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TPR, 81 (3| 2010 do:10.3828/lpr.2010.1
Giorgio Piccinato
Centenary paper
This paper explores and relates the changing social and economic context to the particular national
themes of Italian town planning since 1945, including case-specific aspects and ideologies, practices
and models. It begins with a consideration of the immediate reconstruction efforts after 1 945 before
turning to the issues of urbanisation, land speculation and real estate markets from the 1 950s with which
town planners from the left had to contend; the examples of plans for Assisi, Rome and the historic centre
of Bologna are examined. The 1 970s brought about a centre-left realignment and considerable innova-
tion in the discipline, although the growth of industrial districts and development pressures on the historic
fabric of towns provided challenges with which practice found it difficult to deal. From the 1990s the
introduction of new, complex programmes with EU links began to weaken the traditional strength of the
master plan concept and innovations in local administration and new issues, such as landscape conserva-
tion, have emerged together with an awakened public interest.
An outline discussion of the history of Italian town planning after the Second World
War requires the examination of a number of factors, each of which contributes
to defining its characteristics. First and foremost, we must examine the social and
economic context, relating this together with other themes that emerged on a case-by-
case basis and with ideologies, practices and models. As will be seen, these elements
relate post- 1945 Italian town planning to wider European research and practice and
to the transformations that accompany the global political and economic panorama.
Given the vast number of cultural, social and economic networks that characterise,
standardise and cross the discipline's field of action today, the exploration of these
relationships is perhaps less surprising to readers than they would have been in 1945.
There is, however, one obstacle to further understanding the period better: namely, the
trend towards the exclusive use of research published in English which often results in
the loss of information, in some cases of significant importance, and above all, adds
to the difficulty of understanding the atmosphere within which planning debate has
developed historically in Italy.1
Giorgio Piccinato is a Professor in and Head of the Dipartimento di Studi Urbani, Universita degli Studi Roma Tre,
Via Madonna dei Monti 40, Rome, Italy; email: piccinat@unir0ma3.it
Paper submitted April 2009; revised paper received and accepted January 2010.
1 With one relevant exception, thanks to Town Planning Review, an article by Giovanni Astengo in 1952 gives a
passionate account of Italian planners' difficulties and achievements at that time.
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238 Giorgio Piccinato
Ravaged by war from Sicily to the Alps, and aggravated from the end of 1943 by
a ferocious civil war, accompanied by massacres and vendettas, Italy after 25 April
1945 was a heavily damaged country. The country's built patrimony had been heavily
reduced; many industrial areas were damaged and out of commission; the commu-
nications infrastructure - primarily roads and railways - was largely inoperative. And
yet the decade that followed would later be referred to as the miracolo italiano (Italian
miracle). Between 1945 and the mid-1950s, Italy underwent an upheaval that would
define its characteristics for many years to come and set the stage for its current position
among the world's most economically advanced countries. All this was made possible
by a number of decisive political decisions, including membership of the European
Community, adhesion to th Western Block and NATO and state participation in the
development of a strong industrial and banking system.
The 1945-55 period was also witness to the affirmation, according to the most
credible sources, of the so-called 'dualist' model, within which Italy's national frame-
work appeared to be synthetically represented by clear oppositions: by the industri-
alised north versus the agricultural south; by modern capitalism in the north and semi-
feudal society in the south; and by a rapidly growing urban system versus a declining
rural one. Heavy industries (steel and petrochemicals) and manufacturing (motor
vehicles, appliances and fabrics), characterised by a significant increase in production
and the workforce, were at the base of the country's development (Graziani, 1979).
The housing sector was another sector fundamental to the Reconstruction period.
The country's residential stock, already insufficient before the war, suffered the loss
of over three million rooms. The development of the real estate market became
functional to industrial development; it reduced unemployment, offered entry-level
work for unqualified labourers, presenting them with alternative methods of working,
in addition to providing a response to the growing demand to house the urban popula-
tion. What is more, it spurred the growth of urban land revenues, which were trans-
formed into the economic and political power that conditioned Italian town planning
for many years (Salzano, 1998).
