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UDK 93/99 ISSN 0583-4961

GLASNIK

. 58 . 1-2 196
. 1-178 2014
TABLE OF CONTENTS

ARTICLES

:
(. ) ......................... 7
Cvetan Grozdanov: New Contributions to the History and the Wall-
Paintings of the Holy Mother of God Peribleptos (St. Clement) in Ohrid ......... 7
:
................................................................................... 17
Rajko Brato: An Incident in Emona and the first civil war between
Constantinus and Licinius ............................................................................... 17
-:
III ................................................................................. 39
Katerina Mladenovska-Ristovska: The Macedonian Kingdom in
the Age of Amyntas III ..................................................................................... 39
: ................................... 55
Natalija Popovska: The Heritage of Antiquity in Islam ......................................... 55
Alexandar Atanasovski: The Byzantine Stereotypes in Balkan Countries
Contemporary Politics towards Macedonia .................................................... 63
:
............................... 63
: ...... 73
Stojko Stojkov: The Crowning of Tsar Samuel and the Myth of the Eunuch Tsar ..... 73
: -
............................................... 93
Makedonka Mitrova: A Review of Vladimir Karis Political Essayistic
Production on the Balkans .............................................................................. 93
: -:
.................................................................... 105
Dimitar Ljorovski Vamvakovski: Creating the Greek Nation State:
Building the National Myth ............................................................................ 105

3
-:
1903 1908 ...................................................... 121
Silvana Sidorovska-upovska: A Contribution on the Events in the Bitola
Vilayet in the Period between 1903 and 1908 ................................................ 121
: -
(1942 1944) ......................... 131
Aleksandar Simonovski: The Involvement of Milivoj Trbi-Voje in
the Ravna Gora Movement in Macedonia (1942 1944) ............................... 131
: -
(1973 1977) ............................... 143
Marjan Ivanoski: The International Activities of the Movement for the
Liberation and Unification of Macedonia (1973 1977) .............................. 143

PAPERS

, :

,
(1957 ) ................................................................................................. 155
Marjan Ivanoski, Jeton Doko: A Document from the State Security
Administration on the Situation of the Macedonian Immigration in
North and South America, Australia and Western Europe (1957) .................. 155

- REVIES-SURVEYS

, - 1944 1970.
: , , 2010, 236.
( ) ........................................................................................ 169
Bore Ilievski: The Church Relations between Macedonia and Serbia
1944 1970. Skopje: Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History,
2010, 236. (Dragan Zajkovski) ...................................................................... 169
- (, 6
1912 , 19 1980). :
ja , 2013, 139.
( ) ........................................................................... 172
Vladimir Poleinovski, PhD Life and Work (Kievo, 6th December
1912 Skopje, 19th June 1980). Skopje: Institute of National
History Council of the Municipality Kievo, 2013, 139.
(Aleksandar Simonovski) ............................................................................... 172
4
: XX
. :
, 2014,
402. ( ) .............................................................................. 173
Zeir Ramilovi: The Bosniaks in Macedonia in the 20th Century with
a Special Emphasis on Culture and Education. Skopje: Bosniak
Cultural Association in the Republic of Macedonia, 2014, 402.
(Lidija urkovska) ......................................................................................... 173

POLEMICS

Post festum
1944 ,
( ) .................................... 177
Post Festum Promotional Review on avdar Marinovs Book
The Macedonian Issue from 1944 to This Day. Communism
and Nationalism in the Balkans (Marija Pandevska) .................................... 177

announcements

: , .
100- 65
(45 2013, )
( -) ................................................................ 187
The Balkans: People, Wars and Peace. International Conference on
the Centennial of the Balkan Wars and the 6th Anniversary of the
Institute of National History (4th5th November 2013, Skopje)
(Biljana Ristovska-Josifovska) ....................................................................... 187
The Great War: Regional Approaches and Global Contexts. Interna-
tional Conference on the Occasion of the First Centennial f
of the Beginning of World War One (Sarajevo, 18th21st June
2014) (Silvana Sidorovska-upovska) ........................................................... 192
: .

a , (1821 2014) (
-) ................................................................................. 192
FP7 International Workshop: Womens Memory of the Rusoo-Ottoman
War of 1877/1878. (National Academy of Sciences of Armenia,
Yerevan, 2014) (Dominik Gutmeyr ) .............................................................. 195

5
7 : -
1877/1878. ( ,
, 2014) ( ) .............................................................. 195

6
58 1-2 2014 7-16 ISSN 0583-4961

94:726.54(497.771)"12/15"
75.052.033(497.771)"12/15"


(. )

Abstract

1. Identification and Chronology of the Wall Paintings at the Northern Entrance


Considering that the frescoes at the Ohrid church Peribleptos (St. Clement) have not
been studied sufficiently, the author of these contributions presents his views on the errors
of the dating and identification of the individuals in the northern, western and southern
parts of the church entrance. He indicates that the painting in the northern wing of the
facade of the Chapel of St. Gregory the Theologian was not that of the Sebastokrator
Volkain; then, that there was never an archbishop in Deabolis and that Gregory of
Deabolis should never be referred to as Archbishop of Ohrid. He highlights the fact that
the inscription above the northern entrance actually refers to the Prooimion of the "Chosen
Duchess, pictorially transposed into the composition of the Siege of Constantinople, as
was the case of St. Peter in Prespa, painted around the same time as the frescoes at
Peribleptos.
2. The Heavenly Court on the Western Wall of Peribleptos
In the western part of the entrance there is a large 16th-century depiction of the Last
Judgment, but underneath there is still a layer of a 14th-century wall painting. Earlier
researchers believed that the painting in this older layer is a depiction of the Last Judgment
as well. However, on a large fragment at the southern end of the west entrance there is a
figure from the older layer, which in our view depicts the Holy Warrior St. Theodore
Stratelates. This very fragment, that is, the whole figure directed towards the center of the
older layer, indicates that it portrayed the great scene of the Heavenly Court, depicted in the
same place at the Zaum church as well. I pointed to this fact to Prof. Voja uri too. As
soon as adequate conservation conditions are provided, we believe that the first layer
underneath the current Last Judgment dating from the 16th century will be revealed.

3. Notes on the Wall Painting in the South Wing of the Church of the Holy Mother
of God Peribleptos
The frescoes in the southern wing of Peribleptos have been damaged most severely by
whitewashing, as well as by the weather conditions typical for this side of the church. There

7
58 1-2 2014
are still no reliable data to whom the southern chapel next to the altar was dedicated since
the space for the donors inscription is empty. Inside the chapel there are no remains from
the figure of St. Nicholas, to whom it is believed that the chapel was dedicated. The author
of this contribution assumes that one of the figures dressed in a noblemans vestments on
the east end of the south wall facing in prayer towards the Holy Mother of God might have
been Lord Nicholas, the eldest son of Sebastokrator Branko, i.e. the eldest brother of Grgur
and Vuk. He is known to have been married to the sister of Volkain and Ugljea, and to
have become a monk (Radohna, Roman) after his wifes death, spending the rest of his life
on Mount Athos as the Megaloschemos Gerasimos.

Keywords: St. Virgin Peribleptos, Nicholas, Grgur, Vuk, Last Judgment, Call of the
righteous, Akathist

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16
58 1-2 2014 17-38 ISSN 0583-4961

94(398)"316/330"
904(497.4)"316/330"


PhD in Ancient History, full Professor, University of Ljubljana,
Faculty of Philosophy, Slovenia, Ljubljana

Abstract

The background of the incident in Emona in 316the demolition of the statues of


Constantinewas a failed conspiracy attempt against him, orchestrated by his brother-in-
law Bassianus, and particularly Bassian's brother Senicio, with Constantinus's co-ruler and
brother-in-law Licinius in the background. The incident triggered a swift war in the autumn
of 316 in which Constantine defeated Licinius in the Battle of Cibalae in Pannonia and
occupied Western and the Eastern Illyricum, or approximately three-quarters of the Balkan-
Danubian provinces. Some hitherto seldom-considered medieval sources, such as the Vita
Constantini (Codex Angelicus 22) and Leo Grammaticus, for instance, also highlight these
events, with objects with propaganda writings (rings, silver vessels, helmets) in favor of
one or the other emperor as evidence of the preparations for them. Constantine was unsuc-
cessful later in the war in Thrace (Campus Ardiensis), so the territorial division remained
the same as after the Battle of Cibalae. This division of the Balkans stayed the same in the
administration of the state until the late 4th Century. The traces in the church settlement,
however, appear as late as the Early Middle Ages.

Keywords: Constantine, conspiracy, Bellum Cibalense, division of the Balkans


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17
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(13.3.2014).
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18

, , 310 316 .),


, , 310 316 .),


.

3
3 25 000
.

25 000
4
310 .4 ,




310 .
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.55

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310-,

) 312-


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( ca.
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2 276 );entur B (ca.
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2002, C. Witschel,
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19
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. -
.7

. -
313- . ,
-
. , ,
-
( ). -
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-
,
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,
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,
, .
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. Emona
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,
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),

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20


. ,
,
caesar,
,


. 310 316
.),
-



. ,

3

,
.

Origo Constantini 25 000
IV



-
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augustus
. ,
,

.
10 ( -
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9
Origo Constantini 14 (ed. I.Knig,

Origo
Constantini,
40): Post
aliquantum
deinde
temporis Constantium Constantinus ad Licinium misit, persuadens ut Bassianus Caesar
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MaximianiInscriptiones Italiae X, 2,et7 Licinium
inter Constantinum (Parentium); X, 1, 45
Bassianus (Pola);
Italiam G. Alfldy,
medius Rmische
obtineret. Sta-
15. Et Lici-
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num Bassianus armatur. Qui tamen in conatu deprehensus Constantino iubente convictus et Venetia et His-
tria, v: est.
stratus Die Cum
Stadt Senicio
in der Sptantike Niedergang
auctor insidiarum oder Wandel?
posceretur ad poenam, (ed.negante
J.-U. Krause,
Licinio,C.fracta
Wit-
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concordia Stuttgart, 2006, 383, t. 5 in 6.
est, additis etiam causis quod apud Emonam Constantini imagines statuasque
4
A. Jelonik,
deiecerat. Bellum enturska zakladna
deinde apertum najdba ambobus.
convenit The entur Hoard, Ljubljana
:1973; A. Je-
T. Barnes,
lonik P. Kos, Zakladna najdba entur C The entur
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( , :
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la dynastie constantinienne:
le tournant
de 314-316,
111-114; : Jelonik,
E. Herrmann-Otto, Kons-
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tantin der Groe, Darmstadt, 2007, 102-105; O. Schmitt, Constantin der de la dynastie
Groeconstantini-
(275-337),
enne: le tournant
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2007, 174-178; in: Humana
302 . sapit. tudes
13. d'antiquit
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j, offertes Lellia
-
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315 . 114, op. 23; T. Barnes,
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, the Later Roman
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2011, 71,

: W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und die
: T. Barnes, Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power, 101-103;Epoche der Tetrarchie,
859,
K. op. 1634
Rosen, in C. Witschel,
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Chiron10 32, 2002, 349, op. 152. -
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.
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tardiveR.offertes
Brato, Odnos rimskega
Lellia Cracco cesarstva
Ruggini (ed.doJ.-M.
kranstva
Carri,vR.obdobju od Galienovega
Lizzi Testa), Turnhout, edikta
2002,
(260) do Galerijevega edikta (311), in: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za
138.
zgodovinske in drubene vede, Razprave 28: Varia (ed. P. tih), Ljubljana 2014, 160-167.

21
58 1-2 2014

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,
. , (fidus) -
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( -
Anicii Numii Albini Seneciones) -
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j -
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.12

11
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, ,
,
(triennium) ,
.

310 (
316 .),

317-) ,

3
.
, (sexennio post rupta 25 000
13
pace).


,
310 .4 ,


.
316-, - ,
.



,

5
.
,
(votaX).


Siscia .
()

Thessalonika () 301
.
,



,
315 . -

,

.

-
-



,

,
30

6
311 .
-

,(votis
X votis

XX).
-
augustus
(Panoniae Moesiae) - ,
,

,

314 ( -
-
, 14 ,
. -

310-,

Poetovio (),


) 312-

, (votis X et XX
felic(iter),
15
3 . (. 2).
Inscriptiones Italiae X, 2, 7 (Parentium); X, 1, 45 (Pola); G. Alfldy, Rmische Sta-
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Heidelberg 1984,
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C. Wit-
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4
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156; C.
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. Naissus
( , Licini
Auguste semper vincas Sic X Sic XX (. 3).
Naisus (Dacia mediterranea) ,
, Moesia Secunda ( -
) , ( ) -
.
316-, Cibalae (), -
, -
. 314 ,
, ,
, .
Origo Constantini , , Sir-
mium ( ) ,
.
: () ,
, , ,
().16
Origo Constantini (bellum aper-
tum), -
Emona, (apud Emo-
nam).17 , -
-
, 313
. -
Origo Constantini,
. (Codex nge-
licus gr. 22, Angelica )
. , V
, , , -
, , 425 .
,
.
.
: ( )

16
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: RAC VII, 179 (Treveri); 427-428 (Siscia); 501 (Thessalonike).
17
. 9.

24

-
, , 310 316 .),
,

.





3
.
( ) 25 000
18
, (dia ton Alpeon esposoumenos eis ten ekeinou archen). 4 -

, 310 . ,
. ,
Apud Emonam

Origo
Constantini

5 . ,
.
, -
.
, .



301:

.
,



,


, -

.
. , , -

, , 30
6 . ,
311
.
.
,
.19
augustus
, ,

,
( -

, , -
, 400 , .
310-,




)

312-

Ad Pirum
() (. 4). -

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et His-
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,v:Die
Stadt in
der Sptantike

Niedergang oder Wandel?
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( ,

:

Maxenti
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,
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, , :
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503 ( 749 ) Cibalae
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.
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, -
, , 310 316 .),
.23



Pano-

3
.
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.24 ( 4 -
310 .
35 000, 20 000 ) . ,
. ,
,


.




5
.
(Hiulca palus), (Ulca),
.
, (),

.25 301
.



,
,

-

.
( Cibalae Sirmium), Liciniana vi(n)cit, -

,26 , 30
.
311 .6

,
(fidem Constantino), Ciba-
augustus
lae,



,
-
,
. ( -
, , -
310-, ) 312-

23
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(... :
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Hiulcam B (ca.Constantino
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5crebris bellis terra marique adsurgentem et repressum tandem ad deditionem coegit;
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,
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.
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316-
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-


,

.

3
.
, 25 000

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. 310 . ,

. ,
( ) , -



5
,

.
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.
800 ), ( 500 ) -
350
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). 301
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,


. -

.
.. (Campus -
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311
.
. -
,
: ,
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Cibalae,
,
-
,
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, , -
,
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. , :
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. ,
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.5
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.
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301
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.
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, -
(-
. -
, , ) -
, , 30

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,
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,
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Hoffiller,
3 B. Saria), Zagreb 1938, 469; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus,
Inscriptiones Italiae X, 2, 7 (Parentium); X, 1, 45 (Pola); G. Alfldy, Rmische Sta-
238, no. 379; B. Migotti, Evidence for Christianity in Roman Southern Pannonia (Northern
tuen in Venetia et Histria. Epigraphische Quellen, Heidelberg 1984, 79, t. 8; 81, t. 19. C.
Croatia), Oxford 1997, 54 ().
Witschel,
39 Der epigraphic habit in der Sptantike: Das Beispiel der Provinz Venetia et His-
: nobilissimus Caesar ( 306,
tria, v: Die Stadt in der Sptantike Niedergang oder Wandel? (ed. J.-U. Krause, C. Wit-
a 308 o 310, no. 1, 2, 3); invictus Augustus in maxi-
schel), Stuttgart, 2006, 383, t. 5 in 6.
mus Augustus
4 ( 312, mo. 4, 5, 6, 7); maxi-
A. Jelonik, enturska zakladna najdba The entur Hoard, Ljubljana 1973; A. Je-
mus Augustus, Augustus nobilissimi Caesares 1. 3. 317 (no. 4, 5,
lonik P. Kos, Zakladna najdba entur C The entur C Hoard, Ljubljana 1983.
6, 7); maximus victor semper augustus ( , 324,
: entur A (ca. 12 000 ); entur B (ca. 6 000 ); entur C
no. 8, 9).
( ca. 5 000 , 2 276 ); entur D (3 378 ); entur E
(1) Lychnidos/Ohrid (Epirus Nova, 306308/310; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maxi-
( , : Maxenti vincas
mus Augustus, 241, no. 396): Dom[i]no nost[r]o F[l]ab(io) <sic> Constan[ti]no / nobilis /
Rumule vivas).
simo 5C[ae]sa[r]i.
: Jelonik,
(2) Stobi (Macedonia, 307. CIL III, 12316; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Au-
enturska zakladna najdba, 84; 166-167; J.-P. Callu, Naissance de la dynastie constantini-
gustus, 241, no. 397): Dd(ominis) nn(ostris) Impp(eratoribus) et Caess(aribus) / Maximia-
enne: le tournant de 314316, in: Humana sapit. tudes d'antiquit tardive offertes Lellia
no et / Severo Augg(ustis) et / *[Ma]xi[min]o* et Constantino nn(o)bb(ilissimis) Caess(ari-
Cracco Ruggini (ed. J.-M. Carri, R. Lizzi Testa), Turnhout 2002, 114, op. 23; T. Barnes,
bus).
Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire, Oxford 2011, 71,
(3) Larissa (Macedonia, 25. 7. 306 308. CIL III, Additamentum 237b: T. Grne-
: W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und die Epoche der Tetrarchie,
wald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 241, no. 400): na natpisot (25. 7. 306 308/310)
859, op. 1634 in C. Witschel, Meilensteine als historische Quelle? Das Beispiel Aquileia,
sledat Constantius I, Galerius, Severus, Maximinus, a potoa dodadeno: et ... Constantino /
Chiron 32, 2002, 349, op. 152. -
no<u>b(ilissimo) / C[aes(ari)].
.
(4).
6 Thessaloniki (Macedonia, 30. 4. 313 8. 10. 316. L'anne pigraphique 1933,
R. Brato, Odnos rimskega cesarstva do kranstva v obdobju od Galienovega edikta
251; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 241, t. 398): Imp(erator) Caes(ar)
(260) do Galerijevega edikta (311), in: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za
F(lavius) / Val(erius) / Constantinus / pi(us) invictus Aug(ustus) / *[ ] * m(ilia)
zgodovinske in drubene vede, Razprave 28: Varia (ed. P. tih), Ljubljana 2014, 160-167.

31
58 1-2 2014

, ,
,
.40
, , , -
, 324 . -
, -
, (
317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322 323) ( -
317, 319, 320, 321, 322), ( -
, 317, 323, 324), Naissus (319) Vimana-
cium () Moesia Prima (321). -
,
, .
, ,
317 . , -

p(asuum) < 1. 3. 317 > kai Kl(audios) / I I I / kai Li(kinios) Kl(audi-


os) L[i(kiniou) hios] / kai Kl(audios) Konstanteinos / hoi epiph(anestatoi) Kaisares I I I I <9>.
(5) Serdica (Dacia mediterranea, 1. 3. 317 321. L'anne pigraphique 1978, 727c;
T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 240, no. 390): [Dd[ominis)] nn(ostris)
Im[pp(eratoribus)] Co/n[s]ta[ntin]o [maximo et Val(erio) / Liciniano Li(ci)nio] / s[emper]
Augg(ustis)] et Fl(avio) Iul(io) Crispo et / Val(erio) Liciniano Licinio iun(iori) / et Fl(avio)
Cl(audio) Constantino / nobb(ilissimis) Caess(aribus) / m(ilia) p(assuum)] viii.
(6) Serdica (Dacia mediterranea, krajot na 324 god. V. Beevliev, Sptgriechische
und sptlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, Berlin 1964, 1; T. Constantinus Maximus
Augustus, Constantinus, 240, no. 391): [Dd(ominis)] nn(ostris) Constan/[tino max(imo)]
Val(erio) [Li]cini(ano) [Li]ci[nio / semper Augg(ustis)] Fl(avio) Iul(io) Cri[spo / Liciniano
Lici]n[io Fl(avio) C]l(audio) Cons[tantino / Fl(avio) Iul(io) C]ons[tantio] nobb(ilissimis)
Caess(aribus) / m(ilia) [passuum)] xi.
(7) Serdica (Ihtiman, Dacia mediterranea, 1. 3. 317 321. CIL III, 14207, 37; Gr-
newald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 240, no. 393): Dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum) /
Constantini max(imi) / Val(eri) Lic(iniani) Licini p[e]rp(etuoroum Augg(ustorum) / Fl(avi)
Iul(i) Crispi / Val(eri) Lic(iniani) Licini iun(ioris) / Fl(avi) Cl(audi) Constantini / nobb(illi-
ssimorum Caess(arum).
(8) Scupi (Dardania, 18/19. 9. 324. CIL III, 8271b; Gr-
newald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 241, no. 394): [D(omino) (nostro) Fl(avio) Con]-
stantin[o / maximo] victor(i) / [sem]per Aug(usto) / mil(ia passuum) xii.
(9) Philippi (Macedonia,
, 18.9.324; L'anne pigraphique 1933, 86 in 1948, 207; T. Grnewald, Constan-
tinus Maximus Augustus, 239, 387): [Imp(eratorem)] Caes(arem) Fl(avium) C[onstantinum
/ p(ium) f(elicem)] max(imum) victor[em semper Aug(ustum) / c]onditorem [omnium salutis
r(es) p(ublica) c]oloniae Phili[ppensium devota n(umini) m(aiestati)q(ue) e(ius].
40
Eusebios, Historia ecclesiastica 10, 8, 10 (SC 55, 115); Eusebios, Vita Constantini 1,
49-54; 2, 1-2 (FC 83, 208-226); Sozomenos 1, 7, 1 (SC 306, 136); Origo Constantini 20;
Hieronymus, Chronicon a. 320 (GCS 47, 230); Orosius 7, 28, 18. A. Cedilnik, Ilirik med
Konstantinom Velikim in Teodozijem Velikim, 2004, 3334; K. Rosen, Konstantin, 253-257.

32


, -
,

( ,
)

41 310 316 .),
.



,
3
.
. 25 000


326 .,




4
310
(vicennalia) . ,


II,

.
. ,


,

( 1 54
) (6
),
.
(18/21 3 ), -



.


42
(). 301

.

,
,
,
. . -


.


-
43
. , , 30
6 ( 325
311 .
), ,

. ,
,




augustus
44
20 . ,
,


(de ruptu virginis),
(
--
, ,
1 326 , , -

310-,

)
. 312- 45

,
: , ,
3 Italiae
Inscriptiones ,
X, 2, 7 (Parentium); X, 1, 45
(Pola); ,
G. Alfldy, Sta-
Rmische -
, et
tuen in Venetia
Histria.
Epigraphische Quellen,

Heidelberg 8;
1984, 79, t. -
81, t. 19. C.
,
Witschel,
Der epigraphic
habit in der
Sptantike:
Das Beispiel
der Provinz
Venetia et His-
tria, v: 46
. Die Stadt in der Sptantike Niedergang oder Wandel? (ed. J.-U. Krause, C. Wit-
schel), Stuttgart, 2006, 383, t. 5 in 6.
4
41A. Jelonik, enturska zakladna najdba The entur Hoard, Ljubljana 1973; A. Je-
T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 73-75 (Konstantin); 82
lonik P.
(Licinij). Kos, Zakladna najdba
E. Herrmann-Otto, entur
Konstantin, C The entur C Hoard, Ljubljana 1983.
110-111.
42 : entur A (ca. 12 000 ); entur B (ca. 6 000 ); entur C
T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 77.
(
43 ca.Eutropius
Prim. 5 000 ,
10, 6,
3; Epitome 2 276 ); entur
de Caesaribus D (3Zosimos
41, 15-16; 378 );
2, 29, entur E
1; Petrus
( , : Maxenti
Patricius, Frg. 191 (Excerpta historica Imp. Constantini Porphyrogeniti. Excerpta de sen- vincas
Rumule(ed.
tentiis vivas).
U. P. Boissevain), Berlin 1906, 271.
5
44 : Jelonik,
D. Liebs, Unverhohlene Brutalitt in den Gesetzen der ersten christlichen Kaiser, v:
enturska zakladna
Rmisches Recht innajdba, 84; 166-167;Tradition
der europischen J.-P. Callu,
(ed.Naissance de laM.
O. Behrens, dynastie constantini-
Disselhorst, W.E.
enne: leEberslach
Voss), tournant de 314316,
1985, 89-116;in: D.
Humana
Liebs, sapit. tudesals
Konstantin d'antiquit tardive
Gesetzgeber, v: offertes Lellia
Konstantin der
Cracco Geschichte
Groe. Ruggini (ed. J.-M. Carri, R.Rezeption
Archologie Lizzi Testa),
(ed. Turnhout 2002,
A. Demandt, 114, op. 23;Trier
J. Engemann), T. Barnes,
2006,
Constantine.
97-107; Dynasty,
Y. Rivire, Religion and
Constantin, Poweretinlethe
le crime Later Roman
christianisme: Empire, Oxford
contribution 2011,
l'tude des71,
lois
: W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und die Epoche der
et des moerus de l'Antiquit tardive, Antiquit Tardive 10, 2002, 327-361 ( - Tetrarchie,
859,
op. 1634 in
C. Witschel, Meilensteine
als historische
Quelle? Das Beispiel
Aquileia,
).
Chiron45 32, 2002, 349, op. 152. -
Arnold Martin Jones .
.
46
6 Codex Theodosianus 9, 24, 1. D. Liebs, Unverhohlene Brutalitt, 95-96. Prim. A. H.
R. Brato,
M. Jones, Odnosand
Constantine rimskega cesarstvaof
the Coversion doEurope,
kranstva
New v obdobju
York 1962 od Galienovega
(2. izd.), 199edikta
(
(260) doitsGalerijevega
edict edikta
violent, almost (311), in:tone).
hysterical, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za
zgodovinske in drubene vede, Razprave 28: Varia (ed. P. tih), Ljubljana 2014, 160-167.

33
58 1-2 2014


. -
, 326
( 6 ),
, , Pola () -
, , .


. -
Pola. , , / -
, .
, ,
,
, ,
, , . -
.47
.48

47
: (1) Eutropius 10, 6, 3; (2) Consularia Constantinopolitana a.
326 (Chronica minora I, MGH AA 9, 232); (3) Chronicon Paschale, a. 325, 2 (Chronica
minora I, MGH AA 9, 232); (4) Hieronymus, Chronicon a. 325 (GCS 47, 231:
); a. 328 (232: ); (5) Hieronymus, De viris illustribus 80, 3 (CSEA
6/1, 2009, 352: ); (6) Ammianus Marcellinus 14, 11, 20 (
); (7) Prosperus, Epitoma Chronicon a. 326 (MGH AA 9, 450); (8) Polemius Silvius,
Laterculus I, 62 (Chronica minora I, MGH AA 9, 522); (9) Aurelius Victor 41, 11; (10)
Epitome de Caesaribus 41, 11-12; (11) Orosius 7, 28, 26; (12) Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistu-
lae 5, 8, 2 ( : , -
); (13) Chronica Gallica a. 511, 462 (Chronica minora I, MGH AA 9, 643); (14) Philos-
torgios 2, 4 (GCS 21, 14-16); (15) Sozomenos 1, 5, 1-2; (16) Zosimos 2, 29, 2-3; (17) Eua-
grius Scholasticus, Historia ecclesiastica 3, 40 (PG 86/2, 2684-2685); (18) Ioannes Antio-
chenus, Frg. 196 (ed. S. Mariev, CFHB 47, 2008, 356, Evtropija); (19)
Suida, Lexikon, s.v. Krispos (ed. A. Adler, Leipzig 1928, vol. 3, 190-191); (20) Artemii
passio 45 (GCS 21, 14-15); (21) Vita Constantini 35 (OPITZ, Vita Constantini, 1934, 565);
(22) Zonaras 13, 2 (PG 132, 1105 A).
48
: T. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 1981, 220-221; T.
Barnes, The The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 77; 84 (); D.
Liebs, Unverhohlene Brutalitt, 99, . 72; G. Marasco, Costantino e le uccisioni di Crispo
e Fausta (326 D.C.), Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica 121, 1993, 297-317; F.
Paschoud, in: Zosime, Histoire nouvelle, Tome 1, Paris 2003, 234-240, . 39 (
Zosimus 2, 29); C. M. Odahl, Cons-
tantine, 203-211; 351-352, n. 7-8; E. Herrmann-Otto, Konstantin, 143-146; 239-240, op.
148-156; O. Schmitt, Constantin, 221-229; K. Olbrich, Kaiser in der Krise religions und
rechtsgeschichtliche Aspekte der 'Familienmorde' des Jahres 326, Klio 92, 2010, 104-116;
T. Barnes, Constantine, Dinasty and Power, 144-150; K. Rosen, Konstantin, 309-317. -
.

34

,
,
. ,

310
316 .),
-

( 22), 3


.
.
25 000


,

,


.
4
310
, - . ,

.
,
.

,

, :


. 5
-
,
,
.

,

301 -
49
.


.




,

.
-
-
,
. -
. : (1) -
, , 30
, 6 ,

311 .
, (augusta); -


,



-
augustus
. , ,
,
,

(
. -
, ,
: ; ; -

310-,


;
) , 312-

;




. ,

3
,
Inscriptiones
Italiae
X, 2,
7
(Parentium); X, 1, 45
. (Pola); G. Alfldy,
Rmische
Sta-
tuen in Venetia et Histria. Epigraphische Quellen, Heidelberg
, 1984, 79, t. 8; 81, t. 19. C.
Witschel,
( epigraphic
Der habitII,
in
der Sptantike: Das Beispiel
Venetia
der Provinz
, et His-

tria,
)v: Die Stadt in.
der Sptantike Niedergang
oder
Wandel?
(ed.
J.-U. Krause, C. Wit-

schel), Stuttgart, 2006,
4 383, t.
5 in 6.

A. Jelonik,
, enturska zakladna
najdba The
, entur Hoard, Ljubljana
1973; A. Je-

lonik P. Kos, Zakladna najdba entur C The entur
. - C Hoard, Ljubljana 1983.

, .C
: entur A (ca. 12 000 ); entur B (ca. 6 000 ); entur
(
ca. 5
000 ,
2 276); entur D
(3 378 );
, entur
E
( ,
( 330-), : Maxenti vincas
Rumule
vivas).
5
: Jelonik,
, .50 ,
enturska zakladna najdba, 84; 166-167; J.-P. Callu, Naissance de la dynastie constantini-
.
enne: le tournant de 314316, in: Humana sapit. tudes d'antiquit tardive offertes Lellia
Cracco Ruggini (ed. J.-M. Carri, R. Lizzi Testa), Turnhout 2002, 114, op. 23; T. Barnes,
Constantine.
49 Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire, Oxford 2011, 71,
Zosimos 2, 29, 2-3,


Sozomenos:
1, 5, 1-2W.(SC
Kuhoff, Diokletian und
306, 128-130) die Epoche
Euagrius der Tetrarchie,
Scholasticus, Historia
859, op. 1634 in C. Witschel, Meilensteine als historische Quelle? Das Beispiel Aquileia,
ecclesiastica 3, 40 (PG 86/2, 2684-2685). e -
Chiron 32, 2002, 349, op. 152. -
, G. Marasco, Costan-
.
tino e6 le ucisioni di Crispo e Fausta, 299-301.
50R. Brato, Odnos rimskega cesarstva do kranstva v obdobju od Galienovega edikta
T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 77-80.
(260) do Galerijevega edikta (311), in: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za
( Moesiae) ,
zgodovinske in drubene vede, Razprave 28: Varia (ed. P. tih), Ljubljana 2014, 160-167.

35
58 1-2 2014

BHG Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca. Ediderunt Socii Bollandiani (Bruxelles 21909).


CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae (Berlin, New York).
CIL Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin).
CSHB Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn).
FC Fontes Christiani (Freiburg, Turnhout).
GCS Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller (Berlin).
MGH AA Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Auctores Antiquissimi (Berlin, 2. izd.
Mnchen).
PG Patrologiae Graecae cursus completus (ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris).
RIC The Roman Imperial Coinage (ed. C.H.V. Sutherland R.A.G. Carson, London).
SC Sources Chrtiennes (Paris).

. 1. 4 , : A. Cedilnik, Ilirik
med Konstantinom Velikim in Teodozijem Velikim, Ljubljana 2004).

victor ac triumphator (o 333 o.), -


Thracia ( Haemimontus)
. Cf. T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 243, no.
412 (Mesembria/); no. 413 (/); no. 414 (). Cf. V.
Beevliev, Sptgriechische und sptlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, 152; 170; 189.

36
. 2. (crustulum) . 3. Naissus
(Petoviona) 10-
10- , : R. Noll, Vom
, : M. Abrami, Altertum zum Mittelalter, Wien 1974,
Poetovio. Fhrer durch die Denkmler . 20, . 23; 14).
der rmischen Stadt, Wien 1925, 103).

. 4. Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, T. Ulbert, Ad Pirum (Hruica). Sptrmische


Passbefestigung in den Julischen Alpen, Mnchen 1981, . 3, 1).
: 1. ; 2. .

37
58 1-2 2014

58 1-2 2014
58 1-2 2014

. 5. : R. Brato, Pannonien, Reallexikon der


germanischen Altertumskunde 22, 2002, 471. : (1) ;
(2) ; (3) ; (4) ; (5)
; (6) ; (7)
.

. 5. : R. Brato, Pannonien, Reallexikon der


. 5.
germanischen 22,
Altertumskunde
2002,: R. Brato,
471. Pannonien,
: (1) Reallexikon der
;
germanischen Altertumskunde
(2) 22, 2002,
; 471.
(3) :
; (1)
(4) ; ;
(5)
(2)
; (6) ;
(3)
; (7) ;
(4)
;
(5)

;
(6) ; (7)
.
.

. 6. (fidem Constantino)
(315317, : I. Popovi,
Fidelity rings to the emperors of the Constantinian house, Starinar, 50, 2000, . 194).

. 6. (fidem Constantino)
. 6.



(315317,(fidem Constantino)
:
I. Popovi,

Fidelity rings of
to the emperors
the Constantinian house, (315317,
Starinar, 50,: I. Popovi,
2000, . 194).
Fidelity rings to the emperors of the Constantinian house, Starinar, 50, 2000, . 194).
38
58 1-2 2014 39-54 ISSN 0583-4961

94(381)
321.11:929 III

III

Abstract

The rule of King Amyntas III (393/392370/369 BC) was marked by a constant
struggle for survival of the Macedonian Kingdom. Driven by power and the desire to loot
and plunder, as well as the ambitions to expand their holdings and influence, Amyntas
main rivals were the Illyrians and the Olynthians, and in part the Macedonian pretender to
the throne Argaeus and the Thessalians led by Jason of Pherae. The chronology of the
events has been considerably disputed, the available sources are scarce, scanty and
contradictory in places, so any further research raises new possible debatable questions and
assumptions. But regardless of these difficult obstacles, with a critical analysis of the
available sources, it is possible to reconstruct the events of this important period of
Macedonian history, which is in fact the main goal of this text.

Keywords: Amyntas III, Macedonian Kingdom, Illyrians, Olynthian War, Chalcidian


League, Athens

III, -
II, -
. -
, , , , e
,
. -
. .
IV . .. -
.1 ,
,
, , -

1
E. N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus: the Emergence of Macedon, Priceton, New
Jersey, 1990, 180.

39
58 1-2 2014 -

-
.
II -
, III (393/392370/369
. . ..).2 , .. ( II)
I. ,
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:
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.

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. (Diod., XIV, 89, 2; XIV, 92, 3 XV, 60, 3), III
, (Sync., 495 500) .
, , o
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e (393/392370/369 . . ..).

40
III

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.

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(395/394 . . ..). -
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432 .3
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3
E. N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus..., 182.
4
Tod GHI, no. III 393 . . .. . . . (N.
G. L. Hammond and G. T. Grifith, A History of Macedonia, vol. II, Oxford, 1978, 173)

41
58 1-2 2014 -
5
. ,
( III) -
, .
, . -

. , , -
. ,
, - -
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-
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391 . . .., . . -
III (E. N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus..., 183).
5
. , , Historia Antiqua Macedonica 8, ,
2004, 207.
6
IG, 135; Tod GHI, no. III.
. ( ..., 207). : S. Hornblower, The Greek
World, 479-323 B.C., London and New York, 1983, 205; John Wickersham and Gerald
Verbrugghe, Greek Historical Documents: The Fourth Century B.C., Toronto, 1973, no.
12. : F. Geyer (Makedonien bis zur Thronbesteigung Philipps II,
Munich and Berlin, 1930, 112) J. R. Ellis (Amyntas III, Illyria and Olynthos, 393/2
380/79, Makedonika 9, 1969, 3).

42
III

, -
. , -
, ,
, .
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S. Islami S. Anamali M. Korkuti F. Prendi, Les Ilyriens, Tirane, 1985, 5758.
, .
12
N. G. L. Hammond and G. T.Grifith, A History of, 172, 175, 176; . . (E.
N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus..., 296) .
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Porphyr. Fr. I, FHG 3, 691.

44
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E. N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus..., 180.
16
N. G. L. Hammond and G. T. Grifith, A History of..., 173.
17
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Macedonica 4, , 1996, 73.
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45
58 1-2 2014 -
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Geyer, Makedonien..., 113 ; J. R. Ellis (Amyntas III, Illyria..., 1-8)
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45
E. N. Borza, Timber and Politics in the Ancient World: Macedon and the Greeks,
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Association 131, 1987, 40.
46
Demosth., 49, 2630.
47
Aesch., II, 28.
48
Lisa Kallet, Iphikrates, Timotheos, and Athens, 371-360, Greek, Roman and By-
zantine Studies 24, 1983, 239252.
49
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53
58 1-2 2014 -

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52
N. G. L. Hammond and G, T. Grifith, A History of..., 180.
53
Just., VII, 4, 7-8 (, ..., 70).

54
58 1-2 2014 55-62 ISSN 0583-4961

930.85:28(560)"652"

Abstract

The paper The Heritage of the Antiquity in the Islam accentuates the importance of the
connection of the Islam and the Hellenic civilisation through several examples. I focused on
the translation of the work from the famous Greek thinker and father of the modern
medicine Hippocrates, which in 1475 was mentioned in the vakafnama of the Skopjes
governor (kraishnik) Issa Bey, among the books in his library in Skopje. The second
example that I have observed is the image of the Alexander the Great and its appearance in
the theology, literature and the culture through the transcription Iskender. The parallels
drown between the image of Alexander the Great and that of the image, work and the
symbols of the Albanian national hero George Kastriot Skenderbey create one whole where
the tradition, the history and the Balkan culture are intertwined.

Keywords: Alexander III, Iskender Zulkarnein, Skender-bey, Islamic civilization,


Hellenic civilization, translation, two horns legend

2 (198218/813833
3
. ) . ,
, , .
, :
?
, .
, -
: ?
, .

1
-
, IRCICA , 2010.
2
M. Rekaya al-Ma'mun, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol VI, ed. Clifford Edmund.
Bosworth, etc., Brill, 1991, 331.
3
.

55
58 1-2 2014

?
.
,
.4

,
-
.
. . -
IX ., -
. -
( /Bayt al-Hikma) ,

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. 5

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.

.

4
Sabra, I., Naucni poduhvati, Svjet Islama, ( Lewis Bernard), Beo-
grad, 1979, 185-188.
5
Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs, (revised tenth ediotion) New York, Palgrave Mac-
millan. 2002.
6
Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic culture: the Graeco-Arabic translation move-
ment in Baghdad and early Abbasid society, Routledge, London, 1998.

56


( 460370 . ..), 1475 .
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57
58 1-2 2014

1469 . -
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, . 4,: , 1996, 319-325.
9
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, , 1925, 135-137; 1926, 397-475.
10
, 1963 (), ,
Agencija za fotodokumentacija, Zagreb, 1965.

58

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( ).13
11
, (XV
XIX .), , 2008, Cantemir Dimitrie, History of South-East European and Oriental
Civilzations, Bucharest, 1973; Salname-i vilayet-i Kosova 1314 (1896) Uskup,
Rumeli Turkleri kulturve Dayanismaderhegi yayinlary No.3, Istanbul, 2000, 341,
. . 30.
12
Franz Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, California Press University,
Oakland, California 1975, 17-22. Hrvatska srednjovjekovna proza I., Legende i romani,
Aleksandrida, 277- 369, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb 2013.
13
. ., - ,
-, , 2003, 535.

59
58 1-2 2014

, -, , -
,

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.14
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.
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.15

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1634 -,
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14
Marinus Barletius, Vita et tres gestae Christi Athletae Georgii Castrioti, Epirota-
rum Principis, qui propter heroicam virtutem suam a Turcis olim Scander-beg., i.e
Alexander Magnus cognominatus est, libris XIII. Zagrebiae, 1734.
, . , . . , ,
2008, 32.
15
, , , , 1974.
16
-,
,
,
(14051468), , 600
, , , 2006, 193-201.
http://www.hum.au.dk/sfinx/TidsskriftetSFINX.html, 10.06.2014.

60

, -
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(360281 . ..)
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.

17

(British Museum) .
18
James Edwards, "Two Horns, Three Religions. How Alexander the Great ended up
in the Quran". American Philological Association, 133rd Annual Meeting Program
Philadelphia, 5 January 2002) 36, under Reception of Classical Literature, No. 5.
19
Plut. Al. 44, Diod., XVII, 75, Arr., III, 23-24.
20
Andrew Runni Anderson, "Alexander at the Caspian Gates". Transactions and Pro-
ceedings of the American Philological Association 59, 1928 130-163. http://jstor.
org/stable/282983. , ( , ),
-
, , Portae Caspiae/
,
,

61
58 1-2 2014
21
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21
Quran, Sura 83-98.

62
58 1-2 2014 63-71 ISSN 0583-4961

94(495.02)
930.85(495.02)
32:94(497.7:497)

BYZANTINE STEREOTYPES IN THE BALKAN COUNTRIES


CONTEMPORARY POLITICS TOWARDS MACEDONIA

Aleksandar Atanasovski
Full Professor at the History Department of the Faculty of Philosophy
At the Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje


, , , -
.
, ,
,
,
.

, ,
. : -

?

: , , , , ,

In order to distinguish the Byzantine stereotypes in the Balkan states contem-


porary politics towards Macedonia, one must first examine Byzantiums state poli-
tics towards Macedonia and its present-day neighbors. The answer to this question
depends on the period of Byzantine history being discussed, as well as on whether
it is a matter of domestic or foreign policy.
When it comes to Byzantiums foreign policy towards Macedonia, one should
take into account the presence and the influence of the ancient and Hellenic tradi-
tion. This is quite logical, since Byzantium was the successor to Ancient Rome and
its ideology, mixed with the ideology of the Hellenic states.

63
58 1-2 2014

The Byzantine Empire took the Hellenistic monarchy of Alexander the Great
as an example of the political idea of unitary government, which was seen as a re-
placement of the polis with the territorial monarchy.1 These Hellenistic ideas found
their way to Byzantium through the politics of the Roman emperors, who included
Macedonia in their titulature in order to present themselves as successors and heirs
of Alexander the Greats state in front of the people. That was needed in order to
keep the Macedonian people under control, so they often imitated Alexander the
Great, celebrated his birthday, organized games to commemorate his death, as well
as his victory over Persia, and they even undertook campaigns against Persia to
show they adhered to his politics. During the establishment of their own govern-
ment, the name Macedonia was present in the administrative division of the Roman
Empire.
In the wake of the unsuccessful wars against Rome in 168 BC, Macedonia was
conquered and divided into four regional districtsmerideseach with its own
capital. No communication whatsoever between the districts was allowed: no trad-
ing, no economic ties, and no marriages. The use of the Macedonian language was
also strictly prohibited. This division lasted until 148 BC, when, after an unsuc-
cessful uprising, Macedonia was turned into a Roman province, first of its kind on
the Balkan Peninsula, and thus became the principal starting point for further Ro-
man conquests in the Balkans. Each newly-acquired Balkan territory was annexed
to the province of Macedonia.2 It was not until 29-28 BC that new Balkan provinc-
es such as Dalmatia, Moesia and Thrace began to emerge. In 27 BC, the provinces
were divided into senatorial and imperial,3 with Macedonia under the Senates ju-
risdiction. The prohibition regarding the use of the Macedonian language was still
in force.
A new administrative reform was carried out during the reign of Diocletian
(297 AD), when the so-called dioceses, larger administrative units than the prov-
inces, were formed. The Diocese of Moesia, therefore, incorporated ten provinces,
including Macedonia. Diocletians successor, Constantine I, continued his prede-
cessors reform policies. He divided the Empire into four districts (prefectures).
Macedonia was included in the prefecture of Illyricum. During the 4th century,
around 325 AD, the Diocese of Moesia was divided into two parts: Dacia and
Macedonia. In this way, before the official dissolution of the Empire, Macedonia,
in terms of historical significance, was not only a province, but also a larger admin-
istrative unita diocese.4

1
, . 1999, 284.
2
Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri, ed. M. Mueller, Lipsiae 1897, XLV, 29-30;
, 1949, 160-170. For the
boundaries of the Roman province of Macedonia, compare: ,
. 1985, 17-22.
3
, , 18.
4
, I, 229.

64
...

During the period between 386 AD and 388 AD, new administrative reforms
were carried out, which saw Macedonia divided into two provinces: Macedonia
Prima, with Thessalonica as its capital, and Macedonia Secunda (Salutaris) with
Stobi as its capital.5 This administrative division was in force until the 6th century
and the reign of Justinian I (527-565 AD), and ended in 535 AD, when he carried
out reforms of his own in the administrative area. Unlike Diocletian and Constan-
tine I, Justinian began uniting the provinces into larger units. Among the united
provinces after 535 AD were Macedonia and Dardania, which formed a single unit
named Macedonia. It was then that Macedonia Salutaris (Secunda) was mentioned
for the last time. Meanwhile, the capital of the prefecture of Illyricum was also
moved to Justiniana Prima.6
During the early Byzantine period, the name of Macedonia was associated
with a military and administrative unit. That notwithstanding, the memory of the
once powerful Macedonian state and Alexanders conquests was not gone. It was
preserved in the heart of its successor Byzantium, particularly in more educated
circles.
As far as the church was concerned, after the declaration of Christianity as a
state religion, Macedonia was part of the Western Church. After the Empires dis-
solution in 395 AD, Macedonia was included in the Eastern Churchs subordinate
areas, i.e. the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. This situation remained
unchanged in the following several centuries, for which there is evidence in the list
of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople during the reign of the Isaurian
dynasty, composed between 733 and 787 AD.7
The Early Byzantine period (4th-6th century AD) was characterized by constant
struggles between the Germanic tribes. On account of Macedonias geostrategic
position, there was constant presence of Early Byzantine emperors. This was due to
the fact that all actions against the Goths were happening in or around Macedonia.
In the end, the Byzantine Empire won the war, which was not the case with the war
against the Slavs in 6th-8th century AD. Since Justinian I was engaged on multiple
fronts, he left the Balkans, including Macedonia, without proper defense. In that
way, the Slavs took advantage of Byzantiums neglect of this region, so they
snatched these territories from the Empire and turned them into their own free
principalities called Sclaviniae. Thus, Byzantium lost Macedonia, but adminis-
tratively and legally still considered it as part of its territory, although it had no real
authority whatsoever. As a result of the Slavic conquest of Macedonia, certain eth-
nic changes occurred. They shall not be discussed here but only briefly mentioned.
Part of the indigenous population of Macedonia, especially the prosperous families

5
Compare: . , . -
, . V, 2, 1929, . 1-3; Fanula Papazoglu, La Macdoine Salutaris et la Macdoine
Seconde. Bulletin de la Classe des lettres de lAcadmie royale de Belgique, V. 42, 1956.
6
, . I, 233. About ubication of Justiniana Prime, compare:
, . 1994, 93-117.
7
. . III, 184, 189.

65
58 1-2 2014

and the Byzantine-oriented, fled Macedonia for the seaside towns. Byzantium ban-
ished them to Thrace, around the town of Odrin, and formed a military unit, a
theme called Macedonia out of them. That name was later passed on the territory
populated by the armed forces.8
At the same time, Byzantium also included Macedonia in both its domestic
and foreign policies. Unlike the other Sclaviniae in the Balkans, which were all
given general names, those of Macedonia were referred to as either Macedonian
Sclaviniae or the Sclaviniae of Macedonia (tj kat tn Makedonan
Sklauinaj).9 Byzantium often went to war with these Sclaviniae because it
wanted to conquer them, but those campaigns were only effective in the short run
since the majority of the Macedonian Sclaviniae remained independent. After the
forming of the new Bulgarian state in 681 AD, part of the Balkan Sclaviniae were
included in its territory. It was the first medieval state in the Balkans formed on
Byzantine territory that was recognized by Byzantium. Thus, Byzantium acknow-
ledged the existence of another state, different from its own. The Sclaviniae of
Macedonia remained independent. As a result, the Byzantine emperors constantly
tried to conquer them.10 However, the Macedonian Sclaviniae continued to exist all
the way to the 9th century, when in 836/37 AD were mentioned in the records for
the last time.11
Throughout the whole of its existence, Byzantium conducted a persistent and
firm policy of assimilation, i.e. Romanizing its subjects of foreign ancestry.12
Byzantine society, with its established physiognomy (not only in theoretical, but in
practical terms as well), with its religion, culture, law and order, and historical tra-
dition, stimulated the continued process of including the stranger into the Roman
identity, the Homo Byzantinus.13 Romanization was carried out through Chris-
tianizing, awarding honorary titles, and finally through marriages. Children born
from mixed marriages were considered Roman.14 This is why, when a peace treaty
was signed between Byzantium and Bulgaria in 864 AD, which saw part of Mace-

8
, , 31.; About theme Macedonia, see: p. 52-69.
9
Teophani Cronographia, rec. C. de Boor, I, Lipsiae 1883, 430; , III, 265; -
, I, 1955, 222; 236; 230 .
41; , . . . 1,
1985, 129.
10
For the battles of the Byzantines with the Slavs in Macedonia, compare: -
, VII . -
.
. 60. 2007, 275-288 and the other literature which is listed there.
11
, I, 255 . 5-6;
. , 1981, 51;
, , 149; , IX .
, 1, 195-196.
12
, . 1995, 108.
13
Ibid. p. 108.
14
Ibid. p. 109.

66
...

donia annexed to Bulgaria and another one to Byzantium, the Bulgarian ruler Boris
agreed to adopt Christianity from Byzantium. His son Simeon (803-927 AD) was
driven by the idea of becoming a Byzantine emperor and constantly led battles
against Byzantium. However, his endeavours were unsuccessful.15 After his death
in 927 AD, his son Peter made a peace treaty with Byzantium. Byzantium recog-
nized his title of Tsar of the Bulgarians, arranged a marriage for him with a girl
from the Lekapenos clan, which made him a part of their family, and recognized
the Bulgarian Patriarchate.16
Up until 927 AD, Byzantine authors distinguish between the Macedonian
Sclaviniae and the Sclaviniae in the service of Bulgaria. After this year, a large sec-
tion of Macedonia, stretching 22 km from Thessalonica, became part of the Bulgar-
ian state, so the terms Bulgaria and Bulgarians started appearing in some Byz-
antine sources, the latter as the name for the people who were subjects of the state.
All events that took place in Macedonia were said to have happened in Bulgaria.
Similarly, the Byzantine authors wrote that the state of Tsar Samuel was estab-
lished on Bulgarian soil.17
Throughout the existence of Samuels state (969-1018 AD), Byzantium led
continuous attacks against it. Byzantium did not officially recognize this creation,
alongside Samuels crown, awarded to him by Rome. Byzantium also failed to rec-
ognize the existence of the Orthodox Ohrid Archbishopric as a separate church, but
rather considered it an extension of the Bulgarian Archbishopric, dissolved in 971
AD and added to the Patriarchate of Constantinople.18
In the wake of the dissolution of Samuels state in 1018 AD, Byzantium con-
ducted a series of military and administrative reforms that included Macedonia as
well. A larger part of Macedonia was included into the Theme of Bulgaria with
Skopje as its capital, and that is precisely why all the sources concerning the events
in Macedonia document that they happened in Bulgaria. This was done in order to
push out the name of Macedonia from the region, whereas the same name contin-
ued to be used as a theme name in Thrace, outside the historical core of Macedo-
nia. As an simpler approach, the Byzantine administration skillfully used a foreign
name whose existence it had previously recognized, and since Macedonia had been
a part of the Bulgarian state before the creation of Samuels empire, this made
sense to Byzantium and its doctrine of assimilating the Macedonians and neglect-
ing their ethnic identity. The Bulgarians could no longer claim any ancient state
15
About the war between Simeon and Byzantium, see: -
, , 247-250; , -
. 1998, 49-55.
16
, , 271-277;
, . 63.
17
, , 198; -
, 78, . 332.
18
About Samoils state, see: , . -
, 1985, also compare: ,
, 64.

67
58 1-2 2014

traditions in the Balkans and that certainly went in Constantinoples favor. Their
ruler, Tsar Peter, was included into the order of relatives of the Byzantine emperor
when he was crowned as Tsar of the Bulgarians, not disturbing the already estab-
lished dogma of the existence of a single Christian kingdom, that is, Byzantium.19
At the beginning of the 13th century, Byzantium was torn apart by the crus-
aders of the Fourth Crusade. A Latin Empire with a whole line of vassal Latin
states was formed instead. On those territories where the Latins could not establish
their rule, three states were formedNicaea, Trebizond, and Epiruswhich adopt-
ed the legal and state tradition of Byzantium. In the end, after hard-fought strug-
gles, the Empire of Nicaea re-established Byzantium in 1261 AD, and Macedonia
was a part of this new state. Byzantine armies were constantly present in Macedonia
in order to prevent the neighboring tribes and peoples from raiding the territory.20
In the thick of those struggles in 1219 AD, the exiled Byzantine patriarch in
Nicaea appointed Sava as the Archbishop of Pe, thus recognizing the independ-
ence of the Serbian Church whose parishes belonged to the Archbishopric of
Ohrid,21 as well as the royal crown of the Serbian ruler. A similar thing happened
in 1235 AD, when Macedonia was a part of the Bulgarian state; with the permis-
sion of Nicaea, in Trnovo, the Trnovo or Bulgarian Patriarchate22 was established,
with parishes appropriated from the Ohrid Archbishopric. This is emphasized be-
cause even today, Bulgarian historians claim that the Ohrid Archbishopric is Bul-
garian. Had that been the case, it would have been more logical for the Ohrid
Archbishopric to be proclaimed a patriarchate, on account of its historical back-
ground, and in 1235 AD it was a part of the Bulgarian state. However, this scenario
did not become a reality because there was an independent Ohrid Archbishopric,
and the Bulgarian ruler asked for a Bulgarian patriarchate to be formed, which
indicates that he did not consider the Ohrid Archbishopric Bulgarian. During the
1280s, the Serbs began populating the Macedonian territory. In 1299 AD, a deal
was made between Byzantium and Serbia, supported by a marriage between the
dynasties of King Milutin and Simonida.23 With the marriage, Milutin became a
member of the Byzantine emperors family, whereas the territories he had con-
quered in Macedonia were given to him as a dowry. According to Byzantine law,

19
, , 32.
20
, , 392-422.
21
About that question, compare: ,
. 1997, 275; -
, XIV .
. . 56.
2003, 32; Ibid., XIV . 2009, 245.
22
, , III, 361-389; ,
II, 65-110; . -, -
1235 . . .
XXVIII, 1968, 136-150; ,
, 493.
23
. VI, 46-48; 50-53; 168-171; 605-607.

68
...

should the marriage dissolve, Byzantium would have the right to claim those terri-
tories back (the bride had the right to take back what she had brought into the mar-
riage). Milutin, on the other hand, had the authority to govern that territory, now
part of the Serbian state. The Serbs, much like the Bulgarians, had no ancient tradi-
tions of statehood and presented no potential threat to the exclusive right Byzanti-
um had on the world empire, as long as their ruler was included into the medieval
family of the Byzantine emperor and did not infringe on the established practice of
the supremacy of imperial authority.
At the beginning of the 14th century, Macedonia was under a threat of division
again, this time between the Latin titular Emperor Charles Valois and the Serbian
King Milutin. The deal was made in 1308 AD24 and suggested dividing Macedonia
into two parts, but nothing came of it.
During the reign of the Serbian ruler Stefan Duan, a larger part of Macedonia
was under Serbia. The Macedonian towns and areas were often a bone of conten-
tion in the negotiations between Duan and Byzantium. Duan, following the ex-
ample of the Bulgarian ruler Simeon, was driven by the idea of creating a new
Serbo-Roman kingdom instead of Byzantium, and therefore, in 1346 AD, pro-
claimed himself the Tsar of Serbia and Romania, but that title was unrecognized
by Byzantium, so a schism followed.25
Although for most of the 14th century Macedonia was on Byzantiums borders,
the names Macedonia and Macedonians were not erased from Byzantine
sources, i.e. Macedonia was still considered a part of Byzantium. Byzantine histo-
rians, such as Nicephorus Gregoras and John Kantakouzenos used the name of
Macedonia to describe the events that happened in the real Macedonia as op-
posed to the theme of Macedonia.26 This was also done by Demetrius Cydones,
in his correspondence with John Kantakouzenos. It became a practice in interna-
tional (interstate) affairs as well. In the institutions and names of some official let-
ters from Islamic subjects to the Byzantine emperor, the terms Macedonia and
Macedonians were used as synonyms for prestige. For example, the letter of the
Mamluk Sultan Nasir al-Din Mohammad from 1340-41 AD to Emperor
Andronikos III Palailogos (1328-1341 AD) reads [in translation]: To the noble
Andronikos the sword of the Macedonian Kingdom, of the honorable Hellenic
military system, Emperor of Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Alania, the absolute ruler of
Russia, Iberia and the Turks, heir of the Roman Empire, ruler over two seas and
24
II 1308 -
. : , :
. -
, II, 1977, 436-439 and the other literature which is listed there.
25
, , 34; , -
XIV , 52; 75-76.
26
According to: ,
, XIV .
. , 27
(53). 2000, 61-73.

69
58 1-2 2014
27
rivers, Doukas, Angelos Komnenus Palailogos. Thus, Byzantine supremacy was
expressed.
A more blatant example of the expression of supremacy is evident in a letter
from the Sultan Melik Nasir-ad Din Hasan to the Emperor John Kantakouzenos
from 1349 AD, sword of Macedonians Emperor of the Hellenes, Emperor of
the Bulgarians, Vlachs, Russians, Alans... 28
Apart from expressing Byzantine supremacy, these data show that in the 14th
century, one could make a distinction between the Macedonians and the Bulgarians
and the rest of the peoples that were subjects to the Byzantine emperor.
After the dissolution of Byzantium, the Balkan states fell under Ottoman rule.
Part of them managed to separate and form their own states in the 19th century
(Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria). In its policies, Greece invoked Byzantine tradition
and aimed to become Byzantiums successor in the Balkans. The Ecumenical Pa-
triarch, who continued to reside in Constantinople, was considered an heir to the
Byzantine patriarchs and was Greek, naturally, as has been the practice to this day.
On the other hand, Bulgaria and Serbia, which had ruled over some parts of Mace-
donia in the Middle Ages, both laid claim on those very same territories and con-
sidered them part of their respective states. This led to the Balkan Wars, which saw
the Ottomans banished from Macedonia, which still could not gain independence
since its territory was divided between the above three Balkan states, according to
previously made agreements.29 Naturally, each state conducted a policy of assimi-
lation in its own territories towards the local Macedonian population and refused to
recognize their rights. They went as far as prohibiting the use of the term Macedo-
nia and the Macedonian language30 in the period between the two world wars
(1938). The European superpowers paid no attention to the cries for help from the
Macedonians. Thus, this single people with a single history was now given three
different names (Bulgarian, Serbian, and Greek) and this was quite normal for
the great superpowers. The Greek ban on the use of the Macedonian name and lan-
guage has still not been withdrawn, although after World War II, the Republic of
Greece recognized SFR Yugoslavia, and implicitly, SR Macedonia as part of the
Federation. The euphoria dissipated after the evident tendencies for the dissolution
of SFRY, so in 1989, Greece shifted its politics and started spreading the ideology
that Macedonia was Greek, or that there was no such a thing as a Macedonian lan-
guage, it was all Greek. Europe still considered it normal. Something similar has
been happening in Bulgaria and Serbia as well. Some recognize the state, but not

27
- ,
. 2002, 334. . , , 319.
28
- ,
. 2002, 334. . , , 319.
29
About agreements between Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece, see: -
, . 1. 529-533 , 527.
30
. 1988, 307. Example for someone who
was judged because he had spoken another language, compare: .., . 2, 66-67.

70
...

the people and the language, whereas others do not recognize the existence of the
church. It is all a well-designed policy, constructed and headed by Greece, aiming
to deny the existence of the Macedonian people and state in order to keep the ex-
clusive rights to the ancient history, culture and tradition. All this goes in favor of
both Serbia and Bulgaria, which are waiting for the right moment to realize their
medieval aspirations towards Macedonia and thus help their ally Greece deal with
Macedonianism.
It remains a mystery, however, whether European politicians are not familiar
with the history of the Balkans or they are just pretending they are not. They cannot
be that senile to forget what kinds of agreements their predecessors made with re-
gards to Macedonia. Instead of gathering the courage to apologize for the injustices
done by them and attempt to make things right, they are relentlessly trying to per-
suade us that we do not exist and that we should change our name, because that is
the will of the Greeks. It is high time that both European and Greek leaders resolve
the dilemma of who the Greeks really are: are they the heirs of the Hellenes, i.e.
Greek, or are they the heirs of the Macedonians and thus Macedonian? They cannot
be both. It is about time that the Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs recognized the exist-
ence of a different people, an autochthonous people with the longest historical tra-
ditionthe Macedonians.
The majority of European Byzantologists recognize Greece as the successor of
Byzantium, that is, consider Byzantium a Greek state, which does not correspond
with any of the sources. This is what most likely caused the overall misinterpretation
in European political circles so that, in accordance with medieval Byzantine doctrine,
the state recognized by Byzantium was internationally recognized as well, as reflect-
ed in present-day Greek politics. The Balkan state that recognized Greece was in turn
recognized itself and became a member of the European family. Macedonia has nev-
er been recognized as a separate state by Byzantium, or by Greece, therefore it can-
not become part of the European family, which has largely been modelled after the
Byzantine example. So, the question remains: why do European politicians care so
much about Greece in the construction of the new European family?
The ties between European leaders are pretty much the same as they were in
Byzantium. The states and the people that had been recognized by Byzantium were
also internationally recognized afterwards, whereas the ones that had not been,
such as Macedonia and the Macedonians, did not receive international recognition.
Nowadays, every Balkan state recognized by Greece found a place in the European
Union. Macedonia, unrecognized by Greece, cannot become a member of this very
same family. All this is a clear example of the presence of the Byzantine medieval
stereotypes and approaches in recognizing a state and its people. I believe that it is
about time the EU set aside these stereotypes and saw things as they are. One state
and its people cannot be the victims of another state and its people whose existence
the former do not even deny. The hypocrisy is so great that Macedonia and the
Macedonians are accused of being nationalists, just because they are fighting for
their well-deserved place in the European family and they want to continue to call
themselves Macedonians.

71
58 1-2 2014 73-92 ISSN 0583-4961

94(497.7)"9"

Abstract

The focus of this article is on the chronology and the manner of crowning of Tsar
Samuel, as well as its impact on the terminology in contemporary sources on the rebels of
the Cometopuli revolt and Samuels state. The text considers the various theories and the
arguments in their favor. he main topics of discussion are the theories about the rule of the
eunuch Roman and the interpretation of Tsar Samuels Inscription, as well as certain
contradictions in the sources concerning the matter. The current theory is that Samuel was
crowned between 986 and 989, after Veliki Preslav had been taken and Aaron assassinated.

Keywords: Cometopuli, tsardom, crowning, Roman, chronology


.
,
.
. ,
.

. ,
-
, . -
(, )
.1
.

1
Paul Stephenson, Byzantiums Balkan Frontier, A Political Study of the
Northern Balkans, 900 1204, Cambridge, 2004, 61, The prac-
tice of claiming the title emperor of the Bulgarians, therefore, had no ethnic significance.
-

73
58 1-2 2014

-
. , :
1. (976 .),
;2
-
.
2. ,3
980 . 997 1000, -
, .4

,
,
: Stephenson
P., The Legend of Basil the Bulgar-Slayer, Cambridge, 2003, 30, 8, Catherine
Holmes, Basil II and the governance of Empire (9761025), New York 2005, 17, . 2,
Vladimir R. Petkovic, Une Hypothse sur le Car Samuel, Paris, 1919, 13 25.
2
Schlumberger G., L'pope byzantine la fin du Xe sicle, Paris 1925, 600, 601, 606
980 .; . ., ,
, . III, 1927, 7, Runciman Steven, A History of the First Bul-
garian Empire, London 1930, 219, 980 ., ,
.
3
Schlumberger, L'pope, 615,
(?), . Runciman, A history..., 226 . 2., -
Benedict VII,
II 981/982 . ,
, . 2, (-
), 1926, . 2, 33, 34,
, . , , -
, . 1, 1985, 433437, -
,
; 996 1000 .,
V (996 999 .).
-
. .,
, , . 3, 1985, 48, ,
, 1999, 79.
4
981 982 . -
, (-
). 9971000 .
, . -

III, ,
(
, !).

.
, , (

74

3.
. ( 997 .).5
, ,
, ,
, .6

.7
4. ,
986 .
.8

,
.) ( !)
.
(, , 1992, 361
Obolensky D., Vyzantium and the Slavs, New York 1994, 62)
.
5
, , . 1, . 2,
1994, 703, 704, , ..., 433-434, , -
( VII
XI .), , VI-XII .,
1985 , 179, , , 1988, 40, ,
, , , 1997, 146., ,
, 2000, 372, Obolensky, Vyzantium..., 62, Stephenson,
Byzantiums..., 61, Fine John, The Early Medieval Balkans, A Critical Survey from the sixth
to the Late Twelfth Century, Michigan, 2008, 195. -,
994 . ., , 1992, 230,
(The Oxford dictionary of Byzantium, v. I, ed. Kazhdan A., New York Oxford
1991, v. III, 1838). , , 1999, 197.
6
, -
( ), . I, , -
. 3, , 1955, 74, 75, . 9; , ..., 147 .,
47.
7
997 . (Fine, The
Early, 195, , ..., 48, , ..., 79), ,
, 997 .
. (A history..., 230, 231)
997 . , ,
.
8
, , ,
3, 81, . 25. :
Shepard Jonathan, Byzantium expanding, 944 1025, New Cambridge medieval history, t.
III, New York 2006, 597; . ., -i i, II, -
i 976 986 ( - I ),
( ), CLXXXIV, 1876, ,
122, ,

75
58 1-2 2014

.9
,
997 . -
. -
. -
.10 -
: -
11 -
. ,
, -
.
, -
( )
.12
.13

989 . (171, 172); Holmes, Basil II..., 48, ,


.
9
, ,
,
1002 1003 ., ,
. . .,
, . 1, 1926, 4, 36, 38, , -
, , . 3, 3, 11, 14. Obolensky, Vyzantium..., 62,
987 . , 997 998 . -
. 997 . (Ioa-
nnis Scylitzae, Synopsis Historiarum, CFHB, series Berolinensis, v. V, rec. Thurn Ioannes,
Berolini, 1973, 546). , , 3, 81 -
.
10

( ) a : Schlumberger, LEpopee..., 650 . 3; Runciman, A
History..., 221, 231, , ..., 360 . 177, Holmes, Basil II..., 48, 49,
, 3, 81, . 25, Whittow, The Making of Byzantium, 600 1025, 1996, Los
Angels, 387.
11
, ..., 14.
.
12
Runciman, A History..., 221,
230, 238: , -i..., II, 122, , , 7,
, ..., 408, 410-413. , , 361, , -
, 179, ., , -

( 1000 ), , 1971, 69, 70. , , 360, Obo-
lensky, Vyzantium..., 229, 240 .39, , ..., 48, , ..., 77,
., , 1995, 350.
13
Schlumberger, L'pope..., 648, 651, Runciman, A history..., 221:
, it was unheard of that a eunuch

76

, -
, .14
, , .15 ,
16
.17

should reign,
. , ..., 360, , ..., 147,
,
.
14
, ..., 144,
; -
.
15
,

(, ..., 409,
), -
,
(, ,
1981, 69).
.
16
978 . , , -
(, 3, 71 74, . 19), (991
1004 .), .. 13 25

, ,

, (
, Scylitzae, Synopsis Historiarum, 331, 39.). , -
, , , -
.
17
, , ,
, ( , ..., . 2, 20 21, ,
..., 410-413). , VI
XIV ., , 2009 ., 108, 114, 118, 119,
. , ..., 13-14.

( Kathryn Ringro-
se, The perfect servant: eunuchs and the social construction of gender in Byzantium,
Chicago, 2003, 168 Tr. John Wortley, Skylitzes John, A synopsis of Byzantine History
811 1057, Cambridge, 2000, 329 . 161, ., ..., 350).
-
(, ,
408).
. : Runciman, A history..., 238, -
., , 1926 . . 3, 130, ,
..., 36, , ..., 6, , ..., 30, 44, ,

77
58 1-2 2014

,
. .
, ,
, .
, -
-

.
,
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-
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, , -
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-

..., 200, , , . 360, . 177, Stephenson,


Byzantiums..., 59..
18
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(?) -
972 . , , ( ..,
..., 36; , , . 1 . 6, 1930, . 3, 28).
, -
.
19
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( , , , 3, 189, . 8). -
-
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XI ., ( )
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, ( ., ..., 74, 75, 236 253, The Oxford dic-
tionary, I, 1).
, , , .
-
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. : , ..., 137, 138. -
, , 362-
365.

