From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Slavophilia was an intellectual movement originating from 19th century that wanted
the Russian Empire to be developed upon values and institutions derived from its early
history. Slavophiles opposed the influences of Western Europe in Russia.[1] There were
also similar movements in Poland, Hungary and Greece. Depending on the historical
context, its opposite could be termed Slavophobia, a fear of Slavic culture, or even what
some Russian intellectuals called zapadnichestvo(westernism).


 1History
 2Doctrine
 3After serfdom
 4Pochvennichestvo
 5See also
 6References
 7External links

Slavophilia, as an intellectual movement, was developed in the 19th-century Russia. In a
sense, there was not one but many Slavophile movements or many branches of the
same movement. Some were leftist and noted that progressive ideas such
as democracy were intrinsic to the Russian experience, as proved by what they
considered to be the rough democracy of medieval Novgorod. Some were rightist and
pointed to the centuries-old tradition of the autocratic tsar as being the essence of the
Russian nature.
The Slavophiles were determined to protect what they believed were unique Russian
traditions and culture. In doing so, they rejected individualism. The role of the Orthodox
Church was seen by them as more significant than the role of the state. Socialism was
opposed by Slavophiles as an alien thought, and Russian mysticism was preferred over
"Western rationalism". Rural life was praised by the movement, which
opposed industrialization and urban development, and protection of the "mir" was seen
as an important measure to prevent the growth of the working class.[2]
The movement originated in Moscow in the 1830s. Drawing on the works of
Greek Church Fathers, the philosopher Aleksey Khomyakov (1804–60) and his
devoutly Orthodox colleagues elaborated a traditionalistic doctrine that claimed Russia
has its own distinct way, which should avoid imitating "Western" institutions. The Russian
Slavophiles criticised the modernisation of Peter the Great and Catherine the Great, and
some of them even adopted traditional pre-Petrine dress.
Andrei Okara argues that the 19th-century classification of social thought into three
groups, the Westernizers, the Slavophiles and the Conservatives, also fits well into the
realities of the political and social situation in modern Russia. According to him, examples
of modern-day Slavophiles include the Communist Party of the Russian
Federation, Dmitry Rogozin and Sergei Glazyev.[3]

The doctrines of Aleksey Khomyakov, Ivan Kireyevsky (1806–56), Konstantin
Aksakov (1817–60) and other Slavophiles had a deep impact on Russian culture,
including the Russian Revival school of architecture, The Five of Russian composers, the