Italy's radical post-war process of reconstruction and transformation was accom-
panied by a vast migration from under-developed areas - primarily the rural country-
side towards the city, from inland areas towards coastal settlements and from the south
to the north. This led to strong regional imbalances: in 1961, 5.7 million people (11.4
per cent of the entire population) lived in a region different than that in which they
were born. The wholesale transfer of the workforce from agriculture to industry, in
many cases the manifestation of the desire to escape from the countryside, coupled
with a heightened level of natural growth, led to a significant increase in the urban
population, for the most part concentrated in large cities: in the 1950s, Milan grew by
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 239
30 per cent and Turin by 37 per cent (Mioni, 1976). The immediate post-war
also saw the beginning of the largest building programme the country had e
In 1949, the Government promoted its Provvedimenti per incrementare l'occupa
operaia agevolando la costruzione di case per i lavoratori* a programme that remain
for 14 years (supported by an obligatory withholding on worker's salaries). Althou
primary objective was that of relieving unemployment, the programme also
itself to be an important instrument for the diffusion of a modern culture of arc
ture and town planning (Di Biagi, 2001). Baptised with the name INA3 Casa, th
tive experimented with new typologies and initiated a debate about neighbou
while constructing not only housing but also services and public spaces.
The programme called on numerous young architects and engineers (altho
the programme was directed, with great skill, by an architect who had ear
fame under the Fascists) who imported experiences from Britain, the Neth
and Scandinavia. Their approach to design was differentiated from the rigid
the International Style and the German Siedlung of the 1920s and 1930s, wh
been the inspiration for many of the neighbourhoods designed by Italy's m
architects under the Fascists, opting instead for an attentive consideration
spaces and traditions. The new interventions were widely distributed across
(some 2500 communities in 1951; Bottini, 2001) and reached out for different
any case, less-radical solutions. The most striking and famous example is that
Tiburtino neighbourhood in Rome, where a group of young and not-so-young
tects, strictly Communist in their convictions, developed a style of buildings
termed 'neo-realist' (in parallel with Italian cinema from the same period), usin
derived from popular rather than researched architecture, in an attempt to
the alienation experienced by local residents with respect to modernity (INCI
Quaroni, 1957; Casciato, 2000).
2 Policies for increasing employment by assisting the construction of housing for labourers.
3 INA: Istituto nazionale delle assicurazione (Italian National Institute for Insurance)
4 INCIS: Istituto Nazionale per le case degli impiegati dello Stato (Government Employees Housing Institute)
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240 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 241
among the top producers of office equipment in the world, he created Comun
cultural and political movement with strongly federalist overtones.
Adriano Olivetti operated at 360o in the fields of design (in which the n
Olivetti rapidly became famous), architecture - transforming the city of
home to his factories, into a sort of workshop of modern architecture - and
planning. He implemented a series of pilot studies in the area around Ivrea fo
on defining a policy of programming and development that involved some of It
most well-known intellectuals. Olivetti also created a publishing house, Comunit
printed classics in cultural sociology, including works by Park, Burgess and McK
Mumford, Weber and Simmel, as well as a magazine of the same name. He beli
strongly in the need for democratic and technologically advanced planning to a
a humanly sustainable method of development. He worked with different plans, test
his theories locally and in the poorest parts of Southern Italy, where he support
creation of model agricultural villages (Figure 1). Olivetti also served as presid
of the Istituto nazionale d'urbanistica (Italian Town Planning Institute) and partic
in various elections that demonstrated the popularity of Comunit at the local
although the movement was soundly defeated at the national level. Italian societ
this time was still separated by the divisions imposed by the Gold War and the
no place for a political movement of outsiders.
