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LUTE AND THEORBO IN VOCAL MUSIC

IN 18TH-CENTURY DRESDEN:

A PERFORMANCE PRACTICE STUDY

by

Timothy A. Burris

Department of Music
Duke University

Date:

Approved:

Peter Williams, Supervisor

-v

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of


the requirements for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy in the Department of
Music in the Graduate School
of Duke University

1997

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Abstract

The study attempts to establish the role of the lute and theorbo in vocal music at

the preclassical court of Dresden, royal capital of Saxony and the seat of a distinctive and

very rich culture. Lute participation there was of a depth and breadth that was in every

sense exceptional and in many ways unique, especially for the second quarter of the

eighteenth century. Significant new evidence is examined here which demonstrates

extensive lute activity in the Saxon Hofkapelle as late as 1750, well beyond the period

covered by previous research.

An examination of twenty-six surviving theorbo parts suggests strongly that, of

all the instruments of the lute family, the theorbo was the most prominent in Dresdens

court productions. Especially relevant are the numerous pencil additions all in the same

hand which are found in fifteen of these parts (all but one to works by Johann Adolph

Hasse). The additions are attributed to Silvius Leopold Weiss, Hoflautenist at Dresden

from 1718 to 1750 and the person almost single-handedly responsible for the lutes

unusual prominence at the Saxon capital.

Important performance practice issues discussed here include: Whether the theorbo

played only in selected sections (such as recitatives), or played more or less throughout

(evidence suggests overwhelmingly that the theorbo played most if not all the time);

whether the theorbo participated in all genres, or only, for instance, in opera (numerous

surviving theorbo parts to sacred works, as well as to instrumental and chamber

compositions, show that theorbo was used in all musical genres); the range of genres in

which the baroque lute and the archlute were used (the former seems to have been used

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primarily for playing obbligato parts in opera arias, as well as in small ensemble, both

vocal and instrumental, while the archlute, after about 1720, appears not to have been

used in Dresden productions). Chapter 2 provides for the first time an organological precis

of the lute types used in Saxony.

The accompanying cassette, part of the documentation for this dissertation,

includes excerpts from opera arias with obbligato lute by Antonio Lotti (Teofane) and

Johann David Heinichen (Flavio Crispo), as well as sections of a cantata with obbligato

theorbo {La bella fiamma, by Johann David Heinichen) and the sacred work Divoti Affetti

by Giovanni Alberto Ristori. These recorded examples illustrate the author's interpretation

of the musical function of the lute and theorbo in the Dresden repertory, in both continuo

and obbligato roles. All recorded excerpts here are made available for the first time; in

the case of the Heinichen aria from Flavio Crispo and Ristoris Divoti Affetti, the

recordings represent the fust known performance since the eighteenth century.

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C o n t e n t s ..................................................................... vi-vii

List of Illustrations..........................................................................................................viii-ix

List of F ig u res....................................................................................................................x-xii

List of Tables ...................................................................................................................... xiii

Abbreviations of journals cited ........................................................................................ xiv

P re fa c e ................................................................................................................................... 1

Introduction: Present state of research ............................................................................ 6

1. Lutenists at Dresden ........................................................................................... 22

2. Instrumentarium .................................................................................................. 40

3. Arias with obbligato lute/theorbo....................................................................... 72

4. Lutes in sacred vocal music ............................................................................ 112

5. Theorbenbucher to eight Hasseo p e r a s ............................................................ 184

6. Performance notes to the accompanying recording....................................... 219

Conclusion: Silvius Leopold Weiss and the Dresden lute trad itio n ......................... 229

Appendices:

Authors editions:

I: Heinichens Io vorrei saper damore (Flavio C rispo).................... 233

II: Heinichens cantata La bella fia m m a .............................................. 242

HI: Heinichens I rapidi (Serenata nel Giardino C hinese)................. 252

IV: Figured bass realization to Verso X of Ristons Divoti Affetti . . . . 262

Facsimiles:

V: Versi I, IV, VIII, IX and X to Ristoris Divoti Affetti ...................... 271

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Contents (cont.)
Facsimiles (cont.):

VI: Heinichens Io vorrei saper damore (Flavio C rispo)..................... 323

VII: Heinichens cantata La bella fia m m a .................................................. 331

VIII: Heinichens I rapidi (Serenata nel Giardino C h in e se ).................. 345

IX: Lottis Lascia che nel suo viso (Teofane) ...................................... 354

X: Hasses "Tutte all'invito de' nostri accenti" (II cantico)..................... 360

XI: Lute aria to Heinichens Dori vezzosa, Dori b e l l a ............................ 378

XII: Hasses Cerva al bosco (Cleofide) .................................................. 385

XIII: Theorbo and organ parts to Heinichens Magnificat in F ................ 406

Miscellaneous:

XTV: English translation of text to Ristons Divoti A ffe tti.......................... 419

XV: Four Standard Lute T u n in g s.................................................................. 424

XVI: Detail of added figures (by number)


in the theorbo part to Hasse's Cajo F abrizio......................... 426

XVII: Detail of numbers with added figures


in the theorbo part to Hasse's D em etrio ................................ 433

XVIII: List of sacred compositions with surviving theorbo p a r t s ................ 436

Bibliography (including source list) ............................................................................. 438

Biography of the a u th o r ................................................................................................ 457

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Chapter 3:

Illustration 1: arciliuto, Tomaso Spilman in Venetia. Private collection............... 41

Illustration 2: tiorba (chitarrone), Pietro Railich/al Santo in Padova.


Hessisches Landesmuseum, D arm stadt.............................................................. 42

Illustration 3: theorbierte Laute, Sebastian Schelle, Lauten und


Geigenmacher in Numberg, Hummels Erben, An. 1744. Private collection 43

Illustration 4: 11-course baroque lute. Sebastian Schelle, Lauten und


Geigenmacher in Numberg, Hummels Erben, An. 1736. Private collection 45

Illustration 5: 13-course baroque lute. Thomas Edlinger Lauten und


Geigenmacher, [without place or year-the bottom of the label has been
trimmedl. Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum: Nr 497 ............................. 46

Illustration 6: 12-course baroque lute. Johann Jac. Lindner Mus. Elector.


Saxon fecit Dresden 1697. Eisenach Bachhaus Nr 1 ............................. 48

Illustration 7: German theorbo. V. Venere in Padova 1613. Adapted by


Sebastian Schelle (attested by labels dated 1723 and 1726).
Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum, No 3357)........................................ 51

Illustration 8: German theorbo. Joh: Christian Hoffman Konigl. Poln. und


Churf- Sachs. Hoff Instrument- und Lautenmacher in Leipzig. 1720.
Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum: Nr 506 ................................................. 60

Illustration 9: liuto attiorbato. Matteo Sellas alia Corona in Venetia [no date,
but probably circa 16401. Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum Nr 495. . . 65

Illustration 10: colascione. Johann Heinrich Kramer, Wien 1704.


Johanneum, G r a z .................................................................................................. 67

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (cont)

Chapter 4:

Illustration 11: Der Zuschauerraum des Opem- und Komodienhauses am


Taschenberg. Original Kupferstich (B 1927,4) by Johann Oswald Harms
(1643-1708), currently in the Kupferstichkabinett in Dresden. From the
book Ballett v.d. Zusammenkunft u. Wirkung d. VII Planeten auf Ihr
Churfl. Durchl. zu Sachsen Anno 1678. Photo supplied by the
Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Abteilung Deutsche Fotothek
(number 9 8 4 9 1 ).................................................................................................. 115

Illustration 12: Vue interieure de la Chapelle Royale au Chateau de Dresde ou


lon a chante le Te Deum, en actions des graces de lArrivee de Leurs
Altesses Roiales. Date 3 September 1719. Currently in the
Kupferstichkabinett (Mappe Ca 200, Bl. A 19) in Dresden. Photo supplied
by the Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Abteilung Deutsche Fotothek
(number 143 052) ............................................................................................. 116

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LIST OF FIGURES

Chapter 3:

Figure 1: Opening measures of "Lascia che nel suo v is o " ......................................... 77

Figure 2: Measures 23 to 26 of "Lascia che nel suo v iso "......................................... 78

Figure 3: Measures 45 to 49 of "Lascia che nel suo v iso "......................................... 79

Figure 4: Opening measures of lute aria to Heinichens Flavio C r is p o .................... 81

Figure 5: Measures 8 and 9 of Io vorrei saper damore .......................................... 83

Figure 6: Opening measures to Cari Gufi che intomo volate imparate ................. 85

Figure 7: Sode un leuto from I / 8 ............................................................................... 87

Figure 8: Note replica il suono .................................................................................... 87

Figure 9: Archlute solo from page 4 of Cerva al bosco .......................................... 90

Figure 10: First score page of Cerva al bosco ........................................................ 91

Figure 11: Como da caccia and archlute parts, conclusion of page 11 of


Cerva al bosco ................................................................................................... 91

Figure 12: Idem ditto, beginning of page 12 of Cerva al bosco .......................... 92

Figure 13: // cantico. Start of archlute solo, page 6, system 2 .................................. 94

Figure 14: II cantico, page 10, first s y s te m .................................................................. 94

Figure 15: // cantico, page 11, second s y s te m ............................................................. 95

Figure 16: II cantico, page 1 3 ........................................................................................ 96

Figure 17: Opening measures of Felice io me nandro di Giove .......................... 98

Figure 18: Page two, system two of Felice io me nandro di Giove ..................... 98

Figure 19: Page four, first system of Felice io me nandro di Giove ................... 98

Figure 20: Page six, top system of Felice io me nandro di Giove ...................... 99

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LIST OF FIGURES (cont.)

Chapter 3 (cont.):

Figure 21: Opening of Heinichens I rapidi ........................................................... 100

Figure 22: Fifth page, second system of theorbo aria I rapidi .................. 101

Figure 23: Theorbo solo in the concluding measures to La bellafiamma 106

Figure 24: Opening measures to cello and basso continuo parts to


Da chiare e dolci venea (Mus. 2455-L-l) ................................................ 110

C hapter 4:

Figure 25: Adagio added in pencil. (Upper: Cajo Fabrizio, 0/4; lower Numa,
Interm ezzo).......................................................................................................... 127

Figure 26: Movement heading from autograph suite in d by S.L.W e is s ..... 127

Figure 27: Movement heading from sarabande of the same s u i t e ............... 127

Figure 28: Lines drawn in theorbo part to Hasses Sant'Elena al Calvario ......... 158

Figure 29: Corresponding measures in score (see previous f ig u r e ) ....................... 158

Figure 30: Page 1, theorbo part to Hasses Venite ................................................... 162

Figure 31: Watermark from Hasses Venite, P astores.............................................. 164

Figure 32: Calchedono (?] ou Basson .................................................................... 178

Figure 33: Opening measures of page 5, second system of Mus. 2392-0-18 . . . . 179

Figure 34: Beginning of Dove: col pie scosceso from Ristoris Arianna ......... 183

C hapter 5:

Figure 35: Section of the orchestra pit during performance of Lottis Teofane . . . 187

Figure 36: Detail of lutenists in previous fig u re ........................................................ 187

Figure 37: Detail of lutenist (theorbist?) at banquet for August the S tr o n g 188

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LIST OF FIGURES (cont.)

Chapter 5 (cont.):

Figure 38: Manca Rec: Cajo Fabrizio, D 3 /9 ........................................................... 192

Figure 39: Reference to Ballo di Marinari in theorbo part ..................................... 209

Figure 40: Reference to Ballo di Marinari in score ................................................. 210

Figure 41: Opening to Dove: col pie scosceso from Ristoris A rianna............... 211

Figure 42: Andante marked with double X in Weisss hand (see right side) . . . 211

Figure 43: Notes and presto added in Weisss h a n d ............................................... 212

Figure 44: Figures in Weisss hand on second page of Andante (note tenor clef) . 213

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LIST OF TABLES

Chapter 1:

Table 1: Weiss's pre-Dresden appointm ents................................................................... 26

Table 2: Weiss's activities outside Dresden while in the Kursachsische employ (23 August
1718 to his death on 16 October 1750) ........................................................... 27

Chapter 3:

Table 1: Lute and Theorbo Arias Composed for D re sd e n .......................................... 75

Chapter 4:

Table 1: Composers with responsibilities for sacred music in eighteenth-century


D re s d e n ............................................................................................................... 120

Table 2: Comparison of pencil additions to eight operas by H a s se .............. 123

Table 3: Bass parts to Heinichen's Magnificat in F (Mus. 2398-D-510) .............. 131

Table 4: Comparison of textual incipits of the two versions of Ristori'sDuetti . . 148

Chapter 5:

Table 1: Hasse operas with surviving theorbo p a r t s ....................................... 188

Table 2: Numbers in Irene without pencil additions (Sinfonia through 0/6) . . . . 195

Table 3: Theorbo participation by number in Hasses II Natal di Giove................. 205

Chapter 6:

Table 1: Musical Examples on the accompanyingrecording .................................... 227

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ABBREVIATIONS OF JOURNALS CITED

AcM Acta Musicologica

AcMc Analecta Musicologica

AM f Archiv fu r Musikforschung

AMw Archiv fu r Musikwissenschaft

BJ Bach-Jahrbuch

BMw Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft

EM Early Music

GSJ Galpin Society Journal

JAMS Journal o f the American Musicological Society

JLSA Journal o f the Lute Society o f America

Mf Die Musikforschung

ML Music & Letters

MMg Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte

MQ The Musical Quarterly

SIMG Sammelbdnde der Intemationalen Musik-Gesellschaft

ZMw Zeitschrift Jur Musikwissenschaft

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Preface

The unification of the two Germanys (die Wende) that took place in early 1990

had consequences that are still being felt in both Alien and Neuen Bundesldndem. Most

developments have been positive, and prominent among these are improved accessibility

of source materials and simplified communication between scholars.

Dresden has suffered repeated devastations over the years which have destroyed

large quantities of evidence, especially scores and parts. What wasnt destroyed by the

ravages of war was often carted off by the conquerors, or fell victim to neglect (a slower

demise, to be sure, but just as insidiously destructive). In that fateful February in 1945,

the music department of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek was located near the banks of

the Elbe, in the basement of the Japanese Palace (Das japanische Palais). The bombings

cracked the foundation and caused extensive water damage was the result: the notes on

page after page of music disappeared into the swirling waters (a great many works by

C.D. von Dittersdorf were thus lost, for example), leaving a considerable library of blank

pages behind. Many works that were still legible were never dried out properly, resulting

in mold that has rendered unusable many an important source, even for filming purposes.

In the early years of the DDR, the government probably felt that meager resources should

be spent on more pressing needs than the restoration of damaged scores by largely

forgotten composers. As time went on and some money became available for such

purposes, it was never in quantities sufficient to meet the need. I am convinced that

among the materials irretrievably lost was much that related to lute and theorbo

participation.

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Ensemble vocal music represents the largest group of surviving Dresden sources,

and for this reason it has become the focus of this dissertation. Even here, only a few

obbligato parts survive, along with twenty-six continuo parts for theorbonot many, when

one considers that Silvius Leopold Weiss, one of Europes finest instrumentalists, was

Hoflautenist there for over thirty years.

One question loomed large: How much should one say about the nuts and bolts

of lute playing? Writing about harpsichord technique, for instance, is by comparison quite

straightforward: the tradition is well (if not always consistently) documented, and

explanations will undoubtedly be more comprehensible to the average reader (who has

likely had a few piano lessons at some time, if nothing else). Detailed discussions of lute

technique, on the other hand, would be somewhat of a stretch even for guitarists.

Therefore, it was decided to concentrate on the range of repertoire including lutes that

was written for the Saxon court (and to give some hints on other places to look), but to

leave matters of lute technique for another venue.

The accompanying cassette says as much about my musical preferences (and those

of my fellow musicians on the recording) as it does about the repertory. By this stage in

the development of the early music movement, one would expect of players that treatises

and styles have been sufficiently internalized to allow musicians to do what they do best:

play. This may lead to our recreations being fuzzy around the edgesthough at this far

remove, we will never know for surebut to do otherwise surely condemns our

performances to being patent, if superficially convincing, falsifications. Robert P. Morgan

described the results of an excessive concern with authenticity as follows:

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An ironic result of this attitude towards early music is that it precludes the
recreation of what is arguably the most authentic component in its original
performances: the immediate, unreflected, and natural delivery of a native
speaker. Those particular ways of inflecting, bending, or even distorting music that
are so characteristic of vernacular renderings will necessarily be missing. There
is really no way to re-establish that fundamentally inimitable psychological and
physiological relationship of the performer to a language he has not learned but
absorbed unconsciously [emphasis added], so that it is encoded as a fundamental
determinant of his very way of thinking, hearing, and speaking.1

* * *

Acknowledging all the contributions which lead to the completion of a work of

this kind is always a tricky business, but, without the encouragement of the following

people, this dissertation would almost certainly not have seen the light of day. Anne

Moriarty challenged me to put up or shut up, without which I likely wouldn't have gotten

off the dime and pursued a career in music. Charles Pederson took my adult efforts

seriously, but met them with a merciless criticism that helped me to see the difference

between notes and music. Christopher Kachian invested large amounts of time and effort

in educating my enthusiasm, so to speak, as did C. Lee Humphries and James Wheat.

Toyohiko Sat oh was a committed teacher who became a dear friend and his example of

playing music from the heart continues to be an inspiration. To Nancy Cox I owe a debt

I could never repay. Her beautiful soprano made me fall in love with vocal music and

with her, and I purchased my first lute so I could accompany her. She provided me with

over seven years of tireless emotional, moral and financial support. Marieke van der

Meer, erstwhile spouse and dear friend, whose dedication to perfecting her voice made

Tradition, Anxiety, and the Musical Scene," Authenticity and Early Music.
ed. Nicholas Kenyon, Oxford: OUP, 1988, 70.

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her perhaps my single largest musical influence, has provided no end of encouragement.

My wife of recent years, Lisa Kay Moore, has always known when it was time to drag

me away from my work and turn my attention to other things. To all, I offer my heartfelt

thanks.

On a more practical level, my advisor, Prof. Peter Williams, proved to be an

excellent editor, always giving me sufficient room for manoeuver, and yet sparing no

effort in examining the smallest detail of my work. Andre Burguete and Tim Crawford

of the Academie Weiss gave me the lead on the Hasse Theorbenbucher, and were most

generous with the results of their own research into lute practices in the German baroque.

Prof. Hans-Gunther Ottenberg (TU-Dresden), despite a press of other activities, served as

my Ersatzdoktorvater during my Fulbright year in Dresden. The Fulbright-Kommission

provided generous financial support, without which this project would have taken

considerably longer. The staff of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek was most helpful,

especially Drs Wolfgang Reich (retired) and Ortrun Landmann, who more than once

steered me in the right direction. Douglas Alton Smith gave me access to numerous

documents he intends to include in a future book, as well as the benefit of his experience

in researching the life and works of S. L. Weiss. I also wish to acknowledge the kind

support of the other members of my doctoral committee: Professors Alexander Silbiger,

R. Larry Todd and Frank Borchardt of Duke University, and Professor John Nadas of the

University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill).

For their assistance with the translations, I wish to thank my dear friends Keith

Freeman, Roman Turovsky, Andre Burguete and Laureen Jedda, as well as Father Charles

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Huegelmeyer of the Maryknoll Missionaries (Ossining, New York) and Henk Rijkers of

Utrecht, Holland.

Despite all the assistance Ive enjoyed, the careful reader may encounter occasional

errors; the responsibility for them is naturally mine and mine alone. All translations,

unless otherwise noted, are by the author. The goal was to make the texts sound natural

in todays English rather than rendering them word for word. Eighteenth-century German

is particularly tricky in this regard, being replete with auchs and ab ers which take up

space but usually add nothing to the meaning. My approach to translating these texts I

have from Keith Freeman, a translator of twenty years experience: When in doubt, leave

it out.

I dedicate this work to my mother, Margaret Lorraine Burris, who taught me to

read, and so much more.

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INTRODUCTION: PRESENT STATE OF RESEARCH

There has been very little recent scholarly research into lute in vocal ensembles

of the late German baroque:1 articles on the subject have been conspicuous by their

absence, and little of what has been published is of recent vintage. So much remains

to be done that the researcher is confronted with an open goal, as it were, albeit at

night in an unlit stadium.

Hans Neemann laid a useful foundation for the topic in his "Laute und Theorbe

als Generalbassinstrumente im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert," where his listing of those

players still active in the eighteenth century is especially helpful.2 Unfortunately, he

does not list sources (although he does give approximate dates of employment) and

one must assume that he bases his information on his own archival research. His

subject is "lute and theorbo as continuo instruments in the 17th and 18th centuries,"

but he does not discuss the continuo activities of the lutenists he names. More research

into the careers of these players is necessary to enable us to assess better the role the

lute played at the smaller German courts, as well as in the rest of Europe in the

eighteenth century.

Herbert Birtner, in his "Fragen der Auffuhrungspraxis insbesonder der

Continuo-Besetzung bei Heinrich Schutz,"3 does not address questions of

3In the period under discussion, the modem German nation did not yet exist.
The term "German" should therefore be seen as referring to "the German-speaking
areas of Europe."

2ZMw 16 (1934): 527-34.

3Deutsche Musikkultur 3 (1938/1939): 269-83.

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Auffuhrungspraxis when instruments of the lute type are involved, but this is

(unfortunately) typical of general discussions of the baroque continuo group.

Laurence Dreyfus's book, Bach's Continuo Group: Players and Practices in his

Vocal Works (Cambridge. MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1987), devotes just over two

pages to the lute, suggesting that "Bach made little use of it in his sacred vocal works"

(unlike Johann Kuhnau, his predecessor at Leipzig from 1701-22). Dreyfus's argument

that Bach mentioned it neither in his famous 1730 Memorandum to the Town Council

nor in the list of bass instruments for the Kerll Sanctus seems sound.4 Somewhat

surprising is his remark that "the lute makes an appearance only in two pieces: the St.

John Passion and the Trauer-Ode, both works of special dimensions."5 Liuto, not viola

da gamba, is the obbligato instrument to "Komm siiBes Kreuz" in Johann Christoph

Altnikol's copy of the Fruhfassung of the St. Matthew Passion (BWV244b), and we

are probably safe in assuming that this reflects an early concept of Bach himself. (The

lute version is, in any case, very idiomatically written.) In addition to ignoring this

point completely, Dreyfus does not address why Bach specified the lute on the few

occasions he did.6 Was the lute somehow symbolic, or did the availability of personnel

4Compare, however, the remarks of Hans-Joachim Schulze, who notes that "in
contrast to Bachwho seems to have been rather laconic and to have found it difficult
to plead his own caseJohann Kuhnau, his predecessor, was far less reticent about
describing his grievances in detail." Among the instruments Kuhnau said he required
was the "colascione." "Johann Sebastian Bach's orchestra: some unanswered
questions," EM 17/1 (February 1989): 10-11.

5Dreyfiis, Bach's Continuo Group, 170.

6As to the Bach autograph copy of Johann Christoph Schmidt's "Auf Gott hoffe
ich," where the score reads "Organo o Tiorba" (see facsimile in Dreyfus, Bach's
Continuo Group, 121), Dreyfus observes in fn. 64 (to page 170) that "the score surely

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play a role, for example? Not only the participation of lute as a continuo instrument in

the works of Bach, but also his solo compositions apparently for that instrument

certainly require more extensive examination than either have yet received.7

Charles Nelson Amos's dissertation, "Lute Practice and Lutenists in Germany

between 1500 and 1750" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Iowa, 1975), covers such a wide range

of periods and subject areas as to render it of only limited usefulness in matters of

musical style. The first half of the dissertation is devoted to a review of lute technique,

though little is said about the eighteenth century; the second half (and most useful

section) is a biographical dictionary of "lutenists in Germany between 1500 and 1750"

(129-277). Mr. Amos insists that "in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries,

the German lutenists adhered to a larger international tradition which existed well

beyond the confines of their lands; thus, German lute practice was so closely tied to

that of other nations that one can scarcely be discussed without the others." (1-2) This

ignores the fact that Vienna, for example, employed primarily Italian players while

Dresden had mostly German lutenists, and that the Italians may have been using

different lute types than the Germans. As is the case with most lute scholarship,

Amos's dissertation is concerned primarily with the solo music.

Wolfgang Boetticher's "Solistischen Lautenpraxis des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts"

(Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Berlin, 1943) is more limited in scope, and contains errors,

reflected Bach's exemplar and not the parts he prepared for his own use."

T h e reader is referred to Andre Burguetes soon to be published two-volume


study, Johann Sebastian Bach und die Lautenpraxis des 18. Jahrhunderts
Oschersleben: Ziethen-Verlag, 1997.

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much like the RISM volume he compiled (Nr BVTI, Handschriftlich Uberlieferte

Lauten- und Gitarrentabulaturen des 15. bis 18. Jahrkunderts (Munchen: Henle,

1978)). The current study addresses questions not dealt with by Boetticher, and

nothing more need be said about his work here.

One of the lamentably scarce secondary sources covering details of lute

organology is Ernst Pohlmann's Laute, Theorbe, Chitarrone (Bremen: Eres Edition,

1982). Unfortunately, the book contains numerous errors of fact. For example, the

present author had occasion to examine closely and measure an instrument by Magnus

Tieffenbrucker currently in the collection of the Gemeentemuseum in The Hague,

Netherlands (Ec 555-1933). Pohlmann gives the text of the label as "Magno

dieffobruchar 1610 (Zahl undeutlich)."8 But the date is not unclear, at least not the

first three numbers, which are 158_ (the last number appeared to be a six). The need

to double-check references in Pohlmann because of frequent errors limits the books

usefulness.

Wulf Hilbert's "Das Generalbass-Spiel auf Lauteninstrumenten: unter

besonderer Berucksichtigung der geringstimmigen Vokalmusik im fruhen 17.

Jahrhundert" was a document prepared as one of the requirements for a teaching

certificate in music.9 The manuscript indisputably contains much useful information,

but no original research.

8Pohlmann, Laute, Theorbe, Chitarrone, 1982 ed., 366.

9"Hausarbeit zur kunstlerischen Prufimg fur das Lehramt an Gymnasien im


Unterrichtsfach Musik," Hamburg, 1977.

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Kay Jaffee's proposed Ph.D. dissertation of several years ago, "The Art of

Accompaniment from a Thorough-Bass on the Lute, Theorbo, and Related Hand-

Plucked Instruments, ca. 1650-1730," (New York Univ.) was not completed.10

Nigel North's Continuo Playing on the Lute, Archlute and Theorbo

(Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1987) provides the best modern lute continuo tutor

published to date. The instruments of the lute family are briefly described along with

the various national traditions of the basso continuo period, and much other useful

practical information is provided, some of it readily available nowhere else. Under the

heading "The theorbo and archlute in Germany" (6-7), North fails to distinguish

between the "theorboed" or "swan-necked" solo baroque lutes built in Germany from

circa 1727/8 and the German theorbo, for which at least the tuning was established by

the early 1720's. This will be explained in depth in Chapter 2, below, in the context of

a letter written by Silvius Leopold Weiss to Johann Mattheson on the subject of the

lute and the theorbo. Like Robert Spencer (see EM 4/4 (October, 1976): 407-22), when

identifying the characteristics of the German theorbo North has not taken into account

the article by Ernst Gottlieb Baron published in Friedrich Marpurg's Historisch-

kritische Beytrdge zur Aufhahme der Musik (2 [17561: 119-23).11 This subject will also

be discussed in Chapter 2, below, and it suffices to say here that the "Theorbo/Lute"

pictured on page 13 of North's book is not a theorbo at all, but a theorboed baroque

10She switched topics and is now writing on textual aspects of 18th-century


French opera. Telephone conversation with Ms. Jaffee, 10 April 1995.

a I wish to thank Andre Burguete for bringing this article to my attention.

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lute (i.e. a lute with an extended theorbo-like second pegbox).

Two Ph.D. dissertations have been completed to date on Weiss, both of them

devoted to the solo music. W.E. Mason's dissertation, "The Lute Music of S. L.

Weiss," (Univ. of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1949), consists of a useful summation

of secondary biographical sources along with a transcription of British Library Ms.

Add. 30387 (a large collection of solo pieces primarily by S. L. Weiss, together with

the lute part to several "concerti" for lute and traverso). Douglas Alton Smith's

dissertation, "The Late Sonatas of Silvius Leopold Weiss" (Stanford Univ., 1977)

contains original research into the composer's biography and will be referred to in that

context.

On the broader subject of music in eighteenth-century Dresden, Melvin Unger's

published D.M.A. thesis, The German Choral Church Compositions o f Johann David

Heinichen (1683-1729), provides much useful information but occasional errors of

fact.12 He refers to "August II (successor to August the Strong)," for instance. The

names are admittedly confusing: Frederick August (I) = August the Strong = August II

(as King of Poland); Frederick August II = son and successor of August the Strong =

August in (as King of Poland). The mistake in claiming Silvius Leopold Weiss's final
year of service as 1759 instead of 1750 (page 87) is clearly a typo, since the source he

quotes is Furstenau, who had the date correct.

The dearth of in-depth studies into period lute practice is due at least partly to

12New York: Peter Lang, 1990. Vol. 14 in American University Studies Series
XX (Fine Arts).

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there being so few references to lutes in the later primary sources, especially in scores

and parts. Limiting research to a given regional tradition has the drawback that already

scarce lute references become all the more difficult to locate. But they can be found

from time to time, and even the passing remark can provide considerable food for

thoughtindeed, a lack of specific references can, under certain circumstances, be an

argument for lute participation, as I hope to demonstrate later. A broad study of

eighteenth-century lute participation throughout Europe is much neededand perhaps

someday sufficient groundwork will have been done to make such a project possible

but first the various regional and national traditions need to be investigated in detail.

Even an in-depth comparison of the French and German lute traditions in, say, 1710,

would prove to be a large subject for a doctoral dissertation. German and Italian

traditions have to be examined on the regional or provincial level.

By the second quarter of the eighteenth century, lute and theorbo13 participation

in courtly music making was largely in the hands of players at three independent

courts14: Francesco Conti (1681-1732) at Vienna13; Silvius Leopold Weiss (1686-1750)

at the Electoral Court of Saxony at Dresden; and Erast Gottlieb Baron (1696-1760),

13Henceforth, the term "theorbo" will be subsumed under the generic term
"lute," unless otherwise indicated. For further details on the lute instrumentarium, see
Chapter 2.

UA few other lutenists active after Contis death in 1732 are known, but none
achieved a position or reputation which put them on a par with Weiss, or even Baron.
For a list of active players, see Neeman, "Laute und Theorbe," 530-31.

lsBiographical information on Conti is drawn from two sources, both by


Hermione Williams: "Francesco Bartolomeo Conti: his Life and Operas," Ph.D. diss.,
Columbia Univ., 1964; s.v. "Conti, Francesco" in The New Grove, 1980 ed.

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from 1737 in the service of the Prussian court (at Berlin and Potsdam).

Vienna

Lute participation at Vienna would certainly merit study, due to Francesco

Conti's presence, especially so since he was a composer of some stature who

specialized in the larger vocal genres and hence could have regularly included parts

for lutes. Unfortunately, Conti, though himself a theorbist, used the instrument

relatively seldom in his compositions. Three Conti operas and three oratorios include

parts for solo theorbo. Hermione Williams maintains that he did not include theorbo in

the basso continuo ensemble, but I respectfully suggest that this conclusion may be

premature. Eight cantatas by Conti calling for obbligato liuto francese (i.e. baroque

lute), for instance, were published in facsimile in 1990.16 Conti was appointed court

composer in 1713, a post he held un;il his death, and between 1714 and 1725 wrote

all but one of the annual operas for the carnival season (considered the major event of

the year).17

The Habsburg court's interest in the lute did not subside after Conti's death. In

l6Vols. 28 and 29 in the series Archivum musicum, al cantata barocca, ed.


Stefano Mengozzi, Florence: Studio per editioni Scelta. The facsimile is of Ms.
N 17593 in the collection of the Austrian National Library at Vienna.

17Conti died on 20 July 1732. His appointment as court composer was to fill
the vacancy created by the promotion of J.J. Fux to the position of vice-Kapellmeister.
Conti had been appointed associate theorbist at the Habsburg court in April 1701,
becoming the principal theorbist in August 1708, filling the vacancy created by the
death of Orazio Clementi. Illness forced Conti to retire from this position in 1726. He
was replaced in January 1727 by the Neopolitan Joachim Sarao. From 1713 to 1726 he
simultaneously held the positions of court composer and principal theorbist.

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1736, an unsuccessful attempt was made to lure Weiss away from Dresden, at a salary

of 2000 Thaler per annum.18 The Habsburg court employed other theorbists, as well,

including the composer's son Ignazio, though none achieved the senior Conti's fame.19

While the lute's participation at Vienna in the eighteenth century needs closer

study, new and substantial primary sources that would justify such a large-scale

research project have yet to be discovered. Although the dissertation by Hermione

Williams is not primarily concerned with lute participation at Vienna, it makes another

study featuring Conti unnecessary at this time.

Berlin

Ernst Gottlieb Baron was employed from 1737 to his death (in 1760) by Crown

18800 Thaler more than Weiss was then being paid.

19The most readily available source of information on the players employed at


Vienna is Ludwig Ritter von Kochel's Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wein von
1543 bis 1867, Vienna: Beck'sche Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1869. Unfortunately, the
book is not comprehensive and certainly contains mistakes.
For the period "from 1712 to 1740," for instance, "Franc. Conti" is listed as
composer (Compositor), employed "from 1 Jan. 1713 to [his death on] 20 July 1732[,]
51 yrs old" (73). His salary is listed as 1440 fl[orins]. A "Franz Conti" is listed as the
sole theorbist for the same period (also at a salary of 1440 fl[orins]), employed from
"1712 to 20 Juni [n.b.] 1732[,] 46 yrs old" (78). Clearly, especially given the
unusually high salary, we are dealing with one and the same person. Other players
listed as active in the eighteenth century are: Lautenist Andre Boor (Pohr), employed
"from 1697 to [his death on] 6 Apr. 1728[,] 65 yrs old" (71); Teorbisten Orazio
Clementi, employed "from 1680 to [his death on] 1 Aug. 1708[,] 71 yrs old" (70);
Georg Reutter, employed "from 1 July 1697 to 1703" (70); Joachim Sarao, employed
"from 1741 to [his death on] 20 Nov. 1755[,] 56 yrs old" (84). Note that Sarao's
employment from January 1727 to 1741 is not mentioned. The name of Conti's son
Ignazio does not appear anywhere in the lists.
Interestingly, the records for the years 1772 to 1788 list a Lautenmacher but no
players.

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Prince and later King Frederick of Prussia. While F.B. Conti's fame was due to his

work as a composer and a player, Baron is best known now for his book Historisch-

theoretisch und praktische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten (Numberg:

Rudiger, 1727), a passionate, if prosaic, defense of the lute and, in the first instance, a

response to Johann Mattheson's published criticisms of the instrument.20 To my

knowledge, no accounts of Baron's playing survive, although his position as theorbist

to the musically aware Frederick the Great would indicate considerable

accomplishment. Baron's solo and (few) ensemble compositions are actually quite

idiomatic and are as compositionally sophisticated as those of most of his

contemporaries.

Baron doubtless participated (as a theorbist) in many court musical functions,

but unfortunately, little or no evidence (musical or otherwise) survives to substantiate

this activity. He is occasionally mentioned in L. Schneider's Geschichte der Oper und

des Koniglichen Opemhauses in Berlin (Berlin, 1852), but the book contains no

detailed accounts of which operas he participated in. Evidence for lute activity in

chamber music and in the church is likewise lacking. Payment records for the Berlin

court list Baron's salary for the years 1747/48 at 300 Thaler.21 Other evidence detailing

Baron's activities at Frederick the Great's court has not yet been found by the current

:oBriefly, Mattheson felt the lute lacked sufficient volume of sound to be a


useful instrument of acompaniment, in addition to being next to impossible to keep
tuned. For details of his criticisms, see Douglas Smiths article Baron and Weiss
Contra Mattheson: In Defense of the Lute, JLSA VI (1973): 48-62.

2Copies of these documents were kindly made available to me by Prof. Hans-


Gunther Ottenberg.

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author, whether in original documents or published secondary sources.

Dresden

Electoral Saxonys two music centers were Leipzig and Dresden. Except for the

lute parts to the Trauerode and for certain versions of the St John's and St Matthew

passions, the evidence would suggest mainly amateur activity in Leipzig. Dresden, on

the other hand, with its Hoflautenist Silvius Leopold Weiss, represented the pinnacle

of professional lute activity. (The word amateur is not meant to imply a lack of

accomplishment, merely that the players concerned had another means of earning their

living.)

Scores and performing parts documenting Dresden lute practice survive for

virtually all genres, vocal and instrumental, sacred and secular. So far, works written

for Dresden which unquestionably involved lutes have been found by the following

composers: Antonio Lotti, Johann David Heinichen, Johann Georg Schurer, Giovanni

Alberto Ristori, Jan D ism as Zelenka, Johann Adolph Hasse, and Antonio Vivaldi.

Similar source materials for the courts at Berlin and Vienna have yet to come to light,

though the possibility should not be ruled out.

Silvius Leopold Weiss, Dresden's Hoflautenist from 1718-1750, was, after

Conti's death, unquestionably the finest player in all of Europe. He was also the most

prolific player/composer ever to write for the instrument.22 Contemporary witnesses

Only one of Weiss's solo pieces (a Presto) was published during his lifetime,
in G.P. Telemann's Der getreue Musikmeister (1728). More than eighty sonatas survive
in manuscript, however.

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ranked him with the greatest instrumentalists of his day. His continuo playing was also

praiseda significant fact, since most surviving Dresden lute materials are continuo

parts. His death on 16 October 1750 brought in effect an end to the Dresden lute

tradition.23

The Present Study

Dresden lute practice during the tenure of Silvius Leopold Weiss (1718-50)

will be examined, specifically the use of lutes in a vocal ensemble context. Chapters 1

and 2 will provide information on the players and lute organology. Chapters 3-5 will

give an overview of the surviving vocal sources by genre. The final chapter will

discuss typical performance problems contained in the lute parts to the excerpts

recorded on the accompanying cassette.

The players. The reader eager for new biographical information about Silvius

Leopold Weiss and his circle of students (what I shall call the Weisskreis) may well be

disappointed by what they find here. Lamentably little is known about these last great

proponents of lute playing beyond dates of birth and death. One suspects that useful

pieces of biographical evidence on various members of the Weisskreis are lying in

wait in some library, but what I have done is to summarize the published literature

and to supplement it with discoveries by myself and others which have not yet made it

23In Dresden, Weiss's son Johann Adolph Faustinus Weiss (14 April 1741-21
Jan. 1814) sought to follow in his father's footsteps, but though he had a court
appointment from 1763 to 1813, he enjoyed nothing like the prominence of Ins father.

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into print.24 So little is known, in fact, that mistakes occasionally creep into the

secondary literature. An example is the main entry on Silvius Leopold Weiss in Julie

Anne Sadie's Companion to Baroque Music (London: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd, 1990,

225), which contains numerous errors (and is quoted here in part):

Originally from Dusseldorf, Weiss belonged to a family of court lutenists


working in south-west Germany. [...] In 1706 he gained an appointment at the
Breslau court of Count Carl Philipp and composed his earliest surviving partita.
[...] After six years in Rome, Weiss returned to Germanyto Kassel and home
to Dusseldorf [...] He is known to have visited Bach and performed with the
collegium musicum at Leipzig in 1739. [etc.]

As has long been established, Weiss was bom in Breslau (on 12 October 1686), not

Dusseldorf. And while the information concerning his appointment at Breslau is true

as far as it goes, the partita mentioned was written while Weiss was visiting the

count's brother at Dusseldorf, as is clearly recorded at the head of the piece in the

Dresden Weiss manuscript.23 Lastly, I know of no evidence which verifies the claim

that Weiss performed with the Leipzig collegium musicum (he was in Leipzig in 1739

with his student Johann KropffganB the Younger, when, it is accepted, he met with

Jo han n Sebastian Bach).

The instruments. Given the confused state of available information on lute

24The reader looking for a brief biography of the Weiss family is referred to the
article in The New Grove (1980 ed., s.v. "Weiss. German family of lutenists").
Douglas Alton Smith is currently writing the article for the next edition of The New
Grove.

25The page heading is not entirely legible is the facsimile (262) and does not
reproduce sufficiently well for inclusion here. In the original, however, the following
entry can be made out: Von anno 6. In Dusseldorf. Ergo Nostra giuventu
comparisce. Silvius Leopold Weiss: 34 Suiten fu r Laute solo, Leipzig:
Zentralantiquariat der deutschen demokratischen Republik, 1979, XI.

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organology, the second chapter will attempt to shed some light on how terms like

liuto. arciliuto, tiorba and colascione were used at the Saxon court. The conclusions

reached are not necessarily applicable to other regions of the German-speaking world

of the period: for instance, what Dresdenites called a liuto was in Vienna termed a

liuto Jrancese.26

Obbligato parts. Since all surviving parts seem to have been written out by

non-players (i.e. professional copyists), the question of likely modifications to the parts

by the actual performers will be discussed.

Continuo parts. The lions share of this dissertation is devoted to theorbo

continuo, and a few words must be said about why realizations have not been

provided. Basso continuo played on lutes is unquestionably harder to justify on paper

than that played on keyboards. Of course, a good measure of Fingerfertigkeit (or

technical ability) is required, but voice-leading and the resolution of dissonances on

lutes require a large dose of creative fakingof the sort that keyboard players

usually only have to resort to when playing a full-voiced accompaniment.27 One is

reminded of Bellerophon Castaldi's explanation for not having included the alfabeto-

letters used to designate baroque-guitar chords in his Primo Mazzetto di Fiori: players

who know what to do with the letters don't need them, and those who don't are not

26See, for example, Francesco Conti's "Cantate con Instromenti" (Florence:


SPES, 1990). For more information on the liuto francese in this context, see Stefano
Mengozzi's introduction to this edition.

27See, for example, Buelow, Thorough-Bass, 79-99.

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helped by them.28 David Kellner produced a volume of seventeen lute solos in 1747

(XVI [sic] Auserlesene Lauten-Stucke, Hamburg), yet did not include instructions for

playing lute continuo in his Treulicher Unterricht im General-Bass (Hamburg, 1732,

1), as he explains:

Derselbe aber wird gespielet auf viel- oder vollsdmmigen Instrumenten, als da
sind Clavir, Laute, Theorbe, Calichon, Panbor, auch wohl Viola da gamba; ja
man tractiret ihn gar auf der Guitarre, so gut sichs thun lafit. Indessen ist dais
Clavir doch das Haupt-Instrument ztim General-Bass, in Betrachtung, daB man
bey den andem sehr viele difficultaten findet. DaB aber der beruhmte Sylvius
Leopold Weiss auf seiner Laute was rechtschaffenes accompagniren und auf
demselben das praestiren kan, was andere mussen bleiben lassen, solches ist
mehr seiner Geschicklichkeit als dem Instrument zuzuschreiben. In diesem
Wercke aber hat man sein Absehen insonderheit auf das Clavir gerichtet,
ungeachtet man auf andem Instrumenten sich dessen auch bedienen kan.

These same realizations29 are played on polyphonic or full-voiced instruments,


like the harpsichord, lute, theorbo, colascione, pandora, as well as the viola da
gamba; even on the guitar, to the extent thats possible. The harpsichord must
be considered the primary continuo instrument, however, since [playing
continuo] on the others involves numerous difficulties. That the famous Silvius
Leopold Weiss could accompany so ably on the lute, and could play that which
others had to omit, is more a credit to his ability than to the instrument. In this
book, attention is paid only to the harpsichord, even though one can play

28The relevant excerpt from "A chi Iegge" [to the readers]: "II quale digratia
non si torca, perche l'Autore, come benissimo sa fare, non habbia messo l'A. B. C.
della Chitarra Spagnolissima sopra ciascheduna di quest Arie che si saria pur anch'egli
lasciato portare a seconda dal uso modemo, s'ei non si fosse accorto che poco seme
simil Pedanteria a chi non sa fe non scartazzare, per mille spropositi che ne le cadenze
occorrono mediante il geroglifico sudetto, e colui che sa non ha bisogno che se
gl'insegni." Venice: Alessandro Vincenti, 1623; facs. reprint vol. 18 in series
Archivum Musicum (La cantata barocca), Florence: Studio per Edizioni Scelte, 1984.

29In the previous paragraph, Kellner refers to realizations by a number of


players of single-line instruments, (und also unterschiedliche Stimmen, so mit den
dazu gemachten Partien vollkommen accordiren, augenblicklich auf seinem hierzu
dienlichen Instrument mit spielet.) [and therefore [the players] improvise various
voices, each on his own instrument and in full accord with the parts constructed for
the work.]

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continuo on other instruments.

The primary sources to he examined are in the collection of the Sachsische

Landesbibliothek, which includes lute materials for most if not all ensemble genres,

both sacred and secular. Individual genres are often represented by no more than a

single work, however, and the resulting picture of period lute practice is therefore

more a sketch than a detailed portrait. For this reason, the present dissertation is not

primarily a source study, but rather an examination of performance traditions as

revealed by surviving materials. The most regrettable lacuna is Weiss's own library,

which was not acquired by the court at his death and remains untraceable.30 I say

regrettable, because it is altogether possible that Weiss had written out bits of his own

arrangements of the lute parts to the opera arias and other pieces involving obbligato

lute.

Presenting a comprehensive picture of lute activity at Dresden will probably

never be possible. Those sources which survive, however, certainly suggest that the

Dresden lute tradition was the richest in the instrument's history.

The five fascicles of solo music and one of ensemble pieces by Weiss (Mus.
2841-V-l) came into the collection of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek early in the
20th century, via a circuitous path that remains to be detailed in full. The manuscript
was purchased by the Sachsische Landesbibliothek for 1,950 Reichsmark in 1929 from
the collection of Dr Werner Wolffheims (see W. Reichs afterword to the facsimile,
Silvius Leopold Weiss: 34 Suiten, Leipzig, 1979, IU)- These pieces may have been
assembled for an aristocratic lute amateur. This line of investigation is currently being
pursued by Andre Burguete.

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CHAPTER 1

LUTENISTS AT DRESDEN

From 1590 to 1680. The Dresden court employed lutenists as early as 1590, in which

year Moritz Furstenau lists Johann Dagundt and Abraham WeiBhorn as lutenists (and

Michel Mulich as citharist).1 Their number is all the more notable in view of the fact

that only nineteen instrumentalists are listed, including that of instrument inspector

Jacobus Losius. In the list for 1606, Abraham WeiBhorn is listed as a citharist, along

with one Hannibal de Carthago; no lutenists are listed and J. Dagundt's name does not

appear.2 Lute is not mentioned in 1612, though it must be said that only three of the

eleven are listed with their instrument.3

For the year 1651, Kapellmeister Heinrich Schulz's Churfurstliche Kapelle

Moritz Furstenau, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Koniglich Sachsischen


musikalischen Kapelle, Dresden: Meser, 1849, 36. The archival work of Moritz
Furstenau is the basis of most of our knowledge about the personnel of the Koniglich
Sachsische musikalische Kapelle. Though the extent of the documents he had to
examine kept his work from being exhaustive, it represents, in many cases, the sole
published source of information (or, at the very least, the basis for most other
secondary sources). The present author has been informed by Ms Weissbach, currently
responsible for music documents at the Sachsisches Staatsarchiv (Dresden), that
personnel records by and large survived the destructions of WWH. Checking
references by Furstenau is quite complicated, however, since a) he did not see fit to
cite document numbers, and b) the said records are often in a particularly difficult
German clerical script. Fortunately, those familiar with Furstenau's published work
(and who have themselves done research in the Dresden archives), have assured me
that its accuracy is not in question. For this reason, references in Furstenau are
assumed to be accurate and sufficient unless and until other sources are found which
contradict them.

2Four "French Instrumentalists" were included in the 21 listed for 1606.

3August Noringer and Johann Stader as organists and "Walther, with the Viola
bastarda." Furstenau, Beitrage, 47-48.

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counted no lutenists among its members. But Giovanni Andrea Angelini Bontempi's

Churprinzliche Kapelle4 included: Philipp Stolle as Tenorist und Tiorbist, Friedrich

Westhof as Lautenisr, Johann Friedr. Volprecht as Lautenist und Violisr, the choirboy

{Kapellknabe) Gottfried Page is listed as a Lautenist.5

In 1666, the Churfurstliche Kapelle included one Johann (apparently a last

name) as Tiorbist, at a salary of 600 Reichstaler.6 The list for 1680 contains no

mention of a lutenist.

From 1697 to the appointment o f Silvius Leopold Weiss. For 1697, Furstenau

provides a list of personnel for the beginning of the year. The 32 members are all

Germans (lauter Deutsche), among them the Tiorbist Backstroh, jun.7 Listed for Ende

1697 is the Tiorbist Francesco Arigoni.8 Arigoni is likewise included in the following

lists: Mitte 1709, at a salary of 300 T h a l e r 1711, as a Tiorbist at the same salary10;

Founded by Kurprinz (and later Kurfurst) Johann Georg H in 1641, originally



with the organist Matthias Weckmann at the helm. (Re this date, see also Agatha
Kobuchs two articles in Heinrich Schutz im Spannungsfeld seines und unseres
Jahrhunderts, Leipzig: Peters, 1987, 63-68 and 149-51.) Bontempi, Dresden's first
castrato, took over in 1651. The two ensembles were fused upon the death of Johann
Georg I in 1656.

Furstenau, Beitrage, 69-70.

Furstenau, Beitrage, 93-94. Half the salary of Kapellmeister Bontempi, but


equal to the highest salary paid any instrumentalist.

7Furstenau, Beitrage, 110-11. Presumably the son of Georg Gottfried Backstroh,


whom Furstenau refers to as Concertmeister in September 1687 (Zur Geschichte, I,
298) and as 3. Violinist in the year 1691 (Zur Geschichte, I, 309).

8Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, II, 18-19.

Grouped with Gottfried Bentley (see below) as 2 Tiorbisten oder Arciliutisten.


Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, II, 50-51.

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1717, as Tiorbist, at a salary of 400 Thaler11; Anfang August 1719 (he and "Sylv.

Leop. Weiss" are listed as Theorbisten), with Arigoni's salary still at 400 Thaler.12

Arigoni died on 27 December 1719.13 Gottfried Bentley first appears on the 1709 list

as Tiorbist oder Arciliutist (along with Arigoni), at a salary of 400 Thaler14; in 1717,

he is listed as Arciliutist, at the same salary13; in 1719, Bentley is listed as

Violdagambist, still at 400 Thaler.16 He died in 1729.17

Silvius Leopold Weiss. The number of biographical sources on Weiss is

regrettably small. The single most useful contemporary source is Ernst Gottlieb

Baron's Historisch-theoretisch und praktische Untersuchung des Instruments der

Lauten (Numberg: Rudiger, 1727). The first music dictionary of the time to include

information on Weiss (based on Baron) was Johann Gottfried Walther's Musikalisch^s

Lexikon (Leipzig: Wolffgang Deer, 1732). Entries in later music lexica are clearly

derived from Walther, though Carl Julius Adolph Hoffmann's Die Tonkiinstler

Schlesiens (Breslau: G.P. Aderholz, 1830) has Weiss dying in 1748 rather than 1750.

The central facts contained in all lexica are: Weiss was bom in Breslau, worked for

Furstenau, Beitrage, 124.

Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, II, 134.

Based on archival documents made available to me by Douglas Alton Smith.

Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, II, 50.

15Furstenau, Beitrage, 123.

16Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, II, 134.

Personal communication of Wolfgang Reich, based on his own archival


research.

24

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Prince Sobieski in Italy until the tatter's death and subsequently was employed by the

Dresden court.18 The salary lists for 1719 illustrate the esteem in which he was held.

Arigonialready in service for more than 20 yearswas paid 400 Thaler, Weissafter

only about a year in servicewas paid 1,000 Thaler (only 200 less than that of the

highest-paid personnel, including joint Kapellmeisters Johann Christoph Schmidt and

Johann David Heinichen). In 1744, Weiss became the highest paid musician in the

Dresden music establishment, with a salary of 1400 Thaler.19

Weiss became unofficially attached to the Hofkapelle as a result of a

performance he gave for August der Starke in 1717. In fact, Furstenau included him in

the personnel list for that year.20 He continued to travel, however, and "between

February and June 1718 he gave weekly concerts in London and even played for the

King [of England]."21 Weiss's formal induction to the Dresden Hofkapelle occurred on

23 August 1718.

l8The best recent biography of Weiss has been composed by Douglas Alton
Smith: see "Silvius Leopold Weiss: Master Lutenist of the German Baroque," EM 8/1
(January 1980): 47-58, and "The Late Sonatas of Silvius Leopold Weiss," Ph.d. diss.,
Stanford, 1977. Smith acknowledges (in EM fh. I) as his principal sources (in addition
to his own dissertation) Hans Volkmann's "Sylvius Leopold Weiss, Der letzte grossc
Lautenist," Die Musik 6, Heft 17 (1906/07): 273-89 and Hans Neemann's "Die
Lautenistenfamilie Weiss," A M f \ (1939): 157-89. Unless otherwise noted,
biographical information is drawn from the two sources by Smith.

19In 1733, Weiss was given a raise to 1200 Thaler, putting him on a par with
the best-paid musicians at Dresden. On 24 January 1744, the Elector raised Weisss
salary by an additional 200 Thaler, making him the best-paid member of the
Hofkapelle.

20At a salary of 1000 Thaler.

21Smith, EM, 49.

25

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Those periods of his professional life which can be documented are listed in

the following two tables:

Table 1: Weiss's pre-Dresden appointments

Date: In Service of: Place: Comments:


By 1706 Count Karl Philipp Dusseldorf Elector Johann Wilhelm of
of the Palatinate the Palatinate (Dusseldorf)
writes brother Karl Philipp
in gratitude for the services
of your lutenist Weiss at
the Rhenish court.22
1708-14 Polish Prince principally Weiss left Italy following
Alexander Sobiesky Rome the untimely death of the
Prince (19 November 1714).
1715 Hessian court Kassel Sources: See Volkmann,
275.
1715 Palatinate Dusseldorf
early 1716
late 1716/ Palatinate Dresden Weiss obtained permission
early 1717 from his employer to travel
to Dresden. From 1717, he
shows up in Dresden
personnel records, though
still technically in the
employ of the Palatinate.
February to June Palatinate London Gave weekly concerts, the
1718 last of which was announced
in the Daily Courant of 17
June 1718.23

^Letter dated 5 May 1706. Alfred Einstein, "Italienische Musiker am Hofe der
Neuburger Wittelsbacher, 1614-1716," SIMG 9 (1907-08): 411.

23"Whereas Mr. Weiss intends to go out of England in a little time; These are
to give Notice, that during his Stay in London, he will have an Extraordinary Musical
Entertainment at his present Lodgings, at the Wallnut-Tree in St. Paul's Church-yard,
against the New Vault on the South-Side. Which Entertainment will consist of
Theorbo-Lutes, Mandolin, Base viol, Hoboys, &c. on which he had the Honour to play

26

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Table 2: Weiss's activities outside Dresden while in the employ of the Saxon court (23
August 1718 to his death on 16 October 1750)
Date: Place: Comments:
September 1718 Vienna One of twelve of Dresden's finest musicians
to March 1719 accompanying Crown Prince Frederick August
II of Saxony. The Prince went to Vienna to
select a bride from the daughters of the late
Emperor Joseph I.
Fall 1722 Munich Along with flautist Pierre-Gabriel Buffardin,
played at festivities celebrating marriage of
Crown Prince Karl Albert of Bavaria to
Emperor Joseph I's daughter Maria Amalia
(the younger sister of Maria Josepha).24
Summer 1723 Prague Celebration of the coronation of Charles VI.
Main event was the premier of Fux's
Constanza e la Fortezza on 28 August.
Francesco Conti was the principal theorbist;
Weiss played the ripieno part.
May to August Berlin The musicians Weiss, Pisendel, Buffardin and
1728 Quantz accompanied the Polish King to
Berlin, then remained there for a further three
months.25 Princess Sophie Wilhelmine, sister
of Crown Prince Frederick was a lutenist and
doubtless heard Weiss frequently and took
lessons during his sojourn.26

before the Emperour, and almost all the Princes of Germany, and of late before His
Majesty. To begin To-morrow, at 8 a [sic] Clock in the Evening. Tickets to be had at
his Lodgings before and at the Hour of the Consort, at 5s. each Ticket."
Quoted in Smith, EM, 49.

24The wedding took place on 5 October 1722. Maria Amalia was bom on 22
October 1701.

^Jung, Johann Georg Pisendel, 33-34.

26In her memoirs, she speaks of the "famous Weiss, who excels so greatly on
the lute, that he has never had an equal and that those who come after him will have
only the glory of imitating him." [fameux Weis, qui excelle si fort sur le luth, qu'il n'a
jamais eu son pareil et que ceux, qui viendront apres lui, n'auront que la gloire de
1'imiter.]

27

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Date: Place: Comments:
1739 Leipzig Weiss pays a visit to the poet Johann
Gottsched and his wife, the latter being a
gifted amateur lutenist.27 Weiss was
accompanied to Leipzig by J.S. Bach's son
Wilhelm Friedemann and Johann Kropfganfi,
one of Weiss's students.

The following two posthumous accounts illustrate the esteemed musical

company Weiss kept Johann Friederich Reichardt writes of a competition in the art of

improvisation between Weiss and Johann Sebastian Bach:

Wer die Schwierigkeit der Laute fur harmonische Ausweichungen und gut
ausgefuhrte Satze kennt, der mufi erstaunen und es kaum glauben, wenn
Augen- und Ohrenzeugen versichem, dafl der groBe Dresdner Lautenist Weisse
mit Sebastian Bach, der auch als Clavier- und Orgelspieler groB war, in die
Wette phantasirt und Fugensatze ausgefuhrt hat. Wer ihre ganz einzige Feinheit
und Lieblichkeit kennt, kann nicht genug bedauem, daB dieses kostliche
Instrument mit seinem ganzen zarten Geschwister durch die neuere rauschende
Musik, in der man oft mit so wenig Kunst und Muhe so groBen Lerm macht,
verdrangt worden ist.28

Whoever understands the difficulty of playing harmonic modulations and good


counterpoint on the lute will be astounded and scarcely believe eyewitnesses
who assure us that the great Dresden lutenist Weiss competed in playing

French quoted in Volkmann, 282.

^Gottsched described how his wife "mastered the most difficult of Weiss's
pieces, playing them virtually at sight" [[spielte] die schwersten Weissischen Stucke
fertig, ja fast vom Blatte weg]. From the introduction to his Sdmmtlichen Kleineren
Gedichten der Gottschedin, Leipzig: n.p., 1763, 4. Quoted in Volkmann, 286.

28Johann Friederich Reichardt, Berliner Musikalische Zeitung 1/71 (1805): 281.


Facsimile reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1969. The quote is drawn from the
continuation ("Fortsetzung") of the "Autobiographic von Johann Friedrich Reichardt."
Reichardt claims to have been a good lutenist and to have accompanied himself on the
instrument, but is the only source to mention his lutenistic accomplishments and
circumspection is advised in reading his account.

28

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fantasias and fugues with Sebastian Bach, who also was a great harpsichordist
and organist.29 Those who know the lutes unique delicacy and sweetness
cannot sufficiently lament that this exquisite instrument, with its entire softly
sounding family, has been ousted by that newer, roaring music, with which
one often makes so much noise with so little art and so few pains.

Johann Adam Hillers account clearly shows that Weiss was considered on a level

with the renowned Franz Benda, one of the centurys finest violinists:

Im Cameval des Jahres 1738 reiste Benda, auf Einladung des Concertmeister
Pisendels, welcher mit ihm einen freundschaftlichen Briefwechsel unterhielt,
nach Dresden, um die Hassische Open La clemenza di Tito zu horen. Er wurde
daselbst mit dem russisch kaiserlichen Gesandten, dem Grafen von Keyserling
bekannt, der, als ein groBer Liebhaber und Kenner der Musik, ihm viele
Hoflichkeit erwies. In diesem graflichen Hause hatte Benda Gelegenheit, den
beruhmten Lautenisten, Sylvius Leopold WeiB, in seiner ganzen Starke zu
horen. Eines Tages lud WeiB die Herren Benda und Pisendel zum Mittagessen,
und lieB heimlich Benda's Violinkasten nachholen. Den Nachmittag bat man
ihn ein Solo auf der Violin zu spielen, welches ihm Pisendel mit der Viola
pomposa begleitete. Nach dem ersten Solo wurde das zweyte gefo[r]dert, und
so ging es immer weiter: so daB, da die Gesellschaft bis um Mittemacht
beysammen blieb, und Benda vier und zwanzig Solos in seinem kasten hatte, er
nicht eher los kam, als bis er sie alle vier und zwanzig gespielt hatte. WeiB
spielte dazwischen acht bis zehn Sonaten auf der Laute.

During Cameval of the year 1738, [Franz] Benda traveled to Dresden to hear
Hasse's opera La Clemenza di Tito, upon the invitation of the concertmaster
Pisendel, who maintained a friendly correspondence with him. There he
became acquainted with the Imperial Russian Ambassador, Count [Hermann
Karl] von Keyserling, who, as a great lover and connoisseur of music, was very
gracious to him. In this noble household Benda had the opportunity to hear the
famed lutenist Silvius Leopold Weiss in all his power. One day, Weiss invited
Benda and Pisendel to lunch and secretly had Benda's violin case brought

29Although the German text is somewhat ambiguous and could appear to mean
that Bach was competing with Weiss not on the organ or harpsichord but on the lute,
the likelihood that Bach would have been capable of improvising fugues on the latter
instrument is slim indeed. Certainly, the technical difficulties involved in playing
BWV 1000 and the da capo fugues to BWV 997 and 998 are such that improvising at
anything like that level would have been impossibleeven for a brilliant lutenist,
which evidence suggests that Bach was not. For more on this subject, see Andre
Burguetes Johann Sebastian Bach und die Lautenpraxis des 18. Jahrhundert, 1997.

29

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along. In the afternoon, he was asked to play a solo on the violin, which
Pisendel accompanied on the viola pomposa. After the first solo, a second was
demanded, and so it continued. They remained together until around midnight;
Benda had twenty-four solos in his case and wasn't allowed to leave till he had
played all twenty-four. Weiss interspersed eight to ten sonatas on the lute.30

A third posthumous mention of Weiss provides comic relief rather than

biographical information. Weiss opens the "second dozen" of Friedrich Marpurg's

"Saints of Music."31 The famous lutenist is taking a contemplative walk on a summer

evening in Breslau when he sees before him a vision of feminine beauty that

immediately drives all meditative thoughts from his mind. A bit of suggestive verbal

fencing follows the introductions and the story ends with the famous lutenist

accompanying "the beauty" ("die Schone") to her parents home. Her parents agree to

the engagement and the result is "one of the most pleasurable and happy marriages"

("eine der vergnugtesten und glucklichsten Ehen").32

1750 and onwards. The last year for which M. Furstenau includes a list of

personnel is 1756. No lutenists/theorbists are included. Christlieb Sigmund Binder,

pantaleonist,33 was paid 300 Thaler, Karl Friedrich Abel, gambist, earned 260 Thaler.

30Lebensbeschreibungen beruhmter Musikgelehrten und Tonkunstler neurer Zeit,


Leipzig: Im Verlage der Dykischen Buchhandlung, 1784, 45-46.

3lSimeon Metaphrastes dem jungeren (i.e. Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg),


Legende einiger Musikheiligen, Colin am Rhein: Peter Hammern, 1786.

32Marpurg, Legende, 23-25 (second dozen).

33Player of the pantaleon (or pantalon), a large dulcimer invented by and named
after Pantaleon Hebenstreit (1667-1750). Testifying to Hebenstreits status at Dresden
is the following extract from the autobiographical Herm Johann Joachim Quantzens
Lebenslauf:

Es prangete damals mit verschiedenen beruhmten Instmmentisten, als:

30

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When Crown Prince Frederick Christian became Kurfurst upon the death of his father

(on 5 October 1763), he, together with his wife, Maria Antonia Walpurgis, became

responsible for cultural developments in the now much smaller electorate (which was

reduced in size by more than a third as a result of negotiations at the end of the Seven

Years War).34

Johann Adolph Faustinus Weiss35 (S. L. Weiss's son) received an appointment

in 1763, but at the comparatively low salary of 300 Thaler (soon thereafter reduced to

200).36 He toured Italy and Holland in 1772, but with nothing like the success of his

Pisendeln und Verracini auf der Violine; Pantaleon Hebestreiten auf dem
Pantalon; Sylvius Leopold Weiflen auf der Laute und Theorbe; Richtem auf
dem Hoboe; Buffardin auf der Flote traversiere [etc.]

At that time, [the Saxon court] boasted a number of famous musicians, such as:
Pisendel and Verracini on the violin; Pantaleon Hebebstreit on the pantalon;
Silvius Leopold Weiss on the lute and theorbo; Richter on the oboe; Buffardin
on the traverso [etc.]

Published in Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurgs Historisch-Kritische Beytrage zur Aufnahme


der Musik, I (1754): 207. For more on the instrument, see s.v. Pantaleon and
Pantalon stop in The New Grove, 1980 ed. An illustration of the pantaleon can be
found s.v. Hellendaal, Pieter, The New Grove, 1980 ed. See also Christian Ahrenss
article Pantaleon Hebenstreit und die Fruhgeschichte des Hammerklaviers, Bmw 29
(1987): 37-48.

34See, Moritz Furstenau, "Maria Antonia Walpurgis, Kurfurstin von Sachsen.


Eine biographische Skizze," MMg 11/10 (1879): 167-184.

35Named after his godparents, the renowned Johann Adolph and Faustina
Bordoni Hasse.

36Based on archival documents made available to me by Douglas Alton Smith.


Regarding Weisss decreased salary, Smith noted: But everybody got cut, by an
average of one third. (His manuscript refers to Loc. 203, vol. V in the Sachsisches
Staatsarchiv.) I am also indebted to Douglas Smith for the date of J. A. F. Weisss
death, and for providing me with the excerpt from Kurt Moritz Weisss letter to the
Dresden court. Andre Burguete assisted with additional background information.

31

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late father. Ernst Ludwig Gerber's Historisch-Biographisches Lexikon der Tonkunstler

says that he played "his father's splendid and difficult compositions with all the

expression and accomplishment they require."37 Noteworthy is that he was still on

salary in 1813, albeit for the same miserable wage of 200 Thaler per annum. He died

on 21 January 1814. According to a letter from his son Kurt Moritz Weiss to the

court, his duties were limited to playing the theorbo in church during Lent (when the

organ was silent, in keeping with Roman Catholic custom). The relevant section of the

letter reads:

Aus den letztem hat sich weiter nichts ergeben, als daB dieses Instrument
bereits im Jahre 1792, sich unter dem Vorrathe der Konigl. Instrumente
befunden hat, von WeiB aber stets in der Fastenzeit zum Kirchenspiels benutzt,
auBerdem auch meist in seiner Privatwohnung behalten wordem ist.38

Of which nothing further has come to light, except that this Instrument was, in
1792, already counted among the Royal instruments; Weiss still used it during
Lent, however, and otherwise it was usually kept in his private residence.

J. A. F. Weiss's performances in an official capacity may have been limited,

but he appears to have been an active chamber musician. Richard Englander's

published dissertation, Johann Gottlieb Naumann als Opemkomponist (1741-1801)39

makes several references to the lutenist's activities. Speaking of Naumann's love for

37"[Er spielte] die hinterlassenen vortrefflichen und schweren Kompositionen


seines Vaters mit allem dem Ausdrucke und der Fertigkeit, so sie erfordem."
Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1790. Facsimile reprint, ed. Othmar Wessely, Graz:
Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1977.

38Letter in Loc. 15146, Das Konigliche Orchester und deBen Unterhaltung,


Vol XX, fol. 137ff., Sachsisches Staatsarchiv. My thanks to Andre Burguete and
Douglas Smith for providing me with information as to the letters location and a
modem typescript of the German.

39Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1922.

32

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music making in his own home, Englander states:

Gera vereinigt er befreundete auswartige und einheimische Kunstler (so den


Lautenisten [J. A. F.] WeiB, den beruhmten Berliner Bassisten Fischer, Am.
Schmalz) bei sich, um eigene Sachen zu probieren.40

He gathered with pleasure and became friends with foreign and native artists
(such as the lutentist [J. A. F.] Weiss, and the famous [singers] from Berlin,
the bass [Ludwig] Fischer [and] the [colloratura soprano] Am[alie] Schmalz),
in order to try out his own compositions.

Englander (367) speaks of the music making in the literary circle of Elisa von der

Recke (1756-1833, Dresden) in the following words: "Hier erklingt volkstumlicher

Gesang, nicht selten nach Naumanns {Composition, dazu das Lautenspiel von [J. A. F.]

WeiB, [und] die Gitarre Tinas." [Here can be heard popular song, not seldom by

Naumann himself, as well Weiss playing lute and Tina on guitar.] Speaking to the

character of Weiss junior, Englander states:

Die Dialoge uber metaphysische Fragen, uber das Humanitatsideal, zunachst


von dem gemeinsamen ffeimaurerischen Boden aus begonnen, verloren sich
gem in mystizistisches Gebiet: den derben Einwurfen des Realisten und
Witzboldes [J. A. F.] WeiB (des gem gesehenen Lautenisten der Hofkapelle)
zum Trotz, der hier ebenso als Freigeist und Skeptiker auftrat, wie spaterhin in
dem Reckekreis Graf GeBler.41

The dialogues on metaphysical questions, about humanitarian ideals, started on


the common ground of freemasonry, but quickly disintegrated into mysticism,
despite the contributions of the realist and jokester, [J. A. F.] Weiss (the
popular lutenist of the Hofkapelle), who here also played the free spirit and
skeptic, as Graf GeBler would later in the Recke circle.

Richard Englander suggests that J. A. F. Weiss may have participated in the

Englander, Naumann als Opemkomponist, 120-21. See also Gerber (1812-14),


s.v. Fischer, Ludwig and Schmalz, Amalie.

Englander, Naumann als Opemkomponist, 366.

33

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performance of Johann Gottlieb Naumann's "Wie ein Hirt sein Volk zu weiden von

Cappelmeister Naumann."42 The piece is a duet for 13-course (baroque) lute and glass

harmonica (the latter part is missing). Englander cites archival material dated 1790/91

which speaks of "the transporting of Dr. Chladni's Harmonika to and from the court."43

Players with incidental contacts with Dresden. S. L. Weiss is known to have

had a number of students over the years, some of them socially quite prominent. This

circle of students extended to Electoral Saxony's "second city," Leipzig,44 though

several players are known to have come to Dresden from more distant places for

extended lessons.

The most notable of these is the Russian pandora (and later lute) player

Timofei Belligradsky. The oldest source which relates Belligradsky's activity in

Dresden is J. von Stahlin's Theater, Tanz und Musik in Rufiland (1770, 92)4S:

42See Englander, Die Dresdner Instrumentalmusik in der Zeit der Wiener


Klassik, Uppsala: AJmquist & Wiksells, 1956, 135-8.

o" 179 0 / 9 1 : Transportierung der Harmonika des Dr. Chladni von Hofe und von
da zuriick." "Die Instrumentalmusik am sachsischen Hofe," Neues Archiv fur
Sdchsische Geschichte 54 (1933): 84.


Including the aforementioned Luise Adelgunde Victoria Gottsched (nee
Kulmus). For more information on Weisss connection to the Gottscheds, see Hans-
Joachim Schulze, "Ein unbekannter Brief von Silvius Leopold WeiB," Die
Musikforschung 21 (1968): 203-04, and Smith, "The Late Sonatas of Silvius Leopold
Weiss," 16-23.

45Other sources on Belligradsky are clearly derived from von Staehlin,


including Encyclopddie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften oder Universal-
Lexicon der Tonkunst, ed. Gustav Schilling, 2nd ed., Stuttgart: F.H. Kohler Verlag,
1840. In Schilling, the name is spelled Pelagratzky. See also Allgemeine Encyklopadie
der Wissenschaften und Kunste, eds M.H.E. Meier and L.F. Kamtz, Leipzig:
Brockhaus, 1841; the article on Pelagrazki is signed by G.W. Fink.

34

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Um eben dieselbe Zeit bekam der Hof auch einen vortrefflichen Lautenisten an
Mr. Beligradskij, einem geboraer Ukrainer, den der ehemals (A. 1733.) als
Panduriste mit sich nach Dresden genommen, und dem beriihmten Weise
etliche Jahre lang in die Lehre gegeben hatte. Er spielte, vollig im Geschmack
seines groBen Meisters, die starksten Soli und schwersten Concerte, und
accompagniret sich selbst zu Opem- und andem Arien, die er mit so viel
Starke als Anmuth, nach der besten Manier eines Dresdenchen Annibali,48 einer
Faustina [Bordoni-Hasse], und andrer groBen Virtuosen, mit denen er viele
Jahre im Umgange zu Dresden gestanden hat, in einer angenemen Sopralto-
Stimme singt.47

At about the same time, the court acquired a marvelous lutenist, in the person
of Mr. Beligradskij, bom in the Ukraine and brought to Dresden (in 1733) as a
pandora player [by the Russian ambassador to Saxony, Count Keyserling], who
entrusted him for several years to the tuition of the famed Weiss. He played,
fully in the taste of his great teacher, the most powerful solos and the most
difficult concetti, and accompanied himself with his pleasant 'sopralto' voice in
opera and other arias, which he did, with equal power and grace, in the style of
Dresden's finest: of Annibali, of Faustina [Bordoni-Hasse], and other great
virtuosi, with whom he had contact during his many years in Dresden.

According to R.-Aloys Mooser, a second Russian lutenist, one Ivan

Stepanovitch was a pupil of Weiss's in the late 1740s.48

That Weiss's fame extended to the Russian court is not in doubt. A certain Mf

Lefort, an official at the court of Russian Tsarina Elizabeth, wrote a letter (dated 29

May 1730) to his Saxon counterpart, Walther, in which he expresses the Tsarina's

interest in acquiring Italian musicians for the Russian court. The letter states, in part:

Cette Princesse souhaiteroit avoir une Musique de Cabinet, mais Elle


souhaiteroit qu'Elle fut composee d'Elite des musiciens qui eussent l'aprobation

^Domenico Annibali, Italian alto castrato. For more information, see Chapter 4.

47The English lute scholar Tim Crawford made me aware of this reference.

48The Journal du fourrier de la chambre for the year 1748 speaks of


Stepanovitch's return from Saxony in 1746, and of his entering into the Russian court's
employ from 1 October of that year. Annales de la musique et des musiciens en
Russie, 3 vols, Geneve: Mont-BIanc, [1948-51], I, 210.

35

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de Virtuosi -- car pour de bons musiciens nous n'en manquons pas icy mais
Ton voudroit que Ie peu de personnes que Ton veut tirer de Ches nous ou
d'autres pays, excellassent chacun dans son genre, sil est possible. [...] Un bon
Joueur de Lut s'il se peut de la main de notre amy Weis(s] a qui je vous prie
de faire bien mes complim8.49

This Princess would like to have a Chamber Group, but would like it to be
composed of those elite musicians who have a reputation as virtuosi for we
do not lack for good musicians here but one would desire that those few
persons one wants to attract locally or from other countries, should excel each
in his own field, if this is possible. [...] A good lutenist, if possible a student of
our friend Weiss, to whom I beg you to extend my compliments.

Johann Kropffganfi the Younger was probably the most gifted player other than

S. L. Weiss to live and work in Dresden. He was lutenist to the highly influential

Heinrich Graf von Bruhl (prime minister to Frederick August II), although the exact

dates of his service are not known.50 (Bruhl had his own musical establishment, though

precise details of its size and constitution are now not available.) Kroffganfi

accompanied Weiss to Leipzig in 1739 where they met with J.S. Bach (see Table 2,

above). His father and siblings were also accomplished lutenists, as detailed in Johann

Gottfried Walther's Musicalisches Lexicon (346-47). The entry begins with the father

KropffganB (Johann) ein annoch lebender Kauffmann zu Breslau, von Neustadt


an der Orla im Osterlande geburtig, daselbst er an. 1668 den 12 Sept. gebohren
worden, und sein Vater, Hr. Johann Caspar Kropffganfi, in den Aemtem
Amshaug und Ziegenruck Assessor, anbey aber auch ein wohlfundirter Musicus

*9Annales, I, 360.

The present author spent a week at the Sachsisches Staatsarchiv looking for
the relevant documents, but without success. Andre Burguete informed me that he has
yet to locate archival evidence testifying to the activities of Kropffganfi in Dresden
and Leipzig. He went on to say that both Wolfgang Reich (Sachsische
Landesbibliothek, retired) and Hans-Joachim Schulze (Bach-Archiv, Leipzig) had
reported to him finding no documents mentioning Kropffganfi in the archives of their
respective cities.

36

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und Lautenist gewesen, hat im 9ten Jahre seines Alters die Laute zu excoliren
angefangen, in dem 12ten Jahre aber die Handelung in Leipzig erlemet, und
mithin dieses Instrument einige Jahre negligiret; nachgehends aber solches
wiederum hervor gesuchet, und an nurgedachtem Orte anfanglich bey Mr.
Schucharten, und sodann bey Mr. Meley, als dieser von Paris retoumiret, eine
geraume Zeit lection genommen; dieses Studiums vor nunmehro etliche 30
Jahren bey Hm. Philipp Frantz Le Sage de Riche, und vor 25 Jahren bey dem
grossen Kunstler, Hm. Sylvio Leopoldo Weifien, der d am ah ls in Pfalz-
Graflichen Diensten gestanden, zu Breslau bestandig fortgesetzet, und von
diesem das rechte fundamentale Wesen dieses Instruments begriffen; hat aber
vor 12 Jahren die rechte Hand verstauchet, daB ihm also bloB die theorie von
diesem Instrumente noch ubrig ist. Seine drey Kinder haben gleichfalls gar
zeitlich dieses Instrument zu excoliren angefangen, als der altere Sohn, Johann,
gebohren an. 1708 den 14 Oct. im 9ten; die Tochter, Johanna Eleonora,
gebohren den 5ten Nov. an. 1710, im 8ten; und der jungere Sohn, Jo hann
Gottfried, gebohren, an. 1714 den 17 Dec. im 12ten Jahre ihres Alters, und auf
selbigem allerseits gute profectus erlanget, so dafi der erste nunmehro
extemporiret, den General-Bass spielet, transponiret, auch seine Sachen
componiret; und die Tochter vor Hohen und Verstandigen sich kan horen
lassen.

KropffganB (Johann), a businessman still living in Breslau and bom on 12


September 1668 in Neustadt an der Orla in Osterlande (and his father, Mr.
Johann Caspar Kropffganfi, assessor in the Amshaug and Ziegenruck regions),
but also a well-grounded musician and lutenist. He began playing the lute in
his ninth year, studied it in Leipzig at the age of twelve, but subsequently
neglected the instrument for some years. He later resumed playing [the lute] in
the aforementioned city, and studied it for a considerable time, first with a Mr.
Schucharten, and later with a Mr. Meley (when the latter returned from Paris).
His pursued further studies some 30 years ago with Mr. Philipp Frantz Le Sage
de Richie, and 25 years years ago with the great artist Mr. Sylvio Leopoldo
Weifien (who was then in the service of the Palatinate), and from him learned
the fundamentals of this instrument. Twelve years ago, however, he sprained
his right hand, so that all that remains to him now is the theory of the
instrument. His three children likewise began the study of this instrument at an
early age, such as the elder son Johann, bom on 14 October 1708, at the age of
nine; the daughter, Johanna Eleonora, bom on 5 November 1710, at the age of
8; and the younger son Johann Gottfried, bom on 17 December 1714, at the
age of 12. And they likewise achieved thoroughgoing excellence [on the lute].
The first now extemporizes, playes figured bass, transposes [transcribes?] and
writes his own works. The daughter is capable of playing for people of rank
and understanding.

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E. L. Gerber's Lexikon5i contains the following short entry (759-60):

Kropfgans (Johann) Cammermusikus and Lautenist des Grafen von Bruhl zu


Dresden, gebohr[en] zu Breslau 1708 den 14. October, befand sich vorher
daselbst 1737 als Schuler des groBen Sylv. WeiB. Nach dem Tode seines Herm
privatisiite er zu Leipzig, und stand an dem dasigen groBen Conzert noch im
Jahre 1769 als Lautenist.
Er zeigte dabey seine Einsicht als Accompagnist auf der Theorbe, bey
den Opem und Oratorienrecitadven. Von seinen Kompositionen sind nur 3
Lautensolos zu Numberg gestochen worden. In M[anu]s[cri]pt hingegen hat
man von ihm 36 Solos, 6 Duos fur 2 Lauten, 32 Trios fur Laute, Violin und
Violonzell, 1 Quartett fur Laute, Fl[ote], Viol[in] und Violonz[ell]. Auch hat er
einige Hillerische Operetten auf die Laute gesetzt.

Kropfgans (Johann) chamber musician and lutenist of Count Bruhl in Dresden,


bom in Breslau on 14 October 1708. He studied in 1737 with the famed Silvius
Weiss. After his employers death, he repaired to Leipzig and was still active
there in 1769 as lutenist for the large concert association.
He demonstrated his insight as an accompanist on theorbo of recitatives
in operas and oratorios. Of his compositions, only three have been published.32
In manuscript, on the other hand, there are 36 solos, 6 lute duets, 32 trios for
lute violin and ' cello, 1 quartet for lute, flute, violin and ' cello. He has also
arranged some operettas by Hiller for the lute.

C.J.A. Hoffmann's aforementioned Die Tonkunstler Schlesiens (Breslau, 1830)

emphasizes Kropffganfi the Younger's activities as an accompanist in Leipzig:

Nach dem Tode seines Herm privatisirte er in Leipzig, und stand an dem
dasigen groBen Konzert noch im J. 1769 als Lautenist. Er zeigte dabei seine
Fertigkeit in der Begleitung der Recitative auf der Theorbe, und wurde mit
seinem Instrumente zu alien Opem und Oratorien zugezogen.

After his employers death, he repaired to Leipzig, where he was still active in
1769 as lutenist for the large concert association. He was known for his
accompanying of recitatives on the theorbo, and he and his instrument were
engaged for [literally were drawn to] all operas and oratorios.

3ILeipzig: Breitkopf, 1790. Facsimile reprint, ed. Othmar Wessely, Graz:


Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1977.

32Literally "clearly written." Engraving may be implied.

38

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Conclusion

The presence of various other lutenists in Dresden during S. L. Weisss tenure

should be taken at face value. No evidence survives that any of the above-named

players--not even Bruhls lutenist Johann KropffganBparticipated in any way in

musical functions at court. That students of Weiss may have joined him in the

continuo band (or substituted for him in the event of illness) seems a reasonable

enough hypothesisespecially given the presence of players of the caliber of

KropffganB and Belligradskybut no primary (or secondary) evidence supports this

theory. In all likelihood, the entire body of Dresden sources involving lute in ensemble

vocal music came into existence, to borrow a Spanish phrase, por y para, i.e. for and

because of Silvius Leopold Weiss.

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CHAPTER 2

INSTRUMENTARIUM

In the past twenty-five years, participation of lute and theorbo in both recorded

and live performances of early music has risen dramatically, yet even now, probably

few non-lutenists could explain a reference to the arciliuto in an eighteenth-century

opera score, or interpret the numerous (and often less specific) references to the liuto,

despite occasional periodical articles and dissertations that have included useful

information on lute organology.1 Although it may be established that a given

instrument was called a tiorba in one or more sources, it does not follow that other

references to a tiorba refer to the same instrument, nor is it always clear just which

characteristics should be considered diagnostic. On what basis, for example, should the

three lutes depicted Illustrations 1-3, below, be called, respectively, arciliuto, tiorba,

and theorbierte Laute'l2 All have pegbox extensions and about the same number of

courses, and the archlute and theorbierte Laute are also comparable in (fretted)

mensure. On what then, are differences to be based? Details of organology, the tuning,

or some other criteria?

'For example: Robert Spencer, "Chitarrone, Theorbo and Archlute," EM 4/4


(October 1976): 407-422; Kevin Mason, "The Chitarrone and its Repertoire in Early
17th-century Italy," Ph.D. diss., Washington Univ., St. Louis, Missouri, 1983.

2Andre Burguete kindly assisted me with all instrument photographs reproduced


in this chapter.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Illustration 1: arciliuto. Tomaso Spilman in Venetia. Stringing (Mensure): lxl, 5x2
(68.7cm); 8x1 (160.5cm). Private collection.

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Illustration 2: tiorba (chitarrone). Pietro Railich/al Santo in Padova. Stringing
(Mensure): 6x2 (82cm); 8x1 (168cm). Hessisches Landesmuseum, Darmstadt.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Illustration 3: theorbierte Laute. Sebastian Schelle, Lauten und Geigenmacher in
Numberg, Hummels Erben, An. 1744. Stringing (Mensure): 2x1, 6x2 (72.9cm); 5x2
(96.2cm). Private collection.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Even more difficult is establishing what might be included under a single term

such as liuto. Depending on the country and the time period, liuto can designate

anything from a small four-course instrument to an arciliuto with a long neck

extension (see Illustration 1, above), even when the term is being used correctly.

Moreover, even when source references can be identified with specific instrument

types, it does not follow that this was the instrument used to perform the part, as will

be demonstrated in Chapter 3, below.

Perhaps the most common mistake made by the non-lutenist is to apply one set

of organological terms to a range of national lute traditions: It would be a mistake to

ignore regional lute practices and construction and assume that a Venetian archlute

circa 1610 would have looked like a German archlute a hundred years later. For all

these reasons, the focus here will be on lute practice at the single court of Dresden.

Terms will be defined as they were used there, specifically as they were used during

the tenure of Silvius Leopold Weiss (i.e., 1718-1750), and should not be considered

transferrable to other regions/periods. Five terms are used in the Dresden sources:

liuto, tiorba, arciliuto, colascione and mandolino.

Lute Terminology at Dresden

Liuto

Two basic types of liuto were used in Dresden: a) the baroque lute, often called

Knickhalslaute (having 11 and later thirteen courses. Illustrations 4 and 5,

respectively); b) the theorbierte Laute (see Illustration 3, above).

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Illustration 4: 11-course baroque lute. Sebastian Schelle, Lauten und Geigenmacher
Numberg, Hummels Erben, An. 1736. Stringing (Mensure): 2x1, 9x2 (67.7cm).
Private collection.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
%

Illustration 5: 13-course baroque lute. Thomas Edlinger Lauten und Geigenmacher,


[without place or yearthe bottom of the label has been trimmed]. Stringing
(Mensure): 2x1, 7x2 (77.7cm); 2x2 (82.2). Leipzig Instrumenten Museum: Nr 497.

46

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The baroque lute (sometimes called Knickhalslaute3) used in Kursachsen had

eleven to thirteen courses in the d-minor tuning (see Appendix XV, Tuning 3).4 With

the thirteen-course type, the top course runs to a treble rider, the next ten courses run

to the main pegbox; the last two courses are not frettable and run to a bass rider (see

Illustration 4, above). The bass rider (which added twelfth and thirteenth courses in the

bass) dates from approximately 1720. (One convincing line of evidence is the number

of (frettable) courses required by lute solo music supplied with a date.) In fact, a few

twelve-course lutes with all courses running to the main pegbox already existed during

the last days of the more common eleven-course French lute. An example of such

an instrument is the lute by Johann Jac. Lindner [...] Dresden 1697 pictured below

in Illustration 6.

3Although the term Knickhalslaute is historical, the German luthier Gerhard


Sohne believes it to be inappropriate, since its original function was to distinguish this
lute type from others where the pegbox was not angled back. He considers the more
correct term to be simply Laute (i.e. lute). (Personal communication)

4The tuning given is for a theorbierte Laute. The tuning of the eleven-course
lute can be derived by adding chromatic tones at courses 9-11, a half-tone per fret.
The tuning of the 13-course lute baroque lute differs from the 11-course only in the
two additional, non-frettable bass courses (courses 12 and 13 of Appendix XV, Tuning
3).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Illustration 6: 12-course baroque lute. Johann Jac. Lindner Mus. Elector. Saxon fecit
Dresden 1697. Stringing (Mensure): 2x1, 10x2 (69.7). Eisenach Bachhaus: Nr 1.

48

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The theorbierte Laute often goes by the modem term "swan-necked lute." The

top eight courses run to the main pegbox and the remaining (usually) five courses to

one (or two) additional pegboxes which are extensions of the main pegbox (see

Illustration 3, above). The mensure of surviving examples ranges from 70cm to 79cm.

This lute type first appeared circa 1728. This date is based on evidence which is

admittedly circumstantial, but still quite convincing: a) Baron makes no mention of

this lute type in his Untersuchung (Numberg, 1727), which, given his books

thoroughness, he doubtless would have done had such lutes been known to him; b)

pictorial evidence after this date depicts only the theorbo lute; c) only two surviving

lutes of the Knickhals-variety are known to have been constructed after 1728. There is

also musical testimony, as illustrated by the "Allem[ande] adagio" which opens the

relatively late (but undated) autograph suite in d minor (Mus. 2841-V-l, no 7): the

first and third measures of the B-section have the eleventh course being plucked at the

first fret; the theorbierte Laute could not be fretted below the eighth course. Instances

of courses as low as the eleventh being fretted were always rare, but in music datable

after the introduction of the theorbierte Laute they do not occur at all.5

Only one eighteenth-century vocal piece written for Dresden has been found to

date which specifically mentions the liuto, Io vorrei saper d'amore, the final aria to

Heinichen's opera Flavio Crispo. The scoring is for violini pizzicati and obbigato lute,

5I am indebted to Andre Burguete for giving me access to his unpublished


research into the chronology of the Weiss sonatas, specifically as it applies to period
lute organology. For more details on period lutes, the reader is referred to his
forthcoming book on the Bach lute works.

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with the latter part written (almost entirely in two voices) in soprano and bass clefs (in

the manner of Johann Sebastian Bach's surviving solo pieces). The Allegro aria "Cari

Gufi che intomo," from Act I, Scene 10 of Giovanni Alberto Ristori's Un pazzo ne fa

cento (Mus. 2455-F-2) has a bass line written for "Violette, Violoncello, e Leuto," but

the implication is that the lute was simply doubling the bass line. For an extended

discussion of both works, see Chapter 3. The variant spelling leuto is also encountered

in a few other sources, but most likely the baroque (d-minor) lute is intended. In the

lute parts to his ensemble compositions (Mus. 2841-V-l, fascicle 6), for instance,

Weiss specifies Leuto 1 (at the top of the Adagio to the fourth suite in Bb, for

example). All surviving music by him is for a lute in the standard baroque tuning, as

is the tablature in this source.

Tiorba*: German vs Italian

Two theorbo types were used in eighteenth-century Germany, hence my

addition of the words German and Italian. Both were large lutes used exclusively for

purposes of accompaniment, but they differed significantly in tuning, and I have

chosen to consider them as discrete lute types. (For the Italian theorbo, see Illustration

2, above; for the German theorbo, see Illustration 7, below).

6Also spelled Teorba, for instance in the part to Giovanni Alberto Ristori's
Litania in F (Mus. 2455-D-6).

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Illustration 7: V. Venere in Padova 1613. Adapted by Sebastian Schelle (attested by
labels dated 1723 and 1726). Stringing (Mensure): 6x2 (85.5cm); 4x1 (108cm); 4x1
(121cm). Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum: No 3357.

51

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The Italian theorbo had a (fretted) mensure of ca 75-100cm and thirteen to as

many as nineteen courses, six to eight of which run to the main pegbox and the rest to

a pegbox on a single neck extension (for tuning, see Appendix XV, Tuning I). Non-

lutenists are often of the opinion that the terms theorbo and chitarrone denote different

instruments, but, as Robert Spencer convincingly demonstrates, "by 1600 the words

chitarrone and tiorba were considered synonymous."7

Only relatively recently has research shown that the theorbo used in

Kursachsen was of a new type not developed until after 1720. At least two stages were

involved: a) the tuning, and b) the organological refinements to the pegbox extensions.

The tuning is represented by the tuning of the baroque lute, minus the top course (see

Appendix XV, Tuning 2). The fust known mention of it is made in Silvius Leopold

Weiss's letter to Johann Mattheson (dated 21 March 1723):

Sonsten habe nun, im Orchestre und Kirche zu accompaniren, ein eigenes


Instrument accommodiit. Es hat die Grosse, Lange, Starcke und resonance von
der veritablen Tiorba; thut eben den effect; ausser dafi die Stimmung differiret.8

I have adapted one of my instruments for accompanying in the orchestra and in


church; it has the size, length, power and resonance of the true theorbo, and
has the same effect, just that the tuning is different.

Of the characteristics Weiss mentions, only size, length and tuning are quantifiable.

The size (Grosse) most likely refers to the volume of the body (sound chest). Andre

7Spencer, "Chitarrone, Theorbo and Archlute," EM, 408-09. For more


information, see also Mason, The Chitarrone.

8I am indebted to Douglas Alton Smith for providing me with the German text
of the letter, which I first saw mentioned in his article Baron and Weiss contra
Mattheson: in defense of the lute, JLSA VI (1973): 48-62.

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Burguete has suggested that the instrument Weiss referred to may be the very theorbo

(No. 3357) currently in the collection of the Leipzig Instrument Museum (see

Illustration 7, above).9 First of all, Weiss says that the instrument had been adapted:

the Leipzig theorbo was worked on twice, by Sebastian Schelle in 1723 and 1726,

each repair being witnessed by a separate label. The adaptations included cutting off

the long extended neck of an Italian theorbo and fitting it with two additional

pegboxes, each of which was to receive four single bass courses. The original label

reads V.Venere in Padova 1613. This may well be the theorbo mentioned in a letter

to the Dresden court from three of J. A. F. Weiss's children; they request that the

instrument be sold and the family given the proceeds to purchase firewood:

[...] des unserm GroBvater gehorig gewesenen, in Italien verfertigten, auf 300
thl. gekosteten, und auf unsem Vater vererbten aber auf allerhochsten Befehl,
an Ew. Konigl. Majestat. Hofkapelle, und in der Instrumentenliste
eingeschriebenen, abgegebenen Tasten-Instruments, Tiorba, allergnadigst und
huldreichst [uns] zuflieBen zu laBen [...] so waren wir auf einmal aus der
allerpeinlichsten Lage, kein Holz zu haben, gezogen, und in den Stand gesetzt,
uns fur diesen von dem Instrumente von Allerhochstderoselben allergnadigst
zuflieBenden Vergutungsbetrag wenigstens einen halben Schragen Holz kaufen
zu konnen.10

[that you might permit us to be given] the Tiorba, constructed in Italy at a cost
of 300 Thaler, which belonged to our grandfather and was inherited by our
father, and which, by the highest authority, was handed over to your Royal
Highnesss Hofkapelle and recorded in the list of keyboard instruments [...] that

9For an argument against this being Weisss adapted theorbo, see Chapter 3,
under the Heinichen theorbo aria I rapidi.

l0Signed Carl Friedrich Weiss, Friedrich Leopold Weiss and Curt Moritz Weiss
and dated December 1815. Loc. 15146, Das Kdnigliche Orchester und deBen
Unterhaltung, Vol. XX, December 1818, 137ff. That the court assented to the request
is suggested by another letter, dated 26 March 1817 (personal communication of
Douglas Alton Smith, based on his research in the same group of documents).

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we might at once escape the most painful situation of having no wood [to
bum], and be enabled by the compensation most mercifully coming to us from
Your Highness to buy at least half a cord [?'*] of wood.

More detail on the German theorbo is provided in two published sources by

Ernst Gottlieb Baron. In Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten,12 Baron repeats

information from Praetorius on the tuning of the Italian theorbo, then adds the

following:

Heute zu Tage aber haben sie [i.e. theorbos] gemeiniglich die neue Lauten-
Stimmung, die unsre jetzige Laute noch hat, weilen es einem Lautenisten zu
sauer werden wolte, wenn er auf die alte Theorbe [i.e. in the old tuning] kame,
alles auf einmahl gantz anders sich einzubilden.

These days, however, [theorbos] generally are in the d-minor tuning,13 which
the present-day lute still has, since it would make things too inconvenient if a
lutenist had to mentally switch to the old theorbo tuning whenever he played
on that instrument.

This is slightly misleading, however. While this German theorbo had the same basic

uDer Schragen refers to a quantity of wood, but draws its basic sense from
schrdg, (here) diagonal, i.e. the way the wood is stacked. That it had a specific sense
at the time is implied by the writers speaking of only a half Schragen. Cord (=128
ft3> has been selected as the most common quantity used in English when speaking of
firewood.

12Niimberg: Johann Friederich Rudiger, 1727, 131.

13I interpret neue Lauten-Stimmung as related to the French accords


nouveaux, a term used from the second quarter of the seventeenth century to designate
some twenty or more variations on the standard lute tuning (see Appendix XV, Tuning
4). By 1650, at the latest, one of the accords nouveaux, the d-minor tuning (see
Appendix XV, Tuning 3), had won out over the other variants. See Wallace Rave's
"Some Manuscripts of French Lute Music 1630-1700," Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign, 1972.
Note that after referring to the neue Lauten-Stimmung, Baron continues: die
unsre jetzige Laute noch hat [which our present-day lute still has; emphasis mine].
Neu was therefore being used to identify a specific tuningthe accord nouveau
rather than to suggest the tuning's age.

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tuning as the baroque lute, it lacked the chanterelle (Gesangsaite), or first string of the

latter instrument. Baron gives the reason for its omission in his "Essay on the

Notational System of the Lute and the Theorbo"14:

So ist zu merken, daB sie [Laute und Theorbe] sehr von einander unterschieden
sind. Denn auf der Laute ist eine Gesangsaite nothig; auf der Theorbe aber, die
eine Terzie tiefer, von der ersten Saite angerechnet, anfangt, und wo der BaB
eine oder auch zwey Saiten mehr hat, fallt die Gesangsaite ganzlich weg: weil
sie wegen der Lange nicht halten will.

So one can see that the lute and theorbo differ considerably from one another.
For the lute requires a chanterelle; but on the theorbo, which begins a third
lower (calculated from the first string) and has one or even two more bass
strings, the chanterelle is omitted because it would break due to the long
mensure.

Weiss also refers to differences between the (baroque) lute, archlute and

theorbo in the above-mentioned letter to Johann Mattheson:

Nun protestire ich aber solennissime, denn meine intention ist gar nicht, eine
musicalische controvers anzufangen, sondem ihnen gehorsamst zu dienen, daB
nehmlich noch kein Lautenist, ich absonderlich, hatte behaupten wollen, die
Laute sey an Vollkommenheit dem Clavier (a) zu gleichen; sondem ich bin der
festen Meinung, daB, nach dem Clavier, kein vollkommeneres Instrument als
dieses, absonderlich zur (b) Galanterie. Theorbe und Arciliuto, welche unter
sich selbst wieder gantz differiren, sind zu Galanterie-Stiicken (c) gar nicht zu
gebrauchen.15

My most solemn objections are not intended to initiate musical controversy, but
to serve you most obediently by informing you that no lutenist--especially me
would maintain that the lute compares to the harpsichord in perfection.16 I only
say that, aside from the harpsichord, there is no more perfect instrument than

14"Herr Barons Abhandlung von dem Notensystem der Laute und der Theorbe,
publ. in F.W. Marpurg's Historisch-kritische Beytrage zur Aufhahme der Musik 2
(1756): 119-23.

l5For more details of the letter, see the opening pages of Chapter 3.

I6Matthesons footnote: Ich weiB verschiedene Exempel derer, die die Laute
weit voransetzen. [I know various of them who much prefer the lute.]

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this, especially for pieces in the galant style.17 The theorbo and archlute, which
are quite different even from each other [emphasis added], are not at all
suitable for use in the gallant syle.

Mattheson was himself aware that the theorbo was an instrument distinct from the

lute, but not, apparently, that the former was not the same as the archlute. In his Neu-

Eroffneten Orchestre, he says that the Italians call this instrument [i.e. the theorbo]

not seldom Archileuto or Archiliuto, and the French Archiluth. [Die Italianer nennen

dis [sic] Instrument nicht selten Archileuto oder Archiliuto, und die Franzosen

Axchiluth.]18 In any event, the theoretician valued the theorbo much more than the

flattering lutes, [which] truly have more partisans in the world than they merit. [Die

schmeichlenden Lauten haben wurklich in der Welt mehr Partisans als sie meritiren]

(Neu-Erdffneten Orchestre, 274). In the same source (278), Mattheson describes the

theorbo as follows:

Es ist der Lauten in vielen Stucken ahnlich / was sonderlich das Corpus und
zum theil den Hals / der langer betrifft; allein es befinden sich darauff 8.
Grosse Sayten im Basse, die zweymahl so lang und dicke sind / als der Lauten
ihre 6. Wodurch der Klang so geschmeidig und summend wird / daB viele die
Theorbe dem Clavir vorziehen wollen [...]19

It is in many ways similar to the lute, especially as concerns the body and, to
an extent, the neck, which is longer. But [on the neck of the theorbo] there are
8 long bass strings, twice as long and as thick as the lutes 6. Which is why the
sound is so supple and resonant that many prefer the theorbo to the harpsichord
[-.]

,7Matthesons footnote: Damit bin ich vollig eins." [I am fully in accord with
this.]

,8Hamburg: auf Unkosten des Autoris, 1713, 279.

,9See also, Peter Paffgen, ...ein forschrittsbesessener Kampfergeist... Johann


Mattheson ./. Laute, Gitarre & Laute 9/6 (November/December 1987): 35-39.

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But now to the difference in tuning between the (baroque) lute and the German

theorbo: the highest sounding string of the former is pitched at f ; its second string is

tuned a minor third lower, to d \ the pitch of the German theorbo's highest string. And

it is precisely this point that is missed by both Nigel North (Condnuo Playing on the

Lute, Bloomington, 1987) and Robert Spencer ("Chitarrone, Theorbo and Archlute,"

EM, 1976). Both identify the theorbierte Laute (see Illustration 3, above) with the

German theorbo (see Illustration 7, above). Spencer paraphrases the Untersuchung:

"Baron (1727) said that Weiss played thorough-bass exceptionally well on lute or

tiorba, and that the Theorba of his day often employed die neue Lauten-Stimmung (D

minor tuning) [...]" (414). Later in the same article (419), Spencer mentions a theorbo

by Sebastian Scheile (in the collection of Friedemann Hellwig) "of traditional 17th-

century design with single basses, though the string-length of 88.0 cm would have

precluded the D minor tuning suggested by Baron." First of all, although the Scheile

theorbo currently has a mensure of 88cm for the fretted courses, examination of the

instrument reveals that the bridge placement has been changed and that the mensure

originally was ca 86cm.20 A 0.43mm gut treble tuned to d1 has a tension of 4.4kg at a

This point is confirmed by two versions of Eine Theorbe von Sebastian


Scheile: Numberg 1728, published by Klaus Martius in: Gitarre & Laute 14/3
(May/June 1992): 13-16; Restauro 1/95, 28-33. On a color photo reproduced on page
28 of the latter publication, this displacement can be clearly seen. Martius, under the
heading bridge and soundboard [Steg und Oecke], says that hand in hand with this
admittedly slight lengthening of the mensure (2cm), the barring on the underside of
the top has clearly been changed at this spot. [Hand in Hand mit dieserzwar nur
geringen (2 cm)--Mensurverlangerung wurde auch die Balkenkonstruktion auf der
Deckenunterseite an dieser Stelle entscheidend verandert] (29). Details are lacking as
to who performed these alterations and when.

57

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mensure of 86cm, and a 0.46mm string a tension of 5kg (the tension of the first string

of a baroque violin.)21 Those who may argue that 4.4 (or 5) kg would have been too

high a tension for the first course of a theorbo should note that a 0.41mm string would

produce only 4kg, and a 0.37mm string only 3.3kg of tension (the latter would likely

have sounded too thin). In other words, while questions remain as to just which strings

would have been used on which courses, the Scheile instrument discussed above could

certainly have had a first course tuned to d1, the first precondition for its being used as

a German theorbo. (Spencers conclusions are understandable, however, since he was

apparently unaware of Baron's 1756 article, and was basing his calculations on a first

string pitch of f1.)

Nowadays, modem string manufacturers offer a wider variety of gauges than

was available in the eighteenth century, giving players and builders more choice in

determining the mensure of a lute to built. In the eighteenth century, instrument

mensure was subject to the constraints of a combination of available strings and the

pitch standards which obtained in a given city. Put another way, both the thickness of

the available strings and the local (organ) pitch standard were givens. The third and

deciding factor was that lutes were traditionally timed by taking the chanterelle (or

first course) up as near the breaking point as possible, to obtain the best sound out of

21Interestingly, the 0.43mm string is probably what was used on lutes of the
time as a second course, but also tuned to d 1(which on a lute with a mensure of
71.5cm produces a tension of 3.05kg). The higher tension this string would have as a
first course on the larger instrument is in keeping with standard practice, so that the
top voice will not be overshadowed by the lower courses.
Tensions have been calculated with the string gauge of the Bemd Kurschner
company (Taunusstein-Wehen, Germany).

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the instrument. Where the Kammerton was 415Hz, for example, lutes were built with a

mensure of ca 71.4cm (with some instruments at 75.6cm, to be tuned im tiefen

Kammerton, or 392Hz).22 Where the pitch standard was higher, lutes for local use were

made smaller, where it was lower, larger instruments were the result.23

Another instrument in the Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum fitting the

specifications of a German theorbo was made by Johann Christian Hoffmann (see

Illustration 8, below). A number of other instruments which may have been German

theorbos survive, but their history and organology must be fleshed out before

conclusions can be drawn.

The German theorbo has no surviving solo literature that has been identified.

Baron says (in 1756) that melodies are played on the lute; the theorbo, on the other

hand, was developed exclusively for accompanying.24 Caution is advised in

interpreting this statement, however, since obbligato theorbo parts for Dresden survive.

Furstenau gives the pitch in Dresden in Hasse's time as 417. Wahrend die
Stimmgabel der Kapelle zu Hasse's Zeiten 417 (850) Schwingungen zahlte, weist die
jetzige im Theater 443 (892) auf. In der katholischen Hofkirche ist die Stimmung
ziemlich die tiefe Hasse'sche geblieben, da die Orgel sorgfaltig in derselben erhalten
wird. [While the tuning fork of the Kapelle in Hasses time vibrated at 417 (850[?]),
the current [timing fork] in the theater vibrates at 443 (892[?]). In the Catholic church,
the pitch has stayed at about the level [of] