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Museu Nacional
Museu do Índio - Funai
Rio de Janeiro, 2013

Copyright © 2013 Digital edition available on the website of the Programa de Pós-
Graduação em Antropologia Social, Museu Nacional / UFRJ
Edited by www.museunacional.ufrj.br/ppgas
Patience Epps
Kristine Stenzel

Design by
Kamy Rodrigues - LabLab Design
www.lablab.com.br

Cover Photography by
Gabriel Rosa

7.031.3(811) EPPS, Patience (coord); STENZEL, Kristine.
E63u (coord). Upper Rio Negro: cultural and
linguistic interaction in Northwestern
Amazonia / Patience Epps e Kristine
Stenzel. Rio de Janeiro: Museu do Índio –
FUNAI, Museu Nacional, 2013.

579p. il. color

978-85-85986-45-2

1. Negro, rio
2. Cultura indigena
3. Lingüística
4. Amazonia I. Título

Lidia Lucia Zelesco CRB-7 / 3401

Table of Contents

Map - Upper Rio Negro Region 10

1. Introduction 13
Patience Epps and Kristine Stenzel

I. Culture and society
2. Pandora’s box – Upper Rio Negro style 53
Stephen Hugh-Jones

3. The Serpent, the Pleiades, and the One-legged Hunter:
Astronomical themes in the Upper Rio Negro 91
Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira

4. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no
rio Tiquié 129
Aloisio Cabalzar

5. Recolectando en el cielo: Elementos del manejo Nikak del
mundo (Amazonia colombiana) 163
Dany Mahecha and Carlos Franky

II. Discourse and language ideology
6. Toward an East Tukano ethnolinguistics: Metadiscursive
practices, identity, and sustained linguistic diversity in the
Vaupés basin of Brazil and Colombia 197
Janet Chernela

7. Women’s song exchanges in the Northwest Amazon: 14. Apuntes para una historia de los protestantes y su actuación
Contacts between groups, languages, and individuals 245 entre los pueblos Makú del Alto Río Negro-Vaupés 509
Aimee J. Hosemann Gabriel Cabrera Becerra

8. Semantic transparency and cultural calquing in the Author Information 569
Northwest Amazon 271
Simeon Floyd

III. Grammar and language relationship
9. Predicados complejos en el Noroeste Amazónico: El caso
del Yuhup, el Tatuyo y el Barasana 309
Elsa Gomez-Imbert and Ana María Ospina Bozzi

10. Contact and innovation in Vaupés possession-marking
strategies 353
Kristine Stenzel

11. Kubeo: Linguistic and cultural interactions in the Upper
Rio Negro 403
Thiago Chacon

IV. Historical dynamicity
12. Mythology, shamanism and epidemic diseases: A view from
the Upper Rio Negro region 441
Dominique Buchillet

13. Hierarquia e história: Notas sobre a descendência entre os
Tariano do rio Uaupés 475
Geraldo Andrello

Uppper Rio Negro RegionRio Negro Region Upper  …  i a ri .

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   EAST TUKANO KAKUA.NI KAK ‘ ’  ‰†   “„ƒƒƒ”•  ‰†  –  .

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the Museu do Índio (FUNAI-RJ). Our special thanks go to Renata Alves of the ISA Geoprocessing Laboratory for her design of the volume map and to Gabriel Rosa for permission to use his photograph for the cover. coordinators of the Post-graduate Programs in Linguistics and Social Anthropology. Work on this volume was supported by National Science Foundation grant HSD0902114 (Epps) and the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (Stenzel). introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region1 Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Kristine Stenzel Federal University of Rio de Janeiro/UFRJ 1. and the Instituto Socioambiental. respectively. We also thank Aloisio Cabalzar and Janet Chernela for their helpful comments on this introduction. . All remaining infelicities are of course our responsibility. We are also grateful for support from Marcus Maia and Bruna Franchetto.

the Colombian Altiplano. 1960. while others converge? How are the processes of for the Upper Rio Negro region. and linguistic practices. languages. emphasized by visitors and inhabitants alike. Epps 2007. discourse. creating a stark contrast where they 2009).The sandy. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel The Upper Rio Negro region of the northwest Amazon presents a by missionaries and explorers have been fleshed out over the past decades complex puzzle of peoples. From its headwaters in Venezuela. language. Galvão 1959. 1976. marriage. 1990. see also the 1948. Most of the chapters presented here are the work of scholars low levels of nutrients in these blackwater river systems renders them far whose active research in the region is recent or current. are the define the Upper Rio Negro region as an integrated system – a set of regional distinctions in social. and saliently so. less productive than the whitewater systems found elsewhere in Amazonia. Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009). where earlier layers of documentation convergence and differentiation mediated by discourse? What role does 14 15 . Here the Negro is joined by the Içana The chapters in this volume examine the dynamics and outcomes of River and then by the Vaupés. particularly interlocking parts whose functioning together is enabled by difference involving language affiliation. acidic soils and presented. and history. held at the the Amazon River. This documented regions of lowland South America. the Rio Negro heads 2007. with its own profile vis- square kilometers. where it meets the Solimões to form the main body of Interaction in the Upper Rio Negro Region. the area drained by these three river systems bringing to bear perspectives of culture. and similarity established within the upper Rio Negro context. volume Map 1). However. nevertheless. south into northwestern Brazil. and communities. the region sustains an intricate system of peoples. comprises the Upper Rio Negro region. Neves 2001. and relative social and facilitated by centuries of interaction. subsistence. On one hand by trained anthropologists and linguists – many of whom are contributors these are strikingly diverse.) emerge as We are fortunate to have a substantial ethnographic and linguistic record distinct. The Rio Negro itself continues This discussion grew out of the symposium ‘Cultural and Linguistic on toward Manaus. and cultural practice. 4°N to 2°50’S and 63° to 74°10’W (Bezerra et al. marriage. on the other. they are characterized by close to this volume – making the Upper Rio Negro by now one of the best- similarities. lends a dark color to these waters. Our exploration focuses on the question of how difference is maintained and cultural practices. discourse. 2011. which flow eastward from their origins in cultural and linguistic interaction in the Upper Rio Negro region. A particularly salient volume investigates these patterns of compatibility and contrast that aspect of this record. encompassing the northwestern corner of the Amazon à-vis other regions in Amazonia (see e. As the name ‘Rio Negro’ implies. 2008b.000 characterization as a cultural and linguistic area. 2002. Amazonia’. Jackson 1974. of similar salience are the commonalities shared among the Upper Rio Negro peoples. where it turns toward the east above the town of São Gabriel da Cachoeira. Aikhenvald 1999. which have led to the region’s frequent The Upper Rio Negro watershed covers an area of approximately 250. Why do particular practices (language. status. subsistence.g. at which many of the contributions to this volume were originally merge with the muddier waters of the Solimões. cultural. languages. Goldman basin. etc. which span grammar. a high tannin content 53rd International Congress of Americanists in Mexico City (July 19-24.

while their West Tukano sister languages are of linguists. and history. Kakua is spoken within the the upper Rio Negro region. and others. Names of the indigenous groups and languages of the region tend to exhibit and nationalities to participate in the conversation. Vidal 2000). considerable variation in the literature (as well as in local practice). community members. the upper Rio Negro system links up with the wider South American region. Yukuna. Yuhup.g. Baniwa. so must our understanding widespread throughout the Amazon basin. Kurripako. The spelling of names is standardized throughout the volume. Neves 1998. anthropologists. and will also help us to understand how peoples more generally The Upper Rio Negro region is a microcosm of linguistic diversity. Finally. Arvello-Jiménez and Biord 1994. norms. Hill 1996. The area is home to some two dozen languages. and Dâw) are also found within the Vaupés. and historians collectively to bear on the spoken in Colombia. within the broader context of the linguistically diverse western Amazon. we attempt to strike a balance between overall coherence across chapters and the preferences of individual authors by making reference to multiple relevant names at first mention. Ribeiro time of linguistic and ethnic diversity? How have particular historical 1995. The system is held trajectories. In this volume. and creative events. both ancient and more recent. their sister Nadëb is further downstream in the region of the middle Rio Portuguese. 1976. the volume family (Hup. Differentiation and interaction elements of linguistic and cultural practice may be more accessible to Numerous observers have noted the ‘systemic’ nature of the Upper conscious manipulation than others (such as linguistic forms – words Rio Negro region. while brings together an international group of scholars. Jackson 1974. 16 17 . We hope that the multidisciplinary and Vaupés basin. and Nɨkak to the northwest along the Inirida and Guaviare multilingual presentation of this volume will represent an invitation to students. and exchange of goods practices? The themes explored in this volume inform our view of how and spouses. shaped contemporary together via a complex web of descent. and Spanish. are represented in the region of this interaction be informed by an interdisciplinary perspective that by Tariana.Three languages of the Nadahup question of interaction in the Rio Negro region. then continuing with the name preferred by the author. who are united by their common interest in Negro. Similarly. Peru. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel interactants’ awareness of similarity and difference play. implications of this awareness for the development and maintenance over Chernela 1982. The chapters in this languages – of which there are over a dozen – are all located in the area volume span this range of disciplinary approaches. alliance. which themselves Just as interaction among human groups necessarily involves linguistic and correspond to four major linguistic groupings. Wright 1992. cultural practices. 2001. of the Kakua-Nɨkak group. set negotiate the dynamics of similarity and difference. The East Tukano takes into account language.2 Arawak languages. culture. where linguistic and ethnic distinctions define the and sounds – as opposed to grammatical categories)? What are the complementary parts of an interactive whole (e. bringing the insights of the Vaupés River basin. given that certain 1. and scholars from a variety of backgrounds 2. and Ecuador. writing in English.

the 20th century (see e. Arapaso.g. as well as Nheengatú (língua geral amazônica). Goldman’s 1963:26 discussed below. a process that intensified over the following 3. as is evident in many chapters a congruent shift of both language and ethnic identity). explorers and Jesuit missionaries in (alongside Portuguese) as official languages in the municipality of the 17th and 18th centuries. Hill 1996. is unclear. such as São Gabriel da Cachoeira (Brazil) and Mitú (Colombia). a suggestion that certain Kubeo groups may have once been Arawak. and language-identity connection is emphasized throughout the region. The extent to region throughout the 19th century and is still spoken in areas along the which linguistic and ethnic boundaries may have been fluid in the past.3 The Forest Negro itself.g. but recent work its main tributaries. Baniwa. as others ‘Makú’. ‘River People’ (the East Tukano and Arawak groups) from the ‘Forest People’ (the Nadahup and Kakua-Nɨkak peoples). Sorensen 1967). languages). Hugh-Jones 1979. Jackson 1983. Chernela 1989. see also of language group and marriage practice. evidenced by the frequently encountered self-designation ‘People of Our Language’ (among the Arawak Wakuénai/Kurripako peoples. and also the relates to subsistence orientation. Hornborg and Hill 2011). Rio Negro today (Freire 2004. and no doubt influenced the apparently erroneous linguistic due in large part to contact with the national society. speakers of Tariana. In addition to these four language groups. many speakers of Arawak languages began shifting to Nheengatú in the mid 1700s.g. to support a relationship between them. see Hill Another highly salient distinction in the Upper Rio Negro region 1996:159. however. The latter language – although the establishment in 2002 of Tukano. inter alia). without the direct intervention of the non-Indian world.We note that this latter This congruence between language and ethnic identity has nonetheless category is locally referred to as ‘Makú’ (or variants thereof in the regional diminished as many of the region’s languages have become endangered. it became the main lingua franca in the São Gabriel is. and Nheengatú was spread by Portuguese colonists. most notably for the East Tukano peoples. a language of shift has been predominantly in the direction of Portuguese and Spanish the Tupi-Guarani family (derived from Tupinambá). an attempt to slow these trends. a close association been assimilated into others via processes of ‘ethnogenesis’ (involving exists between language and ethnic identity. Within the Vaupés subregion. there is as yet in this volume. Goldman 1963. and overlaps partially with distinctions Nadahup Hup people [ʔɨnɨh ʔɨd-d’ǝh]. but its most likely source is 18 19 . Along the Rio grouping with the same name (see Bolaños and Epps 2009). cf. While ethnohistorical accounts suggest that certain groups may have For many groups in the Upper Rio Negro region. The Nadahup and Kakua-Nɨkak groups have until recently been two centuries. Cruz 2011). In urban areas in European presence of the last few centuries has brought in Portuguese particular. This link is associated with views on marriageability. The origin of the name ‘Makú’ is uncertain. and Spanish. and they are best considered two which had become the main lingua franca in this region by the early distinct language families. Stenzel 2005. including the lower parts of lumped together as the ‘Makú’ family (e.Wa’ikhana (Bolaños and Epps 2009) indicates that there is in fact no good evidence (Piratapuyo). as little solid evidence to support these claims (see e. and other languages have been shifting to Tukano. Martins 2005). the Tiquié and Papurí. as documented by Epps. This division separates the C. in part. the East Tukano Kubeo [pamíwa]. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel Rivers.

on the other hand. and hunted meat. the Desano people are known to live along smaller waterways The economic relevance of linguistic and ethnic distinctions is not limited and do relatively more hunting. and forest products to the River Peoples in exchange vice versa (see e. particular commodity. they have been characterized in the ethnographic literature as 1979:184. Of the contemporary small-scale. how exogamous groups are defined. the basic categorial division between groups. provide them with complementary places in the regional system. and so forth. the Baniwa manioc graters.g.g. Their subsistence focus is hunting and gathering. Cabalzar 2000). 2008. Ribeiro 1995). the Tukano carved benches. as such. Jackson 1983. Ramos 1980.g. occupy the interfluvial zones. whose practice of linguistic exogamy assumes the Koch-Grünberg 1906:877).g. and Milton (1984) ‘professional hunters’ (Silverwood-Cope 1972. Reid 1979. ethnographers working with the Forest Peoples themselves canoe. these categories are not monolithic. and a similar distinction applies among to that of the Forest and River Peoples. Silverwood-Cope 1972. they may have maintained similar relations with Tukanoan and Arawak and focus their subsistence activities on fishing and manioc cultivation peoples in past centuries (Politis 2007:30. for agricultural produce and trade goods (see. Reid 1979). S. lackadaisical approach to farming contrasts markedly with Forest Peoples. Thus the circulation of interaction over many generations. that is. see also the references above). prefer to travel by canoe. 20 21 . e. although linguistic and ethnohistorical evidence suggests that their communities along the major waterways. Athias 1995. The River peoples.The systemic nature of the Upper internally ranked sibs within particular language groups (e. Pozzobon 1991. According The distinct subsistence orientations of the River and the Forest Peoples to this practice of economic specialization. The best-known illustration of this overlap is that of Arawak ‘do not speak’ (e. the Hup and Yuhup large manioc-carrying In general. but especially have presented it as one of ‘symbiosis’ or ‘intelligent parasitism’ (Reid hunting. the Rio Negro resembles other regional systems such as the Upper Xingu (see Fausto et al. with the Forest Peoples providing material goods has facilitated the negotiation of interethnic liaisons. Also in partial overlap with linguistic boundaries in the region are While non-Indian visitors to the region have tended to take a more distinctions associated with marriage practices. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel People. We note that 2011:148). see the East Tukano peoples. Chernela Rio Negro region also relies on a broad division of labor among different 1993. locate system. these groups appear to have been in regular and frequent baskets. Chernela 1992. locate their communities riverine perspective and describe this relationship as one of slavery or away from the major rivers. for example. and prefer to travel on foot rather than by servanthood. in general. such that each specializes – or traditionally specialized – in a River and Forest Peoples is highly salient in the region. Baniwa-Curripaco ma-aku ‘NEGATIVE-speak’. 2008:144). among the East Tukano groups. Franky (although they too do some hunting and gathering). the Tuyuka make canoes. Mahecha 2007. While all has described the relationship between these two groups in terms of Forest groups in the region currently practice some horticulture. the Nɨkak are the most removed from this interactive that of the River Indians. labor. However. Hugh-Jones 1992). their complementary ecological niche exploitation.

a lack of close linguistic similarities indicates All of the Upper Rio Negro peoples practice patrilineal descent. in particular those spoken by their mothers and (1996:146) notes the apparent contrast between the more Arawak-like other in-marrying women in the community. which link two or more language (Cabrera et al. this volume). as opposed to rigidly defined. this volume. For Arawak peoples outside the Vaupés – and in terms of descent. generally do not engage in linguistic exogamy (see Goldman 1963. Chacon. Reid 1979). Phratrically associated peoples typically identify isolation from the Upper Rio Negro system. however. Silverwood- East Tukano language groups are themselves associated with larger Cope 1972. larger-level phratries. 1995). While linguistic exogamy model of localized. and language groups – fluid and diffuse. clans like those seen in the Vaupés. The East Tukano Kubeo and Makuna. Hugh-Jones 1979. in keeping with the Nɨkak’s relative Stenzel 2005:7). 2002. inter alia). Jackson Rio Negro peoples is normally endogamous from the perspective of 1983. termed ‘phratries’. Hill or ‘father’s language’. Vaupés River Indian identity (see Aikhenvald 1999. The Forest 22 23 . that of social units built around consanguinity and local endogamy (see Cabalzar 2000. the Arawak the more Tukano-like model of localized. however. such that ethnic identity and language are both also for the Makuna (see Århem 1981:116) and Kubeo (see Goldman inherited through the male line. Sorensen 1967. Jackson (1983. S. the match is not perfect.g. and thus also contrast Kotiria/Wanano). In contrast. Franky 2011) report no evidence of exogamous groups (Sorensen 1967:7. exogamous language groups Tariana also participate in the marriage network. this volume) – the basic exogamous unit is the phratry. most East Tukano people 1963:26. in practice this dual structure is not rigid. Language affiliation is understood language or ethnic group. as do the Yukuna (who intermarry with the East Tukano Retuarã) and Nadahup and Kakua marriage practices. on the other with the East Tukano model. Gomez-Imbert 1993:256. Stenzel 2005). groups in fact pull from two opposing models of social organization see also Hill 1996) indicates that these phratric groups are – unlike the to differing degrees – that of localized. 1994. and all that in some cases the relationship actually derives from two groups’ tend to describe their living patterns as patrivirilocal. ethnographic studies of the Nɨkak exogamous units. Århem 1981. Jackson 1983. Among the Kakua and Nadahup groups of hand. themselves as descended from a set of mythical brothers who once spoke the same language. Chernela 1989. like those of the Arawak. consistent with their distributed among dispersed. different practice of intermarrying with the same third group. Chacon. exogamous clans form two distinct intermarrying phratries. exogamous phratries within the language group. the Vaupés. and is primarily an East Tukano practice. although exogamy between clans is more strictly followed (see Pozzobon 1991. are the Baniwa who live on the Aiari (primary marriage partners for the endogamous with respect to the language group. Hugh-Jones 1979. However. 1999. Hugh-Jones 1993. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel basic exogamous group to be coterminous with the language group (see In contrast to East Tukano linguistic exogamy. exogamous descent groups. Nevertheless. marriage for other Upper e. are able to speak or understand many more languages besides their own and multiple phratries exist within the broader language group. C.

1994. in Cabalzar (2000. The East et al. Jackson 1983. which are of relevance these two sets of peoples. Tukano and Arawak peoples describe their Forest Indian neighbors as childish. determining where a couple will live (see discussion in Franky 2011:40). see also Franky 2011) observe that the Forest People’s ephemeral ranking system may be little more The hierarchical organization of social units is an important aspect of than a nod to the East Tukano model. 24 25 . widely bilingual in East Tukano languages. There appears which the River Indians maintain a socially dominant position. Kubeo and Arawak peoples on the stealing coveted items. as discussed by relevant point of imbalance is that between River and Forest Peoples. The East Tukano and Arawak language groups are not generally particular language groups may foster clan-based dialectal differentiation. Due to their practice the ‘incestuous’ nature of their linguistically endogamous marriages (Reid of linguistic exogamy and the exposure to multiple languages that it 1979. this engenders. in keeping with the social imbalance that pertains between divided into ranked sibs (clans). understood to be formally ranked with respect to each other. Tariana before their shift to Tukano. although although this possibility is difficult to test without fine-grained linguistic in practice imbalances do exist (and the past few generations have seen data. see Chernela 1993. disorganized. as were the volume). and thus to be no evidence of hierarchical relations within Nɨkak groups (Cabrera tend to exert more direct control in contexts of interaction. Pozzobon 1991.g. and irresponsible. marriage between similarly ranked clans within level. location of communities. among low-ranking Tuyuka sibs the local groups tend to practice these hierarchies appear to have little relevance in daily life. as discussed by Cabalzar (1995. Other hierarchical relations exist in the region on a more fine-grained On the other hand. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel Peoples exhibit a general contrast to the East Tukano and Arawak groups to social interaction. Hugh-Jones 1979. Hugh-Jones 1993). but this bilingualism is not Internally. marriage practice. Silverwood-Cope (1972) and Reid (1979. 2001. some of which is ongoing. and has direct relevance to patterns of in social organization across the region may also derive from the variable interaction in the region (e. the Forest Peoples (Hup. 2001). as noted above. due in large part to outside intervention). Within the Vaupés. different approaches to hierarchy the Upper Rio Negro system. One widely prioritization of the models of alliance versus descent. 2000). include affines. the Kubeo language (and social structure) reveals evidence of extensive interaction with Arawak speakers in the past. Cabalzar 2000). although returning to the forest. The Forest People respond by joking privately at their expense. the East Tukano language groups and the Arawak phratries are reciprocated.Vidal 1999. they characterize their languages The dynamics of interaction and social ranking have direct bearing as animal-like and impossible to learn. and Kakua peoples for their own groups (see references above). and the East Tukanos fault them for on the patterns of multilingualism in the region. Epps 2008a. most East Tukano peoples are highly multilingual. see also Cabalzar. see also Århem 1989. but in for example. Franky 2011). and in their flexible application of principles of alliance versus descent in access to resources (see C. A similar ranking of clans is described by Nadahup A similar flexibility is observed within some East Tukano groups as well. 1999.Yuhup. Chernela 1993. or simply by pulling out of the interaction and fringes of the Vaupés are less likely to speak multiple languages. and Kakua) are widespread shift to Tukano.

their relatively autochthonous status is consistent with the family tree – so perhaps a millennium or more in the past. When did the groups living in the region today first come the Rio Negro into the Vaupés. may indicate that the East Tukano peoples moved into the peoples of the region claim that they originated from the Uaupuí rapids 26 27 . the dynamics of this interaction changed in response to historical events? While this exchange probably occurred in both directions. The Coleção Narradores Indígenas do Rio Negro. The Arawak Tariana were a relatively late arrival in the Vaupés region.g. The East Tukano accounts focus on a river voyage in an ancestral anaconda canoe (see the volumes in the series The Arawak were likely followed by the East Tukano peoples. In contrast. see Neves 1998:181. According Nadahup-East Tukano interaction began at the time of the common to Nimuendajú. but it is likely that its multiethnic system has been in and in the widespread adoption of the Yurupari tradition. 2004. with its western and eastern see also Goldman 1963. Heckenberger 2002.Yuhup. forthcoming a). when only Nadëb had branched off the the region. in response to the Arawak presence (see also Reichel-Dolmatoff 1989. Walker and Ribeiro 2011). e. Hugh-Jones 1979). see Aikhenvald 1999. The ceramic record suggests The different histories of the Rio Negro peoples are no doubt reflected that Arawak peoples have lived within the Rio Negro basin for at least in their different origin stories. according to Neves (1998). Negro region. Azevedo and Azevedo 2003. cf. the local distribution of the Nadahup and Kakua-Nɨkak languages. 2001:282. coming Arawak would have been the next wave. 2002. Zucchi and Ricardo 1998:57. Hill (1996) proposes but he notes that it is probably much older: human occupation of the that the East Tukano practice of linguistic exogamy may have formed lower Vaupés basin likely dates back at least 3200 years (Neves 1998:3). Historical perspectives Vaupés from the west (see Chacon. S. whereas the Arawak branches.Vidal 2000. Neves 1998. and pushing the Forest Peoples into the interfluvial zones. distribution of the Tukano language family. perhaps entering from the north from the direction of the Aiari River around 600 years ago to occupy (which in recent work has been identified as a likely epicenter of Arawak lands already inhabited by the Kotiria/Wanano and Tukano (Cabalzar expansion. Neves 2011:45. Nimuendajú’s (1950. but we note that the A deeper understanding of the Upper Rio Negro system requires a view East Tukano origin stories speak of an eastern origin involving travel up into the past. influences from other groups. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel 2. comparative evidence suggests Arawak influence in the elaboration of bitter manioc Relatively little is known about the early history of the Upper Rio production among East Tukano groups (see Chacon forthcoming b). and marriage of Arawak women by East Tukano invaders). Aikhenvald 2002:24). and how have they interacted in the intervening time? How have East Tukano and Arawak groups led to significant cultural exchange. trumpets forbidden to women (see Chaumeil 1997). Since that time. and Dâw. its current inhabitants presumably entered in successive who suggests that the practice may have developed via the abduction waves of migration. Linguistic Wright 1992) hypothesis of how this process occurred is probably still evidence from the Nadahup languages (Epps forthcoming) suggests that our best guess – though it remains little more than a guess. To date. with its sacred place for many centuries – at least 600 years. the Forest Peoples (or Makú) were likely the first in ancestor of Hup.The ensuing period of interaction among together. although many of these also reveal 1600 years (Neves 2001:275).

alternative educational slaving expeditions. The rubber boom and that “the Upper Rio Negro regional system is structurally similar to the presence of exploitive commercial traders during the late 19th and what it was before the sixteenth century [. Cabalzar 2010. shift and language loss in the region. 2012). the contemporary Salesian missionary presence in the region.000 people from the region initiatives and movement towards the recuperation of traditional cultural in the first decades of the 18th century alone (Neves 2001. this volume). Buchillet. and led to the cessation of ritual and religious practices in many communities (see. Stenzel 2005. Regarding the Forest Peoples. ever-increasing Despite the profound demographic. It was probably by indigenous cultural categories both before and after the conquest. this of obligating Indian children to live in mission boarding schools far from is corroborated by the Hup stories told to Epps that define them as the home. which removed some 20.” It 28 29 . e. this volume). Most other Nadahup languages are spoken). At Leed 2003. F. Reid (1979:21) reports The activities of missionaries. Reid (1979:21) into their present territory. Chernela and and linguistic practices (see Oliveira 2005.. social. access to faster means of travel. from the Orinoco. Chernela The distribution of groups in the Upper Rio Negro region has shifted 2012. though the price paid for Hup origin stories recorded by Epps involve an anaconda canoe. likewise notes that the Kakua origin myth includes extensive river travel in anaconda (or boa) canoes. breaking off relations with the Kakua and the reports that the Hup people say they came on foot from the east (where East Tukano and Arawak peoples (Mahecha 2007. Neves (1998:363-364) argues in the lives of the Upper Rio Negro peoples. and especially their decades-long practice that the East Tukanos say the Forest Peoples were in the region first. within the Rio Negro region (see Wright 1992:256. Cabalzar and Ricardo 1998.g. Stenzel 2005). Aikhenvald 2002. On the other hand. However. and the Kakua say they came certainly. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel on the Aiari River. equally to those told by the East Tukanos. played a major role in the acceleration of processes of language ‘elder brothers’ of the Tukano peoples in mythic early times. The the same time. Lasmar 2005. similar missionary ‘protection’ was a different. and in the eyes of many. among others. Waves of epidemics were punctuated by as significant advances in political organization. greater participation in late 18th and 19th centuries saw downriver migrations fill the vacuum the national economy. abuses on the part of traders were an impetus for increased from the northeast. and cultural changes brought contact with the national society has been driving significant changes about by European contact and conquest. Wright 2005:51. and increasing migration to urban centers have left by these events. Andrello 2006. Franky 2011). Cabalzar and Ricardo 1998). the ravages of the rubber trade that prompted the Nɨkak to move north Andrello. such as the move of the Tukano and Desana from the resulted in a new set of changes in subsistence practice and lifestyle (see Papuri River to the Tiquié..] because the dynamics of early 20th centuries had a brutal impact on the indigenous people of the social change in the Upper Rio Negro were structurally conditioned region (Nimuendajú 1950. Over the last century and a half and into the present. in the past few centuries in response to the devastating consequences of Recent decades have seen a decrease in the missionary presence as well European contact and conquest. and Silverwood-Cope (1972:214) noxious brand of interference. Lopes Diniz 2011).

The chapters in this volume translates in various regional languages as something like ‘Bone-Son’) are consider a number of these common features that define the Rio Negro found throughout the region. coca (ipadu). East Tukano Despite the social divisions that enable the dynamicity of the system. cultural. Hugh-Jones use of curare and blow-guns. the direction of cultural influence undoubtedly corresponds to that of linguistic influence. and linguistic practices. 30 31 . the Yurupari trumpets. the chapter by HUGH-JONES investigates the question inter alia) lists agricultural practices focusing on bitter manioc cultivation of cultural similarities among Upper Rio Negro peoples. ‘coca’. In this volume. and ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis presentation.Vidal 1999. differences and their relevance to restricted exchange. These include status and sacred trumpets. norms of self- and the use of paricá snuff. for East Tukano and Arawak peoples of the region. Society and culture which may be more easily traced. but are attested most widely in the Arawak system. Convergence and negotiating diversity The direction of cultural influence among the Upper Rio Negro The centuries of interaction among upper Rio Negro peoples have groups is often difficult to pin down. similar patrilineal. on body ornamentation and its role in ritual practice. languages. longhouse habitation. exogamic clans. words for Widespread similarities attest to the intensive interaction that crosscuts ‘ayahuasca’. as noted above. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel remains to be seen what effects the changes of the contemporary period in broader networks of trade and interaction. one identified with Yuruparí. see also Neves 1998:145. the ritual use of masks important features of the regional social system. whereas Kubeo and Retuarã have region’s status as a ‘culture area’ has been noted by numerous observers. suggesting an Arawak source. ritual bark masks. which investigates Upper Rio Negro ethnoastronomies. and the name of the mythical culture hero (which the various social divisions discussed above. and attest to the involvement of the Rio Negro system Regional similarities are also a focus of the chapter by EPPS & OLIVEIRA. of particular phenomena. 3. caapi). the languages have profoundly influenced both Arawak Tariana and the Rio Negro peoples appear strikingly homogeneous in many respects. political and aesthetic positioning. 1990. these include the use of will have on the future of the system. argues that. For example. incorporated more effects of Arawak.The Nadahup languages Hup and Yuhup. wider context of the northwest Amazon (particularly in the direction of northern Peru). 3. with a focus and processing. forbidden to women (also associated with Yurupari). A subset of these regional practices are also encountered within the and ritual performance. Galvão (1960. Among the many features widely encountered in the region. In the Upper Rio Negro. In many cases.1. and large signal drums (see Neves 2001:269). common characteristics of basket and pottery making. religious importance of ancestors and a set of styles in male ceremonial dress and associated paraphernalia reflect mythological heros. cosmological belief. ayahuasca and other substances. as well as some of the differences that set particular groups apart. Silverwood-Cope 1972. but clues exist in the distribution had profound effects on their social. large rectangular malocas (longhouses).

introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel The authors explore the relevance of ethnoastronomical beliefs to a & FRANKY. ritual practices. These common Rio Negro system and their maintenance of a more nomadic lifestyle. considering the relevance of hierarchy and closely to the Arawak than to the East Tukano exogamic model (as social organization in space. and the beliefs associated with them.3 below) discusses some of the historical together – how patterns of similarity and difference are negotiated and processes that have contributed to the contrastive status of the Kubeo. and fosters While some chapters highlight points of similarity. CABALZAR investigates these questions through the lens in light of linguistic and cultural features generally shared by other East of marriage practices in the Tiquié region. MAHECHA 32 33 . ethnic identity for the peoples of the Upper Rio Negro region. show that although Nɨkak culture includes range of ritual and everyday practices via the association of the stars a number of features traceable to longstanding contact with Arawak with yearly calendrical cycles. for East Tukano complex mixture of Tukano and Arawak matrixes. Nɨkak cosmology and social relations are suggested to be more traces of them may also be seen much farther afield. CHACON (see also 3. Common and East Tukano groups. a crucial relationship pertains between language and and socio-spatial relationships are highly interrelated. and myth. groups. for example. exogamy is not the only factor driving marriage practices. it has also been shaped in distinctive ways by themes can be identified among the constellations recognized. He explores their multilingual Tukano groups. features pertain throughout the Rio Negro region in particular. the myths their relative geographic isolation on the outer periphery of the Upper of their origin. by a man exceptional status thus accentuating regional similarities. others focus on how the pervasive multilingualism among the East Tukano and forest peoples of the forces of cultural and linguistic homogeneity are circumscribed. he outlined above). at the same time. Not only do Kubeo marriage practices conform more and multiethnic character. maintained. The shows that marriage practices on the one hand clearly reflect traditional author argues further that many features of the present-day Kubeo exogamic norms. These also function to create socially and geographically relevant networks of 3. linking the Rio in sync with those of other Amazonian forager populations than with Negro to regions as far away as the Guianas and the Andes. their notions are clearly observable in statements such as the following. Such stand out as more distinct from a cultural or linguistic perspective. but Thus. even in situations in which actual language use practices language – both lexical and structural – point to its development from a are shifting. Focusing on records of marriages registered discussed in works such as Goldman 1963 and Hill 1996. Discourse and language ideology alliances within the regional system. but the Kubeo also tend toward monolingualism. thus demonstrating that language As observed above. and briefly at the Salesian Mission in Pari-Cachoeira between 1940 and 1990. showing region. On the other hand. language ideologies emphasize language loyalty that certain groups are not as integrated into the system as others and and promote linguistic difference as major tenets of the system. Cabalzar shows that.2. surrounding Vaupesian models based on reciprocal exchange. Interaction among groups tends to involve significant communication. Contributions to this volume also consider how the system holds Similarly.

the theme of ‘women as outsiders’ is pervasive. and the Tariana expression na. shamanic incantations in different language groups reveal observations and overt speech practices.Within the more tolerant Arawak model. to Epps). The chapter by CHERNELA outlines the defining pursued the tapir and killed him by biting him in a very sensitive spot. Desana to the Hup incantations recorded by Epps and by Danilo Paiva and how such perceptions contribute to the formation of a theory of Ramos (e. HOSEMANN focuses on this language contact (in which most people command multiple languages. The author concludes that this societies. Beier et al.g. 2002): we find widely longer speak their father’s language (Aikhenvald 2002:27). such as that experienced by points out the flexibility inherent to the genre. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel from an East Tukano group: “If we were all Tukano speakers. the linguistically mediated interaction we get our women?” (Jackson 1983:170). and Hup women. which allows singers the the Tariana. On the other hand. loyalty is a factor. language that establishes norms of language use. the genre on the one hand reflects a speakers are more likely to use another person’s language as a gesture of collective recognition of women’s placement in exogamous. The East Tukano ideology leads to observed among Kotiria/Wanano. compare Buchillet (1992) on how speakers perceive and qualify differences between languages. while the more restrictive East Tukano model has been more freedom to improvise and create dialogue about particular circumstances conducive to long term language maintenance even in the context of involving themselves or their listeners. especially within the Vaupés. Her examples demonstrate closely comparable structure and content. For example. Ramos p. In these greater insistence on each speaker’s overt demonstration of loyalty to exchanges. widespread multilingualism. ‘accommodative’ Arawak attitudes toward language use. as but identify principally with one). work with the Wanano/Kotiria – as reflected in speakers’ metalinguistic Similarly. and the resulting as can be seen in Piedade’s (1997) comparison of the Wakuénai/Kurripako long-term consequences within this particular context of intense Arawak and Tukano musical traditions. topic in her discussion of Upper Rio Negro women’s song exchanges. patrilocal accommodation (Aikhenvald 2002:23).c. Frequent interaction sawayã na-sape ‘they borrow they speak’. where would While linguistic codes may differ. shared themes and discursive strategies in narrative. stories with similar themes and protagonists use practices and how these contribute to the maintenance of distinct turn up across language groups (such as the tale of the tortoise who cultural identities. the author contributed to processes of language shift. and various East Tukano languages). such that conversations often involve multiple the extent to which the performing woman is in fact an outsider in her languages. 34 35 . Tariana. used to describe people who no shapes discourse in the region (cf. A particularly interesting contrast is drawn between the more ‘rigid’ East Tukano and the more Similarities in discourse also include close resemblances in music and song. regardless of their linguistic identity. Epps 2008a:916. isolation. and an acknowledgement that experiences of solitude. Thus. features of an East Tukano language ideology – based on extended told by speakers of Hup. but also among the Baniwa and other Arawak groups in the Several chapters in this volume explore questions related to language broader region. seemingly subtle difference in attitude among Arawak speakers has likely and even poverty are commonly shared. Wakuénai. among many of the Rio Negro groups is profound. but particular living situation.

the authors discuss how the ordering of the are phonologically distinct but semantically equivalent across languages. comparison to that observed in many other multilingual contexts). determining subgrouping on the family tree is complicated e. change of state diversity at the same time. The chapter example. though pervasive. as well as details of language mixing results in highly constrained code-switching and of each system that demonstrate how contact and language-internal relatively little lexical borrowing from other regional languages (in resources conspire to produce strategies with fine-grained distinctions. as well (see also Hugh-Jones 2002). inheritance or as the result of contact.3. However. 2007). Aikhenvald 1996. In such cases. Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel Pervasive interaction through discourse also leads to congruence among In this volume. Gomez-Imbert 1996. and sorting out which criteria 36 37 . thus contact has a limited effect on those features of sound system and Intense contact among languages raises challenges in determining lexicon (in particular) of which speakers are most aware. strategies in languages of the Vaupés. as discussed by Floyd. Epps by STENZEL discusses this point in relation to possessive marking 2005. exists. for steeped in nuance (see Aikhenvald 2002. this volume). Grammar and language relationship Grammatical convergence spurred by contact. 3. this volume. Strong cultural condemnation semantic similarities that are likely the result of contact. verbal roots affects interpretation of spatial semantics or of cause-and- effect relations. Thus. Even when clearly influenced by other languages. and convergence of grammatical features. 1999. and in this particular case results in names that and habituality.g. languages region’s languages indicate that multilingualism has led to profound may nevertheless rely on their own resources to develop new structures contact effects and the development of a number of areal linguistic and categories – often resulting in additional complexity. The author points occurrence in languages of the Nadahup and the East Tukano families. such as the members of the East Tukano family. which ensures that culturally ‘serialized verbs’. position or orientation). Epps 2005. This is diffusion continues unchecked below speakers’ ‘level of awareness’ (see especially true for languages that are both in constant contact and truly Silverstein 1981) or where tolerance of linguistic similarity otherwise ‘genealogically’ related. 2008b. as explored in FLOYD’s discussion predicates as one such areal grammatical feature. and are commonly employed to express spatial notions significant meanings are kept similar even across linguistic boundaries accompanying an event (directionality. 2007. pointing out both structural and Gomez-Imbert and Ospina. GOMEZ-IMBERT & OSPINA discuss complex ethnonyms and toponyms of the region. out that maintenance of a shared culture involving diverse linguistic These complex predicates are composed of verbal compounds or groups is reinforced by semantic transparency. the practice contributes to unity and as to indicate aspectual distinctions related to perfectivity. and explore their of ‘cultural calquing’ in the Upper Rio Negro region. Stenzel. development of parallel semantic by the fact that words across two or more languages may be similar via categories. 1999. In addition. various studies of the absolute. and always features – even while linguistic diversity is largely maintained (see. is rarely Despite local restrictions on language mixing. relationships rooted in inheritance from a common ancestor. 2002. occurring through mechanisms such as calquing (loan translation. this volume).

Chacon argues that the previous that invoke the noxious item or otherwise deal with it magically. 38 39 . and how indigenous social relations have been partially been structurally conditioned by indigenous cultural categories (see also mediated by relationships with the non-indigenous peoples who have e. Aikhenvald 2002). of their occupation for many generations of a territory claimed by other groups. this liaison is evidence of the clan’s prominent position and with the non-Indian world. Kubeo’s place on the East indigenous and non-indigenous people. penetrated the region. In these examples. Cabalzar and Ricardo 1998. Furthermore. classification of Kubeo as forming a distinct ‘Central’ branch of the East Tukano family tree is in error (see also Franchetto and Gomez-Imbert The chapter by ANDRELLO explores the development of the unusually 2003). measles and smallpox for some East place within the East Tukano family illustrates the challenges in teasing Tukano groups are mythically associated with glass beads traded between out these different kinds of relationship. Historical dynamicity with non-Indian people and integration of their European names. groups differ in a number of sources (e. CHACON’s study of Kubeo and its non-indigenous goods. their role as new players within the Epidemics are in some cases associated with particular properties of existing regional system has at times changed the dynamics between particular groups. introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel are responsible can be complex. Chernela 1993. BUCHILLET’s contribution to this volume investigates how the region’s As noted above.g. in their qualification of these diseases as indigenous or non-indigenous.4. The author lower degree of contact-related convergence between Kubeo and the argues that the Koivathe’s unique genealogical knowledge is the result. and how these experiences have been serves still to assert their elevated position in the regional hierarchy. and peoples perceive and qualify infectious diseases attributable to interethnic have modified and continue to have an effect on regional interactions. Interestingly. measles and malaria). and that its divergence reflects both Arawak influence and a deep genealogy of a particular clan of Tariana.g. on the one hand. of their longstanding association 3. other East Tukano languages.Whether viewed and social. The Several papers in this volume investigate how the Upper Rio Negro establishment of the clan’s liaison with colonizers can be traced to the system has responded to the profound changes brought about by contact 18th century. the Koivathe. the Arawak Baniwa Tukano family tree indicates that its relative isolation – both geographic associate the same diseases with their own manioc graters. over the last decades of the 20th century. Hill 2008). In contrast. missionaries have played a major role in the region. the origins of these diseases are generally system – has caused the language to diverge from the other East Tukano treated in myth and their manifestations are combated by shamanic spells languages in lexicon and grammar. contact (smallpox. we see study illustrates the mechanisms by which hierarchy may be negotiated illustrations of Neves’ (1998) point that social change in the region has and maintained. given its lower level of integration in the linguistic exogamy as indigenous or non-indigenous. and on the other. The incorporated into the regional worldview. Wright 1998. 2005. for example. For example. and how they employ their own Their contribution to a shift toward a more monolingual ethos is discussed sociocultural resources in dealing with them.

introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel the Kakua of the community of Wacará (Colombia) gave up their trade and brings together peoples of many ethnicities and languages. particularly _____. Uppsala Studies in and so forth. The chapters in this volume illustrate the close association between differentiation and interaction within the Upper Rio Negro context. 1989. ed. Dixon.Alexandra Aikhenvald and Robert M. Dixon and Alexandra Y. in the awareness of how others act and react. the author focuses on the more recent the case of Tariana. 1981. Roosevelt. Århem. Areal diffusion and language contact in the Içana-Vaupés the Summer Institute of Linguistics. While locally salient distinctions divide the peoples of the region into categories defined by language. 1996. marriage preference. 55–78. we hope relations with East Tukano neighbors to deal almost exclusively with that the multidisciplinary and multilingual approach of this volume will SIL-associated missionaries. Areal diffusion in North-West Amazonia: dates back several centuries. pp. 237-266. The contributions presented contemporary indigenous peoples of the Guiana Shield: the system of Orinoco regional interdependence. pp. as a result. Ethnos 54(1-2): 5-22. and H. N. Semantics and pragmatics of grammatical relations in the Vaupés linguistic area. 2006. and recreated in the context of this regional system. São Paulo: Editora UNESP/ISA/NUTI. the Makuna and the Guiana systems: norms. New York: Oxford involving the Forest Peoples’ relations with others in the region. 2002. discursive _____. missionary presence has transformed the practices of individual groups. The impact of conquest on the perception of similarity and difference. Kaj. the Upper Rio Negro region spans culture. unlike their elders (Katherine Bolaños. Tucson. 1994. shared. eds. and their basin. Just as interaction within to the Present: Anthropological Perspectives. created. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grammars in Contact: A Cross-linguistic Typology. 40 41 . of this community do not speak East Tukano languages. the New Tribes Mission. Geraldo. The chapter by CABRERA explores the history of missionaries in the region. discourse. Alexandra Y. p. W. transformations of social structure in northern lowland South America. Anthropological Linguistics 38: 73-116. pp. Conclusion eds. Language Contact in Amazonia. notably _____. centuries of frequent interaction have shaped many aspects Cultural Anthropology 4. _____. Biord. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. A. and language. Aikhenvald. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999. and investigates missionaries effects on regional dynamics. AZ and London: The University of Arizona Press. University Press.c. Amazonian Indians from Prehistory here explore the dynamics of these processes. North West Amazonia. subsistence practice. 2007. presence of North American protestant missionary organizations.While Catholic missionary activity in the region Aikhenvald. of their lives according to a common mold. Cidade do Índio: transformações e cotidiano em Iauaretê. Makuna Social Organization. Cultural practices. 385-415. and linguistic structures have been maintained.). most younger Kakua members encourage many more voices to continue the discussion.W. Robert locally affiliated organizations. and in particular their relations References with the Forest Peoples. Andrello. Cabrera considers how the evangelical M. and in the structuring of identity through Arvelo-Jiménez. The Makú. The Amazonian Languages.

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Cambridge Abstract: In this chapter I suggest that the relatively uniform style of male ceremonial attire shared in common between the speakers of East Tukano and Arawak languages of the Upper Rio Negro is one facet of a ritual system that gives coherence to a regional social system. the indexical and symbolic connotations of colour and material. Using discussions of . ornaments as aspects of personhood and selfhood linked with self-presentation and display. the links between ornamentation and dancing and between politics and aesthetics. ornament boxes as cosmological operators mediating ancestral and human time.upper rio negro style Stephen Hugh-Jones King’s College. the complementary relation between ornaments and body paint. Using East Tukano data. pandora’s box . this chapter analyses body ornamentation from different but interrelated perspectives: ornaments as personified heirlooms and valuables related to differences in power and status that enter restricted forms of exchange.

proponho que o estilo relativamente uniforme of the globe. Behind such claims lie implicit comparisons with other regions Resumo: Nesse capítulo. Pandora’s box . a box of cosmológica não pode ser deixada em segundo plano. most notably with Melanesia a region that has come da vestimenta cerimonial masculina. Partindo de dados de have some truth. as conotações indexicais e simbólicas de of the Xingu-Tocantins region. econômica e ornaments are a key component of the house-clan’s estate. esse capítulo analisa a ornamentação corporal more true of contemporary Amazonia than they are of its historical de perspectivas diferentes.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones self-decoration in Melanesia as a theoretical counterpoint. and cosmological analysis must go hand in hand. e entre política the Jivaro speakers of the Ecuador-Peru border who are sometimes e estética. and the box itself is a kind of house that mediates between two other containers. wealth. ritual of objects (see e. the body and maloca. a análise política. are more concerned with the production of people than the production Keywords: body. bodies. The same applies to e humano. ornamentation. feather ornaments occupies a prominent place in the centre of their Palavras-chave: corpo. compartilhado pelos povos Tukano to serve as a useful counterpoint to Amazonian research (see Gregor Oriental e Arawak do Alto Rio Negro. and economic. Hugh-Jones in press). Tendo como contrapartida teórica a discussão sobre a auto. riqueza. assumed to be paradigmatic of a generic ‘Amazonia’. political. poor universe. troca. ornamentação na Melanésia. exchange. as ligações entre ornamentação e dança. I argue that Introduction where valuable objects that are worn on the body and that enter ritual It is quite often claimed that Amazonian societies live in an object- exchanges are also the subjects of esoteric symbolic commentary. a relação complementar entre Upper Rio Negro are poles apart from peoples such as the Araweté os enfeites e a pintura corporal. the Piaroa of Venezuelan Guiana or cores e materiais. Feathers. but they must still be taken with caution for they are grupos Tukano Oriental. mas inter-relacionadas: adornos como bens and archaeological past (see McEwan. Rivière 1984). enfeites como aspectos de personhood e selfhood ligados à ornaments: on both counts the East Tukano-speaking peoples of the auto-apresentação e auto-ornamentação. ritual malocas. 54 55 . lack elaborate technology and craft specialisation. ornamentação.g. é uma das facetas de um sistema and Tuzin 2001. ornaments and architecture are linked: de comentários simbólicos esotéricos. argumento que lá onde objetos de valor que enfeitam o corpo e que participam de trocas rituais são também sujeitos For the East Tukano peoples. These comparative claims may ritual que dá coerência ao sistema social regional. both of them thatched with feathers. Barreto and Neves eds. Viveiros de Castro and Fausto 1993:934. 2001) herdados personificados e objetos de valor relacionados a diferenças em and they gloss over some significant differences between different termos de poder e status e que entram em formas restritas de troca: caixas lowland peoples. One such difference lies in the degree of elaboration de enfeites como operadores cosmológicos mediando tempos ancestral of architecture and in the significance it carries. and houses are the themes of this chapter.

and Erikson 2. the differences of language on which they place such emphasis. exogamy kaapiwaya). indigenous terms are given in the Barasana 1986. respect and other norms of ritual interaction. These in marital exchanges and ceremonial exchanges of food and goods. and Verswijver 1992 for the Kayapó. Guss (1989) 1. language throughout. true people (masa. dance steps and widely shared repertoires of men’s dance songs (Tukano: indigenous and non-indigenous ‘foreigners’.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones The various East Tukano-speaking groups of the Upper Rio Negro up a shared style of male ceremonial attire that is a distinctive collective comprise1 an integrated regional system that hangs together through a hallmark of the peoples of the Upper Rio Negro. attributes create a system of reciprocal interdependence that is expressed oratory. Marubo and Nahua. Seeger 1975 for the Suyá. By contrast. Pandora’s box . Note here the parallel importance of inter-group ritual and of shared norms on observations made in the Pirá-Paraná region where the system still operates of interaction in the multi-lingual Alto Xingú region (see Franchetto 2001. quartz neck pendants and painted bark-cloth aprons make social space and cosmos that are explored by Turner (1969). initiatives elsewhere in the Upper Rio Negro to revive or revitalise more 4.Turner 1969. 1995 traditional features. upon the near uniformity of male for communication between strangers whose knowledge of each ritual body ornamentation that applies. one that overrides dynamic interplay between similarity and difference. Howard 1991 and Mentore 1993 for the WaiWai. headdresses. Dressing in uniform and singing and dancing in unison in combined with internal differences in ancestry. On the one hand.3 (see the photographs in Koch-Grünberg 1909-10). See e. the standardized space of their maloca architecture. This East Tukano peoples see each other as the same. throughout other’s language is limited or non-existent and generate social cohesion the Upper Rio Negro among East Tukano and Arawak speakers alike throughout the system.4 Although I am especially interested in the links between body. patrilineal descent. Ball in a more or less ‘traditional’ manner and in part because of contemporary 2011). masa uniformity of dress goes hand-in-hand with a standardised repertoire of goro2) who share attributes in common which mark them off from gawa. or once applied. politeness. craft specialization and other peoples also share a set of pragmatic conventions regarding greeting. allow My focus here is upon similarity. Elsewhere in lowland South America.g. differences in body ornamentation frequently Several authors have provided comprehensive analyses of the social mark off differences between ethnic groups and sometimes also mark and symbolic significance of body decoration in particular Lowland further differences within the group. Melatti 1986 and Verswijver 1987 respectively for the Panoan Matis. Upper Rio Negro paternally derived language affiliation. I use the ethnographic present throughout in part because my chapter is based 3. On the other hand. shared features of Upper Rio Negro social interaction in ritual contexts complement multi-lingual communication between neighbours. 56 57 . their distinctive feather societies. Unless otherwise indicated.

upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones and Howard (1991). audience whose members judge the claims and capacities of the persons The house estate comprises a common language and a set of personal concerned. the political and names. Ornaments as valuables of several different modes of circulation. my aim here is not to deal with body decoration in to ceremonial exchange in Northwest Amazonia. evaluated and consumed a discussion of the relation between exegesis. and productions – both are also ‘corporate’ and ‘persons’ in that they are identified with the body material and theatrical – that constitute social action. Performance and display are functionally equivalent to exchange. gifts. In societies with differentiated systems of exchange. performance and display. capacities. a hallucinogen.With respect 5. clan. individual. subjective states may be indexed by specialised verbal performances and visual displays directed at an audience as virtual gifts. but exchange is but one 1. Turner (1995:147) suggests architecture: ornaments are a key component of the house-clan’s estate. and myths. performances. both of them thatched with elaboration. and exogamous group are expansions or contractions of and to have social and political effect they must be consumed by an the same fractal person (Wagner 1991. displayed. are absent or in short supply. corporate social units or moral persons defined in relation to an estate Turner’s argument is similar to that of Strathern (1988) who extends made up of material and immaterial property. their malocas. songs. that these societies tend to do with the body what complex societies do a box of feather ornaments occupies a prominent place in the centre of more with objects. In discussing why the body and the modification of its surfaces play I begin with a discussion of the links between patriliny. and decorated bodies status of ornaments as wealth items or valuables. values and bodies. the body and maloca. see also Hugh-Jones 1995:233). songs. Wilson’s (1988:114) point that hospitality. To be recognised and person of the anaconda ancestor from whom they derive. at all. lineage. statuses. social identities and values are marked and constituted by feathers. such performances must adopt a particular conventional form. dress and language.These groups whole gamut of presentations. or commodities. drink. specific clones of manioc. Using data from the Barasana and other speakers of East Tukano the exchange of valuables. objects. the merit of these the round and as a phenomenon in itself but rather to focus on particular theoretical arguments is that they match exactly an empirical situation in aspects of the decorations worn at dances and to link these with the which food. dances.5 aesthetic display of elaborated foods. and the box itself is a kind of house that mediates between where abundant objects are the focus of both technical and symbolic two other containers. at once. 58 59 . Where such objects languages. This will lead me on to are all being exchanged. circulated. which persist through time the notion of gift beyond exchange mediated by objects to embrace the by successfully transmitting this estate across the generations. identities. my aim here is to explore further these links between feathers. is a key missing element in Maussian exchange theory is along the same lines. Pandora’s box . spells. East Tukano exogamous groups and their component clans are houses. ornaments and such a fundamental role in simple societies. and houses. speeches. coca and yagé. Banisteriopsis.

East Tukano groups on the part of the analyst. and womb-like containers. a set of sacred flutes and trumpets used in initiation. That ornaments are semen- like products of body-tubes. objects of a 7. ornaments and Yuruparí instruments bear items of property with the body of the group’s ancestor. The East Tukano upriver from the East. Gahe-. consanguinity and affinity. and they alone cannot enter the network of reciprocity” (2001:113) – the missing half If not elsewhere in Amazonia. Ancestral items that encapsulate spirit or vital force associated with social different order from gaheuni. 60 61 . difference or hierarchy. where that ornaments are persons are all clear enough. valuables’. endogamous. and a set in the centre of the world as fully-human beings. well understood identical ornaments define a Northwest Amazonian regional polity that locally. there is little to distinguish one group’s property houses. that the feather box and canoe are people.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones Yuruparí. Such items should not be given away. uni. its ancestor. Yuruparí all the hallmarks of Wiener’s (1992) inalienable possessions. These last items are hee gaheuni. ‘spirit possessions. mundane goods or possessions. travelled as the signs or substance of alien bodies and identities. they should ultimately return to the giver. the members of the clan. that the journey is a gestation. In contrast to the Kayapó and Bororo. According periphery. To the eye or ear. But this personification goes further in that both Yuruparí instruments Though both operate within the same dialectical field of centre and and ceremonial ornaments are also persons in their own right.7 a point also instruments are the ancestor’s paired bones and feather ornaments are noted by Descola. and from that of another. the clan-ancestors of feather head-dresses and other ornaments. here more or less these objectifications and personifications are explicit. cognatic groups try to the East Tukano origin story. Pace Descola (2001:112). heterosubstitution: they alone stand for something else. both are manifestations of the spirit (ɨsɨ) of the “may constitute an intermediary figure between homosubstitution and ancestor. to keep their sisters to themselves and bring in exotic goods or trophies entered the body of the ancestral anaconda-canoe as pure spirits. Half right. and emerged peoples must give out their sisters in marriage but try to retain their 6. Pandora’s box . if they are given. ‘thing’ suggests an alienable. specific ornament styles differentiate houses or clans. ‘other’. relational status with respect to the self. by myths and origin stories that authenticate ownership and continuity either by testifying to their As ancestral heirlooms that assert continuity with the past and acquisition of property on an ancestral journey of origin or by identifying discontinuity in the present. are not differentiated visually but verbally. ornaments were vomited up by a deity.6 and sons of the deity / anaconda ancestor. the group and its members. here at least objects do indeed stand for are the ornaments that stand in relation to Yuruparí as tube to contents parts or aspects of persons and for relations between people: the clan and and which do sometimes enter networks of reciprocity. half wrong. stopping on the way to dance and sing. and require no ‘sophisticated interpretation of symbolic discourse’ embraces both East Tukano and Arawak speakers. and the clan in relation to its affines. Descola writes that Yuruparí the colours of his skin.

In order their language but give out speech – songs. periodically.7. structural level. 8. matrimonial. 62 63 . coca. the East Tukano peoples between single-sex clan relations and cross-sex relations with wives and are like the Melanesian Gimi. All this suggests that. In each generation. kind and belonging to a common social system. in reproduce themselves. The Gillison 1981 and compare Hugh-Jones 2001). they keep their women as sisters but owners of a box of feather ornaments and a set ofYuruparí but. 131). The former must Women and valuables were once the main targets of inter-community overcome radical difference in world where predation negates exchange. and beings endowed with ancestral potency. they guard their Yuruparí jealously but play them this ideal is tempered by rank and by historical contingency. People make loudly. I observed one occasion on which Yuruparí instruments were exchanged privately for a mix of indigenous valuables and western goods. People keep Thus far I have been speaking at a general. feasts bring the Tukano peoples to the near side with close sister exchange. a primordial differentiation between people otherwise of the same and heterosubstitution.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones heirlooms as personifications of their own identities. men of influence. peaceful exchanges of valuables set up relations exchange with similar others. and dimension. paired flutes and feather ornaments are the equivalents they must also remain separate and distinct. the former underscore a distinction In this. give them out as wives. to proceed further it is necessary to introduce a historical and political they keep their plant clones but give out their products – beer. and symbolic exchanges to the far side with bride price as a substitute for the true sister (see necessary for their reproduction (see also Hugh-Jones 1995. 2001). exchange.This paradox is partly resolved of sisters or wives: in different contexts these pairs are not only ‘elder in the complementary balance between initiation cults and ceremonial brother / younger brother’ but also ‘husband / wife’ and ‘brother / sister’. and in their ritual practices and exegesis. exchange partners. Pandora’s box . groups must meet and fuse but for this to happen some respects. and they deploy ornaments strategically as exchange items in their own right. raiding and gifts of valuables gave protection from such raids (see also the latter must avoid loss of difference and identity in world of constant Howard 1991:fn. and influential men are sometimes able to substitute valuables for sisters The East Tukanos’ exogamy and patrilineal descent present a paradox: to or bride-service. in displays that reveal and demonstrate their owners’ capacities – as makers. On the cusp between homosubstitution affines. chants and formal greetings. The Barasana may speak as if each clan were the collective yagé – in exchanges of hospitality. paradox is also resolved in the peculiar combination of keeping-while- giving that inalienable possessions allow (Wiener 1992). in practice.8 they parade their ornaments. the more alienable products and counterparts of Yuruparí. of ritual affinity that complement the exchange of sisters between affines. a limited form of ‘bride-price’. both exchange sisters and ritual goods in tandem. the Gimi clans together in the economic.