The latter recognized the primacy of collectivity but guaranteed the integrity and the welfare of the individual within that collective. on the basis that opposing groups focus on what is common between them. while having Slavic origins.[10] The very name Slavophiles indicated that the characteristics of the Slavs were based on their ethnicity. ruled over millions of Ukrainians. the Orthodox Church organically combines in itself the principles of freedom and unity. were also deeply Roman Catholic. whose country had disappeared after being partitioned by three neighboring states. was coined by Kireyevsky and Khomyakov. like Ivan Aksakov. The attitude towards other nations with Slavic origins varied.[5] In the sphere of practical politics. is usually considered a high point of this militant Slavophilism.[6] The Russian Empire. Slavophiles used anti-Polish sentiment to create feelings of national unity in the Russian people.[11] Also.[17] "After the struggle with Poles. as expounded by the charismatic commander Mikhail Skobelev. 1877-78. they denied the separate cultural identity of Ukrainian and Belarusian people. Slavophiles believed that Orthodoxy equaled Slavdom. the term for organic unity. freedom exists without unity. Slavophiles were particularly hostile to the Polish nation. According to Khomyakov. did see some practical use for the "Malorussian" language: it would be beneficial in the struggle against the "Polish civilizational element in the western provinces". It was to underline the need for cooperation between people. often emotionally attacking it in their writings[13] When the Polish uprising of 1863 started.[14] and the idea of cultural union of all Slavs was abandoned. the Slavophiles developed the view that they were part of the same "Great Russian" nation. who had their own national identities. constantly resisting Russian occupation of their country.[16] and as Poles were never assimilated within the Russian Empire. Belarusians being the "White Russians" and Ukrainians "Little Russians". The doctrine of sobornost. the poet Fyodor Tyutchev and the lexicographer Vladimir Dahl. Slavophilism manifested itself as a pan-Slavic movement for the unification of all Slavic people under leadership of the Russian tsar and for the independence of the Balkan Slavs from Ottoman rule.[7] believing their national as well as language and literary aspirations were a result of "Polish intrigue" to separate them from Russians. besides containing Russians. on the contrary. Poles proved to be a problem for the ideology of Slavophilism. who.novelist Nikolai Gogol. at the expense of individualism. Their struggle for purity of the Russian language had something in common with ascetic views of Leo Tolstoy.[12] As a result. and resistance to Russia was seen by them as resistance to something representing an alien way of life. This belief was belied by very existence of Poles within the Russian Empire. the Slavophiles saw sobornost ideal in the peasant obshchina.[7] At the same time.[9] Aksakov. including Russia. intregration. The Russo-Turkish War. the Russian Empire also included Poles. Poles and Belarusians. Slavophile thinkers such as Mikhail Katkov believed that both nations should be ruled under Russian leadership and were an essential part of the Russian state. was based on Orthodoxreligion. Towards Ukrainians and Belarusians. depending on the group involved.[7] Besides Ukrainians and Belarusians. however. that they detested. in the end. but at the same time. and in Protestantism. alleged by Slavophile movement common identity to all people of Slavic origin. the Poles' very identity was based on Western European culture and values. recognized the right of Ukrainians to use the Ukrainian language but saw it as completely unnecessary and harmful.[15] With that Poland became firmly established to Slavophiles as symbol of Catholicism and Western Europe. traditions and religions. but the Catholic Church postulates unity without freedom. Slavophiles came to believe that annexation of Poland was a mistake since the Polish nation could not be russified.[8] Other Slavophiles. that notwithstanding the goal of conquering . which after decisions of the Congress of Vienna expanded into more Polish- inhabited territories. Slavophiles expressed their belief.[4] In the Russian society of their time. while Slavophiles praised the leadership of Russia over other nations of Slavic origin. the Catholic faith forming one of the core values of Polish national identity. Classical Slavophiles believed that "Slavdom".

[18] It should be noted that most Slavophiles were liberals and ardently supported the emancipation of serfs. Konstantin Leontyev. Slavophilism began to degenerate and turned into narrow minded Russian aggressive nationalism. would lead to the reform or overthrow of Joseph Stalin's dictatorship.[citation needed] New Slavophile thinkers appeared in the 1870s and 1880s. in turn.[19] Their political ideal was a parliamentary monarchy.Constantinople. was adopted as the official tsarist ideology during the reigns of Alexander III and Nicholas II. and Nikolay Danilevsky developed a peculiar conservative version of Slavophilism. influenced their foreign policy ideas. and the movement turned into Germanophobia. and Konstantin Leontiev. instilling in them a love for the Russian Empire as opposed to the Soviet Union. as articulated by Konstantin Pobedonostsev (Ober-Procurator of the Russian Orthodox Church). which was finally realized in the emancipation reform of 1861. Pochvennichestvo (from the Russian word for soil). the future conflict would be between the "Teutonic race" (Germans). Even after the Russian Revolution of 1917. represented by scholars such as Nikolay Danilevsky. That. and "Slavs". serfdom and capital punishment were viewed as baneful influences of Western Europe. After serfdom[edit] After serfdom was abolished in Russia and the end of the uprising in Poland. it was further developed by the émigré religious philosophers like Ivan Ilyin (1883–1954). who expounded a view of history as circular. Leontiev believed in a police state[citation needed]to prevent European influences from reaching Russia:[20] Pochvennichestvo[edit] Main article: Pochvennichestvo Later writers Fyodor Dostoyevsky. as represented by the medieval Zemsky Sobors. . Press censorship. The teaching. in 1943. Many Slavophiles influenced prominent Cold War thinkers such as George F. Kennan[citation needed]. such as Kennan's belief that the revival of the Russian Orthodox Patriarchate. Danilevsky promoted autocracy and imperialistic expansion as part of Russian national interest.