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242 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 243
However, the idea that the plot was not so elementary had already begun to
a few suspicions. Benevolo, in his timely study of The Origins of Modern Town Plan
(1963), brought the hypothesis of the 'political nature' of town planning to its
consequences, negating any specificity, even in situ, and conditioning its outc
the improvement of economic and social relations. The plan, the focus of the
sation of the discipline, it was argued should jointly express social needs to adm
resources in such a manner as to avoid abnormal concentrations of economic interests
in particular areas to the detriment of others or situations of congestion destined to
hinder the ordered functioning of the urban machine (Avarello, 1997).
Unfortunately, things did not go as planned: construction and land speculation
played a determining role in the choices made by local public administrations, giving
rise to the development of urban agglomerations which were among the worst in
Italian history. While the structural ties between these town planning practices,
which were indeed nineteenth-century in their derivation, and the development and
realisation of land revenue were well known, town planners limited themselves to
discussing urban organisms, Scandinavian neo-empiricism, British new towns and
neighbourhood units. The methods used to prepare plans were never truly modified
and research and reflections remained trapped in the accompanying attachments or
reports, without having any truly relevant effects.
A definite result, at least for the more 'advanced' plans, was that of stimulating
public discussion about the desirable future of the city, although the debate about its
possible future was vaguer. The analyses of the problems and prospects that accompa-
nied plans tended to become more detailed and to include a vast range of economic
activities and social policies. Although it was much less useful for exploring the true
potential of the discipline and its tools, the preparation of plans, in accordance with
the teachings of Geddes, was transformed into an opportunity to investigate and
understand the city further.
This was also the golden period for the self-employed urban planner (Di Biagi
and Gabellini, 1992). The plan, prepared in a shorter (Luigi Picchiato) or a longer
(Giovanni Astengo) period of time was submitted to municipal governments together
with a list of suggestions: from this moment onwards administrators were responsible
for adopting a 'planning policy' focused on guaranteeing the development of the
urban fabric as it was indicated on the maps they had received (Piccinato, L., 1957 and
1958). If, some years later, this had not taken place, there was no other option but to
call the professional (or one of his/her illustrious colleagues) to incorporate the errors
in the plan and draw up a new image for the future of the city.
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244 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 245
that the future could not be defined simply by a greater or lesser degree of sc
dependability. Rather, it was its role in relation to real estate interests, reinfo
an electorate whose political model was defined by the moderate Democrazia C
the Catholic party that governed Italy for almost half a century, which subst
conditioned the negative policy responses of the local public administration.
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246 Giorgio Piccinato
Figure 3 The Master Plan of Rome adopted by the municipality in 1 92: the scheme
of a new directional centre east of the historic core, along a north-south axis.
Source: P. O. Rossi, Roma. Guida all'architettura moderna 1 909-2000, Rome, Late
1975 by the left-wing government that would run the city for a decad
approximately 900,000 people, one-third of the city's population, liv
constructed areas that did not correspond with the Plan (Clementi an
Thus, as moderate governments were conditioned by emergencies
tumultuous growth of the population, their progressive counterpar
first and foremost, to confront the problem of legalising the illegal
services and infrastructures in areas where the Plan called for univers
agricultural zones. In the meantime, notwithstanding a slowdown in i
growth,6 Rome was witness to a transformation in its economic structure
icant development of industries related to telecommunications and a
6 The Master Plan was based on a forecast of 4.5 million inhabitants, although the city's popula
3 million.
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 247
social composition and, fatally, its lifestyles. Under these conditions, the la
effective town planning strategy and coherent policies became progressivel
problematic. However, it was necessary to wait another 40 years before the ci
have a replacement plan (Sanfilippo, 1994; Vidotto, 2001).