9 In addition. senior status are parvenus not born of the anaconda ancestor. Pandora’s box . where important individuals are buried in of junior clans and client Makú-groups are forms of wealth and both are canoes. Their status as socio-political centres also has a cosmological dimension that is encapsulated in the box As in the Xingú. another manifestation of ascription and achievement. Bidou (1976) provides an extended discussion of such mythological 10. where chiefship is inherited but to be a chief requires the of feathers they own.The box is the heart. dancers. a man must To some extent this is true. all their headdresses from neighbours. but items are ideally people belonging to the highest ranking clans. also control of box of feathers. is the house and body of the thunder- 9. as groups segment. the Kubeo buy politics amongst the Tatuyo. and around which people dance. Inheritance they imply depend on mythological pedigrees that may be challenged by is one way of doing this. here too. The feather box as cosmological operator all cases. not all those of high rank have the necessary power Those who control a box of feathers can dominate ritual proceedings in and influence to command the human resources required to build large. groups with a separate and inferior origin who tricked their superiors into calling them ‘elder brothers’. Ceremonial regalia and the pooled labour the anaconda-canoe. permanent heirlooms. Feathers are sources of light and symbolised in large houses. rather than making them. To maintain its status of as a body and. claims to seniority and the rights build a dance house and gain control over ceremonial regalia. a high-ranking clan or ‘house’ centre of the world. these challenges typically assert that those claiming deity who vomited up the ornaments (see also Hugh-Jones 1995:234-5). 64 65 . The box hangs suspended above the manipulated and challenged (see Heckenberger 2005:105-6. in cosmological terms. However. act as focal points and ceremonial centres. rank and political status is a matter of both post. the feather box itself. Groups lose their valuables through theft and house fires or disperse them through demands for exchange and. the centre of the house is also the and ensure its continuity through time.To become a man of influence. of the house conceived of ceremonial gatherings where wealth is deployed. above the area where the beer-canoe.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones clear that those who build large dance houses and control ceremonial must husband its ceremonial wealth as static. a given territory and exert influence over their agnates and affines (see prestigious houses and not all those who manage to build such houses also Århem 1981:85). the ‘seat of the noon-day sun’ next to the lighting Souza 1995:181-3). the to ensure its reproduction. the analogue of the focal heirlooms in Indonesian demonstration of chiefly qualities and where claims to legitimacy can be house-societies (McKinnon 2000). their valuables are inherited by particular The large houses that own ceremonial regalia and sacred instruments individuals living in particular houses. ɨsɨ. the products of work and the prerequisites are buried with the dead. it must also activate this wealth by displaying it chiefs. This world is sometimes portrayed as a village with four malocas at the cardinal points and a fifth at the zenith above. In the Upper Rio Negro. is kept. This fifth house. Coelho de centre of the house. exchange or sale are other ways. and by investing it in alliances. Goldman (1979:153) reports that. in 2.10 rivals. and chanters who have the right to such prerogatives. manufacture.

or by the pre-human beings who sing the roofing leaves. The passage of time is marked by a sequential 1979:267-268 (Barasana). Kumu and Tolamãn Kenhíri 1980:109-112 (Desano). dancers who assume the stature and qualities of spirits. Hugh-Jones as a stable cosmic centre. They visit the Owner of Night and contained. The beings then cover cosmic centre (Helms 1993) that concentrates spiritual property and their house with leaves. Feathers cover the body and flutes are passage of time. above covers the earth with darkness and rain. Umúsin Panlõn structure of song and dance that ends at dawn when normality is restored. a slowly across the floor. sleep and night. First he gives them a pot full of sickness. causing its interior to become dark like night. telling them not to open it till they get home.to macro-space and to a dangerous and abrupt a box. he gives them night and sleep as bones wake up and come alive to sing and dance. and the ornaments are dispersed to the 11. But of course they transition from light to dark that is subsequently reversed by singing. a being identified with crickets or frogs that sing at night and the fish-like sacred instruments stored in distant horizontal space at the who keeps night and sleep in a box of feathers. ancestral power and makes them tangible and visible.11 To obtain leaves. He gives them both leaves and dance ornaments shut in to a shift from micro. and stand In the case of sleep and night. scattering to all the places where roofing leaves are same occurs at dances: at normal times the feathers and spirit-powers they represent are static and ‘asleep’.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones The box is thus a miniature house. he beats the box with a whip and sings as the box moves bones. a microcosm and vertically located found today and bringing sickness in their wake.The do. Pandora’s box . the house expands to cosmic proportions. the house periphery. beings visit the Owner of Roofing Leaves. either the songs of the nocturnal creatures that mark the a point confirmed in two paired myths linking it with the origins of passage of time till day-beak. box. the first pre-human closing strophe of a dance-song. It is one of a set and use the ornaments in a dance to celebrate its completion.The leaves fly out. each the property of These myths all take the same basic form. these ancestral exchange for their sister in marriage. beer-canoe.This vertical bird-like centre is in a complementary relation to Sleep. Normality is restored by song and below. Dancing round Correa 1989:37-39 (Kawiyari). anaconda ancestor. For examples of these myths see Saake in Bruzzi 1994:173-175 (Baniwa). are ordered by the same abstract principles. In sum. in move that parallels the journey of origin mentioned above. Piedade 1997:167-168 (Tukano). then. now as container. an order disobeyed that leads a different group. feather ornaments shut in a box or pot. these same pre-human beings become in a nested or fractal relation to each other. Diakuru and Kisibi 1996:93-100 (Desano). when brought to the house and dressed in feather ornaments. Again he tells them not to open the box till they reach home but again they do so. Each night. now as tired of living in perpetual daylight. 1997:60-65. a giant bird whose feathers are all different varieties of leaves used for thatching. 167-170 (Kubeo). of containers – body. 1996:343-345 (Taiwano). the strophe that is sung at dawn. to mark the bottom of a stream in the forest. at dances the box is opened. indicate that the feather box is also a spatio-temporal operator. these myths make clear that the feather box is a spatio-temporal 66 67 . and dance. they mark out its spatial structure and animate it 154. house – that evoke each other. 151. Night flies out and These transformative movements between centre and periphery.

the ends of Yuruparí 3. more specialised crafts – formal speaking. a manifestation of the sun. Starting from the head. in Vaupés society the ability to make objects them. singing and dancing. an exchange between the living and an exchange between them. oratory. bodies. a being dressed in a brilliant feather and is itself made into an object of beauty. a potent and dangerous activity whose At dances. firmly-rooted stool. The decorated body men to make ceremonial regalia. a doors orifices. basketry in the case of boys – and are systematically trained. a socialisation of nature that parallels the relations between groups and individuals on the one hand and contact way that the making of things and the wearing of ornaments socialise with supernatural forces and the expression of cosmological order on the the body. chanting. younger men wear a basketry crown fringed with red and female counterpart is the production of red paint: both activities involve yellow toucan feathers and a diadem of yellow japú (Oropendola sps. making things flutes are dressed in the same feather crowns worn by those who play Like elsewhere in Amazonia.This mode of thinking builds also excel in the making of goods. decorative. The recursive relation between the body and the objects that other. I now turn to an exploration of this point in relation to the training and learning continues into adult life and soon takes in other decorated body that is displayed at dances. then the furnishings of the house are all body parts (see training that is as much intellectual and spiritual as it is technical. The use and display of ornaments quality: natural materials such as feathers only become beautiful when during ceremonial exchange thus concerns on-going socio-political they have been transformed. The same relation is also underlined in shamanic discourse where that are at once useful. heart. Making things is thus self-making and world interconnectedness of objects. elder men wear the full complement of ornaments. houses and the world. or an assemblage of objects – (1989:70) notes for the Yekuana. upon a more general and pervasive analogy made between body and initiation seclusion spend their days making things – pottery in the case house: if the roof is head. people. bodies produce is manifest in the decoration of some ritual objects in the the spirits and the dead.The black. pelvis. Behind 68 69 . manner of bodies. Objects flow from fingers as sounds from flutes still and making things is a form of meditation that gives insight into the and people from houses. Making bodies. the posts are bones. feathers with two red macaw tail feathers in the middle. This making.) a bodily state like that of menstruation. On the forehead is a) a crown of of transformation in which the body is trained to make objects of beauty yellow and red macaw feathers with a lower band of white down. technical and symbolic competence go flutes. As Guss and wisdom. gourds. this full regalia The seclusion that follows first menstruation and initiation is a process is made up from the following items. hair and feathers. stools. and skin. Pandora’s box .upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones operator. and the of girls. Sitting also Hugh-Jones 1995). baskets – that correspond to its parts and internal hand in hand so that leaders and ritual experts are typically those who organs – long-bones. and imbued with esoteric significance the body is portrayed as an object – a basket to be filled with knowledge is the mark of adult status and the hallmark of civilisation itself. People undergoing puberty or post. a solid. Beauty is a social not natural crown who orders the passage of time. basket-weave designs applied to the dancers’ skin are also painted on the stools they sit upon. Post-initiation is also the favoured time for knowledgeable adult 4.

each wears a set of individually owned accessories: cane ear-plugs tipped with red and yellow feathers. the last extends outwards on the arms and legs so that the central torso area is two items being made by women. by paint. his wealth. the counterpart of collectively owned bands of white bast on the ankles and fragrant herbs tucked into the belt regalia. these accessories index compartments clustered around the maloca’s central dance space with the dancer’s personality. the boundaries of the house. in substance. Each one condenses histories hair. Like the items he the waist is i) a belt of jaguar or peccary incisors with j) a pleated white wears. In addition. seeds. secondly he has one or more nick-names given by his close kin and bracelets. given by a missionary or trader and the counterpart of These items are communal clan property and each dancer wears the his western clothing (see also Hugh-Jones 2006). shorts and boots. patio. The demarcation of body space beads round the neck and wrists. Hanging over the back are f) the biography and pedigree of a myth (see also Hugh-Jones 1992). handkerchiefs upper arms and ligatures on the calves. areas of division that end in the spreading fingers and toes. they the left biceps is h) a monkey hair bracelet with hair strings tipped with are also distributed elements of the lives and identities of individual and yellow japú feathers and rattles of snail-shell and beetle wings. craftsman. d) a jaguar of hunting. in the overall contrast between painted body and feathered head and. and trade and the same bone tube with a jaguar-hair plug inside. each of which also carries topped with two yellow or green feathers. thirdly. we see that the main ornaments he copper plates hanging by the ears. the names of the dancer derive from three different sources. drawing attention to these silver triangles. polished Looking at the dancer as a whole. gardens and forest beyond. a point further emphasised by a seed bicep bracelets. previous ownership.The dress is completed with limited set owned by his group. a lizard-skin bracelet above the wrist. manufacture. the wrists and ankles. Vertical progression is marked. the visual counterparts of names. and e) a stick of white down applies to the collectively owned ornaments. c) a red macaw tail feather tipped with a white panache. he has a foreigners’ name. and teeth 12.Today. 70 71 . On Ornaments are not only body parts on different parts of the body. the counterparts of his personal accessories. many dancers also wear items of outlined by two circles. bast. These concentric circles marked on the body recall the family Made by their owner or obtained through trade.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones this come b) a plume of egret feathers on a base of monkey and human and his skills as hunter. wound he has the secret spirit or sacred name of an ancestor drawn from a round the right ankle is a k) fruit-shell rattle. an inner one marked by the bracelets on the Western manufacture – towels draped round the shoulders.12 a necklace of jaguar teeth or polished wears cluster around the head and genitals. or trader. areas and framing the torso between. and ochre-rubbed calf-ligatures. a white egret wing and g) hanks of sloth and monkey-hair string. same uniform. visually. his life history. and even shirts. See Bidou 1996 for an analysis of these ear ornaments. influence and contacts. Round collective persons. Firstly bark-cloth apron with red designs hanging to below the knees. strings of glass contrast between ornaments and paint. Pandora’s box . a cylindrical quartz pendant on a seed necklace. palm. and an outer one by bands on on the head or round the neck. or affines.

gender. 1991). design. The of marriage. inside and out. with by a shaman. Their husbands craft the axis that runs East < – > West or head < – > toe and bisects a series animals’ outer fur and feathers and innermost bones to appropriate and of concentric circles from centre to periphery. combines shield. they are brought into line with Generically. covering’. identity the organisation of body space. clothing.15 Hoa. where rivers and body-substances flow in both directions. in each case. their hair amongst the Yekuana. and closely allied to humans. This phonological slippage seems to follow 13. ornaments are maha hoa. and ancestors. In Barasana. on the one hand. we find the same congruence between heraldic coat of arms. pets par excellence. men’s pets. in the cosmological space-time of the feather chest. clothing. valuables and irreversible. hair. Pandora’s box . upper body and head.13 their colour. In commerce of substance and identity. Once treated 15. in neighbouring languages. their meat can be safely consumed. and hierarchy whilst concentricity are also minia. Women Howard 1991. like the In sum. descent. and for individual people. on the other. and fins. WaiWai and Kayapó and. linear processes are the animal world is continuous with the exchange of wives. concretely it means ‘feathers. plants and ground-based animals on the lower body.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones from gardens. See also Viveiros de Castro 1998 and Hugh-Jones 2009 on clothes as capacity Ornaments are made from the feathers. with the human life span. social space and cosmos that we find and power.and sky-dwelling birds and monkeys on the consumed is. a concept which. else converted into human identities in the form of ornaments. and exchange and with prototypical birds. and inalienable identities. hair. and. ‘macaw feathers’. armour. they are consistently placed at the base. forest cover and bags or 5. Macaws are the reversible complementarity of sex. animals and birds. in Northwest Amazonia. most of them also consumed as food. capacities. properties that are expressed in the notion of kɨni oka. The linear axis relates domesticate their identities: appropriately both Yuruparí and ornaments to the life cycle. initiation. people are maha and macaws. spirits diurnal and seasonal cycles. people are masa and macaws maha.14 The ‘arms’ or inalienable identities of animals. must be burned to return them to their spirit houses or principles and the processes they order are much the same (Guss 1989. What must not be ornaments made from tree. 72 73 . cyclical. Where black feathers from the ground-dwelling curassows are used in East a symbolic identity and is reminiscent of the famous Bororo trope (see Turner Tukano ornaments. across the generations they are replicated at a collective level identities between humans. bones and teeth of hunted and identity. Husbands also ‘consume’ their wives leaving corresponds to the complementary. self and other. ma’a. Turner 1969). their blood or vitality and. Hugh-Jones 1979). East Tukano space-time is organised on cook the inner substance of animals and birds as food and domesticate combined linear and concentric principles with a linear or vertical their young as minia. the basic or feathers. in abstract means ‘excrescence. growth. Hair and Teeth 14. both ‘birds’ and ‘pets’. and reversible processes their identities intact but appropriating their children as their own. affinity and exchange (see also C.

of spirit and soul. cloth bag 19. Like red and yellow. Earth Father from young girls at their rites of first menstruation. shaft of the down stick (e). egret constellations mark the beginning Woman Shaman. 16. in a visible. the dominant colours of the ornaments. womb. migration. the Earth with his light and hair causes women to menstruate just as seeing Yuruparí instruments heat. chromatic register. their right hands. the colour of milk and manioc and of the clouds causes men to do the equivalent (see Hugh-Jones 1979) – in short that and rain of the cold. 74 75 . Black is the colour of night. women are dark More knowledgeable persons will also know that hair is a manifestation and colourless but in their paints. of the summer and of the creator Sun. The paired yellow and red of the carefully removed. sexuality. the bound hair of need paint and decoration – they are half way between origin and destiny. As in gɨda-hoa. visible counterparts of secret Yuruparí. between the proto-human fish that own red and black paint and the post-human spirits who own feathers. See O’Hanlon 1989 on comparable wigs in a Melanesian context. of the sun. is the equivalent of all that Yuruparí in the hair at the base of the egret plume. and end of the rains (see Hugh-Jones 1982:186). waso-hoa. whose appearance and animal houses and release game. are the colours of everyday experience – the capacity to swim and fly. humans are dark and colourless and thus hair of puberty. Bright feathers contrasts with the smooth skin of the face and body from which hair is are placed on top of black human hair. waheri-hoa. and in the yellow top vs. Themes of the fertility. and maturation of fish and birds. in body underlines this clearly. that the milky way is the hair of the deity breeding frames the summer. white 18. hints that ornaments are the public. the breeding cycles. energy and vitality. the cut Relative to spirits and animals. death and the forest (‘hair’). that the hair-strings on the feathered bracelet are paths The yellow/red frontal crown contrasts with the white of egret plumes of communication through the cosmos that allow shamans to open and wings behind. process and periodicity that stem from a massive extension and exaggeration of the hair on the head. they have a superabundance of colour. Barasana dancers carry these jaguar bones dressed in the same Oropendola-feather ruffs that are also used to decorate the ends of Yuruparí flutes. white and proclaim in the register of sound. The hair-filled tubular jaguar bone. This contrast is reduplicated in the colours of the frontal crown (a). dark rainy season. and the grey hair of old age.17 Condensed and synthesised in this hair is a gamut frontal crown. stomach. yellow is also the colour of human vitality. in the 17. Pandora’s box . fertility. energy. scrotum.18 a Desano drawing of Yuruparí dressed as a dancer with plume-like sounds emanating from his During the oko-wewo (‘water panpipe’) dance that ends the initiation cycle. Relative to men.White is her colour. a wig that complementary relations are also expressed in colour. her menstrual flow that is echoed hair. and that seeing their who fertilises his consort Woman Shaman.Yellow is the colour of plume panaches (uga) were apparently sometimes made from hair cut grease and semen. a miniature Yuruparí flute worn behind the head. growth.19 Like the migrating egrets. that the black bands in the woven base of the egret. adults. gender identity. the long unrestrained hair of youth. Compare Gimi flutes plugged with female pubic hair (Gillison 1993:180).upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones containers’. white panache at the top of the red macaw tail (c). processes of growth and temporality – settlements.16 The ornaments on the head thus represent hair writ large.

teeth and bones are the hardest and most durable parts of the human body. that are expected of the hosts. is also contained within the feather box. 21. More generally. In this they stand in marked contrast to In wearing the teeth and bones of predators as trophies. the complementary plants. Red is the colour of blood. is owned and produced by women. to become mouldy. black paint signals periodicity and states of transition. death and decay and in the fact that it takes several weeks to fade away. affinal connotations. hearing and identification with others menstrual blood. The appropriates the aggressive powers of animals just as he appropriates ornaments described above derive from the forest. same-sex group. as elsewhere in Amazonia. To paint oneself with red paint is an act of of the headman (ɨhɨ) and the belligerent self-assertion of the man of renewal and. seeing. state of the dancer. and of a body dimensions of personhood and orientations towards the world. ‘to rot’ is suggestive here. In its colour of sleep. Diakuru 1996: 94-100. Understanding and self assertion also encapsulate different sociability. speech and self- alternating relation between day and night. the summer and the rains.21 Alongside hair and feathers. dance. fingernails as indices of growth. beauty and aggression. marked in the colours of the ornaments. ‘white mould’. In another register. night. their use establishes the dancers as a unified. 76 77 .22 men and women. Pandora’s box . the dancer the other main component of bodily decoration. Paint comes from garden aggression and sexual potency. a substance that fortifies the blood and makes skin. black paint is used 20. the former open to social intercourse. of physical activity and engagement. They come in uniform sets. ‘white’ with the Barasana and to protect people from danger by disguising their bodies and rendering Tukano boâ-. the powers of birds that sing. In other contexts. a delicate balance between friendship and hostility. aggrandisement and display they expect from their guests. See Turner 1991 for a comparable Kayapó contrast between the values of sequences of song strophes. it relates to the complementary ritual roles of dancer and Two kinds of paint are used at dances: a vermilion red powder and a warrior and to two opposed ideals of manhood. hair. The apparent proximity of Barasana botise. a Pandora’s box that brought sex 6.20 The complementary. a clan or claws. Paint and sickness. anger (guamɨ). Note also boti wia-. In a general sense teeth belong together with feathers. red paint is the mark of visibility. the tolerant understanding blue-black liquid skin-dye. are made by men. the latter with the noise. the alternation between life and death. fly and mediate between cosmic and are exclusively male prerogatives. kin and affine. In myth. ‘beauty’ and ‘dominance’. and an index of vitality. alertness. alternating colours on a bead necklace connote both periodicity and 22. boti wiase-.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones black are paired and also connote death or decay. vitality and sexuality but their clan segment that is continuous with its ancestors and differentiated only positioning in the genital area suggests a particular link between by minor variations at the level of accessories. See Bruzzi 1994:173. ephemeral paint. and domains. indexes the inner body of another has cross-sex. and the act of painting the synthesis of feathers and teeth. identified with linked with the receptivity.

and bones. calves and thighs. the gendering of ornaments partners temporarily segment the continuous line of dancers. Physically this major contrast is reduplicated in colour and paint: the contrast and socially. black paint. Along with his own private are ‘icons of permanence’ (Wiener 1992:8). In wearing ornaments whose materials derive from all parts of the physical and social self. Here I turn to their relation to the scale. joints and genitals. thighs and stand out against designs in mixed red and black that pick out the softer arms. between the yellow/red and white feathers of different head ornaments is reduplicated in each one. a ceremonial friend and honorary affine. ornaments cluster around the hard. A The totality of the dancer’s decorated body thus presents a synthesis and man’s henyerio is also his trading partner who supplies him with strings of balance of opposites that is encapsulated in paired ornaments and in beads and with the ligatures that make his calves look strong and sexy. these designs express his character and individuality. flute-like bones. the decorated body of the dancer also plays on modulation of openness and closure. 11 on tangible durability. A the pairing of these ornaments with paint. Seen overall. framing soft. red and black paint are combined together The dancer then asks a woman to paint his body. fleshy knees and ankles segment the body and cover the fingers and joints. Pandora’s box . Along with ligatures. for preference parts. exogamous group and ultimately to all East puberty seclusion. wrists. At the next level down.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones them invisible. As bother/sister or husband/ man’s female affines thus distinguish him from his fellows just as female wife. the openness of the body must be tempered and controlled. Some aspects of this pairing and Like the feather box. 78 79 . See also Helms 1998: Ch. The women who paints him should not be his wife. red and black are implicitly gendered as complements. ankles and knees in uniform is divided at the next. The part-whole relations. at once a part and a whole on a single scale that runs from 23. hair. As inalienable possessions associated with ancestors in houses of stone. whose explosive openings signal a shift in cosmic synthesis have been discussed above in relation to temporality and the scales of space and time. Each dancer dabs red paint on his temples and paints his own face with and as objects made from durable teeth. points where the soul can exit from tubular. what is conjoined at the level of the total body dancer also covers his hands. She applies a coating of but areas of uniform black on the hard joints of hands. she is his henyerio. paired ornaments are overtly gendered. the parts that are covered with ephemeral paint. feet. these uniform areas of black on the bony parts of the body. body ornaments designs in red that are peculiarly his own. withdrawal from normal social existence and interaction with others. he condenses a microcosm on his body as his body expands to macrocosmic proportions and as his identity shifts between self and ancestor. one of whom first painted him when he emerged from post-initiation seclusion. As a covering or shield and as the colour that marks individual. the trunk. knees and ankles red powder before painting black linear designs on his calves. lineage. upper and lower arms. clan. cosmos. and paint is there in their ownership and production.23 In an embedded series of ornaments. the skull. it has more general connotations of closure and of Tukano peoples.

As a correlate of their patriliny and exogamy. how they come across in the exteriorisations of covered in painted designs supplied by affinal women. In a general sense. about the ways extends to thatch of their malocas. come as a further layer. and psycho-sexual dynamics. and ‘carry’ or bear In East Tukano understandings of conception. and feathers through a tube and what tubes produce is human life or ‘soul’ (ɨsɨ) in all – form a series of concentric layers. bone. both ‘hair’ and ‘bag’. again that people ‘show their stuff ’. so too are East Tukano bodies wrapped in ‘clothing’ – flesh. skin. people – their marrow. ornaments and paints. one expanded from their Yuruparí. here feather ornaments have an ambiguous tinge. Barasana speak of people’s heads and are clothed and complemented by ephemeral flesh and skin from external bodies being surrounded by an aura. the mother’s blood. fish. blood. the bones and soul come others by making themselves parts of these others in a endless process of from the father’s semen whilst vitality. women’s blood and red paint come from women’s and enlarged by these ornaments. flesh. the latter from the womb and vagina. Pandora’s box . paint. breath. now container. speech. As leaves. Human bodies are made up of further tubes. gut. a moving line of fully dressed dancers is a quintessence of human beauty. the exteriorised products of inner make and do. birds. not just semen or children. and music. and for the persons they constitute. and human bodies social relations these parts imply. structural terms but as a 1998:215). palm trees. flesh and skin come from enchainment (Wagner 1991:163). that are distributed about the person. and behaviour and in the things they the painted skin. exteriorisations of aspects of the self Yuruparí. snakes. inalienable clothes that encompass affinal connections or of all such tubes are Yuruparí. but also hair. East Tukano peoples are ‘carried’ as parts of others. 80 81 . penis and vagina. another form of feathers. human capacities. the former derived from marrow.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones 7. feather ornaments – supplied by their affines. Interior bones. a ‘penis’ that produces wind. The self. words. And its manifestations. provided by their affines. are all tubes. feather ornaments. hoa. Marquesans are wrapped in images by their matrilateral relatives (Gell this must be understood. chromatic the maloca but peripheral to the Yuruparí in the forest. if Yuruparí and their products concern ‘cosmology’. goods. The prototypes self-derived.This wrapping processes. Life is sometimes imagined as a passage Like an onion. However. The dancer’s costume is like a hyperform of this aura and bones. Semen thus comes from men’s bones as feathers The physical self embodied in ornaments is also a social self. self-presentation and exegesis decoration on the body’s exterior thus stands for its interior parts. general theoretical construct or indigenous way of speaking about social painted skin.We can understand this as a statement maternal and affinal sources. the arm and leg bones. sound and the alienable parts of affines that can be detached from their persons colours as ‘semen’ just as palms produce coloured fruit and feather-like and attached to the self as parts of one’s own person and identity. a durable manifestation of the body of the clan. They are central in song. they are either creations of men and women that flow from their tubes. Above and beyond their bodies. their appearance. not in transcendental. now contained. the beautiful. the latter moulded by calf-ligatures and about their personalities. for the For East Tukano peoples.

art. Campbell and D’Alleva in Thomas and Pinney eds. appropriating to often been noted. Gell is rightly sceptical about linguistic models that of enchantment used in psychological warfare with art objects as the presume art be a ‘language’ or ‘code’. Ornaments are metonyms these performances whilst simultaneously staging their own. and Strathern M. so dancers decorate themselves 67). their wealth and their East Tukano peoples are ready and able to produce myths and myth- capacities to impress and influence others who consume and evaluate related verbal commentaries concerning decorated bodies and other art 82 83 . It is for this reason that I began this chapter with a discussion of the or understood by its creators. themselves practice. health. capacities and identities and those who where a disparity between elaborate art and meagre verbal exegesis has wear them become enlarged spatio-temporal operators. persuade and extend influence over others. 1971. where indigenous peoples put words to significance of control over ornaments. not only as the very to attract and ensnare others in the networks of their intentions. appearance and songs of the dancers presented as virtual gifts that attract sex. wealth and women. vitality and energy. power. a point that is accompanying symbolic resonances of the artefacts to which they relate. anthropological analyses of art typically proceed at a themselves the spatio-temporal qualities condensed within the feather structural level to produce interpretations that may not be verbalised box. In Melanesia. food. then words must re-enter the picture. in Tukano views and practices. 2001). self that attract. strength and unison that Barasana bring to and over the social environment. What we call ‘beauty’ is thus about politics. a theory that accords with East applies to those that are mediated via artefacts and recognises that. A.As hunters paint. the Ornaments are vehicles and indices of control over the natural world assessments of well being. Pandora’s box . with the O’Hanlon 1989). mutual displays where commentaries for works of art (see O’Hanlon 1989:18. But to reject language as model distributed extensions of various agents and indices of their capacities should not necessarily entail the rejection of words. visual. and thus disguise.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones completion. Predictably. art is a technology instrumental action. balance and complementarity. these are more concerned with assessment and evaluation than with interpretation and meaning (O’Hanlon 1989. If this is so. the prizes of ceremonial exchange (see In his insistence on the visual essence of art and on art being a form of Howard 1991 and Munn 1986). though here I would add that body As such. Howard 1991:52). to seduce and entrap the prey they kill. verbal and musical arts are often inseparable (1998:13. they may be integral components of the abductive inferences art is also cosmetic and cosmological. a vehicle and theory that applies as much to verbal and musical ‘performances’ as it manifestation of powers and intentions. For Gell (1998). and indices of ancestral powers. especially apt in the present context. Gell proposes a and intentions. They are the counterparts of persons bear on body decorations at ceremonial exchanges are much like those enlarged to cosmic proportions and extensions and expansions of the reported for Highlands PNG (see Strathern. Gell constituent of verbal performances but also as the carriers of some of the reminds us that living persons can also be art objects. and concerned with principles of that artefacts motivate and part of their captivating powers (see also order. individuals and collectivities activate their names. If Melanesians and Amazonians are sometimes unwilling or unable to provide exegetical Ceremonial exchanges are ‘tournaments of value’. 1992).

the recitation of myths and the singing of songs derived the consumption of coca and yagé. Instead. of ancestors are often listed as characteristic of the East Tukano.g. Features such as a focus on the cultivation and processing of bitter manioc. My aim has been up the feather box. must here work together. in conjunction with shared norms of ritual a function of what they know – how fully they know each myth and interaction and shared conventions regarding the organization and use of how much they grasp its layered meanings. 84 85 . I suggest that. Alongside knowledge of people and their relations. status and current situations. of analysis. of what I have was explained to me by Barasana or is stated directly or indirectly in their myths and those of their neighbours24 these myths A full discussion of this point is beyond the scope of this paper.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones objects. elaborate maloca architecture. 24. displaying its contents. I have also tried to show that different styles the body of the dancer in a range of different possible interpretations. ranked patrilineal and exogamous from myths are part and parcel of the ornaments that dancers wear. a particular style of male ceremonial dress made up of a express the significance of art and performance. Furthermore. my intention has been to indicate some of Negro body ornamentation in the context of material from other parts the potential knowledge that different observers might bring to bear on of lowland South America. Though much coherence to the Upper Rio Negro regional system. and relating these to their both ethnographic and theoretical. See e. I have tried here to provide a more limited understand new or latent connections by applying their principles for exploration of some different facets of Upper Rio Negro body themselves. Pandora’s box . But it is also ‘culture area’. in placing an analysis of Upper Rio counterparts hidden offstage. in no sense do I wish to imply that words can adequately often noted. What they see in their performances is up to them. But we should not expect ritual space. a merely another ‘trait’ that also defines a particular Upper Rio Negro function of their experience. should be understood as theories that allow people to perceive and as a step in this direction. the ritual use of masks and sacred Dancers instantiate and embody myth and myth informs what they are musical instruments forbidden to women. In opening ornaments and of the box in which they are stored. nor do I wish to imply relatively standardized set of items that are stored in a palm-leaf box that what is written above would ever be presented in this form by the is another feature that might also be added to this list. shared bodily ornamentation is a key component in giving that myths will always state things baldly and explicitly. and of cosmology and exegesis. knowledge of Conclusion myth forms a component of the assessment of display and performance. of value and exchange. Although this is not In saying this. Tubes and containers are principles of this kind. and the religious importance and do. Umúsin Panlõn Kumu (Firmiano Arantes Lana) and Tolamãn Kenhíri (Luiz Gomes Lana) (1980) and Diakuru (Américo Castro Fernandes) and Kisibi (Dorvalino Moura Fernandes) (1996). Far from being people I know.and Arawak-speaking peoples of the Upper Rio Negro. clans. of politics and performance.

1996. Diakuru (Américo Castro Fernandes) and Kisibi (Dorvalino Moura Bidou. Trois mythes de l’origine du manioc (Nord-Ouest de Pano: la belliqueuse quête du soi. Goldman.Tuzin. Bruzzi da Silva. de Paris 73: 185-210. Paris. Pragmatic multilingualism in the Upper Xingu Amazonia and Melanesia. Alto Xingu: Uma sociedede multilíngue. Altérité. 2011. Cambridge: Para uma reconsideração do parentesco do Xingu. Descola. of California Press. Nature. M. Bogotá: Servicio Colombiano de Comunicación. Marcela. Guss. 1997. ed. Makuna Social Organization. Os Povos do Abya-Yala / Centro de documentação etnografico e missionario – Alto Xingu. structure socio-politique. Por el camino de la anaconda remédio. To Weave and Sing. Philippe. PhD dissertation. Thomas. 1981. 1994. Berkeley. 1976. ed. Quito: Abya Yala.Thomas and Donald Tuzin (eds.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones References D’Alleva. 1996. Oxford: Berg. la sociedad y la cultura. Ediciones Franchetto. The captivating agency of art: Many ways of Gell. Relatos míticos cubeo. Michael. A mitologia sagrada dos Desana-Wari Dihputiro Põrã. Irving. ed. Thomas. Journal de la Société des Américanistes l’Amazonie). Pinney and N. Oxford: Berg. Bruna. L’Homme 140: 63-79. Sociale. 86 87 . Gillian.The Ecology of Power. Berkeley: University speech community. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Crenças e lendas do Uaupes. François. 1993. ed. ed. Gillison. Patrice. Christopher. Anne. Shirley. Gender in Amazonia and Comunicación. representation. Pierre. Pandora’s box . Alcionílio. Laboratoire d’Anthropologie São Gabriel da Cachoeira: UNIRT/FOIRN. Da complexidade do elementar: Culture and Gender. 2001. 2001. ed. Genres of gender: Local models and global paradigms in the comparison of Amazonia and Melanesia. ——. Línguas e história no Alto Xingu. Melanesia. Art and Agency. E. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rio de Janeiro: Museu do Indio – FUNAI. Antropologia do Cambridge University Press. Gender in Ball. 1996. 1989.). Viveiros de Castro. Beyond Aesthetics. Alfred. C. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Erikson. B. ——. Århem. Heckenberger. 1995. Franchetto. Les fils de l’Anaconda Céleste (les tatuyo): Étude de la Fernandes). 2001. 1998. seeing. 2005. Bogotá: Servicio Colombiano de Gregor. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Beyond Aesthetics. et anthropophagie chez les ——. Coelho de Souza. Los Kuwaiwa creadores del universo. London: University of California Press. NewYork: Routledge. UFRJ Press. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. Captivation. Gregor and D. parentesco: Estudos ameríndios. 1981. Relatos míticos kabiyari. Images of nature in Gimi thought. 1979. tatouage. C. ed. ——. Campbell. 1992. The Cubeo. Correa. MacCormack and M. and the limits of cognition: Interpreting metaphor and metonymy in Tahitian Tamau. Bogotá:Tercer Mundo. 2001. Rio de Janeiro: CEDEM. Strathern. 1986. Franchetto. Heckenberger and B. David. Kaj.T. Pinney and N. 2001. Between Culture and Fantasy. ——. C. 1989. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ.

The gender of some Amazonian gifts: An experiment with Rivière.Tempering the social self: Body adornment. Hugh-Jones. 1992. Pandora’s box . Howard. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. barter in Northwest Amazonia.upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones Helms. Erikson. London: British Museum Press. 1995. About the House. 1986. Christina Barreto. ——. Cambridge: McEwan. tomorrow’s necessities: Business and Montagner. Stephen. Gender in Amazonia and Melanesia. Tucson: University of Strathern. London: British Museum Press. Cambridge: McKinnon. and Eduardo Neves (eds. Nancy. Humphrey and S. Reading the Skin. exegesis and 26: 123-148. Barter. The Pleiades and Scorpius in Barasana cosmology. Urton. 2000. Exchange and Value. Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern. Tuzin. 1989. A. 1996. Austin: University of Koch-Grünberg. 2000. Les rituels de ornaments among the Waiwai. The Gift of Birds. and knowledge among the Waiwai. 2006. ed. Theodore. Unknown Amazon. Berkeley: University of California Press. Philadelphia: University Museum. Santos-Granero. Fragments of the heavens: Feathers as Lizot. vital Aveni and G. Berkeley. ed. Jacques. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. The Ethnology 14. ——. ed. 1988. 2009. Revista do Museu Paulista 31: 7-41. Stuttgart: Strecker and Schröder. Seeger. Christine. The Fame of Gawa. Cambridge University Press. 1971. ed. Mary W. London: University of California Press. R. 1993.   Self-decoration in Arizona Press. Andrew and Marilyn Strathern. Mentore. The Gender of the Gift. assessments in the New Guinea Highlands. A. The Occult Life of Things.). 1975.The fabricated body: Objects and ancestors in NW Amazonia. Yesterday’s luxuries. Gregor and D. and Anthropology 9: 22-23. dialogue. Texas Press. London: Backworth. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Cambridge: an experiment. ——. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 385: substance. Susan. ——. Munn. The substance of Northwest Amazonian names. ——. ed. 1986. Terrain ——. Anthropology of Names and Naming. O’Hanlon. 1984. Gillespie and R. 88 89 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1992. d’Ethnologie. Monod-Bequelin and P. Anthony. Katherine. Peter G. Craft and the Kingly Ideal. Journal of Archaeology 183-201. Marilyn. Unstable images and second skins: Artefacts. 2001. ed. vom Bruch and B. Carsten and S. George. ed. ed. University of Pennsylvania. 1993. From the Milk River. 2001. 1979. 1979. G. Reina and K. De l’interprétation des dialogues. C. Delvair. Hugh-Jones. Man 27. NW Amazonia. Hugh-Jones. Cambridge: Cambridge ——. Bonnes raisons ou mauvaise conscience? De l’ambivalence de certains Amazoniens envers la consommation de la viande. Nanterre: Société Kensinger. Individual and society in Guiana. Michael. Mount Hagen. 1909-10. F. Back to front and inside out: The androgynous house in University Press. The Tanimbarese Tavu: The ideology of growth Cambridge University Press. 3: 211-224. Bodenhorn. 1982. and the material configurations of hierarchy. Beyond Kinship. Ethnoastronomy and Archaeoastronomy in the American Tropics. ed. Joyce.The meaning of body ornaments: A Suya example. Cambridge University Press. J. ——. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1991. Colin. Hugh-Jones. 3: 587-608. Strathern. T. S. The Palm and the Pleiades. Simbolismo dos adornos corporais Marúbo.

Here we consider the star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro peoples. Eduardo. certain differences in astronomical beliefs and practices may be linked to their distinct histories and subsistence orientations. Godelier. and associated Yale University Press. Buletin du Musee d’Ethnographie de la Ville de Genève 29: 25-67.‘We are parrots’. Gustaaf. indicative of their extensive interaction over time. ed. Scorpius. and the One-legged (Luiz Gomes Lana) 1980. Kakua) of the region. London: particular focus on the regions of the Pleiades. 52. 1987. with relevance to many aspects of indigenous Amazonian life – spiritual Weiner. 1993. Analyse comparative des parures Nahua: Similitudes et differences. and forest peoples (Nadahup. Strathern and M. ed. Eduardo and Carlos Fausto. 3: 469-488.Terence. 1998. Kaiapó amazonie: Plumes et peintures corporelles. Cultural Anthropology 10. Big Men and Great Men. 2: 143-79. Oxford: belief. Natural History: 50. 1995. Beyond Metaphor. Inalienable Possessions. University of California Press. Roy.W. Gent: University of Texas at Austin Snoeck-Ducaju and Zoon. La puissance et l’acte: la parenté dans les basses terres Sud-Americaine. constellations. Fernandez. Abstract: Astronomical beliefs are a fruitful area for cultural exchange. Peter J.Various common themes appear in the astronomical beliefs of the East Tukano. Social body and embodied subject: Bodiliness. subjectivity and sociality among the Kayapó. ——. J.‘twins are birds’: Play of tropes as operational structure. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4. ——. 1991.upper rio negro style Turner. The fractal person. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Pandora’s box . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. São Gabriel: UNIRT/FOIRN. In addition. Patience Epps ——. 1991. 1992. L’Homme 33 (2- 4): 141-170. 90 . 57-59 and 70. Melissa Oliveira Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina/FAPEAM Viveiros de Castro. Berkeley. Arawak. Umúsin Panlõn Kumu (Firmiano Arantes Lana) and Tolamãn Kenhíri The Serpent. 1992. Viveiros de Castro. the Pleiades. Cosmological deixis and Amerindian perspectivism. 1988. Hunter: Astronomical themes in the Upper Rio Negro Verswijver. verbal art. Annette B. Wagner. Tchikrin: a Central Brazilian tribe and its symbolic language of bodily adornment. with a Wilson. 1969. on the other hand.The Domestication of the Human Species. Antes o Mundo Não Existia. M. ritual practice. and day-to-day subsistence activities.

Nadahup. focalizando principalmente aqueles relacionados às regiões estelares de Plêiades. práticas ritualísticas. perhaps considering it of peripheral interest to the East Tukano. of Aeity (Associação Escola Indígena Tukano Yupuri) and Acimet (Associação Palavras-chave: astronomia. Oliveira’s work was supported by the Instituto Socioambiental and the Federação das Organizações Indígenas do Alto Rio Negro. SBEA). Kakua). and (in 2001-2004) by NSF grant DDRG BCS-0111550. observamos que muitos dos temas Fulbright-Hays. The Serpent. constellations. by National Science Foundation grant e práticas astronômicas assinalam histórias distintas e orientações de HSD0902114. com reflexos em muitas áreas da vida dos povos indígenas da Amazônia – suas concepções sobre o mundo e as relações entre os seres que o constituem. the Pleiades. to group. Nesse trabalho consideramos os conhecimentos dos povos do Alto Rio Negro sobre as estrelas. We are grateful to the people of the Upper Rio Negro who have shared Escorpião e constelações associadas. it took place as part of a wider research project on environmental 92 93 . certas diferenças entre conhecimentos at the University of Texas at Austin. Amazonia. and the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. astronômicos encontrados no Alto Rio Negro são encontrados mais Oliveira’s research on Tukano cosmology was conducted jointly with the amplamente nas terras baixas da Amazônia e áreas contíguas. Epps’ work on this paper and with the os conhecimentos astronômicos dos povos na região –Tukano Oriental. Aruák Cardoso (Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo and Brazilian Society for the Teaching of Astronomy. Nadahup. indigenous environmental agents (AIMAs). No mais. subsistência diversas. and with Walmir Thomazi constelações. frutífero de intercâmbio cultural. indicando uma interação duradora awarded through the Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies entre os mesmos. although the lowlands and beyond. and indigenous experts de redes maiores de interação entre regiões estabelecidas no passado. Rio Negro. Yet the interpretation of the sky is for many peoples a pivotal facet within a complex network of beliefs and associations that informs many aspects of their lives (Chamberlain and Resumo: Conhecimentos astronômicos conformam um campo Young 2005. traces of the broad networks of interaction that shapes and significance of these constellations vary widely from group linked these regions in the past. das Comunidades Indígenas do Médio Tiquié). Rio Negro. Tukano Oriental. Arawak understanding of a culture. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira we observe that many of the astronomical themes encountered in the Introduction1 Upper Rio Negro are found more widely throughout the Amazonian Most of the world’s cultures identify patterns in the stars. knowledge. 1. Ethnographic studies have often overlooked astronomical Keywords: astronomy. Amazônia. cosmologia. cosmology. Vários temas em comum marcam their knowledge of the stars with us. evidência researchers. Chamberlain 2005). por outro lado. Hup people was supported (in 2011) by a Mellon Research Travel Grant Aruák e da floresta (Nadahup. artes verbais e atividades de subsistência cotidiana.

Ortiz Gomez 1987). differences between the astronomical beliefs of the Upper Rio Negro groups and those of peoples in the broader Amazonian region provide Given its centrality to daily life. In regions where We examine the roles that these and other constellations. the peoples of the Upper Rio Negro. ritual practice. and day-to-day subsistence activities in indigenous life. fisher-farmers.g. The Serpent. The Kristine Stenzel. and ritual and spiritual more generally. mark the seasons of the year. the differences in their cosmological and animals that are prevalent during those seasons. This can undoubtedly very old. we consider the star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro peoples. 94 95 . As discussed in the introduction to this volume. and signal beliefs are evidence for the profound cultural and linguistic exchange that the life-cycle phases (reproduction. and on Scorpius. the Rio Negro region is in partnership with the Instituto Socioambiental’s Rio Negro Program. river-dwelling comments on the material in this article. Regional context management conducted by the indigenous associations of the Tiquié River. Similarly. most notably contact is more intense. a constellation that is particularly the bull – much of which is rooted in Greco-Roman and Babylonian widely identified and culturally important for many Amazonian peoples mythology. 1982. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira The centrality of astronomical knowledge is clearly evident among In this paper. the Pleiades. Jara 2002. we can expect to find more shared astronomical the Hyades and Orion. Our thanks also go to cultural and subsistence practices differ in locally significant ways. Similarly. Arias de Grief and Reichel 1987). they speak a closely related set of over a dozen languages. Roe 2005. Danilo Paiva Ramos. 2005. Thus the knowledge systems speak to their distinct identities. Hugh-Jones 1979. as it is for many other indigenous Despite the differences among these groups’ languages. Amazonians. whose particularly Aloisio Cabalzar and Pieter van der Veld. Magaña its counterpart in various Amazonian mythologies and in the night sky.g. widely shared among Amazonian groups (see e. home to peoples from as many as five distinct language families. migration. constellations are closely woven into and subsistence activities. knowledge and beliefs centered on the stars are (see e. and to their different degrees of of the stars represents a crucial link between spiritual belief. Finally. be seen in many parts of the world. as in the widespread recognition of particular constellations in the European tradition – such as Taurus We focus our discussion on the Pleiades. life – in light of the similarities and differences that exist among these groups and their neighbors. the similarities and verbal art. some of which are knowledge is a particularly fruitful area for cultural exchange. play in the daily life of the Upper Rio Negro themes. involvement in overlapping regional systems. 1. and Aloisio Cabalzar for their helpful East Tukano groups of the Vaupés region are settled. subsistence activities. it should be no surprise that astronomical intriguing clues to wider networks of interaction. and interaction of the plants has gone on in this region. In the Rio Negro region. just as we find shared aspects of cultural and discursive practice peoples – in their verbal art. cultural practices. the many shared motifs in their astronomical ritual life and mythological narrative.

by which marriage Despite their differences. Cabalzar 2008). The astronomical calendar effectively their forest orientation. recent work has As is true for peoples in many other parts of the world. Silverwood-Cope 1972). This interaction has given rise to many similarities. including linguistic features. The forest peoples are treated as socially inferior by their riverine neighbors (see. one of the most detailed accounts 96 97 . their speakers fit together into a locally salient cultural of particular star-patterns in the night sky is understood to correspond category. marrying within their linguistic group (with some exceptions – most notably the Tariana. as discussed in this and others). the constellations shown that they may be linguistically unrelated (Bolaños and Epps provide the Rio Negro peoples with a visual calendar. implications for understanding the Rio Negro cultural system as a whole. discursive practices. Hugh-Jones (1982:199. the Pleiades. The calendar is (Nadahup) peoples. the resources available during the different phases of the natural cycles. a Tupi-Guarani language spread by Jesuit daily life are unfortunately limited for many Rio Negro peoples. Kurripako. Jackson The star calendar is also ritually significant. are nevertheless able to make some intriguing observations about the similarities and differences that occur throughout the region. the Upper Rio Negro peoples – and particularly partners are expected to come from different ethno-linguistic groups those of the Vaupés region – have engaged in an intensive exchange of (e. and likewise the Kakua (Kakua-Nɨkak). are distinct both linguistically and in their preference for and subsistence activities. The appearance 2009). we missionaries. and the fact that they do not practice linguistic maps the life cycles of wild plants. like their neighbors they have a settled. engage thus an integral part of day-to-day subsistence practices. The arrival of particular 1983. However. Jackson 1983. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira and traditionally practice linguistic exogamy. to particular seasons of the year. The Serpent. Stenzel 2005. involving extensive trade of goods and labor. Many of the formerly information and practice are organized and interrelated. in relation to these seasons.g. who are more integrated into the Vaupés system). e. fish and animals.Yukuna. Arawak neighbors (Baniwa. which except for the Tariana are located on the periphery volume. as well as the agricultural exogamy. and their The Rio Negro region is also home to the Nadahup and Kakua. Reid 1979. Nɨkak language groups. which in this region are associated with nomadic settlement pattern (though this has lessened in recent decades). for example. of the Vaupés. periods of rain or relative dryness. Within the Vaupés region in particular. Their knowledge systems and cultural practices over a long period of time. riverine orientation various facets of indigenous Amazonian life – a pivot point at which and depend heavily on fishing and farming. Sorensen 1967. Baré. which draw on in frequent interaction with their East Tukano and Arawak neighbors. ritual practices. While these two sets of languages are frequently lumped together under the denomination ‘Makú’. Although details Arawak-speaking peoples of the middle Rio Negro region have shifted about astronomical beliefs and their relationship with other aspects of linguistically to Nheengatú. Werekena. defined by their hunting-gathering subsistence focus and semi. and/or to Portuguese. the Hup and Yuhup cycles of planting and harvest.g. Astronomical knowledge represents a crucial link among these However. Tariana. constellations marks the times at which certain rituals are performed.

Reichel-Dolmatoff of many Amazonian groups. The cosmology and constellations of the East Tukano peoples have long been a focus of interest for travelers. stars. again for the Barasana. 2. and anthropologists. Dancers among these groups and those beyond the region. which and cultivated vs. wild fruits. the position in the northwest Amazon. Correa (1987) for the Kubeo. the figures represented by the constellations are the characters and have been described more recently in publications by indigenous of myths. Oliveira astronomical beliefs. the associations among their associated oppositions. (1997). such as male vs. but it is likely to be less emphasized in other regions which coincides with the conjunction of the dry and wet seasons and where the seasonal cycles are different. and dry seasons. moreover. believed to be a daytime embodiment of stars. da Silva (1962. the feathers themselves Rio Negro region. female agricultural activities particular constellations – notably the Pleiades. Finally. Star-lore of the East Tukano peoples who is identified with the Pleiades. For example. Ribeiro and Kenhíri (1987). and Orion. 2005 [1909]) for the Mirititapuyo of the Tiquié River between the constellations and central themes of indigenous verbal art and the Kubeo of the Cuduyarý River. incantations. so the stars provide a visual embodiment of the spiritual experts themselves. The association (2009 [1905]. Similarly. missionaries. Cardoso (2007). in light of the various move around the house in circular east-west movements. Discussions in the literature include Koch-Grünberg framework peoples use to make sense of their existence. 2008) for the Tuyuka of the Upper Tiquié. We discuss the similarities and differences in star-lore are from birds. movements of the heavens. For example. ideas among groups may also be reinforced or restrained by the natural dabacuri rituals center around the exchange of particular forest fruits. the diffusion of and the Desana of the Middle Tiquié River. replicating the facets of Amazonian life. and Cabalzar and Azevedo (2010) for the Tukano responsible for many widely shared motifs. Similarly. and initiates in the he wi ceremony eat coca from a gourd of beeswax that represents the vagina of Woman Shaman. there is no doubt that contact among groups is and Azevedo (2010). and the forest peoples (Nadahup and Kakua) of the and rain in a kind of “cosmic synthesis”. the Pleiades is of central importance which the availability is signaled by constellations. Hyades. Aeitu (2005. the Arawaks. and other forms of discourse) means that for the Wa’ikhana (Pira-Tapuya) and Tukano peoples. are widely linked in Amazonian mythologies – are doubtless due in part to the fact that they appear to move as a group across the sky. we consider the astronomical beliefs of the East Tukano writes that the components of feather ornaments represent the sun. where it marks the juncture between the wet of the Pleiades dictates the timing of the main initiation rite (he wi). The stars are likewise symbolically associated with ritual activities and objects. Oliveira (2010). groups. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira of Rio Negro cosmology) describes how for the Barasana (East Tukano). Hugh-Jones (1982:199) In what follows. 98 99 . 1994) (narrated myths. Hugh Jones (1979. of associations involved. In considering the common threads and differences among Amazonian and Aeity and Acimet (2008). Bruzzi A. the Pleiades. However. astronomical knowledge is an important aspect of the discursive resources 1982) for the Barasana. The Serpent. and Fernandes and Fernandes (2006) for the Desana.

” western horizon during the time of their occurrence. Adze. the seasons. Hugh-Jones (1982:190-191) observes that “. liver. When the Viper constellation descends [. the descent of particular constellations into the western horizon marks the occurrence of seasonal rains and high-water periods.g. insects. ingá (inga genus. Star-Group (or Star-Thing). Nonetheless. The longer intervening dry periods are named according to the cycles of fruits. ecological phenomena. and are beginning to form eggs. economic activities.. variously described as people would make big fish-weirs to encircle the mouths of a jaguar with a snake for a tail or a snake with jaguar only for a name. matching is found between the Viper and the region of Scorpius. 100 101 . Shrimp. The Serpent. the Ramirez 1997:246. the Viper. umari (poraqueiba sp. wamu kuma). Barasana. and Egret. as Hugh-Jones (1982:189) suggests for the groups.the Caterpillar Jaguar. and cucura (pourouma identified with the category hino. represent. but notably not game recurrence of particular diseases. however. a Tukano of the middle Tiquié. and objects of manufacture. Jaguar. Cardoso 2007). more fat.3 The Tukano groups often differ on which constellations are visible and bear their names. itself a constellation. For the Tukano and Desana of the middle animals – perhaps because these are classified as earth-related and are less Tiquié River (Aeity and Acimet 2008.5 Miguel Azevedo. variations occur even within particular groups. Some constellations are composed of several parts. Various constellations are also identified with particular types Jacundá Fish.4 Like the other peoples of the Rio Negro and beyond. and a cluster of stars in the region of ζ of Scorpious. A tool used in woodworking (Portuguese cabo de enxó). use kuma)..]. Fish-Smoking of birds. a relatively consistent to be the day-time embodiment of the stars (Hugh-Jones 1982:185. these birds are believed name is linked to which precise set of stars. eggs. Armadillo. fruits.. the fish have for example. which appear during the time of year in which the relevant Grid. the master of forest 5. for the constellations and are typically associated with the entities they 3. For the Barasana.: and for edible insects:. which embraces both large nonpoisonous cecropiaefolia. merẽ kumã). the East Tukanos associate the annual cycle of the constellations with the cycles of Entities represented by the constellations include birds. urẽ kuma). the Fish-Smoking Grid and the Hyades. fish. it is linked with Forest Fruit Jaguar (he rika yai). In the old days [identified with] Scorpius. are also identified with the tree fruit.. for example. body and tail (see Aeity and Acimet 2008.. particularly the comestible constrictors (Boidae) and also mythical ancestor figures of whom a snake is only caterpillars (iña kuma) and sauva ants (mehkã kuma) (Aeity and Acimet 2008). rituals. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira A particular set of constellations is recognized by almost all of these linked to seasonal changes. As a snake. and the Adze and Orion’s belt. for example. Oliveira forthcoming). Cardoso time of the ‘Viper Rains’ (Aña Poero): 2007). Star-Group (or Star-Thing) and the Pleiades. the constellation is speciosa.2 Otter. and other aquatic creatures. one manifestation. As a jaguar. which are named 2. pupunha (guilielma testicles’. is a very ambivalent creature. the Pleiades. describes the includes head. 4.The eggs of this snake are the cluster by ζ of Scorpius and its The shorter dry periods receive the names of the constellations that are near the tongue is the blade of the ritual adze. with some variations. called the ‘jaguar’s certain cultivated fruits: e.These are the Viper (or Stingray).

would fish with poison. At the time of Wikhã) gave rise to the conditions in which humanity exists today. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira lakes and pools to catch the fish. whose visits to earth from the Maloca of the Sky (Umuse of menstruation or initiation. It’s as if they were in a period (Bahuari Mahsã). The Serpent. they do not eat because they are fasting.. a Tukano of the middle Tiquié [fish-poison] and die quickly. were released into the sky and became Ñohkoa Mahsã. the Tukano and Desana accounts are their houses. for the Kubeo.. For example.. Star-People. according to Correa (1987:153). In the Kubeo version. snakes become especially visible and aggressive and this is presumably the time when many of them breed. the ascent of mythical characters into the sky is linked spawning occurs. the mythological 7. the Viper. like people. when to their liaisons with non-human entities or breaches of behavioral the fish prepare the places where they will reproduce. Because of this it is said that when you put of the origin of the Viper constellation (Aeity and Acimet 2008. in the first flood of the Viper (. it’s like a big snake waiting to eat.8 creation. other constellations are requiring incantations to protect against accidents that could occur in the linked to the myth in which the Yurupari trumpets were stolen by forest. In the dry period people myth.6 Fernandes and Fernandes 2006) describe how the wife and brother of (Cabalzar and Azevedo 2010:51-52)7 the demiurge Yepa Oakhu (Tukano) or Deyubari Goãmu (Desana) were killed while attending a dabacuri festival in the village of the family of Similarly.). (who was charged with keeping the trumpets safe and hidden) and the Jacundá fish (who encouraged the women to touch them) were thrown into the sky as punishment for their transgressions (for the Tukano and Desana. the children of Thunder (Buhpo). are greasy. the vipers were the time of Woga Masã (the Toad People.] This fat turns into eggs. the Pleiades. Our translation from Portuguese. just as Objects and beings they manipulated and encountered. derive from the time of the world’s first people. Similarly. killed in revenge and set in the sky. Cardoso 2007. figure Yurijerí used his smoking grid (as a scaffold on which to stand) and his 102 103 .When the river-japura [fruit] is River (Oliveira 2010). the Tukano people consider the constellations to falling. see Correa 1987:152-153). as described in we do after the initiation ritual. Hugh-Jones (1982:191) observes that for the Barasana “the and Acimet 2008. encircling the lakes and pools. they eat and get fat. Similarly. see Fernandes and Fernandes 2006.. and Aeity 6. At this time they rise. They do not resist timbó As observed by Uremirĩ Jose Azevedo. which norms (Oliveira 2010). Particular songs and ceremonies are performed at dabacuri rituals women (before returning to the exclusive domain of men): the Shrimp during the periods in which certain fruits are available (Aeitu 2005:151). and would kill them when they had eggs.” 8. the fish-trap at these sites. it is dangerous to collect fruits during Vipers (Aña Mahsã). lords of certain forest fruits). the Emergent People [. As it and its companion the Snake pass their zenith and begin to set in October. according to the Tuyuka. At that time a first In many cases. who also link the Armadillo (Pamo) constellation Caterpillar Jaguar is the ‘father of snakes’ (anya haku) and is responsible for their to the Yurupari trumpets.

of the new year. The Serpent. and. Koch-Grünberg (2005 [1909]:530) begins with the end of the rainy season. Its appearance at dawn is the sign the exception of the Kubeo.The men then repossessed the trumpets. and Yurijerí made the women pay for their action with their lives. When Ñokoatero (. for chill fog (yusuare). Similarly. who call it the Wasp Nest (uchiwu) (Koch. it is the detailed account of Barasana cosmology describes the Pleiades as the time to clear the manioc gardens. and it is the time of the male initiation. The the sky in the position of (the sun at) four in the afternoon. it Pleiades stand in contrast to Scorpius (the ambivalent Caterpillar Jaguar/ starts to rain more.) appears at dusk in the time of year when food is abundant and people go visiting. Later. whom it represents a type of cricket that appears on the river-beaches coinciding approximately with the month of July. Most groups call it the ‘Star-Group’ or ‘Star-Thing’. and for the ceremonies to tame the Yuku season from December to March. women stole the trumpets but did not know how to use them properly. cannot explain the significance of these constellations. At the end of the garden-clearing. marking the dry against diseases. to prevent illnesses or accidents in the work The Barasana consider the Pleiades to be the nocturnal counterpart of in the fields. death. Correa 1987).. this period is associated positively with Masã (tree people). The year at low water (von Hildebrand 1987). Similar stories are also told by the Tukano people of the region (Oliveira. during the the sun. 104 105 .9 (Aeitu 2005:150) initiation rituals for the Kubeo (Correa 1987) and for the Tuyuka. it is said. dances are performed to bring a good dry season and agriculture. associated with ‘Woman Shaman’.. Our translation from Portuguese. when and Arawak Indians of the Içana and Vaupés Rivers. whose appearance at the opposite time of the year in the rainy made. Between December and February. as related by Gui Maximiano Aguiar of the middle Tiquié River (Aeity and Acimet 2008. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira The Pleiades constellation holds particular importance for the East The year is defined by the movements of the Pleiades Tukano peoples. adze to climb into the palm trees to make the ancestral flutes and trumpets. the controller of the seasons dry season. and these tools remained in the sky as constellations. the Pleiades. and the Returã (Tanimuka).. (. witchcraft.) the season to protect most important constellation in the Barasana zodiac. the ‘benzedor’ [preparer of spells] does the ceremony season is associated with scarcity of food. and disease. 9. In this period the dawn comes with a Grünberg 2009 [1905]. For this reason. field notes). generally in the observes that the Pleiades marks the time of planting for the Tukano second half of July. women today may not see the trumpets. with constellation (Ñokoatero). Aeitu (2005) describes the significance of the Pleiades in the Tuyuka Mythical accounts of the Pleiades’ origin include the following Desana yearly cycle: version. Hugh-Jones’ (1982) the Pleiades appear at dusk in the center of the sky.. At the time before the manioc gardens are Snake). the Pleiades mark the time of the principal for burning the fields. for protection. see also Fernandes and Fernandes 2006:31-33).

The myths discussed by Rojas illustrate it was on the back of the Star-Man (Ñohkoa Mahsu). wind. 3. the Fish-Trap (Úpitsi. We base this suggestion on the fact that other shared features in the region that the direction of influence has been largely from East Tukano into almost certainly have an Arawak origin. Ñohkoa Mahsu (Star-Person). Grünberg (2005 [1909]) lists constellations identified by the Siucí or Another man arrived. and told Walipeeri Dakenai . Dzáka) (Ome Poero) was about to come. corresponding to Taurus. The man then realized that in the region of Leo and to the west. The Serpent. corresponding to Orion. Nassa) in (the visitor) was Ñohkoa Diarã Mahsã (a leader of the Star. The Southern Cross. and lightning. He returned home and told (Uptisina). We also note that the widespread existence of many astronomical themes. until dawn and continued raining throughout the day. The name Portuguese. Siucí derives from Nheengatú. A phratric group of the Baniwa (Koch-Grünberg 2005 [1909]). corresponding to the all night. that the constellation would fall to earth at midnight. the Father of Egrets (Maalinai). since Arawak beliefs in other regions are relatively distinct. the Armadillo (Aalídali). and the Yurupari tradition with its sacred flutes. as discussed in Section 5 below.‘Descendants of the Pleiades’ . The Star-Man warned Eridanus. the Pleiades. the Youths (Oalíperi).12 him to get on with the work because the Cloud-Flood which include two Shrimp constellations (Manápane Dzáka. the Clay Pot (Makuapidam). suggests that the exchange of ideas has followed multiple routes. Star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro Arawaks The star-lore of the Arawak peoples of the Rio Negro region shares many motifs with that of the East Tukanos. the Fish-Trap a constellation. Jara (2002:115) suggests 11. and did not stop until the next day at noon. but it named ‘Bone-Son’ (or some variant thereof). It rained Scorpius. the Pleiades. the Curve or Zig-zag (Kakuyude). the Cicada (Yurum). the Pleiades (Walipere). corresponding to the Pleiades.10 (Aeity the associations between the constellations and seasonal and ecological and Acimet 2008:16) phenomena. such as the belief in a culture figure Arawak. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira The origin of the Pleiades is linked to the story of a man is likely that the diffusion of ideas has moved in both directions. his wife what had happened.of the Aiarý River. Thus the Pleiades came to exist. our translation from the 12. the seven-headed Snake (Kjewidapam). and the Green Ibis (Kuriam). When For the Kurripako of the Upper Rio Negro. (the man) saw on his back piece of a shrimp’s arm (Manapa). 10. the group of four otters (each represented by a single star). and constellation was forming. Kakudzút in People). At midnight there was a noise. asked what he was doing. or and after midnight came rain. Translation from the Desana by Cornelio Lobo.11 Koch- who was making a fish-weir before the Pleiades rains came. 106 107 . and the Great Serpent (Kёitápana) in the region of Scorpius. Orion. Rojas (1997) lists the (the Star-Man) turned around.

13 A very similar tale is also told among Vaupés peoples. the Serpent rises. Climbing past it is a sorva tree [Sorbus domestica]. outlined by stars. Its head touches Pisces. Boiaçu is bright birds – the Pleiades. The Pleiades mark the beginning of the agricultural cycle which would come a flood. after the region. who ascends time of renewal and growth arrive with the reappearance of the Pleiades. its rudder. The common 108 109 . its body is sprinkled with small brilliant stars. is seen a little below and to the left of Scorpius. The body The repertoire of constellations among the Vaupés forest peoples appears of the canoe is a ‘semi-dark cloud’. and advised them to install the traps carefully (Koch-Grünberg (2005 [1909]) and stand in opposition to the Great because the flood would be very strong. closely resembles that recorded for the East Tukanos. 13. Tastevin horizon and disappear. as recounted Bruzzi A. brilliant bird the Rio Negro Arawaks. in the Milky Way. who ascent of a mythical snake to the sky. with whom the relevance of dark patches among the stars to Amazonian ‘constellations’. and on it are nine little stars. “For my narrator. in which a woman is impregnated feathers (Jara 2002:124. who became the constellation “the first heavy rains of November and December are attributed. or Boiaçu and Scorpius is not in fact a precise one. which of the Great Serpent. fieldnotes. Each year. as they do for the East Tukanos and others in would descend. When we look into the sky. see also Hugh-Jones 1982:191). Walipere listened and told them to wait five days. Star-lore of the Rio Negro forest peoples which can be seen Boiçu’s canoe. citing Goeje 1943:119). Here we focus on the Hup and Kakua (Bara) peoples. rapid. it is a dark streak in the sky. However. traced by stars. A Tariana account of the origin of among the Rio Negro Arawaks and other groups. Tastevin (2008 the Pleiades describes how two children were born from the union of a [1925]:138) records the belief that the constellation originated in the female water spirit and a trumpeter bird: a girl (Meenspuin ‘star fire’). with its masts. Tastevin (2008 [1925]:150) observes that the match between we see Walipere’s back as he lies face up. noting that it is to this snake that became the Pleiades. the Pleiades. its prow. He then left the people who were setting their traps and walked about looking for fruits and timbó (fish-poison) in order to fish in the streams. ushering in a period of decay recounts a myth. Waliperi encountered a group of people who were making fish traps The Pleiades play a central role among the constellations recognized by and saying that they had to prepare them before a small. [which represents] the tree by although unfortunately there is little information for many of the forest which [Boiaçu] ascended to the sky” (our translation). or more precisely. and a boy (Pinon). some investigation into star-lore has been carried out. part of the Milky Way. although the attested versions do not mention the stars (Epps. by Rojas (1997:139). told to him by the descendent of a Manao (Arawak) in which the gardens give their last fruits and the birds lose their old Indian living along the Solimões River. da Silva 1994:90. Roe (2005) also observes groups. into the heavens. The Serpent. when the Pleiades descend below the produce sudden. not simply a constellation. The Kurripako story of the origin of the Pleiades (Waliperi). and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira The association between Scorpius and the Great Serpent is widespread Serpent (Scorpius and/or Ophiuchus). and short-lived periods of high water”. at the foot of 4. It to have much in common with that of their East Tukano neighbors. The new year and the by a giant serpent and gives birth to a serpent son (Boiaçu).

14 All of these constellations are found among the Tukano and other Henrique Monteiro. and the myth involving the Pleiades is frequently told among the Tiquié River Hupd’äh. Our accounts of Hup astronomical knowledge and practice are predominantly contemporary.Virtually all Hup people recognize it in the sky.After the peoples. then his whiskers. 110 111 . After that it that are said to be more prevalent during the time of this constellation). and That’s all of them. subsistence and settlement patterns. there are many [parts] to that jaguar. (come) the crabs. goes up. and also accounts for the emergence of the Fish-Smoking 14. Our translation from Hup. missionaries. after the otter rains have passed. The Hup Pleiades story. their differences in language. The same tale is associated with the constellation of the Viper (Scorpius). Tiquié River.15 marriage norms.When the facet of the cultural common ground between these groups – despite venomous snake rains come. and other discourse forms. After the egrets come. are very heavy rains. periods of rain and high water as the star ‘leaders’ or ‘chiefs’ (Cardoso Once those adze rains have gone by it’s the otter rains. the shrimps. The description of the major constellations After that come the Star-Hollow [Pleiades] rains. Oliveira 2010). then comes the armadillo. and other Henrique Monteiro. however. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira features in their views of the heavens doubtless owe much to their their rains. who refer to the constellations that are associated with longer fish-smoking grid rains come the adze [Orion’s belt] rains. so it is difficult to gauge how much star-lore has changed over the past decades. After those as ‘rain-lords’ likewise has a parallel among the Tukano and Desana rains comes the fish-smoking grid [Hyades/Taurus]. Sr. All of them come with the ‘Star-Hollow’. gave the following description of the yearly addresses the seasons that accompany the constellations (‘rain-lords’) – cycle of constellations and associated seasonal changes: and mentions the natural resources that are available during those seasons. those rain-lords. a Hup elder from the community of Taracua Igarapé East Tukano groups (see Section 2 above). as told by many changes due to contact with the national society. stories. including the The armadillo rains. Then. sharing of myths. the toucans. as observed for the Tukanos. Henrique’s account also on the middle Tiquié River. that traditional ritual life in the region has undergone Grid (the Hyades. The Serpent. is as follows: agents of change. and are yet another bathing the ingá [edible fruit] and making it grow. the jaguar’s body. as well as the natural entities that are feared (such as the venomous snakes First comes the jaguar’s head. The white The Pleiades is an important constellation for the Hupd’äh. the armadillo rains will come. all those rain-lords. We note. the Pleiades. based on recent investigation along the middle 15. the viper [Scorpius] rains. those 2007. part of Taurus). who call it egrets. the moyäk egrets. long-term and intensive interaction with Tukano peoples. they come.

as for the Hupd’äh.16 they descended to the river [lured by the snake’s beautiful daughter] and were killed.. the Star-Hollow ones. Orion’s belt). who suffered as that snake bit each of them. a Desana version. and wrapped it around many times [to make a thick glove]. A very similar story. from within the hollow log. were lured to the riverbank by a viper woman. adze. The Serpent. The snake’s hole was big. “You grab the fish. They climbed up there to stay. appears to link the into falling victim to the snake]. “Send them on! Send much in common with that of the other Vaupés peoples. occurs among the Tukano the Star-Hollow children. ‘shoulder-carried thing’ (i. who had been smoking on the grid. the armadillo (Corona Borealis). see also Section 1 above). In making the blessing-smoke for them. and related versions – all fire [on the smoking-grid]. the grabbed the snake’s head and pulled it. long! In the creek the snake had Aeity and Acimet 2008). A snake killed them here on the earth.” he said. He smoked each of them over the and Desana (Azevedo and Azevedo 2003). the emergence of the Pleiades and the Adze constellations.” said the on the Viper and Adze constellations. each time. That’s how it came about. and the jaguar (Cetus). Most of these stories are focused primarily sunk the end of a hollow log.” she said [intending to trick the men Fernandes (2006:31-33. to descend and in the plant and animal environment. all of these.” He also notes that the Kakua [magically cured]. He Cope (1972:251) lists the Pleiades. however. The snake put them up on a fish. the Pleiades. those who had been people. the brothers. they used to be people on this that they went up to the sky. and then another man came.When she poked.. They earth. two. he major constellations “announce the coming of seasonal changes in rainfall.e. Silverwood- them on!” “Right here. and he sent them all to the river.This story tells about the Neká Masá. slaves on earth after the death of their leader at the hands of his wife. “You all come bathe and wash. recounted in Fernandes and send them out to you. 112 113 .Their ensuing escape led to A long time [it went thus]. and killed that snake. involving the death of mythological brothers who smoking grid. and do not appear to mention snake’s daughter. concerning an altercation between vipers and mythical people – are documented widely among East Tukano groups (see Section 2 above. He observes that these plant. He put b’öb bark on his hand. or Star-People. 1982]. Our translation from Hup. the fresh- Then a man made a blessing [incantation] for the murdered water shrimp (Bellatrix or Leo). He blessed them with smoke-leaf. grab it!” the Snake’s daughter said. one after another. “I’ll poke with the stick [into the log] to the Pleiades. 16. the fish-smoking grid (Taurus). equated with Thunder. he did this to all the brothers. the repertoire of constellations has When his hand was covered. One by one were once people. For the Kakua. he said. caused them. which was formerly used as a ritual object in dances [see Hugh-Jones 1979. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira Those Star-Hollow ones. the daughter of the Viper. pineapple-wash venomous snake (Scorpius).

who are primarily hunters and gatherers. but it is not as perceptions of the heavens may relate to their distinct living patterns explicit as it is for the Tukano peoples” (Danilo Paiva Ramos. The Serpent. on the other hand. Henrique the Tukanos perceived time by reading the stars” (Danilo Paiva Ramos. the animals. of the dry season. the constellations are particularly significant in timing (1972) work.The widespread association between the stars our translation from Portuguese). contrast between their own knowledge of the stars and that of the a notable difference appears to be the importance of star knowledge Tukanos. We note that Sr. For riverine peoples. A more complete and others. p. we note that the Tukano peoples Hup elder was approached for information.c. but also corresponds to the direction of the region’s major rivers (and the associated migrations of fish. certain differences also emerge. for the Tukano elders interviewed by Oliveira the riverine fruits and insects (see Section 2 above). and other animals). and agriculture does not figure prominently for the forest peoples. our translation). the riverine and forest peoples’ in myths and also in the marking of Hup ritual events. to that of their riverine neighbors. conducted interviews about Hup star-knowledge in the same region. observes that “certainly there is a cosmological interpretation of the stars To the extent that differences exist. knowledge of the principal constellations appears to be understanding of the contrasts between these groups’ perceptions of the much more a part of their everyday lives.17 When another p. he put the interview off for likewise demonstrate a sophisticated perception of the local plant and the following day so he could brush up on his knowledge with a local animal ecology.c. Of the handful of Hup elders that Epps interviewed along of] time in the fruits. within the Vaupés ecosphere. telling him that “their Hup forefathers perceived [the passage in daily life. such as the life cycles of fish and their interaction with Tukano man. who also natural and astronomical cycles awaits further investigation. Henrique had spent a great deal of time in his younger years with Tukano people. the Pleiades. natural and seasonal year may also be somewhat distinct. 2011. demonstrated much knowledge of the constellations. Danilo Paiva Ramos. it is not yet known to what extent the Kakua beliefs involving agricultural cycles – especially the Pleiades. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira believe the stars to be transformed into small birds in the daytime. In contrast. birds. only Sr. the east-west axis is salient with respect to the passage of the constellations through the sky. and the changes of the forest. the orientation 17. 2011. For Tukano and The Pleiades themselves are termed ‘water-cuttings’ in Silverwood-Cope’s Arawak peoples. which The associations between the astronomical cycles and those of the fly back to the east – a belief shared by the East Tukanos (see above). 114 115 . For the Hupd’äh (and possibly for other hunting/ gathering-focused peoples in the region). the seasonal While the star-lore of the Vaupés forest peoples bears close resemblances changes in wild resources appear to be more frequently emphasized. For Ramos observes that the Hup people he spoke with drew an explicit the contemporary Hup and Tukano peoples of the middle Tiquié River. while the middle Tiquié River (between 2001 and 2011). which mark the beginning this constellation resemble those of their neighbors. However.

etc.Vidal 2000). different spatio-temporal references may be as or more hunting/gathering-focused groups. and which in some cases also means ‘year’. presumably due to their widespread importance in the heavens keeps this cycle going” (Jara 2002:121. alternatively. who also see the constellations as ‘announcing’ the 19. citing Magaña 1988).18 For the forest peoples. These shared motifs are initiated agriculture. The Serpent. though it (2002:115) considers the connection between the stars and agriculture is not always linked directly to the Pleiades. Guianas and surrounding regions hold the Pleiades in particular importance. introducing the manioc and the methods to produce it particularly evident in beliefs about the Pleiades. this pattern a Guahiban group of the Colombian llanos (Ortiz Gómez 1987). While in recent years the forest peoples’ settlements have been relevance to agriculture. consequently. the stars have less relevant. For on the other hand. the Pleiades mark the beginning of the year practices over a broad region (e. and help us to understand how the Rio Negro of the area: “it is Siritjo/Wiwa [Carib/Arawak names for the Pleiades] who region links into the wider Amazonian system. according to Jara The importance of the stars in regulating agricultural cycles is (2002). ‘Star- 5. prevalence of various wild resources (Magaña and Jara 1982:109). in the past. the Pleiades. Among a number of Central Arawak and Carib groups. located in large clearings that offer a broad view of the heavens. when groups were more nomadic and had for the Nadahup and Kakua peoples of the Vaupés. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira of the longhouse (Hugh-Jones 1979. Orion. and associated and. 2002. Shared motifs in star-lore are evidence for emphasized in the origin myth common among the Arawaks and Caribs this circulation of ideas. peoples.19 The association between to be particularly apparent among Arawak groups. 1982). both before and after For these Arawak and Carib groups. it likewise holds for many Carib peoples. widespread in the northern Amazon region. was recorded among the Taruma Arawaks. on the other hand.This is the case for the hunting/gathering Cuiva. Jara a myth concerning the turtle is also prevalent in the region. the cycle connected to it. the forest canopy probably obscured much of the night sky – in contrast to the open riverbank To the north and east of the Rio Negro. Star-lore beyond the upper Rio Negro Many-Things’ (Jara 2002:120-121) – much like the names for the Pleiades The Rio Negro system is itself part of the wider network of Amazonian in the Rio Negro region (Tukano ‘Star-Thing’ and Hup ‘Star-Hollow’). and similar versions are found among 116 117 . facilitated the spread of discursive and cultural 1982) and other Tukano peoples. or. as it is in the Rio Negro. Many groups call the Pleiades by the same name as that used for ‘star’ in general. Thanks to Aloisio Cabalzar for this observation. the Pleiades are associated with a turtle’s nest filled with eggs. The link between the Pleiades and agriculture is Beier et al. Interaction and trade among these groups.g. Reeve 1993. the Arawaks and Caribs of the locations of the traditional Tukano and Arawak villages. Jara (2002:123). citing Farabee (1918). Santos-Granero 1992. Siritjo/Wiwa’s existence in the constellations. observes that the following version 18. much as for the Barasana (Hugh-Jones the arrival of Europeans. and the agricultural cycle. region and their relatively frequent mention in ethnographic sources. as it is is probably recent. little or no access to metal tools for clearing.