78

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,21 3. , ( -
),22 4. ,
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, -

20
. ., .
. , 1883, 20, 21 , , Histoire
De Yahya-ibn-saud D'antioche, ed. et tradite en Francais par I. Kratchkovsky et A.
Vasiliev, Fascicule II, Patrologia Orientalis, vol 23, Paris 1932, 418
21
Yahya, 418. ..., 20, 21, ,
, ,
... ( ,
..)... .
22
Yahiya, 418, 431, 446, 461, ..., 21, 28, 35, 43,

. ... 6 991 .,

. ,
, . 997 .
, -
..., , , -
, . ,
. .
23
..., 58, 59, 407 . (10 1016 29 1017 .) -
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. -
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20 1018 .)
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79
58 1-2 2014

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24
Runciman, A History..., 221, . 1.
25
, ..., . 1, 21.
26
. Schlumberger, L'po-
pe..., 650, . 3, , ,
.
, 997 . (Runciman, A his-
tory..., 221, 230, 231). , ..., 45.,
. ,
, -
(= ), ,
(, ..., 410-413).

80

27 -
, .

. -
,28 ()
( ) .
, , ,
; -
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978 991, -
1015 . , -
,
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,29 1014 .
.

27

1007 ., -
, 1014/5 ., ,
, 1066 .
, ..., . 1, 14, . 2 ; , ..., 17.
28
-
( , , , ( ,
), Scylitzae, Synopsis Historiarum, 329, 91, 342, 44, 349, 46, 47, 352,
22, 409, 93, 94. .

-
(, ..., 37; , ..., 29), -
. , ,

, 1015 ., .

, -
. ,
(Scylitzae, Synopsis Historiarum, 328, 6365, 346, 66, 67). ,
, ..., 410, 411,
.
29
(Yahya, 431, 461, 462) -
, ...,11, 12. Holmes, Basil II..., 49, 71. ,

81
58 1-2 2014

, , , .
, ,
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Wortley ,
990 1001 (Skylitzes John, A synopsis, 321 . 112.
, ..., 100, 146 . 44.
30
Gelzer H., Burckhardt A., Des Stephanos von Taron Armenische Geschichte, Leip-
zig, 1907, 186, 15.
. -
, ..., . 1, 23, 24 . 1, , ..., 36, ,
..., 67, . 28, , ..., 407, 409, Stephenson, The Legend...,
14. , ..., 175, . 3,
. , -
, (
).
31

, ,
(, . ),
( ), , , -
( i
XI i i, . . ., 1864,
175, . 3).
32
., , Orientalia et Classi-
ca. , 6. , 2005, 89,
, ..., 410, . 457,
. Moravcsik G., Byzantinoturcica, II, Berlin 1983, 169.
33
( i..., 175,
. 2).

82


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34
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, 995 . i..., 175, . 3).
36
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976 ., ( i..., 133), ,
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37
Des Stephanos, 186, 17, 18, i..., 173, 174.

83
58 1-2 2014

997 .) ., 986 1003 .


( )
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38
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, 1970, 581) , -
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,
(, .. , , 1911, 108.) , -
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-
( , , 1970, 286, 287).

,
(..., ..., 145).
39
:
..., Scylitzae, Synopsis Historiarum, 328,
6365,
. Sky-
litzes John, A synopsis, 312.
40
Holmes, Basil II..., 169.

84

. -
, . ,
.
,
. -
, , ,
. 41 -
, .

976 .42 -
43
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.44
.45
.46

41
: , ..., 43 (989
995), , ..., 67, ( 986 .), Whittow, The
Making..., 369 ( 986 . ).
42
976 . : Schlumberger, L'po-
pe..., 600, 601, 605, 606, , 3, 78, 79, . 24, , ...,
361, 362, , , i, , 1994, 180, 181,
, ..., 48, , ..., 77, ,
, , 1994, 36 ( 38- ), -
, ..., 178, 179.
43
Holmes, Basil II..., 489.. , ..., 80, 81.
44
( i..., 147, 186, Ademari
Historiarum libri III, Monumenta Germanica Historiae, SS, v. IV, ed. G. Pertz, Hanno-
verae, 1841, p. 131, 6-12.). , 15 .
. , 3, 221.
45
, (Scylitzae, Syno-
psis Historiarum, 331, 39). (, -
..., 377 .) .
. : Runci-
man, A History, 224, Stephenson, The Legend...,. 15, , ...,
69, , , . 2, . 6, 1930, 4, . 25, -
,
.
46
, ,
, 1970, 33, 34, 155 ( ,
, cf. Stphenson, Basil, 30, b. 69).
986 . Runciman, A History, 218, 230, 231, , -
, 10, 11, 16, . 17, 23, 24, . 1, , , 47, , -
, 20, Whittow, The Making..., 369, , ..., 67,
Obolensky, Vyzantium..., 62, Holmes, Basil II..., 491, 987 988 . -

85
58 1-2 2014



. ,
(), -
,
.
, , , 47
(17 986 .), -
.

992/993 .48 -
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( !).
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.51 -

Shepard, Byzantium, 596, 597, Kazhdan, The Oxford dictionary, 2, 1141.


, ..., 112, . 359.
47
,
.
,
,
. -
-
: Runciman, A History..., 230, 231, . 997 .,
1002 1005 . (..., 47 1002, , 25 1005 .), -
, , . 2, 9 (14 987 .), , ..., 227, 229 ( 986
989 .), Stephenson, The Legend, 15 (13 987 988 .), Obolensky, Vyzantium...,
62 (987 .).
48
i . ., , i -
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), 310, 64-66, Leonis Diaconi Caloensis, Historiae libri X, rec. Hasii C.
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58 1-2 2014
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Leonis Diaconi Caloensis, Historiae libri X, r. Hasii C., CSHB, Bonnae, 1828, 103,
18-23, 136, 15-20, 171, 10
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91
58 1-2 2014
75
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( 5, . 315 ... ).

92
58 1-2 2014 93-103 ISSN 0583-4961

94(497.11):327.51(049.3)

Abstract
This article reviews and analyzes two of Vladimir Karis political publications that
are not too well known in Macedonian historiography. In the first one, a type of a polemical
brochure, the Serbian consul gave an interesting and controversial analysis of the the
neighboring propaganda activitiesthe Greek, the Bulgarian and the Serbianin Ottoman
Macedonia. In the second publication, Kari propounded his own elaboration on the crea-
tion of the Balkan Alliance. As a pragmatic and professional diplomat, he offered some
open-minded ideas about the future of the Balkans.

Keywords: Vladimir Kari, Society of Saint Sava, Serbia and the Balkan Alliance,
Ottoman Macedonia

, (
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, 1, 1999, 20.

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58 1-2 2014

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58 1-2 2014
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103
58 1-2 2014 105-120 ISSN 0583-4961

323.12:323.14(495:497.7)"1830"

-:

Abstract

The Modern Greek state was established in 1830. In the period immediately after the
establishment of the modern Greek nation state, Greece was institutionalized by the power-
ful European patrons, whose goal was to control the wider southeast Mediterranean region.
However, this was neither the beginning, nor the end of the process of building the Greek
nation and national identity. In the 19th and early-20th centuries, Greek nationalism was
particularly susceptible to change. The ideological background of Greek nationalism played
an important part in proving the Greek character of Ottoman Macedonia. The national
myth created was of great help and used alongside other propaganda activities, especially
the armed activities during the Greek Macedonian struggle. The final goal was to be in
accordance with Greek foreign politicsthe Megali Idea, i.e. the annexation of Macedonia
within the Kingdom of Greece and incorporation of the majority of the Macedonian Ortho-
dox population into the Greek nation state.

Keywords: Greece, Ottoman Macedonia, nationalism, national myth, Megali Idea

1830 , -
-.1 , ,
,
.2 ,

1
3 1830 ,
,
, .
(18211830).
, , , , 2004, 279-296.
2
Rodanthi Tzanelli, Nation-Building and Identity in Europe: The Dialogics of
Reciprocity, University of Leeds, UK, 2008, 4.

105
58 1-2 2014

. XIX
.3
XVIII XIX -
, -
.
, -
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, , -

. , , -

; -
, , -
;
, .6 , -

3
John S. Koliopoulos, Thanos M. Veremis, Modern Greece: A History since 1821,
2009, 2.
4
Dimitris Livanios, The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and Collective
Identities in Greece (14531913), The Historical Review. Vol 3, 2006, 33.
5
John S. Koliopoulos, Thanos M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel from 1831 to
the present, London, 2002, 4.
6
, 1870; , , -
, , 1993, 24. , -
,
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, ,

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106
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(Koliopoulos & Veremis),
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, : -
, , 1998, 19.
7
, ,
: 1. ; 2. ; 3. -
, ; 4.
; 5. ,
. Antoni D. Smit, Nacionalni identitet, Beograd, 1998, 29-30.
8
Peter Mackridge, Language and National Identity in Greece: 17661976, Oxford
University, 2009, 9.
9
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Modern Greece: A History..., 17.

107
58 1-2 2014


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(1821
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P. Mackridge, Language and National Identity in Greece:..., 1.
11
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel..., 250-253.
12

, ( 1821 1822).
1793
1795 . : , -
. . , (12041940),
, 1990, 126.
13
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel..., 250.
14
( 1823 ),
, . -
, -
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..., 130.
15
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel..., 250.
16
D. Livanios, The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and..., 55.

108
-:

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Sinan Ciddi, Lida Dimitriou, Evren Gnl and Seda Mftgil, Religious and
Cultural Perceptions of the other in Viewing Greek-Turkish Relations, joint paper pre-
sented at the Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy, february 2005, 2.
19
. , ..., 82.

109
58 1-2 2014
20
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Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel..., 142, 144, 145.
21
, (18301881),
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22
D. Livanios, The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and..., 64.

110
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J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel..., 228.
24
. , 1870..., 91.
25
D. Livanios, The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and..., 47-49.
26
,
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1870..., 112.
27
P. Mackridge, Language and National Identity in Greece:..., VIII.

111
58 1-2 2014

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28
, , Clio, 2000, 30; . . ,
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, 1992, 136.
29
P. Mackridge, Language and National Identity in Greece: ..., 15.
30
Stavros Skrinis, Nation-state-building process and cultural diversity: Greece, Nati-
on-State-Building Process and Cultural Diversity, Berlin, 2005, 1.
31
, : -
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112
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17851985, , 2009, 270, 273.
35
P. Mackridge, Language and National Identity in Greece:..., 63.
36
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37
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Greece; The modern sequel..., 243.

113
58 1-2 2014


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D. Livanios, The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and..., 55.
46
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47
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115
58 1-2 2014


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51
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Modern Greece: A History..., 2.
52
: Geschichte des Kaisertums von Trapezunt (
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des Mittelters ( ), ,
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J. S. Koliopoulos, Thanos M. Veremis, Modern Greece: A History..., 2.

116
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58
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117
58 1-2 2014

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60
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61
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62
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63
J. S. Koliopoulos, T. M. Veremis, Modern Greece:..., 48.

118
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119
58 1-2 2014

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D. Livanios, The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and..., 60.
, ,
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120
58 1-2 2014 121-129 ISSN 0583-4961

94(497.774)"1903/08"


1903 1908 *

Abstract

he work presents the reaction to the reforms proposed by the Great European Powers
in the Bitola Vilayet after the Ilinden Uprising. In this respect, the Balkan states showed a
keen interest in Macedonia with their conquering tendencies. In the first years after the Up-
rising, up to the Young Turk Revolution in July of 1908, the population in the Bitola Vila-
yet endured terrible trials. Russian and Austro-Hungarian civil agents were constantly re-
ceiving complaints from the Christian population. The situation in educational and political
terms was complicated. The governments of Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia each set out to
found schools and churches under their control all across the Bitola Vilayet. Army detach-
ments were constantly arriving to the Vilayet. The population was subjected to violence and
terror. Their cultural and educational institutions and organizations, such as schools, read-
ing rooms and churches, suffered terrible consequences. The ranks of the Macedonian intel-
lectuals were thinned and many of the schoolmasters were perishing in the prisons. There-
fore, the action for reforms in the Bitola Vilayet did not bring relief and peace to the people,
or any real improvement to the region.

Keywords: Macedonia, Bitola Vilayet, reforms, European Powers, Ilinden Uprising,


governments, schools

19 ,
a
, ,
. , ,
, , .
-
, , -

* 7. ,
()
(-), 17-22 2011 .