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248 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 249
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250 Giorgio Piccinato
Industrial distric
Throughout the 1970s, i
known appeared to enter
steel and chemical proce
and even the building in
housing continued to be
Trade Unions acquired a
tations to request better
to declare: 'reforms walk
disorder, fear, inflation
many cases those that, up
Strangely enough, the 197
industries released nume
growing number of exte
from other European co
create new businesses in their native towns. It soon became clear that the construc-
tion of housing had not stopped, but rather shifted outside of large cities. Housing
and employment were created in minor cities and areas once considered among the
poorest in the country and the origin of some of the heaviest migrant traffic. The
dualistic model centred on the opposition between the city and the countryside no
longer explained the actual situation in Italy. There was talk of a third Italy, composed
of recently developed areas initially found along the central Adriatic coast and in
northeastern Italy (Bagnasco, 1977). A significant number of local economies began
to develop as primarily small and medium-small-sized businesses began to organise
themselves into industrial 'districts'. Often highly specialised - chairs, shoes, eyewear
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1945 251
History is everywhere
The theme of the historical centre was central to twentieth-century Italia
planning (Piccinato, 2006). Immediately after 1945, the country had to deal
reconstruction of numerous cities damaged during the Second World War.
it appeared that the problem would be limited to judging the possibility of
works of modern architecture within historical urban fabrics (a famous deba
on the reconstruction of an area beside the Ponte Vecchio in Florence)
stylistic choices were to be considered (Pane, 1956). In a short period of time
clear that the true risk of denaturing historical inheritances came from the
exerted by the real estate market: spurred on by the significant revalorisation of
areas, it pushed for the freedom to pursue radical building changes accom
typological transformations and increases in volume.
If architects and town planners blamed the Fascist regime for its destructi
ventions in the historical fabric in favour of emphatically 'Roman' recons
it now became clear that the mechanisms of real estate speculation were f
destructive: the effects of new levels of urban growth were impossible for
cally weak and politically compromised municipal governments to control. I
longer historic structures that were in danger - the principle of their con
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252 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1945 253
The debate regarding historical centres escaped from its narrow prof
environment to become the most hard-fought issue for the press and m
councils, as well as during conferences on town planning. The leading p
Antonio Cederna managed to mobilise public opinion in defence of historic
in a number of articles and books (Cederna, 1956; 1965). While the guilty p
generally real estate speculation, in the end historical architecture was reinf
such a degree that its soaring market value weakened the pressures for its s
tion. Finally, various master plans began to consider the historical centre as
area, in many cases the object of successive detailed plans: there was no trac
Fascist demolitions. According to the traditions of Italian town planning,
was made for a general law governing historical centres that allowed for i
tions and necessary operations of renovation and conservation, while simult
ensuring the permanence of those living there.
In i960, on the occasion of the foundation of ANC SA (Associazione nazionale de
storico-artistici', Association of Italian Historical-Artistic City Centres), whose m
included architects, town planners and municipal administrators, the Carta
was presented for the first time.7 This document drew together the princip
applied in policies for historical centres. The pressures of speculation, the
ment of buildings, the unsuitability of regulations and the definition of ar
protected all appeared to require strong public intervention, even to ensure
distribution of the economic values resulting from public intervention. Th
plans for Assisi and Urbino, the latter prepared by Giancarlo De Carlo (196
taken as models; Astengo also worked on the plan for Gubbio, which is perh
interesting in methodological terms than that for Assisi, with which it share
obstacles.
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254 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 255
1A
||^m|iiiillii^^p^pil
MSBr^^ t 'i nJIn M <^m. historic areas and natural systems
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256 Giorgio Piccinato
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 257
for its environmental and historic values and much of Italy is theoretically p
by landscape plans or territorial plans with landscape value. Following the a
of the European Landscape Convention by the European Commission in 2000
theme of the landscape has begun to involve a growing number of town plan
public administrations (Clementi, 2002). However, it is also the origin of nu
conflicts between conservationists and builders. In many cases, no-global and
mental positions are unified by their approach to the landscape: could this be
mation of the constant value of the past?
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A brief history of Italian town planning after 1 945 259
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