Langdon 1974 for the Siona [Western Tukano] and Roe 118 119 . The husband realized what was going on and obtained the are also found to the west and south.The wife was finally belief that the stars are animate beings. as well as dictating the agricultural them arose the turtles known today. In the Colombian llanos. who is the victim of the daughter of the snake embodied by the Milky Way (Ortiz Gómez A particularly widespread association in the northern Amazon links 1987) – compare the Tukano and Hup identification of the adze with the Pleiades to Orion. a woman was seduced by a tapir and went into Barasana the stars of Orion’s belt represent three men. Similarly. the Hyades with the tapir (typically his and his brothers (Ortiz Gómez 1987). with the hunter’s brother. and the cycle of Hyades with the fish-smoking rack. Levi-Strauss 1973. In the Guianas. The Serpent. As they were picking the fruits of a tree.g. a string of fish. Magaña and Jara 1982:119). identified with the culture hero Tsamani entrails. or fruit. the legless hunter is also involved. there are some intriguing constellations during the dry season is closely aligned with the egg-laying common threads. and represents in the region (Ortiz Gómez 1987). however. Reichel-Dolmatoff (1997) observes that activities of various types of turtles. which constitute a major food source for the Desana Orion is the most important constellation. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira the Pleiades and the turtle’s eggs does not appear to be particularly These motifs appear more marginally within the Rio Negro region. alternatively. the Wapishana and their Tuarepang Carib neighbors: “A woman was the wife of the turtle. and the story of the predatory snake and his victims (embodied 2002:127. carrying game.” cycles (e. the Pleiades is recognized as the woman (or. Of further possible relevance is the a powerful hunter who can be seen walking through the sky along the association between the Pleiades and a cricket among the East Tukano Milky Way (his trail). particular type of cricket tends to arrive on the river beaches at low the Arawak and Sikuani (Guahiban) peoples identify Orion as a man water and attack turtles’ nests (von Hildebrand 1987). the Carib Kulinã and the Arawak Palikur has the Pleiades-brother eaten Orion’s belt with his severed leg). followed by her husband. the wife was seduced by Similar astronomical themes are not limited to the northern Amazon. resulting in a twisted foot (Hugh-Jones 1982). the Pleiades. in some accounts. a story told among head or jaw). but a fruit-eating bird. for the Tukano myths of the Guianas. and that the constellations signal eaten up by the jaguar. were spared and from the arrival of various wild resources. as well as a fish-smoking grid that the brothers brought up into the sky. The Pleiades are associated with the For the Arawaks of the Colombian llanos. In several in the Pleiades and/or the Viper constellations). or the hunter himself). in different versions. his leg in his fight with the tapir. but to no avail. holding an adze. but the Arawaks of the Colombian where Orion’s belt and sword are usually associated with the adze and the llanos associate several other constellations with turtles. and Orion with the one-legged hunter (or. however. widespread beyond the Guianas. with an amputated foot and a canoe. Magaña and Jara 1982. who represents a hunter with a severed leg (Jara Orion. who (in some versions) lost one was bitten by a snake. the hunter’s most important constellation. by the celestial snake (Green and Green 2010. of which the center the sky with him. Widely shared views include the help of some animals to avenge the offence.Two of the woman’s eggs. Green and Green 2010). according Retuarã (Tanimuka) in the western part of the Rio Negro region. this to the different periods of resource availability. For example.

Nadahup. and Kakua). and the common armor-headed catfish for between the Milky Way and a snake or a river of sickness (compare also Campan groups in place of the lowland anaconda ‘rainbow demon’ (Roe the widespread belief that the rainbow is a malevolent snake. see e. in a different account. indicating past interaction between the lowlands and groups known to have distinct names for the Pleiades (relating to wasps highlands. is likewise widely encountered beyond the northern patterns of interaction among groups. the Fish-Smoking Grid (Hyades). and the man with In the Vaupés. The Kubeo and the Retuarã.The Shipibo-Konibo close resemblances in the repertoires of constellations among the various (also Panoan) tell a similar story. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira 2005 for the Shipibo-Konibo [Pano]). Among the Panoan groups with other traces of contact as seen in languages. which was speared by his brother. These overlapping cosmological perspectives align with known Hyades. and noted in the mythology of peoples. as is the account of the Pleiades as either a band of brothers or a set of stars Roe points out that similar motifs occur in highland astronomical emblazoned on the back of a star-person. are linguistically divergent from their Tukano neighbors ones sometimes obscure the connections. The Serpent. Levi-Strauss 1964:205). motifs include the Adze (Orion’s belt). A connection between a serpent. the Amahuaca tell of a man whose leg was discourse norms across the region. Tastevin 2008 [1925] for discussion). often associated with the north (Roe 1982:152). cultural practices. Hollow’). and the name of the Pleiades (‘Star-Thing’ or ‘Star- (Roe 1982. but are in Roe’s view clearly due to their relative lack of contact with these languages (Chacon motivated. such as the substitution of the cayman for the tapir in the 120 121 . Arawak. differences beliefs (for example. as recorded by Tastevin (2008 [1925]) along the Many shared motifs are evident in the star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro lower Solimões (see Section 3 above). who are the only East Tukano Roe 1982:315). where interaction has been particularly intense. Roe 2005:217). and are in large part consistent Amazon (Roe 2005. in which the severed leg becomes peoples (East Tukano. the cayman’s jaw became the Hyades. Similar entities Shipibo and Kampan groups in western Amazonia and the Pemon in the are identified from one group to the next. Substitutions of highland or pre-Andine animals for lowland and crickets). By the same token. here. an almost identical version of the one-legged in the star-lore of the Vaupés groups speak to their distinct histories and hunter myth is told among the Ecuadorian Canelos Quichua. a tree (sometimes described as the ‘World-Tree’). the Pleiades are a group of brothers. we see the lance Orion’s belt and dagger (Woodside 2005). and of the western lowlands. the Pleiades. The myth of the Viper and his victims is widespread. and its association with the Pleiades. the severed leg the Pleiades. same clusters of stars. and link them with peoples of the wider region. life. common Orion’s belt and the hunter’s brother the Pleiades. bitten off by a cayman. Also common is an association Amahuaca tale noted above. and a canoe Conclusion is likewise widespread. 2005:205).g. 1982:173. and common themes emerge from the myths that explain the constellations’ origins and link them to aspects of everyday The story of the one-legged hunter. and Orion. the sons of the sun and the moon the Viper (Scorpius). see identities.

and cultural practices over time and space. Dahsea Hausirõ Porã ukushe wiophesase merã bueri turi: Mitologia sagrada dos Tukano Hausiro Porã. Jorge and Elizabeth Reichel (eds. 5. 2002. Aeity and Acimet (Associação Escola Indígena Tukano Yupuri and ideas. and they and the Retuarã have experienced particularly intense interaction verbal art. São Gabriel da Cachoeira: UNIRT/FOIRN. They also share closely related stories. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira forthcoming. In the northwest Amazon. Annual Review of Anthropology 31:121-145. Hyades. our understanding of star-lore and its relationship to with Arawak peoples. The connection of the Pleiades with the renewal Arias de Grief. and its opposition to Scorpius. Bogotá: Centro Editorial Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Other common threads extend Indígenas do Rio Negro. A. (Ñahuri) and Azevedo. ISA: São do the Vaupés peoples. M. associated with Orion. such as the Kurripako and Desana myths of _____. and the natural world. (Kumarõ). and Joel Sherzer. these groups’ astronomical perspectives are probably associated with their distinct cultural and subsistence orientations.). its name as variants of ‘Star-Thing’. AM: FOIRN-Federação das Organizações the Pleiades set into the star-man’s back. 2005. References Other shared motifs extend well beyond the Vaupés region. particularly striking. 2009. while the Nadahup and Kakua peoples Amazonian lifeways is enriched by taking all of these perspectives into of the Vaupés recognize constellations and associated myths that are account via a multidisciplinary attention to language. and and elsewhere – subsistence activity. the differences among culture. an anaconda in some other areas). São Gabriel da Cachoeira. and are also culturally more distinct from no surprise given its centrality to so many aspects of life in the Amazon these other groups – the Kubeo do not practice linguistic exogamy. Bureko Watotire. Narradores Indígenas do Rio Negro. although only traces of it are observed in the Rio Negro region itself. That star-lore is easily shared is 122 123 . São Pleiades (which has long been noted in the anthropological literature) is Gabriel da Cachoeira. investigating contact and cultural diffusion. São As this discussion has explored. armadillo. São Gabriel da Cachoeira: AM. spiritual belief. Similarly. Rio Tiquié. Etnoastronomias Americanas. ethnoastronomy is a fruitful area for José I. Similarly. Beier. Wiseri of the Upper Rio Negro recognize many of the same constellations as makañe.N. Nirõ Makañe.Federação das Organizações Indígenas do Rio Negro (Coleção Bueri Turi). are likewise very widespread. Christine. Vol. of the agricultural cycle. Azevedo. 2008. including the Great Serpent (a viper in the Vaupés. 2003. the Pleiades. Marĩ theme of the one-legged hunter. Casa de Transformação: Origem da vida ritual Utapinopona-Tuyuka. São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. Discourse forms the rich systems of astronomical beliefs and associated myths overlap and processes in indigenous lowland South America: An area-typological across groups and regions in patterns that mirror many other shared perspective. and the kahtiri pati kahse ukuri turi. beyond the Rio Negro region. indicating a wider diffusion of discourse. SP. ritual and material strikingly similar to those of the East Tukanos. 1987. otters. São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. and egrets. The Serpent. Lev Michael. AM: FOIRN. The widely occurring Associação das Comunidades Indígenas do Médio Tiquié). Paulo. The Arawaks Aeitu (Associação Escola Indígena Utapionopona Tuyuka). AEITU. features of language and cultural practice. ritual practice. this volume).

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From Honey to Ashes: Introduction to a Science of ensayos sobre los índios Tukano del Noroeste Amazónico. 1982. 1988. Chamberlain et al. Paris: Librairie Pion. Henri. Salesiana da Amazônia Cedem. Gerardo. Tulane University. A contribution to the ethnography of the Conhecimentos e práticas dos povos indígenas do Rio Negro. Instituto Socioambiental. Orion y la mujer Pléyades. Chamberlain et al.socioambiental. 126 127 . The Cosmic Zygote. 1997.Vol 2. 1997. 1988. Federação das Organizações Indígenas do Rio Negro. Quito: Abya-Yala.D. Reichel-Dolmatoff. Bogotá. Kristine. early colonial encounter and the Jesuit years: 1538-1767. Modelos astronómicos de conducta social entre algunos indios de Colombia. 1987. Multilingualism in the northwest Amazon. Quechua ethnoastronomy compared. Arias de Grief and Reichel (eds. ed. Ortiz Gómez.D. Chuvas e constelações. Dicionário e Método de Aprendizagem). University de Estudios y Documentación Latinoamericanos/ Foris. Some aspects of movement. Mythologique I: Le cru et le cuit.org/pt/c/no. 1972. 91-110. pp. Melissa. astronômico. São Gabriel and São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. 2005. Rojas Sabana. 244-263. Reichel-Dolmatoff. Chamanes de la selva pluvial: _____.E. Alto Rio Negro. and Tolamãn Kenhíri.).. N. Filintro Antônio. ed. _____. dissertation. Santos-Granero. Mythic substitition and the stars: Aspects of Shipibo and Povos Indígenas no Brasil (http://pib. Ethnohistory 41(1):106-138. Dordrecht. revisited. (Gramática. Journal de la Société des Roe. _____. Peter G. Aloisio Colombian Macu. of Cambridge. Magaña. New Brunswisk. Oliveira. 1973. 1982. Sorensen. M. Stenzel. and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira Langdon. 1967. Através do universo: As constelações na cosmologia Curripaco. American Anthropologist 69:670-84.D.). Peter. dissertation. Simbolismo Reid. Berta G. brasil-atual/modos-de-vida/astronomia-tukano). 1993. Edmundo. 1974.J. 1992. 2005. Reeve. Astronomia Tukano. Multilingualism in the northwest Amazon. dissertation. pp. growth and change astronómico de los indios kaliña de Surinam. the Pleiades. University of Texas at Austin. Holland: Centro among the Hupdu Maku Indians of Brazil. sócio-econômico e ritual do Médio Tiquié: Conhecimentos para a educação e o manejo. 1987. Etnohistoria de la Alta Amazonia: Siglos _____ and Hausirõ Vicente Vilas Boas Azevedo. The Siona medical system: Beliefs and behavior. Manejo do Mundo: Silverwood-Cope. Calendário XV–XVIII. Fernando. Forthcoming. pp. Memorias del Congreso de Idiomas Indígenas de Latinoamérica- Ramirez. 1979. Jean. Ph. Arthur. Ciência Hoje 6:26-35. and Fabiola Jara. New York: Harper and Row. University Press. (eds. Levi-Strauss. Howard. 1997. Regional interaction in the western Amazon: The Ph. E. 1964. Ciencias naturales en la mitologia _____. 2005. Fundación Etnollano. Etnoastronomia de los grupos Arawak de los Llanos (Colombia). Francisco. ecológico. The Carib sky. _____. The Serpent. Devon: Themis Books.Tropical tribal astronomy: Ethnohistorical and ethnographic Ribeiro. Gerardo Mythology. Ph. Manaus: Inspetoria II. 193-227. notes.: Rutgers Américanistes 68:105-132. 2010. 2010. dos grupos Tukano do Tiquié. A fala tukano dos Ye’pâ-Masa. Claude. Cabalzar. Cambridge University.

Coletânea de traduções de textos produzidos em Tefé (AM). 2000. 1987. Geraldo Andrello e. Aloisio Cabalzar Instituto Socioambiental Resumo: Esse ensaio enfoca as relações intercomunitárias na região do rio Tiquié. procuro traçar relações entre organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos. Kuwé Duwákalumi: The Arawak Sacred Routes of Migration. Trade. Datos etnográficos sobre la astronomia de los indigenas Tanimuka del noroeste Amazónico. e recentes de Kristine Stenzel. pp. Ethnohistory 47(3-4):635-667. Desana e Tuyuka) e NADAHUP (Hup eYuhup). não muito recentes. 2005. The Serpent. em vários níveis (línguas mais ou menos faladas e entendidas). Agradeço a contribuições. Martin. and the One-legged Hunter Tastevin. onde habitam povos das famílias linguísticas TUKANO ORIENTAL (especialmente os Tukano. em especial. 2008 [1925].. the Pleiades. 128 . pp. Chamberlain et al.). Vidal. 228-235.A lenda de Boiaçu na Amazônia.Tastevin e a Etnografia Indígena. and Resistance. 233-254.FUNAI. ed. Joseph Holt. S. linguísticos no rio tiquié Woodside. Noroeste Amazônico. von Hildebrand. na bacia do rio Tiquié. Flora Cabalzar. Arias de Grief and organização socioespacial e predomínios Reichel (eds. Priscila Faulhaber and Ruth Monserrat. de Cristiane Lasmar.M. Dominique Buchillet e Jorge Pozzobon (in memoriam). Amahuaca astronomy and star lore. Inspirado em pesquisa etnográfica e num conjunto de registros de casamentos da Missão Salesiana de Pari- Cachoeira realizados durante cinquenta anos. Rio de Janeiro: Museu do Índio . Constant.

de outras línguas minoritárias. distintamente. aliança. rio linguística em diferentes situações da bacia do Tiquié. como TUKANO e NADAHUP. Tuyuka. at various levels in the Tiquié basin. Os em caixa alto. decorrer do século XX. Embora a and linguistic practice (between the more and less commonly used or população desana seja expressiva. Tukano. Essa afirmação é válida para boa parte da INTRODUÇÃO simplificar TUKANO ORIENTAL. que teve grande impacto na região no descendence groups. organização socioespacial. NADAHUP é usado em lugar de Makú socioespacial e línguas faladas (e entendidas) entre os povos TUKANO1 (Epps 2008:10). inhabited by groups from the East Tukano (in particular the Tukano. Tuyuka. multilinguismo e o significado do espaço geográfico na 2000. Tiquié region of northwestern Amazonia. exogamia linguística que se encontra em outras partes do sistema social do noroeste amazônico. sobre formas de organização intercomunitária. I trace the relation between sociospatial organization o tukano propriamente dito. Based on ethnographic research and TUKANO ORIENTAL e dois da família NADAHUP (ver mais detalhes marriage registries of the Pari-Cachoeira Salesian Mission spanning a abaixo). favoreceu a expansão do tukano em detrimento Keywords: East Tukano. bará. diz respeito a um O objetivo deste texto é discutir aspectos da relação entre organização grupo de descendência específico. sua língua é pouco falada atualmente e as understood languages). Esse trabalho se inscreve em esforço mais amplo para se entender esses Abstract. period of fifty years. como exemplo do Tiquié. ver mapa Nessa perspectiva. 2. em lugar do tukano. geral do volume). northwest Amazon. multilingualism É sabido que o processo de escolarização e todo o aparato em torno dos and the significance of geographic space in the reproduction of centros missionários salesianos. as línguas mais faladas nessa área são. Quando se trata da família linguística. explore the notion of regional nexus and its possibilities and discuss questions relevant to Vaupés ethnology. 130 131 . I further vias de transmissão para as gerações mais jovens estão debilitadas.Amazonas. sendo o fator linguístico um dos centrais. linguistic exogamy de falar suas próprias línguas2. hierarchy. Os alunos dos internatos tinham vergonha sociospatial organization. desana e makuna. noroeste Amazônico. Desana and Tuyuka) and Nadahup A bacia do Tiquié é ocupada por seis grupos da família linguística (Hup and Yuhup) language families. Entre os TUKANO. supralocal. tuyuka. na ordem. é comum ouvirmos relatos da 1. será usado no texto a palavra grafada vergonha que sentiam de falar suas próprias línguas. reprodução dos grupos de descendência. e os princípios sociais subjacentes. pretende-se estudar aqui a dimensão Palavras-chave: Tukano Oriental. TUKANO é usado para missionários também reprimiam o uso de outras línguas (ver Tenório 2012). Entre os ex-alunos dos colégios das missões. 2009). Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar Nesse sentido é retomada a noção de nexo regional e suas possibilidades. hierarquia. discuto questões sensíveis à etnologia do Uaupés. Tiquié river. Brasil. such as hierarchy. do rio Tiquié (Terra Indígena Alto Rio Negro. alliance. A partir de discussão iniciada anteriormente (Cabalzar como hierarquia. This article focuses on the intercommunity relations in the nexos regionais.

colégio. projetos etc. atualmente em franca expansão). Já a língua makuna é falada principalmente no miriti-tapuya. Tatuyo. Piratapuyo (Wa’ikhana) e outros (ver Stenzel 2005). Arapaso. entendida e falada pelos tukano do trecho entre São Domingos e a cachoeira principalmente devido à implantação de uma escola que usa essa como Caruru. Assim. uma missão católica com com a publicação de vários livros e outros materiais4. de descendência. No caso do Tiquié. A partir daí o tuyuka domina. o o multilinguismo. em ambiente mais santa casa. distante alguns 5. seja dos antigos missionários. seu colégio. e é bem território colombiano3. os moradores do alto Tiquié frequentam mais a cidade de São Gabriel da Cachoeira. Daí para cima é território linguístico bará (Mapa 1)5. 132 133 . com a língua mais falada. os entre as comunidades do lado brasileiro da fronteira. com exceção do português). Siriano). até a comunidade colombiana de língua de instrução. As fronteiras atuais. foi adotada pelos Tariana. Mais que isso. Taiwano. Fora do Tiquié. mesmo que vivam junto à fronteira colombiana. Atualmente a língua tuyuka está em expansão. na década de 1970.) de cada país influem na direção das relações. da questão e a situação em toda a sua complexidade. Um censo atuais escolas indígenas. que expressa o predomínio populacional e prestígio político desse grupo principalmente do Piraparaná e alto Papuri. A língua dos Bará é falada nas cabeceiras desse rio. sem considerar as nuances dias de viagem (até uma semana. em motor rabeta) para comércio. não só por aqueles desse grupo de descendência. seja das uma visada geral para aqueles não familiarizados com o rio Tiquié. Essa língua é dominante no baixo inclusive na relação com populações NADAHUP. 3. comércio etc. em função da grande proporção de casamentos e relações rio abaixo. já no Tukano a partir da comunidade de Bela Vista e Pari-Cachoeira. saúde e sociais (aposentadorias. provavelmente falantes de tukano não falam nem entendem bem outras línguas (novamente. bolsas. De modo geral. presença de vários grupos de descendência (Barasana. serviços etc. podemos dizer que tukano é a língua franca em todo o setor brasileiro da bacia do Uaupés. o objetivo aqui é dispor de 4. alto igarapé Castanha. a língua Piraparaná e partes do rio Apapóris. Embora não exista um censo linguístico.A importância desses projetos de educação. Tukano é hoje com regiões vizinhas das bacias do alto Piraparaná e alto Papuri. a missão. em detrimento das relações rio acima. mas também como primeira língua pela grande maioria dos desana. hoje em dia. não é foco desse trabalho. considerando que estão em contato século XX na comunidade tukano de Pari-Cachoeira. alfabetização das crianças. está mais presente no lado colombiano. Na maior parte desse rio. foi implantada ainda na primeira metade do multilíngue que o restante do Tiquié. inclusive Trinidad. Makuna. mas mereceria outra publicação. podemos dizer que na bacia do Tiquié 70% da população fala exclusivamente a língua tukano (sem considerar A língua tuyuka esteve declinando na última década do século passado o português. iniciou sua escrita. onde foi instalada. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar bacia do Uaupés no Brasil. e também como língua franca em todo o Tiquié brasileiro. por poucos. A língua tuyuka passa a ser compreendida pelos sobretudo com os Tukano. linguístico permitiria uma descrição completa. Essa caracterização foi feita em termos muito gerais. junto com políticas de educação.

aos sibs de mais baixa hierarquia. Vale alertar que essa abordagem não significa que outros fatores. ao incesto. pode-se distinguir duas populações. não tenham sua importância. do ponto de vista linguístico. da origem e procedência. mas que não conjuntos sociais. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar Para os povos TUKANO. em certo sentido. estando associados à endogamia linguística. observa-se ambientes sociais mais abertos ao exterior e outros nem tanto. no âmbito das estruturas hierárquicas internas a cada que é a relação entre organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos. o do rio Tiquié. podemos nos direcionar para o foco principal desse texto. Traçado esse panorama atual da situação das línguas TUKANO na bacia à endogamia local e. tanto conceitualmente quanto por marcarem posições importantes na rede de alianças dos TUKANO. 8. Nimuendajú (1950:164-5) menciona um sib baniwa (os seria possível tratar todo esse tema nos limites desse texto. Embora os casamentos com os NADAHUP sejam raros. cultural. até mesmo mais favoráveis a alianças com os NADAHUP . Hohodene) e outros kubeo como exemplos disso. da forma de ocupação territorial e. Em menor grau. os NADAHUP8 representam muitos aspectos negativos da vida social. case com uma mulher NADAHUP terá filhos Tukano. mas uma mulher Tukano com um NADAHUP terá filhos NADAHUP. No que diz respeito homens NADAHUP se casaram com mulheres TUKANO. Como bem lembra às alianças de casamento. na literatura etnológica da região. a processos de 6. No Tiquié. ao passo que um número menor ainda (quatro) de do Igarapé Japu. os Tukano e 7. provavelmente. esse sistema de representações maneja de maneira 1. eles são expressivos. provenientes com mulheres NADAHUP. Há uma quase total da hierarquia interétnica com a patrilinearidade. o que representa uma baixa de status para os filhos”. como projetos incorporação de grupos NADAHUP. numa primeira aproximação. Existem referências. Entre os TUKANO. em alguns casos. endogâmicos em certa medida e. Um homem Tukano que se impermeabilidade de um sistema ao outro. isso “é decorrência de uma combinação extensas redes com pouquíssimos pontos de ligação7. apenas nove homens TUKANO casaram-se Tuyuka dizem que os Mirititapuyo são de origem NADAHUP. 134 135 .6 grupo de descendência exogâmico. dentro de outros de educação e fronteiras nacionais. Mapa 1. mesmo se aplica. Nos Registros (ver adiante). Línguas TUKANO ORIENTAIS no rio Tiquié Para os TUKANO. provavelmente Hup. PROBLEMA TEÓRICO No rio Tiquié. os TUKANO e os NADAHUP formam duas Pozzobon (comunicação pessoal 2000).

eles tentam se o uso de um sistema de categorias socioespaciais que opera com a noção aproveitar das plantações para além da permissão concedida pelos de hierarquia. Nesse caso específico. e grupos locais constituídos com os Tukano. Por sua vez. Para patrilinear) no centro de seu território. estabelecem um laço de «escravidão» com outra aldeia tukano – o de residência. maloca x Esse sistema conceitual opera vis-à-vis as relações sociais propriamente tapiri10. Quando isso ocorre. através de relações de alianças distantes e conflituosas. agricultura/pescaria x coleta/caça. endogamia x exogamia. em sentido mais amplo. em seus extremos. Mas isso não passa de uma coresidência entre aliados) situados em sua órbita. no entanto. observa-se o que eles consomem. dado que há muito mais aldeias tukano que exogâmico unido pela residência comum. noção (ver Goldman 1963:143). Enquanto central e cognatismo periférico ou entre agnatismo ideal e cognatismo permanecem junto aos seus ‘patrões’. e. os Tukano se tornam mais e mais avaros quanto ao pagamento dos ‘escravos’. e assim por diante. até que a relação entre as O sentido do parentesco strictu sensu para estes grupos é definido duas partes se deteriore. em segundo plano. moderação x exasperação. A perspectiva dos NADAHUP é uma estrutura territorial concêntrica. para os Tuyuka do alto Tiquié. Pozzobon (comunicação depreciativa em função de certas vantagens. eles poupam suas próprias real. 2000. na forma de opostos: rio x floresta. os NADAHUP são seus ‘escravos’: cada aldeia tukano base no cognatismo (relações baseadas em casamentos próximos com seria ‘dona’ de uma aldeia NADAHUP. não sabem manejar suas roças. Na verdade. os NADAHUP fundamentalmente através das noções de agnatismo e. periféricos. precária. podem ser caracterizadas regulam bem a bebida e. Por exemplo. havendo um ajuste entre esses dois planos. não deve ser 136 137 . com grupos locais formados outra. É comum os Tukano falarem que os NADAHUP não sabem trabalhar. é possível afirmar que a primeira alternativa plantações de mandioca. Em trabalhos anteriores sabem beber caxiri. ilustra bem esta caça ou moradia provisória. Esse gradiente. Idealmente. usada como acampamento de pesca ou captura da noiva. padrões de territorialidade. de estilo de vida e de trabalho9. O agnatismo pode ser enfatizado NADAHUP. desordem. observei. mas não querem passar sem produtos agrícolas. também indicam exceções a esse julgamento. 2009). o princípio da descendência gera um grupo que sempre é possível. referência espacial forte x mobilidade. Tapiri é uma casa pequena. Essas relações se definem por formas de casamento e residência. Eles não gostam de pessoal 2000) interrogou se se trata de uma oposição entre agnatismo plantar. A essa ideologia étnica. O casamento por 10. Um dos pontos que nos interessa enfocar 9. os NADAHUP aceitam essa imagem unidade socioespacial denominei nexo regional. em dia de caxiri. que aliás não são capazes de produzir é mais válida. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar complexa referências espaciais. princípios de constituição de grupos locais e regionais. como bem ilustra Pozzobom (1997:3): com base em relações agnáticas (produzidas a partir da descendência A relação entre os dois povos é fortemente hierarquizada. linguísticas. (Cabalzar 1995. considerando que além da inferência estatística. Estando entre os Tukano. ‘patrões’. e assim por diante. brigam muito. Entre eles. não são as formas de organização socioespacial. os TUKANO dizem que os NADAHUP não Efetuam-se gradações que. ordem x ditas. prática bastante comum no passado.

pensado como um todo orgânico. tendo filhos (ver Lasmar 2005). Partindo das alianças. outro fator que parece interferir nas políticas matrimoniais são as condições do cônjuge em Os casamentos revelam aspectos de como o grupo local elabora suas adquirir mercadorias. na cidade de São Gabriel da Cachoeira. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar tomado como única chave para a compreensão do sistema. Outra variável é uma relativa preferência em negociar casamentos com grupos de descendência que 2. somando as partes brasileira 11. especialmente no período do socioespacial. como complementaridade artesanal (por exemplo. Bará e ou sem o consentimento dos pais. se integrar de trechos muito piscosos e de poucas terras boas para a agricultura. A ênfase é nos sistemas regionais. como professores e agentes de saúde assalariados11. fabricantes de canoas rituais. sem passar por da situação de um grupo local e de sua posição dentro de um sistema negociações entre seus respectivos grupos. Há certa vantagem dos homens que possuam renda relações com o exterior. Mirititapuyo. ver no contexto social mais amplo. 138 139 . Segundo Pozzobon O rio Tiquié é o mais extenso (cerca de 374 quilômetros. participações conjuntas em festas.A relação entre casamentos próximos ou distantes. Atualmente. Isso seria a variável ‘tradicional’ por detrás afins que residem próximos entre si cultivam alianças por casamento. monetária. CONTEXTO ETNOGRÁFICO vivem a jusante nos rios (como veremos mais abaixo). O casamento é visto aqui como uma das formas Tukano de áreas de terras firmes e mais férteis trocando com Mirititapuyo privilegiadas do grupo local. busca-se aqui uma caracterização garimpo na região do Traíra (décadas de 80 e 90) ou em temporadas mais completa das formações supralocais. Muitos o âmbito em que estão ocorrendo com maior frequência. como são conduzidas. somando uma população de aproximadamente 4000 pessoas. adiante como isso ocorre no Tiquié). e acabam ficando com homens de fora e Yebamasa (Makuna). assim das estratégias de caráter mais explicitamente econômico”. incluindo os NADAHUP (Hup e Yuhup). que se deslocam para os centros urbanos. com destacam-se no Tiquié os Tukano. 321 no (comunicação pessoal 2001). constituídos por relações Uma análise mais detalhada dos casamentos deve levar em conta fatores intercomunitárias. sobretudo São Gabriel e Manaus. Desana. e sua face linguística. Atualmente. ou localização As estratégias matrimoniais definem as alianças de cada grupo local e em relação a áreas de maior acesso a certos recursos naturais (por exemplo. A análise proposta aqui abrange mais de um grupo de descendência exogâmico. É muito comum mulheres que voltam para seus povoados como mães solteiras. pode-se dizer que há “uma certa busca de Brasil) e populoso afluente do Uaupés. são indicadores casamentos têm sido arranjados pelos próprios cônjuges. trocas de bens e notícias. observa-se também um contingente considerável de mulheres e colombiana. Tuyuka. como existem aliados distantes que mantêm trocas frequentes e positivas. É habitado por vários grupos linguísticos. Dentre os povos de língua TUKANO ORIENTAL. trabalhos coletivos e projetos associativos. tuyuka trocando com fabricantes de bancos rituais tukano). especialmente quando são completadas por intercâmbios de bens. como casamentos. Nem todos os status através da hipergamia.

a maior disponibilidade de certos recursos em seu baixo curso. por sua maior familiaridade com a floresta e destreza em percorrê-la. Ocorrem relações antigas de trocas entre os moradores de diferentes trechos do rio. tapioca e mandioca mais seco) – e o médio e alto curso. Essas trocas algumas vezes são reforçadas por relações matrimoniais. que corresponde ao trecho restante. que compreende um trecho de 192 quilômetros. Gráfico 1. que facilitam e dão uma direção para tais intercâmbios. Segundo define pelo predomínio de igapós. permitindo ainda um acesso direto a esses recursos. Além do mais. Para isso contribui. não inundáveis e mais férteis – o que redunda em uma produção maior de farinha e outros derivados da mandioca brava – menor disponibilidade de 140 141 . há maior abundância nomeadamente o seu caráter hierárquico. os NADAHUP também prestam trabalho aos e que só impede a navegação de barcos com motor de centro no período TUKANO. Os TUKANO são agricultores e pescadores sedentários. A ênfase ribeirinha dos povos TUKANO faz do Tiquié a principal referência espacial e via de deslocamentos e comunicação. não dá conta da de peixes. aproveitáveis para a agricultura. crua) e bens industrializados. como vimos. maior concentração populacional e proximidade entre os grupos locais (ver descrição mais detalhada do Tiquié em Cabalzar e Lima 2005). É comum realizarem-se festas áreas bem definidas: seu baixo curso – desde a foz até a Cachoeira Tucano de oferecimentos (dabucuri) entre eles. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar peixe.” uns dos outros. A densidade populacional é baixa e os povoados estão distantes instabilidade que caracteriza as transações entre os dois grupos. cada um oferecendo o que tem (na verdade uma corredeira que desaparece quando o rio está mais cheio mais disponível. A bacia desse rio é ecológica e demograficamente diferenciada em duas explorando recursos mais concentrados. e de outros no médio e alto. a troco de produtos da roça (farinha. Pozzobon (1995:3) discorda da sugestão A primeira área. Os primeiros. esse conceito “só faz esvaziar o conteúdo político da relação. lagos e a escassez de terras altas e ele. como caça e frutos silvestres. População dos grupos de descendência na bacia do Tiquié No médio e alto rio Tiquié. A segunda área. Fonte: DSEI-RN 2009 e TUKANO são marcadas pela complementaridade nas trocas. Fora isso. se de simbiose (ver Ramos 1980:6) para caracterizar essa relação. têm mais acesso a recursos dispersos. desde esta corredeira até suas cabeceiras. se diferencia em todos estes aspectos: boa disponibilidade de terras altas. as relações entre populações NADAHUP (lado brasileiro). em compensação.

Yuhup (NADAHUP). Segundo informações indiretas. independentemente do Mirititapuyo ou Buia-tapuya se estabeleceram nesse rio depois de firmar alianças nível hierárquico (ver Cabalzar 2009). o Tiquié foi ocupado inicialmente por outros grupos de atualmente nesse rio. Desana ascendentes dos moradores atuais. Embora seja difícil estabelecer com segurança há quanto tempo os especialmente dos Tuyuka de seu alto curso e dos Tukano do médio. Segundo alguns Tukano do médio Tiquié. e hoje habitam a região do alto Pirá-paraná. OCUPAÇÃO DA BACIA DO TIQUIÉ POR SUA POPULAÇÃO ATUAL Compilando informações de pessoas de vários povoados do Tiquié. ponto. ocorreu um período de certo vazio demográfico no rio. os e atinge todos eles. hierárquicas mais altas. os grupos de descendência atuais – Tukano. Muitos lugares (estirões. de casamento com um dos sibs tukano migrados para o Tiquié. existem segmentos de sibs de alta hierarquia também na bacia 13. através das cabeceiras. 12. que eram cunhados entre si. situadas no rio Papuri e no médio e alto Uaupés. Na verdade. se mais antigas. foi ocupado pelos Taiwano. que traçam a ligação entre um e teriam sido levados e exterminados pelos brancos (Pãrõkumu e Kehirí morador atual e seu ascendente que veio morar no Tiquié. antes da chegada dos 3. As genealogias abaixo. como é o caso dos Tukano do médio e alto Papuri. quando provavelmente já era frequentado por grupos Hup e dos Tuyuka do Igarapé Inambu e dos Desana do médio e alto Papuri12. em maior ou menor proporção. os Mirititapuyo chegaram posteriormente do Tiquié. Isto pode ser dito para os Tukano. Japu e Ti. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar 3. a tradição oral destes grupos sugere possível se chegar a algumas conclusões com certa margem de segurança: deslocamentos não muito remotos (entre cento e cinquenta a duzentos anos). corroboram essa proposição. 142 143 . centros de formação e de dispersão de cada um deles. Na tradição oral tuyuka. pedras. posteriormente. cachoeiras. é TUKANO chegaram nesta região. Desana e Tuyuka que residem 1. Tatuyo e e Tuyuka13 – encontraram o canal principal do Tiquié Karapanã e outros povos que se deslocaram para o oeste espontaneamente desabitado. retiraram. 1995:60 e Ribeiro 1995:38). Estes povos são provenientes de áreas de ocupação descendência TUKANO Oriental que. afirma-se que o rio Tiquié. O movimento de dispersão dos grupos de descendência é constante ao curso principal do Tiquié. os Doe-põra. essa ocupação ocorreu há aproximadamente seis gerações origem desses povos. No Papuri e em seus afluentes ainda permanecem os sibs tukano. por razões não conhecidas. desana e tuyuka de posições 2. litografias) do alto Tiquié são associados à 4. Já os Desana (do sib Kehíripõrã) afirmam que o (cento e cinquenta anos) –vários relatos coincidem nesse Tiquié era habitado pelos Wayerã e Koamana.

Em G+5 maioria da população é Desana. já existiam intercâmbios matrimoniais entre vários sibs tukano e desana que migraram para esse rio. de Cucura Manaus. até a saída recente dos segmentação e dispersão. os Tukano mantém o domínio político estão os ascendentes que migraram primeiro para o Tiquié: no e prerrogativas territoriais . Existe um limite entre ocupação tukano e tuyuka. Os preenchidos no entanto. através de processos continuados de São José. 6. permanência e deslocamento. com a única exceção do Figura 1: Genealogias de sibs do Tukano e Tuyuka do rio Tiquié Igarapé Umari. Ambos se estabeleceram na calha Papuri e de seus afluentes (os Tukano vieram do Igarapé Turi). quase todos os povoados tukano contam com presença expressiva com o início da ocupação atual do Tiquié. no do sib Hausirõ-põra. e no caso do primeiro segmento do sib tuyuka Opaya. Mesmo em comunidades onde hoje a representam os homens que traçaram cada genealogia. Em outros. foi Sarãpó. como em Cunuri. esses no curso do rio e aqueles nos igarapés maiores. todos os que vieram morar no Tiquié provinham do Tukano. cada grupo desana. como São José II de Floresta e São Luiz e Santa Luzia aliança e trocas rituais e de bens. a montante estão os Tuyuka. principal do Tiquié. 144 145 . uma simetria política. 14. Os Tuyuka provinham de outras redes de aliança. a A proximidade e coresidência entre os Tukano e Desana não significa. como de descendência. foi Desana (migraram para o baixo Uaupés). já se passaram longos períodos de convívio. nesse tempo (há cerca de cento e cinquenta anos). isso não ocorreu. hoje não se reconhece contornos de uma separação territorial entre esses grupos de descendência. Boca de Estrada e Santo Antônio. poucos netos). onde há quatro grupos locais desana próximos entre si. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar No processo de ocupação do médio Tiquié. No alto. a população desana se estabeleceu ao redor dos Tukano. Existem também povoados tukano e ocupando trechos do rio e igarapés. distintamente. foi Akuto. formando-se posteriormente as alianças. maioria já casados e com filhos. os Tukano e Tuyuka chegaram independentemente. evidentes na ocupação inicial do Tiquié. foi Poani Ekagu. No alto. Atualmente. Com o tempo e as estreitas alianças entre Tukano e Desana. A que é o principal centro de dispersão dos povos TUKANO exceção que se configurou posteriormente são os Tuyuka que moram ORIENTAIS. formaram-se vários povoados mistos ou muito próximos uns dos outros14. formando suas redes de desana muito próximos. Geração atual G0 (homens e mulheres entre 30 e 50 anos. que é a grande cachoeira Caruru: nela e a jusante estão os 5.preservando-se assim traços de hierarquia caso do sib tukano Ñahuri-põra.

(2000:111). Foram justamente chegada dos missionários salesianos significou o desbaratamento gradual esses que passaram por processo de deslocamento linguístico (antes de destas práticas. intervenções oficiais e missionárias foi mais frequente descoberta do ouro na Serra do Traíra e a explosão comercial decorrente. HISTÓRIA RECENTE 1940.” No Tiquié. como os missionários “apresentam as suas medidas como vontade do governo. já várias comunidades com a ida de muitos de seus membros para o garimpo a partir do século XVIII. desmoralizaram os rituais e o conhecimento Os Tuyuka também se revelam pouco dispostos à co-residência com os dos xamãs. Grande parte do curso do Tiquié está situada Mais recentemente. confinaram várias gerações Tukano (ver mapa 1). novos impactos na dentro do território brasileiro. especialmente para São Gabriel. no baixo Uaupés. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar nos igarapés Onça e Cabari (uma minoria). no lado do Brasil. A foz do Tiquié se localiza próximo a Taracuá. que funcionam hoje como polos de atração missão salesiana em 1923. mandaram abandonar as malocas. Essa disposição geográfica dos três principais grupos de crianças e jovens em internatos. Houve dos Índios do Uaupés e Papuri. o marco da intervenção salesiana foi a construção da missão de Pari-Cachoeira em 4. Diante desta situação. a abertura de grandes clareiras A história mais recente é marcada pela violência dos comerciantes no início para formação de pastagens para gado bovino doado pelos militares do século XX e posterior chegada e domínio dos missionários salesianos. San José de Guaviare e pequenos em Bela Vista. a com comerciantes. na medida em que intervieram e conseguiram reduzir tais também aderirem às políticas de afirmação da língua da última década). a implantação do Projeto Calha Norte do Exército brasileiro. Outros comerciantes e patrões atuavam de forma semelhante. sugere penetrações antigas neste trecho. no 146 147 . Com o esgotamento do garimpo e o Manduca Albuquerque. e de onde os franciscanos haviam sido expulsos para os índios (ver Nimuendajú 1950. abusos. o impacto do contato missões.Várias comunidades se viram desarticuladas e aterrorizavam as povoações indígenas. cerca de quarenta anos antes. ao estilo desana/tukano do médio Tiquié. Algumas consequências deste processo foram o enfraquecimento de durante a maior parte do ano. Segundo carta de Nimuendajú complexa com as redes de alianças. a partir da década de 80. A fácil navegabilidade por seu curso até Pari-Cachoeira. depois de terem exposto publicamente os instrumentos de jurupari. interferiam no trânsito de pessoas e centros urbanos do Vaupés). que estão dentro de território violência. subordinando-as com grande esvaziadas. Cabalzar 1999). e salesianos. Em compensação. comerciante nordestino e com título de Diretor fracasso das criações de gado. A dos Tukano. os índios se submetem. Manaus e Colômbia (Mitú. e assim por diante. ou para cuidar dos filhos nos povoados-sede de colégios. justamente o trecho em que o rio é mais organização social do Tiquié ocorreram com o fim dos internatos nas caudaloso e navegável por barcos maiores. instalados Santa Isabel. onde foi fundada uma como São Gabriel e Iauareté. a introdução maciça de novos bens industrializados. Contribuíram também para a formação de centros urbanos regionais.Van Emst 1966. ferro o comércio e o trabalho indígena na região do Uaupés. surgiram as organizações indígenas. e seus irmãos controlaram com mão de significativo fluxo migratório para fora. Por isso. veio um período de desconcerto. submetendo-os a uma educação de descendência TUKANO na bacia do Tiquié possui uma interface rígida e de integração à sociedade nacional.

inseri este 17. muitos dos campos deixaram de ser anotadas informações a respeito de cada um dos noivos: nome. Também foi elaborado um cadastro de sobrenomes de famílias residentes neste rio. Foram 16. do outro. livros que. local de nascimento. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar contexto de um movimento político liderado pelos próprios índios com foram completados com dados coletados por mim em várias pesquisas de intuito de criar uma instância de representação das comunidades frente campo a partir de 199116. Em boa medida. composta por dois prédios. o que permitiu estabelecer o grupo linguístico e o grupo local de muitas pessoas presentes nos Registros. é comum a anotação do nome da linguístico. Antes as crianças eram levadas para o internato Tiquié. dos pais. 148 149 . grupo linguístico de cada um pessoa sem sobrenome (os sobrenomes foram sendo atribuídos pouco a pouco. De uma forma ou de outra. permanecem na Missão de Pari-Cachoeira pela Dra com a localização de cada um. Nos Registros. Estes registros foram pacientemente copiados a mão. Daí saíam os missionários para fazer a itinerância e a distribuição de 5. da missão de Taracuá – no baixo rio Uaupés. Constituem um documento de valor considerável para a pesquisa das redes de aliança nesse rio. Para maiores detalhes sobre o trabalho dos salesianos. um de cada lado da igreja17 e que Missão Salesiana de Pari-Cachoeira (referidos daqui para frente apenas funcionaram por décadas como colégio e moradia dos meninos. já dispunha de dados coletados em várias pesquisas de campo. Por exemplo. Posteriormente. nome da mãe. do povoado de Fátima (hoje capoeira) até a fronteira com a Colômbia (ver mapa 1). Os registros originais foram completadas. dependendo do ano. às pressões externas sobre suas terras (ver Cabalzar e Ricardo 1998). ver Cabalzar 1999 e. além da data em que foi celebrado o matrimônio. incluindo a busca por alternativas fora da região. OS REGISTROS sacramentos pelo rio Tiquié. Os salesianos fizeram um trabalho além do simples registro de casamentos. de um como Registros). dos fazer um levantamento de todos os povoados citados que não existem mais. e meninas. que abrange dos anos 70 e início dos anos 80. estas lacunas dos e idade. Para o caso dos Tuyuka. O regime de internato foi extinto entre o final (quando a missão foi inaugurada) e 199015 nesta paróquia. na década de 1980. especificamente sobre o cotidiano na missão de Pari-Cachoeira. Por último. próximo à foz do Tiquié. foi necessário 15. Dominique Buchillet. que dão conta de 863 casamentos realizados entre 1940 lado. anotando vários dados de interesse para uma análise das relações sociais e do casamento no rio Tiquié. nome do pai. A missão atual é uma grande construção de A base documental desse texto são os Registros de Casamentos da alvenaria. material em um banco de dados digitalizado. local de residência depois do casamento e vários foram modificados com o tempo). grupo preenchidos pelos missionários. é incontestável que todos esses acontecimentos A Missão de Pari-Cachoeira foi a quarta casa salesiana a ser fundada na mais recentes têm interferido na perspectiva de vida dos habitantes do rio região do alto rio Negro. Os Registros foram revistos com alguns moradores do Tiquié. antropóloga do IRD/França. ver van Emst 1966. provavelmente.

missionário (ver Quadro 1). localização espacial e suas relações consideram de gradativa superação das dificuldades e condições adversas com os predomínios linguísticos. período em que foram observadas transformações muito significativas em todos os aspectos da vida social das populações da bacia do Uaupés. são observadas algumas relações específicas ao rio Tiquié . em português.circuitos de Muito explícito nas publicações dos salesianos é o processo que eles aliança e associações entre casamento. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar ocorre com os NADAHUP) realizaram em algum momento o ritual católico. foi durante um período a oportunidade de com a associação aproximada a trechos do rio (casamentos rio abaixo e atribuição de nomes cristãos e sobrenomes. às pessoas e rio acima). já que o trabalho mais intenso para ‘regularizar’ a situação casamentos entre estes grupos exogâmicos (destacando-se os Tukano. sucedendo-se resultados positivos para a ‘obra civilizatória’. 6. O registro de casamento. Nas A apresentação dos dados dos Registros está dividida em: (1) número décadas seguintes. Com isso. incluindo casamentos que ocorreram durante meio século. 150 151 . o sib. muitas 19. Praticamente todos os casais TUKANO (distintamente do que 18. Este método foi usado algumas vezes para preencher as lacunas dos adotado pelos missionários e como o uso de tais sobrenomes é manipulado pelos dados salesianos. famílias19. Em geral. Número de casamentos (por década) uaupesiano. Este é outro tema interessante (mas que não será desenvolvido aqui). amplia-se a compreensão iniciais. das organizações sociais do Noroeste Amazônico. De qualquer modo. estes números tendem a se estabilizar em um patamar de casamentos dos homens e mulheres por grupo exogâmico e os mais baixo. CASAMENTOS NO TIQUIÉ Além de algumas características já conhecidas do sistema social Quadro 1. o casal se une e só depois de certo tempo procura o casamento na igreja. povos do Tiquié. Este aspecto dos dados não é analisado aqui. como a exogamia do grupo de descendência e linguístico e a ausência quase completa de alianças entre TUKANO e NADAHUP. (2) número de casamentos entre grupos exogâmicos assim como de nascimento. o método vezes. Desana e Tuyuka). os sobrenomes permitem identificar. de casais mais velhos já havia sido realizado18. Na década de 50 realizaram-se três vezes mais casamentos na igreja do que havia sido observado na década anterior. Este conjunto de dados tem sua dimensão temporal. e a descrição de nexos Os registros de casamentos refletem este gradual avanço do trabalho regionais.

pequeno grupo que e de casamento entre primos cruzados com frequente troca de mulheres. de forma que os homens se casam e permanecem Portanto. CASAMENTOS ENTRE OS GRUPOS DE DESCENDÊNCIA mais do que cedeu. três grupos de descendência (Tukano. os Bará não possuem nenhum grupo local no Brasil e deles pouco se casarem na igreja (e quase não aparecerem nos Registros os Makuna formam apenas alguns povoados pequenos no igarapé Açaí e nesse período). o que tem como consequência. o fato forma esporádica. TY (Tuyuka). desana e tuyuka. 163 (18. vive no alto Uaupés). 12 Bará. ao contrário. referentes às trocas com cada um de seus afins. KR (Karapanã). A Tiquié. O sinal <> significa casamentos com pessoas de origem étnica isto. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar 6. Como se trata de um contexto de patrilocalidade (onde (Bará). enquanto Nos Registros. os Tuyuka obtêm um equilíbrio perfeito. a expressiva maioria é Hup). o ‘saldo’ tukano é positivo. de uma certa contabilidade por grupos de descendência localizados. Desana e Tuyuka) em suas áreas (virilocalidade).A primeira de cada par de colunas do cada grupo de descendência presente nos Registros. 152 153 . as mulheres em geral se mudam para o povoado do marido ao se casarem) também conhecidos como Mucura. 19 Makuna). é negativo em 8. já que esse grupo recebeu 47 mulheres a desconhecida. também conhecidos como Yebamasa). TA (Tariana). em relação à área coberta pelos Registros ou representam populações são úteis maiores detalhes. Dito TT (Tatuyo). dos 863 homens que se casaram. é possível falar em termos de mulheres cedidas e recebidas e. menores numericamente. HP (Makú. onde os salesianos atuaram apenas de aos índios do rio. fato neste sistema de trocas.89%) Tuyuka e os outros 149 (17. dentre outras. MT (Mirititapuyo). MI (Micura.79%) são Tukano. as mulheres se movimentam somam mais de 80% do total dos casamentos realizados na Missão.06%) Desana. ou Oamasa em tukano. Para os casos tukano. BR de descendência. na prática.34%) envolveram mulheres tukano. 29 yebamasa (Makuna). 25 NADAHUP. gráfico expressa o número de mulheres (cedidas) Tukano que se casaram 305 (35. 10 Karapanã. PT (Piratapuyo). Dos 863 casamentos. Os Bará e Makuna estão em sua grande de um processo de contato e catequização diferenciado em relação maioria em território colombiano.99%) mulheres (o número absoluto está na primeira linha da tabela). O déficit dos outros grupos 199 (23. 16 Piratapuyo). enquanto a segunda desana. 207 (23. 352 (40. na foz do Tiquié. os outros grupos de descendência são marginais alto Castanha (afluentes do Tiquié). os Desana. 15 Mirititapuyo. Este último número é compreensível visto que uma são de outros grupos de descendência ou não foram identificados (25 parte dos outros grupos de descendência está localizada fora da paróquia Mirititapuyo. Uma informação importante é a relação 20. Por fim.1. MK (MAKUNA. Os Mirititapuyo moram do médio para o baixo que deve ser atribuído à sua predominância populacional neste rio.89%) mulheres tuyuka e 188 (21. KB (Kubeo). de Pari-Cachoeira. 163 (18. sendo que uma parte de seus casamentos foi registrada na missão pequena presença dos NADAHUP deve ser vista como decorrência de Taracuá. 30 NADAHUP.26%) juntos é de 39. SR (Siriano). DS (Desana).78%) mulheres de outros grupos de descendência (32 bará. Via de regra. Nos gráficos e tabelas são usadas as seguintes abreviações para os grupos entre o número de homens casados e o de mulheres casadas em cada grupo de descendência mencionados: TK (Tukano). O Gráfico 1 mostra os casamentos dos Tukano (ver em nota20 o significado Os números mudam um pouco quando se observa o total de mulheres de dos códigos mostrados nos gráficos).

e uma certa assimetria homens casados (mulheres recebidas). sendo portanto estratégicas como maneira de acessar este recurso básico e relativamente escasso no alto Tiquié. valorizadas pelo fato de que habitam a área do Tiquié onde ocorrem os maiores estoques pesqueiros. sendo que 93. A relação dos Tukano com os Desana já é mais equilibrada. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar entre os Tukano e Desana do médio Tiquié. Observa-se que os Tukano obtêm do uso da língua desana nesta área. trata- foi reciprocada). Considerando estes números e as já citadas proximidade dos grupos locais tukano e desana no médio Tiquié. com a única exceção dos Mirititapuya (que “devolvem” apenas com o crescente predomínio do tukano.41% diversificadas (no rio Papuri) e ocupa territórios mais contínuos. dos casamentos desana. Alianças dos Desana (mulheres cedidas e recebidas) 154 155 . utensílio de primeira necessidade para estes povos ribeirinhos e em cuja fabricação são especialistas. afinidade. o que mais chama a atenção é a grande parcela de relações com os Tukano.7% das mulheres obtidas junto aos Tukano). enquanto 78% dos homens desana se casaram com mulheres tukano.45% das mulheres cedidas a esse grupo de descendência são reciprocadas. é mais falada justamente situados no baixo e no alto Tiquié. No gráfico 3. Isto está relacionado a uma maior proximidade espacial Gráfico 3. Mas a relação Tukano/Tuyuka voltará a ser abordada. A língua desana é mais falada 64. coluna do gráfico (e a segunda linha da tabela) dá conta do número de o que gera descontinuidades do território desana. O último par de colunas expressa os política e socioespacial (rio x igarapé). Já os Tuyuka cederam 28 em ambientes onde este grupo de descendência pratica alianças mais mulheres a mais que receberam. No Tiquié. é possível entender o declínio totais de mulheres cedidas e recebidas. Esses fatores combinados parecem um saldo positivo com todos os grupos com que mantêm relações de favorecer esse processo de homogeneização linguística no médio Tiquié. Alianças dos Tukano (mulheres cedidas e recebidas) desana se casaram com Tukano. respectivamente abaixo e acima dos onde há um pequeno nexo de quatro grupos locais no igarapé Umari povoados tukano/desana deste rio. os Mirititapuyo e os Tuyuka estão se de uma hipótese a ser verificada. o que viabiliza formas de controle mais sistemático da política matrimonial uns dos outros. De um modo geral. Já os Tuyuka são fornecedores de canoas. Já os Tuyuka estão mais separados geograficamente de seus cunhados. para homens tukano (apenas 77. As alianças com os Mirititapuya são (ver mapa 1). 82% do total de mulheres Gráfico 2.

incluindo todos os grupos locais do alto Tiquié. em boa parte não aparecem nestes Registros (pelas razões já citadas acima). separada do trecho de predomínio tukano. Considerando. abaixo. Esses dados se referem a casamentos atuais ou mais recentes dos Tuyuka. no Quadro 2. Casamentos tuyuka. com os quais os Tuyuka mantêm estreitas relações de aliança. 6. em comparação com os Desana. com homens residentes em grupos locais situados mais a jusante nos rios. que aquelas que se casaram com os Bará e Makuna. tanto dos homens quanto das mulheres tuyuka. no entanto. os Quadro 2. Vemos que a proporção estão assim dispostos no curso do rio Tiquié: de casamentos com os Tukano. dos dois lados da fronteira Brasil-Colômbia.2. Alianças dos Tuyuka (mulheres cedidas e recebidas) rio abaixo. CASAMENTOS RIO ABAIXO E RIO ACIMA Um aspecto que deve ser destacado é a preferência por trocar mulheres Gráfico 4. que permite configurar grupos. que os grupos de descendência melhor essa situação (apud Cabalzar 2009:294). grosso modo. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar Os dados relativos aos casamentos tuyuka (Gráfico 4) mostram uma maior diversificação da política matrimonial. O número de mulheres cedidas para grupos de descendência que habitam no sentido Em outro trabalho. reuni um conjunto da foz do rio é maior que o número de mulheres provenientes desses mais completo de dados. Os homens tukano continuam a ser o destino da grande maioria (75%) das mulheres tuyuka. 156 157 . Nos dados sobre origem das mulheres casadas com homens tuyuka. em relação ao seu próprio grupo local. é inferior a 50%. Diferente dos Desana. a participação das relações com Tukano cai para 58%. por grupo linguístico do cônjuge grupos locais tuyuka estão situados em uma área contínua. enquanto 17% são Bará e os Makuna e Desana entram com 6% cada um. Deve-se ponderar. Mostram uma diversidade de casamentos maior. diretamente com os Tuyuka.

descendência. caracterizando-o casos formam uma minoria. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar verifica-se que os Mirititapuyo receberam 34 mulheres tukano e desana 2. Gomez-Imbert 1991). Os primeiros linguística (ver Sorensen 1967. os Tukano e Desana receberam 138 Tukano e Desana de um lado. os Tukano COMENTÁRIOS FINAIS claramente tem mais prestígio político e prerrogativas territoriais (rio dos De acordo com os dados apresentados. que podem se compor de diferentes formas na grupos de descendência residirem nas áreas de predomínio de certo(s) grupo(s) de estabilidade de grupos de descendência e linguísticos. A constatação de uma rede de alianças baseada nas estreitas relações entre e cederam apenas 15 para ambos. assim como os Bará estão para os Tuyuka no alto. expressos nas dificuldades de se referir ao cônjuge. A quase inexistência de casamentos internos aos grupos de descendência exogâmicos. além da Esta característica das redes de aliança é derivada do mesmo princípio de diversidade de alianças. no estudo das relações entre organização socioespacial e foram registrados na Colômbia. cada grupo de descendência. Os Tukano. dois pontos devem ser marcados: Tukano. predomínios linguísticos no rio Tiquié. 158 159 . como referido acima. é possível postular que três fatores são cruciais: alianças. os Desana estão para os Tukano no médio comprovando mais uma vez a já bem conhecida ideia de exogamia Tiquié. Da mesma forma. envolvidas nos casamentos são deste grupo de descendência exogâmico. 1. o que pode reduzir um pouco esta diferença. onde quase 40% das pessoas mulheres bará e makuna. geram constrangimentos. e uma simetria sociopolítica na relação com outros grupos linguísticos com quem se divide o território. Os de cada par são grupos de descendência mais tolerantes à coresidência casamentos dentro de um mesmo grupo de descendência são considerados com seus aliados em seu território. por sua vez. que no Tiquié correspondem sempre a grupos linguísticos. Outros autores. deve ser ponderado que existem casos de mulheres tuyuka que se casaram e contribuição. receberam 45 portanto. Esse texto visa dar uma bará. No caso da diferença tuyuka em relação a makuna/ e discutindo suas condições de reprodução. Em termos da reprodução de predomínios linguísticos. recebe mais mulheres provenientes de rio acima do que as oferece para o mesmo destino21. há flexibilidade no uso dos termos de parentesco. e Tukano e Tuyuka de outro. continuidade de comunidades de um mesmo grupo linguístico. Jackson 1983. é o caso dos Tuyuka no alto e dos Desana no Umari). 21. No caso dos Desana do médio Tiquié. Por exemplo. Guardadas as proporções. De qualquer forma. estes atentaram para o multilinguismo no noroeste amazônico. é importante a condição geográfica (alguma que referências geográficas são flexionadas por conotações hierárquicas. mulheres tuyuka e cederam 106. há consequências em incestuosos. existem vários homens tuyuka que estão morando na especialmente Sorensen (1967). o fato de homens de outros território e hierarquia. mas cederam apenas 18. 3. individualmente. Estes números não levam em conta. sobretudo dos termos linguísticos. os Tuyuka. Quando ocorrem. têm um papel chave neste sistema. porém. já que não descendência em outros contextos regionais. igarapés dos Desana). como conforme mencionado acima. Finalizando. Como vimos. Trata-se de entender a situação desses grupos de mais velhos. Gomez-Imbert (1991) e Stenzel (2005) área de domínio tukano/desana.

ed. Os Índios das Águas Pretas. revisited. Force des langues vernaculaires en situation Pãrõkumu. Patience. Peixe e Gente no Alto Rio Tiquié. Cabalzar. São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. Irving. 2009. pp. Aloisio e Carlos A. Cambridge: Cambridge 145-197. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp. Brazil . Dissertação de Mestrado. De Curt Nimuendajú para Carlos Estevão de Oliveira. Cahiers des Sciences Humaines 27. amazonien). Cartas do Sertão. no. de Langue. 2012. 1950. Os múltiplos sentidos da ——. 2005.1: 61-88. 1998-2011. Povos Indígenas Annals of the II Congress on Indigenous Languages of Latin America do Rio Negro. Aloisio e Flavio Lima. Plurilinguisme et développement. Patrões regional no noroeste amazônico. Antes o mundo não d’exogamie linguistique: le cas du Vaupés colombien (Nord-Ouest existia. Lisboa: Assírio e Alvim. 1991. Organização socialTuyuka. 2000. Flora Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Curt. Kristine. FFLCH. 1995. Epps.org/site/cilla2_toc_sp. Tenório. Hierarquia e Simbiose. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. org. Ricardo. Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon. Pozzobon. Liberdade e Exclusão (Reflexões sobre a Identificação da Área Indígena Rio Apapóris). Higino P. Nimuendajú. 23-42. e clientes: relações intertribais no Alto Rio Negro. Jean. Stenzel. Descendência e aliança no espaço tuyuka.Versão ampliada conversão entre os povos indígenas no Brasil. 1997. Jorge.html. Cabalzar. 1983 [1972]. Société des Américanistes 83:159-172. no. 1966. P. 1980. pp.Austin. (CILLA). Reconhecimento dos rios Içana. The Fish People. International Archives of Ethnography. MS. Umusi e Tõrãmu Kehirí. 135-182. Relatório apresentado ao Serviço de Proteção aos Índios do Amazonas e Acre. Charmes.utexas. Departamento de Antropologia. A Grammar of Hup. 2008. ——. 1998. Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon. pp. São Paulo: HUCITEC/INL/MEC. Berta. Equipamento Produtivo. org. Leiden: MS. ——. Revista de Antropologia 43. Robin Wright. http://www. 1963. 1927. 1995. Do rio Negro ao alto Tiquié. Cabalzar. São Gabriel da Cachoeira: UNIRT/FOIRN. Transformando os Deuses.Colombia. São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. org. University Press. 2000. São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. vol 1. Cabalzar. São Paulo: Edusp/Companhia das Letras. parte 2. Gomez-Imbert.Alcida. MS. Journal de la 363-396. São Paulo: Editora Unesp/ Ribeiro. Journal de la Societé des Americanistes de Paris 39:125-183. Universidade de São Paulo. 2005. 134-145. Jackson. 1995. O templo profanado: missionários salesianos e a transformação da maloca tuyuka. Organização socioespacial e predomínios linguísticos no rio tiquié aloiSio cabalzar REFERÊNCIAS ——. J. Cabalzar. Arthur P. Modo de Produção e ISA/NuTI. Van Emst. 3-4:535-559. 1999. 1967. Hierarquia. pp. société et numération chez les Indiens Maku. Organização social e trajetórias tuyuka no rio Tiquié (noroeste amazônico).Aloisio. ed. Impactos das políticas linguísticas tuyuka. Elsa.ailla. pp. Contexto socioambiental. Mapa-livro.Texas. Ayarí e Uaupés. Goldman. Sorensen. Indians and Missionaries on the Rio Tiquié. 1995 [1980]. A noção de nexo Ramos. ——. O sistema numérico dos índios Maku. The Cubeo Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Peter Silverwood-Cope e Ana Gita de Oliveira. Educação Escolar Indígena no Rio Negro. Filhos da Cobra de Pedra. 160 161 . Alcida Ramos. Aloisio American Anthropologist 69:670-684.

Este artículo explora los discursos chamánicos y otras prácticas con las cuales los hombres son capaces de ascender al mundo de arriba . recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo NƗKAK del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) Dany Mahecha Universidad Nacional de Colombia Carlos Franky Universidad Nacional de Colombia Resumen: Los Nikak son reconocidos por ser el último pueblo nómada en Colombia (contactado oficialmente en 1988). Sin embargo. poco se conoce acerca de la cosmología Nikak y la forma en que las relaciones sociales al interior y entre los grupos locales se proyectan en aquellas que tienen con seres de distintos niveles del mundo. por el sofisticado manejo que hace de los recursos del bosque y por la crítica situación humanitaria que afrontan debido al conflicto armado en la última década.

en cuanto no refiere un nombre propio. predación propuesto por Viveiros de Castro. adoptando reciproco propuesto por Reichel-Dolmatoff para el Vaupés ni al de diversos conocimientos tecnológicos. in order to gather C. a diferencia de los etnonimos y los nombres de las familias lingüísticas. y cofinanciado por Nuffic (The Netherlands). el modelo no corresponde al de intercambio durante varios siglos con los Tukano oriental y los Arawak. Además. Franky. 164 165 . This paper Scientific Research NWO. y conceptos sociales y cosmológicos (véase Mapa 1). 1997). Mahecha. cosmology. Interestingly. y por los cuales se escribirán con mayúscula inicial. los Kakua y los Yuhup. nukak. nor with the predatory model suggested by Viveiros de Castro. for their sophisticated forest management techniques. Reid (1979:328). ecology documento este término será escrito con minúscula inicial. fertilize the forest and visit beings that live up there. conocidos como ‘makú’2. los Arawak y los pueblos denominados ‘Makú’. visitar los seres que viven allí y fertilizar el bosque. realizado por D. y por la Universidad Nacional de Colombia. La información presentada son avances de los proyectos de investigación: ‘La little information about Nikak cosmology and the ways in which gramática del Nikak’. en Abstract: The Nikak are well known for being the last nomadic people un proceso que ha sido documentado etnográficamente desde los 1960s3. jéa (sky). han interactuado en la Amazonia. ecología Nɨkak se aislaron e interrumpieron estas relaciones durante la mayor parte del siglo XX. Agradecemos los comentarios y observaciones a las versiones forager populations. que denota connotaciones Vaupés. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky para colectar frutas. supervisado por Georg Frerks. Pieter de Vries y Gerard Verschoor fruits. there is 1. 3. Pozzobon (1992. and for their critical humanitarian situation as victims in the civil conflict over the last decade. El significado y origen del término ‘makú’. como argues that the Nikak concept of the cosmos has elements that suggest parte del proyecto NPT/COL/100. cosmología. prácticas chamanísticas y rituales. peyorativas. Amazonia. in Colombia (officially contacted in 1988). the reciprocal exchange model proposed by Reichel-Dolmatoff in the 2. 143). a model of social relations that may also play a role in other Amazonian sede Amazonia. beca No 256-00-521. However. los Kakua y los Yuhup las incrementaron.This paper also (Wageningen Universiteit). Pero mientras los Palabras claves: nómadas. with which men socio-cultural entre los Nukak (Amazonia Colombiana)’. es presentado en Mahecha et al. En el presente Keywords: nomads. dirigido por Leo Wetzels (Vrije social relationships within and between local groups are projected onto Universiteit. Introducción1 El artículo también argumenta que esta conceptualización del cosmos Los Nikak. Amazonia. desarrollado por are able to ascend toward the world above. los Hup. Sobre los últimos véanse Silverwood-Cope (1990:73. Al respecto véanse las etnografías del Noroeste Amazónico sobre los Tukano oriental. y financiado por The Netherlands Organization for relationships with beings of different levels of the world. (1996-1997). this concept does not correspond to previas de este texto de Patience Epps. e ‘Identidad étnica y cambio explores the shamanistic discourses and other practices. Nukak. Kris Stenzel y Ana María Ospina. los Hup. pueblos de tradición nómada tiene elementos presentes en otras poblaciones de tradición nómada del Noroeste Amazónico. Ámsterdam).

en la lengua de los Hup con Wright (1992) al proponer que los Tukano tomaron de los Arawak está emergiendo un incipiente sistema de clasificación y marcas de el sistema de jerarquías clánicas y el complejo ritual del Yuruparí. la exogamia y las entre los Kakua y los Hup. entre las teorías de la descendencia y de la alianza. aunque Los Hup y Yuhup plantean. quienes tenían unas prácticas en la vida diaria. Århem (1981:206. El primero. ambos en diferentes oleadas. en toda la región subsiste una tensión entre un ethos igualitario tukano y uno jerárquico arawak. el cual se expresa localmente de diferentes 4. y sugieren que es un fenómeno areal de la cuenca del Caquetá- Jackson 1983). Athias 2003). femenino. enfatiza en la consanguinidad que prima respondía a la influencia de los Tukano. de Cabrera et al. la endogamia local. como clanes de menor rango (Goldman 1968. Hugh-Jones (1995) propone que los Tukano oriental conciben su divididos en dos conjuntos exogámicos. A su evidencialidad. Tatuyo. (1994. 1999). antes que arribaran los Tukano (Reid 1979. (1996-1997. Lathrap (1970) ningún tipo de influencia recibida o proveniente de los ‘makú’. Cabe anotar que estos tres autores no mencionan Mahecha et al. Mahecha (2007) y Franky (2011). Además coincide al contacto lingüístico con los Tukano. Silverwood-Cope (1990) y Reid (1979) simultáneamente en cada maloca (casa comunal). Nimuendajú (1950). Athias (2003. En este volumen Ospina y Gomez-Imbert exploran vez. 2000). quienes y Reichel-Dolmatoff (1997) concuerdan con este planteamiento y estarían más cercanos a una organización social igualitaria. 1997. 2000) concuerda con este planteamiento. la igualdad. los Kubeo y los Bará señalan que ellos integraron a grupos ‘makú’ las similitudes entre los verbos seriales de los Yuhup. Epps (2007. área y por fuera de ésta. El segundo. sostienen que luego llegaron los agricultores Arawak y posteriormente los Tukano oriental. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky Así los Kakua y los Hup afirmaban que sus clanes patrilineales estaban formas. Cabrera (2010). mediados del siglo XX. proponiendo que éstas pueden ser vistas como complementarias. 2000. 2008) señala que debido unos eran cazadores y otros tenían prácticas hortícolas. la influencia Tukano oriental y Arawak sobre los ‘makú’ (1997) argumenta que los Tukano no eran una gente homogénea. observaron que dicho modelo no tenía mayores implicaciones prácticas enfatiza sobre la descendencia patrilineal. en sus narraciones míticas. Japurá. los Barasano y los en su organización social. Århem (1981:315-319) presenta una síntesis de un debate más amplio. Apaporis y Pira-Paraná. los grupos residenciales y territoriales con tendencia a sociales más coherentes con dicho modelo. masculino. pues involucra rasgos lingüísticos. ordenados internamente en organización social a partir de dos modelos complementarios y presentes forma jerárquica. 2010). alianza simétrica4. Sin embargo. 166 167 . y concluyeron que esta conceptualización jerarquías. la cooperación y la interdependencia. que ellos llegaron asocia el primero con la descendencia patrilineal y el segundo con la al área desplazándose a pie. la virilocalidad. Reichel-Dolmatoff De otro lado. Mahecha et al. pero sin resultados conclusivos ya que se requiere comparar la persistencia de los hallazgos con otras lenguas del Wright (1992) especifica que fruto de este encuentro e influencias mutuas.

siendo el ideal la unión entre primos cruzados bilaterales. 1994. que siempre lo acompaña. Todos los Nɨkak tienen al menos un takueyi ‘pariente cosmología Nɨkak que no encajan con las descripciones etnográficas de propio’. local está constituido a partir de un conjunto de agnados (como un padre con sus hijos o un grupo de hermanos) que habitan en su territorio con En este artículo argumentamos que los Nɨkak privilegian las algunos cuñados. 1999). Paralelamente describimos cómo estas dos caras mundo de abajo’. los niwayi ‘ancestros realización de un ritual mortuorio de osteofagia endocanibal (práctica o abuelos masculinos’. afiliados al grupo residencial (Cabrera et al. una sustancia Reichel-Dolmatoff (1986) o la predación como uno de los principales que otorga poderes chamanísticos. la déna ‘parentela’. rituales asociados al yuruparí y léxico relacionado con (como tener una estatura alta y ser hospitalarios) y un territorio heredado plantas cultivadas y objetos (Mondragón 1991. Arrabidea chica (Bignoniaceae) 168 169 . patrilineales. para reactualizar los lazos de convivencia entre parientes y afines corresidentes La descendencia patrilineal también establece vínculos imprescriptibles en un grupo local. Sobre su origen hay varias versiones: se crean cuando para interpretarlas. Los clanes son Mahecha 2007. desde el poblamiento mítico de este mundo (Franky 2011). Los miembros de cada clan se consideran parte de una misma Entre éstas tenemos las técnicas y procesamiento de la yuca brava. ayuda y protege en las actividades los otros pueblos del Noroeste Amazónico ni con las tentativas analíticas cotidianas y rituales. Así cada grupo debido al periodo de aislamiento que mantuvieron. el mik baka de parientes fallecidos. los Nɨkak no reconocen exogámicos. probablemente a principios Los Nɨkak tienen un modelo de organización social basado en clanes del siglo XX. Por último discutimos aspectos de la están los takueyi. también manejan un legado de influencias arawak y tukano. son operadores cosmológicos propuesto por Viveiros de Castro (2002). ni con los Arawak o los Tukano y no adoptaron el dena. 1994. lo vínculos explícitos de parentesco con los Kakua (pese a que hablan cual posibilita un intercambio de mujeres sostenido en el tiempo entre dos lenguas inteligibles). pues comparten. Si bien la norma de residencia es patrivirilocal. Cabrera et al. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky Los Nɨkak. Parentesco por descendencia y consanguinidad colombiano al interfluvio Guaviare-Inírida. 1999. Todo esto quizás de residencia implica la convivencia con afines cercanos. quien se convierte en su ‘padre’. quienes mantienen entre ellos las mismas relaciones de del parentesco orientan las relaciones que los Nɨkak establecen con parentesco que tienen sus familiares humanos vivos. manifestaciones de la consanguinidad en las relaciones sociales. es decir. entre otros aspectos. en la práctica el patrón sistema jerarquizado de clanes organizados en fratrías. No obstante. como el intercambio recíproco directo propuesto por un hombre con conocimientos especializados aspira eoro5. que al parecer son una migración de los Kakua del Vaupés 1. determinadas características físicas y emocionales que abandonaron). Franky 2011). Entre estos parientes gentes de otros niveles del cosmos. aunque también apelan a las de descendencia con con los parientes que habitan en jéa ‘el mundo de arriba’ y en bak ‘el el mismo propósito. uno de los tres espíritus que 5.

Sin conversa. Convivencia y conflicto humanos las sustancias más importantes son la leche materna. Lo mismo sucede con las mascotas alimentadas con leche materna humana. los takueyi tienen agencia propia y algunos son muy De manera análoga la incorporación de un afín visitante requiere su agresivos. la reciprocidad y el compartir sustancias constitutivas del cuerpo. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky se desprenden del cuerpo al morir. En este 1994. ésta dinámica se relaciones de convivencia con los takueyi del clan de la madre. pero quienes conviven. así sean afines. mientras que desplazarse a otro es peligroso. el chontaduro8 y el laurel9. el achiote6. se matiza cotidiana.el recelo va desapareciendo afiliándose al grupo local de los afines. cuando nacidos se conciben como humanos potenciales que al ser amamantados fallece el pariente que era su ‘padre’ o ‘dueño’. la afinidad y los afines se tratan como si fueran consanguíneos. Luego viene la realización de un entiwat ‘ritual de de los takueyi. Bixa orellana (Bixaceae). 8. al punto que los Los chamanes solicitan ayuda de sus takueyi para realizar curaciones de funerales son similares a los de los humanos10. cuando mantiene por unos días hasta que los visitantes se marchan. comparten comida y se ayudan mutuamente comienzan a considerarse como déna. pero los visitantes no pernoctan en el campamento y durante el embargo. para no tener que confrontar las grupo local visita e ingresa en el territorio de los parientes humanos miradas directamente. el trabajo conjunto. siendo tratados como si fueran consanguíneos (Cabrera et al. quienes no comparten comida y no procuran 6. Luego de varios días de estar compartiendo comida. 10. o se heredan vía patrilineal. protección. Entre los 2. parentesco común y por tanto no son completamente extraños. En una visita visita el territorio de dicho clan o cuando cambia de grupo de residencia. incluso pueden atacar por iniciativa propia a los Nɨkak de otras consanguinización. se comienzan a humanizar apropiadamente. Oenocarpus bataua (Palmae). Los miembros de la déna ‘parentela’ son quienes pertenecen a un mismo el eoro. Rival anota que esta relación con las mascotas. proceso juega un papel destacado el acompañarse. En contraste. Oenocarpus bataua (Palmae). El contacto inicial con un afín no corresidente es déna. Dacryodes peruviana. 170 171 . En una visita breve. Sin embargo. es 9. cuando hay conflictos entre los humanos o cuando gente de otro cauteloso y en lo posible al oscurecer. De hecho los niños recién grupo descendencia patrilineal. 7. los de la madre pretende mostrar que de todos modos hay un vínculo de visitantes ingresan al oscurecer al campamento anfitrión y duermen allí. el milpeso7. prolongada o un cambio de grupo de residencia. una persona puede apelar a la filiación de la madre para forjar día se evitan los contactos directos. Con el tiempo se integran a la vida lograr esto se requiere de un proceso en el que. La estrategia de acudir a la filiación progresivamente. Por ésta razón permanecer en el territorio propio es una encuentro’ y en la fase final de la ceremonia se comparte comida y se fuente de protección. 1999). una adopción (2004:108). para unas cosas. viajes por el cosmos o ataques a personas de otros grupos. similar entre los Huaorani. Para aunque lo abandonan al amanecer.

insectos. Por esto. aunque este comportamiento también se presenta al interior de los grupos locales (Cabrera et al. 1994. conforme a intensidades de ambiente para la creación de plantas y/o animales de interés para el hombre. La segunda actividad más importante en términos de las disputas se asocian con acusaciones de chamanismo. Así todos los Sotomayor et al. 2007. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky un buen ambiente de convivencia se comportan como si fueran de otra de su reproducción y garantizaba una oferta variada y constante tanto de déna y con ellos no existe obligación de reciprocidad. 1996b. Las desavenencias se resuelven dependiendo de la La participación en diferentes faenas cotidianas crea lazos de solidaridad gravedad de los hechos. El manejo12 que los Nɨkak hacían de frutales y palmas incidía en la cualificación Uno de los principales motivos de conflicto entre grupos locales y entre los Nɨkak y los colonos es nim ‘el robo’. Compartir y acompañarse son asuntos inadecuado de una persona pueden llevarla a reclamar directamente. Politis 1996a. seguida por la pesca. primates y aves grupo local. suicidio. manipulación”. parientes consanguíneos y afines corresidentes es cotidiana. Mahecha et al. y Overing y Passes (2000). con variaciones estacionales. Gutiérrez 1996. 1998). causantes de subsistencia era la caza. Los comentarios reiterados respecto al comportamiento y soportar las bromas cotidianas. servicios y alimentos entre los (Cabrera et al. Cuando grupos domésticos. la compensación primas en el bosque demandaban la mayor parte del tiempo. 1994. la reciprocidad con bienes. los Nɨkak evitan hacer comentarios negativos de otras personas en público. Los hurtos colectivos de comida y otros que estas características en realidad forman parte de la sociabilidad cotidiana de los pueblos amazónicos. medida la recolección de miel e insectos. y buen humor para hacer egoísmo o pereza. 172 173 . la horticultura y en menor enfermedad o muerte. las disputas se solucionan mediante compensación o la fragmentación Hasta hace diez años las actividades de recolección de frutos y materias temporal del grupo local. 2011). la otra cara de la convivencia es la vulnerabilidad de las uso colectivo de algunos bienes y objetos. que afianzan las relaciones entre corresidentes. Overing (1997). entre otros. proponen 1999. pero ésta debe incluir la realización de uno o varios sobresalían las partidas colectivas en las que participan personas de varios rituales de encuentro dependiendo de la intensidad del conflicto. En el ámbito del estas especies como de otras asociadas a ellas. 2002. Entre distintos grupos locales. entre personas de distintos grupos domésticos de género y redistributiva. 1999. a alejarse por un tiempo y en casos extremos a intentos de la constitución y consolidación de los lazos de parentesco11. y entre éstas es una posibilidad. Gow (1991). los grupos domésticos comparten entre sí al menos una parte de los alimentos que cocinan. Buena parte de los a cabo las actividades de obtención y procesamiento de los alimentos. 11. al que marcan la memoria afectiva de las personas y son fundamentales en ostracismo. 12. días. el disgusto puede prolongarse por años. La convivencia además implica permitir el En contraste. Según Anderson y Posey (1985:3) “manejo significa una alteración del medio Esta alteración puede ser hecha de muchas formas. conflictos cotidianos se suscitan por comentarios acerca de actitudes de disposición para colaborar si alguien lo requiere. tener buen ánimo para llevar relaciones interpersonales entre corresidentes.

abandonando el nuestro.5% de su venado14. parientes humanos y a los afines que corresiden con dichos parientes. la gente del fuerte con los chamanes. Asimismo. Las gentes de bak visitan de encuentro con episodios violentos. Así. Inclusive. traspasan el nivel de su mundo y fertilizan a por ejemplo. muriendo. cuando las mujeres Nɨkak. que además fortalece los niveles de solidaridad entre asemejan a las que se dan entre grupos locales distantes y en éstas el hurto los que participan. zaino16. característica de los corresidentes. organiza sus actividades cotidianas de la misma forma que los sus respectivas especies en nuestro mundo. De hecho. pero los humanos las percibimos como animales (tapir13. Inga sp 174 175 . las cuales también takueyi y otras gentes del cosmos preparan las bebidas de algunos frutos. bak. Mazama spp chamanes comparten alimentos con sus parientes del mundo de arriba y 15. Entre ellas están los ancestros de los Nɨkak. laurel y moriche17). Sin embargo. tales reveses los Nɨkak. y solo los chamanes pueden comunicarse población durante los primeros cinco años de contacto. 1995). Esta chamanístico de los blancos en venganza por el rapto de un niño colono gente. Tayassu pecarí (Tayassuidae) cierto punto. término usado entre 13. que las epidemias de gripa causantes de la muerte de un 38. quienes consideran a cada uno de sus parientes del mundo de arriba como un chedn ‘compañero’. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky bienes de los colonos son asumidos como una estrategia legítima de las relaciones de los chamanes con sus afines del mundo de arriba se acceso a recursos. Quienes roban saben que se exponen a una retaliación si 3. humanos que optaron por permanecer en bak y no acompañar a sus una compensación en especie (con alimentos u objetos) o generar una parientes en la travesía del poblamiento mítico de yee ‘nuestro mundo’ o cadena de ataques entre grupos locales que pueden culminar en un ritual los espíritus borekaki de los parientes muertos. Panthera onca llegan a tener esposas takueyi. Sin embargo. los Nɨkak consideran nuestro mundo. jaguar15.). fueron un ataque con ellas y visitarlas en bak. La gente de jéa ‘el mundo de arriba’. Al mismo tiempo el hurto a personas de otros grupos también está presente. ya sean los ancestros pueden ser resarcidos con una amonestación (robos hechos por niños). estos residuos caen al suelo. Mauritia flexuosa (Palmae) de ese mundo. locales es una expresión del límite de la sociabilidad. etc. Fertilizando el mundo son descubiertos. Una de estas ayudas es la fecundación de los principales árboles y palmas de los Las relaciones que los Nɨkak mantienen entre sí se proyectan en las que se alimentan los Nɨkak (milpeso. cuando los relaciones que mantienen con otros seres del cosmos. es decir. sólo pueden compartir hasta 16. habitan otras gentes que también viven como dependen de la gravedad y del ámbito donde haya ocurrido. los 14. Los perjuicios ocasionados por un robo entre los Nɨkak En el mundo de abajo.Tapirus terrestris humanos para denotar vínculos afectivos muy estrechos. son de consanguinidad o de afinidad. donde las perciben en su forma humana. pues si llegan a excederse podrían transformarse en gente 17. al igual que la gente del mundo de arriba. y bajan a nuestro mundo para ayudar y acompañar a sus parientes del mundo de arriba tejen pulseras. Esta relación es más en los frutos de diferentes tipos de guamas18. las fibras que caen se transforman humanos cuando estos realizan dichas actividades. 18. Además. acompaña y ayuda a sus en 1987 (Franky et al.

32. waa26. 20. de mundo y se distribuyen en las palmas de nuestro mundo. sale con su de sus parientes humanos. Maquira guianensis. los chamanes se ‘visten con pero en este caso deben actuar rápido. Politis 2007). se esparza sobre los arboles puyu’ de nuestro mundo. especies anteriores. se enoja porque le están quitando las frutas. pueden atacar este primate. traspasan el nivel 28. Una vez en el árbol. el dueño de esos frutales. el mundo de arriba. los chamanes Nɨkak viajan a jéa. 4) Yabm o teruke ‘milpeso’. especialmente en contextos similares a los ya cerbatana y empieza a cazar lo que ve como micos chi’chi’. Luego se suben en el árbol neü ‘abuelo’30 de alguna de las a los chamanes humanos. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky mundo de abajo es un peligro potencial para los afines humanos lejanos no tiene cabeza’. Oenocarpus mapora (Palmae). Duruia maguirei. yapio o edn27. Iryanthera ulei. tienen relaciones y con ellas fertilizan esta especie en nuestro mundo. Luego soplan para que 24. Durante este proceso. repiten este mismo proceso con yarawa. wajabo’20. Los chamanes 27. pues el dardo no afecta el también pueden contribuir directamente a fertilizar las siguientes especies cuerpo ni el espíritu del humano. es decir. y la tira. 29. Si son consanguíneas. 176 177 . Si un dardo señalados con los takueyi. 33. Cheujumka toma esas ropas de chi’chi’ vegetales: como comida. ellos se originaron las especies que existen actualmente (véase Franky 2011. Dacryodes chimantensis. Indeterminada. yabuto ‘milpesillos’33 y otras palmas. pueden pasar a tumbar 1) Wana’ ‘laurel’. kutpe19. adquieren la apariencia de y buyup neü ‘el abuelo colibrí’. Una vez en jéa. pues para él son micos. y chichi28. el Nɨkak que porta esa ropa. Pero si son afines. Los Nikak conciben a estos árboles como ‘abuelos’. Protium crassipetalum. echacheu25. Couma macrocarpa. Los chamanes buscan 22. simplemente se la quita y Además. Cuando los Nɨkak consideran que han tumbado suficientes frutos de una especie. 19. 26. patata21. Cacajao melanocephalus. pues duyup neü ‘el abuelo libélula’ ropa’ de mono chi’chi’ ‘colimocho’29. cortan los racimos de las palmas neü. defendiendo sus frutales. porque asumen que de 31. Los frutos caen al piso. 21. 25. algodón acumulado en las viviendas de la gente de jéa y con la punta de 23. Moraceae. cfr. Indeterminada. yee23. 3) Puyu’32 ‘algodón que se emplea para los dardos’. Por ejemplo. tegebo22. fecundando los 2) Duri’ o jia panat y chaa o duri dawa’31 ‘mamitas’. los humanos las evitan por ser parientes. hiere a un chi’chi’. yarawa24. Ceiba pentandra. sacuden las ramas y los frutos que caen traspasan el piso y llegan a nuestro mundo. Helicostylis tomentosa. poniéndose una nueva ropa de chi’chi’. 30. los dueños de esta especie. una flecha para pescar sacan pequeñas porciones. los de otra especie. Las mujeres de jéa frutales. cheujumka ‘el que buscan a los chamanes para tener relaciones sexuales con ellos. Perebea angustifolia.

del cosmos (Franky 2011). son animales que pertenecen a yee. Sin embargo. pues sus parientes humanos aun viven. quien visitó a los Yuhup del Bajo Apaporis en 1976 observó mismos. como micos y aves. sus parientes de Primero. las semillas ocupan un lugar menos protagónico que el atribuido por los pueblos de producirían abundantemente. contribuyen a fecundar el cosmos. intercambio directo y manejo del mundo entre los Nɨkak procedimiento que con el milpeso y además intentan robar la semilla para En esta sección presentaremos y discutiremos los argumentos que sugieren traerla a este nivel del mundo. especies vegetales que son la base de la alimentación. Sin embargo. los Nɨkak también sostienen que sus presas predilectas de cacería. Por ello. en 1996. los que se toma chicha de frutas del bosque (milpeso. de los Nɨkak intervienen en este proceso para que sus parientes tengan una oferta abundante de este recurso. los en grupos de al menos dos hombres. de dos días de duración y en la coca como sustancia ritual de sus vecinos Tukano oriental34. los humanos los motiva a seguir acompañándolos y ayudándolos en la fructificación de no hacen ‘pagos’. las relaciones que tienen con estos. Como veremos esto está chontaduro. y sobre cómo los ancestros recursos que necesitan. los otros pueblos de protegerse de los peligros que deben sortear. la noción de persona y los énfasis en las actividades chamanísticas. yuca). que a la realización de ofrendas con sustancias rituales. siempre son descubiertos. pues no tendría palmas donde relacionado con la concepción de los seres que habitan en los diferentes fructificar. la depredación o el intercambio directo Algunos Nɨkak dicen que. que en la cosmología Nɨkak. Entre los Nɨkak. Los Nɨkak también señalan tradición nómada (los Kakua. porque parte de las canciones la gente de otros mundos para favorecer la reproducción o el acceso a los tratan sobre la reproducción de los peces. en estas jornadas los chamanes humanos siempre van cacería como se ha reportado para los Yukuna (Arawak). como la coca. Para comenzar hay que señalar que según los Nɨkak. Por ello no vale la pena concretar este robo. porque los takueyi y la gente de jéa se alegra al escuchar los otros mundos los acompañan. Depredación. y acompañados por sus takueyi para Barasano o los Desana (Tukano oriental). cuidan y ayudan. niveles del cosmos. siguendo sus consejos. Cabe anotar que en la contribución a la fertilización de las especies estas últimas están más orientadas a contribuir a la reproducción de las numeradas de 2 a 5. Franceschi (1982). muchísima fruta se perdería. una vez en nuestro mundo. los Makuna. pero como no hay suficientes cultivos de tradición hortícola en el Nororeste Amazónico. A su regreso a la zona. tan solo veinte años más tarde. esto estas actitudes son propias del trato entre parientes. laurel) o de especies cosechadas (chontaduro. y se reproducen por sí 34. para obtener presas de Según los Nɨkak. los Yujup consumían la coca cotidianamente y en ocasiones rituales como ofrenda a los dueños de los animales. nuestro mundo. intercambios ni mantienen relaciones ‘predatorias’ con las especies de nuestro mundo. De hecho. sin ninguna forma de intervención humana o de otras gentes que en ese entonces ellos no empleaban la coca. los Yuhup y los Hup) adoptaron el uso de que la realización de los bailes rituales baap. 178 179 . los chamanes no llevan el ropaje de mico chi’chi’. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky 5) Münü o juñuni ‘chontaduro’.Y segundo. Los chamanes repiten el mismo 4. porque precisamente cantos.

En este sentido. los Nɨkak sostienen que los mayores peligros para los humanos gente no eran consumidos por los Nɨkak antes del contacto con nuestra provienen de los takueyi afines o de los espíritus nemep y están asociados sociedad en 1988 (excepto el cafuche y el zaíno. considerado la mascota o el perro guardián de las dantas A lo anterior se suma que la antropofagia es vista por los Nɨkak como una y los venados35. etc. Adicionalmente. del medio río Inírida. Cuando los Nɨkak sienten un jaguar cerca ‘animales-animales’. bien fueran seres antropomorfos que relatos que conocimos de aparición de jaguares. 35. entre los Nɨkak se reproducen frutas y no animales-gente. por decirlo de algún modo. el ropaje jaguar sea depredador de la danta o del venado. identifican si dicho ejemplar es: un animal de este mundo. en la mayoría de casos que presenciamos o de con ‘gentes no humanas’ caníbales. los Nɨkak son ello mimetizan a los recién nacidos pintándolos como estos animales depredados por ciertos ‘animales-gente’ y solo son predadores de para evitar que se los coman. gente del mundo de abajo. Mahecha 2007. pues una relación inversa a la que sucede en este mundo. los Nɨkak no se reconocen como predadores respectivamente. en de mico colimocho no se puede interpretar como predación. pero a pesar de ello no tienen takueyi. venado. Franky 2011). similar al nuestro. Por similar a la de los que sí son gente.) son gente en no les pasa nada. En general. y a los chamanes revela que solo ciertos animales (danta. sólo consumidos por a las relaciones con otros humanos o con parientes Nɨkak muertos. 2001) para referirse a los Makuna ni de esta gente no humana está más asociada con la vida en muuyi ‘casas’ y Fausto (2007) en su comparación de varios pueblos cazadores de América. tuvieron enfrentamientos esta manera. los Nɨkak los asociaron residían en este mundo o grupos con un cuerpo totalmente ‘humano’. o la esposa de un takueyi. ni presas de la mayor parte de animales-gente del cosmos. hombres adultos). En el pasado. sentido que usa Århem (1990. De tal forma que los Nɨkak no son depredados en el otros niveles del cosmos. Sin embargo. arrojen a Cheujumnka. En contraste. jaguar. En otras palabras. los ‘blancos’ también éramos concebidos como una ‘gente La preocupación de los Nɨkak se centra en garantizar la reproducción no humana antropófaga’ y sólo comenzamos a ser considerados como de las especies vegetales que manejan y no la de los animales que ‘gente humana’ cuando los Nɨkak dejaron de valorarnos como caníbales (Cabrera et al. con las actividades hortícolas que con la vida nómada. pues no les atribuyen ningún tipo de agencia o subjetividad temen porque ha atacado y comido humanos. en especial niños. 180 181 . en jéa. hasta hace menos de una década. al cual le animales. aunque sus patrones de residencia sean sedentarios. Es decir. consideran sus presas de cacería (en especial primates y aves) sólo como El principal predador identificado por los Nɨkak es el jaguar. Además. estos seres se alimentan y viven parcialmente como los Nɨkak. 1999. estos animales. Nótese que los Nɨkak no consideran que en los mundos de arriba y abajo el El hecho de que los chamanes. 1994. pero tampoco de los humanos. Además. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky La exploración del ‘perspectivismo’ (Viveiros de Castro 2002) Nɨkak Cheujumnka cree que caza animales y no humanos. o un chamán humano vestido de característica de ‘no humanidad’. con animales de este mundo y nunca con ataques chamanísticos. Inclusive.

chamanes que se transformaban en jaguares. las presas de cacería no que tenga atributos humanos o negativos (Reid 1979:251). los Kakua sí se distinguen de los animales en cuanto son quienes tienen el poder conciben que estas especies se reproducen sexualmente y solo en casos chamánico para regenerar la vida. y para mantener la (Silverwood-Cope 1990:171-172). difuntos mezclada con chicha de maíz. sino que se vuelven a reproducir a partir Oriental) los hombres y los animales son miembros de una sociedad de alguna parte del cuerpo del animal que deja el cazador. implica el Tanimuka (Franky 2004) sugieren que las diferencias ontológicas desplazamiento hasta las casas de los dueños de estas especies. El punto crítico de la depredación es ‘comerse’ a otro que se considera de la misma especie. sociedad cósmica de todos los seres vivos. a matar y alimentarse de otros para reproducirse. Según Reid (1979:263). pero los Nɨkak y los Kakua son categóricos en Si bien las descripciones etnográficas de los Kakua y de los Hup que para ellos las presas de cacería son solo eso y nada más. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky son presas de caza. como lo describe es decir. Esta es una de las razones para argumentar que el los Hup son ambiguos. frente a las características de las transacciones no hay fundamentales las sustancias que constituyen cuerpos y espíritus. Además. pues algunos aseveran que estas transacciones chamanismo Nɨkak no le da un papel preponderante a la predación involucran el pago de almas humanas por presas de caza. mientras que otros dicen en el pasado las relaciones predatorias tenían mayor relevancia: existían que con las ofrendas es suficiente. quien argumentó que para los Makuna (Tukano estos espíritus no desaparecen. como uno de los propósitos de estas sociedades es mantener la 182 183 . tanto los Nɨkak como los Hup afirman que una de las la depredación y al estatus de humanidad de algunas especies. Asimismo. para negociar la disponibilidad de más presas. las características de la noción de persona de cada pueblo. como pelos cósmica en donde las fronteras de lo humano y lo animal o natural se o plumas. Para los Kakua. a veces llegando a atacar a citado en Reid 1979:263) señala que los Kakua no creen que se deba sus propios parientes. A su vez. No son evidencian la influencia de las cosmologías Tukano Oriental respecto a ‘gente’. son de distinta naturaleza y al morir Århem (1990:121). una década más tarde replanteó la igualdad ontológica entre lugares donde se encuentran las casas de nacimiento de estos animales. también características para considerar un animal no comestible es precisamente muestran diferencias notorias. En contraste. a quienes les entre los humanos y los animales tienen matices importantes según ofrendan tabaco fumado (Reid 1979:263 y Silverwood-Cope 1990:180. Al parecer. o practicaban la ostefagía con las cenizas de los pagar con las almas de los humanos. El mismo tienen espíritus como los humanos. animales y humanos (Århem 2001:281). Silverwood-Cope (1972:275. con ello buscaban heredar las características de los muertos valoradas como positivas. Reichel-Dolmatoff para los Desana (1986:161). siendo 181). Los Kakua y los Hup coinciden en afirmar que la mediación de los Investigaciones posteriores sobre los Makuna (Mahecha 2004) y los chamanes. efecto. asegurando la reproducción de las de escasez los chamanes intervienen para propiciar su abundancia especies de las que dependen para su sostenimiento. En una posición unificada entre los Kakua y los Hup. El hecho de reproducirse de esta manera permite que en los diluyen. postulando que los humanos se reproduzcan nuevas generaciones para sustituirlos.

En conjunto. Todo esto facilita contraste. entre los Kakua. efectúan cuando recolectan y preparan alimentos o manipulan materias primas con dichas especies en yee. 1999:252 -256. causando enfermedades e los chamanes humanos en jéa. la concepción del papel del chamanismo y de Como se discutió en el Simposio Man the Hunter en 1968. A su vez para los Hup.) han y sanas es el elu. argumentando que estos manchales también se dan en condiciones naturales. y en Cárdenas y Politis (2000:85-87) y Peres (1994) debaten el origen una forma menos pura en los demás vegetales comestibles. la cual se encuentra en la leche materna. cortar el racimo. Nɨkak. las sustancias vitales (sangre. un manejo En términos generales. sacudir las ramas) y prepararlos (calentar o Noroeste Amazónico están compuestas a partir de especies cultivadas. ya que es claro que la mayoría subiste principalmente transformación y cualificación de los recursos del bosque. que hay una alta concentración de una misma especie. éstas y otras prácticas (tumba selectiva. ellas deben manejar En efecto. En en las esquinas de las viviendas. como plantas silvestres interpretación Nɨkak sobre la fertilización de los árboles de mamita y pescado (Lee y Devore 1968:4). entre los pueblos de tradición nómada dichas sustancias la dispersión y la germinación de un mayor número de semillas en el provienen principalmente de especies ‘silvestres’. Es decir. semen. 1994. las actividades que propician la fertilización de las especies con extremo cuidado el contacto con las sustancias de otras especies vegetales entre los Nɨkak. No obstante. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky fertilidad y garantizar la reproducción de su gente. apertura de claros en el bosque. una de las sustancias vitales más importante en determinadas épocas del año. 184 185 . nuestro mundo. a pesar de la promovido la constitución de áreas con predominancia de las especies presencia de los derivados de la yuca brava en su dieta (Silverwood-Cope que manipulan (Cabrera et al. y Politis 1996a. ya sean realizadas por la gente de jéa y bak o por que pueden transformar su propia ontología. el cual proviene de los frutos del bosque. macerar los frutos. cuerpos humanos es el Mair Ponah ‘fuerza calmante o enfriadora’. 1996b. una de las sustancias que circula en los 2002. son básicamente las mismas que los Nɨkak incluso la muerte. Gutiérrez 1996. 1990:275). evidencia de estos pueblos como cazadores no corresponde del todo con sus una conciencia clara de los efectos de sus estrategias de manejo en la prácticas culturales. de las que obtienen la mayor parte de lo 36. 2007). especialmente antropogénico de algunos manchales36 de ciertas especies que manejan los en las frutas y nueces del bosque y la yuca (Reid 1979:252). es (Iryanthera ulei). la de recursos distintos a los provenientes de la cacería. en asuntos chamanísticos. colarlos y mezclar los residuos con desechos orgánicos siendo la yuca. Entonces. A su vez. Manchal es la denominación regional para referir una área del bosque en la necesario para reproducirse como sociedad. donde se amontonan). leche materna) similar que empieza con las técnicas para acceder a los frutos (subir al que constituyen el cuerpo de los pueblos de tradición hortícola del árbol o palma. poda de ramas ejemplo. a través de relaciones sexuales entre humanos y no consecuente la atención que recibe la fertilidad de las especies silvestres distintas a las presas de cacería. la coca y el tabaco algunas de las más importantes. etc. frutales o palmas. las frutas cultivadas y el agua fría. la denominación la gente de otros mundos en la fertilización de estas especies. Por suelo.

Así. pues algunos son parientes. Así. para comprender estos cambios son los patrones de subsistencia. En cambio. lo cual y la vida en aldeas. implica procurar una convivencia amable. ésta otros mundos prima tanto la consanguinidad como la afinidad. la historia los movimientos. En efecto. Este 186 187 . las cuales son intensamente manipuladas por este pueblo. solidaria y respetuosa entre los corresidentes y con los parientes de otros mundos. la habilidad para distraer y engañar a los dueños de oral revela cambios importantes en las formas de asumir la depredación estas especies. entre los humanos los hurtos de los huertos o los raptos transformaciones en las estrategias relacionales con los no Nɨkak. con ellas. ellas los abandonaron porque se sentían atraídas hacia los hombres tradición hortícola. Los lazos dados por la descendencia y la consanguinidad se reafirman así como a los discursos civilizatorios que promueven la sedentarización cotidianamente entre los Nɨkak al comportarse como parientes. más que un hurto violento equiparable este cambio y cómo incidió en la construcción actual de la noción de a una forma de depredación. transformaciones en la representación de la alteridad y. la reproducción de esta especie bienestar de los humanos. de la intervención humana en la dispersión y germinación de dichas Adicionalmente. grupo local. En otras palabras. la horticultura se afianzó gracias Consideraciones finales a las ventajas tecnológicas que supone el uso de herramientas metálicas. Por otra parte. cultivadas. aquellas de los de ‘robos’. no fructifica la diferencia en nivel cósmico de residencia que acarrea peligros para el anualmente y se encuentra dispersa. a pesar de especie requiere ciertas condiciones para su fertilización. de las En contraste. Las tensiones Además. En contraste. aunque en el caso del ya que prácticas como la osteofagía se abandonaron. y llevar a cabo intentos de hurto. para poder acceder a varios árboles y palmas en jéa. Una pista de mujeres sí pueden presentar cierto grado de violencia y destrucción. el caso Nɨkak revela que en las relaciones con gentes de especies. las gentes de otros mundos implica una consanguinización con las mujeres del mundo de arriba y al no siempre son vistas como imágenes de alteridad o externalidad al mismo tiempo un manejo cuidadoso. entre los pueblos de tradición nómada. además de preocuparse por la fertilidad de las especies con quienes se fueron. ya que aunque combinados con estrategias de seducción. dedican mayor atención al manejo de las presas de caza que se asemejan o consideran humanas. las prácticas chamanísticas Nɨkak que promueven la fertilización en las relaciones entre grupos locales distantes se disipan con procesos de especies vegetales revelan un conocimiento explícito de los efectos de consanguinización y con la realización de los rituales de encuentro. algunas las cosmologías de los pueblos de tradición nómada están más enfocadas mujeres nos revelaron que aun cuando sus exesposos los conciben como hacia la fertilidad de las especies silvestres. La presencia de elementos predatorios en la cosmología y las prácticas los chamanes acuden a estrategias en las que combinan la pericia en chamanísticas Nɨkak contemporáneas es escasa. agilidad y diligencia para no dañar los árboles abuelos. Lo anterior no implica desconocer que. la actividad fertilizadora de los chamanes persona? Estos son temas a indagar que contribuirán a comprender las requiere astucia. ¿Qué provocó chontaduro siempre fracasan. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky humanos muestra una clara analogía con la reproducción humana.

Amazonia Århem. pp. ed. Revista Colombiana de Antropología 37: 268-288. Fondo FEN Colombia y Cerec. G. 57-84. Manejo de cerrado pelos Gaia-Amazonas. etnobotánica y manejo del bosque de los nukak orientales. y New Brunswick. Leiden: CNWS. Carlos Franky y Dany Mahecha. pues puede crear lazos de solidaridad Negro. F. et ——. K. 105-122. Birth of a noun classification system: the case of en el trópico húmedo colombiano. Ceso. 2003. Carlos Franky y Dany Mahecha. 2000. Boletin del Museo Parense Emilio Goeldi. 1997. 2007. pp: ——. 2008. L. Ecocosmología y chamanismo en el Amazonas: variaciones estas especies. Medellín: obtener algo que es abundante entre los afectados o como una forma Universidad Nacional de Colombia. From longhouse to village: Structure and change in 107-128. Viviendo en el bosque: Un siglo de investigaciones sobre los makú del Noroeste amazónico. Los Nikak: nómadas de la Amazonia Colombiana. tanto para los Nɨkak como para los Hup (Reid 1979:84. 54-92. Wetzels. Cabrera. Language Endangerment and Endangered Languages. de la cerbatana a los anzuelos. pp. No obstante. Macuna Social Organization. Ocupaçao espacial e territorialidade entre os hupdah do Rio al. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky hecho fortalece la hipótesis sobre el origen antrópico de manchales de ——. A Grammar of Hup. Gabriel. Entre los pueblos de tradición nómada la justificación de los robos también se interpreta como una posibilidad legitima de Cabrera. 1981. Linguistic Instituto Colombiano de Antropología. Cárdenas. 2001. etnografía de los nukak y su lengua . Tukano of the River Uaupés Basin.). Una aproximación a los yujup del río Apaporis. Amazonas. Ethnographic Puzzles: Essays on Social Organization Symbolism and Change.. el robo es ambiguo.Aspectos sobre fonología segmental. Dairon y Gustavo Politis. a pesar de que está presente en muchas cosmologías y descripciones Tesis de grado en antropología. Berlin. Estudios Latinoamericanos 23: 1-26. Correa. ——. Gabriel. indios Kayapó. Anthony y Darrell Posey. chagra. movilidad. Studies in Cultural Anthropology. 2010. ed. Aportes a la reciprocidad negativa ha sido poco explorado en la etnología amazónica. 1985. Bogotá: Unibiblos y Fundación Anderson. Århem. Carlos Franky y Dany Mahecha. Kaj. Ediciones Uniandes. Renato. Bogotá: Hup. 1999. pp. Viviendo en el bosque. the Colombian Amazon. London ——. Sinchi. sobre un tema. 2010. así sea un Cabrera. and Anthropological Studies with Special Emphasis on the Languages and Cultures of the Andean-Amazonian Border Area. entre los participantes o generar y agudizar distancias sociales con Medellín: Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Bogotá: Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas Ups. 1994. colombiana. 188 189 . NJ: The Athlone Press. de compensación. Referencias Bibliográficas Cabrera. ed. Athias. ed. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. etnográficas. Un siglo de investigaciones sobre los makú del Noroeste amazónico. Gabriel (ed. Definitivamente el hurto merece mayor atención. los afectados. 1997:23). Patience. Territorio. Del monte a la tema políticamente incorrecto y delicado de tratar. el hurto como forma de depredación o Cabrera. Territoriality and space among the Hupd´äh and Finalmente. los Kakua (Silverwood-Cope 1990:46) y los Yuhup (Cabrera. Uppsala: Acta Univ. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Bogotá: Fundación Gaia Amazonas. 180). Serie Botánica 2 (1): 77-98. Gabriel. La selva humanizada: ecología alternativa Epps. 2000. 1990. Ecosofía Makuna.

Dany. Devore. Lee and I. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky Fausto. Wageningen University. sede Amazonia. 2011. 3-12. 1991. Kakua. Franky. Donald. Formación de masá goro `personas verdaderas´.Ayarí e Vaupés: Jackson. 2004. Tesis Mahecha. 1995. 1996. Los Nukak: experiencias y aprendizajes del contacto con otras gentes. 1982. of Mixed Blood: Kinship and History in Peruvian Amazon. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gow. Carlos Franky y Gabriel Cabrera. 1968. J. México: Instituto Indigenista Americano. L. About The House: Lévi. 129-211. Mahecha. The Fish People. Curt. Gabriel Cabrera y Dany Mahecha. e Acre. 8-25. 2011. Territorio y territorialidad indígena. Tomo XXXIV. Goldman. Carlos. Man the Hunter. Peter. sede ——. Dany. pp. Franky. Carlos Franky. Manejo de los recursos naturales (flora y fauna) Geografía Humana de Colombia. Cultures of the Andean-Amazonian Border Area. ¿Quiénes son los makú?. 2007. Tomo VII. Journal de la Société des Américanistes – Nouvelle Série. D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Relatório apresentado ao Serviçio de Proteção aos Indios do Amazonas Press. Strauss and Beyond. Iwgia 11. Informe final. por los Nukak. Estudio para el establecimiento de un androgynous house in Northwest Amazonia. de Maestría. 2007. Bogotá: Códice Ltda. Leiden: CNWS. Hugh-Jones.530. Los Cubeo: indios del noroeste del Amazonas. Carlos. programa de defensa de la comunidad indígena Nukak. diferencia Amazonia. 1996-1997. pp. 125-182. ‘Acompañarnos contentos con la familia’: Unidad. pp. Tesis de grado en biología. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. pp. Mahecha. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Carlos. and gatherers. pp. Pautas de crianza entre los macuna del bajo Apaporis. Husband and Wife. Un estudio de caso entre los tanimuca y el Bajo Apaporis (Amazonia colombiana). 1927. Informe University of Oxford. Patrice. Cambridge University. Fernand Nathan. 2002. ed. Nukak. Universidad Nacional de Bogotá: ICANH. Mahecha. 91- 106. Terre Farouche: Avec les indiens Macuje Lee. Stephen. Praeger Publishers. Juhup y Hupdu (makú): cazadores nómadas de la Amazonia colombiana. Dany. y conflicto entre los Nükak. 2004. 2000. dissertation. Bogotá: Fundación Gaia Anthropological Studies with Special Emphasis on the Languages and Amazonas. pp. ——. Héctor. ed. Ruth Gutierrez y Luis Olmedo. The Upper Amazon. El último Colombian Amazon. London: Bogotá: Plan Nacional de Rehabilitación. New York & Washington: Amazonia. Mahecha. Franceschi. Irving. Problems in the study of hunters d’Amazonie. Revista Colombiana de Antropología 33: 85-132. ed. 227-252. ed. R. Demografía Language Endangerment and Endangered Languages. Gutiérrez. 1995. Richard and Irven Devore. Dany. Jean. Reconhecimento dos rios Içána. 1983. Carlos Franky y Gabriel Cabrera. Mahecha y C. 190 191 . Volumen II. Tesis de maestría en Estudios Amazónicos. Carsten y S. Linguistic and y movilidad socio-espacial de los Nukak. Current Anthropology 48 (4): 497 . 1970. 1950. Wetzels. pueblo de tradición nómada contactado oficialmente en Colombia. Hugh-Jones.Tesis de maestría en Filosofía (Antropología Social). Culturing Nature? Questioning Adaptive Theory in the Contacto. desplazamiento forzado y cambios entre los nükak. Language Endangerment and endangered languages. Ph. Ruth. 1991. Nimuendajú. Dany. Colombia. Inside-out and back-to-front: The Mondragón. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 1968. (Amazonia colombiana).D. Franky. Feasting on people: Eating animals and humans in Lathrap.

University of Cambridge. São Paulo: Cosac y Naify. Universite de Paris VII. 1-30. Rival. Composition. M. 1992. La nutrición de los Nukak. Politis. Introduction: Conviviality and ——. 1998. 1992. Ph. Journal de la Societé des Amçéricanistes 83: 159-172. Brasilia: the opening up of Amazonian anthropology. História dos indios no Brasil. 1986. IWGIA Documento 39. 1996b. Joanna y Alan Passes. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Carlos Franky. Bogotá: Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas Sinchi. Walnut Creek.D. Anger:The Aesthetics of Conviviality in Native Amazonia. Lima: Tarea Gráfica Educativa. Reichel-Dolmatoff. in Amazonia. Ph. New York: Routledge. 15 (30): 17-49. Bogotá: Procultura. Eduardo. ed. Overing. London. Laura. 1997. Wright. pp. 2004. 1997. Pozzobon Jorge. A. Gerardo. Desana. 2000. Sotomayor. ed. Una sociedad amazónica Péres. questões e perspectivas. Nukak: Ethnoarchaeology of an Amazonian People. 1994. ——. Overing y A. 2007. J. Robin. Brésil). Carlos. Os makú: Povo caçador do Noroeste da Amazonia. dissertation. La reacción contra la descolonización de la Silverwood-Cope. García Hierro. Langue. ——. Dany Mahecha.D. sociéte et numération chez les Indiens Maku (Haut Rio Negro. El crecimiento de las familias y de los árboles: la percepción del bosque de los Huaorani. Moving to produce: Nukak mobility and settlement patterns Carneiro da Cunha. 1996a. growth and change among the Hupdu Maku Indians of Brazil. Thèse pour le doctorat de 3ème Cycle. pp. Historia indígena do Noroeste da Amazonia: Hipóteses. the Colombian Maku. University of Cambridge. Anthropology of Love and Editora Universidade de Brasilia. Nukak. CA: Left Coast Press. Peter. Hugo. Surrallés y P. Viveiros de Castro. Howard. Passes. ed. Chamanes de la Selva Pluvial. A Contribution to the Ethnography of intelectualidad. Londres: Themis Books. 2002. A inconstância da alma selvagem e outros ensayos de antropologia. arborescent palms in an Amazonian terra firme forest. Maguaré 13: 117-142. dissertation. Biotropica 26 (3): 285-294. 1990. ——. Gustavo.Tierra adentro territorio indígena y percepción del entorno. 192 193 . density and fruiting phenology of en proceso de contacto. Joanna. Parenté et Démographie chez les Indiens Maku. Reid. ——. recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nƗkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky Overing. 1979. World Archaeology 27 (3): 492-511. Amazonia Peruana. 1997. 253-266. Gabriel Cabrera y María Torres. 1972. Some aspects of movement.

II. dIsCourse and language Ideology .

In the Vaupés basin of Brazil and Colombia. this article argues. The maintenance of linguistic separations. gathered between 1980 and 2012 among speakers of Wanano/Kotiria. speakers of East Tukano languages actively construct and maintain difference through speech practices. This body of beliefs underlies speech practices and. contributes to one of the most 197 . and sustained linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia Janet Chernela University of Maryland Abstract. identity. to postulate the existence of an East Tukano ethnolinguistics – a body of theory about language and language use that renders it intelligible to speakers and drives practice. is largely accomplished through the work of ideological mechanisms which attach social identity to speech and essentialize group belonging. with conditions of intense language contact. I argue. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. Here I look at an array of extra.or meta-linguistic practices associated with language use and identity.

Uanano. Amazonia. Gomez-Imbert 1996. there has been little in-depth attention given to the ideological are listed conventionally. falantes de línguas Tukano Oriental no Brasil e na Colômbia Tukano languages actively construct and maintain difference. referring to one of the East Tukano languages of the Palavras-chave: Tukano.or língua e à identidade linguística coletados entre 1980 e 2012 entre falantes meta-linguistic practices to postulate the existence of an East Tukano de Wanano/Kotiria. Bará. Desana. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. claiming that it contributes to language survival in a context of intense 198 199 . Kotiria/Wanano is largely accomplished through the work of ideological mechanisms which attach social identity to speech and essentialize group belonging. Kubeo. While my earliest work (1983. 1993) referred to Kotiria. I describe speech practices and language linguísticas se baseia em mecanismos ideológicos que atribuem identidade ideology from the point of view of speakers of Wanano/Kotiria social à fala e ‘essencializam’ o pertencer ao grupo. The maintenance of linguistic separations Keywords: Tukano. favored a more context-specific. I follow their paper I outline what I consider to be an EastTukano language ideology. Speakers engaged in efforts The Vaupés basin of Brazil and Colombia is well known in the literature to create a new literature and school curriculum rightly re-instate the term for its ongoing multilingualism despite intimate contact between speakers Kotiria. In the scholarly context Tupi-Guarani denominations such as Tukano. identity. suggested the use of ‘Wanano’ in academic publications when other languages 2003a). Kotiria. is known in the literature by the spellings Guanano. In this use of ‘Wanano/Kotiria’ for greatest precision and recognition. While authors have considered language loss in of 2012. proponho que a manutenção de diferenças In order to make my argument. 1. apesar do contexto de contato linguístico In this context. and contrast it with the conjunto de dados de práticas extra ou metalinguísticas associadas ao uso da views of nearby Arawak marriage partners. Aikhenvald 2001. the use of ‘Kotiria’ for internal reference. Wanano and by the self-name. Nesse artigo. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia extreme examples of language maintenance reported in the literature. ideologia. Amazônia. where speech stands for identity. I argue. However. linguagem. rather than Tukano names. The term Wanano. and Tuyuca have Introduction been conventional. approach. proposal here. Resumo. They the area (Chernela 1989. constroem e mantêm diferenças entre suas línguas através de práticas discursivas. a fim de postular a existência de uma etnolinguística ethnolinguistics – a body of theory about language and language use Tukano Oriental – um corpus de teoria sobre língua e uso da língua que a torna inteligível aos falantes e que impulsiona a prática. examino um (hereafter Wanano1). and the factors that contribute to language survival or loss across groups. Kotiria/ northwest Amazon. contact between codes. language. Na bacia do Vaupés. I shifted to the term Wanano in order to maintain consistency with the literature on Tukano languages. 2002. audience-centered. Esse corpus de crenças subjaz às práticas de fala e contribui para um dos mais contundentes exemplos de manutenção linguística conhecido na literatura. Para isso. I look at an array of extra. these same indigenous educators. speakers of East intenso. one East Tukano language. Barasana. ideology. with whom I spoke in July of different languages.

Several East Tukano groups do not practice linguistic exogamy: the Makuna conducted. patrilocality. systems. 3. and the Tariana. whose ideology in language maintenance. Chernela and Leed 2003). The latter represent a group whose language husband and wife. I carried out participant-observation fieldwork the groups place on loyalty to the language of the patriclan and related in villages belonging to the Wanano language group. Desana. the in-marrying wives were from the Desana. While these groups. non-overlapping. then reviews relevant themes in the ethnographic literature on 2001 and 2012 with Wanano speakers from inside and outside the the Vaupés basin before turning to the case of the Wanano to consider indigenous area. matrilect to Tukano. and alterlect to refer to own. inextricably My focus is the sub-region of the middle Vaupés River where two tied to self and processes of identification. specifically The article begins with a brief introduction to the notion of language devoted to questions taken up in this discussion. share a constellation of traditions that includes patrilineality. In the Wanano village of Yapima. and the Arapaso (Chernela Tukano descent groups. 1989). and Kubeo language groups. subscribe to different norms and beliefs about language and linguistic The earliest were collected between 1978 and 1982. the terms patrilect to refer to the language of one’s patriclan. Tariana. and (3) a concept of language as a manifestation of being. a reification of speech varieties into closed. I later place this discussion intermarrying groups belong to two genetically distant language families: in comparative perspective in order to theorize the role of language the Wanano. where males and attitudes towards mother’s language. and Tariana language groups. from the same time period. Tukano. influencing language maintenance and to form an East Tukano ideology of language use and group belonging: contributing to one of the most sustained examples of linguistic diversity (1) a value of linguistic purity and aversion to linguistic merging. combine beliefs underlies speech practices. based upon shorter sojourns in settlements belonging to the Piratapuyo. identity. (2) reported in the literature. like most in the the study and suggestions for future research. This body of as an exemplary case. outside languages. is learned languages that are in neither category. who speak an East Tukano language. additionally spoke their refer to the language of one’s mother’s patriclan. Kubeo.2 East Tukano and Arawak groups The data presented here were collected over a thirty-year time span. During eighteen practice. Arapaso. to my arrival in the village. I describe three sets of beliefs that. where the majority of fieldwork was 2. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. I argue.3 The second set. the Kubeo (Goldman 1963). and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia that renders it intelligible to speakers and drives practice. The third set. Using the Wanano from the literature by fellow researchers. Most importantly for our discussion are the different values months of that period. I conclude with generalizations from language belongs to the Arawak family. Additional data for comparative purposes are drawn the ideological underpinnings of language practices. and (Århem 1981. and linguistic exogamy. yet who maintain rules of descent-group exogamy. To address these matters I introduce children spoke Wanano while in-marrying wives belonging to Tariana. 200 201 . The Kubeo marriage was a second one for a widowed 1989. was collected between ideology. Vaupés basin. A wife from the Baniwa descent group had passed away prior has been lost.

values. The Vaupés River. Background: the Northwest Amazon universalisms or natural principles. users as a rationalization or justification of perceived language structure the largest of the Amazon’s tributaries. and Essentialisms broader social universe. ideological estimated 38. forms that are understood as common-sense 2. who are among the preferred marriage construct linguistic ideologies. Irvine and Gal 2000. ideologies and (4) speakability – the availability of a body of discursive and linguistic refer to the meanings. Presented in closed. Ideological procedures. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. Although opportunities to study language and speaker interaction. 202 203 . Errington 2000).The and account for practice. The degree to which language is available partners of the Wanano. coherent schema. Gal of East Tukano languages to engage in conversation about language as a and Irvine 1995. Gal 2005). (3) perceptual salience – a conscious awareness of Ideologies are sets of ideas about the world that organize phenomena into different languages as distinct and alternative means of communication. portions of southern Venezuela. an affluent of the Rio Negro. northern Brazil. as assumptions. Arawak. These tools allow speakers make sense of language practices and preferences (Silverstein 1998. drive. (2) explanatory resource – the explanatory power of language in making sense of the 1. with identify and describe four features that give rise to such a resource: (1) important implications for language maintenance and contrasting social. A growing literature on language ideology through southern Colombia. and and identity (Bucholtz and Hall 2004. forms has only recently begun to influence research on Amazonia.000 square kilometers – a region the size of set of a priori properties that obscure complexities and divergences from Switzerland – the high level of linguistic diversity provides important a projected (and therefore. unquestionable. identifying features distinguish it from other languages.They establish a In this area of about 40. Gal 1998. objectification – the essentialization of language as a bounded entity whose historical. The area’s actual practices reveal greater variation and exception. and rationales that speakers use to frame and resources for producing talk about language. entail a necessary essentialism that treats languages and communities as bounded and stable.000 residents speak more than twenty indigenous languages phenomena must be taken into account as factors that generate. especially relevant here. regarding what she calls ‘language etiquette’ tools that allow them to theorize about the nature of language and among speakers of Arawak Tariana. 1998. which flow southeastwardly and use” (Silverstein 1979:193). 1994. Language Ideologies. identity. With respect to language and speech practices. distribution of speakers among the three language families is uneven. Schieffelin et al. of the East Tukano. language ideologies are “articulated by The Northwest Amazon is defined by the headwaters of the Rio Negro. and Nadahup (Makú) language families. and linguistic factors. The findings suggest areas of commonality and as a topic of talk depends upon a number of pre-existing conditions. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia An important source of such comparative data comes from the work Speakers of East Tukano languages have access to several meta-discursive of Alexandra Aikhenvald. expected) condition (Fuss 1989). Norms. I difference between Arawak Tariana and East Tukano languages. Woolard and Schieffelin phenomenon and about individual languages in comparison. the center of the area whose indigenous languages constitute one of the greatest concentrations of linguistic diversity in the world. Kroskrity 2000.

Twenty years later Arthur Sorensen (1967. The Arapaso adoption of Tukano a century ago is testimony to belong to fifteen different language groups. based into question the assertion that the dominance of the Tukano language on data from the 1980s in the Colombian portion of the basin. Its population of 19. whose violent encounters of the Nadahup family.I. Residents throughout The role of Tukano as a lingua franca and representative of other East this vast area speak indigenous languages in their everyday lives.380 ha (ISA n.721 lives within a legally demarcated region of 7. with Europeans in the nineteenth century resulted in extreme population decline and language loss (Chernela 1989. 1973) identified thirteen 204 205 . Piratapuyo.151 (Tukano) speakers (IBGE 2010). the national language: Wanano. the survivors shifted to Arawak family.The dominance of Tukano as a language group exogamy among East Tukano-speaking groups. The second case is the Arawak Tariana. 3. Increased migration out of the Tanimuka – are more distinct (for discussion see Chacon. families altogether. Irving lingua franca in cosmopolitan settings is neither new nor widespread. identity. a Tupi-based trade language of lexical and grammatical material. and Desana. share a significant amount of Baniwa. including 10 (Yurutí) to 6. missionaries. centered around the Vaupés peoples throughout the river basin.) Alto Rio Negro. seriously is a recent phenomenon and proposes instead a slower. whereas others – notably Kubeo and the Brazilian Amazon) and Tukano. with Tukano languages was recently buttressed by the 2002 decision by the the use of Portuguese limited to conversations with itinerant merchants. Lingua Geral (Nheengatú. Nadahup. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. are not mutually intelligible at all. Tukano.d. Chernela and Leed 2001.The case calls speakers of indigenous languages in theVaupés basin (Grimes 1985). The first of these were the Arapaso. this volume). and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia with the largest number of speakers belonging to languages of the In two cases where languages have been lost. River and its affluents. like indigenous languages co-official with Portuguese.). and East Tukano languages. which belong to different the growing role of Tukano (Lasmar 2005). Here we to the principal mission centers of the Vaupés and who have long used are concerned with the area demarcated by the government of Brazil the Tukano language as a means of communicating with East Tukano as the Terra Indígena (T. but Goldman first drew the attention of scholars to the area with his 1948 rather reflects the near century-old policy encouraged by ecclesiastical publication in The Handbook of South American Indians (Goldman 1948). Northern East Tukano languages. The estimated 13.999. and the smallest number of speakers belonging to those Tukano. whose presence has considerably diminished in recent years. Andrello 2006). municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira (Law #145) making three missionaries. and other outsiders. more long-term underestimate the extent to which East Tukano languages continue to process.509 speakers of East Tukano languages in Brazil 2003). whose villages are closest be spoken in the villages of the Brazilian portion of the basin. indigenous area to that city has created a new metropolitan context for Arawak. Anthropological Studies of Multilingualism in the Upper Rio Negro At mission centers within the demarcated area the Tukano language is An extensive literature has examined linguistic differentiation and prevalent (Cabalzar 2000. whose numbers range from the prominence given that language in institutional settings. Calculations for boarding schools administered by the Salesian missionaries.