121
58 1-2 2014 -
58 1-2 2014 -

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129
58 1-2 2014 131-141 ISSN 0583-4961

94(497.7.)"1942/44"

-

(1942 1944)

Abstract

This article presents the involvement and the activity of Milivoj Trbi as a member of
the Ravna Gora Movement in Macedonia during World War II. He started his activity in
the second half of 1942, after being sent from Serbia to Macedonia to participate in the es-
tablishment of the Ravna Gora Movement. Since then until 1944, Trbi was active in the
regions around Prilep, Poree and Azot.

Keywords: Ravna Gora Movement, National Liberation Movement, Milivoj Trbi,


Prilep, Azot, Poree, organization, agitation

1941 , -
, -
()
() , -
-, , -
1942 1944 .


, -
. -
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, ,

131
58 1-2 2014
1
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II.
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. ,
, -
. -
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. 1103 -
, 4 5,

1
, 19411945, 1997, 268-269.
2
,
, , XLVIII/2013,
. 1, 208-211.
3
. 110 (, 22. III 1906
, 15. V 1980), .
. 110, 1944 ,
,
. . 110
, 2 1944

. 1946 .
, . -
.
4
(. , , 9. VIII 1915 , 17. VII 1981).
5
() (. , , 8. XI 1920 ,
, 16. V 1998) , , , -
, (1969) -
(1974), ( ) (1986),
(PAU) (1994), (1997) dr h.c. -
(Uniwersytet Slaski) (). -
, e -
. -
, -
(19701978). -
. , 1,
2009, 275.

132
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, 111/17,
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7
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8
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1942 ,
1942 , , 1978, 242; ,
(18781944), 2010, 182-186, 220, 250, 385-386.
9
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133
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16
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17
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., 2011, 167-168.
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19
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135
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32
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,

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, . 885, doss. 42201149 , 112/18.
33
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I/2, 1985, 264.
35
, 265-266.
36
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37
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137
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. 276, . . 15/1-43, 55; . 277, . . 2/1. , ...,
172. , ,
19411945, 1979, 66. Mladen Coli, etnike vojne formacije u Makedoniji
19421944. godine, Vojnoistorijski glasnik, XXV/1, Beograd 1974, 153-167. -
, 19421944. -
, , 1973, 587-603.
44
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- , . , . 2, , 1. -
19411945, I, -

19411945, ,
1943 1944, -
- , 1983, 213, 250-251, : , . I, . .
, ..., 271-272.
, 1944 15
1945..., I/2, 403-404, 406.
45
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46
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139
58 1-2 2014

,
, . -
, 2 1944
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, 1944 , -
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, .52 1
1944 ,

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, , 1941 .
(1941),
(1941).
. . -
. , 2, 2009,
1652; , 515.
49
.
50
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51
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().
-



() -
() , -
()

. , ,
,
-
. 8 1944 , -
,
, , -

-
. Slobodan Neovi, Stvaranje nove
Jugoslavije 19411945, Beograd 1981, 539-540, 550-551.
52
, (), 1982, 212-214.

140
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,
5.
, .. -
.53
.54
, ,

. -
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1944 .55 28 1944

,
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, . 110, -

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-
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53
, . 885, . 111, .. 17, 1 1944
.
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3; doss. 47100147 , 247/8,
17-21 1947 , 1.
55
, . 885, . 111, .. 17,
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,
1944 15 1945 , , 1985, 253-256.
56
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1944 .
57
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23 1947 ;
- 27 1947 , 9.

141
58 1-2 2014 143-154 ISSN 0583+4961

323.1:325.25(=163.3:100)"1973/77"



(1973 1977)

Abstract

The aim of this article is to show the international activities of the migr organization
Movement for the Liberation and Unification of Macedonia in the period between 1973 and
1977, when the Movement was headed by President Dragan Bogdanovski. Under his lead-
ership, the organization developed extensive activities among the Macedonian diaspora, as
well as started its international activities. These activities involved sending memorandums,
appeals and letters to the international community to familiarize it with the unresolved
Macedonian national question.

Keywords: Macedonia, Macedonian emigration, Movement for the Liberation and


Unification of Macedonia, memorandum, organization, international activity



50- .


()1,
. , -

1
23 1962
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60- . 1971
, -
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().

143
58 1-2 2014

: -
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1973
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3
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- 1973 ., 1.
4
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144
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1974 .
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154
58 1-2 2014 155-168 ISSN 0583-4961

323:325.25(100:=163.3)"1957"
314.15-026.49(100:=163.3) "1957"



,
(1957 )

XIX
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155
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- odumrla, Uspon, kriza i pad etvrte Jugoslavije
, (19741990), Prometej, Zagreb, i Samizad B92,
Beograd, 2003.

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- na Mishkova, Budapest: CEU Press, 2009,107-
139.
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Tchavdar Marinov, We the Macedonians , -
the Paths of Macedonian Supra Nationalism,
18781912. We, the People: Politics of Natio-
nal Peculiarity in Sautheastern Europe. Ed. Dia- .

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nalism in Europe Today, Mapping the Nation, -
Edited by Gopal Balakrishhnan, With an Indro- . Mapping the Nation, Edited by Gopal Ba-
duction by Benedict Anderson, Verso, London, lakrishhnan, With an Indroduction by Benedict
1996, 255-266. Anderson, Verso, London, 1996.

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Fredrik Barth, Ethnic groups and bounda-
ries. The social organization of culture differ-
rence. Oslo Universitetsforlaget, 1969. . , -
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the mind", Nationalities papers, The Journal of 1946
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toc/cnap20/40/5#.Udao1TvTy-k

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Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of
, the National Revival in Europe, A Comparative
Analysis od the Social Composition of the Pat-
riotic Group among the Smaller European Nati-
. ons, Cambridge London New York, 1985;
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191
58 1-2 2014

THE GREAT WAR: REGIONAL APPROACHES AND GLOBAL CONTEXTS


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE OCCASION OF THE FIRST
CENTENNIAL OF BEGINNING OF WORLD WAR ONE
(SARAJEVO, 18TH 21ST JUNE 2014)

:



(, 18 21 2014)

, , 18 21
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.
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() ().
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18 : -
(New Trends in research on the Great
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New York). . -
1914 2014 , , -
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-
,
, , -

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, -
, ,
-
. , :

192

(Ideational and Political Foudations);


(The roads to War in Southeastern Europe);
(Nationalism during the War);
(The Bosnian Question); 1914 -
(June 1914 in Sarajevo and Echo of the Assassination);
(Social Memories of and during the War);
(Diplomatic and Military Aspects of the War); -
(he Impact of the War on Soci-
ety and Politics) (Local Experiences). -

.
, -
(Social and Cultural Life during the War)
, (Love, Life and Death Behind the Frontlines),
, -
, -
.
(Mobilizing Soldier and Soldiers Experiences) -

,
,

. , -
-
, -
.

, , , -
,
. -
(Demographic transformation and Social Policies)

,
. ,
, -
.

(Mary Janine ali), -
,
(Global economy, the Balkans and the impact of the Great
War).


, ,

193
58 1-2 2014

. -
, 18 21 ,
: . - ( :
The Fate of the Civilian Population in Bitola in the First World War), . -
( : Civilians and Soldiers: Enduring the Salonika
Front Line), . - - ( : Measures
of Mobilization and Requisition in Western Macedonia 19151918) . -
( : World War One in Macedonian history
textbooks and history teaching).
-

194

FP7 INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP


WOMENS MEMORY OF THE RUSSO-OTTOMAN WAR
OF 1877/1878
(NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF ARMENIA, YEREVAN, 2014)

7
-
1877/1878
( , , 2014)

The Russo-Ottoman War of 1877/1878 played a major role in the formation of


national narratives in the Balkans, in Turkey, and in the Caucasus in the 19th and
20th centuries. The consequences of the war between the Ottoman and the Russian
Empires were not limited to the end of the 19th century but they are still an impor-
tant part of the memory cultures and politics of memory today. Beginning in the
direct aftermath of the war, the ROW was interpreted in different and often oppo-
sing ways, not only by the nations involved but also by different social classes,
whose memories of the war often seem forgotten due to stronger official narratives.
The international research project Politics of Memory and Memory Cultures
of the Russian-Ottoman War 1877/1878: From Divergence to Dialogue, funded
by the European Commissions International Research Staff Exchange Scheme
Marie Curie Actions (FP7) and lasting for four years (02/2012 01/2016), aims to
prepare ground for a revision of conflicting images and to make suppressed memo-
ries visible. In order to achieve that, researchers from all countries with relevant
ROW memories are cooperating and constantly sharing their transdisciplinary
results. With the project being split into six work packages, the first half of the pro-
ject was dedicated to National Models of Memory, Places of Memory and
Celebrations of Heroes of the ROW and The Memory of Emigrants and Mino-
rities. The present and fourth work package Gender and War Memory lasted for
eight months (02/2014 09/2014) and was capped by a workshop held at the
National Academy of Sciences of Armenia on September 12, 2014.
The workshop was both opened and moderated by the projects coordinator
KARL KASER (Graz), who especially emphasized the need for an increased
awareness for gender aspects in the war and its interpretations. A special focus
should be put on womens experiences and memories of the war while male domi-
nation in war memories has to be outlined. The projects aim is to critically analyze
the construction of women as heroines, supporters, activists, and victims of the war
in various denominational and cultural traditions.
A first approximation to gender aspects related to the ROW of 1877/1878 was
given by BILJANA RISTOVSKA-JOSIFOVSKA (Skopje) in her contribution

195
58 1-2 2014

War and Wartime: Women Figures. Ristovska-Josifovska made it very clear that
womens memories to the ROW of 1877/1878 can be found in a broad variety of
cultural manifestations, thereby setting the tone for the present work packages
research.
GRIGOR AGHANYAN (Yerevan) together with his colleague KARINE
BAZEYAN presented their common research on The Participation of Women in
the ROW of 1877/1878. An Analysis of the Newspaper Mak, thereby stressing
the Armenian perception of womens participation in the ROW as a mass
participation. Aghanyan argued that, when taking a look at the broad variety of
women contributing to the war, it becomes evident that a perceived limitation to a
certain field or profession is not valid.
The construction of women as heroines resulted in several heroic female biog-
raphies related to the ROW, as the following three contributions illustrated in an
interesting comparison. BLENT BILMEZ (Istanbul) with his paper on Women
in the Turkish Collective Memory of the ROW: A timeless Heroine Nene Hatun
especially analyzed visual materials and outlined the great role of Nene Hatun in
Turkish collective memory and its manifestations in stamps, monuments and
feature films.
MILENA ANGELOVA (Blagoevgrad) presented her research, elaborated in
cooperation with ANASTASIJA PASHOVA and spoke about The Heroine from
Shipka who took part in four wars and helped thousands of people. The ROW of
1877/1878 as symbolic capital in the female biography while NURIE MURATO-
VA and KRISTINA POPOVA (Blagoevgrad) gave an insight on The Lady from
Radilovo Village, thereby relating to two dominant female biographies in Bulgari-
an collective memory to the ROW of 1877/1878.
TAMAZ PHUTKARADZE (Batumi) concentrated on Womens Memory of
the ROW of 1877/1878 and Muhajirs and stressed the importance of muhajirstvo
in the collective memory of his researchs female respondents. Phutkaradze conclu-
ded that both gender aspects and muhajirstvo would be massively underrepresented
in Georgian memory culture.
The workshop was concluded by OLGA CHERNYSHOVA (Stavropol') and
her presentation The Female Face of War. The Sisters of Mercy in the ROW of
1877/1878, in which she underlined the activated social activity of women as
nurses in the war and their contribution both in the war preparations as well as at
the frontlines.
The results of the fourth work package of the project and the related workshop
will be published both in printed form and as well on the projects website
(http://memoryrow.weebly.com). The project itself will continue with its fifth work
package The ROW and the Cold War Use and Misuse of the War Memory,
which will again last for eight months and will also be capped by a workshop.

Dominik Gutmeyr

196

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