sWeltgeist.The controver-
sy has not been resolvedbut raised to anotherlevel by the ad-
vent of Kant's critical epistemologyand later of sociology and
social psychology: the formerhas subjected the basic assump-
tions of scientificthinkingto a critiquethat may be extendedto
the social sciences,while the latter are broadeningand deepen-
ing our empiricalknowledgeof social phenomena. Under this
doubleimpactthe conflictingideasof law as sovereigncommand
and as commonreasonhave evolvedinto a contrastin emphasis,
first, on the more complexfactual influences-economic, social,
and psychologicalas well as strictly political-that may shape,
and in turn be shapedby, the law; and, second,on the natureof
law as a system of regulatoryideas that may as such be dis-
tinguished from the social and individual mental processes
which may underlie them. The first outlook has manifested
itself in economic interpretationsof law of the Marxian and
othervarieties,in the rise of sociologyof the law, of legal plural-
ism and "realism";the second has found expressionin the neo-
Kantian "puretheory" of law, the phenomenologicaltheory of
legal concepts a priori,and their variations.
Nor have endeavorsbeen lacking to bridgethe apparentgulf
between these distinct aspects of the law and to visualizelaw as
both regulativeof and adapted to the needs of society. Such a
concept of the law underlies,as a workinghypothesis, the rea-
soning of a Holmesand a Cardozoas well as the methodsof in-
terpretationelaboratedby GermanInteressenjurisprudenz. But
emphasishas so far been placed here on applying such a hy-
i6o ETHICS
SozialismusundStaat(2d ed.;Leipzig,I923);
40 orMWesenundWertder Demokratie
(2d ed.; Tubingen,I929); Das Problemdes Parlamentarismus (Wien-Leipzig,I925);
Staatsformund Weltanschauung (Tubingen,I933); "The Party-Dictatorship,"op. cit.
LAW AND THE STATE AS PURE IDEAS I79
tions and thus constitute them a social group. The state, like
any other organizationor associationof men, would then have
to be consideredas a part of that comprehensivesocial reality-
a part possessedof its own distinctivegroupideas and reactions
which politicaltheory is to identify and understand.44Kelsen's
denial of the state's factual existenceturns away from this cru-
cial problem. Far frombeingan inescapablecorollaryof his con-
clusive critiqueof psychologicaldefinitionsof the state, it truly
parallelstheir failureto interpretthe social reality of the state.
Turningto the positive elementsin Kelsen'sdefinitionof the
state, we need not add much to our commenton the definition
he gives of the law. Forin his view of the attributionsof the state
are those of law. They carry the same implications,and, con-
sequently,it is submitted that they invite the same objections.
Whetherit is called a legal system or the orderof a state, the
concept of a self-containedand logically coherentbody of com-
pulsory rules is beset with the difficultyof explainingessential
aspects of such rules. Neither their peculiar logical structure
nor their bearingupon the world of facts in which compulsion
applies nor their referenceto one another and their relation to
noncompulsoryvalues can be satisfactorilyexplainedin purely
normativeterms. These terms,then, cannot serve to explainan
effective orderof humanbehavior.
But, if the state cannot be defined at all as a body of pure
norms,thereis no point in comparingit with what also purports
to be such a body of pure norms. We have, then, no groundon
which to identify the state and the law as what is supposedto
be the same body of compulsory rules under two different
names. Nor do we have a groundon which to speculateupon
relationsof this supposedbody of rules called a state or, identi-
44See, e.g., H. Freyer,Soziologieals Wirkliclkeitswissenschaft
(Leipzig,I930), pp.
20, 79-8i; H. Heller, op. cit., pp. 8i, I02-8; Staatslehre (Leiden, I934), pp. 37-48, 69-
I25; T. Litt, Individuum und Gemeinsciaft (Leipzig, 1922), pp. I44, I69-88 (3d ed.,
I926), pp. 234-74; R. Smend, Verfassungund Verfassungsrecht
(Miinchen-Leipzig,
I928), pp. 5-2I; K. Wilk,Die Staatsformbestimmung
derWeimarer Reichsverfassung
(Ber-
lin, I932), pp. 34-35, 38-40, 43-
i82 ETHICS
cally, its legal order with the bodies of rules that may be
ascribedto other states or with those rules that are called the
law of nations. If the state cannot be conceivedas purelya sys-
tem of legal rules, it cannot, of course,be consideredas a mere
part of a comprehensivesystem of all law that would be delim-
ited by the provisionsof the law of nations.45
Thereremainsthe questionwhetherthe state and the law can
be identifiedat all, wholly or in part, even if their identity can-
not be of a purelynormativenature. Obviously,any such iden-
tificationwouldbe bound considerablyto narrowthe conceptof
the state. Many acts and processesin social life that receive
their meaningand purportfromtheirreferenceto the state can-
not be consideredas pertainingto the state's legal order. Some
of these have nothingwhateverto do with the law. Witness,for
instance, political manifestoes and ceremonialacts of govern-
ments, the use of governmentalsymbols,the providingof public
service facilities, and the exerciseof purely political discretion
by governmentalagents-not to speakof groupaction morere-
motely referringto the state though essential to the workingof
its government,such as party activities beyond the scope of
legislativeregulation,politicalnegotiations,or the expressionof
views contributingto the formationof publicopinion. Witness,
also, governmentalaction which has become fixed in more or
less definite usages of the constitution-usages not commonly
consideredlaw althoughthey might perhapsbe consideredlegal
in a wider theoreticalsense, like the president'scabinet or the
nominationof presidentialand vice-presidentialcandidatesby
national party conventionsin the United States, essential ele-
ments of the parliamentarycabinet system in Britain, and the
indissolubilityof the French Chamberunder the Third Repub-
45This does not, of course, dispose of the question as to whether and to what extent
the states' municipal laws as such are subordinate to the law of nations. Critical re-
marks on Kelsen's stand on that point may be found, e.g., in A. Verdross, Die Einheit
desrechtlichen Weltbildes(TUbingen, 1923), pp. 76-86 (from the viewpoint of a substan-
tive international legal monism), and in the papers by Jones, Kunz, and Stern (cf.
above, n. 6).
LAWAND THE STATEAS PUREIDEAS i83