1996. even while speaking with In her 1979 monograph on the East Tukano Barasana of the Pirá.” and “others” language with their children during the first years of childhood – one of – a distinction that has since proven fundamental to analyses of East the main conditions for the persistence of multilingualism” (1996:443). Aikhenvald language (which I here call patrilect).The template has been extended into studies Gomez-Imbert points out that the child eventually shifts to his father’s of language use and learning (Chernela 1993. 1996). In two ‘deterioration’ of languages in the Vaupés is due to interference from the landmark articles in 1974 and 1976. a “maximal exogamous descent unit” (C. Christine Hugh-Jones provided significant data on exceptional conditions do people switch to another language: either multilingualism. identity. For the Vaupés she 206 207 . According to Gomez-Imbert. Hugh-Jones also noted the Piratapuyo. 1976). 4. Yuruti. adult married women use their own patrilects throughout their lives. Siriano. women and men use identity (Jackson 1974. 2004. or in order to make oneself clearly understood” (1996:443). toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. and Kubeo. the ethnolinguistic understanding of the region by showing how countervailing forces exert pressures on East Tukano languages both Jean Jackson’s now classic works broke new ground in treating the toward assimilation (linguistic convergence) and away from it (linguistic language groups4 of the Northwest Amazon as components of an differentiation) (1993:256. Tukano society and culture. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia intermarrying groups as members of the East Tukano family of languages: continued to use their own languages in their husbands’ villages without Tukano. and women speak their own the tripartite distinction between “own kin. 2003a). Sorensen concluded that the languages of the East Tukano family are The work of Elsa Gomez-Imbert among the same group of speakers more distant from one another than are the languages of the Romance (1993. Gomez-Imbert and Kenstowicz 2000) furthers or Scandinavian groups (1967). Barasana. Adults by language as the basic marker of descent group affiliation and individual strive to resist such interference: “In principle. 1999. Wanano (Kotiria). She described speech participation in which wives momentarily … when quoting someone else. Although commonplace stereotyping of speech practices (1979:17-18). 1983). husbands and children. 2003. Karapana. Paneroa. Jackson emphasized the role played mother’s language. Desana. 1997. illustrating Sorensen focused on the variant known as Tukano. Tuyuka. he also gathered how the languages of ‘others’ are construed in an essentialized manner. As early as 1972 Jackson drew attention to their father’s language throughout their life. as an adult.” “mother’s kin. On the basis of the latter. Vaupés basin with those of the Upper Xingu and the socio-historical Jones 1979). forces leading to language endangerment (2005). Hugh. This named unit of affiliation has been variously referred to in the literature The linguist Kristine Stenzel compares the multilingual systems of the as a “tribe” (Goldman 1963). prompting difficulties in comprehension. Tatuyo. comparative data on other East Tukano variants. or a “language group” (Jackson 1974. Eduria. Gomez-Imbert postulates that the integrated. a language he will speak exclusively 2002. the first language a child learns (1996:443). regional system characterized by linguistic exogamy. “Only under Paraná region. In the villages of their husbands.

it’s not our language” (Epps Arawak Tariana provides an overview of the sociolinguistic parameters 2007:269). 2003a. The example. 2003. 2001 and 2003a articles. while the Piratapuyo demonstrate greater linguistic exogamy and co-residence. between own language. at least in spoken Tariana (2001. together with her the Vaupés basin (Chernela 1989. 2004. 2003b). identity. ownership” as a part of a widespread ideology shared by groups in the Language Contact in Amazonia. Her 2002 book. as reported by Aikhenvald. 2011b. provides what she calls a “language Vaupés basin. In group within the intermarrying universe of the Vaupés basin provides 2011 I drew an analogy between the case of the East Tukano peoples 208 209 . Stenzel has also contributed to studies of Wanano phonology (2007). 2003. 1983). 2003a:5). and Gomez- Imbert (1996). and the languages of others. for example. Chernela and Leed 2001. which resonates with Aikhenvald’s work and in language contact. prevalent In my own work I have been concerned with theorizing the social and among Tariana and Tukano alike. A number of my papers take up historic and social factors in ceremonial speech. vulnerability to exogenous pressures.The example from the Hup. 2001. I Aikhenvald found that marriage between Tariana and speakers of East reviewed the ceremonial representation of intergroup conflict to argue Tukano languages is the principal factor accounting for the decline in that the formation of hierarchies in the northwest Amazon is. is the first mention of ideological factors in 2003) as well as questions of speech in practice (2001. in matrilect to mother’s relatives. Chernela (1993. As I report. 2002. 2011c). 1974. and has written a reference grammar of Kotiria (Wanano) (2013). evidentials and clausal modality Patience Epps’s work among Hup speakers has also yielded important (2008). In a 2001 publication. Like is an especially interesting example of ideological exchange. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. 2003b). 2004). settlements of Tariana speakers in the Vaupés (2002:23-24. This important study of an Arawak part. the severe population decline suffered of appropriate language use among Arawak Tariana and East Tukano by the Arapaso resulted in the loss of language but not of the bounded speakers. Jackson (1972. For example. In a series of papers I discuss the loss of language among the Arapaso. exogamous descent group. 2001. a linguistic project. 2003a. we’re just stealing/appropriating it. mother’s historic factors that contribute to linguistic exogamy and language loss in language. 2011a. This work. who are not openly recognized etiquette of the area” from the point of view of two of the last remaining as sharing culture with East Tukano groups and do not marry with them. findings. created in the act of speaking (2001. Epps recounts a Hup woman who characterized Tukano-Hup bilingualism by saying “we don’t really know their Alexandra Aikhenvald’s extensive work among the remaining speakers of language. provides a whose downriver location placed them in the wake of nineteenth century strong comparative starting point for continued research on the norms European slave raiding. Aikhenvald describes a tripartite distinction. a basis for contrast with East Tukano speakers in the same marriage concluding that the Wanano withstand outside influences to maintain network who maintain their own languages even in the circumstances of linguistic conservatism. language maintenance in the Vaupés. change. highlights the importance of theorizing notions such as “language language speakers (1999. and interaction among Arawak and Tukano data. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia compares speakers of Wanano (Kotiria) and Piratapuyo (Wa’ikhana). The Tariana preference to speak 2012).

2003). Sorensen 1967. a sib or patriclan. 1976). In 2004 I explored Wanano processes of In this schema. 210 211 . In more recent works I take ‘blood’ in Western ideology. It is the idealized isomorphism between descent group and language that upon set of principles. Pamʉri Bʉsokʉ (Tukano. Azevedo et al. At each level of inclusiveness a different pivotal ancestor the segmented body of the ancestral anaconda. emphasizing linguistic and social modeling as the indexically points to the descent group to which one belongs. 2003. speech functions as a ‘substantialized symbol’ (Barnett and and father’s languages. 2012). From Gal 1998. in a arose from the body of a primordial anaconda known by the names manner not unlike Gal and Irvine’s fractal recursion (Gal and Irvine 1995. semantic fields. Hugh-Jones 1979. It is a convention In 2003 I argued for the special role played by women in this context. culture” in the Vaupés basin.’ i. the Vaupés River. level conflates persons into ‘own kin. C. kinship that is manifest in a common language. the founding ancestors of Starting at the lowest level of inclusiveness. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia and the nineteenth-century Cree (Albers 1993) to postulate a history of By virtue of the narrative. language 2004). stretching eastward along becomes relevant. and performative norms are inspired the use of the term “language group” by authors to refer to the shared by linguistically diverse units belonging to the East Tukano family. the descendants of a putative patrilineal female captivity to account for linguistic diversity among speakers of East ancestor are understood to share a natural connectedness and close Tukano languages (Chernela 2011b). According means by which children learn the appropriate contexts for mother’s to this logic. 4. emerged a set of brothers. An East Tukano Ideology of Language The language groups of the Vaupés basin have their origins in a common The base model – that all persons are members of their father’s kin group cosmology in which the ancestors of each linguistico-descent group and will speak the patrilect of that group – is extended to several levels. 2005). 1976. Maia and Maia at the highest level a language group. speech production disambiguates the placement of individuals within larger matrices of kin and potential spouses. and thus a different calculus of membership is applied. S. The 2004 work remains the only case study of Silverman 1979) of relatedness in a manner similar to the metaphor of language learning from the Vaupés basin. created through talk. Wanano) and Pahmelin Gahsiu (Desana). an individual is a member of each of the language groups that comprise the intermarrying social a local patrilineal descent group. where identity and descent are inseparable. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. As the index of belonging. The narrative both accounts for commonalities among groups plays the primary role in this system of fractal recursion where each and rationalizes their separation. largest unit of patrilineal descent (Jackson 1974. at the next level. father’s group or own group. is coterminous with linguistic performance (Jackson 1974. identity. Hugh- In several publications I have discussed what I call a “common speech Jones 1979. one’s speech language transmission.e. (Lana and Lana 1980. in which an agreed. and universe. As a manifestation of the universal organizing up individual creativity and language play in the use of rhetorical and principle of patrifiliation that structures social identity and belonging grammatical devices (2003. 2011a. values. Descent. Chernela 1993. I follow here. whose social networks and discursive practices knit together the distinct language groups of the area. through descent. therefore.

“imitating every kind of sound.” they comment. ‘mixing up’ or incorrect speaking. linguistic Purism and patrilect all groups place the same high evaluation on linguistic loyalty in practice.’ is used to refer to an a group whose language has become highly threatened as a interlanguage such as Portuñol. that is said to “speak in all the languages of the world.’ A bearer of this quality. (Stenzel 2005) and Spanish. laughingly. which glosses as ‘mixed language. these members of the agnatic core at the center 212 213 . people who readily shift to other as ‘internal discipline’ or ‘self-control. a piece of Tukano!” The Wanano with whom I spoke strongly rejected switching or A high value is placed on the quality of poo. including high degrees of individual and community The Wanano recognize several types of mixing. saying.’ As an indicator of descent. In contrast. the introductory case study of referred to in Western scholarship as code switching and borrowing. and ‘others. identity. system that still retains many of its traditional characteristics. Although the comment suggests that not 5.” one Arawak sub-group. a core of male relatives and their children (of both sexes) all Colombia see Waltz and Waltz (2000). pooriro (one languages are likened to mu. who point to the equivalence between speech and descent. The Wanano are an example of a group within the Vaupés referring to pure (correct) Wanano. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia ‘in-law’ – mother’s group. a term that may be glossed combining codes. East Tukano groups. Marriage and Multilingualism In practice. which does not allow for mixing. For studies of Wanano in the village. “I do not mix languages because I am a disciplined (self-controlled) Wanano deride the Kubeo. with approximately fifty percent support to the presence of a widespread value in the Vaupés basin (2001. in each nation. an East Tukano group that includes at least person”: “yʉ’ʉ duruku doho me’nera. does not mix or confuse languages. The group was recently identified by Kristine Stenzel as 2003a). shared the mu. I have been persicus). speak a single patrilect. speakers’ choices are influenced by many criteria 5. Code-switching is regarded as “speaking in pieces” and is ridiculed. lending Vaupés River in Brazil and Colombia. yʉ’ʉ ã duruku pooriro hiha. “They sound like 6. the yellow-backed mocking bird (Cassicus with inner discipline). which combines features of Portuguese result of adjustments within the system. “A piece of Wanano. Kotiria yawaro. The IBGE census of 2010 gives the number of Wanano in Brazil at 670. According to them. including the practices multilingualism.” The told. for speaking other languages. including the Wanano. Within survey does not distinguish language from ethnicity. exhibiting strong linguistic conservatism: Favoring linguistic purism has its expression in the phrase. and is contrasted with daho[-mene]. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. the Wa’ikhana [Piratapuyo] shows them to be an example of Duruku more. The in different contexts and are complicated by numerous factors.” The Wanano speech defines the sphere within which familial sentiments and moral commentary illustrates the high value placed on linguistic loyalty by some commitments prevail. however. About 1400 speakers of Wanano5 currently reside along the middle Aikhenvald reports similar sentiments among Tariana speakers.

had married “back” into her mother’s brother’s village. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia of village life face relatively uncomplicated choices when speaking. shifting to Tukano and speaking with their mothers. and relationships over the long term. In the Wanano village of Yapima males and children communicated her own language was not widely understood. while she and her fellow wives will speak trained them to do. whose relationship represented the second marriage of both widowed spouses. interaction between speakers of different patrilects for whom linguistic cousins marry. 2003). His Aikhenvald’s report where Tariana speakers use their matrilect when interlocutor. Her husband and children are in Tukano to her children. 2004). problems of comprehension are minimized when speakers have been exposed to several languages during their In the interchange. using a first person possessive.) In this multilingual context. 1997. (‘Your brother’ [confirmation]. sister’s daughter for a man. Such wives are settlement belongs to their linguistico-descent group. along with Wanano (Chernela 1993. a speaker of Wanano of conversations within the Barasana longhouse but differs from refers to his brother. but always followed. When cross. This When linguistic loyalty is followed. the Tukano respondent confirmed her understanding lifetimes. they responded in Wanano. as she had herself expected to speak one patrilect. Kubeo.’ sʉ’sarine (Chernela 1993. Although her comprehension of Wanano was excellent. The exchange exemplifies an the very ones he or she is likely to encounter after marriage.) Female: Mʉ mami. A few wives opted to speak Wanano if comprehension other. whereby different speakers interact in different languages. potential problems of comprehension are further reduced. loyalty is a high priority. opting to speak exclusively in her own patrilect. where it remained a minority language. which are almost Tukano. their language is the dominant language. husband and When followed over generations. Male: Yʉ wami (‘My brother. Married women face far more complex choices when deciding which she never spoke Wanano. My closest associate. at least in this regarded as ‘returning’ (Chernela 2003). In the illustration shown here. This was the choice. exclusively in Wanano. for example. Hugh-Jones’s and Gomez-Imbert’s accounts her own patrilect. while in-marrying wives spoke Desana. The in a woman marrying into the village of her matrilect. of a Kubeo wife. Because intermarrying groups maintain of the Wanano statement by repeating the utterance in Tukano. affirms the remark. or mother’s brother’s son for a woman. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. the matrilects a person hears as a child are altering it to adjust to her perspective. each speaker performs in his or depiction resonates with C. ‘outsider’ languages. the preferred form of marriage to father’s wife. into third person.The rules of exogamy and patrilocality. result in a woman marrying into a village where the not within it. this way: commonplace in the Vaupés basin. and Tukano. results 214 215 . They may be mother and child. co-wives. was an issue. That language served as a lingua franca outside the village. a Tukano speaker. language to speak. identity. as ‘mixing. daughter of a Wanano mother. or any other speakers from different language groups. as is typically the case. in conversation. Tuk.Wanano speakers describe the phenomenon. 2003.’ Wan. and. the Tukano context. Although she spoke language of a different patriclan dominates.

Perceptual Salience and Speakability said to “sound like lightning … with sharp angles. like Wanano. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia Obstacles to comprehension are minimized for several reasons. For example. ‘open-mouthed’ (nasality). languages are have an angle. described as ‘sharp angles. with difference. that are Among these resources are discursive practices that draw attention to often the sole distinguishing features between two reflexes. Languages belonging to the Arawak description in parentheses. analogies to characterize language and linguistic features. Second. speakers difference.“like waves of water. and starts. By mobilizing phonological elements that act as shibboleths emphasize the indexical role of the glottal stop. speakers are always familiar with at least two Between 2001 and 2011 I pursued the issue of speakability – that is. Other languages. Piratapuyo. selected phonological features deemed relevant to identifying patterned comparing the words for ‘meat’ in Tukano. are 7. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. Similarities and proximities between genetically related variants are de-emphasized. I found that Wanano speakers often drew on visual wives in the settlement where they were raised. In this way language is These features are said to mark differences in identity among speakers. languages (patrilect and matrilect) and typically more. and Desana. they compared. some languages are said to flow slowly and smoothly. strongest in Tukano. For example. Some East Tukano speakers as indicators of identity include: (1) sound flow versus Tukano languages. and actively construct difference.Tuyuka. posing substantial challenges to comprehension.) and Tukano families are unrelated. (2) ‘closed’ vs. a salient difference can be easily recognized: “We have a wave. Thus.Through metalinguistic practices. and (5) breath (aspiration). the first characterization shown is a rough than any of them is to Kubeo. (3) speech (yet these groups do not intermarry). are closer to one another (In each of these behaviors. employed to de-problematize group membership.’ is compared to their absence. velocity. identity. the presence of glottal stops. and theorized. North East Tukano languages. First. the Some of the sound features that are marked by Wanano and other East percentage of cognates across East Tukano languages is high.” Wanano is said to be one of these. like Wanano and Piratapuyo. providing speakers with linguistic and lexical resources to abrupt stops and starts: “It goes and then stops! Like an angle – sharp!” discuss speech per se and the criteria with which patterns are discerned. The languages to the ability to talk about speech practices and to compare them across which they have greatest exposure are those spoken by the in-marrying language groups. and Wanano. absent in Tuyuka: 216 217 .” reified and boundaries kept intact. identified by some as occupying a central gloss of the emic descriptors followed by a more conventional linguistic branch (see Chacon. are mutually intelligible stops (glottalization).’ or aspirations. Tukano.” The The Wanano approach to language is based in comparison across Brazilian (downriver) Tukano dialect is said to sound like lightning. (4) word length (agglutination). by comparison. this volume). Wanano and other East Tukano speakers speakers the glottal stop was mild in Wanano. stops. For example. ‘flowing waves. According to native of descent group membership.

and even exaggerated. however. accent. for example. the differences between these reflexes the ethnicity of the speaker are those involving nasalization. tree): tʉ that specify its characteristics. po’ati. A lexicon. in order to 218 219 . employs a glottal stop. The extent of agglutinative Wanano and Tukano terms for a ceremonial gift likewise show the tendencies. as ‘add a little piece’. causation. Additional factors used to Tukano glottal stop downriver is a mechanism to increase differentiation differentiate languages include vowel elongation. slow. Wanano speakers observe that Tukano has more ‘little pieces’ (affixes). From the perspective of the speakers’ ethnotheory (as well as from the A different set of features that do not alter meaning but serve to identify perspective of historical linguistics). The stem. by close language contact.The possibility remains that the strength of the a bit faster than Tukano. In the northwest Amazon. for breath. East Tukano languages are suffixing languages in which verb Tuyuka dií meat (Barnes 1999:210) roots are followed by multiple affixes indicating person. rather than softened or eroded. The word for tree whose presence or absence marks the ethnicity of speaker. phʉõ.. My patterned differences in the glottal stop to mark speaker’s identity. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. fast.The implication Wanano speech as ‘closed’ (mildly nasalized). and vowel change. allows discussion of the feature and therefore. much like the neighborhoods of Philadelphia (Labov 2001). For example. Wanano show a strong glottal stop. It can be modified by morphemes Wan. distinctions are maintained. and Kubeo speech ‘very is that certain differences in speech across recognized language groups are closed’ (most nasalized). Tukano speech is characterized as ‘open’ (least nasalized). tree): tigʉ (Barnes 1999:210) throat is referred to as phʉõrida. refers to a voiced puff of air that comes from the throat. so. motion and evidential category. or pirodero. differs among the languages (Barnes 1999:212). and Desana very slow. tense. employs longer words than Wanano. Languages are also characterized and compared according to speaking Colombian Tukano (Barnes 1999). as in the case (and all cylindrical shapes) illustrates the point quite simply: of poohari and po’ati above. In the process of reifying conceptualize a continuum of languages proceeding from most ‘open’ difference. distinctions between languages are exaggerated and fixed. used to refer to aspiration. The Wanano interlocutors described the differences in suffixing this way: Wanano term poohari employs vowel elongation and aspiration while Ni yʉdoro. Tukano is said to be fastest. identity. where ní glosses as ‘speak’ and yʉduro. The process reinforces a evaluation. consciousness and reflexive awareness of the speaking self. a sustained sound from the Tuk. According to this rendering to language a level of inviolability. heightened. number. tubular (cylindar. from the other East Tukano languages with which it is in contact.. Barnes has reported a weak glottal stop among upriver. Brazilian Tukano velocity: kheroka. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia Wanano di’í meat Word length is yet another feature used to describe and compare Tukano di’í meat (Barnes 1999:210) languages. whereas downriver. the Tukano term with equivalent meaning. (least nasalized) to most ‘closed’ (most nasalized). tubular (cylindar.The Wanano mark the boundaries between languages.

is an interesting mirror image of the naturalization attached to the term intrinsically related to a speaker’s self and is said to be learned through ‘mother tongue’ in some Western usages. Unless otherwise specified. Michael Silverstein (1979) has discussed the degree to which speakers are aware of linguistic patterns and able to articulate them. An overarching theory organizes the relationship of languages For the Wanano with whom I spoke. comprised of own language. Tukano” to fully communicate its corollary: “I [therefore. mother’s inseparable from the child’s physical and spiritual heritage. the act of speaking signals. scheme of contrastive categories. finally. flutes and other wind 8. One creates one’s self in the act of speaking. the process by which a child learns and speakers to one another and both in relation to the self through a his or her patrilect. “I am not a Tukano. commonalities and differences within and across individuals and collectivities. contrast. is deemed a natural process. tendency of languages in contact is to become more proximate. matrilect. The second.) The same phrase. such as a human being. the languages of others. a Wanano son of a Tukano mother or to identity.” When limited to listening and understanding but not extended to production asked whether he speaks Tukano. among the animate producers of du arises from the understanding that wind instruments take on life when imbued with breath. is likely to reply. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. alterlect. an animal. The inclusion of musical instruments limits of awareness. In by the Wanano does not appear to extend to the morpho-syntactic level. and the languages of others. And. identity. an essential and essentialized notion of self. it is sufficient to say “I am not to social identities. a matter that is exhibited in the sacred treatment of trumpets. is hiha is used to convey both “I am Wanano” and “I speak Wanano. The level of The Wanano root du is used to refer to any sound produced by an animate awareness of and interest in lexical and phonological contrasts expressed subject. Yʉ Kotiria the natural processes of personal development. (This provides language. speech production is regarded as a fundamental property of being human. The first category.” The proscription on speaking one’s matrilect amounts to a ban 8. Deeply rooted in East Tukano ontology. As the quintessential identifier 220 221 . I will discuss each in turn. or a musical instrument. This runs counter to the commonly held belief that the of self and other.] do not speak Tukano. principles of agglutination may represent the the term bihsi. the root du Learning refers to one’s own language.’ makes no associations or claims speaking-and-being are indivisible. to buzz or to ring. As an objectified phenomenon language has a prominent placement in which derives from father and is here called patrilect. Yʉ Dahseakʉro hierara.” Because learned through processes of ‘imitation. inanimate objects produce sounds that are referred to using At this stage of research. and thereby establishes. Speaking the Self: Naturalizing Language and Personhood on bilingualism. Wanano ideology and serves as an explanatory resource to understand social life. the third. referred to as dubu’e. Speaking-and-Being: A Wanano Theory of Language and Language instruments (see Hill 1993. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia mark identity. 2011).1. patrilect.

As I also illustrates that those who speak languages not their own – that is. peers (Chernela 2004).” A mother’s while I was visiting a Piratapuyo village on the Papurí River. Despite heavy exposure to mother’s language in the early language-learning years. he ought to speak his patrilect. A fundamental opposition divides speech into mari yare durukua. she was the target of harsh mockery by her of Wanano. A proper relationship to one’s an absent Colombian father with these words. trying 8. The Tukano child is exposed to at least two languages from birth. in spite of the fact distinction between first. the second is not. “How do you say ‘his father’s language?’” The respondent playmates. Mother Tongue: ‘For Listening Only’ to contain some condescension. A Wanano who speaks any other language is The implication is that one ought never speak the language of one’s mother. their language. The matter draws Piratapuyo. 222 223 . our On one occasion during my stay in the Wanano village of Yapima.and second-language acquisition. and. In spite of Epps 2007). The expectation is that a person The term dubu’e for learning one’s patrilect may not be applied to learning who identifies as Wanano should speak Wanano at all times.The first is one’s ‘own’ proprietary language. “His father’s language is his language. (including mother herself) and later. An East that the child had never known his father. Piratapuyo. a Colombian trader. The possessives mari (our) who was suddenly frightened while playing among friends accidentally and ti (their) are the same as those used in other contexts of ownership (cf. laughed politely before he explained that which he considered obvious and natural. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia Durukua is reserved exclusively for the speech made by human beings. I convey an anecdote that took place father?” I received an immediate and firm reply. differ from one another. Yet the anecdote points to the conflation of language.” When I asked. “You shouldn’t speak matrilect is to understand it. ‘tʉora. “The father.’ but not to speak it. identity. while parallel. There I language is not recognized as her child’s language.’ The author of the taunt The case of East Tukano language learning confounds a simplified suggested that this expectation was a reasonable one. and ti yare durukua. you should speak Colombian!” The speaker’s point was attention to the difference between ideology and practice. identity. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. a developing toddler begins her first utterances those who speak in a language other than their patrilect – can become in her matrilect but is prodded away from that language by her elders the targets of criticism and even ridicule.” he explained. accordingly. “Is this the language of the mother or the speakers of East Tukano languages. observed the process. that the child should not be speaking his matrilect. “One.“How many languages does a baby learn?” I was consistently To illustrate the logic of patrilect and its widespread distribution among told. unless one’s matrilect. On one occasion I heard a Western researcher ask a speaker the brevity of the outburst. shouted a vocable that signaled pain in her mother’s language. comprehension is an issue. and place.2. said not to be speaking correctly. Children are likely to chastise peers who code-switch into their matrilect. She took care to not repeat the mistake. a child language. ‘Colombian. instead. is not overheard a villager admonish the child of a Piratapuyo mother and said to be acquired or learned by the child. But it acquisition processes. To my question.

natal village. resulting in the total decline in the production of This reluctance to admit to speaking one’s matrilect as an accommodation one’s matrilect. In the matrilect to patrilect is the inverse: it is the ‘naturalization’ of the guided latter a Wanano speaker is very likely to have full comprehension of the process (Chernela 2004). and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia the child is deliberately directed away from this language and toward her The contrasting Wanano proscription against speaking one’s matrilect is patrilect. to the extent possible. The mandate holds for male speakers even ‘natural. third language. while matrilect becomes a secondary language. the language of their mother. mother becomes the quintessential loyalty and the realities of practice.’ The dominance of patrilect over matrilect extends eventually to all arenas of social use. The latter are far more complex. the one generation to the next. the transfer from on visits to the villages of their wife’s or mother’s descent groups. the language spoken in her language. Krashen 1981).” according to these 224 225 . language but a hesitancy to speak it. (1931 [1898]) concept of erasure as one of three semiotic processes through limited to comprehension rather than production. As patrilect gradually replaces and eclipses matrilect.The transition wives reported that their husbands did occasionally shift to the in-laws’ to patrilect is complete only when the learner interacts regularly with languages (the wife’s own language) when comprehension in Wanano other youngsters of the village. which ideologies construct difference. To speak one’s and speakers may have no choice but to speak one another’s languages matrilect is to be like mother. the child when people speak back and forth in two languages.The difference in representation and practice peers. “Erasure. Gal and Irvine (1995) discuss Peirce’s first becomes dominant. As the alignment of like and unlike self is established in the course illustrates the contrast between the preferences and norms of linguistic of Wanano language acquisition. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices.’ process (Klein 1986:28-29. While the Wanano men with whom I spoke denied speaking any linguistic boundaries are kept stable. during their earliest years. may be a man’s own matrilect and is also likely to be the patrilect of other in-marrying wives in his village. every attempt is made to avoid hybridization. As such. strong negative associations of doing so make them reluctant to admit so that. however. A man’s wife’s patrilect. If men occasionally speak their mother’s or wife’s language. and therefore unlike one’s kin and village or a neutral. all of whom are speakers of the same posed a problem. linguistic identities remain intact and it. East Tukano language learning reverses the tendency by infants especially strong for men who often deny understanding the languages to identify with the language of affect. he will likely A child must learn to distinguish matrilect and patrilect and discern have grown up listening to it. identity. In the transfer of knowledge from works. the well illustrates the work of ideology. The situation is modeled for the language but Wanano when visiting the villages of their wives’ kin. of their mothers. which of them is appropriate to vocalize and which not. A Wanano child is raised learning both matrilect and patrilect but is Instances such as these provide opportunities to examine the way ideology socialized to not speak one of them. languages with which they were in intimate contact Rather than second-language acquisition as domestication of an earlier. ‘other. This is not always be the case.

It also allows us to reconcile divergent accounts person ‘stops being Wanano’ and ‘becomes something else.’ She is doho. I introduce the term alterlect to structure . . is that of Attitudes toward speaking a language other than one’s patrilect provide learning a language where the speaker makes no claim to the social a striking contrast between East Tukano and non-East Tukano speakers. rotten. At the time of my fieldwork in 1978. of accommodation. of learning one’s own language. . Such procedures obscure intra-group variation and spoiled. glosses as ‘changing’ or ‘becoming. also defined in relation to speaker. Because a linguistic points to a similar construction.’ By laws. the process involves mimicry or copying. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia authors. bu’ero. in the region of the middle Vaupés. . or broken. as mentioned earlier. activities or sociolinguistic phenomena invisible. Upriver from mimicry. . to ‘persons of changed identities. closest to mission centers had shifted to speaking Tukano. Doho.’ considered his or her ‘own. residents of downriverTariana villages khayo.’ We have also pointed out that the use of matrilect is restricted to ‘listening and understanding. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. “is the process in which ideology … renders some persons or of ‘appropriating’ a language that is not one’s own. Together the two accounts suggest an ideology is a totalizing vision. Fortunately. Fractioning in any way can ‘spoil. or ‘answer the same way’. and why recollections of language learning excise any acquisition speaking a language other than his or her ‘own’ – an alterlect – a Wanano of mother’s language.3. 8. elements that do not fit its interpretive area-wide phenomenon of some interest. are inseparable. identities it usually indexes. Since speaking-and-being. which It explains why men might deny accommodating to the languages of in. ‘learn’). 1995:974). Yet a third 9. The lens of ideology allows us to understand claims of linguistic purism.’ also refers to ‘spoiling’ or ‘rotting. the Tariana language 226 227 . Alexandra Aikhenvald’s important Acquiring a language that ‘belongs to’ others.’ In 2011 I was told by several Wanano that people who migrate to cities such as São Gabriel da Cachoeira or Manaus and speak Portuguese are often told.’ tʉora. A Third Type of Language Learning: Mimicry in partial jest. Dohoa (where -a refers to the plural) can refer exception while emphasizing intergroup difference and consistency. Ideologies in Comparative Perspective type of language learning. identity.’ or ‘those who became other. from the Wanano point of view. A useful comparison may be made between the East Tukano Wanano and the Arawak Tariana. “Ñariro dohore daliro” – “You became a whiteman!” The We have mentioned that a child learns his or her patrilect through assumption is that the ideal Wanano self is intact and uncontaminated by processes which Wanano refer to as dubu’e and that this language is external influences (Kotiria yawaro). described as khayo bu’ero. Epps’ 2007 discussion those centers. According to the Wanano speakers with whom I consulted. . must either be ignored or be transformed” (Gal and Irvine capture the sentiment of this category. which closely glosses as ‘answering the same way he does’ (khayo. to speak a language not your own is to ‘become’ another. is research among the Tariana provides a useful starting point for such a understood to be a qualitatively different process than the natural process comparison.

are mutually intelligible. one’s father’s language – to one’s 10. She described comprehension. 2003). Aikhenvald also reported that the Wanano wives in Taiwano and Barasana. latter conversed with one another in Tariana (Aikhenvald 2002. the Wanano village where I conducted fieldwork. A the intermarrying language groups of the area. In Yapima.Tukano. 228 229 . and were responded to in Wanano or Tukano rather Periquitos. identity. how the Tariana members of a Tariana community spoke Tariana to their mitigate against such difficulties. The contrasting language. one’s father. Wanano. Multilingualism and Matrilect siblings. however. and can fairly easily learn another. or in the lingua franca. or of the majority of the people around. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. in order not to exclude them” (Aikhenvald 2003:5). Wanano. culture among the language of their Wanano husbands. Aikhenvald’s scheme contrasts. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia continued to be spoken by residents of two villages. In the Vaupés basin several important factors. moreover.’ While the Tariana regarded it as “polite to speak the language norms favor linguistic loyalty. and to their children in Tariana. a village in which Aikhenvald conducted her study. For the Tariana. like Wanano and Piratapuyo or Tukano (2003a). the Wanano strive to maintain Working among the Tariana of the middle Vaupés. children and in-laws even though the of the villages with ongoing marriage ties to the Wanano. several in-marrying wives were Wanano. Instead. speaking in matrilect to mother’s relatives was behaviors can be explained by the differing etiquettes to which each a matter of courtesy (Aikhenvald 2003). The first of these is the genetic fathers and fathers’ brothers. and one than Tariana by their husbands. two of the The depiction provides us with important insights into the differences five in-marrying wives were Tariana. and one’s mother’s language A potential obstacle to multilingual communities is the difficulty of to one’s mother and her relatives” (Aikhenvald 2003a:5). One of these was patrilect. where Tariana in attitudes toward language use between the East Tukano Wanano was spoken.Whereas Tariana norms favor accommodation. The principal divergence is treatment of mother’s shaman father-in-law. The matter points to a the Tariana villages into which they married. The Tariana were at an Tariana villages spoke to their husbands and children in their own extreme disadvantage in speaking an unrelated language. differed markedly in each case. for the Wanano it is ‘losing one’s group subscribes. glossed spoke Tariana in the Wanano villages. 2004). Some. to their wives in the wives’s own languages proximities among codes. Aikhenvald postulated linguistic dominance. and Arawak Tariana. speakers of one Tukano language (Wanano and Tukano). and all his relatives. an etiquette for the entire basin in which “one is supposed to speak the language one identifies with – that is. Chernela 2003a. for example. homogeneous. Generally.Wanano ground. the Tariana wives never fundamental ideological distinction between the two groups.Tariana wives conversed in over in our assumptions of a shared. Comprehension. despite the distance in Tariana son-in-law who temporarily resided in Yapima with his powerful language families. however. with generalizations for East Tukano groups made by Elsa Gomez-Imbert The speech practices of the wives. of one’s guest. also spoke Wanano. for the Barasana and Tatuyo (1996) and by Stenzel and me for the Whereas the Wanano wives continued to speak their Wanano patrilect in Wanano (Stenzel 2005. In nearby Periquitos.

I thus argue. and Language Maintenance through contact. regardless of geographic distance. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia A second factor that mitigates against incomprehension is exposure 11. loyalty to patrilect is highly valued. identity. the linguistic proximities of combined with a tradition of marrying into the same descent group over the languages. Members of each in 1996 (1996:443). Marriage pairing among the same language groups over time produces a linguistic From the point of view of the Wanano. etiquette called for accommodation. Amazon.Among East Tukano speakers of the Northwest Vaupés River. is requisite to maintaining the sustained diversity of wives. conditions are ideal for linguistic diversity. who addressed spouses. including spoken languages. Such loyalty to own language. Wanano time. and therefore Ideology. Ongoing At the same time. and the ongoing exposure to these languages. The idea that one’s matrilect has no social or public value is a principal barrier to spoken bilingualism. understanding matrilect. This is the case among the Wanano of Yapima and the Tukano similar point was made by Gomez-Imbert for the East Tukano Barasana of Juquira. despite considerable geographic separation. in-marrying Tariana wives and visiting if outsiders were present. language loyalty was the case of the neighboring Desana and Wanano of the middle is a necessary requirement. the Tariana language was not reproduced in those villages. to their own patrilects as wives and mothers serve to transmit mother’s language to children as a language of comprehension. holds important lessons. and because the Tariana they married. perpetuates multilingualism. is a principal factor in determining language in frequent contact. it may be said. the linguistic loyalties of women group maintained strict adherence to own language. the imperative to speak exclusively in patrilect. The data suggest the important role and not transmitted as a language of comprehension. For linguistic diversity to be maintained. undermined long-term language retention. When loyalty to patrilect is in-marrying Desana and Tukano in Yapima. 230 231 . Groups that are in geographical proximity. the overt practice sub-community – a microcosm in which a few languages are heard with of mother’s language threatens to compromise adherence to patrilect. children developed a degree of familiarity with them. A different factor that contributes to familiarity is marriage. A frequency. This survival or loss. In comparison. contribute to the amount of contact between languages. At the same time. become familiar with one another’s languages. Because Tariana in-laws in Wanano villages elected to speak Wanano or Tukano because women did not speak their own languages in the villages into which Tariana was generally not understood there. Ideology. in the spouses’ own languages and children in those same languages multilingualism. in combination with a familiarity of the other Aikhenvald’s case of the Arawak Tariana. Matrilect. while marriage ties between villages. The evaluation played by language ideology in the transmission and survival of language. thereby expanding As a result of the strong value placed on linguistic loyalty among the comprehension throughout the subregion. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices.

The implication. the means by which languages are learned. make sense of the world and themselves within it. as when speakers of East Tukano Kubeo and Makuna. contributes to the linguistic preservation of and compare them attest to a keen awareness of the commonalities and the language. and raise grandchildren languages in the Vaupés basin and the abilities of speakers to characterize who identify and maintain it. perceptual salience and speakability. One of second. despite language loss. moreover. attaches abstraction to practice. That which I call correlate of two factors: strong language loyalty and out-marrying women. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. refers to the conscious awareness (Philips 1992) The East Tukano system of providing wives who subscribe to linguistic of different languages as alternative means of communication. The case at hand suggests four features that give Attitudes toward language. objectification. reflecting a theory of the nature of 232 233 . with identifying features. to the outcome in any situation of language contact. The fourth. Speakers of Wanano utilize a range of likely to achieve a proportionate degree of linguistic dominance. including Wanano. rely on speech as an index with which to descent group. Like value to practice. lexical resources to discuss speaking. thereby transmitting their languages to children who are likely to with distinct and describable attributes. (4) perceptual salience and speakability. The third. lending meaning and the last remaining fluent speakers of Tariana passed away in 2010. the tools are in place to develop a conversation about language Tukano languages engage in a wide range of meta-discursive practices as a phenomenon and about individual languages in comparison.We saw this in the serve as indices of group belonging. The first. contribute to the likelihood that a metalanguage – a language about 12. Generalizing from the Case: Language as a topic of Talk language – will be found among a particular group of speakers. The everyday co-presence of marry into that language (albeit without speaking it). that theorize the nature of language. concepts of self and other. These are especially refers to the perception of thingness or essentiality of a language as a important in settings such as the Vaupés basin where speech practices recognizable. each loyalties. When Using Wanano as an exemplary case. (2) identity. (3) explanatory attributed to speech performance. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia Tariana accommodation to the languages of others may have served in body of metadiscursive theory employed by the Wanano to characterize the long run to compromise the preservation of spoken Tariana. explanatory resource. identity. The Tariana language experienced steady decline in the Vaupés. identity. and how languages differ from one another. the Tariana retain their identity as an exogamous languages. The degree to which language is available as a topic of talk depends upon a number of Conclusion pre-existing conditions. speakability is the availability of a body of discursive and linguistic resources A group that provides wives who practice linguistic loyalty to patrilect is for producing talk about language. The the patterns of their own language and to distinguish it from others. refers to the explanatory the downriver (Brazilian) Arapaso and unlike the upriver (Colombian) power conferred on language per se. and meanings rise to such a resource: (1) objectification. bounded entity. are important factors that contribute resource. all found among speakers of East Tukano languages. is that language maintenance is a differences across varieties of East Tukano languages. we have seen that speakers of East combined. some of which have been presented here.The four features.

or meta-linguistic practices associated with language contact in this region leads us to postulate the existence of The literature on language contact recognizes that in multilingual settings an East Tukano ethnolinguistics. the means by which languages are acquired as part Most studies of language contact and loyalty consider cases where a state- of the developmental process of the person. As accommodation for purposes of mutual intelligibility. Hugh-Jones 1979. borrowing for several decades. With the goes a step further to suggest that linguistic difference is itself the result exception of the limited hegemony of Tukano in mission villages and of speaker choice in a context of strongly held beliefs with implications towns.The first leads that structures social identity and belonging through descent. Gomez-Imbert 1993. Stenzel 234 235 . however. understanding the processes which favor linguistic purism and conserve linguistic boundaries has been far more Although the data for this article were derived principally from fieldwork recent (Thomason and Kaufman 1988. of view of East Tukano speakers like the Wanano. members of a descent problematized by the maintenance of linguistic difference. While linguistic studies production disambiguates the placement of individuals within larger have amply explored the processes of bilingualism. Winford 2003). the second to differentiation. and identity maintenance on the other (Weinreich According to this body of thought. and how languages differ sanctioned language is imposed upon speakers of ‘minority’ languages from one another. widely shared across East Tukano groups (C. may rich corpus of literature for other languages of the same language family act as profound forces to counter linguistic assimilation. 1996. speech to convergence. From the point Scholars widely acknowledge that in the Vaupés basin descent is de. thus placing speakers within a social matrix. 1999. identity. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. the patrilect. one’s speech indexically points to 1963 [1953]. Thomason 2001). S. Instead. while the second is a manifestation of the universal organizing principle of patrifiliation concerned with preserving group identity and boundaries. code switching. including language ideology. the argued that a number of mechanisms. The first encourages one’s descent identity. on the one hand. Jackson 1983. lays the foundation for an East Rio Negro Indigenous Territory. Sankoff 2001. members so that no one code may be said to predominate across villages. This article group are expected to speak the language of that descent group. dominates. I argue. In the Alto knowledge about language. even in contexts indicates that linguistic practices and values shown for the Wanano are of intense language contact. Hugh- Jones 1979. no single language is imposed Tukano ethnolinguistics. at the level of the local sib settlement the language of the agnatic core. a body of theory about language and speaker choice is subject to the opposing goals of communicative efficacy language use that renders it intelligible to speakers and drives practice. In the act of speaking. and matrices of kin and marriageables. The wealth of extra. Errington 2008. Sarkar and Winer 2006). one language of the East Tukano family. as a universal standard. each linguistico-descent group reproduces itself through specific choices that maintain linguistic difference. Here I have among speakers of Wanano. the dominance of any single code is limited by the distribution of its for the positioning of the self in the social world. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia language and being. This extensive body of symbolic and sociopragmatic (Blommaert 1998.

pp. We are also fortunate to have Aikenvald’s research as the basis to References identify a contrasting complex of linguistic ideology and practice with Aikhenvald. 5. common between languages. Maria Silvia Cintra Martins. Narradores Indígenas do Rio Negro.  ties. Philadelphia: intermarrying language groups form interlocking webs bound by social John Benjamins. merger. and sustained janet chernela linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia 2005). of northwest Amazonia. of Wanano/Kotiria. N. 236 237 . 2002. however. Lexical borrowing. (Ñahuri) & Azevedo. 2003. Içana-Vaupés basin. Acknowledgments. 1981. Anthropological Linguistics 4(4):411-30. borne out among the typologically similar East Tukano languages. and other speakers America. Sweden. 2006. Symbiosis. and Cristina Wolff Århem. 2003b. pp. volume with colleagues whose interests are shared. Language contact and language change in Amazonia. 2001. M. The Political Economy of North American Indians. I would like to thank Kristine (Kris) Stenzel and Patience (Pattie) Epps for their kind invitation to participate in this Andrello. 1993. and Azevedo. São Paulo: Editora UNESP/ISA/NUTI. where Historical Linguistics 200. Dixon. but differentiated by linguistic difference. Emilia Trinidade. Cambridge University Press. I express heartfelt thanks to Mateus Cabral. A Cidade do Índio: Transformações e cotidiano em Iauaretê. The latter are maintained Albers. Geraldo. ed. Dahsea Hausirõ friendship. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. The Amazonian Languages. for their long-time collaboration. I would also like to thank Brook Hefright. Language in Society 32:1-21. Alexandra Aikhenvald and R. Language Contact in Amazonia. 94–132. for their feedback and translation assistance during the preparation of _____. The Maku. Cambridge: The case of the Northwest Amazon illustrates the power of extra. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. as a case in point. Uppsala. Burridge. Makuna Social Organization. that are structurally similar are readily exchanged between systems _____. John H. 1989. The Makuna. including speaker attitudes and other social factors. Ethnos. Miguel Transformations of Social Structure in Northern Lowland South Cabral. Language awareness and correct speech among the Tariana over linguistic criteria in determining outcomes of language contact. B. Kaj. São Gabriel da Cachoeira: /FOIRN. is not _____. A real diffusion and language contact in the important comparative implications. 1999. north-west Amazonia.Vol. W. Patricia C. (Kumarõ). through ideological practices. A. instruction. 1-2:5-22. is especially northwest Amazonia. eds. Alexandra. Multilingualism and ethnic stereotypes: the Tariana of (Thomason 2001:77). Vitorina and Jose Chavez. 385-414. and the Guiana System: this manuscript. linguistic factors. and war: contrasting forms and reproduced. eds. Scholars of language contact generally hold typological distance to be _____. Blake and K. 2003a. This expected pattern. we have argued. New York: Oxford a fairly reliable predictor of contact-induced change because features University Press. _____. Porã ukushe wiophesase merã bueri turi: Mitologia sagrada dos Tukano Hausiro Porã. of intertribal relationship among historic Plains Indians. Moore. identity.

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An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. and Hup people share marital practices that can situate women as outsiders. toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices. When women remain in natal or familial areas into adulthood and marriage. Winford.” The Wanano. and individuals Aimee J. women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: Annual Review of Anthropology 23:55-82 contacts between groups. they continue to perform 244 . languages. Wakuénai/Kurripako (Arawak. This piece addresses the theme of the special issue by bridging anthropological and linguistic concerns about potentially shared cultural and linguistic areal features in the NW Amazon. 1994. Chernela 1988. Michael. Epps 2008). 2003. identity. Donald. 2012). The Hague: Mouton. this outsider status can be explicitly remarked upon during the performance of song exchanges. Hosemann Southern Illinois University Carbondale Abstract: This paper examines both the commonalities and differences  in discourse structuring of adult women’s song exchanges among the Wanano/Kotiria (East Tukano. Further. Uriel. Weinreich. London: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Hill 2009). 2011. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. and Sherzer (2002:126) in their discussion of a “greater Amazonian discourse area. and sustained linguistic diversity in the vaupés basin of brazil and colombia de Pérez and Maria Luisa Rodríguez de Montes. Woolard. 1963 [1953]. Santafé de Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo. pp. 1993. 453–467. this paper enters into dialogue with Beier. and Hup (Nadahup/ Makú. Kathryn and Bambi Schieffelin. Language Ideology. Wakuénai.

and of exteriority. I thank Janet M. and /or poverty . the singer reported that singing a song outside the proper context . Kamden Summers. listening.c.) further says that because of the possibility of singing these songs outside a drinking party. Chernela (2003. 5) presents 246 247 . mulheres thanks go to Anthony K. personal communication) calls artes verbais the Wanano songs ritual wailing or texted weeping. Andrew Hofling. I have referred in the past to these songs as drinking songs (Hosemann 2009). percebidas como ‘de dentro’ adotam a postura ‘de fora’ na hora do canto. que criam elos intertextuais (Bauman e Briggs 1992) entre línguas. Michael project in 2009. bem como entre pessoas e grupos. profound quando permanecem morando em suas áreas natais ou familiais. these are not properly called “drinking songs”. Wakuénai/Kurripako (Aruák) e Hup (Nadahup/ paper and for recommendations that have pushed other projects stemming from Makú). espaços e épocas. as well as links between people and groups. which create exchanges. patient adultas ainda incluem em suas canções os temas esperados de isolamento. Finally.was strange.  Keywords: women’s song exchanges. Chernela.outside a Palavras-chave: troca de músicas entre mulheres. Os povos Wanano. A abordagem do tema focaliza aspectos antropológicos e this paper into a deeper realm of understanding. Jonathan D. time.women who could be perceived This paper explores the concept of a Northwest Amazonian discourse as community insiders retain an outsider’s stance in performance. além disso. and individuals these songs according to expectations that singers will comment on Introduction1 loneliness. languages. ainda dialoga com autores como Beier. processual solidarity. I thank Janet M. Hill (2009 and personal communication) describes them as drinking songs Mulheres compartilham sentimentos e palavras nessas trocas de músicas because their performance among the Wakuénai occurs during drinking parties. Rodriguez.2 I give examples from three groups representing three space. alienação e/ou pobreza – mostrando que até mulheres que poderiam ser 2. estatus observado Roberto Barrios. Hill. Wakuénai e Hup compartilham práticas accessing necessary materials. and Patience Epps for their help since the inception of this O artigo. Epps (2005: 12) collected a Hup example the night after a drinking party. drinking party . verbal art Resumo: Esse artigo investiga as semelhanças e diferenças na estrutura 1. and diretamente na performance de trocas de músicas cantadas. Mesmo Susannah Bunny LeBaron for their constant encouragement. matrimoniais que situam mulheres como seres ‘de fora’.Women area via the production of individual women’s songs during song share feelings and words during these song exchanges. Chernela (p. Fuller. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. and unfailing support. I thank an anonymous reviewer for thorough engagement with my (Tukano Oriental). Yuki Tanaka. I thank Kristine Stenzel and Patience Epps for allowing me to participate in discursiva das trocas de músicas cantadas entre mulheres Wanano/Kotiria this volume. and the way these songs give voice to women’s experiences intertextual (Bauman and Briggs 1992) links across languages. C. solidariedade processual.Thanks to Heidi Johnson e Sherzer (2002:126) na discussão de uma “área discursiva amazônica at the Archive of Indigenous Languages of Latin America for her help with maior”. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. Webster for many years of cheerleading. linguísticos que apontam potenciais traços areais do noroeste amazônico. I owe you so much for your kindness. Juan L. alienation. Hill (2009: Ch.

Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. hOSEMANN
contacts between groups, languages, and individuals

language families:3 Wanano/Kotiria (E. Tukano; Chernela 1988; 1993; exist for women in E. Tukano societies through the singing of kaya basa
2003), Wakuénai/Kurripako (Arawak; Hill 2009), and Hup (Nadahup/ (Chernela 2003). I explore Wakuénai pakamarántakan (Hill 2009) and
Makú; Epps 2005, 2008). I take as my frame two important articles. The Hup yamhido’ (Epps 2008) as similar examples of building what I will
first, by Beier et al. (2002:122), describes the evidence for a Greater refer to in shorthand as ‘processual solidarity’.This shorthand comes from
Amazonian discourse area, ‘discourse’ being “actual instances of language Chernela’s (2003) focus on how the exchanging of kaya basa involves
use and the patterning of these instances of language use into systems constructing and elucidating particular personas and themes in order
of communicative “practice.” The second is Chernela’s (2003; 2012) to build and reaffirm relations with other women. As Chernela notes
thorough exploration of kaya basa ‘sad songs’ produced and exchanged (2003), the creation of solidarity is an achievement, realized over time
by Wanano women or women who have married Wanano husbands. and based on participation.
These songs allow women a chance to make statements about the life of
a married woman in a society where customary marital practices involve Gender relations among indigenous groups of the Upper Rio Negro are
linguistic exogamy, ideal sister-exchange or cross cousin marriage, and understood to include an opposition between those who are men and
residence with her husband’s family (Chernela 1993; 2003).This practice belong, and those who are female and do not belong (see Lasmar 2005;
maintains solidarity between agnatic males, especially when those 2008; 2011). In this conception, the sphere within which women have
males may have wives who come from several other language groups the capacity to create solidarity would seem rather restricted. Lasmar’s
(Chernela 1993; 2003). However, the chance to create solidarity does work (2005; 2008; 2011) recognizes the cosmological reasons in-married
women would be seen as Other – as Lasmar (2008) describes, a married
woman residing in her husband’s community is the canonical embodiment
of feminine not-belonging. At the same time, she maintains social value
discussion in which the presence of alcohol is required by Wakuénai in order to through fertility and food production (Lasmar 2008; 2011).Yet, a woman
sing. I have thus begun simply referring to these as song exchanges, until such residing among her own kin does not maintain a contrasting position
time as there is more analysis of these songs both within and across groups. of belonging – rather, she is one who is expected to leave, one who
3. The songs produced in these exchanges are meaningful on both a musical or represents the potential for alterity, if not alterity in actuality (Lasmar
prosodic level including pause, melodic structuring of phrases, and repetition 2008:436-437). For a woman who remains in or returns to her natal
of phonological or morphological elements, and a verbal, referential one area, there is a self-recognized otherness that can be expressed in songs
(following Hymes 1960; Jakobson 1960; Sherzer and Wicks 1982; Woodbury as fluently and appropriately as the typical ethnographic examples of in-
1985; Graham 1986; Seeger 1987; Jane Hill 1990; Briggs 1993; Chernela 2003; married women (see Chernela 1993; 2003; Piedade 1997). Taking this
and Sicoli 2010, among others). The analysis of the musical structures of these as an analytical base, one may view women’s song practices as reflective
songs is an on-going project of mine.

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of the tension between belonging and varying degrees of not-belonging, turn contemplate the concept of genre itself (following Bauman and Briggs
but also as participation in an expressive practice that gives voice to the 1992) as a site of linguistic and cultural contact and dynamism. Chernela
complexity of being female in an exogamous society.4 (2003) describes the singing of these songs as an expression of the desire to
be social (and see Urban 1988 on expressions of sociability). They are also
I focus on individual articulations of discursive sharing about those statements about the value of the genre of sad songs in general.
complexities, in which discourse styles or genres cross linguistic or cultural
borders without requiring the sharing of specific linguistic forms from In describing the kinds of work that sad songs do, Chernela (2003) brings
one language to another (see Kroskrity 1997). As Beier et al. (2002:123- to the discussion a reminder that individuals position themselves in
126) note, the presence of socioculturally important discursive practices communities of practice (CofP; Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992) via
can create the context for the sharing of linguistic forms. A key factor in their speech practices. These CofP involve constructions of social relations
generic or stylistic transfer across languages is marital patterns and daily based on the participation of individuals through interaction, versus the
experiences of multilingualism (Kroskrity 1997:32). Chernela (2003; assignment of an individual to a network or community through externally
2012) describes several characteristic discursive elements of these songs, imposed forces (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992; Chernela 2003).
including representation of the self and one’s place in society, as well as Recognition of this constructive process is necessary for understanding
particular poetic and formal structuring devices. Also characteristic of the actual moment-to-moment interactions that create a song dialogue
this genre is a prosody and vocal presentation that is iconic of weeping (Chernela 2003). These songs allow women a chance to demonstrate
(Chernela 2003). These songs convey an affective perspective on the life their own proficiency in public performance, while openly addressing
of a woman in particular circumstances (Chernela 1988; 1993; 2003; those dynamics that are understood as unsayable, doubly so by people
2011; 2012) I focus here on a few of the characteristics as a vehicle for who are not ideologically licensed to comment upon them. Noting that
exploration of the production and pragmatic effect of these songs. As will language and identity are bound up for Tukanoan societies (e.g., Jackson
be demonstrated, there are similarities and differences that allow us to in 1974; 1976; 1983; Sorensen 1967; 1973), one further notes that it is not
just what one speaks, but how one speaks, that allow linguistic challenges
to men’s perceived dominance (Chernela 2003; 2011). These songs are
4. Space unfortunately does not allow a full engagement with Lasmar’s 2008 and also challenges to the identities that create cohesive social relations that
2011 publications.These provide a rich understanding of the complexity of the are supportive of that dominance (Chernela 2003).
indigenous female experience as migration to the city spurs changes in marital
patterns, especially with regard to how women choose marriage partners.These This paper is intended as a meditation on the possibility of women’s song
publications urge us to reconsider our formulations of the concepts of feminine exchanges as one of the ties that bind a NW Amazonian discourse area.
exteriority and to recognize the potential for change therein. I hope to spur consideration of whether these songs represent a single

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genre, and to invite more conversation on this topic. As noted by Bauman (Chernela 2003; Hill 2009). For the Hup, songs can be traded among
and Briggs (1992), there are many ways to define a genre, from ones multiple groups, or within the membership of a single village (Epps
very strictly delineating whether a particular text or performance meets 2008; p.c. 2011) Generally speaking, songs are traded as host women
specific and exclusive criteria, to approaches in which conformance to ladle manioc beer to guest women, singing as they serve. Guest women
generic expectations are less strict, and take into account the dynamism then reciprocate. In the Wakuénai and Hup cases, these songs can be
that results from individual actors. Hanks (1987) offers a view of genre as a produced by men (Hill 2009; Epps p.c. 2011).5 A further general note:
classification accounting for historical relations and relevance. Note how in the production of these songs, there is a tension between expectations
an approach that favors dynamism and flexible and porous boundaries about topic matter – i.e, loneliness and poverty – and improvisation.
between genres and styles and historical relevance meshes well with Individual singers may have favorite stock phrases or themes they pick
a linguistic-anthropological approach that focuses on communities of up and repeat from other women, but they are also free to comment
practice – and discourse areas. upon new ideas as those ideas occur. As both Chernela (2003) and Urban
(1988) describe, the ability to manage that tension is a sign of proficiency
1. Song production and analysis and artistry.

1.1. General contextual information I present now translated individual samples of Wanano kaya basa, Wakuénai
I briefly review marital patterns in the Vaupés region as they are relevant pákamarántakan, and Hup yamhido’. I approach the analysis of these songs
to the contexts of song production. It should be noted that exogamy using a discourse-centered approach following Sherzer (1987), Sherzer
and multilingualism are characteristic of all three groups. Among the and Wicks (1982), Urban (1986; 1988), and Chernela (1988; 2003; 2012),
Wanano, exogamy follows linguistic lines (Chernela 1988; 1993; 2003;
Rocha 2012; Stenzel 2005). The Wakuénai practice exogamy among
equally ranked patrisibs (Hill 2009). Hup follow a system of exogamy 5. The circumstances of the production of the Wakuénai song are a bit unusual.
among clans (Epps 2008). Sister-exchange and cross-cousin marriages Hill (2009: Ch. 5) is an entertaining account of the recreation of the pudáli
are preferred among the three groups (Chernela 1993; Hill 2009; Epps ceremony after Hill asked about its proper conduct; the song presented here
2008). Thus women are constructed ideologically as outsiders among all was recorded at that time. Male singers are apparently not unusual among this
three groups, though this can be mitigated by marrying back in to one’s group, but not a constant. An expanded investigation into song exchanges
mother’s group (see above; Chernela 2003; Hill 2009). would provide more information about the frequency of inclusion of men as
singers. The spatial arraying of women and men during these song exchanges
Among the Wanano and Wakuénai, women’s songs are exchanged during does not preclude the inclusion of men minimally as indirect participants – they
drinking parties that take place during larger inter-group exchanges may overhear and comment on a woman’s words. (Hill, p.c.; Chernela, p.c.).

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as these songs are both reflections of and constitutive of the intersection 1.2. Wanano kaya basa
of language, culture, and society – and the individual.The performance of We will begin with the Wanano at the village of Yapima, on the north side
these songs allows the expression of personal subjects within a “culturally of the Vaupés River on the Brazilian side, as discussed by Chernela (1988;
imposed regime” (Urban 1986:379), and may represent a single genre 2003); I draw this section of my discussion from these sources. The song
(following Hanks 1987 and Bauman and Briggs 1992) shared across here was sung by Nicho, a Wanano woman married to a Desano man.
groups. The particular discourse feature of these songs to be considered Her kin, who belong to the Biari sib, have all died. She has come from
is the highlighting of the condition of the self as a central theme through her home at Bucacopa to Yapima, to seek the advice of a shaman upon
deixis and explication of one’s material and relational circumstances.This falling ill. She has been counseled not to return home and is now in exile.
not only draws attention to the plight of the singer, but also serves to Nicho is singing to a “younger brother” (member of another Wanano sib)
highlight aspects of similarity and difference (Chernela 2003:798). during her exile; during the song, she comments about power dynamics
between sibs at Bucacopa and her status as the last member of her own
An interesting aspect of the engagement in processual solidarity is that sib (Chernela 1993:138; 2003).6
while women are creating community, they are often also marking
their experiences contra those of other women (Chernela 2003:798). The words presented here are reconstructed from Chernela’s publications
One way to do that is by indexing one’s situatedness – one’s placement, (1998; 1993; 2003), and I have preserved the spacing between lines and
as described by Chernela (1998) – in social relations across time and line breaks as published in those sources. This song has been excerpted
space. This brings to mind Hill’s (1990) discussion of women as the due to space limitations. Chernela (1993; 2003) provides a thorough
thread which weaves together social and kin relationships in virilocal discussion of the metaphors and meanings of the words of this song.
societies; their intermarriage signifies the continuity of local patterns in
those places where ideal marriage practices and linguistic exogamy are Nicho’s Second song (Chernela 1993:143-145; 1998; 2003)
maintained. Individual women’s social placement is the result of a nexus
of long-standing and broad-spanning social relations that have often been 1. I am one who drifts;
planned with an eye to where subsequent generations of women will be 2. I am one who mixes.
placed (Chernela 1988); Azevedo (2004) notes that these practices have 3. I am moving among your brothers
typically involved exchange of spouses between adjacent areas. In cases 4. And I haven’t even one brother.
presented here, the women are actually living near agnatic, not affinal,
kin. This provides us a chance to think about what kind of pragmatic
work these songs are doing, and what value there may be in adherence 6. Note that in this case, a male is the other in a pair. Chernela (2003) describes
to a generic standard when women sing. these songs in more detail as part of exchanges among women.

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5. Like a horsefly 32. “My grandfather, yes, he said to me,
6. That flies forward and backward 33. ‘My grandchild, my grandchild,
7. That flies here and flies there, 34. I leave you in my place
35. In my last moments.”
8. “I am not like him,” says my son, Dito’ano … 36. He said to me, my Mother, also,
9. [referring to the relative to whom she is singing], 37. ‘In my last hours, I leave you in my place.’”
10. I, yes, am granddaughter of the Biari ones …
11. “My ingá fruits are succulent with juices….” 38. I am, yes, I am
12. Biari woman, 39. The Dianumia Nicho,
13. That wanders in your midst 40. I am granddaughter of those who spoke loudly, loudly,
14. I am a person 41. Wife of a Desano, and you cannot tolerate me …
15. Raised on the bones of big fishes. 42. I am daughter… of the Firsts,
16. I am the daughter of one who spoke loudly, loudly. 43. Daughter of my Fathers,
17. I am a Biari woman. 44. Born of them, I am she.
18. “… My mother has not even one brother ….
19. She will disappear There are several striking aspects of the lexical composition of this song
20. Like a piece of kindling wood, that are noteworthy, particularly because Nicho sings the song in her own
21. An ember that blazed momentarily, voice and in the voice of her son, Dit’ano, as well as her deceased sister
22. Then turned to ash; my mother, speaking to Dit’ano in lines 55-66 (not reproduced here; see Tannen
23. My mother that has no brothers … [2007] and Chernela [2012] on constructing dialogue to portray the
speech of others). One of the first aspects to note is Nicho’s use of deixis
24. I yes, I am the only son, my mother,” says my son, throughout the song, which helps her to intelligibly shift between her
25. “I was grandson of Simi Paro Ponairo, own voice and that of her son’s. Beginning with the first lines, Nicho
26. But they were a fine people! makes herself visible as a topic. In Lines 1, 2, 3, 16, 17, 31, 40, and 42, we
27. Dianumio was my uncle! see references to her as “I am.” At the end of Line 44, the use of “… I
28. But as they are no longer listening to these things, am she” marks her as different to “others” through her descent through
29. All is sad, all is heartache and loss …” says my son. those described as her “Fathers” (Line 43) and “them” (Line 44). In Lines
30. After the deaths of my brothers 10 (“I, yes, am…) and 28 (I am, yes, I am), we see the use of “yes”
31. I am going, going… confirming Nicho as topic following a shift in voice from that of Dit’ano

256 257

I speak for you.3. notes it is directed at him. languages. In the afternoon I am in my house. She lacks even one brother to provide that patrilineal rootedness 51. my friend. Then my hammock. About my people. Note the kinds of desires 61. along with her in-married husband. my friend. my friend. my friend. 1. my friend. nonexistence” (1993:147). Look at how poor I am. even as she participates in 53.Yes. 65. look at how I am.org) his discussion of his mother’s transience and the sorrow of the loss of her Luisa’s song kin (Lines 18-29). us to imagine Nicho in terms of what Chernela describes as “social 46. My friend. extant social being. my friend. also sings as someone who is of a higher rank than her listener.You bring this kind of machine [ tape recorder and “Firsts” (Lines 17. describes her placement in the Biari sib. I am going to speak. which makes her one of the 56. It is not evident from the song.” “moving among your brothers” in 50. and her sib’s. Figuring in this song prominently are verbs of motion that help 45. 42). 58. From Caracas you bring me things. Thus I speak for my lazy. moving to a demise apart from the rootedness marking others’ – 48. Hill (2009) had already provisioned the women in the village with some 64. an ugly woman. but 63. Line 24 (“I yes. 1 and 2 as she “drifts” and “mixes. We see Nicho in Lines 49. Wakuénai pakamarántakan 59. but she 54. especially men’s – temporal and spatial continuity. I discuss here Luisa’s song. Sadness when one goes far away. 258 259 . marker of her difference from other women. I speak here in front of you fleeting. My children have gone away. mother. 66. shameless children. Contrastingly. It’s been a week since I put on these clothes. 57. leave us this sentiment. Her position.There is an important 52. my friend. Thus I am speaking to you. words. Nicho 55. I am … ”) begins with similar Excerpted Wakuénai pákamarántakan (Hill 2009:101-102. She sings as someone who is an outsider. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. Thus I speak for my children. Thus is my hammock. my family.Yes. meaning that she is due consideration other microphone] for me. and individuals to her own. that would mark her as a stable. So that you bring me a machine of this kind from your people. I. as documented by Hill (2009). but is used to orient the words of Dit’ano in the construction of KPC001R0061. solidarity building. openly expressed here. Bring things for me. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. women may not be (Chernela 2003). are unstable and 47. since I am poor. and that Luisa is living among her agnatic kin 62. needed items.utexas. Bring some clothes for me. I am going to speak. ailla. tiny. 44. Line 3. Hill (2009:101) 60. mother. not a local man.

As we turn to look at Hup yamhido’ songs. Here in this village I live. Bring some for me. signifying a woman’s position and see an appeal to the linguist not to 69. so says this little woman. a little Dâw will return home and will no longer be able to provide dishes. 2008). Excerpted Hup yamhido’: Ana’s song (Epps 2008:922-926. my friend.org) One of the most interesting features is the way Hill is addressed by Luisa as “my friend” in Lines 56. Further. or hammocks.c.”). we will again see themes 68. This term signifies a bond in 59. woman.. Eventually he 61. which aid is expected and which may rhetorically close social distance 60./ No money to buy dishes. Note Luisa repeatedly points to herself and her material well-being. Thus. position as thematically important while essentially claiming him. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. Ana’s song is is impoverished. soap. requests for goods could be made through song). notice the similarities here recounts the extent of her poverty in Lines 65 (“It’s been a week since to the repetition of elements found in Wakuénai pákamarántakan and I put on these clothes. 62. Thus we are poor here in the Guainía. 61. No money to buy dishes. my friend.4. etc.The singing of this kind of song outside belonging a woman may experience even amongst kin. The reference to herself as “an ugly woman” (Line 46) sung the day following a drinking party. audience for this song interprets i­­­t as satire b­ecause they know Luisa’s husband to be a poor provider (Hill 2009). and is sung to Epps directly so is a strategy deployed by women across groups to highlight the lack of that Epps could record the song. 1. the use 62.c. provide goods. (I am) a woman who is just passing through. 65. and individuals 67. this little woman that exists between an anthropologist and his consultants. while marking the exceptional degree to which she such as “I am” in Nicho’s song and “my friend” in Luisa’s. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. 260 261 .utexas. Here. 2011). but to provide an audience (though Epps notes [p. Hup yamhido’ 73. clothes. child of a marriage between a Dâw man and Hup woman. JUP003R002I001. 72. 64 (“Look at how poor I am”) and Lines 66 and 73. as in Line that Ana is related to several people in the village: siblings. my friend. I have spoken to you. Further. and across with. These repeated elements are foregrounding of the desire to participate in the exchange by bearing witness to her material self as a character and actual repetition of content. Here I am.”) and 71-72 (“I have nothing to eat Wanano kaya basa. my friend. specific phrases and familial poverty. I am the little wife of a Toucan’s- of the deictic “my” allows Luisa to speak to Hill while maintaining her Beak Clansman. Luisa is indicating her the songs I describe. I have nothing to eat with. 71. The overhearing a drinking party is unusual (Epps 2005. my friend. which is an unusual circumstance. their spouses. but for now he can be petitioned. I am. Epps (2005) captures the song of Ana. ailla. i. Luisa more extensively and their children (Epps p. here I am.e. my friend. I mean here repetition within the songs. my friend. I have no money to buy soap.] that 70. languages. here I am.

this is about just passing repeated in Lines 85-86. still properly participating in the exchange. A brief discussion of 262 263 . presents herself as being a Hup woman in Lines 61-62 in opposition to 64. I am. reflecting on how she “ended up” or “wound up” there (Lines 66-68). she is likewise thus. 87. used by non- covered in the songs. she 89. also claims her Hup ancestry in Lines 64-65. I am. or who specifically are non-Nadahup. There is up living here too.) notes that when Ana refers to herself as Hup. 86. I’ve only come and mixed in (among the others) in this not measure her descent through her Hup mother. Thus there is flexibility in how a singer presents her 68. today she is thus women. non-Indian girl. the songs also highlight differences. I guess I’ve wound own placement even in contravention of understood practices. Thus says this woman. Here I am. she addresses Epps directly. and individuals 63./ Here I am. Solidarity will am. through. I’m just a little Hup (‘Makú’7) woman. the latter woman is 85. non-Indian girl. if you want to see. I feel. “Here I am. Ana 66.. I am. (Chernela 1998. River Indians) to refer to Nadahup people (Forest Indians). in this land too. while Ana does have kin in the village. In the final lines. The 7. she does Conclusion This paper has examined a few discursive similarities in female-performed songs from three Northwestern Amazonian indigenous groups. especially in relation to a woman’s placement Nadahup people (i. than even she herself is. if you want to see. After my mother and mother’s sisters. She 65. moves from marking her similarity to other outsider women. after my mother’s sisters. remains an outsider in comparison to other Hup women – but she is less of an outsider than Epps. A shift back to an insider (or less-of-an-outsider) persona allows Ana to reaffirm solidarity with other 84. I am. In this land. Ana makes reference to Epps in Line 84. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. Hill 1990) in exogamous societies. Epps (2011: p. here I am. saying in Lines 88-89. I am. also flexibility in the degree of solidarity a woman must construct while 69. here I am”). just passing through. Again. Here I am. to herself as Hup. those who are from outside.c. the phrase “here I am” is repeated at several not necessarily be built as expansively between all who are party to a points throughout the song to repeatedly signify that she is speaking song exchange. creating I’ve ended up living here solidarity. she may be making reference to the perjorative ‘Maku’. although she also land. about herself here in this Hup village.e. just passing through. even though analysis has demonstrated similarities between the thematic material she is Dâw. Thus while these songs can mark similarities Ana makes herself the center of attention beginning in Line 59 (“Here I between individuals. this thinking the “she” who is just “passing through” because of her descent. languages. Because her father is Dâw. But I too say this. So in the same song.” This would mark Epps as even more of an interloper 88. I think about how. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. then appears to reject solidarity with those women by referring 67. I have.

as well. This points up the role of the listener – i. themselves strongly at the center of their songs. This paper focused on discursive elements.e. and a successful exchange 264 265 . Given especially that these songs can be heard among agnatic kin. We can define these limits more clearly by paying attention to though Chernela (2003:801) reports a “singing to” in a different song the kinds of dynamics reflected in individual performances. the gender of the proper a woman to give voice to her feelings. and individuals Lasmar’s (2005. As Chernela (2003) noted. by discursive or linguistic practices. the one with whom one attempts to build degrees of solidarity – as one who listens actively knowing something about the person singing. 2011) work with indigenous women in São Gabriel means being willing to sing and listen properly. So while the song excerpted here from see the locally important bounds of genres. At the heart of the question of genre is how much likeness is enough to consider groups to be connected While noting the similar pragmatic effects of these songs across groups. but as active listener. as expressed in these songs presented here. languages. for there we by a Tukanoan-speaking friend. These need to be drawn back much difference between the parties to the exchange is salient. alterity in women who remain in or return to their natal communities. (2002:123-125) one notes that there are degrees of freedom in the production of these describe the areal typological process in the NW Amazon. it is necessary for each woman to come to the exchange with foreknowledge.This has implications for defining the role of the audience in these to degrees of “sociocultural salience and interconnectedness” between song exchanges. salience. Note that forms as indicators of the presence of a discourse area. Whether it be general knowledge of social dynamics or of the specific details of the singer’s life. and of discourse areas. into the conversation. they Luisa. and addressed a particular listener – the anthropologist. 2008. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. When Beier et al. All three women positioned Turning to the question of a unitary genre of women’s song exchanges. Chernela’s work does not include direct address of a single listener. directly asked for provisioning of needed urge us to be thoughtful about the ways that we define the limits of that or wanted items. giving voice to particular it becomes necessary to open this conversation to data from other NW concerns about poverty and loneliness while noting their own otherness Amazonian groups. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j.. One of the most interesting points is that engagement consideration is whether drinking is a necessary precondition for song in processual solidarity is not total: it is achieved via engagement in production. such is possible for Wanano singers. A further important other women. singing these songs allows and sung by men among the Wakuénai. they look songs. but also to create solidarity with participants is certainly an important consideration. This is engagement in da Cachoeira provided a frame for considering the self-perception of processual solidarity. leaving out interaction. in the Wakuénai context. In so doing. and can be differentially constructed depending on how musical/prosodic considerations for space. not just as singer-to-be. A single person will take both roles – singer and listener – during the exchange.

Dissertation.  Annual Review of Anthropology 21: 461-490. 1992. Poetic transformations of narrative discourse in Chernela. Annual Review of Anthropology 31: 121-145.D. and placement in Wanano songs an Amazonian society. 2009. Electronic document. ed. Bloomington. 2011. A Grammar of Hup.A grammar of Hup. and presented at AAA. languages. collective discourse. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. Graham. Native South American Discourse. 1990. Povos indígenas no Alto Rio Negro: padrões de nupcialidade e concepções sobre reprodução. The ends of signification and desire in the drinking songs of four South American indigenous groups. 29-49. Paper _____. Azevedo. Discourse genres in a theory of practice. The Second World of Wanano Women: Truth. Journal of Anthropological Research 68: 315-338. social power. Discourse. processes in indigenous South America: An areal-typological perspective. Briggs. Janet. Journal of Latin American Lore 14: 193-206. pp. Native Latin American Cultures through Their Discourse. eds. American Beier. and & Co. ABEP. Jonathan D. pp. Ellen Basso. Hill. Northwest Amazon. Richard Bauman and and Look Locally: Language and Gender as Community-Based Practice. 2011. 2009. Ellen Basso. Charles L. pp. Three modes of Xavante vocal expression: Wailing. Back-Talk in the Brazilian Northwest Amazon. _____. Hanks. Philadelphia. Eckert. 2004. 1986. 1974. Lev Michael. language. Personal sentiments and polyphonic voices ed. Made-from-Bone: Trickster Myths. Weeping as a meta-signal in a Mexicano woman’s narrative. Work presented at _____. and political oratory. American Anthropologist 95: 929-957. W. _____. American Anthropologist 105: 1-13. 2009. Indiana University Bloomington. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 2: 131-172. 1960. Music. Think Practically Explorations in the Ethnography of Speaking. Christine. Gender. IN: Folklore Institute. Jane. Hill. Ph. Mascarading the Voice: Texts of the Self in the Brazilian Wiley & Sons. and individuals References Epps. Language ideology and women’s speech:Talking community in the Northwest Amazon. Language Identity of the Colombia Vaupés Indians. html?r_id=4545. intextuality. pp. 2003. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 266 267 . University of Virginia. 1988. Jackson. 1987. Joel Sherzer.org/search/resource. and Joel Sherzer. Accessed April 10.Thomas Sebeok. 1992. 109-131. 115-31. and History from the Amazon. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. Austin: University of Texas. the XIV Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Bauman. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 21: 193-210. Laura. Bloomington. Cambridge. Phonological aspects of style: Some English sonnets. 1990. Urbana: University of Illinois. 2012. Native Latin American Cultures Through Their and litanies. Aimee. Patience. Style in Language. realizado em Caxambu – MG – Brasil. pp. 2008. collective singing. Hymes. ed. Marta Maria. http://ailla. IN: Folklore Institute. 50-64. Hosemann. Joel Sherzer and Greg Urban. Indiana in Warao women’s ritual wailing: Music and poetics in a critical and University Bloomington. Discourse forms and Ethnologist 14: 668-92. Jean. _____. Genre. ed. September 20-24. accessed March 1. 83-107. New York: MIT and _____. Electronic document. Penelope and Sally McConnell-Ginet. Dell. Briggs. 2005.utexas. Lies. 1993. The Wanano Indians of the Brazilian Amazon. 2002. UK: Cambridge University Press. Richard and Charles L. 1993.

Stenzel. Mark.   Antes os Brancos Nao Existian: Corporalidade e Politica entre os Kotiria do Alto Uaupes (AM). Sherzer. Irmã de índio.utexas. Recorded of Illinois Press. 2005. 1985. pp. 2005. Programa de Pós. P. mulher de branco: perspectivas femininas no alto rio Negro. the seventies. Texas.  Museu Nacional. South American Indian linguistics at the turn of Jakobson. São Paulo: UNESP. Accessed March 1. 1997. Trends in America (CILLA). Journal de la Société des Américanistes 97: 75-98. Ph. Joel. Jane H. New York:  Academic Press. Smith. Arthur P. Second edition. _____. American Anthropologist 88: 371-86. Discursive convergence with a Tewa evidential. 25-34. languages.  Universidade Nacional de Rio de Janeiro. 2007. A discourse-centered approach to language and Hill. C. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.html?media_file_id=35526&r_id=4613. hOSEMANN contacts between groups. Dialogue. The Life of Language: Papers in Linguistics in Honor of William Bright. 1960. Mistry. revisited. Kroskrity. Greg. Style in Language. Urban. Language in Society 39: 521-53. Shifting voices with participant roles: Voice qualities lowland area of South America.”: Nouvelles perspectives féminines dans une ville _____. 2010.html. Paul V. 1983. 2011. pp. JUP003R002I001 (Ana’s song). The intersection of music and language in Kuna discourse. II: Social Systems. 1986.org.org/ Seeger. Talking Voices: Repetition. 2009. Jonathan D. Acácio Tadeu de C. American Anthropologist 89: 259-309. and Lyle Campbell. study of Central Alaskan Yupik Eskimo discourse. Women’s song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. Sorensen. _____.Vol. and speech registers in Mesoamerica. in Northwest Amazonia. Language in Society Graduação em Antropologia Social. ed.utexas.    Peoples and Cultures of Native South America: An Thomas Sebeok. 1981. and Transformação no Alto Rio Negro. http://www. Hill. 1976 Vaupés marriage: A network system in an undifferentiated Sicoli. August 2000. 1973. anthropological reader.      Imagery in Conversational Discourse. cilla2_toc_sp.   Recording availability: Epps.. New York: Doubleday. Kristine. 1982. 65–93. Piedade. Latin American Music Review 3: 147-164.. Why Suyá Sing.The Fish People: Linguistic Exogamy and Tukanoan Identity American Anthropologist 69: 670-684. ed. 14: 153-90.J. Ritual wailing in Amerindian Brazil. Deborah. Recorded October culture. 268 269 . 1988. _____. c´est comme épouser une communauté entière. Pedro.D. Urbana-Champaign: University search/media_details. D. Cambridge: Cambridge University. Anthony C. Rocha de Almeida e Castro. 18. “Épouser une femme indienne. The functions of rhetorical structure: A antropologia da música no ARN.  De Volta ao Lago de Leite:  Gênero e Tannen.  Regional Analysis. 1997.org/site/ Linguistics series. 2007. 1987. ed. pp. Accessed March 2009. pp. Annals of the II Congress on Indigenous Languages of Latin ed. Ceremonial dialogue in South America. Austin. Available at www. Linguistics and Poetics. A Música Ye´pa Masa: por uma Woodbury. Multilingualism in the northwest Amazon. Cristiane. _____ and Sammie Ann Wicks. American du Haut Rio Negro. and individuals _____. 312–346. UFSC. 1967. Lasmar.utexas. 339-50. Gross. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2008.ailla. Patience. http://ailla. Anthropologist 90: 385-400. KPC001R0061 (Luisa’s song). 1987. Anthony. Roman. Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon.ailla. dissertation. Mana 14: 429-454. New York: MIT and Wiley & Sons. _____.

in which culturally-important meanings are kept similar across different linguistic systems. It also addresses the principle of semantic transparency . equivalent across languages. but not phonologically. semantic transparency and cultural calquing in the northwest amazon Simeon Floyd Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics. It places the upper Rio Negro area of the northwest Amazon in a general discussion of cross-linguistic naming practices in South America and considers the extent to which a preference for semantic transparency can be linked to cases of widespread cultural ‘calquing’. Nijmegen Abstract: The ethnographic literature has sometimes described parts of the northwest Amazon as areas of shared culture across linguistic groups. This paper illustrates how a principle of semantic transparency across languages is a key means of establishing elements of a common regional culture through practices like the calquing of ethnonyms and toponyms so that they are semantically.

(Goldman 1948:763) referenciais específicas e penetra na esfera de estruturas discursivas maiores. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd beyond specific referential phrases and into larger discourse structures. mas não maintaining the marriage system. Amazônia. The essentially 272 273 . is famous as one of the shared culture. É discutido to merit preliminary classification within a single culture também o princípio de transparência semântica que vai além de frases area. nos quais noções culturalmente and unclassified – but having sufficient cultural resemblances significativas se mantêm entre sistemas linguísticos distintos. a priori. Cariban. most multilingual areas in the world. compartilhada entre grupos linguísticos distintos. mais abrangentes de ‘calquing’ cultural. dentro da discussão geral sobre práticas translinguísticas de nomeação na América do Sul e considera até Within this network of rivers live people of diverse linguistic que ponto a preferência pela transparência semântica se associa a casos families – Arawakan. do noroeste amazônico. Esse artigo ilustra the ethnographic literature has described many of the different language como o princípio de transparência semântica entre línguas constitui uma groups in the area as showing far less diversity in cultural practices than estratégia importante no estabelecimento de elementos de uma cultura in language. Despite this great linguistic diversity. toponyms. Silva do noroeste amazônico como áreas em que uma mesma cultura é 1962. Witotoan (Miranyan). since they are in a sense part of a single cultural complex comum regional através de práticas como a tradução direta (‘calquing’) de that maintains linguistic differences for various social reasons. concluindo-se que uma maior atenção dada a práticas semióticas In her well-known ethnography The Fish People Jackson made essentially em contextos multilingues pode nos levar a uma reflexão inovadora e the same point four decades later: mais aprofundada sobre a noção de culturas compartilhadas. equivalentes entre línguas. semiotics of languages but especially because of the high number of languages that many individuals acquire. topônimos. Amazon. Jackson 1983. not just in terms of the total number Keywords: ethnonyms. Stenzel 2005). despite the fact that the differences in language do not. The Handbook of South American fonologicamente. Tucanoan. indicate deep cultural divisions. Com isso. and particularly the Vaupés river region. It Introduction: Cultural ‘homogeneity’ with linguistic diversity? concludes that an attention to semiotic practices in multilingual settings The region along the Rio Negro and its tributaries in the Northwest can provide new and more complex ways of thinking about the idea of Amazon. linked to the system of linguistic exogamy in Resumo: A literatura etnográfica tem identificado algumas regiões which people marry outside their language group (Sorensen 1967. insere a região do Indians puts it this way: Alto Rio Negro. including etnônimos e topônimos de tal maneria que são semanticamente. semiótica (D)ifferences separating the language groups of the Vaupés tend to be over emphasized (exacerbated by calling them tribes). Palavras-chave: etnônimos.

. . while a number of different (ethnonyms). including a middle Rio Negro case is a complex system in which general ‘regionally integrated’ cultural study. what most ethnographers of the region have actually described well as of the region more broadly. conquest. from which relatively well understood. which is applied as a principle of cultural practices by many localized social groups in the region do indeed distinguish their own peoples of the northwest Amazon as a way to manage shared meanings specific cultural practices from the larger regional culture. 274 275 . while ethnographers have recognized that sometimes transparency. Chernela 1993. and will then widen the scope of the phratry group versus the sib. Cases in which groups to hear them using what sounded like proper place names that were show relatively little differentiation in terms of many of their cultural native to Nheengatú instead of names in the languages spoken upriver. colonization. as is sometimes popularly assumed. However. A good way to illustrate the well-established at least as far back as Boas’s disentanglement of linguistic. I often heard people refer used widely beyond any one specific cultural group are easy to find and to places in the Tukano. This paper will identify some of the linguistic and semiotic 1983:101) processes involved in the cross-linguistic transfer of meanings entailed by ethnographic characterizations of the multilingual northwest Amazon as an area of shared culture. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd homogenous and regionally integrated characteristics of practices while showing a high degree of multilingualism like that seen in the Vaupés have not. a Tupi-Guaraní of American Indian Languages (1911). and so on. what they have in a linguistically-diverse setting. Cases in which single languages are lingua franca spoken on the middle Rio Negro. found most remarkable is the fact that so many cultural practices are shared widely beyond individual language groups. is many cultural concepts across languages. Despite spread through migration. in my opinion. often being linked to processes of language many of them had migrated to form communities downriver. both in terms of Vaupés society specifically as In fairness. Hugh- to consider how these nominal referents are socially circulated through Jones 1979. I was surprised projects. and how the cultural meanings attached to them can be social distinctions are upheld at other levels (describing the relationship transferred across linguistic boundaries. and other similar socio-historical events.and Arawak-speaking areas upriver. During fieldwork with speakers of Nheengatú. 1. and this fact has been emphasized as something quite special about the region. been given enough areas of the northwest Amazon are rarer and have less obvious historical consideration in the ethnographic literature . and many discourse. Goldman 1948. principle of semantic transparency is with the case of upper Rio Negro cultural and racial distinctions in his famous introduction to the Handbook toponyms. It will first discuss place names (toponyms) and social group names characteristics exist at one social level. (Jackson contexts. nation-building the fact that their shift to Nheengatú was relatively recent. The discussion will orient around the concept of semantic others). Semantic transparency and cross-linguistic cultural meaning A key aspect of the different northwest Amazonian linguistic groups’ historical development of the shared culture remarked on by the The fact that the divisions among linguistic and cultural groupings do ethnographers cited above is a preference for semantic transparency in not necessarily entail each other. Hugh-Jones 1988. Jackson 1983. trade.

making its meaning semantically Table 1. 2007). element in the local toponymic system. to say that the linguistic groups Carurú Cachoeira Mo Phoye Salt Plant (amaranth Falls) Jacaré Soma Aligator Creek of the northwest Amazon are basically ‘calquing’ their cultures at all levels. Marmolejo et al. Nheengatú language or Língua Geral and correspond to While some place names are left untranslated and others have become others in Tukano. tariana tukano nheengatú/portuguese meaning yema-phe uxtíka-pũrĩ cigarro tabaco leaf/cigar and that in each language the phonological word was distinct while the iwi-taku moá-noá juquira-ponta salt point meaning was what in linguistic terms is known as a calque. or vice versa. It is not so simple. by which it is known. (Silva 1962:57) [author’s Kotiria/Wanano from Stenzel (2013). was known as ‘jaguar’ in mawa-kere wöhö-nãxkãro arumã fiber for basket-making all of the other local languages as well. from Stenzel (2013). in which the Wanano terms all have translation] equivalent terms in Nheengatú or Nheengatú mixed with Portuguese. and the last two without translation (‘monolingual place Ananás Sãne Oaka Pineapple Rapids Vila Fátima Boho Poa/Wate Poa Tapoica Rapids names’).Tariana toponyms reflect both historically-differentiated cultural Tamanduá Mie Phito Anteater Creek (mouth) Santa Cruz / Waracapurí Poa Wapa Hairy Stone Rapids knowledge as well as the common. The town ikuli-taku úhuri-pweá jabuti turtle rapids tuili-taku umũ-ñõá japú-ponta tinamou (bird) point known as Yawaraté. only the first Matapí Bʉkakopa Snare (fish trap) Falls Igarapé Paca Sama Nia Phito Agouti Creek (mouth) reflecting translations from other languages in the area (‘multilingual Macuco (type of Tinamou bird) Phota Phito Thorn Creek (mouth) place names’). however. Table 1 shows some of the multilingual names in Tariana. Table 2 shows a similar system for is only a translation. or ‘jaguar’ in Nheengatú. historical places and mythological places. Table 2. It is partially opaque due to historical drift. data from Aikhenvald (1996) transparent in every language. Ilha de Inambú Kha Nʉko Tinamou (bird) Island Puraque Ponta Sa’mã Wapa Eletric Eel Rapids (or “Point”) linguistically. shared cultural knowledge of the Tabatinga Bota Poa White Clay Rapids Taiaçú Yese Poa Pig Rapids region. the high number of place names difficult to say whether the original name is the Tukano one. Tariana placenames. Jutica Ñapima Sweet Potato Creek Taína Nihiphoto Boy Creek (mouth) Aikhenvald (1996) describes three levels of Tariana toponyms: currently. as pointed out by Silva: The principle of semantic transparency observed for Tariana place names The names (of places/villages) are ordinarily from the appears to hold to some extent for most of the languages in the region. almost always as exact translation. so keeping them Ilha de Japú Arara Cachoeira Mu Nʉko Maha Poa Oropendula (bird) Island Macaw Rapids semantically transparent can make cultural meanings accessible cross. with their translations into other languages. (2008) 276 277 . Place names often refer to physical features of the landscape. with obvious translations reveals cross-linguistic transparency to be a key and the one from the Língua Geral. also Waltz (2002. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd I soon realized that these places did have names in the local languages. Taracuá Mene Koana Ñoaka Black Ant Rapids Ibacaba Ñʉmʉ Poa Palm (bacaba) Rapids inhabited places. Wanano placenames. but can also nheengatú/portuguese wanano meaning make reference to elements from traditional histories.

wikipedia. since they often have no easy on the phonological form ‘Holland’. in most cases transparency met its limits when 3. as in the case of Spain. as ‘Holland’ technically refers only to word borrowing in the region. as in the German ‘Niederland’. the alternative term. 2003b). 278 279 . so such ideological pressures have probably helped to make calquing much more widespread than 1. the Nheengatú phonological forms are simply adapted to Quechua.2 This process is still of a second. For example. and focus more on semantic Someone learning the word for the Netherlands in any of the languages and phonological adaptation in one language rather than semantic with transparent terms would also have access to a description of that transparency between languages. ‘The Netherlands’ is also more accurate. Haspelmath semantically-transparent toponym ‘Uraysuyu’. to name a few. while it is possible to find translation. which a meaning from one language is approximated by the resources Estonian. the French ‘Pays-Bas’ or the but one broad distinction is that between the practices of acquiring Spanish ‘Países Bajos’. in which a phonological word is adapted into a new on the phonological shape of the word ‘Holland’. While ethnonyms are generally transparent across indigenous languages 2.wikipedia. including Finnish. as in recent years neologists writing for the with transparent semantic relationships. Haspelmath and Tadmor 2009).html in the Rio Negro area.g. in languages use a calque of ‘low land’. but in common usage covers the entire country. literally ‘Low Country’. http://www. ‘the Netherlands’.org/wiki/Ispaña.geonames.3 2009. it is rarer to find this many different languages and is not unique to the northwest Amazon. Albanian and Romanian. compared to someone learning a borrowing based frequently in language contact situations. ‘the Low Countries’.1 English also has an even more transparent option. Proper names are borrowed particularly country as a low area. and ‘loan translation’ (Weinreich 1963:51) or ‘calquing’.org/wiki/Uray_Llaqta_Suyu. Welsh. leading to phonological words of separate origins but at least partially productive.org/NL/other-names-for-netherlands. semantically transparent proper nouns can be found in cases of cross-linguistic transparency in other areas. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd Of course. the southwestern part of the country. However. 2. and not the latter (e. See http://qu. However. Basque. http://qu. languages. a good number of language. transparency used so productively for the sharing of ideas and practices For example. transparent. is fairly transparent. For less transparent the Nheengatú versions were adapted to Portuguese based on their names it was impossible to create calqued Quechua terms. which word form ‘piratapuya’ has been borrowed into Portuguese as an ethnic the Quechua wikipedia calls ‘Ispaña’. and while many languages opt for a form based ‘loanwords’ proper. while the common toponym ‘Holland’ is not particularly among speakers of so many languages as it is in the Rio Negro area. Aikhenvald points out that Upper Rio Negro people regard the use of phonological forms from one language in the context of another negatively (2002. in which case phonological form and not their meanings. Semantic transparency versus other cross-linguistic strategies and similar transparent names are used in most of the neighboring Contact-based linguistic influence can have many different outcomes. Most discussions of loanwords Quechua version of the wikipedia ‘Netherlands’ entry have created the deal primarily with the former.

In features.funai. http://pib. a Spanish reference to the red color the men dye their hair. see Allport 1954). the use of large ear piercings.br/etnias/etnia/etn_am. A number of cases from Ecuador illustrate this point: before contact with the national society in the 1950s. which simply means ‘people’ (Bellier 1994). neighboring Quechua-speakers called the Orejones Koto after a apparently unaware that the Nambikwara themselves lack a term for monkey species whose coloring apparently bears some similarity to the their language family as a whole. 4. who named them ‘ear holes’ (nambi-kwara) based on one of their notable presumably due to outsiders’ noticing of their large ear piercings.gov.ibge. and a group of people to refer to themselves with an autonym that is the autonyms.br/ibgeteen/datas/indio/numeros.4 the state indigenous to a specific northern population whose name transparently refers to agency FUNAI. but this is equally opaque and the Ouihanieré.htm 6.gov. of categories like ‘toucan people’ or ‘armadillo people’. or names applied to a people by others. The Tsachila were known as ‘colorados’. similarly to the Nambikwara. with outsiders8 using This scenario repeats all over South America. the Waorani people were known as ‘aucas’. For example. a Western Tukano Nambikwara peoples were given their exonym by Nheengatú-speakers group from Peru received the name ‘Orejones’. For example. referring the purposes of legal entities like the national census.5 and foundations like the Instituto Socioambiental. http://www. the Parecí dividing them into two main groups.html 5. Spanish for ‘big ears’.6 a wasp species for speakers of other mutually-intelligible Nambikwara where it is used to distinguish among people. unmotivated exonym-autonym correspondences. The Nheengatú speakers were contrast. the motivation. but not longer preserves its meaning of ‘fish people’ in that the Nheengatú term or other generic exonyms like bugre. or names people apply to themselves. develop without any native word for ‘people’ while others use an exonym with an unrelated semantic or phonological cross-linguistic motivation.socioambiental. http://www. or language (which would be something like ‘gente peixe’). Neighboring indigenous peoples also have their own exonyms for the 7. a Quechuan term for ‘savage’ or ‘warrior’.org/pt/povo/etnias-do-rio-negro 8. and instead recognize many individually body paints they use. while the Nambikwara terms have in many cases become official etnia (ethnic group) names for themselves use unrelated clan-type autonyms like ‘Mamaindê’. But neither of these exonyms have any connection named sub-groups (Kroeker 2001). semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd identifier. 280 281 . a Spanish term meaning ‘wild’ or ‘untamed’. the Uáikoákoré rather than the Nheengatú version for official purposes. but no longer on the basis languages (Eberhard 2009).Some groups today have come to prefer the autonym from their own language Nambikwara.7 A common scenario for South American indigenous ethnonyms is for Sometimes exonyms. also sometimes using the word Kabixí (Roquette-Pinto in Portuguese. 1913) as an insult (or ‘ethnophaulism’. The resulting situation is one of to the Orejon autonym ‘mai’. tapuya. The Shuar were historically known as ‘jívaros’. The Nheengatú even the Quechua auca (Roquette-Pinto 1913).

‘tariana tapuya’. Some South American ethnonyms. but instead constitute a exogamous marriage like that of the Vaupés. but instead show a pervasive preference for cross- Nambikwara ‘ear hole’ in Nheengatú many named sub-groups (various) linguistic semantic transparency. etc. and so keeping cultural frozen form. probably in reference to an important concepts transparent has not been prioritized in the same way. like the town of Tyaipi (salt-water). Table 4 shows that in most cases in each individual language the pattern is the same as The naming practices illustrated in Table 3 have gone through interesting that I observed for Nheengatú.Yuhup. ‘tuyuka tapuya’. tend not to feature arbitrary autonym/ethnonym pairs or borrowings of exonym Meaning Autonym meaning phonological forms. but it appears that the two elements of this Most of these cases are not situations of extreme multilingualism and name are not transparent for most Portuguese speakers. which is also but they themselves either use locally-specific ethnonyms (like otavalo or known as ‘Agua Salada’. It is the phonological form. such as ‘Piratapuya’. A similar situation non-transparent correspondences. This historical figure (a ‘chief ’ or uñi). Portuguese form. Peru and other Andean countries transparency. The Quechua-speakers of Ecuador. Nheengatú and other languages Hup. for example. But in these cases there is a predominance of saraguro in Ecuador) or use the term runa. but who call 3. sometimes combined with a second word for ‘people’.9 Piecing together information from Table 3. and not the meaning of the autonyms that has been adopted. developments in recent years because many native groups have rejected non-native exonyms as offensive ethnophaulisms. person ethnonyms. sometimes adding the generic term tapuya: ‘tukana tapuya’. some Chachi place names have calqued are sometime referred to as ‘quechuas’ or ‘quichuas’ by Spanish speakers. If a group is named the ‘mosquito’ or Orejones ‘large ears’ in Spanish Mai person Auca ‘savage’ or ‘warrior’ in Quechua Wao person ‘clay’ people. however. which would result in dozens of distinct indigenous 9. in the region. and demanded – in most cases successfully – to be known by their autonyms. Spanish alternatives. for ‘people’. The upper Rio Negro ethnonymic system themselves ‘people’. holds for the Nadahup peoples in the Vapués and neighboring areas. and particularly those of the Vaupés River area. even in instances where data is incomplete. Some ethnonyms also standardly included the word tapuya in their official peoples being each known as ‘people’ in English. among other terms. a number of different ethnographic and linguistic sources. the ethnonymic systems and the form of exonyms and autonyms have no motivated relation. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd The Chachi were known as ‘cayapas’. who are known by outsiders as ‘makú’. 282 283 . or possibly to the river where the Chachis does not mean that these peoples never apply the principle of semantic live. Table 3 illustrates cases in which both the meaning Returning to the upper Rio Negro area. Cayapa Proper name of a chief and a river Chachi person Quichua Proper name of the language Runa person I heard Nheengatú-speakers frequently using the Tupi versions of these Makú Pejorative term in Portuguese. etc. Spanish or Portuguese. then their ethnonym in every language will be a word for Jíbaro ‘wild’ in Spanish Shuar person Colorado ‘red colored’ in Spanish Tsachila person ‘mosquito’ or ‘clay’.

Melguiero (2009). Some of the etnias’ official names cannot be obviously traced to a transparent meaning in every language. Pisá-tapuya Wahüná net people Tatú-tapuya Pamoá Pamoá armadillo people Desana Winá ɨmɨko masa Winá miná? (probable (wind? sky?) borrowing) Karawatana mira Buhágana blowgun people Tariana Iri-ne (“blood”) Pavará cæ̃ç type of tree (?) Baniwa ? Behkana (probable manioc people (?) borrowing) Wariwa tapuya Hup. this does not affect the general point illustrated by the perhaps in other languages. Ethnonyms across languages in the northwest Amazon. data from Goldman (1948). etc. Tariana and Tuyuka Dochkáfuara Bahka Puára mãc clay people Hup. but systems can mix elements of semantic transparency together with other principles. Jackson (1983). Epps (2009b). Tukano.com. This deh-hǝg Wanano Kótitia Okotikarã Ohkoti Mahkara water people is striking considering that. even though there may also be other names. ‘nickname’ as compared to other terms. like the 10. and perhaps even incorrect ethnonyms that group. 284 285 . only semantic consistency. Autonym Tukano Bará Tariana Hup Translation Nheengatú Tukano Daséa11 Daséa Dahca Yasé-ne cɔkw’ǝt toucan people The most complete lists were available for Tukano. (2000). Metzger (1981. Makú. there are a number of ways people can refer to their table. Koch-Grünberg (1906). However. there is undoubtedly 11. the semantic Yurutí-tapuya Uaiana Yutabopinõ Wayíara agua-? dove people correspondences can be observed for four distinct language families: Karapaná-tapuya Mʉtẽ Mutea-masã Mütea mosquito people Tupi. As was pointed out earlier. as well as in a few cases. In Tukano. etc. ethnologue. Hup = person howler monkey people Table 4. together with Nheengatú. Here ‘autonym’ means any term in the language of the group that refers to some orthographic inconsistency inTable 4. etc. Aikhenvald (2003a). Makú. Due to the diversity of sources from different time periods. This point is addressed further below.10 These first two languages are East Tukano and show cognates Pusanga Bará Bará pǝ́n’ ‘medicine’ people cĩyã between them. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd Official name . etc. Arawak and Nadahup. and the animal-based names may be considered a kind of often have the same meaning in each language. Ardila (1993). Makú. Alemán et al. 2000). Bará. no naming system obeys a single principle exclusively. but otherwise there is little phonological similarity of Arapaso Koreá (Tukano) ‘medicine’ people Piratapuya Uiakena Wai Mahkara Kuphe-ne hɔp̃ fish people the different terms across languages. that across languages social groups have phonologically different names that own social groups.

but common cultural elements among inter-marrying groups can be maintained by keeping Outside of the Tukano society of the Vaupés things are a little different. as seen in this case. but include far more complex than I am able to address here. Some sources consider the animal-based name to be of the Nheengatú word remains a mystery. However traditional story that says that once the Kubeo people tried to burn the earlier sources show it has long been in common usage. it is clear that northwest Amazon and were named accordingly (Stenzel 2013). as in the case of the Tukano people who actually differentiate themselves as well. wariwa tapuya or ‘howler monkey people’. but internally others are more private. as a consequence of the linguistic exogamy system. a point taken up below. the Baniwa This analysis actually oversimplifies the local naming practices. language in the sixties. whose names in Nheengatú are refer to themselves most frequently as Yepa Masa. names cross-linguistically transparent. which are are not a single group in the way that the Vaupés etnias are. Local groups also apply a number of other names to Nadahup peoples as exonyms in a relationship of social inequality. (Ramirez 2001) or for ‘blood’ (Aikhenvald 2003a). like one group of the Karapanã known as the ‘duruwa fish sometimes referred to collectively by others with an animal-based term people’ (Metzger 1981). The name comes from a more of a nickname than an official clan name (Ramirez 2001). Multilingualism is maintained in part (Aikhenvald 1996). addressed in the next section. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd Tariana. Some levels of naming are kept more public while in Nheengatú. 12. and in parallel with the situation language groups. It is sometimes said that the Baniwa from the Içana river are named for the Tupi maniiwa for ‘manioc’ but this is unclear. the Desana and the Wanano. but because water poured out of the tree heard the term dahseaye ukushe or ‘toucan speech’ referring to the Tukano preventing them from burning they were thought to be water beings. have different named sub-clans that also take their names from animals Also not directly included in Tukano society. and to leave semantic transparency allows access to traditional knowledge across other things opaque. This case illustrates how societies take care to make certain elements transparent. but the origin into other languages.12 The Wanano autonym Kotiria translates traditional history called Yepa. The Tariana are said by different sources to be possibly named for the aracú fish. the Nadahup peoples are and objects. after a figure from their not known Tupi-origin words. 286 287 . The different groups a number of sub-groups with their own names. At any rate. Sorensen (1969) Wanano out of a hollow tree. this autonym does not have translations as something like ‘water people’ in other area languages. contributing to the shared cultural elements that of the translatable and untranslatable Tariana toponyms discussed above ethnographers have so often noted. Actually.

other languages without speech?13 in the Vaupés. other people in the region have a different have adopted the common strategy of using the word for ‘people’ as relationship to Tukano-Arawak society. which present a different version of semantic transparency in their proper name systems. more broadly in the region through other kind of language contact Epps (2009a). other languages ? Nixí-maxsa Desana people who ask Wira-poyá Desana damaged people While the multilingualism of the Tukano society of the Vaupés may offer Pokce Tukano carrier Josa Barasana/Taiwano servant one of the most extensive examples of semantic transparency in proper Pavará-poyá Tariana damaged people names. data from Mahecha et al. but it is not used as an social asymmetry between Nadahup and Tukano-Arawak peoples in autonym. Other patterns of semantic transparency in the Rio Negro region The different Nadahup peoples do not use any terms that are semantically While the Tukano and Arawak peoples described above have cultural transparent with relation to any of the above exonyms. Names for Nadahup people. each have a uniquely-identifying name based on an (Koch-Grünberg 1906:877. 288 289 . and perhaps some of the limits of shared culture exonym language meaning Makú Portuguese. Epps recommends the more neutral term Nadahup not generally learn Nadahup languages. Nheengatú. semantic transparency nor phonological identity are the most important aspects of the ethnonyms. as one of a set of negatively. Kamã Portuguese. the region. like the Tukano 13. Nadahup people translate Tukano-Arawak ethnonyms into While Nadahup languages (particularly Hup. which instead reflect cross-linguistic opacity and social asymmetry. the locals are migrants not just from the Tukano areas but also from different Arawak areas as well. Daw and Nadëb (2008:9). Ramirez 2001:198). The lower parts of the Içana River have undergone a language shift to Nheengatú while the people of the upper Içana continue to speak several varieties of Baniwa. Yuhup. Bioca (1965) situations. the principle of semantic transparency can be observed much Table 5. Allport 1954) and treat them the same way. Between these two social groups neither applied to them. as the former learn Tukano languages while the latter do valenced exonyms. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd 4. The exonym makú has been an autonym (Epps 2008:584). This asymmetry in ethnonyms reflects a applied to forest-based hunter-gatherer peoples. but the meanings of the Tukano and Arawak terms for semantic transparency for other groups’ names. their neighbors do not Nadahup peoples are pejorative (‘ethnophaulisms’. Consistent with this one-sided for the language group of Hupda. bilingualism. Table 5 shows some exonyms that have been unique to those languages. but instead they ties and inter-marry. and is often considered offensive. Epps 2009b) do maintain their languages. (1996). but its origin is not entirely clear.The different populations of Baniwa. Nheengatú. This word is probably from an Arawak term for “those without speech” people of the Vaupés. In the area of the middle Rio Negro where I did fieldwork with speakers of Nheengatú.

as seen in the many tables above. Like the linguistic groups of the Vaupés. data from Granadillo (2006:37-43). Nadahup languages can show semantic transparency with the other but instead a set of non-transparent exonyms and ethnophaulisms are local language families. these named used. But Adzaneni Tatú-tapuya Armadillo people of course the referential strategies for which such noun phrases are used Aini-dákenai Kawa-tapuya Wasp people Dzawi-minanei Yawaraté-tapuya Jaguar people occur embedded in their usage in discourse. semantic transparency is not applied. see above. And toward the groups that are not part of exogamous relationships in the area. Koch. This section will give several relevant examples of semantic transparency Grünberg (1906:168-169). However. but their names are not social exclusion. Baniwa ethnonyms. between an upriver Baniwa and a downriver Baniwa. 290 291 . In the recordings I made with Wádzoli-dákenai Urubú-tapuya Vulture people Aslipéri-dákenai Siusí-tapuya Pleiades people Nheengatú-speaking people these processes were often observable online. the naming strategies embedded in language’s poetic functions (Jakobson 1960). However. For multilingual groups. as she begins for example. the Nadahup peoples. are reflected in these different forms of cross-linguistic semantically-transparent across different languages in the same way. in the region are ultimately subject to a superordinate cultural principle of exogamy. instead are cognates across a dialect continuum. Semantic transparency in discourse distinctions along by maintaining semantic transparency with the shift to Examining naming practices provides a convenient way for fixating on Nheengatú. Nimuendajú (1950:160-163) in the context of verbal art (Sherzer 2002) where the referential and propositional functions that enable the sharing of cultural concepts are Beyond the semiotic principles described above. Table 6. between a Tukano and long-term Nheengatú-speaker who also has some knowledge of several a Tariana. Here. For people who speak varieties of the same language. especially the language of her late husband. Piratapuya. the Baniwa dialect continuum. as well as ‘clan’ groups provide the basis for exogamy. One can imagine hundreds of thousands of conversations in Kapité-mananei Kuatí-tapuya Coati people Kumada-minanei Ipeka-tapuya Duck people which specific cultural concepts became salient and multilingual speakers Moríwene Sukuriyú-tapuya Anaconda people calqued them into other languages. for example. and negotiations of meaning. sets of noun phrases and their equivalents and lining them up with their kurripako/baniwa Nheengatú translation correspondences across languages. semantic transparency comes into play She was an exceptional source of cultural knowledge during my research. where they are circulated and Dzúreme Yibóya-tapuya Bushmaster (snake) people Hãma-dákenai Tapiíra-tapuya Tapir people transmitted. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd animal or object. and she will feature in all of the following examples.14 In this way the norms of cultural sharing and belonging. social distinctions must be In example (1) the storyteller Marcilia is a native speaker of Tukano and communicated cross-linguistically. 14. when they must preserve social distinctions through a language shift. as in other languages. the Baniwa that have shifted to Nheengatú were able to bring these important social 5. but this is not reciprocated.

name of.him deer devil child rep his name. and in Nadahup languages. they say. but speakers often care about finding translations. 2 ne a-kua ma-nungar nheengatú irum ya-mu-seruka. his father. pai dele. Wariró. tukana Basebó. Some characters have equivalent proper names in most of the local languages. is Basebó. translations in Nheengatú.be saying well-known in languages around the region (in East Tukano languages. the name. Aikhenvald 1999. o nome. she explicitly links referents in this story to a to the area.’ ‘The deer. like the forest monster curupira. Other characters might not have pre-established 6 SF: Pode falar só em tukano tambem. since the language is a more recent introduction ‘You can speak just in Tukano also.him rep Tukano Basebó with finding the proper translation for the names of characters in the ‘When I. Line 1 shows how she establishes example where Marcilia unsuccessfully attempts to think of Nheengatú a semantically equivalent term for ‘deer’ across languages. ‘In Nheengatú like I am saying. ‘I don’t know in what way we call it in Nheengatú.’ 292 293 .him neg 1sg-know what-like nheengatú com 1pl-caus-name ‘What is the other part (of the name)? His father.nome dele paá. his name.’ 4 Quando eu.him name of. 1 Suasú.him deer deer rep ‘yamã kwáru’ 3pl-caus-name ‘There they say that it dawned on his son Wariró. stating both the translations for two characters from a story she knows in Tukano.’ 2 Maá taá pukú? Pai dele. is called ‘yamã kwáru’. who was referred to by 5 Língua geral como taá (?) tó dizendo this Tupi name in the Nheengatú stories that I recorded.’ Stenzel 2013. nome dele. what q long father of. ah name of. nome dele.‘Wariró’ is his name. they say.him father of. they say. suasú paá yamã kwáru ta-mu-seruka dem-loc rep 3pl-dawn son Wariró Wariró name of. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd to tell a story in Nheengatú. 3 Suasú yuruparí raíra paá. but who is also Nheengatú how q 1sg.’ stories. Epps 2008). in Arawak languages. as in this version she heard originally in Tukano. (2) (1) 1 Aá-pe paá ta-kuéma taíra Wariró.’ 3 ah nome dele. Nheengatú and Tukano words. his name. On several occasions during narratives Marcilia became concerned when 1sg.' ‘The deer is the child of the devil. in Tukano.

‘vwuuuu’. Wariró. In this way the principle of 1sg again neg 1sg-know 1sg-sing semantic transparency is extended beyond specific lexical items and into ‘Me on the other hand. employing the ((circular gestures)) linguistic resources of Nheengatú. Wariró Basebó. her childhood she had seen a ceremony where the men became saracuras (3) and sang and danced. just him. excellent 3sg-sing 3sg-companion other-pl ‘Basebó. I don’t know how to sing. Circular gestures representing the movement of dancers at a dabucurí. Presumably the songs were not in Nheengatú. she was reminded that in upriver communities during Image 1. to his companion. 294 295 . ways for increasing transparency. Basebó. Basebó. they say.that like. including richly iconic elements like ideophones and imagistic gestures which can be thought of as further 4 u-yuiri paá kwayé. from a Tukano tradition in the Tupi language. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd 7. Meta-cultural descriptions are also an important way that cultural companion-foc rep manioc 3pl-go ideo concepts can be rendered cross-linguistically transparent. 2 puranga u-nheengari u-suaxara amú-tá Basebó. Basebó. 3sg-enter rep like. When Marcilia saw the image of the saracura bird. the other one. (and) he goes.’ describes events at the pan-regional dabucurí celebrations.’ the elements of verbal art and performance. only 3sg-restr. yawé paá u-sú. Example (4) is from a data-collecting session in which I was recording the names of animal species with the help of a Brazilian Amazon wildlife guidebook. looking at the pictures and eliciting the names. (with) manioc he goes.’ Suaxara-té 3 paá maniíwa ta-sú vwuuu.this rep 3sg-go ‘(he) comes in. Basebó. Basebó.’ ((circular gestures)) Many of the meanings of the cross-linguistically transparent elements discussed in this paper had to do with the cultural significance of different animals as a system of social distinction. but Marcilia creates an improvised online translation to render something 1 Ixé iri umbaá a-kuá a-nheengari. In (3) Marcilia ‘His companion. they say. so ae-ntu.’ ‘he sings excellently. Wariró and Basebó. they say. like this.

‘ti ti ti ti ti.HTM 7 colher wasú irum ta-yuka ta-yupuí i-yurú-pé.gov.br/Pass500/BIRDS/ ‘They give a plate ‘here food’’ INDEX. how does it go?’ ‘Let’s go swim at the port saracura ((singing)).eln. 9 Eeta! U-mutai-ana yandé sarakura. Ya-sú ya-sikí yepe roda sarakura. tititititi. 8 Ai! Yukitaya irum chega u-babari u-sú sarakura. white man. grab it and feed them in the mouth.’ 296 297 . Let’s form a wheel. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd 4 Yandara u-pisika-ana yande rã sarakura noon 3sg-arrive-pft 1pl dat saracura ‘Noon has arrived for us saracura. noon when 3pl-eat-dat noon when 3sg-bless(?)-pft 1pl saracura ‘At noon they would eat.’ 2 Yandara ramé ta-mbaú-rã. the saracura. 1pl-go 1pl-eat 1pl-go 1pl-pull one wheel saracura ‘We are going to eat. ((singing))’ Image 2. ((singing))’ 5 Ya-sú ya-mbaú.’’ ‘Ai! With hot spice he goes drooling.’ 3 Ya-sú ya-mbaú sarakura. spoon aug com 3pl-get 3pl-feed 3sg-mouth-loc (4) ‘with a big spoon.person drum com ideo hot spice (?) com arrive 3sg-drool 3sg-go saracura ‘When they have a festival like that they sing. dem similar festival when 3pl-sing white. tamburina irum. 1pl-go 1pl-eat saracura how q long dat 1pl-go 1pl-bathe beach towards saracura 3sg-say ‘Let’s go eat saracura ((singing)). they say. Yandara ramé. 6 Ta-meé prato iké aikwé timbiú (Right) The saracura bird (Aramides cajanea). image from the Projeto Brazil 3pl-give plate here be food 500 Pássaros website: http://webserver. with a drum. At noon. meé taá puku rã 10 Ya-sú ya-yasuka garapá kití sarakura u-nheé.’ ‘Eeta! The saracura blesses (?) us.’ 1 Kwaá nungara festa ramé ta-nheengari kariwa. (Left) Gestures show the beating of a drum along with singing. saracura.

but this non-human world onto the human world. and they map differences from the Tukano society and translate Tukano names into their languages. as Nadahup peoples to some extent participate in social groups to be distinguished. are in their own way made transparent through translation. the blessing necessarily had to be performed in Tukano. including exogamy and semantically-transparent naming nominal forms refer to are transmitted in broader discourse forms that systems across dialects or languages. adapting to its phonology and morphology. 298 299 . semantic transparency is not the Among intermarrying peoples. see the classic Weinreich 1963 or the more the father’s line. As a way for maintaining is not reciprocated. As discussed above. Portuguese-speaking Rio Negro languages are able to detach a term’s meaning component settlers and other outsiders such as white foreigners like myself are also not from its sound component through calquing.15 In cases of lexical borrowing a new word enters a language. and with situations in which the most prominent effect of contact is increased it presumably whatever makes it an effective treatment. Like with ethnonyms and toponyms. The limits of this regional culture are somewhat continuous lexemes to a language.The practice of calquing and the avoidance of direct The meaning of the words was rendered opaque and mysterious. a process which does not expected to participate in semantically-transparent naming systems. For example. speakers of upper for the other groups in the region. and Nadahup cultural concepts have little currency these important social distinctions cross-linguistically. however. known animals and objects that would be expected to exist in all even though the speaker used Nheengatú dominantly (see Floyd 2007). on the other hand. Arawak societies like recent Haspelmath 2009. in cases of language shift. plants and other well-known objects multilingual society with many shared cultural elements across linguistic to refer to people and places. The data from the Rio Negro region presented above describe a The calquing of words for animals. lexical borrowing. as part of complex inter-group social only operative principle at the discourse level either. The meanings peoples who are not typically involved in these exogamous relations. languages in the area. and in my fieldwork relationships including spouse exchange and widespread co-participation I encountered cases of other principles at play. but expands the meaning of existing words for with the limits of the system of exogamy. and intermarriage with them is one way that people are considered to leave the domain of the ethnonymic system altogether (particularly through 15. usually because conclusion it refers to a new concept acquired from speakers of another language. the different given a traditional treatment for a sore knee that included a specific peoples can calque their set of ethnonyms based on words for well- spoken blessing. Additionally. partly excluding the Nadahup social categorization and other kinds of cultural practices. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd Not only are ethnonyms and toponyms made semantically transparent that of the Baniwa also participate in pan-regional cultural practices on across languages in the northwest Amazon. see Floyd 2007). when I was in different cultural practices and oral history traditions. Among many other sources. does not add new groups.This of the words are in that sense motivated by social norms that require exclusion is not total. while lexical borrowings in this region contrasts with other language contact their phonological form remained consistent across languages. but the ideas that those a broader scale.

but not combining elements from any two languages at complicate the claims of the ethnographers about cultural homogeneity the same time. it elements of shared culture. Their accounts describing the a foreign word or calquing. either borrowing cited at the beginning of this paper. It is the meanings that constitute of socialization. which are specific is also partial. There are different semiotic processes at play in these proved to have their limits. when sound and meaning are adopted and Relations of semantic transparency were not all-encompassing but adapted together. In discourse. Focusing on the semiotic processes through which cultural elements are shared in the Rio Negro region helps us to take account of this complexity and to understand exactly how cultural sharing can be achieved in such contexts of extreme multilingualism. Sometimes the boundaries between language the preservation of the phonological form of borrowed words is desirable groups. This means that although cultural sharing is pervasive. because while both of the local groups keep some of their cultural knowledge monolingually types preserve an indexical relationship to the human groups they refer to themselves while making other parts of it transparent to the larger to. raise the question of what exactly ‘proper importance local people place on making cultural knowledge transparent nouns’ consist of. Some peoples are not considered socially equal. but it should also be noted culture of the northwest Amazon are not single sound-meaning pairings that there are also limits to this principle.The exception to the prohibition of code switching appears to be Portuguese. which is often mixed with local languages – perhaps because it is not associated with a specific local group of people. 16. 300 301 . These incomplete correspondences many languages. not the specific word forms. leaving their etymologies the other case it is based on a kind of iconicity in which sound shapes opaque. in one case the translation is based on a symbolic association and in culture. social groups and members of a larger macro-group. Ethnographic accounts have but are primarily semantic concepts held by multilingual individuals also documented many different levels of social categorization in the whose sound-meaning correspondences are only generated emergently region beyond the language group. or like English in many places today – but ideologies against shamanic singing can call for phonological identity to be preserved at the borrowing and codeswitching in the Rio Negro region favor speaking expense of semantic transparency. and whether ethnonyms (and toponyms) in the shared and on circulating it widely are accurate. and points on a dialect continuum can become as a sign of prestige associated with multilingualism in high-prestige mixed up and yield the wrong level of granularity between sub-group languages – like Latin and French in certain moments of the history of and macro-group. as reflected in the data considered here. and that the peoples of the region can be both independent to each language group. In some contexts excluded from transparency. and each of these has its own scope as they use one language or another.16 The different ways of translating names. some traditions of language usage like English. cultural groups. Many two types of borrowing with respect to ethnonyms. and are partly must physically resemble each other cross-linguistically. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd occur in lexical borrowing. Some terms have become ingrained.

Tania. Franz.. _____. 1911. Names. eds. 2003a. 2006. restrictive (delimitative). pl = plural. Survey of Alto Rio Negro names. pp. Boas. 1954. Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo/Imprenta Patriótica. References Eberhard. ed. 2(2):111-140.Diccionario bilingüe de 896 palabras]. 2009. eds. dem = demonstrative. ed. Multilingual and monolingual placenames in Tariana. 1948. vol. Los Mai Huna. prehistory. 3 = person. A Grammar of Tariana. semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd Abbreviations: Bellier. 763-791. _____. Floyd. 2009a. Patience. 3 pp. West Publishing Company. dissertation. Olga. 2008. foc = focus. q = interrogative Chernela. 2007. Lexical borrowing: concepts and issues. 302 303 . Washington: United States Government Printing Office. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology neg = negation. 2002.Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Wirã ya. Allport. Julian H. Munich: Lincom _____.D. Martin. peamasa ya wererituri [Desano-Español . chronology Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1. 1-180. Language classification. from Northwest Amazonia. dat = dative (prospective). Gordon. The Nature of Prejudice. Aikhenvald. Reinaldo López H. _____. Fernando Santos Granero & Frederica Barclay. dissertation. 2009b. Seward. Janet. pp.D. Handbook of American Indian Languages. Austin: University of Texas Press. Handbook of South American Indians. loc = locative. y perspectivas de investigación. restr = Bulletin 40:1-83. Changing times and local terms on the Rio Negro. language contact. María Luisa Rodríguez de Montes. A Northern Nambikwara Language and its Cultural Context. Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia. Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic studies. pp. and cultural Change. sg/pl = singular/plural. David. rep = reportive. Language and Linguistics Compass 3(2):581-606. 35-54. 1994. Introduction. Haspelmath. ideo = ideophone. Oxford: Oxford University _____. Goldman. Bogotá: Editorial Alberto Lleras Camargo. 1996. Alemán M. Ph. Vol. The Wanano Indians of the Brazilian Amazon: A Sense of Space. and Amazonian Europa. causative. 2003b. Ardila. Irving. A Journal of Onomastics 44:272-290. Press. 1999. 2. Cambridge: Addison University of Arizona. Ph. Language in Society 32:1-21. 1993. Mamaindê Grammar. Brazil: Amazonian ways of depolarizing epistemology.1. Language Contact in Amazonia. Tariana Texts and Cultural Context. An Ethnographic Account of Language Documentation among the Kurripako of Venezuela. 2000. Multilingualism and ethnic stereotypes: the Tariana of northwest Amazonia. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1993. A Grammar of Hup. com = comitative/instrumental. La subfamilia lingüística tucano-oriental: estado actual Loanwords in the World’s Languages: A Comparative Handbook. caus = Quito/Lima: Flacso/IFEA. Estado Actual de la Clasificación de las Martin Haspelmath and Uri Tadmor.Tribes of the Uaupes-Caqueta Region. 2009. Irène. Tulio. email communication. Guía Etnográfica de la Alta Amazonía. Granadillo. Epps. aug = augmentative. 219-233. Simeon. and Marion Miller. pft = perfective. _____. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Alexandra.

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Español— Wanano o Guanano. 1963. Bogotá: Editorial Fundación para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados. grammar and language relaTIonshIp 306 . Weinreich. 2007. Diccionario bilingüe: Wanano o Guanano—Español. Paula Simmons de Jones and Carolyn de Waltz. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. The Hague: Mouton. semanTIC TransparenCy and CulTural CaquIng In The norThwesT amazon _____ compiler. eds. III. Uriel.

En este artículo comparamos los . 2010). 2007a. Stenzel 2007). Makú (o Nadahup) y Tukano que coexisten en el Noroeste amazónico — cuencas Río Negro/ Vaupés y Apaporis/Caquetá-Japurá — se han encontrado predicados complejos descritos como verbos compuestos o como verbos seriales. el yuhup (Ospina 2002. 2009. el hup (Epps 2008) y el dâw (Andrade Martins 2004). Se sabe que existen en una lengua Arawak. el tariana (Aikhenvald 2006). predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. Esta convergencia indica que se trataría de un rasgo areal. y en todas las lenguas Tukano orientales (Gomez-Imbert 1988. el tatuyo y el barasana Ana María Ospina Bozzi Universidad Nacional de Colombia Elsa Gomez-Imbert Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos Resumen: En las familias lingüísticas Arawak. en tres lenguas Makú.

We offer an exploratory comparison of our results with those available for the other cited languages. lenguas makú/nadahup. barasana. Makú (Nadahup) and East Tukano languages Keywords: verb serialization. Tariana (Aikhenvald Introducción1 Trabajos publicados recientemente muestran que los predicados complejos de tres familias lingüísticas del área del Noroeste amazónico — 1. Entendemos por rasgo areal una característica presente en lenguas de afiliación Arawak. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert perfiles semánticos de las series verbales de las lenguas yuhup. Hup (Epps 2008). are commonly encountered. and Dâw (Andrade Martins 2004). Entre tales semejanzas encontramos el uso de series This convergence indicates such constructions to be an areal feature. and in semejanzas que podrían suponer difusión areal (dada posiblemente por su all East Tukano languages (Gomez-Imbert 1988. localizadas en una misma área geográfica. such notions are indicated by verb serializations and demonstrate how lenguas amazónicas. ya que en ellas hemos identificado 2010). described as verbal compounds or as serial verb constructions. Stenzel 2007). predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. Abstract: In the Arawak. since all nociones se expresan en las series verbales. colciencias / icetex. 2007a. lenguas tukano. the tactic ordering of the verbs involved correlates with their spatial semantics. East Tukano. and orientation that accompany an event. In this article we compare the semantic profiles of verb serializations in posición y orientación que acompañan un evento. para las otras lenguas mencionadas. semántica de nociones espaciales. de attributable to geographic contiguity). position. 2009. 310 311 . and Barasana according to typological criteria. Por esta razón nos abstenemos de plantear direccionalidad de la influencia de los rasgos que trabajamos de una a otra familia y preferimos solamente constatar la 1. vecindad geográfica)1. Comparamos. En este tipo de cuya exploración sólo ha empezado a hacerse recientemente: predicados situaciones se producen influencias lingüísticas mutuas que pueden ser claramente complejos cuyas características permiten identificarlos como series identificadas como préstamos (de una lengua a otras) o cuyo origen es difícilmente rastreable en el estado actual de conocimientos sobre las lenguas implicadas. semantics of spatial notions. We know that they occur in one Arawak language. Among these similarities we find manera exploratoria. in three Makú (Nadahup) languages: Yuhup (Ospina 2002. amazonian that coexist in the northwest Amazon – in the Rio Negro/Vaupés and languages. tatuyo y 2006). según su semántica espacial. Investigación realizada en el marco del proyecto C08H01 ecos-nord / icfes / semejanza que existe entre ellas. nuestros resultados con aquellos que se han obtenido that verb serializations are used to express notions of spatial direction. así como la disposición táctica these languages display similarities that indicate areal diffusion (likely de los verbos serializados. verbales para la expresión de las nociones espaciales de desplazamiento. Tatuyo. We show how Palabras clave: serialización verbal. Mostramos cómo tales Yuhup. según criterios tipológicos. Nadahup/Makú Apaporis/Caquetá-Japurá basins – complex predicates. Makú (Nadahup) y Tukano — comparten un rasgo tipológico genealógica diferente.

bas/tat que expresan de manera semejante al estrato en el que tiene lugar la serialización. vista prosódico. En la segunda parte (sección 2). Una barasana bas y tatuyo tat (Tukano. En la primera parte serie incorporante constituye una palabra fonológica mientras que (sección 1). son los de incorporación. contigüidad. La nuclearidad remite comparando las series yuh. modalidad y polaridad. anidamiento o complementación entre sus elementos. En la sección 4 serialización de predicados (y eventualmente de operadores como el de mostramos las diferencias entre las lenguas comparadas en la expresión aspecto) en la serialización nuclear. En una tipológicos propuestos recientemente. nuclearidad y simetría. es un auxiliar. sev: características tipológicas generales una clase cerrada o restringida. También a la relación de iconicidad: el serialización verbal es un dispositivo gramatical plenamente productivo orden de los constituyentes en series asimétricas no es necesariamente que describe una escena conceptualizada como un evento único. Proseguimos (sección 3) no contigua pueden intercalarse entre los verbos. 312 313 . predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. Sus elementos constituyentes comparten valores Kroeger (2004: 251) define una construcción serial como aquella en de tiempo. Esto no excluye que algunos elementos puedan a la larga Comparten por lo menos uno o más argumentos. esbozamos el perfil de estas SEV refiriéndonos a criterios una serie no incorporante está formada por varias palabras. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert verbales (SEV). Concluimos mostrando similitudes y diferencias una preferencia de las lenguas con orden SOV hacia la serialización entre las SEVs de las dos familias lingüísticas y señalamos perspectivas de nuclear. dando como resultado la nociones espaciales de desplazamiento y posición. La gramaticalización en las segundas. Esta distinción remite a diferencias como La identificación de construcciones seriales combina propiedades una fuerte tendencia diacrónica a la lexicalización en las primeras y a la semánticas y formales (ver Durie 1997. rama oriental). frente a la serialización de predicados del desplazamiento con propósito y de la llegada al punto terminal de con sus argumentos en la serialización no nuclear o central. la semántica de las raíces que predicado aparecen fuera de la cadena verbal. Se observa un desplazamiento. Es icónico mientras que en las simétricas tiende a ser icónico en las equivalente a un predicado simple en el sentido en que no hay relaciones de construcciones que expresan relaciones secuenciales y de causa a efecto. aspecto. que pueden ser marcados donde una sola cláusula contiene dos o más verbos de los cuales ninguno en cada verbo pero a menudo por un único operador morfológico. En este artículo comparamos los perfiles de las SEVs Los parámetros propuestos para establecer una tipología de las series de lenguas pertenecientes a dos de estas familias: yuhup yuh (Makú).1. Desde un punto de en otras. investigación. restringido o no de la clase semántica o gramatical a la cual pertenecen los verbos serializados. 1. tiene propiedades entonacionales comparables a las de un predicado monoverbal. mientras que las lenguas SVO prefieren la serialización central. como las de manera. Senft 2004. Aikhenvald 2006). el orden varía según las lenguas. La simetría remite al carácter abierto/cerrado. mientras que en una serie participan en ellas y las nociones que expresan. serie contigua los constituyentes que representan los argumentos del describimos sus características estructurales. Tipología Se distinguen así series simétricas — que combinan verbos de clases abiertas — de series asimétricas donde uno de los verbos pertenece a 1.

morfología verbal es muy rica: se encuentran corrientemente palabras 314 315 . finalmente por verbos morfémico en ambas lenguas. ‘trepar’). ofrecen un perfil tipológico diferente. manera. la estas tres lenguas. Características tipológicas yuh. comitativo. También se puede 1.2. seguidos por otros verbos intransitivos activos (‘pasear’. bas/tat resaltar la existencia de consonantes postnasalizadas. AB. existen ‘desaparecer’). comparativo). acusativo.2. en el contexto sociolingüístico de la región Vaupés. conocida por circunstancias que favorecen la difusión areal: elementos de clases cerradas de las series asimétricas. transitivos que son los menos susceptibles de ser serializados. En bas tenemos un sistema tonal en construcciones seriales figuran primero los verbos básicos de moción restringido donde existe oposición tanto en el léxico como en morfemas (‘venir’.2. la de dos tonos. En distancia o la localización temporal. no hay segmentos nasales. espacial o sicológica. multilingüismo generalizado y contacto de lenguas. dada la tendencia a la gramaticalización de los Río Negro. benefactivo. el movimiento. diferentes roles semánticos léxicas bimoráicas que presentan oposiciones entre AA. En la síntesis que ofrece Senft (2004) de las funciones que como sistemas de nasalidad suprasegmental. o varios subeventos Desde el punto de vista fonológico. una serie puede codificar un evento único. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert convertirse en auxiliares. así con otros.1.2). A y B se oponen plenamente y se encuentran por ejemplo entradas lógicas tales como causa a efecto y propósito. perfil ilustrado en los ejemplos que figuran 1. bas/tat más adelante en la sección 1. lenguas estudiadas (sección 1. El perfil de las SEV de las lenguas que vamos a tratar ofrece patrones de serialización La lengua yuh puede ser considerada como una lengua acento- que siguen a grandes rasgos los presentados por Senft.1). Rasgos tipológicos generales yuh. BA y BB. Aunque bas/tat son lenguas asumen los verbos serializados figuran: el aspecto. (instrumental. relaciones tat. ‘ir’). acostado’) y luego por cualquier además morfemas tonales sin soporte segmental. son comunes en esta región los en secuencia que pueden ser conceptualizados como conectados unos sistemas tonales y de acento tonal (o sistemas tonales restringidos). gramaticales entre dos especificaciones tonales solamente: A y AB. alto (A) y bajo (B). Desde un punto de vista semántico. existe el proceso conocido como falla tonal (downstep) producida por direccional. varios subeventos estrechamente ligados. La nasalidad es un rasgo otro verbo activo intransitivo (‘hablar’. ofrecemos un perfil general de sus rasgos tipológicos sobresalientes (sección 1. dativo. así como la nasalidad Antes de introducir las características tipológicas de las SEV en las y laringalidad morfémicas. sistema de exogamia lingüística.2.2: en (1a) con una forma interrogativa A continuación mencionamos algunos rasgos tipológicos interesantes de seguida de la correspondiente asertiva. de postura (‘estar parado. Entre los verbos más frecuentemente hallados un tono B flotante entre dos tonos A. bas/tat son lenguas con morfología aglutinante esencialmente sufijal y con prefijación limitada. locativo. La originalidad de esta lengua reside en la función gramatical de los tonos verbales y la función léxica de los tonos nominales.2. Como se ve en estos ejemplos. predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. tonal dadas las restricciones de las secuencias tonales que presenta.

2011) para bas y tat como un rico sistema de posposiciones de distancia y orientación para la respectivamente.en la interrogativa en (1a). animado singular masculino o femenino. una coincidencia de forma. un locativo y un sociativo/ comitativo. En cuanto a la morfología nominal funcional. frente a otro AB que categorías de modalidad. persona y clase nominal (MAP) son marca un sujeto de tercera persona. Si la raíz es A el prefijo es AB. la tercera para un lenguas Tukano y Arawak de la región en que la derivación es mucho prefijo modo-aspectual ká. predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. mientras que dentro del sintagma nominal esta concordancia se mantiene En cambio. bas/tat tienen un sufijo marcador de caso para el objeto dativo/acusativo -re en (1). Mientras en tat la palabra verbal Los sistemas de clasificación nominal bas/tat están muy gramaticalizados es un enunciado porque integra los argumentos.en por las lenguas de nuestro estudio. El tat constituyentes nominales y verbales.que indica la estabilización del proceso en menos productiva y la incorporación nominal parece ser una tendencia (1a-c). sea animado plural. tales para lo animado. En índices tales como la propensión de las palabras polimorfémicas a la cambio. cosa que no hace el bas. manifiesta en la morfosintaxis nominal (Ospina 2004-2005). según objeto del proceso se expresan fuera del verbo. Sin embargo. o inanimado. como acontece en (1b) con wai ‘pez’. la lengua yuh presenta características de lengua aislante. en bas los argumentos cuando marcan concordancia con el sujeto en la sufijación verbal. es un tono polar con respecto al tono de la primera raíz de la (pasado reciente y lejano) se expresan por medio de partículas pospuestas a base3. y del sujeto ~dá!. La lengua yuh presenta un solo morfema de caso directo (-~dì) usado para marcar complementos dativos y acusativos (que refieren 3. indefinido en posición inicial de la base verbal. Descripciones a entidades animadas y definidas) y un morfema locativo oblicuo. En tat hay tres casillas prefijales. así detalladas pueden consultarse en Gomez-Imbert (1997. morfosintáctica y semántica de sus componentes. En bas hay una sóla casilla prefijal para tres prefijos tonales: uno A nueva. que indica la estabilización marcadas por afijos. La lengua yuh se diferencia de las (1c)). y los verbos sólo expresan las categorías ofrece además un perfil polisintético pues incorpora un nominal objeto de predicación. compacidad y otras propiedades que se expresan ya sea por importante entre sílaba y morfema y una escasa morfología nominal y sufijos gramaticalizados (monomoraicos). mientras que en tat/bas las que expresa un sujeto de primera/segunda persona. tiempo y aspecto por medio de suprafijos y sufijos. la categoría de número 316 317 . ya sea por nombres que verbal. en yuh se trata de un sistema en estadio de emergencia y sólo se cohesión fonológica. en el ámbito inanimado se introducen especificaciones como una alta frecuencia de palabras monomorfémicas. en yuh las categorías de modalidad y tiempo deíctico del proceso. si la raíz es AB el prefijo es A. su tendencia aglutinante se puede reconocer por asumen la función de marcadores de clase (Gomez-Imbert 2007b). expresión de la localización estática y dinámica.en (1a-b) y kí!. el tercero. el estabilizador tiene precedencia sobre la marca de persona. En cuanto a la morfología verbal. característica compartida personales de referenciación cruzada: del objeto (kó!. aspecto. las dos primeras para índices composición nominal y la serialización verbal. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert con una decena de afijos flexionales concatenados a bases simples o Otro rasgo común a las lenguas de la región es la productividad de la serializadas.

En las locutores. 318 319 . SEV simétricas (1b) las clases semánticas a las cuales pertenecen los tres verbos serializados son abiertas. result resultativo. inan porque constituyen una palabra fonológica que es el ámbito de procesos inanimado.[~dúú] ! ! -ga-~kéti-~bahúu-~koá-baá -hú-pá-rí encuentran los órdenes VS. ind modalidad de conocimiento indirecto.ká. En frases posesivas la marca de la relación se afija al nominal que ‘¿Pero dizque ellos no querían verdaderamente alimentarla?’ representa al dependiente (poseedor). dos resonantes /w r/ y una fricativa glotal. perf perfectivo. Aunque en frases nominales 3f. La transcripción serie. Características tipológicas de las SEV en yuh. ! una falla tonal.2. simétricas (1a) y asimétricas (1b).sg-obj 3pl-[alimenta] -des-neg-cual-enf-frus -ind-cit-inter inicial. iden idéntico. frus frustrativo. cl clase nominal. el acento marca el tono alto. ev evidente. En frases nominales posesivas y determinativas. 4. el segundo en bas.incorporantes y nucleares. Base verbal simple: aunque el orden de constituyentes es flexible y depende de motivaciones prefijos map sufijos opcionales base verbal sufijos map pragmáticas. ɨ representa la [ɯ] del AFI. m masculino. des desiderativo. dev deverbal. SVO y OVS. Hay seis vocales otra categoría verbal.sg-3pl-est [alimenta] -des-neg-cual-enf-frus -ind-cit-inter posesivas y determinativas la cabeza se ubica en posición final.pl 1. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert es expresada opcionalmente según las intenciones comunicativas de los simples (1a) y bases serializadas. que comparte un marcador único de persona. 3 tercera persona. en frases bas: ~có-re AB-[eká] -riiá-bétí-godá-~kóa-boá -jú-ha-ri con modificadores adjetivales la cabeza puede estar en posición final o 3f. a.2. mientras que en las SEV asimétricas (1c) Desde el punto de vista sintáctico. bas/tat bas: ~có-re AB-[eká] -riiá-bétí-godá-~kóa-boá -jú-ha-~ra En las tres lenguas examinadas todas las SEV son exclusivamente de tipo ‘Pero dizque ellos no querían verdaderamente alimentarla. de aspecto (perfectivo/ fonológica codifica un sistema consonántico con series de oclusivas sordas /p t c k/ y imperfectivo). (1) Lenguas bas/tat4: siendo también el primero menos marcado en tat. el segundo en bas. cual cualitativo. cit citativo. En cuanto al parámetro de simetría. En una oración transitiva es SOV o OVS. hay series tanto simétricas como asimétricas. el orden de constituyentes en una el último verbo pertenece a una clase cerrada. oración intransitiva bas/tat es SV oVS. de polaridad y de cualquier oclusivas sonoras /b d j g/. Contiguas porque los argumentos aparecen fuera de la obj objeto.sg-est [alimenta] -des-neg-cual-enf-frus -ind-cit-cl. Los ejemplos en (1) muestran la equivalencia de bases morfema siguiente es nasal. de modalidad epistémica. siendo el primero menos marcado en tat. incorporante y nuclear. los órdenes más comunes son SV y SOV.Incorporantes (modo-aspectual). predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. Las glosas usadas en los ejemplos tat/bas son: an animado. tat: kó!-ká- [~dúú] -ga-~kéti-~bahúu-~koá-baá -hú-pá-~ra 3f.’ contiguo. Nucleares porque no serializan el predicado con transcritas /ɨ i u e a o/. la cabeza es final. est estabilizado En bas/tat las SEV son contiguas.an. pero también se tat: kó -~dá . neg negativo. nasales y tonales. enf enfático. En yuh. f femenino. La tilde nasal inicial ~ indica que el sus argumentos.

el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert b. 2d: tonos BAA).sg-obj [ve-busca-baja. sev simétrica: con el constituyente en función S ( ̰̃ɟǎbm ‘jaguar’) ubicado en posición bas: ~có-re waí [húa-heo-~icí]-jú-hu ~watí-bókí final de cláusula en (2c).f en posición inicial (‘gritar’) es de carácter abierto (i.m Duende-blanco clíticos de modalidad y tiempo. y 3f. 14a).an.río-va]-frus-ind-cit-cl.sg-obj pez [barbasquea-pone.’ verbo). Finalmente. en (2c) se observa además el clítico ̃bàh citativo c. Como ya se En yuh las series verbales son incorporantes pues constituyen una palabra mencionó y según se observa en (2). polaridad. cada serie está marcada por un solo tat: kó -ká-[wai-púá-peó-~dodí]-jú-pá-i ! ~watí-bókíí suprafijo tonal temporal y comparte sufijos de predicación.sg son de carácter abierto. Son series nucleares porque sólo se serializan 3f.sg-est-[ve-busca-baja. las series ilustradas por (2a) son simétricas bas: ~í-re [~iá-~baka-juhá-á]-boá-jú-hu ~cóo puesto que las clases semánticas a las que pertenecen sus dos componentes 3m. ejemplos con SEV (2a. entre otros. sev asimétrica: pospuesto a la serie. 2c: tonos BAA) con los ejemplos con verbos simples en (2b.sg-est-[pez-barbasquea-pone.río-va]-frus-ind-cit 3f.encima-da]-ind-cit-cl. sílaba de cada serie y el conjunto sufija los morfemas de predicación (-v́ p25 en (2a) e -í p1 en (2c)). 2d)). 6) y SOV (e. cualquier clase de ‘Dizque ella mira buscándolo yendo río abajo.e.encima-da]-ind-cit Duende-blanco los predicados sin sus argumentos. sólo verbos de moción).e. mientras aquella a la que pertenece el componente final (‘bajar.g. en los ejemplos (2a. en yuh el orden de constituyentes fonológica. pero como se verá en ejemplos posteriores también se construidos con una sola raíz verbal.g. loma’) es de carácter cerrado (i. predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. 2c) se observa que ‘Dizque Duende-blanco barbasquea pone (sobre piedras del río) el suprafijo temporal concomitante (tono A) está suprafijado a la última dando peces a ella’. v representa una vocal armónica con la vocal de la última sílaba del morfema precedente. como se observa al comparar los encuentran los órdenes SV (e.an. igualmente sucede 5. Se trata además de series contiguas pues los constituyentes que representan los argumentos del predicado aparecen por fuera de la cadena verbal. y la inserción de ellos entre los dos componentes de la serie verbal daría como resultado una cláusula agramatical. los dos elementos de las series están tonalmente integrados: es flexible y depende de motivaciones pragmáticas: se aprecia SVO en sus secuencias tonales siguen el mismo patrón tonal que los verbos (2a) y VS en (2c). mientras que las series ilustradas por (2c) son tat: kí!-ká-[tíhí-~baká-júá-aá]-baá-hú-pá-o asimétricas ya que la clase semántica a la cual pertenece el componente 3m. 320 321 . En (2a) los constituyentes en función S ( ̃ɨ̌dⁿ 1pl) y O ( ̃bǐdⁿ ‘yuca de monte’) se encuentran en posición inicial y final de cláusula (de la misma manera y en las mismas posiciones en que aparecen en las construcciones con verbos simples en (2b.

ad aditivo. estas raíces aparecen asimétricas que expresan moción. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert (2) yuh6 2. Su estatus de subeventos está indicado tácticamente b. p1 predicativo 1.prox distancia próxima.̰dóbᵐ-í ̃bàh ̰̃ɟǎbᵐ 25-26). Los símbolos en superíndice y subíndice que preceden los morfemas simbolizan nasalidad y laringalidad morfémica.conc-p1 cit jaguar bas/tat que codifican eventos de desplazamiento y/o postura (estativa. simul simultáneo. pas. cit citativo. conc concomitante. Características estructurales ‘Estoy triste. Asimétrica movimiento o la conservación de una localización estacionaria” (2003: èj. Excluimos este análisis alternativo dada la pasado lejano. 322 323 . Los ejemplos de yuhup están transcritos fonológicamente siguiendo convenciones del AFI. gritar-bajar. Construcción con V simple tə̀wɨ́ɟn-í ̃ǎh entristecerse.conc-p1 1pl 2. 3pl tercera persona plural.1. las series que examinamos a continuación. d. p2 predicativo 2. De ahora en adelante nos enfocamos en el análisis semántico de las series aunque las más comunes incluyen dos y tres. Por tratarse de clases restringidas de ̃ɨ̌dⁿ ɟòhój-ó ̃bǐdⁿ raíces verbales. ind. d.’ incoativa o agentiva).loma. desplazamiento 1pl recolectar-comer. 6.’ Las construcciones seriales que presentamos a continuación comparten las siguientes características estructurales: a) incluyen hasta cuatro raíces. Aquí enfocamos la atención en las construcciones seriales de yuh. Las abreviaturas de las glosas son las siguientes: 1pl primera persona plural.1.’ Talmy define un Evento de Moción como “una situación que contiene c. 3sg tercera persona singular. 1sg primera persona singular. definición de SEV propuesta en la sección 1. Construcciones seriales que expresan nociones de moción a. plenamente flexionadas tanto en la construcción de verbos con radical simple como en las SEV y no funcionan como verbos auxiliares ni hacen parte de demostrativos7. Construcción con V simple por su posición no inicial en una serie.’ lenguas que estudiamos. Simétrica (desplazamiento y postura) ̃ɨ̌dⁿ bìh-wédⁿ-é ̃bǐdⁿ La expresión de las coordenadas espaciales de orientación. b) están formadas por dos posiciones básicas. son asimétricas. predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. cuyos elementos constituyentes pueden variar en grado de complejidad.conc-p2 yuca de monte ‘Estábamos buscando yuca de monte. El evaluador de este artículo propone que algunas de estas raíces no son verbos singular. 1pl buscar. neg negativo.sg individuo 7. col.pl colectivo plural.lej léxicos sino auxiliares de aspecto y posición. ‘Dizque el jaguar gritaba bajando la loma.conc-p2 yuca de monte y/o postura implicadas en un evento puede ser considerada obligatoria en las ‘Estábamos recolectando y comiendo yuca de monte.

una de las dos posiciones es ocupada por come-está.de.perf.̃pe] en (4c) está constituida por los dos primeros [[ab][c]]. predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. [P1 P2] yuh: [[ ̰dajʔ. habla-va.rama-se sienta-ev.rama. En (4d-f) se pescar-colgar-subir. Es decir que ‘comieron suspendidos’ la estructura básica de dos posiciones puede presentar complejidad b. En (4a) se observan esquemas con dos elementos [[a][b]] y tat: [ɨhá-[hée-~haá]]-~wá sus respectivos ejemplos.perf. en (4f) los dos elementos tat: [[wádá!-~pédi]-ruí]-~wá inciales y finales forman unidades [[ab][cd]]. que en ‘ayudaron a recoger metiendo (en el cesto)’ (4b) está formada por los dos últimos elementos [[a][bc]]. con ejemplos que bas: [cijá-[huá-~caa]]-~ba las ilustran.3pl dos o tres raíces que forman estructuras binarias entre sí.río muestran esquemas y ejemplos de series con cuatro elementos. mientras que c. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert En el caso más simple.suspendido-ev.̃kaʔ]. [P1 P2] yuh: [todⁿ-ɟe] tener-entrar [a b] (3) Posición 1 Posición 2 ‘llevar entrando’ a b bas: [baá-káhí]-~bá tat: [ɨgá-johá]-~wá] En los casos más complejos. en (4d-e) [[a b] c] ‘pesca colgando mientras sube el río’ los tres primeros elementos forman una unidad. cada posición es ocupada por una sola raíz verbal (4) Estructuras de SEV que corresponde a la estructura en (3): a. [[a[bc]]d] y [[[ab]c]d].perf. respectivamente. subordinación o complementación). cuya estructura interna bas: [[~jagó-~hédí]-hujá]-~bá es. [P1 P2] yuh: [bag-[wɨd-ɟe]] interna (sin que esto signifique relaciones de dependencia sintáctica barbasquear-alcanzar-entrar [a [b c]] tales como coordinación.3pl ‘charlaron sentados’ 324 325 . Los ‘barbasquea y llega entrando’ esquemas en (4) muestran las estructuras registradas. dos de los cuales forman una unidad.3pl series con tres elementos. En (4b-c) se ven los esquemas y ejemplos de sigue-extrae-mete-ev.en.

sigue-extrae-mete-ev. ‘estar. b) movimientos auto-contenidos (e.2. Mientras que en yuh estas nociones se pueden expresar mediante ‘dejar saliendo desde el centro deíctico’ SEV.predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. y del punto terminal de un desplazamiento (cf.río-viene-frus-ev.río-va.perf. tat: [[[tɨhɨ-~baká]-júa]-~tejáá]-~wá ‘mecerse’.̰ ɟet]-[waj-~habᵐ] con propósito. tanto yuh como bas/tat ˊˊ tat: [tɨhɨ-~baká]-[~wabɨ -atí]-baá-~bá ve-busca-sube.g. 326 327 . [P1 P2] yuh: [[cək-[ ̰kod-wah]]. ‘yacer’) ve-busca-baja.g. ‘venir’.3pl ‘pero buscaron mirando mientras venían subiendo’ 8.parado’.río-venir Desde el punto de vista semántico. En la comparación realizada encontramos que en las tres lenguas hay e. ‘estar. 2009. Semántica de las raíces constituyentes pescar-colgar-subir.̃pe]. ‘bajar’). Para bas: [~iá-~baka]-[~bɨdí-ádi]-boá-~bá expresar el punto terminal de desplazamiento. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert d. ‘bailar’.3pl y 2) otros tipos de eventos estativos o agentivos — estados.g.doquier.̃kaʔ]. ‘oscilar’).̃dedn] 2. ‘subir’. en bas/tat se expresan usando construcciones analíticas. ‘vivir’)8.3pl ‘llegaron ayudaron a recoger y meter’ A partir de la comparación también encontramos algunas diferencias entre las lenguas estudiadas en la expresión de la noción de desplazamiento f. El análisis de las semejanzas entre tat: [[ɨhá-[hée-~haá]]-ehá]-~wá este tipo de construcciones es objeto de la sección 3. ‘esperar’.sentado’. c) posturas (e. ‘comer’. ‘miran buscando por doquier bajando el río’ acciones — (e.ev.perf.̃habm] SEV que expresan las siguientes nociones de moción: a) eventos de saltar-rodear-pasar-ir [[a [b c]] d] desplazamiento orientados deícticamente. ‘ir’. [P1 P2] yuh: [[[ ̰dajʔ.por. procesos. [P1 P2] yuh: [~di. b) eventos simultáneos de ‘salta rodeando y pasando desde centro deíctico’ actividad y moción (desplazamiento/postura). Las construcciones con más de dos elementos constituyentes expresan combinaciones de estas nociones y en algunos casos involucran combinaciones de otras nociones que no tratamos aquí. 9. las raíces que participan en estas [[[a b] c] d] ‘pesca colgando mientras sube el río viniendo’ construcciones codifican: 1) eventos de moción: a) desplazamientos bas: [[[~iá-~baka]-juhá]-kudí]-~bá (e. sección [[a b] [c d]] ser-yacer-salir-ir 4). Para detalles sobre los inventarios de las raíces que pueden ser serializadas en estas lenguas véase Gomez-Imbert 2007a y Ospina 2002. c) secuencias de eventos bas: [[cijá-[huá-~caa]]-ehá]-~bá de actividad (causa) y moción (efecto)9.perf. aunque aparezcan en algunos ejemplos.g.

328 329 . Los elementos en segunda posición sólo son las raíces intransitivas ‘ir’ y ‘venir’.afluente/entrar. El verbo resultante ‘bajar(. etc. los elementos que deíctico. dirección. vector (puntos 3. fondo con extensión sin límites) sólo se conserva el componente componentes son raíces que codifican desplazamiento. las que no hablaremos aquí. y configuración y ‘venir’. fondo con extensión Este tipo de SEV tiene alta productividad en las tres lenguas. En llegada/recorrido) y la configuración del fondo (superficie inclinada/ estas lenguas existen también SEV que expresan otros tipos de nociones de espacio cerrado/extensión con límites/extensión móvil).loma/ bajar.río/bajar. tipología. — que codifican componentes semánticos tales dependiendo de la creación de ámbitos tonales internos a la palabra. que codifican deixis (desde/hacia el centro deíctico). Al expresar el evento único al que refiere la SEV. el centro deíctico que sirve como referencia puede actividad y desplazamiento o de actividad y postura. y desplazamiento causado. la combinación de estas raíces en desplazamiento orientado deícticamente. los elementos que ocupan cada posición se diferencian del fondo. puntos de recorrido. ‘subir. Además. En bas el proceso de gramaticalización es evidente además en la erosión fonológica ‘subir/bajar’. condicionados como la dirección (hacia arriba/abajo). con alta limitada o móvil). predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. y en la sección 3. ‘subir. este proceso es común en construcciones seriales asimétricas10. De acuerdo con la como se explicita más adelante. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert las expresan por SEV. tal de raíces finales es indicio de su gramaticalización.2 mostramos construcciones seriales produce como resultado predicados intransitivos aquellas que expresan simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento/ que codifican un evento de desplazamiento direccionado en el espacio y postura. recorrido desde punto que codifican DOD son asimétricas. pero el orden de constituyentes no es el mismo. Semejanzas entre las lenguas comparadas de partida/llegada) y configuración del fondo (extensión sin límites).‘venir’ que pueden tener realizaciones plenas o reducidas camino/maloca’.3 ilustramos aquellas que expresan secuencia de orientado deícticamente.1 exponemos las SEV que expresan Como se observa en los ejemplos (5). mientras que de los componentes de trayectoria de la frecuencia en textos narrativos y en el habla cotidiana.loma’. en la sección 3. Desplazamiento orientado deícticamente (DOD) desde un punto de partida hacia un punto de llegada. La conservación sólo del componente deíctico en este par semánticamente por los subcomponentes de trayectoria que codifican.río) desde el centro deíctico’ combina ocupan la segunda posición pertenecen a una subclase cerrada de ellos:‘ir’ los rasgos de deixis. ‘cruzar.río’. todos los componentes de trayectoria de la raíz en la primera posición se mantienen (dirección hacia abajo. según lo mostrado en (4).afluente’. tales como fase inicial del evento de moción. Los elementos iniciales son un conjunto de raíces intransitivas de desplazamiento — tales como ‘salir/entrar’. recorrido 3.1. En esta sección describimos las semejanzas que encontramos entre las lenguas comparadas: en la sección 3.‘salir. Las construcciones segunda raíz (localización del hablante/participante. 10.‘ir’ y wadí. ser la ubicación del locutor o de un participante del discurso. pues aunque los elementos en ambos de partida. el vector (puntos de partida/ por el tipo de estructura de la SEV.río/ de las raíces waá.

predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup, el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert

Desde el punto de vista sintáctico, siendo ambas raíces intransitivas, la b. tat
SEV resultante es intransitiva. kɨ↓-ká-~báa-aá-tó-~da ká-júá-aá-hú-pá-o
3m.sg-est-arrima-va-dev.inan.sg-iden est-baja.río-va-ind-cit-cl.f.sg
(5) a. yuh: hi- ̃habᵐ b. bas: juha- (w)aa c. tat: júá- aá- ‘Al mismo tiempo que él va arrimando, dizque ella va bajando por el río.’
bajar- ir bajar.río- ir bajar.río- ir
‘bajar(.río) desde el centro deíctico’ El elemento en posición inicial puede expresar un evento de
desplazamiento complejo formado por dos o tres raíces unidas entre sí
En (6) se muestra una oración compleja en yuh, en la cual se aprecian por otros tipos de relaciones, pero el conjunto en posición inicial contiene
dos muestras de este tipo de construcción. Mientras que un personaje se al menos un elemento semántico direccional: en (8a, b, e, f) ‘sumergirse’
dirige loma arriba (còp- ̃hábᵐ ‘arrimar-ir’ en (a)), el otro se dirige río abajo y en (8c, d) ‘bajar’:
(hì- ̃hábᵐ ‘bajar-ir’ en (b)); en ambos casos el centro deíctico es el lugar
donde los dos personajes se encontraban antes de iniciar sus respectivos (8) yuh: a. [ ̃doh-tuʔ]- ̃habᵐ ‘[caer sumergiéndose] desde el centro deíctico’
desplazamientos (el puerto). caer-sumergirse-ir
b. [cək-[ ̃doh-tuʔ]]- ̃habᵐ ‘[saltar y caer sumergiéndose]
(6) yuh: a. tə́h còp- ̃hábᵐ ̃bɨ̌ ʔ ̃dí ~bà ~àbᵐ saltar-caer-sumergirse-ir desde el centro deíctico’
3sg arrimar-ir simul existir cit pas.lej
‘Diz que hace tiempo, mientras él arrimaba (a la casa desde el
puerto), bas: c. [~úba-roa]-waá ‘[corre bajando] desde el centro deíctico’
b. ɟǎp hì- ̃hábᵐ ~àbᵐ pɨ̌ dⁿ ~àbᵐ tat: d. [átɨ-róa]-aá
ind.sg bajar-ir pas.lej rápido pas.lej corre-sale-va
ella bajaba (por el río desde el puerto) rápidamente.’
bas: e. [[kedí-roka]-~júá]-waá ‘[cae chocando sumergiéndose] desde el centro
En (7) presentamos ejemplos elicitados de series equivalentes a las tat: f. [[~jáá!-róka]-~juá]-aá deíctico’
anteriores en bas/tat. cae-choca-se.sumerge-va

(7) a. bas
~íi ~bahá-a-to-~de juhá-a-cu-hu ~cóo
3m.sg arrima-va-dev.inan.sg-iden baja.río-va-ind-cit 3f.sg

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Epps (2008: 415) reporta para el hup construcciones similares, pero La combinación de estos elementos produce como resultado la
señala que son ocasionales. En su interpretación, considera que se trata codificación de un evento complejo que expresa la simultaneidad
de un desplazamiento orientado deícticamente que se realiza en la temporal de subeventos de actividad y desplazamiento/postura. En la
dirección codificada por el elemento en posición inicial. Martins (2004) SEV todos los componentes semánticos de los elementos constituyentes
no registra construcciones de este tipo en dâw. En otras dos lenguas se mantienen. El predicado resultante es transitivo cuando uno de los
Tukano orientales, kotiria (wanano) y wa’ikhana (piratapuyo), Stenzel elementos constituyentes lo es; por lo general el elemento transitivo está
(2007) postula que la mayoría de las SEV son formadas por dos verbos: el en posición inicial, pero existen raíces de desplazamiento transitivo como
primero, independiente y cabeza de la construcción, es un verbo activo y ‘perseguir’ que encontramos en segunda posición.
el segundo, dependiente, la mayoría de las veces es un verbo intransitivo
de moción. Los verbos ‘ir’ y ‘venir’ son los verbos de moción más a. Simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento
frecuentemente serializados en SEV de tipo ‘adverbial’, indicando que En (9) se pueden apreciar SEV que expresan simultaneidad de la actividad
una acción se realiza acompañada por un desplazamiento ‘translocativo’ o ‘bañarse’ y el desplazamiento ‘cruzar.río’.
‘cislocativo’, respectivamente.
(9) a. yuh: ˷cobᵐ- ˷beh b. bas: baá- ~hea- c. tat: báa- ~péjá-
3.2. Simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento/postura bañarse- cruzar.río nadar- cruzar.río nadar- cruzar.río
Las SEV que expresan simultaneidad de actividad y moción tienen ‘bañarse/nadar cruzando el río’
productividad muy alta y son frecuentes en los textos narrativos y en
el habla cotidiana. Estas SEV también son asimétricas, pues en posición Los siguientes ejemplos ilustran el uso de este tipo de SEV en oraciones;
inicial se encuentran elementos de un conjunto abierto de verbos ‘recolectar al regresar’en (10a), ‘cortar al volver’ en (10b, c):
que codifican actividades con o sin moción (e.g. ‘comer’, ‘bañarse’,
‘transportar’,‘coger’,‘bailar’,‘decir’,‘buscar’,‘remar’,‘mecer’,‘vivir’,‘colar’, (10)
‘ahumar’, ‘recolectar’, ‘beber’, ‘halar’), y en segunda posición elementos a. yuh: úd ̃bîh ̃bǎh ̃ɨ̌dⁿ ̰cèbᵐ- ̰bàj-é-p
de un conjunto cerrado de verbos que codifican desplazamiento (e.g. espina río d.prox 1pl recolectar-regresar.conc-p1-p
‘ir’, ‘venir’, ‘salir/entrar’, ‘salir.afluente/entrar.afluente’, ‘subir/bajar’, ‘Nosotros recolectábamos mientras regresábamos por el Jotabeyá.’
‘subir.loma/bajar.loma’, ‘subir.río/bajar.río’, ‘cruzar.río/camino/maloca’,
‘circular’) o postura (‘estar.sentado’, ‘estar.parado’, ‘yacer’, ‘estar.posado’, b. bas: kahí cúá-túdí-jú-ha~ra ~ída
‘estar.suspendido’). coca corta-vuelve-ind-cit-3pl 3pl

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c. tat: ká-pátu-huá-~túdu-jú-pá-~ra ~dáa comprender el sentido de las construcciones que se presentan en (12a, b)
est-coca-corta-vuelve-ind-cit-3pl 3pl que se usan para describir el modo de vida nómade. Estos ejemplos hacen
‘Dizque ellos cortaron coca volviendo.’ pensar que el elemento final es el que codifica la manera como se lleva
a cabo la actividad: ‘andar paseando’, ‘vivir paseando’. Sin embargo, los
Como en los casos anteriores, el primer o segundo elemento puede ser predicados en (12c, d) (cuyos componentes iniciales describen actividades
complejo, como se observa en (11), pero el primero codifica una actividad típicas de la vida selvática como ahumar carne y beber jugos de frutas),
(‘pescar colgando’ en (11a), ‘barbasquear’ en (11b), ‘mirar buscando’ nos confirman la idea de la simultaneidad de los eventos, aunque ésta
en (11c)) y el segundo un desplazamiento (‘subir.río’ en (11a), ‘llegar se extienda en el tiempo, dado que la raíz ‘pasear’, a diferencia de otras
entrando’ en (11b), ‘venir’ en (11c) y ‘llegar viniendo’ en (11d): raíces de desplazamiento, codifica una temporalidad extendida y una
trayectoria por varios puntos del espacio.
(11)
a. yuh: [ ̰dajʔ- ̃kaʔ]- p̃ e ‘[pescar colgando (anzuelos)] (12)
pescar-colgar- subir.río mientras sube el río’ a. yuh: ̃habᵐ- koʔ ‘andar mientras se pasea’
ir- pasear
b. yuh: bag- [wɨd-ɟé] ‘barbasquear mientras [llega bas: waá- kúdí-
barbasquear- alcanzar-entrar entrando]’ tat: aá- ~tejáá ‘pasear’
va- va.por.doquier
c. bas: [~iá-~baka]- wadí- ‘[mira buscando] mientras viene’
tat: [tɨhɨ-~baká]- atí- b. yuh: ̃di- koʔ ‘vivir mientras se pasea’ 11
ve-busca- viene existir- pasear
bas: ~jáá- kudí-
d. bas: waí húa- [ehá-ádi]- ‘barbasquea mientras [llega tat: ~ádí- ~tejáá- ‘ser nómade’
tat: wai-púá- [ehá-atí]- viniendo]’ existe va.por.doquier
pez-barbasquea- llega-viene

Aunque se podría pensar que el elemento inicial codifica la manera
como se realiza el desplazamiento codificado por el segundo (e.g.
‘entrar llevando’, ‘cruzar bañándose’), esta interpretación no permitiría 11. Martins (2004: 632, ej. (47)) registra nĩ xɔ́ʔ ‘vive perambulando’ en dâw.

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c. yuh: hɔh- koʔ ‘ahumar mientras se pasea’ d. yuh: ̃udⁿ- k̃ aʔ ‘fumar mientras se está suspendido’
ahumar- pasear e. bas: udí- ~kahi-
bas: waí cecóo- kudí- f. tat: úú- johá-
tat: wai ~áhɨ- ~tejáá- ‘ahumar aquí y allí (a medida que pesca)’ fumar- estar.suspendido
pez ahuma- va.por.doquier
Los siguientes ejemplos ilustran el uso de este tipo de SEV en oraciones;
d. yuh: ɔgⁿ- koʔ ‘beber mientras se pasea’12 como se puede observar, el argumento S es compartido por los dos
beber- pasear verbos, mientras que O es argumento del inicial que fija la transitividad
bas: idí- kudí- de la serie:
tat: éti- ~tejáá- ‘bebe aquí y allí (yendo de
bebe va.por.doquier una fiesta a otra)’ (14)
a. yuh: òmáɾ- ̃ìdⁿ ̃hûd ̃cùdⁿ- ̃pébᵐ-í
omar-ad tabaco insertar-sentado.conc-p1
b. Simultaneidad de actividad y postura ‘Omar también está sentado mientras inserta tabaco [en una hoja].’
En yuh sólo hemos registrado SEV que expresan actividad y postura
formadas por dos raíces, mientras que en bas/tat se registran algunas con b. bas: ~í-~kede ~bɨdó udí-huja-~bi
más de dos raíces, configuración ilustrada por el ejemplo (4c). En (13) se c. tat: ~kɨ↓-~kéda ~bɨdó úú-ruí-~wí
presenta este tipo de SEV con dos raíces: 3m.sg-ad tabaco aspira-se.sienta-ev.per-3m.sg
‘El también fumó tabaco sentado.’
(13)
a. yuh: doh- ̰ɟet
Epps describe construcciones de los tipos mencionados en hup, pero
b. bas: hogá- ~kuja- ‘podrirse mientras yace’
propone que el primer elemento codifica manera en el evento complejo
c. tat: boá- ~kújá-
(2008: 411-412). Martins analiza construcciones similares en dâw que
podrirse- yacer
clasifica como asimétricas locativas; propone que la cabeza semántica

y sintáctica es la raíz inicial, mientras que la raíz de desplazamiento o
postura especifica la dirección del movimiento o la postura del agente en
la ejecución del evento (2004: 643-644). La simultaneidad de actividad y
desplazamiento/postura se expresan también en kotiria y wa’ikhana por
SEV, donde la actividad está expresada por el verbo en primera posición y
12. Epps (2008: 411, ej. (43)) registra ʔəg-g’óʔ ‘go around drinking’ en hup.

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el desplazamiento o postura en segunda posición, cuando las SEV tienen (17) ACTIVIDAD POSTURA-agentiva
dos constituyentes (Stenzel 2007). a. yuh: ̃huh- ̰ɟèt
b. bas: ~ubá- ~kuu- ‘cargar (algo) y hacerlo yacer’
c. tat: ~úba- ~kúú-
3.3. Secuencias de eventos de actividad o movimiento y moción
cargar- hacer.yacer
Otro grupo de construcciones asimétricas expresa icónicamente la
secuencia temporal de una actividad (con o sin movimiento) y una postura
Los siguientes ejemplos ilustran el uso de este tipo de SEV en oraciones;
corporal. La postura (codificada por el elemento final) es causada por la
‘cargar hasta hacer yacer’ en (18a), ‘morder quedando colgado’en (18b, c):
actividad (codificada por el elemento inicial). En (15) y (16) se exhiben
SEV donde la raíz de actividad y movimiento/desplazamiento es seguida
(18)
por una de postura estativa, mientras que en (17) se presentan ejemplos
a. yuh: ̰cɨ̂ w ̰dǎp - ̃ìdⁿ tə́h ̃hùh- ̰ ɟét-é
donde la raíz inicial no codifica moción. Como se puede observar estas
chontaduro carne-ad 3sg cargar-hacer.yacer.conc-p2
construcciones pueden ser intransitivas (15) y (16) o transitivas (17)13.
‘El está cargando hasta hacer yacer [en el piso] masa de
chontaduro.’ (para dar de comer a la visita)
(15) ACT + MOV POSTURA-estativa
a. yuh: ̃doh- tuʔ
b. bas: wekɨ-ré ~kudí-jóhá-koá-cú-hu gúú
b. bas: kedí- ~jua- ‘caer hasta quedar inmerso’
tapir-obj -muerde-se.cuelga-result-ind-cit tortuga
c. tat: ~jáá- ~juá-
c. tat: wekɨ-ré kɨ -ká-báke-jóá-koá-hú-pá-ɨ
!
uu
caer- estar.inmerso
tapir-obj 3m.sg-est-muerde-se.cuelga-result- tortuga
ind-cit-an.m.sg
(16) ACT + DESP POSTURA-estativa
‘Dizque tortuga mordió a tapir y se le quedó colgado (del sexo).’
a. yuh: cag- ̰ket
b. bas: ~bɨhá- ~rɨgo- ‘trepar hasta quedar parado’
Como se observa en los siguientes ejemplos, el primer elemento puede
c. tat: ~wabɨ -
!
~dɨká-
ser complejo:
trepar- estar.parado

13. En yuh algunas raíces de postura se pueden usar como estativas (estar en postura),
incoativas (entrar en postura) y agentivas (poner en postura), otras como estativas y
agentivas, y otras como estativas e incoativas.

338 339

ella llegaba bajando. ̰dobᵐ ‘bajar. ̰dobᵐ ‘bajar.̃pebᵐ].’ En yuh el desplazamiento con propósito se puede expresar de dos maneras: mediante SEV (ejemplos (20-22)). Diferencias entre las lenguas comparadas La expresión de las nociones de desplazamiento con propósito y de (21) d̰ èhkóp hɨ̂ d c̰ òbᵐ.loma.conc-p2 ‘Diz que cuando ellos estaban bajando la loma para bañarse en el 4.̃ɟah ̰bah]. ‘bañarse sentado’ en el componente inicial de (22a) y ‘llegar (ejemplos (23). como se puede ver en (20). yuh: [ɟoʔ-waj]- ̰ɟet ‘mecer y sacar hasta hacer yacer’ que es el propósito del desplazamiento codificado por el elemento en mecer-sacar. En bas/tat esta noción nunca se expresa mediante SEV.loma para bañarse’ cae-choca-queda inerte bañarse.sg llegar.1.bajando mujer entre las lenguas comparadas. El ejemplo (21) ilustra el uso de estas construcciones (‘bajar la loma para bañarse’) en la primera cláusula de una oración compleja: 4. [ ̰cobᵐ. simul cit ind. [bɨʔ. tat: [[~jáá -róka] ! -~kúbú ‘caer y chocar quedando inerte’ a. bajar.koʔ bañarse-sentado.loma b. o mediante el uso de construcciones Los componentes en cualquiera de las dos posiciones pueden ser que presentan la secuencia de un verbo principal y uno dependiente complejos. explicando vomitar. [wɨdⁿ. hacer. (22) a. bajar. ̰cobᵐ. la primera posición es 340 341 .pasear ‘pasear para [bañarse sentado]’ a.̃dedⁿ] Aunque en yuh existen SEV asimétricas que expresan desplazamiento golpear- alcanzar-venir ‘[llegar viniendo] para golpear’ con propósito. Desplazamiento con propósito en yuh b. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert (19) ocupada por un elemento que codifica una actividad (con o sin moción) a. bas: [kedí-roka] ~kúbú ‘caer y chocar quedando inerte’ (propósito) c. tow.̰dóbᵐ-ó ká ~ba ɟǎp wɨ̀dhííp ̃hɨ̌ dⁿ llegada al punto terminal de un desplazamiento presentan diferencias puerto 3pl bañarse. En ellas.yacer segunda posición. estas son poco frecuentes.loma para vomitar’ Epps (2008) da cuenta de construcciones similares en hup. Desplazamiento con propósito puerto. bajar.loma que el orden es icónico y refleja la secuencia cronológica de los sub- eventos o una relación de causa-efecto entre ellos. predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup. ̃hodⁿ. viniendo’en el componente final de (22b): sino que se recurre a una construcción analítica. ̰ket ‘hacer transformar hasta parar’ hacer-transformarse- parar (20) Actividad Desplazamiento b.

sg va-ind-cit-cl. Los verbos así nominalizados (Verbo + num/cl).sg hembra col. tat: [Auxiliado + Auxiliar] wai-púá-ó aá-hú-pá-o 14.’ Lit: ‘Las mujeres también se fueron arrancadoras de yuca.pl en (23a))14. bas: [Auxiliado + Auxiliar] (23) waí húa-go waá-cú-hu ~cóo a. con el agente marcado y ̰děh col.f. en las b. el desplazamiento es codificado por b.̃ìdⁿ ɟàktó kóʔ ̰děh ̃hàbᵐ-í pez barbasquea-cl. aunque éste puede variar y se puede introducir categorías de persona. 342 343 . El orden preferido entre ellos es propósito- en cuanto a su clase nominal. ̃ǎj ̰děh. c̰ ə́bᵐ. igualmente.lej 1sg pas.sg en (23b. este tipo de nominalizaciones hacen parte de estructuras que sirven como modificadores de nombres.’ b. pueden funcionar en las pez-barbasquea-cl.f.sg ir-neg 1sg. Martins también describe construcciones seriales Lit: ‘Yo no fuí pescador ayer. en la cual el auxiliado es el verbo de actividad de número/clasificación nominal para animados: ɟǎp ind. en su interpretación el segundo componente es el que expresa la finalidad del evento codificado por el componente c. seguido por el auxiliar que expresa las desplazamiento (23a.pl ir-p1 ‘Dizque ella se va a barbasquear. ‘Yo no fuí a pescar pescado ayer.f. b). predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup.̃ìdⁿ wáj. c) en participio presente ‘barbasqueando’ en (24). cumpliendo así una función similar a la de las cláusulas relativas de lenguas como el español.’ ejemplos (69). aspecto y modo: material entre los dos (23c): (24) a. pero no ofrece ejemplos noche-ad salir-neg pas.’ asimétricas de propósito. ‘Anoche tampoco salí a pescar.sg va-ind-cit 3f. en hup se encuentran construcciones semejantes. b).’ Con mayor frecuencia. h̃ ôp dájʔ ɟǎp h̃ ábᵐ.pl-ad yuca arrancar col.sg cláusulas en las mismas posiciones que otros constituyentes nominales que representan ‘Dizque ella se va a barbasquear.d̃ ɨ̀h ã ̌h à̃ bᵐ ̰cǎbᵐ cuales el orden también es opuesto al de la secuencia temporal de los pez pescar ind.’ ‘Las mujeres también se fueron a arrancar yuca.’ Lit: ‘Anoche tampoco salí pescador.’ argumentos. el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert Según Epps. ‘salir’ en (23c)) y el propósito es En bas/tat el desplazamiento con propósito se expresa por una codificado por un verbo no finito (nominalizado mediante el morfema construcción analítica.lej ayer eventos y las raíces tienen una relación basada en el propósito (2008: 418. para la expresión de desplazamiento con propósito se usa otro tipo de construcción. pas. ejemplos 120-122).lej pescar ind.sg donde alguno de los elementos codifique un desplazamiento intransitivo. (70)).̃dɨ̀h ̃àbᵐ ̃ǎh ̃ǎbᵐ dájʔ ɟǎp inicial (2004: 646-647. Desplazamiento con propósito en bas/tat un verbo finito simple (‘ir’ en (23a.

predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup, el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert

Si el verbo de actividad y el verbo de desplazamiento se combinan en una (27) tə́h wɨ̀d ̰báj ~ídⁿ wɔ̀hɔ̂ ~bah
serie, se expresa actividad con desplazamiento desde/hacia el centro deíctico: 3sg llegar.volviendo madre vieja d.prox
‘Él llega volviendo a donde su madre vieja.’
(25) a. bas: waí húa-a-cu-hu ~cóo
pez barbasquea-va-ind-cit 3f.sg Epps (2008: 393) registra este mismo tipo de expresión para la llegada,
pero propone que la raíz wɨd- significa ‘llegada de peces a desovar’ (fish-
b. tat: wai-pú(á)-aá-hú-pá-o spawn; arriving of spawning fish) que cambia su significado cuando entra
pez-barbasquea-va-ind-cit-cl.f.sg en composición con los verbos de desplazamiento ‘ir/venir’. Martins
‘Dizque ella barbasquea yendo.’ (2004: 272, 622, 628, 630) plantea que la noción de llegada se forma o
bien mediante compuestos con la misma estructura que los de yuhup y
4.2. Punto terminal de desplazamiento hup, donde el verbo inicial está aún más erosionado que en yuh: wɯd
Para la expresión de la noción de llegada, es decir de un desplazamiento jɤ > wɯɟɤ ‘llegar de regreso’, o bien mediante series wɯd ʃɔ́p ‘llegar
que alcanza su punto terminal, también encontramos diferencias entre subiendo’. Para esta autora, la raíz wɯ̀d significa ‘llegar’.
yuh y bas/tat.
b. ‘Llegar’ en bas/tat
a. ‘Llegar’ en yuh En construcciones seriales equivalentes en bas/tat, ‘ir’ waá/aá- y ‘venir’
En yuh la noción de llegada se expresa mediante SEV asimétricas wadí/atí- aparecen después de la raíz ‘llegar’ ehá-, mientras que los demás
lexicalizadas que presentan en posición inicial la raíz fonológicamente verbos de desplazamiento como ‘subir/bajar.río’, ‘entrar/salir’, ‘volver’
erosionada wɨd que proviene de wɨdⁿ ‘alcanzar’, seguida por raíces de siempre aparecen antes. Los tres pueden combinarse en una misma serie:
desplazamiento, como se observa en los siguientes ejemplos.
(28) bas tat
(26) a. wɨd ̃habᵐ ‘llegar yendo’ a. ehá-á- ehá-aá- ‘llega yendo’
b. wɨdcag ‘llegar trepando’ b. ~bɨhá-éhá-ádi- ~wabɨ-ehá-atí- ‘llega trepando hacia acá’
c. wɨd ̰baj ‘llegar volviendo’ c. tudí-eha- ~túdu-ehá- ‘llega volviendo’
d. wɨd ̃pe ‘llegar subiendo.río’ d. ~bɨdí-éhá- ~wabí-ehá- ‘llega subiendo.río’

Stenzel (2007) señala la existencia de estas series en kotiria y wa’ikhana,
donde siguen el orden que acabamos de mostrar en bas/tat: ‘vuelve-llega’.

344 345

predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup, el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert

Conclusiones inicial y otro intransitivo, generalmente de moción). En estas lenguas
En la comparación realizada entre las lenguas yuh y bas/tat hemos también los verbos ‘ir’ y ‘venir’ son los más frecuentemente serializados en
mostrado las semejanzas existentes en el uso de SEV para la expresión de SEV de tipo ‘adverbial’, indicando que una acción se realiza acompañada
desplazamiento con orientación deíctica, de simultaneidad de actividades por un desplazamiento ‘translocativo’ o ‘cislocativo’, respectivamente. La
y eventos de moción, de secuencia de actividades y eventos de moción simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento/postura se expresa también
en relación de causa a efecto. La comparación también mostró que el por SEV, donde la actividad está expresada por el verbo en primera
yuh puede expresar el desplazamiento con propósito con una SEV, pero posición y el desplazamiento o postura en segunda posición, cuando las
la construcción alternativa preferida se parece a la de bas/tat, es decir a SEV tienen dos constituyentes.
una construcción analítica.
Igualmente, aunque no fue presentado en la exposición precedente,
Encontramos que en series que expresan desplazamiento con orientación notamos que en yuh, dâw y bas/tat el verbo ‘ir’ precedido por algunas
deíctica los verbos ‘ir/venir’, tanto en yuh como en bas/tat, están raíces de actividad presenta valores aspectuales: habitual en yuh, télico
gramaticalizados o en proceso de gramaticalización como ‘direccionales’, en dâw, inminencia de un cambio de estado en bas/tat. En serialización
siguiendo la tendencia tipológica de las series asimétricas. Vale la pena con verbos estativos en kotiria y wa’ikhana ‘ir’ codifica cierto tipo de
subrayar que yuh y bas/tat — lenguas no emparentadas puesto que perfectividad: cambio hacia un nuevo estado, proceso de volverse X.
pertenecientes a dos familias bien distintas, habladas por grupos que
en principio no tienen relaciones de exogamia lingüística pero que Como se puede observar en el cuadro (29), todas las lenguas tienen
están geográficamente próximos (cuenca del Caquetá-Japurá, Apaporis, inventarios de raíces de moción muy similares desde el punto de vista
Piraparaná) — presentan este fenómeno común, mientras que las lenguas semántico y en cada familia los cognados de estas raíces tienen enorme
hup y dâw (de la misma familia que yuh pero geográficamente lejanas), semejanza formal. Es interesante la similitud de la raíz ‘suspendido’ en
no lo presentan. Parecería entonces tratarse de un fenómeno areal de bas (y no en tat) con los cognados correspondientes en yuh, hup y dâw.
la región del Piraparaná-Apaporis, pero esto hay que comprobarlo
comparando con hablas yuh fuera del área, y con lenguas Tukano en el
área, como el makuna.

De manera semejante a bas/tat, Stenzel (2007) postula que en otras dos
lenguas Tukano orientales, kotiria (wanano) y wa’ikhana (piratapuyo), la
mayoría de las SEV son formadas por dos verbos (uno activo en posición

346 347

predicados complejos en el noroeste amazónico: el caso del yuhup, el tatuyo y el barasana ana maría ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert

(29) Algunas raíces de moción en las lenguas yuhup, hup, dâw (Makú), Para las lenguas de la familia Makú (yuhup, hup, dâw) se pueden
barasana, tatuyo, kotiria y wa'ikhana (Tukano oriental) apreciar muchas semejanzas en el inventario de raíces y su semántica,
en la estructura y semántica de las SEV, pero las interpretaciones de las
yuh hup dâw bas tat kot wai investigadoras son diversas para cada lengua (aunque en algunos aspectos
DATOS de: Ospina Epps Andrade Gomez-Imbert Stenzel compatibles).Valdría la pena un trabajo tipológico comparativo profundo
2008 Martins 2004 2007 y conjunto. En estas tres lenguas hay varios temas muy interesantes
para estudiar pues parece ser que se usan elementos comunes pero con
estar ̃kaʔ g’ãʔ kaʔ ~kahí- johá- estrategias relativamente diferentes; por ejemplo: la expresión de la causa
suspendido
(en general y particularmente en los desplazamientos causados), y la
yacer ~ɟet yæt jet ~kúja- ~kújá-
gramaticalización aspectual de algunas raíces en las series.

estar parado ̰ket g’et kɤ́t ~rɨgo- tɨhɨ-
~dokú- Otra perspectiva de investigación conjunta, interesante para las dos
ir ̃habᵐ ham hãm waá- aá- wa'a wa'a familias, es la exploración de si para estas construcciones es relevante la
determinación de cuál es la cabeza sintáctica y la semántica, así como de
venir ̃dedⁿ næn nɛ̀ ̃d wadí- atí- ta a’ta su transitividad y estructura argumental.
subir.río ̃pe pæ pɛ ~bɨdí- ~wabɨ-

bajar.loma ̰dobᵐ d’ob dòb rohá- róa-
Bibliografía
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Serial Verb Constructions. A Cross-linguistic Typology. Robert M. W.
mismo tipo de construcción ha sido descrito primero como compuesto, Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.) pp. 1-68. Oxford: Oxford
luego como serie. En lo que se refiere a las lenguas tukano orientales por University Press.
ejemplo, Aikhenvald (2002) las describía como lenguas con composición
Durie, Mark. 1997. Grammatical structures in verb serialization. In:
verbal muy productiva y con SEV prácticamente inexistente, mientras Complex Predicates. Alex Alsina, Joan Bresnan and Peter Sells (eds.) pp.
que en 2006 las caracteriza como lenguas con extensa serialización 289-354. CSLI Publications 64. Stanford: Stanford University.
(‘single-word verb serialization’) y agrega que, mientras más contiguos Epps, Patience. 2008. A Grammar of Hup. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
estén los componentes en su realización de superficie, más cercana estará
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contact and innovation in vaupés possession-
marking strategies

Kristine Stenzel
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro

Abstract: This article investigates the strategies by which noun-noun
‘possessive’ relations are expressed in languages from the three major
families in the Vaupés region of northwestern Amazonia: East Tukano,
Arawak, and Nadahup (Makú). It highlights a number of structural and
semantic similarities in the marking patterns in each family that quite
likely represent areas of innovation molded, at least partly, by contact.
At the same time, it points out details of each system that continue to
attest diversity and are evidence of how contact works in tandem with
language-internal processes to produce a range of strategies with fine-
grained differences. This study endeavors to contribute to the growing
body of work on processes of areal diffusion, providing additional
insight specifically on the dynamics of change in the highly complex
northwestern Amazonian linguistic area.

2002. 3. Most of the East Tukano and several of representam áreas de inovação moldadas. lies at the heart of a northwestern Amazonian ‘linguistic area’. spanning the Brazil-Colombia border. pelo menos parcialmente. Barasana (bas). Esse 1. Pisamira (pis). 2003. northwest Amazon linguistic area The Vaupés river basin. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel Keywords: possessive constructions. chamo atenção aos detalhes de cada sistema whose basic tenet is language-group exogamic matrimony (Sorensen 1967. as well as the chapter by Gomez-Imbert and Ospina Bozzi in this volume). are also due to Patience Epps and Hein van der Voort for their valuable insights and Palavras-chave: construções possessivas. Kubeo (kub).Tukano Oriental. language change. investigo as estratégias através das quais relações region in which languages of different genetic origins gradually come entre dois nomes (relações de ‘posse’) se expressam em línguas nas três to display a number of similar structural features as a result of contact. the Brazilian processos de difusão areal. por the Arawak language groups participate in a system of social organization contato. the sobre a dinâmica de mudança no contexto complexo que constitui a área Instituto Socioambiental. East Tukano. Many thanks linguística do noroeste amazônico. Research on East Tukano languages has received support from ELDP/SOAS estudo visa a contribuir com o corpus crescente de trabalhos que focaliza (grant MDP-0155). contato linguístico. Ao mesmo tempo. a reduced number of lexical categories. Aruák e Nadahup (Makú). Aponto os elementos language groups3 share intense and longstanding contact grounded in estruturais e semânticos compartilhados entre línguas dessas famílias que social relations of different kinds. in recognition of the regional pejorative connotations associated with the term ‘Makú’. Makuna (mak). Arawak. and extensive use of serial verb constructions (see Aikhenvald 1999b. fornecendo insight adicional especificamente National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq). linguística. Use of Nadahup as the language family denomination follows Epps (2008:9). Karapana (kar). Nadahup. NSF/NEH (grants 0211206 and FA-52150-05). Stenzel 2008. 2007b. Introduction1 East Tukano. Desano (des). mudança suggestions on earlier drafts of this article. The East Tukano languages are Bará/Waimajã (bar). language contact. área linguística do noroeste 2. Epps 2005. noun classification and evidential- marking systems. Kotiria/Wanano (kot).2 principais famílias linguísticas da região doVaupés no noroeste amazônico: Specifically within the Vaupés region.Aruák. understood to be a Resumo: Nesse artigo. 2007a. and the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.Tatuyo (tat).Tukano 354 355 . Retuarã/Tanimuca (ret). Arawak. and Nadahup Tukano Oriental. de marcação que continuam a atestar diversidade e que são evidências de como o contato e os processos internos das línguas trabalham em parceria para produzir um leque de estratégias com diferenças finas. Siriano (sir). Among the common structural features found in the region are phonological amazônico systems involving tonal and laryngeal features.Taiwano/Eduuria (tai). Nadahup. small case systems and differential object marking.

The Nadahup languages are Hup. in morphological terms. with a total population of approximately 7. 4. constructions. In Section 1. such relations are universal in natural languages. and Yuruti (yur). these peoples has produced layers of regional. Defining noun-noun or ‘possessive’ constructions D This chapter looks at the expression of ‘possessive’ relations in languages 1. or population of these groups in Brazil and Colombia is approximately 28. Tuyuka (tuy). Kawiyari. Structural characteristics from these three families. while dependent-marking patterns generally involve use (tuk). or shared structural relation involving two nouns – or noun phrases – in which semantic distinctions – that can further our understanding of the complex one nominal element modifies the other. with a total population of approximately 3. of constructions. and define some key semantic distinctions in possession and East Tukano) and forest (Nadahup) groups are primarily socio. Over time. and Nadëb. see Dixon 2010:262-306). The total ethnic of affixed genitive markers or cliticized particles on the possessor-N. I offer are labeled ‘head-marking’. and in Section 3 I the forest groups (Ribeiro 1995. A language may Dâw. Tariana. community.000. Overviews of the actual marking patterns in Arawak. This study modifying or ‘dependent’ constituent and the possessed-N the ‘head’ shows that while contact has clearly played a contributing role in shaping constituent. moreover.4 Head-marking possessive constructions a brief overview of possessive relations and the linguistic means used often involve direct affixation of possessor-agreement markers on the possessed-N. rather than the possessed-N. Stenzel 2005). such distinctions are not always clear-cut. In such constructions – labeled dynamics of areal diffusion within this linguistic area. while relations between riverine (Arawak to code them. Nichols and Bickel 2011a).000 (additionally. languages in which this area of grammar in languages of the region. the possessor-N. Indeed. can be construed Precise information on the number of speakers of each language is unavailable. Yuhup. a more complex picture possession markers occur on the possessor-N are generally labeled – in which contact and other processes are intertwined – emerges when ‘dependent-marking’ and those that employ markers on the possessed-N details of each system are taken into consideration. Wa’ikhana/Piratapuyo (wai). Arawak languages are Baniwa/Kurripako. the possessor-N is generally considered to be the expressed by a broad set of typologically interesting strategies. Nevertheless. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel Jackson 1983. Piapoco and Kauixana are spoken in regions nearby). in certain types estimates are from Ricardo and Ricardo (2006) and Licht and Reinoso (2006). Epps 2008). possessive ‘attributive’ or ‘adnominal’ possession in most linguistic literature – relations are a rich topic for cross-linguistic comparison not only because one noun represents the ‘possessor’ and the other the ‘possessed’ entity. 356 357 . but also because they are In syntactic terms. Nadahup economic and reflect the lower social status attributed by the riverine to and East Tukano languages are given in Section 2. and individual multilingualism as well as many shared cultural and linguistic traits. marking. as head (for discussion. Achagua.1. contact among return to the question of contact and areal diffusion in light of the data.000. Population employ both head and dependent-marking strategies. Warekena and Yukuna. highlighting differences and similarities – The term ‘possessive’ construction is used here to indicate a specific whether these be actual possessive forms. The free particles that are nonetheless syntactically related to it (Nichols 1988. 1. Likewise.

between an entity and its name.Yet despite observed tendencies. kinship/group) bond. with b. as well as other types of ‘associations’. possession classification is not necessarily binary. languages may 5. o artigo da Melissa nouns classed according to whether or not they must occur with an explicit possessor. English has a second. However.We also observe that the make. Indeed. while in Portuguese the order of object essential for survival or livelihood. Kris’s car c. “[all] inextricable. specific alternating forms) marks the possessive relationship. as in ‘the back of the chair’. express the semantic notion of actual ownership. a barba do Pedro class of the possessed-N. cross-linguistically. though these terms are often employed only in relation to languages with head-marked possession (Bickel and Nichols 2011). 358 359 . produced by or directly related to it (1d). or c) a material (orthographically represented as ’s). 6.). they can also and often quite small. etc. essential the nouns is reversed and an intervening preposition ‘de’ (with gender. the possessor-N (including inherent spatial/physical aspects) of an animate or inanimate precedes the possessed-N and takes a cliticized possessive morpheme whole. The most common distinction is binary.g. a “permanent relationship between two entities […] a conceptually e.5 In Section relations over which possessors exercise little choice or control” (Chappell 2 we will see that possessive constructions in the languages of the and McGregor 1995:4). or unchangeable relations between ‘possessor’ and ‘possessed’ – that is.g. subset of ‘inalienable’6 nouns – these require serve to express social relationships such as group or kinship classifications an overtly expressed possessor – and a larger.7 Inalienable possession is generally defined as expressing parts (top/bottom/side. structurally similar construction containing the also have a class of ‘non-possessible’ nouns or other additional class distinctions preposition ‘of ’. open class of ‘alienable’ (1b). 7. Pattie’s daughter d. These phrases clearly show that while possessive constructions may Languages with a binary alienability distinction typically have a closed.2. affixation. we find no strict Vaupés display yet other possibilities: juxtaposition. part-whole relationships between an animate entity and parts of its nouns that can occur independently or be optionally possessed (Nichols body (1c) or between an inanimate object and its components or related 1988:562-64). and use of ‘possessive classifiers’ or ‘possessive nouns’. inalienable nouns tend to belong to few up of possessive constructions can involve particular word orders and/or basic semantic categories. or something closer relation than [that of] alienable possession” (Croft 2003:205-6).g. the sound it makes. Also referred to as ‘bound’ or ‘obligatorily possessed’ nouns. b) a biological or social (e. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel Let us consider a few examples of possessive constructions in English and 1. (1a). Semantic distinctions in possessive relations Portuguese: Typological studies of attributive possession reveal that many languages (1) POSSESSOR-N+’s POSSESSED-N POSSESSED-N ‘de’ POSSESSOR-N have distinct ways of expressing possession depending on the lexical a. a semantic distinction usually identified as ‘alienability’. (see Nichols and Bickel 2011b). referring to: a) an integral part or component use of morphological elements. In the English examples. e.

Alienable occur with an ‘unpossessed’10 suffix (4) and.1.8 particular language (Dixon 2010:278). names. in contrast. Also labeled as ‘absolute’ (Payne 1991) and ‘independent’ (Ramirez 2001a. only body parts and intimate objects. 2001b). Arawak possession Within the Vaupés region. intrinsically or intimately associated with humans – obligatorily occur 10. possessive nouns. body parts and some objects each author’s original presentation of the data. such as possessive/genitive markers on the possessor-N (as gives examples of such markers in Northern Amazonian Arawak languages. is most frequently indicated by overt ‘linking’ additional ‘indefinite possessor’ prefix (5). Possession marking in Arawak. Juxtaposition is also extremely common when the possessor is a full noun (or noun-phrase). it must morphological element marking the possessive relationship. Ramirez with certainty which nouns will belong to the inalienable class in any 2001a:120-30). We will see (4) Warekena (Ramirez 2001a:336) (5) Baniwa (Aikhenvald 2002:291) examples of these latter types in the upcoming sections. (2) Baniwa (Ramirez 2001a:105) (3) Warekena (Aikhenvald 1998:295) When the possessor of an inalienable noun is a pronoun. can take the unpossessed suffix (Aikhenvald 1999a:82).harmful animals. Non-possessible nouns may include personal 1991 and Mori 2005). contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel implicational hierarchies for nominal alienability and we cannot predict as in (3) to a full noun possessor (Aikhenvald 1999a:82-3. or non-possessible (the latter two classes 8. within the general class of unalienable nouns. inalienable. by an possession. I have translated all non-English glosses and free forms. The second column of Table 1 elements. Nadahup and East Tukano languages 2. but otherwise preserve Inalienable nouns – generally kinship terms.astronomical bodies and other natural phenomena. such as prepositions (as with Portuguese ‘de’). kápi-si i-hwida-ʈi hand-indep indef-head-unposs ‘hand’ ‘someone’s head’ 2. with English ’s) or other free or bound morphemes. in some languages. with patterns distinguishing nouns as alienable. Arawak languages display the most explicit morphological marking of possessive classes. we commonly i-naapa9 napitu kuimau find that either a pronominal affix occurs on the possessed-N or the 3sgnf-arm back turtle possessed-N and an independent pronoun are simply juxtaposed to one ‘his arm’ ‘turtle’s back’ another. either with a pronominal prefix indexing the possessor (2) or juxtaposed. 9. In some Arawak languages. 360 361 . but not kinship nouns. or classifiers. These general patterns occur throughout the Arawak family (see also Payne being more restricted). None of these cases requires an additional In order for an inalienably possessed-N to occur independently.

.. have been generally lost in Tariana. . Aikhenvald 1998:294- 95). Piapoco –Ɵi -de. Schauer and Schauer 2000:520). When possessed. Kauixana (ibid:394). . . Tariana (Aikhenvald see (Payne 1991:378) and (Aikhenvald 1998:294-95. Warekena (ibid:336.. occurring synchronically only on a few archaic forms (Aikhenvald 1999a:82. -ɺe. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel In contrast. –ti/ʈi -te. -ni –aƟu Tariana i. -ɾe. -Ø 2000:520) Yukuna i. Arawak languages Achagua -dee. -ne -leɁ(e)hé nu-téena-la nu-ta-ne 1sg-paddle-poss 1sg-canoe-poss Table 1. Sources: for Achagua (Ramirez 2001a:311-12). Aikhenvald 2002:79).11 Such distinct marking patterns involving indef … unposs paradigms of head-marking inflectional affixes are often viewed as prototypical examples of lexical classification of nouns according to an Kauixana -re. For discussions of the possible semantic notions associated with each class. -ni –dzaa three to four) lexical classes. alienable nouns are morphologically marked by a combination of pronominal prefixes (the same ones used n-class (inalienable) (alienable) noun on inalienable nouns) and possessive suffixes (6)-(7). -r/le. 2002. and possessive suffixes (column 3). This suffix. -le. . 2003). Baré (ibid:482). -la. alienable nouns can occur independently or as optionally type ‘unpossessed’ suffix possessive suffixes possessive possessed. Bickel and Nichols 2011). -ni –ahmila alienable/inalienable parameter (e. -re. 2003:129-33). -se. -ni. Piapoco (ibid:271-72). . -ni. Possession morphology in North-Amazonian (Colombian and ‘my paddle’ ‘my canoe’ Upper Rio Negro) Arawak Languages13 12.g. -ee –Ɵinaa typically have sets of possessive suffixes (see the third column of Table Baré† -hVi -re. . -e 1) indicating subcategorization of alienable nouns into specific (usually Baniwa i. (Ramirez 2001a:362. 362 363 . –ni. 2003:131). Baniwa/Kurripako (Ramirez 2001a:123-29. -ne/(ya)na (6) Achagua (Ramirez 2001a:312) (7) Yukuna (Schauer and Schauer Warekena -si/ʃi -ne/te. -si12 -ni. Yucuna 11. 13. -Ɵi -te.

for Yukuna). Similar nouns are also found in Southwestern Amazonian languages Baure (Arawak) and Mekens (Tupi) (see Danielsen 2007. e. In the following sections we will see that there are markers in some (10) Baniwa (Ramirez 2001b §3.g. possessed item in a ‘predicative-like’ possession involving use of semantically generic ‘possessive’ nouns14 that construction (11)-(13). Nadahup possessive constructions do not necessarily reflect the same kind of lexical class distinctions that directly invoke complex ‘Arawak-like’ 14. for Tariana and Baniwa). and ‘possessed classifiers’ (Aikhenvald 2000:131-43.2.1) Nadahup and East Tukano languages that behave in very similar fashion. nu-dzaa-ɻo-iita 1sg-possession-nom-cls:sharp 2.’ ri-leɁehe-na yawi-na nu-Ɵinaa éeda-Ɵi 3sgm-possession-pl dog-pl 1sg-possession hammock-indep (13) Baniwa (Ramirez 2001a:122) ‘his dogs’ (lit: his possessions. wherein they represent an overtly unspecified. and discussion in van der Voort 2009). Term used following Ramirez (2001a). themselves take possessive prefixes and occur in three configurations: (11) Piapoco (Ramirez 2001a:271) (12) Kauixana (Ramirez 2001a:394) a) with full. Galucio 2001. for Piapoco). Nadahup possession ‘(It’s) my knife/machete. ‘dog’ in (8) and ‘hammock’ in (9). labeled as ‘genitive’ markers (Schauer and Schauer 2000.’ b) with noun classifiers that establish anaphoric reference to a possessed-N (10). 364 365 . Such morphemes are alternately morphological marking. alé-na nu-aƟu p-ahmila where 1sg-possession 2sg-possession (8)Yukuna (Schauer and Schauer 2000:520) (9)Achagua (Ramirez 2001a:311) ‘Where’s mine?’ ‘(It’s) yours. ‘dummy noun-possession’ markers (Aikhenvald 1999a:83. co-referential nouns. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel The fourth column of Table 1 shows that a number of North-Amazonian and c) independently. dogs) ‘my (own) hammock’ nu-dzaá-da 1sg-possession-cls:generic ‘(It’s) mine. Arawak languages have an additional means of expressing alienable though contextually construed.’ Table 2 shows that Nadahup languages also have more than one way to express possessive relations. Though labeled ‘inalienable’ and ‘alienable’.

subject pronominals with these possessive morphemes to form possessive pronouns. singular forms show both segmental and tonal reductions: ~ǎh--~dəh ˋ Dâw (Martins 2004:148-58. forming compounds. it occurs with a post-positional particle nɨ̌ h (19) (17). demonstrative. the first and second 15. Nadëb (Weir 1984:83-93.poss’ and ǎb --~dəh ~ ~ m ˋ → ãb à ‘2sg. Sources: for Hup (Epps 2008:213-64). Epps (2008:232) defines ‘bound’ nouns as those that must occur with a (in the Umari North dialect).g. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel and a subset of bound human nouns must have a procliticized default inalienable alienable third-person pronoun in order to occur independently. Nadahup possessive constructions15 wild. These essentially Hup possessor nɨ̌ h head-marking strategies are reminiscent of Arawak patterns. as well as some artifacts associated with humans. 1994). while in Hup. the ~ m as well as (Martins and Martins 1999) and (Aikhenvald 2000:139-47).log hole month ‘wild pig’s meat/flesh’ ‘mouth of the hollowed-out log’ The inalienable construction in all four Nadahup languages involves simple juxtaposition of the possessor-N and possessed-N. pronominal with which it forms a morphosyntactic unit. a noun can be ‘bound’ to its possessor-modifier via the viewed as recent innovations (Ospina Bozzi 2002:243). with alienable possessive constructions involving additional nouns. while forms in the rest of the paradigm nominal modifier (noun. In Hup.pig meat fallen. pronoun. or relative clause). e. Yuhup possessor-~dh (14) Hup (Epps 2008:235) (15) Yuhup (Ospina Bozzi 2002:240) Dâw juxtaposition juxtaposition Ɂám=Ɂh ~toh cíbm animate possessor-ej 2sg=grandmother pig foot inanimate possessor-dɁ ‘your grandmother’ ‘pig’s foot/hoof ’ Nadëb juxtaposition. remain morphologically transparent. → â ‘1sg. in Yuhup and most consistently (though not exclusively) used for possession of ‘bound’ Hup. Such reduced pronominal forms are In possessive situations. 361-65. numeral.Yuhup (Ospina Bozzi 2002:239-46). human nouns. with some segmental and phonological modification generally occurring in first/second singular forms. plants (18) while in Hup. the possessor-N takes a possessive suffix -~dəˋ h parts of animates (15)-(16) or component parts of inanimates. 546-49). 366 367 .16 which generally include kinship terms (14). It is the construction The inalienable construction (juxtaposition) contrasts. body morphology. Both languages combine possessors of kinship terms are usually procliticized. In Yuhup. inalienable or alienable construction. first person singular form is the most differentiated: Ɂãh níh → nɨ or níh 16.poss’. In Yuhup. possessive classifiers (on ‘un-possessible’ nouns) (16) Nadëb (Weir 1994:296) (17) Dâw (Martins 2004:547) tóóh dab bɤʃ mãj jɔ̄h Table 2.

‘banana’ is characterized as a type of ‘food’. Subih waa maséél cf. used for possession of alienable (non-bound or independently occurring) fish and plants). cf. Aikhenvald (2000:139) analyzes the Dâw genitive morphemes as ‘possessor 19. Jê. *Subih maséél Subih cls:food banana Subih banana The situation in Dâw differs from Hup and Yuhup in that a possessive/ ‘Subih’s banana’ ‘Subih’s banana’ genitive suffix -ej/-dE need not occur at all if the possessor-N and possessed-N are juxtaposed in a properly formed ‘genitive phrase’. c. Likewise. drink. 546-48). tɔb ‘house’ it is pragmatically employed to call attention to the possessor as the more salient participant within the possessive relationship. characterizing nouns within specific types of possessive relations. Subih tɔb construction with bound nouns in Yuhup as a means of signaling the Subih father Subih house relevance of the possessor in the relationship. Alienable constructions (those with morphological marking) are always certain kinship terms. personal pronouns. For possession of the latter (including proper names. In Epps notes that speakers’ choice to use one construction or the other (20c). Oceanic systems typically have ‘relational’ classifiers characterizing the classifiers’ and notes that it is typologically uncommon for inanimates to occur possessed-N as food. emphasis (20) Nadëb (Weir 1984:84) added).17 as possessors in alienable possession constructions. contrast with independent ‘Ihow’s garden plot’ ‘Pedro’s book’ nouns. but can also be used with ‘bound’ nouns. Bickel and Nichols 2011). we see that use of the ‘Subih’s father’ ‘Subih’s house’ alienable construction is not determined by the class of the possessed-N. and some specific animals. Guaycuruan and Tupari (Tupi) either to a more ‘affected’ or discourse salient animate possessor-N or to ‘emphasize’ a possessive relation involving an inanimate possessor (Martins 2004:158. 18. which can be optionally possessed (20b). Nadëb employs a small set of possessive ‘classifiers’18 nouns. Nambikwara. 368 369 . when constructions with a genitive languages19 and also occur in a number of Amazonian isolates and languages suffix are used in Dâw. they serve to shift focus from the possessed-N from the Katukina. Ospina Bozzi (2002:246) analyzes use of the alienable a. for instance. or generic ‘other’ (Lichtenberk 2009:268-86). Sometimes called ‘possessive nouns’ (e. Carib.Thus. Possessive classifiers of different types are well-documented in Oceanic However. 17. bound nouns. Ihow-poss garden pedro poss book which require presence of a possessor-N (20a). Nevertheless. Subih ɨb b. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel (18) Yuhup (Ospina Bozzi 2002:243) (19) Hup (Epps 2008:225) Nadëb codes virtually all possessive relations by simple juxtaposition and ihw-~dh bót pedú nɨ̌ h cug’œt has no morphological possessive marker. similar to its sister languages. *ɨb ‘father’ cf.g. with a bound noun is likely related to the “relative salience (to the speaker) of the possessor as opposed to the possessum” (2008:236. and ‘un-possessible’ nouns (Weir 1984:83-89). such as kinship terms.

(22) Kotiria (Wanano)21 Jones 2000:337)20 yɨ̀ɨ́ hákɨ ká yahíri~pho’da 1sg father monkey heart alternately represented by orthographic <y>. phonological words.3. spatial designations – nouns “conceived in a necessary existential relation ret and tat (28a). porã (26) and by others with a preceding tilde e. Some languages consistently use full independent forms It is not surprising that throughout East Tukano languages. kar. ~dabó-ro (27). East Tukano languages have two basic (23) Wa’ikhana (Piratapuyo) (24) Retuarã (Strom 1992:48) adnominal possessive strategies: an ‘inalienable’ construction involving kʉbo-ka’se-ri pi’i-rihea juxtaposition and an ‘alienable’ construction involving use of the (often soaked. Bickel and Nichols Tukano languages indicates that in combinations involving parts of 2011. in the noun can occur as un-possessed (28b). b) the initial consonant of the possessive morpheme. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel families (see Rodrigues 1997. 2. which is associated ‘my father’ ‘a monkey’s heart’ to the entire morpheme. by which an inalienable prototypically occur with juxtaposed possessors. /j/ or // is author’s own field data. kinship (25)-(26). as is the prefix ka. (22). in other words.g. are compounded. e. forming a single phonological word (23)-(24). However. as well as relative and phonologically dependent) occur in kot (27) yur. pis. Note that in examples from East Tukano languages: a) [Ɂ] is indicated by an 21. Also similar to Nadahup languages. (21) Barasana (Gomez-Imbert and Hugh. 370 371 . 20. In the following section we will see how the animate wholes. is represented by some authors with a nasal vowel e.g. whether the ‘part’ be indicated by a full root or by a classifier morpheme. Messineo A closer look at part-whole constructions in a wide sample of East and Gerzenstein 2007. Fabre 2007. and references therein). while combinations involving parts of inanimates.(in tat and kar). East Tukano possession Like Nadahup languages. the juxtaposed nouns occur as independent East Tukano possessive form ya(a) compares to such forms. van der Voort 2009.manioc-peel-pl basket-lip/border optional) possessive morpheme ya(a).g. All examples from Kotiria and Wa’ikhana are from Stenzel (2013) or the apostrophe. body parts (22) and other parts of wholes. ‘inalienable’ construction. Queixalós 2005. kub. c) nasalization. ‘peels of soaked manioc roots’ ‘lip/edge of the basket’ use of one construction or the other is not solely determined by lexical class distinctions. Pronominal possessors show varying degrees of phonological independence. Aikhenvald 2000. pro-forms (generally both morphologically reduced terms (21). This pattern is reminiscent of Arawak head-marking with another entity” (Gomez-Imbert and Hugh-Jones 2000:342) – morphology.

from the Kotiria story ‘The Tail’.22 This morpheme has been analyzed as a default marker of alienable possession in East Tukano languages (Barnes 1999:218. In tuk. only kinship terms are bound. 372 373 .(Gomez-Imbert 1981:117) Hugh-Jones 2000:341) ~bɨ-pàk-o ká-pàk-ò The second. ~phichó-ró hí-ra ɨ’ɨ bẽdabã’kɨ gia tĩgɨ porã tail-sg cop-vis.’ 3sg. semantics.exc elder. in is obligatory with optionally possessed nouns.poss=tail-sg=com/inst fall-neg-assert. 1982) for Tatuyo and (Gomez-Imbert possessors. Though body parts in Kotiria prototypically occur with 22.23 from the information possession of a body part is demonstrated in (29).imperf (28) ‘(Using) their tails. which has cognate forms in all but two East Tukano ‘your mother’ ‘a/the mother’ languages. Exceptions being (Gomez-Imbert 1981. bar. juxtaposed possessors – e. and degree to which use of this morpheme mak.poss=wife-sg ‘his wife’ c. Optional properties of possessive constructions with ya(a). other words.’ ‘my friend’ ‘our elder brother’s children’ b. 1997) for Barasana.imperf. kot. (29b)-(29c) with full-noun and pronominal 23. ‘alienable’ possessive construction includes a possession 2sg-mother-fem unspec-mother-fem morpheme ya(a).Tatuyo (Gomez-Imbert and b. the available literature indicates that only some East Tukano morphemes occur in nearly all East Tukano languages.2/3 1sg friend 1pl. there is variation languages (generally those spoken in the Piraparaná subregion: bas. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel (25) Tuyuka (Barnes and Malone (26) Desano (Miller 1999:61) (29) 2000:449) a. (howler monkeys) never fall (from trees). in terms of form.2/3 to=~dabó-ro ‘It’s a howler monkey’s tail. and (Ramirez 1997) for Tukano. all other nouns can occur independently Although few studies explicitly discuss the phonological and semantic or as optionally possessed (see also Aikhenvald 2002:78). kar) require nouns in all the above categories to be bound. and yur.g. but we will see that although ya(a)/ye(e) nouns. respectively – they can also occur unpossessed (29a). wai. Although these examples suggest a fairly uniform class of ‘inalienable’ Aikhenvald 1999b:399). (Stenzel 2013) for Kotiria. Neither Kubeo nor Retuarã has a ya possessive morpheme. ti=~phichó-ró=~be’re borá-era-ka 3pl. tat.’ a.imperf. to have explicit possessors. ~ebó ~phichó-ró hí-ra (27) Kotiria howler monkey tail-sg cop-vis. des.brother children ‘This is a tail.

but is realized as CVV when it occurs 26. bas). and when compounded. status possessor) except where indicated as Ø) -ya N/-cls Wa’ikhana yaa-N/-cls(sg) Siriano yee-N (pl) Ø yaa (indicates 1sg possessor) -ya N(sg).24 Phonologically. Bará juxtaposition Morphologically. Tatuyo juxtaposition Karapana optional: animate N(sg)-yáá forms a single phonological word with the root to its right.c. 24. based on phonological criteria.or bimoraic ya(a) inalienable alienable phonological shape of ya(a) generally corresponds to whether it is analyzed (possessor-N always precedes. status to be a suffix on the possessor-N (yur. as in Kotiria N-yéé (pl/mass) ya-~baka-ri [kótiria jámãhkãr̃ i ̃ ] (Kotiria poss-village-pl) ‘Kotiria villages’. ya is Barasana yaa N ya-cls lexically specified for features of nasality and tone. sir. -ya N Desano (suffix) 25 tat. an independent except where indicated as Ø) genitive particle (mak. East Tukano possession marking26 -ya-cls(sg anim/inan) -ye N/-cls(pl inan) -kã N(abstract/place/time/ Yuruti event/action) Ø yaa/yee N (indicates 1sg/pl as an independent word. yaá N/-cls(sg) yeé N(pl/mass) inalienable alienable ya(a) Tukano Ø yaá/yeé N (indicates 1sg (possessor-N always precedes. In Kotiria it has underlying CV form. Ø ya (indicates 1sg possessor) genitive Makuna ya-cls(sg). 2009). bar. ya can occur as the root of a derived nominal such as juxtaposition Kotiria optional: ya-N/-cls root to=ya-hi-ro (3sg. Desano 374 375 . 25. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel available (summarized in table 3). kot.poss-poss-cop-sg) ‘place for his/her stuff/things’. Sources: for Kotiria and Wa’ikhana (Stenzel 2013 and field data). kar. wai. pis). According to Silva (p. tuy. yee-N(pl/mass) particle In Kotiria. ya clearly displays all the defining phonological and morphological properties of a root morpheme. for example. -ye N(pl) Retuarã juxtaposition - Tuyuka Ø yaa/yee N (indicates 1sg/pl possessor prefix-rika-cls juxtaposition possessor) - -yaa-cls(sg) suffix Kubeo -i N Pisamira -yee (indefinite) Table 3. des) or a possessive root/classifier (tuk. we see that the mono. Similar CVV/CV alternation is observed in Barasana possessor) (Gomez-Imbert 1997:72).

as in (37b). Kubeo (Morse and Maxwell 3sg gen-cls:hammock hammock anph-sg poss-sg dog-sg 1999:91. the possessed-N can be omitted. yur. Tukano (Ramirez 1997:324-27). contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel Regardless of what the morphological status of ya(a) is purported to be.c. tuk. no overt possessor-N indicates a default first-person possessor (32)-(33). but if the identity of a classifier-taking inanimate has been contextually established (for example. Chacon 2012). Tuyuca (Barnes and Malone 2000:446). 1995:40-41). yaa kobõro b. demonstrative. Siriano (Criswell and Brandrup 2000:409). mʉya ~bohoto 3sg-gen garden 3sgm gen house 1sg. 1982: 249-52). possessive ya(a) itself can take affixed noun classifier morphology while in Desano.poss box 2sg. use of the possessive morpheme with Similar to other types of noun phrase modifiers (descriptive. c.poss. we (32) Siriano (Criswell and (33) Tuyuka (Barnes and Malone should note that the morpheme consistently precedes the possessed-N. Bará and Karapana (Gomez-Imbert and Hugh-Jones 2000:337-42). (35) Makuna (Smothermon et al. as in (37b) below. the classifier alone sufficing to establish reference. classifiers and second-person pronouns results in the innovative possessive forms are required if the possessed-N is animate. Wilson Silva p. anaphoric). Pisamira (González ‘his hammock’ ‘his (own) dog’ de Perez 2000:385-86). 2009). inanimate possessed-Ns. Use of classifiers varies with in (34). in a direct question or previous mention in discourse). Retuarã (Strom 1992:66. tuy.alien garden (1sg)poss-garden-pl ‘my garden’ ‘my gardens’ (30) Siriano (Criswell and (31) Desano (Miller 1999:48) Brandrup 2000:409) (34) Desano (Miller 1999:48) (Silva p. If Brandrup 2000:409) 2000:446) a possessor noun is overtly present.poss hand ‘his garden’ ‘his house’ ‘my box’ ‘your hand’ In des. Tatuyo (ibid and Gomez-Imbert 1981. (36) Wa’ikhana 1995:40) ĩ ja-gi hĩgɨ tí-dó yá-kido dié-do (Miller 1999:48-51. Barasana (Gomez-Imbert 1997:72). and sir. 376 377 . morpho-phonological fusion of the possessive with first showing agreement with the possessed-N (35)-(36). Yuruti (Kinch and Kinch 2000:478). 130-31). Makuna (Smothermon et al. 1sg. Generally. it can occur as head of a pronominal aá pooé jee-wese-ri (30)-(31) or as a full noun phrase.) ĩgĩ-a pooé ĩgĩ ya wii a.

vowel assimilation from the classifier for inanimate mass nouns –e to the possessive yaa.count Christine pers.poss-cls:basket ‘his machetes’ ‘his hope’ ‘Christine’s (own) basket’ ‘Christine’s (previously mentioned) basket’ While much of the East Tukano literature suggests that the possessive Eight East Tukano languages have both ya(a) and ye(e) possessives whose morpheme ya(a) is obligatorily used whenever an otherwise independent use indicates semantic distinctions related to the possessed-N. in Kotiria. indeed. -ye occurs 1sg. kìrí yááwɨ 3sgm-gen-cls:flat-pl 3sgm-gen hope-nom:non. and a third possessive suffix -kã occurs with ‘my relatives’ ‘a man of the tatu clan’ abstract and derived possessed nouns (40b). Similarly. simple juxtaposition is used for possession by a full possessor-N.27 indicate ‘association’ – membership in a specific social group (41) or the practices associated with that group – or ‘personal ownership’ of an (38) Tukano (Ramirez 1997:326) (39) Makuna (Smothermon et al. the possessive construction with yaa is only used to above. in some East Tukano languages. Simple juxtaposition of the possessor-N 1995:41) and possessed-N occurs in all other contexts (Gomez-Imbert 1981:121- mi’i yeé akó bãs-a je sita 24.poss-basket Christine pers. ya(a) forms are used with singular optional but. noun is possessed. mass. Two such languages are Kotiria and possessed-Ns.clan-sg possession-masc with plural inanimates (40a). pãbõ-ã ya-ɨ In Yuruti. Gomez-Imbert (1981) analyzes the yee variant as the result of regressive pronominal possessor. and ye(e) forms with plural. as in (36) above. yi-yáá-rã b. its use is not only wai. 378 379 . as in (29b) above. object by an animate possessor. In Tatuyo. the two forms code features of both number and animacy: -ya occurs with possessed animates and singular inanimates. mak. including (always bound) kinship terms (42a). kar. or indefinite possessed-Ns (38)-(39). body parts (42b). kìrí yáá-pìí b. kĩ-kã jué-re a. while nouns of all classes. as in (33) Tatuyo. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel (37) Tatuyo (Gomez Imbert (40) Yuruti (Kinch and Kinch 2000:478) 1982:250) a. concrete objects (42c) and abstract concepts (42d) can occur with a procliticized 27. In tuk. 1982:249-53).poss-possession-pl tatu. rather rare. kĩ-je-pĩ-rĩ b. tat. bar and pis. tuy. 2sg poss water people-pl gen:pl land ‘your water’ ‘a people/group’s lands/territory’ (41) Tatuyo (Gomez-Imbert 1981:118) a.

contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel (42) Kotiria disambiguate situations in which more than one possible referent for a. he) returned to his (own) house.poss=wife-sg 3sg. to=~ba’á man’s own (literally owned and referentially identified as his) house. First.’ 3sg. The first is a temporary ‘his wife’ ‘his blowgun’ house a man builds after he gets lost in the forest (46a). use of the ya construction can ‘relational classifier’ noun (2000:133-38). to=yá-du ‘(The next day.perf until 3sg. to=yá-ro b. as in (46). for this house. ‘He made a little house.poss=poss-house-loc a.poss=tooth-pl 3sg. As such. the construction ‘his teeth’ ‘his way (home)’ with ya is used. the ya construction is used to emphasize or reinforce the notion of highly referential association or explicit ownership. to=púka the possessed-N could be construed from discourse. within Aikhenvald’s typology. rather.poss=path/river which he returns the next day (46b).’ and independent nouns) is morphologically unmarked and indicated by (45) kó-ti-ri-a yá=~be’re bu’é ~hí’da simple juxtaposition. at least. yielding a meaning 28.poss=poss-cls:concave 3sg.poss=blowgun narrative in which two ‘houses’ are mentioned. to=pí-ri d. ya(a) (44) yu’ú yaí-ró yá-re ya’ú-i-ka is not a generic possessive morpheme used for simple possession of 1sg jaguar-sg poss-obj tell-(1/2)masc-predict any alienable noun.perf attribute of a distinct individual or group possessor (43)-(45). but unquestionably linked or associated deic:prox-alt-nom house-dim do/make-assert. its use indicates specific subtypes of highly ‘I’m going to tell about jaguar things (here: specific facts related to referential possessive relationships. to=~dabó-ro c. this big/like this. Pragmatically.poss=poss-cls:cylindrical ‘her concave thing (vagina)’ ‘his cylindrical thing (penis)’ The Tatuyo and Kotiria cases show that in these languages. ya can occur as the sole a.’ [kotiria = ‘water people’] Second.28 Generic possession (of both bound jaguars). it can be thought of as a type of akin to ‘possessor’s own X’. to 3sg. ~ó-pá-rí wu’ú-~ká yoá-a root representing an unspecified. The other is the b. water-vbz-nom-pl poss=com/inst study/learn exrt ‘Let’s study with our own Kotiria (language). from a 3sg. thuá-a té to=yá-wu’u-pu (43) return-assert. 380 381 .’ b. As in Tatuyo. the Kotiria possessive construction with ya is reserved for (46) a limited number of specific contexts.

2003. Areal diffusion case of Tukanoan influence in Tariana. Use of one or another of the Nadahup migration. Increased external interference in particular subclass that determines how it will be morphologically traditional Vaupés social organization spurred waves of internal regional marked in a possessive relation. Although certain sets of nouns. particularly among Arawak and East Tukano languages. is only partly processes of language shift. such as parts of wholes and kinship terms. then. multilateral features of noun-noun relation strategies in Vaupés languages appear to diffusion and isomorphism of grammatical structures – though generally not be solely attributable to genetic inheritance (such features would not to borrowing of lexical forms – resulting in enrichment of grammatical be generally found in languages of the same family whether inside and features of individual languages. First. consequently. 2007) states that for the balanced. historical ‘norm’ among the Arawak previous sections. approximately. on East Tukano languages). disrupting longstanding language use patterns and accelerating or East Tukano possessive constructions. relations between the East outside the region in question). the languages they spoke) enjoyed fairly equal status.1. do tend to occur more often we find additional examples of clear unilateral diffusion. based more on socioeconomic interaction than on intermarriage. The ‘tukanization’ of Tariana. but rather represent elements of an Tukano/Arawak groups and the Nadahup populations – historically identifiable ‘Vaupesian’ profile. and with lower social status attributed to the Nadahup groups (Jackson 1983. is to pinpoint which Longstanding interaction among speakers led to gradual. Tukano (see also Stenzel 2005). 2007a. we saw that the inalienable/alienable possessive constructions of Nadahup and East Tukano languages are different in Around the beginning of the twentieth century. Aikhenvald (1999b. features among the languages involved (see Gomez-Imbert 1996 and the East Tukano and Arawak indigenous groups of the Vaupés region Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009 for discussions of Arawak influence (and. 3. 2002. Inalienable/alienable lexical classes and inalienable/alienable constructions Chernela 1993. The task at hand. principally from the minority languages to related to the class of the possessed-N. it is the possessed-N’s inclusion in a groups in the more central region. most notably the in inalienable possessive constructions and other types of nouns occur 382 383 . Characterizing the historical sociolinguistic relations and East Tukano groups in the region would have been that of more in the region.Within this more contemporary scenario. In contrast. and interesting similarities in the possession marking strategies of 2007b). well documented by Aikhenvald We turn now to a discussion of what can be learned about areal diffusion (op. cit). should nevertheless be viewed as in the Vaupés from the synchronic data and observations of similarities an extreme case rather than as an overall model of linguistic relations and differences in the possession marking strategies presented in the in the region. In Arawak languages. on the other hand. multilateral areal diffusion leading to identifiable common several hundred years leading up to the twentieth century. the linguistic balance significant ways from the inalienable/alienable lexical classes of Arawak of power began to change. Ribeiro 1995) – resulted in greater unilateral diffusion The overviews in Section 2 show that there are both notable differences of East Tukano structures into Nadahup languages (Epps 2005. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel 3. The much longer. Vaupés languages.

Information from Epps (p.g. or comitative morphemes (see discussion in Heine 1997 and forms occurring on their own represent first-person possessors. forms reflect features of the possessed-N (e. Cross-linguistic studies show that new possessive markers indicate diverse types of distinctions: in a number of languages. emphasis added). Such semantic of noun-noun relations. Heine (1997) suggests that when or salient in discourse (Epps 2008:253. As for why such constructions can indicate whether the possessor is inherently referential new marking systems might develop. influence from languages with which they are in contact. we have systems with nascent distinctions use of possessive constructions with ya(a) in East Tukano languages can of alienability. and in Koptjevskaya-Tamm 2001) – and that the semantics of these markers can others. ya(a) can develop from a range of language-internal sources – often locative. ya(a) source. as both Epps (2008:227) and Ospina Bozzi (2002:243) postulate. languages employ juxtaposition as the general means of expressing all types it is individual or collective (Ospina Bozzi 2002:245). Nadahup and East Tukano languages represents a new overall strategy for marking of attributive possession by morphological elements (be Indeed. so it is unsurprising to encounter pattern of marking attributive possession is created” (Heine 1997:174- their influence in additional types of grammatical relations. particles. we have seen that use of different Nadahup possession they affixes. Stenzel 2008:167-72). This preserving inalienable constructions (still coded by juxtaposition) for the hypothesis is supported by the greater similarity of the possessive more expected or inherent ones. Nevertheless. if animate. for example. but conditioned by additional semantic and/or It is possible that the development of ‘alienable’ constructions in both discourse-related distinctions. in differential marking of possessees which can be predicted to be associated with a ‘possessor’ [such objects within the verb phrase (see Ospina Bozzi 2002:139-48. In this sense. Likewise. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel more often in alienable constructions. new patterns may arise precisely for “contexts and pragmatic features of nouns come into play in other grammatical where it is least obvious that a possessive relation exists [ … and that] spheres in Nadahup languages. or whether. 384 385 . use of the ya(a) construction is reserved for particular types of be shaped both by existing internal grammatical distinctions as well as possessive relationships. This is whose systems differ completely from that of Nadëb. 76. a perceived need to highlight specific types of possessive contexts. Epps as] body-parts or kin terms […] are most likely to be ignored when a new 2008:170-78. number). possessive classifiers or nouns). it is nevertheless possible for the reconstruct with the possessive morphemes in more distant Dâw29 and same lexical item to grammatically occur in one or the other. it would appear that the common notion triggering the initial development The development of a morphologically-marked contrast in possessive of alienable (morphologically-marked) possessive constructions is constructions is likely of relatively recent origin in Nadahup languages.c. in some. Thus. goal. 2009). the ‘alienable’ constructions morphemes in the Hup/Yuhup subgroup. 260). which do not appear to 29. because the choice of possessive construction is not determined by the possessed-N itself.

the Nadahup and East Tukano accommodated fusion of the preposed element (the pronominal systems display certain shared features as well as subtle differences in the possessor) is likely reflective of Arawak influence (see Aikhenvald 2002. while the alienable construction is used with dwellings mid-eighteenth century. Similarly. semantic details and pragmatic uses of their ‘alienable’ constructions. in particular those attested in Arawak and East and East Tukano (e. with the inalienable construction. in addition to the semantic similarities discussed above. a hypothesis further supported by construction is used for animal body parts while the alienable construction the observation that similarities between the East Tukano and Nadahup is preferred with human body parts. It is doubtful that these semantic and structural similarities are merely coincidental. is exactly the kind of outcome we expect to find among languages in contact: points of convergence without the languages becoming carbon copies of each other. We can moreover see why of ‘indefinite possessor’ prefixes with bound nouns and the development holes. in Hup. gourds. it is not unusual for often-occurring with ya(a) are used in contexts of true ‘ownership’ and for ‘associative’ juxtaposed constituents to undergo phonological reduction and fusion.3. thus – than in Dâw or Nadëb. who.2. the inalienable key role in their parallel development.g. Possessive nouns and classifiers Another striking feature of possessive constructions occurring in Indeed. but use of the alienable construction shifts focus more centrally located and in greater contact with East Tukano peoples to the human possessor as the more contextually salient element. ‘marked’ category morphemes consistently occurring between the possessor-N and (Heine 1997:174-76. and other ‘hollowed-out’ objects (that might inherently of prefix-like pronominal markers in Nadahup languages are likely linked or naturally serve as a home to an animal or insect or as a container to contact with Arawak groups. highlighting the explicit bond between the ‘part’ and a particular human entity. constructions occur as proclitics or prefixes. for a specific material) occur in the inalienable construction in both Wright 2005). we saw that East Tukano ya(a) 386 387 . possessed-N. as well as morphologically. situations for which it is pragmatically necessary to highlight an explicit – but the fact that these fairly strict postposing languages have so readily rather than merely assumed – bond. Contact between the groups has likely played a These observations can help us understand why. Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009). In Section 2. we more than one Vaupés language family is the use of classifiers and/or should also note the structural similarity of Nadahup (e. pronominal possessors are allowed to we can understand why in certain East Tukano languages. Queixalós 2005:186-87). it can hardly be coincidental that in for humans (Ospina Bozzi 2002:240-42. Both cases involve inherent part/ systems are greater in the Hup/Yuhup sub-branch – these groups being whole relationships. 3.g. In contrast. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel constitute the cognitively. which employ Tukanoan languages.g. Epps 2008:232-56). True. certain East Tukano languages. Likewise. according to historical studies (e. occupied territories in the heart of the region up to the Hup and Yuhup.This 2003. (18)-(19)) generic possessive nouns. Thus. (30)-(31)) alienable constructions. association of the We can also identify points of convergence with Arawak languages: the use ‘part’ to its whole is the default assumption.

possessive markers may grammaticalize into definite articles or clearly identified as East Tukano or Nadahup. 2003). She common origin.fem/pl) demonstratives element shared by Baniwa and Tariana in the past. Widespread use of such marking strategy in Western Tukanoan languages.1). 2001:24). Siona. and from language to language. However. 2011) states that Sekoya has [ja / je] demonstratives that 2002.1. Schwartz (p. no languages not common. and [i / io / ita] (sg. suggesting a Tukano ya(a). Levinsohn 1992). in some languages. Use of such a root is not found as a possession. the forms themselves.30 Tukano and Arawak languages of the same geographic region reinforces No ya(a) possessive morphemes are attested in Siona (Wheeler 1970) an analysis of such nouns as an additional component of the areal profile. Sekoya. as the product of with a total of approximately 3. Interestingly. Ecuador and Peru: Koreguaje. depending on the terminology adopted) in East is apparently the primary means of indicating noun-noun relations. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel generally functions as a generic noun root – ‘possession’ or ‘belonging’ It is also significant that possessive nouns are extensively found in northern – though it shows signs of grammaticalization as a genitive-type suffix (Colombian/Rio Negro) Arawak languages (as noted in Section 2. that occur in possessive constructions. with similar phonological form. The Western Tukanoan branch consists of four languages spoken in note that the synchronic similarity between East Tukano ya(a) and Tariana Colombia. 2003:135). Fraurud (2001) shows that. in which juxtaposition nouns (or ‘classifiers’.31 While there is no mention of yaa/yee use in possessive constructions in Koreguaje. ya constructions should be viewed a bit differently.000 speakers (Barnes 1999:209). historical diffusion with the directionality she proposes is nevertheless a likely scenario.c. as we saw in Section 2. which are far spread geographically (thus more cross-linguistically common scenario. more recent unilateral diffusion of a loan form from Tukano (Aikhenvald 31. northern-Arawak possessive nouns differ in form expressing a number distinction ‘that/those X’ (Cook et al. the processes perhaps facilitated by a structurally similar express relative distance.32 be a phenomenon with areal dimensions. demonstrative forms were pressed into service as possessives is a question and although we have seen evidence showing use of dzaa-like nouns to that must be left for further study. Whether the more lexical East Tukano possessive forms bases her analysis of Tukanoan-to-Baniwa diffusion on the claim that grammaticalized into Western Tukanoan demonstratives or whether the no similar constructions are found in other North Arawak languages. in contrast to the cognate form of the possessive noun in Koreguaje has yaa/yee morphemes that function as demonstratives East Tukano languages. as Aikhenvald has pointed out (1999b:410. though they occur in similar constructions recent work on Sekoya indicates that this language also has demonstratives and with parallel functions. and Maihuna (Orejón). but not generally throughout the Arawak family. Although the development of possessives from demonstratives presents the Unlike Arawak languages. 32. as Particularly noteworthy and clearly suggestive of more direct diffusion well as the number distinction they express. Although Kakua (spoken 388 389 . Nadëb. We should 30. are certainly reminiscent of are the phonological and structurally similarity of Baniwa -dzaa and East the yaa/yee morphemes in certain East Tukano languages.masc/sg. while permitting us the luxury of family-internal comparison). are spoken outside the Vaupés region. or in Sekoya (Johnson and Levinsohn 1990. with the exception of demonstratives.

we can nevertheless observe elements that attest diffusion of certain Arawak-like features. details of each system continue to reflect language-specific ‘inalienable’ construction. we have seen that Nadahup and of all three Vaupés families. there is still a great deal to learn about the dynamics of contact or animate possessor.The semantic common denominator of these alienable languages. a simple sequence of profile for the expression of noun-noun relations begins to emerge. and semantic similarities – particularly between the more central for example. is used for noun-noun associations that can particularities. From these varied points of convergence. be construed as assumed or expected. and possessive classifiers found in Arawak and East Tukano languages appear to be an areal feature shared by additional languages in a region Second. Giron 2008:203-7). although we now have a broad picture of the region as a linguistic various types of additional information. has a that contact has likely played a role in their development. In general. the generic possessive nouns to-Nadahup directionality. topical area. The structural reflect the overall Vaupesian profile. and have postulated Tukano languages as a possible ‘inalienable’ and ‘alienable’ constructions by which specific types source. Nukak and Wãnsöhöt/Puinave (both spoken in entity. First. their genetic relation has yet to be conclusively demonstrated. juxtaposed possessor and possessed nouns. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel in the Vaupés region). have been grouped with the Nadahup culturally notable. we find that these languages have possessive constructions that itself in many spheres of grammar in these languages. we saw that while Nadahup and East Tukano systems differ in extending beyond the Vaupés. constructions would appear to be ‘referentiality’. The most Conclusion striking of these are the pronominal possession markers and ‘unpossessed’ This study has shown that there are several recognizable points of suffixes found in some Nadahup and East Tukano languages. both cognitively and morphologically more marked. a general Vaupesian of possessive relations are expressed. a notion that manifests Still. Thus. Wãnsöhöt. as well in other languages within a wider East Tukano languages (as well as Kakua) have developed contrasting geographical region. is used to express Indeed. In the Kakua alienable construction. on the other hand. The fact that structure in which a generic root. significant ways from the Arawak possession-marking patterns (these being more strictly linked to lexical classes). a more definite or uniquely identifiable possessed among particular groups and the types of specific changes contact may 390 391 . pín – similar to roots found in Arawak Tukano languages share a common marker while markers in Nadahup and East Tukano languages and glossed as ‘belong to’ or ‘possession’ – is languages are more distinct (thus suggesting more recent development compounded with classifiers of the type observed in Nadëb (Giron and from language-internal resources) points to diffusion with East Tukano- Wetzels 2007. convergence in possession marking in languages of the Vaupés that are we saw that use of classifiers or possessive nouns occurs in languages likely attributable to contact. constituting the default nevertheless. or an associative situation that is itself contextually prominent or the adjacent northern region). Finally. The ‘alienable’ construction. the possessor-N precedes the possessed-N and is marked by a Nadahup and the East Tukano possession marking systems – indicate suffix -iʔ (Bolaños and Epps 2009). such as a more salient.

Such subtle variations continue to remind exc exclusive us of the fascinating ways that linguistic diversity – even in contexts of exrt exhortative growing similarity – lives on. While a number of such studies are alt alternate already available. What each detailed anph anaphoric investigation demonstrates is that even when we feel fairly confident in assert assertion (evidential cat. calling on different language. languages still com commitative manifest change in very individual ways. more are undoubtedly still needed. cop copula internal resources and following distinct (even when somewhat parallel) deic deictic dim diminutive paths of grammaticalization. For this we need to further Abbreviations invest in basic descriptive analyses of all the languages of the region as 1/2/3 first/second/third person well as in comparative studies that examine details of particular structural alien alienable and typological phenomena. contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel have brought about in individual languages.) 392 393 .count non-countable obj objetive (case) pers.poss personal possession pl plural poss possessive/possessed predict prediction prox proximate sg singular unposs unpossessed unspec unspecified vbz verbalizer vis visual (evidential cat. f/fem feminine gen genitive nf non-feminine imperf imperfective indep independent indef indefinite inst instrumental loc locative m/masc masculine neg negative nom nominalizer non.) cls classifier attributing particular kinds of developments to diffusion.

contact and innovation in vaupés possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel

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400 401

kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the
upper rio negro

Thiago Costa Chacon
University of California Santa Barbara

Abstract: This paper explores the correlation of linguistic and socio-
cultural features in the historical processes that led to the formation of
Kubeo, an East Tukano language spoken in the Northwest Amazon. The
study shows that the Kubeo – despite sharing many traits associated with
theVaupés linguistic and cultural area – owe many of their unique cultural
and linguistic characteristics to a complex set of historical circumstances
that led to the relative marginalization of the Kubeo language from
related languages and exacerbated influence from languages from the
Arawak family.
Keywords: Kubeo; Tukano; Arawak; Vaupés; Northwest Amazon;
Contact; History

singulares a um conjunto complexo de acontecimentos históricos. Section 4 concludes this chapter.no Noroeste Amazônico. Since 2008 I have traveled regularly to Kubeo villages. historical and cultural differences between the formed the basis of my PhD dissertation (focused on the phonology Kubeo and other neighboring Tukano groups (cf.1). general social. Kubeo is an East Tukano (ET) language (rather than West culturais na formação histórica do povo Kubeo. see Chacon 2012) and involved linguistic of the Kubeo language in genetic and areal perspectives suggests the and cultural documentation and conservation initiatives. and compare them with neighboring This work focuses on the relevance of historical interactions in the Tukano groups of the Vaupés. In Section 1 I will try to characterize the Kubeo people from a cultural. with particular reference to the Kubeo Upper Rio Negro region to the development of the Kubeo culture and language. Introduction historical and social perspective. and linguistic elements that constitute the Vaupés linguistic and cultural area (an area that is also understood to include the This chapter is based largely on my own fieldwork among Kubeo speakers Pira-Paraná and Apaporis rivers).ramo oriental. see Section 2. though it is impossible to say precisely which language it contato linguístico. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon Resumo: Este trabalho explora as correlações de fatores linguísticos e i. is likely to be very closely related to Baniwa and Tariana. lingua da família linguísticaTukano. um grupo que fala uma [WT] or Central/Middle Tukano. This work There are many social. Kubeo has been relatively isolated. Kubeo has borrowed many linguistic traits and some Kubeo com relação a línguas aparentadas e pela forte influência de structural proprieties from an Arawak language (which grupos falantes de línguas Arúak. while it also shares many of the Kubeo and Arawak languages in the past. Section 1). Data gathered following conclusions: during these years include a 3000-word lexicon.Vaupés. henceforth [ET] family). see Section 3). Este estudo demonstra que os Kubeo – apesar de compartilhar diversos ii. compared to many of the other language Uaupés – devem boa parte de suas propriedades culturais e linguísticas groups within the Vaupés area. and Section 3 discusses the nature of contact between within the region in many respects. twenty hours of texts from a diverse set of genres (with five hours fully analyzed [transcribed. spending from 6 to 12 weeks in the field every year. Palavras-chave: Kubeo. Arawak. os quais são responsáveis pela posição relativamente marginalizada dos iii. in Brazil and Colombia.The analysis and morphology of Kubeo. Kubeo is unique Tukano languages. Noroeste Amazônico. cultural. Tukano. 404 405 . Section 2 discusses the status of Kubeo with respect to other language (of the East Tukano. (see Section 2. and for a considerable elementos tradicionalmente associados à área linguística e cultural do rio amount of time.2). história was.

FUNAI CGEP and Museu do Índio (2009-2010). Sorensen 1967). Arhem 1981). these form 1. they also often intermarry with members of other language groups. cf. a transitional zone in the cultural fact that they speak the same language. UnB LALI (2008). Hugh-Jones 1979). with about half the work correlate in the Vaupés. It has been proposed that the Kubeo have a phratric system very similar to ELDP SG00038 (2010-2011). where “phratries [are] territorially localized and often 2012). Because language and ethnicity tend to occurring situations in distinct Kubeo villages. Chernela 1996. Further details about the fieldwork and documentation/conservation projects function as political units composed of allied sibs under the leadership of phratric can be found in Chacon 2012.2 Hence the term ‘Kubeo’ language is inherited from one’s father side. and is the representative language does not refer to the same type of social category as is represented by of an ethnic group). and exogamy (every group must find marriage partners other ET and Arawak language groups in the Vaupés (such as Tukano. also looks awkward from the context of the Vaupés (see their location in the upper left-hand part of perspective of Vaupés linguistic exogamy. The Kubeo social system is also unusual because most ET groups in the A typical ethnic group in the Vaupés is defined by the composition of region are composed only of agnatic groups (sibs). in another exogamous group. citing Hill 1996:143). chiefs” (Santos-Granero 2002:35. They are located in a ‘border area’ between Tukano. helped in collecting and analyzing the data. despite the Arawak. exogamous groups prefer to intermarry with each other. cf. Jackson 1983). with separate descent ideologies. These elements form the basis of the regional configuration that 2. The Kubeo speakers distinct exogamous groups (although something similar may also exist The Kubeo are often seen geographically and figuratively as a marginalized among the Makuna. NSF (Dissertation Improvement Grant) (2011 and neighboring Arawak groups. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon translated and morphologically segmented]). Data collection was supported by a variety of grants from different institutions: intermarry. It is important to highlight that although members of Kubeo phratries can 1. The fact that the Kubeo-speaking group in the Vaupés. and an extensive grammatical ultimately creates linguistic exogamy. elicitation. Siriano. Data were collected via interviews. Native speakers were trained in language documentation and tribe (Goldman 1963) or exogamous group (C. Jackson 1983. which has also been referred to as Querarí). Jackson (1983) used the term language group for the conducted among the two Kubeo villages located in Brazil (Açaí and primary social grouping in the region.3 speaks a distinct language) (cf. we also developed three dictionary workshops. multilingual societies and polylingual database. language (a single and 2004] – which in turn are made up of sibs). 3. while the Kubeo are three basic elements: descent (involving hierarchically organized agnatic divided into potentially affinal groups (called phratries [in Goldman 1963 and patrilineal sibs with common mythological origin). which claims a different ethnicity and likely Desano. the regional map at the beginning of this volume).1 What is unique about the Kubeo is that several Kubeo sub-groups have different historical origins. ELF (2008). and Carib speaking groups. 406 407 . and in naturally individuals (Sorensen 1967).

2004:64–70. although the former seem to have less cohesion cohesion in the inter-sib. In each phratry (Goldman 1963 and 2004 lists three. geographic proximity. kinship. the Yúriwawa ‘people of the Yúri to the sibs from Phratry III (see below). Kubeo has even evolved as a kind of Lingua Franca in the neighboring agnatic groups (although it is likely that inter-sib hierarchy Vaupés area around the city of Mitú (capital of the Department of Vaupés. Kubeo society can be divided into three categories with respect to the Kubeo language: • An original pre-Kubeo speaking group (the core sibs of Phratry-I). For their Colombia). Goldman 2004). and although there is no centralized Kubeo-speaking people and playing a role in their growing interactions power. inter-phratric relations are not characterized by descent ideologies. still in oral memory) (Phratry-III sibs and Phratry-IV). within a few generations. 408 409 . and solidarity among Colombia. but social separation and segmentation. although mythologically they are considered agnatically related 4. In more recent times. who share in the Vaupés. kinship. and my fieldwork data). According to different ethno-historical accounts (see Goldman roughly as illustrated in Map 1 below. who can intermarry with any other Kubeo sib. but who came to speak Kubeo long ago. For Goldman (2004:72–3). what binds the sibs of a phratry together seems to be relations of with other indigenous groups and the national societies of Brazil and ritual. social and economic cooperation. each phratry occupies a specific river section. intra. • A second group that originally spoke another language (very likely an Arawak language).and inter-phratric alliances than with than the latter. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon It is rather the Kubeo phratries that are more directly comparable to Language for the Kubeo is associated more with assimilation and Vaupés language groups. in a time referred to only in myths (the majority of Phratry-II sibs). are gradually shifting to Kubeo. the phratries are the real importance. • A third group that came to speak Kubeo in historical times (i. such as the Pisamira and the part. supporting the construction of supra-local alliances of political bodies in Kubeo society. times. and a common language. and leadership was stronger in the past.e. There is evidence that many sibs and three Kubeo phratries used to speak another language in the past.The fourth group is composed of a single sib only. shared ethnohistories. and rely mostly on alliances created by marriage. a few small language groups. in contrast to other language groups there are actually four in total4) there is a set of distinct sibs. cf. Yuruti.. Map 1: Distribution of Kubeo Phratries (adapted from Hugh-Jones 1979:19) deity’ (inhabitants of Açaí village in the Brazilian Vaupés). having shifted to Kubeo in more recent With some exceptions. language has increased in political common descent.

Their ancestors used to speak Inkacha. It is interesting that the Kubeo are one of the very few ET peoples on the language that is hypothetically different from the current stage of the language. like the Baniwa and the Tariana (both Arawak). Koch-Grünberg 2005:476). Their migration to invaded the Vaupés and Cuduyari river areas. 410 411 . yielding the cultural language.before the name of a given language is standard practice in 7. It is likely that the grandfathers between Phratry-I and Phratry-II sibs that the Kubeo culture and language or great-grandfathers of the current oldest generation still spoke the were formed from the Tukano and Arawak matrixes. when many Arawak Thus. are of more recent integration river areas were Arawak-speaking people and ancestors of the majority into the Kubeo phratric system. Also. until marriage relations led the Vaupés from the Aiari seems to have been motivated by an intense to solidarity and cooperation. sibs like the Biówa and Korówa (Phratry-II) are said to be the II have their mythological place of birth in ĩparãrĩ (the rapids of Santa original inhabitants of the Querari river. They are self-proclaimed invaders of the of sibs in Phratry-II.7 nativized by the Kubeo through calquing. of Phratry-III and IV – the more significant formative processes that produced the Kubeo language and culture occurred among Phratry-I and Phratry-II sibs in pre-historic times. in the Colombian Vaupés) and Phratry-III and IV frequency of toponyms of Arawak origin among the Kubeo than in other parts of the sibs have their place of origin in hípana (the rapids of Uapuí.5 Phratry-I sibs – the original pre-Kubeo6 speakers – Vaupés territory. Hipa means ‘rock’ in Baniwa. Santos-Granero 2002:35. on the other hand. Koch-Grünberg noticed a higher Cruz de Wacurawa. Wright 2005). war and displacements occurred between period of conflicts in the eighteenth century. which indicates a rapid language shift (no more than within hybridism mentioned by Goldman (2004) and Wright (no date).e. lower Vaupés river). when slave raids were the invading groups and the original settlers from Phratry-II. bilingualism between the speakers of an Arawak language and the pre- Kubeo speakers must also have occurred in this period.The use of a prefix pre. hípana and ĩparãrĩ were borrowed into diachronic linguistics. leading to the inference that some of the Kubeo-speaking groups used to speak an Arawak language in the past (or at least that the Kubeo territory was previously occupied by speakers of an Arawak language). folk etymology. 6. a language claimed to be similar to It was probably during the time of this later. Intense three generations) after they settled in the Querari river area. As place names. intensified in the region (cf. with origins in the Aiari river area. i. more peaceful relationship the Arawak language Baniwa-Kurripako. Ethnohistorically. or the addition of Kubeo words. Some of these names were river area). it is likely that – giving the short period since the integration lexical and structural elements were incorporated into pre-Kubeo. Vaupés river that claim to have emerged in rapids other than those of Ipanoré (on the the historical variety of Kubeo prior to the intense influence from Arawak languages. in the Aiari Vaupés that he had visited (cf. In this paper pre-Kubeo refers to a historical stage in the Kubeo Kubeo. This scenario is also in accordance with the mythical place of birth of each phratry: sibs from Phratry-I and 5. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon It is likely that the original inhabitants of the Cuduyari and Querari Phratry-III and IV.

Goldman [2004]). nomadic peoples (Nadahup. loc ‘locative’. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon Many aspects of Kubeo culture exhibit a stronger mixing of Arawak The Kubeo have thus evolved from the integration of different exogamous and Tukano elements than are found in other ET groups of the Vaupés groups. visual ‘visual evidential’. were integrated into Kubeo society maintained their status as separate Hill 1993:154-156). Other examples include a mourning The semantic variation of names referring to the Kubeo and the lack of ceremony involving masked chanters. Yúri (in Phratry-III and IV) (Dzuliferi in Baniwa mythology. pl ‘plural’. 2004. an groups from the Vaupés. sg ‘singular’. Koch-Grünberg 2005). the structural parallelism between more clear-cut ethnonyms (especially compared with typical language Amáru.sg)8 ‘there is not’ (Koch-Grünberg grammatical and lexical elements of Kubeo are characteristic of Tukano 2005) – a phrase that the Kubeo may have often repeated to the violent languages. the language has experienced strong Arawak influence in Portuguese traders. Different Kubeo ‘interrogative’. which in lexicon and grammar. the formation of the Kubeo- speaking groups probably involved the incorporation of other ethnic 8. emph. while the fundamental derive from kɨ-be-wɨ (exist-neg-n. Kakua) (Goldman My impression is that this is not the case. certain groups that also regard the Kubeo as ambiguous between Arawak and Tukano (cf. Linguistic abbreviations used in this paper: 1‘first person’. the primordial feminine character for the Baniwa. Goldman (2004) has suggested that Hehenawa is the name for the entire Phratry-I. It has been noted by Goldman (2004:72) that the ‘animate’. 2005:438. such as Kúwai (in Phratry-I and II) and of the existing phratries (cf. A particularly relevant example of hybridism is the exogamous units. indicating intense and prolonged contact between some contexts refers only to the sibs in Phratry-I. and other local groups the Vaupés. while other groups were fully incorporated into one modification of Arawak deities. the name may creation narrative. 3 ‘third person’.3an. The term ‘Kubeo’ is applied the Anaconda Canoe motif with various Arawak features in the Kubeo by outsiders to the whole Kubeo-speaking population. In addition to a strong Arawak influence. assum ‘assumed evidential’.past ‘historical past’. inferr ‘inferred evidential’. From a linguistic perspective. resulting in an ethnic profile distinct from that of other groups in (cf. rep ‘reported evidential’. gen up-river zone where the Kubeo live is historically a place where many ‘genitive’. and even Carib groups (cf. In some cases (in Phratries II. in ‘inanimate’. neg ‘negation’. possibly involving other ‘past tense’.foc ‘emphatic focus’. Wright 2009) with Tukano symbolism. and the combination of political organization of Kubeo society. and can more generally refer to any indigenous (or non-White) person. hist. groups within Phratry-I have the name Hehenawa added to their sib names. What seems to be the case is that some 1963). cf. Goldman 2004). language (see Section 3).9 in others to all Kubeo- a pre-Kubeo speaking population and a population that spoke an Arawak speaking peoples (those who speak pamie or pami kamu ‘Kubeo language’). Another common ethnonym is pamiwa. interr groups sought refuge in times of regional instability. msc ‘masculine’. obl ‘oblique case’. López 2001). III and IV). ET groups from the Papuri river (Goldman 1963. 412 413 . Koch-Grünberg 9. past sub-groups may therefore have diverse origins. Robin Wright [no date]. while some other sibs of the same phratry do not have Hehenawa in their ethnonyms. and Yɨredo (in groups in the Vaupés) is also revealing of the ethnic pluralism and varied Phratry-I and II) or Huredanaçu (in Phratry-III). conv ‘converb’.

of phratries. and Retuarã (Letuama) are ET languages with a close genetic relationship to languages such as Desano. and in linguistic features. In addition. Tanimuka. family demonstrating that a proposal of a third. described in detail elsewhere (Chacon forthcoming). I demonstrate the genetic classification of Kubeo within Middle Tukano).Vaupés by Waltz and Wheeler (1972) are questionable in several ways.This observation suggests that the concept of a ‘Middle’ branch is theoretically retained from an ancestral language) found in Kubeo and the independent misguided. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon As this section conveys. relative marginalization with respect to other ET groups. both problematic reconstructions. since a language cannot inherit properties from different branches. and 2. grounded in the social According to Waltz and Wheeler (1972:128). I also discuss the archaisms (words 11. their reconstruction of Proto-Tukano voiced stops *b *d *g leads Waltz In summary. the hybridism of Arawak and Tukano cosmologies. Middle branch is unmotivated. These facts support the although they may be acquired via contact or retentions from the proto-language.12 Most notably. which provides evidence for subgrouping Kubeo language and culture. innovations that the language has undergone. and Wheeler to treat global innovations in the ET branch as retentions.Waltz and Wheeler (1972) can only present a parallel correspondence between Kubeo and WT involving the alleged proto-sound *Y and a correspondence involving *S. Kubeo displays lexical networks linking different sibs. the East branch of the Tukano family. as acknowledged by Goldman (2004:73). the historical processes that formed the common 2. Perhaps we can understand the Kubeo to changes used to support a close relationship between Kubeo and WT have formed a regional subsystem of their own within the larger. ethnic pluralism. The formation Tukano – in addition to East Tukano and West Tukano (Mason 1950). as I have regional system. idea that Kubeo has been relatively isolated (culturally and historically) 12 Chacon (forthcoming) is a detailed comparative phonological study of the Tukano from other ET languages for a considerable amount of time. Barasano. 13.1. Tanimuka. and Makuna. 414 415 . Compare also Barnes’ (1999) proposed classification of Kubeo. Genetic classification culture and language shared by all Kubeo sibs were probably based on The classification of the Tukano family has been in debate since Waltz relatively localized alliances (rather than those involving an entire tribe and Wheeler’s (1972) proposal of a third major branch – Middle or chiefdom). Kubeo. The Kubeo Language and the Tukano Family Retuarã as a Central Tukano branch (equivalent to Waltz and Wheeler ‘s [1972] In this section. 10.13 strong Arawak influence.11 The sound traits to spread and converge. which allowed cultural and linguistic and phonological similarities to both East and West Tukano. The latter are the focus of the following sections. and occupation of a refuge/ Chacon (forthcoming) argues that the correct reconstruction is that of transitional zone in the Vaupés all contributed to the evolution of the creaky voiced stops *p’ *t’ *k’.10 of Kubeo society was thus a fragmented process. as can be clearly observed in the system Kubeo with East Tukano.

Kótiria is also known as Wanano. 416 417 . All WT languages merged *p’ with *p. medial position nasalized syllable.e. since they include shared retentions from the proto-language (which may occur independently in multiple languages). but never if it has a voiceless tanimuka kubeo desano tukano kotiria mahƗiki14 sekoya koreguaje siona P-T Gloss onset. Tukano and Wanano/Kotiria laryngealized the the importance given to lexicostatistical methods. 14. dɨ-̃ kɨ=be [nɨk̃ ɨbe] tanimuka kubeo desano tukano Kotiria mahƗiki sekoya koreguaje siona P-T Gloss go-nmz. shaded cells) changed *p’ > b. Johnson and Levinson Reflexes of *p’ in word initial position show that all ET languages (non. dɨ-̃ bi [nɨm ̃ ĩ] boi bo bore buti bo’ta ʔbo po po p’o *p’o WHITE go-3msc ‘He went. Reflexes of p’. as an Kubeo) from WT languages is the allophonic variation of voiced stops example of the correspondences in question. a pejorative name. and nasalization may major consonants (for details see Chacon forthcoming).WT languages have more different reflexes. yeba yeba ye’pa ya’pa yiha yeha yeha yiha *yip’a LAND ãbũ kãbũ gãbĩ õ’bẽ kã’bõ gãhõ kãhõ kãhõ k’ãhõ *k’ãp’o EAR In WT languages.msc=cop.g. i. Wheeler 1987). a further problem for Waltz and Wheeler’s (1972) classification is Desano changed *p’ > b. Also known as Orejón.3an. nasal spreading occurs even across /h/. Kubeo. nasal spreading is licensed primarily by the presence of a sonorant phoneme in the onset of the syllable to the right of a Table 2.’ Table 1.prf. In word medial position. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon The following charts illustrate the reconstruction of the creaky voiced Another important feature that differentiates ET languages (including series with the reflexes of *p’ in word initial and medial position.Tanimuka. The subgrouping yielded and nasal spreading rules. initial position b. demonstrate subgrouping. In ET languages.sg ‘He has gone. and Finally. /b/ > [m]).’ . Reflexes of p’.. 1990. a voiceless but sonorant phoneme (Cook and Criswell 1993. counts of shared preceding vowel *p’ > V’p. while Siona retained *p’. spread across morpheme boundaries when the morpheme to the right of the nasalized morpheme has a voiced onset. These counts cannot be used reliably to later changed *p > h. and lexical items between languages. See the examples below from Kubeo: bia bia bia bia bia ʔbia pia pia p’ia *p’ia CHILI (1) a. every voiced phoneme has a by the reflexes of *p’ is supported by the correspondences for all other nasal allomorph in nasalized words (e.

. • Words with no cognates between Kubeo and any other Tukano East-Tukano. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon rather than shared innovations. below (a more detailed report is in preparation): of these 22% (8 words) had undergone semantic shift in Kubeo. I identified three sets of cognates: (i) cognates between Kubeo and languages from both WT and ET branches. of grammar and phonology.15 • Out of 375 words. In light of the flaws in their study.2. Gomez-Imbert (1993) also provides a precise evaluation and list of flaws in Waltz is cognate across all other Tukano languages). no 2.6% of words (~ 70 items) were identified as cognate between This percentage seems quite high for languages so disparate in terms of Kubeo and at least one ET language (with no cognates in WT).6% (~ 36 items) of words were identified as cognate between and Reed (1992). • 18. 418 419 . The existence of these features supports the idea that the • If a given gloss did not exhibit cognates between Kubeo and other relative isolation of Kubeo blocked the diffusion of many areal features Tukano languages. that reflect retentions of linguistic traits from Proto-Tukano or Proto. I conducted these 34% (24 words) had experienced semantic shift in Kubeo. 16. out of which 15% (22 words) had undergone shared vocabulary between Kubeo and Siona (a WT language). For example. cognates for the Kubeo term were searched for into the language. meaning "a fish species" in other ET languages. Results Lexical elements • Kubeo shares 36. and independent innovations distinct from those in other language were also identified. the largest semantic shift in Kubeo. but Kubeo moa does have cognates and Wheeler’s (1972) study.. Archaisms and independent innovations cognates in WT). another study based on the more recent compilation of data in Huber • 9.16 to itself.e. Kubeo moa ‘fish’ is not cognate with wa’i ‘fish’ in Tukano (which 15.8% cognates (~ 138 items) with languages from both Waltz and Wheeler’s (1972) lexicostatistical study counted about 95% branches of the family. The methods of analysis and results are summarized Kubeo and at least one WT language only (with no cognates in ET). (ii) cognates between Kubeo and at least one ET language only (i. and (iii) cognates between Kubeo and at least one In this section.e. which are more likely to occur only once Methods (Campbell 2004). and allowed Kubeo to keep its own innovations largely (across sources) under different meanings. I will analyze phonological and lexical elements in Kubeo WT language only (i. no cognates in ET). lexical similarity shared between Kubeo and another Tukano language. ET languages.

while in other iii.Tukano innovations in the previous section.. coupled with the demonstration of shared phonological comparison to other Tukano languages. It is very likely that the great majority of the words ET languages this is not the case. identifiably cognate with other Tukano languages. Given that Kubeo is closely related genetically to languages like Desano and 420 421 . In WT it is also possible Tukano. ‘wash’ and ‘dig’). of V1V2 (i. as the minimal domain of nasalization. Ramirez 1997. is not.18 is a direct cognate in one branch of the family and an indirect cognate (with semantic change) in another branch. such as in /sẽse/ [sẽse] ‘peccary’ in Koreguaje (Cook ‘smoke’. iɨ. indicating ii. The percentage of shared vocabulary between Kubeo and ET languages i. ɨu. It would and Criswell 1993). Thus. such innovations in Kubeo. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon • 142 words in Kubeo (37. The sum of the total percentages is equal to 102%. oɨ.8% of the word list) have no known cognates Phonological elements across the Tukano family. Hence it is possible to find in Kubeo a polysyllabic change is relatively high. but also ‘fire’. as the word bãwɨya [mãwɨʤa] ‘bird species’. Nasalization is a feature whose minimal domain in Kubeo that independent lexical innovation in Kubeo is probably is the syllable. entirely nasalized or non-nasalized. ae. and all of these are allowed in Kubeo. In Kubeo there are fewer constraints on the combination is overwhelming compared with the amount shared with WT languages. which also points to independent morpheme with nasalized and non-nasalized syllables. which suggests that these i. only three verbs: ‘drink’. and ao (Ramirez 1997:44). (Gomez-Imbert 2004. Stenzel ii. while the other ET languages innovated by expanding the domain of nasalization 17. Only about two-thirds of the Kubeo vocabulary is constraints are retained from Proto-Tukano. some important points can – on the combinations uo. ei. the genetic classification of Kubeo as an ET language. should eliminate any doubts about (an ET language) does not allow vowel sequences such as ɨi. Kaye 1971.e. especially because most of these words are restricted to find words where one syllable is nasalized and the other to basic vocabulary (mainly a few body parts. while in most ET languages it is the morpheme very high. since all morphemes are shared between Kubeo and WT are retentions from Proto. 18. iu. eɨ. The constraints that do exist in Kubeo Although a more detailed analysis must wait.17 The following paragraphs describe phonological features related to archaisms and independent innovations in Kubeo. uɨ. one can conclude that Kubeo be extremely controversial to claim that these words were inherited (from Proto-Tukano) the feature of the syllable common innovations between Kubeo and WT. two distinct vowels) within a syllable in This fact. The percentage of cognates that have undergone semantic 2013). ou. where 2% are cases where there to the entire morpheme. For instance. eu – are also be inferred from the present analysis: found in other Tukano languages.

as the examples below illustrate: Barasano that also have the morpheme as the minimum domain for nasalization. Many sound changes occurred independently in marker in the head verb and only one subject. cat rack top-loc jump go. a term defined by Haspelmath (1995:3) three elements are likely to represent such cases: as “a nonfinite verb form whose main function is to mark adverbial subordination.” Kubeo converbs code all the types of predicates coded by serialized constructions in other Tukano languages. sub-events are expressed as a single predicate. • /j/ developed [ð] as an allophone (not clearly identifiable as a retention. Epps 2008). as a marker of aspect or mood. the following verb form that I call a ‘converb’. visual. and [r] is the allophone of /d/ elsewhere. 19.3msc borrowing or independent innovation. it is likely that this feature spread areally across different ET subgroups (Chacon forthcoming).above go-present. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon iii. a whole serialized verb construction can be lexicalized. followed by a single inflected verb. from Tukano (Ramirez 1997:172) illustrates this type of construction: • glottal sounds *ʔ and *h merged with zero. Aikhenvald 2003) and Hup (Nadahup. Kubeo lacks aspiration of voiceless stops word.’) [d] is the allophone of /d/ after front vowels. Nevertheless. ‘The cat went and put • [r] and [d] developed an alternation across morpheme boundaries: himself above the rack by going up and jumping. most notably the following: verbs appear as a sequence of verbs in their bare stem form. see Chacon forthcoming). ‘The cat jumped on top of the rack.round) ‘ball’. e. Grammatical elements Kubeo is the only language in the area that does not have such a It is difficult to find grammatical traits that have no analogous elements productive system of serialized verbs. which I analyze as the head. as well as internally. Instead. In other cases.19 Vaupés (except for languages in the Pira-Paraná and Apaporis exhibit serial verb constructions.up be. a common feature of all Tukano languages in the Tariana (Arawak. See also the chapter by Gomez-Imbert and Ospina Bozzi in this volume 422 423 . as in yahu-i=dɨ (play- nmz=cl. serial Kubeo. i. as in The head verb in serial constructions often becomes grammaticalized pamu=rɨ (armadillo=cl.’ (lit.The following sentence • all spirant consonants changed to /h/ after *h merged with zero. by which a combination of different areas). Converbs instead of Serialized Verbs: Most ET languages.g. with only one inflectional iv. Tukano /peta/ [pehta] ‘tocandira ant’. it uses a special non-finite in ET or unrelated neighboring languages.round) ‘an armadillo’. In Tukano languages. • the phoneme /t∫/ (orthographically <ç>) was added to the consonant (2) pisána kasâwa bui’i-pɨ bu’pu mɨhá peha eha-mi inventory.

20 When combined with the causative suffix -wa. as in the example below: locative/existential copula kɨ ‘be at.’ ‘Did Kúwai exist?’ c.evid. although the nasalization of the converb cannot be straightforwardly explained. as in (4a). Copulas: Kubeo seems to be the sole ET language that retained the possession. hawe-i=ta ɨ ̃ kɨ te-ame brasilia-re cold-conv be.’ 20. source of the converb in Kubeo.g. exist’ as a productive root. this looks like a possible meaning was encoded by another morpheme.1 exist do-cl. though they are clearly distinct morphemes. Given that it is quite common suffix indicating possession was retained. or ‘there is’ when there are no spatial (5) yɨ kɨwa-wɨ pɨka-rã ma-rã I have-n.pl ‘I have two children.’ location’. it usually means that hole-loc enter-cnv go-cnv hide-3. hoe kɨ-reha-kemawɨ ̃ no-re of form and meaning is very similar to the serialized verbs from ET long.asm there-obl languages (Wheeler 1987:168–9).‘to be’.msc Brasilia-obl ‘It is very. kɨo ‘to have’ in Tukano. only the form with the causative Kubeo. kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon (3) a.in already-loc=emph. very cold!’ ‘He has lived in Brasilia for a long time. b.pst-intr Kuwai ‘I ended up falling asleep. hɨhɨ-rĩ wai-ni tɨ-wɨ [lexicalized] b. it is likely that the replacement of the ‘They lived there for a long time. as in (4b) and (4c). yɨ kã-ri nɨ-rebu [aspect] (4) a.’ Since Siona (a WT language) also presents a construction that in terms c. while the locative/existential for a participle to evolve into a converb (Haspelmath 1995). found in Siona (Wheeler 1987) and Sekoya (Johnson and Levinson 424 425 .ii. it is intriguing to consider the similarities to Finally. e.foc he exist do-c.time exist-hst. respectively. kãrãrɨ-i ko-rĩ nɨrĩ dupi-awɨ= ̃ ya [sequence] adverbs.3.asm.3an two-an. which is also the case described by Epps (2009) concerning the development of the Hup converb. In that case. the form kɨwa ‘have’ codes ii.in=rep the subject ‘is at a given location’ or that the subject ‘lives at a given ‘It (a living head) got hidden by going and entering into a hole.’ serialized verbs by a converb is an independent innovation in Kubeo. Kubeo has retained the copula verb ba.ii.ii. When there are spatial adverbs.pst-c. The form of the converb suffix –rĩ is very similar to that of –ri ‘participle’ in In all ET languages with a cognate verb. ‘exist’.intense-conv fall-3.pl offspring-an. kɨ te-kema-ri kúwai I sleep-conv go-inferr. This verb can be translated as ‘live’.

Furthermore. Nevertheless. which were taken from Wright (2009). and =ba ‘interrogative copula’) that also an Arawak language into Kubeo.1.The orthography used in each source has been preserved to the maximum extent. Arawak Creator of Kári kaali influence on Kubeo has involved more direct borrowing of lexical items agriculture a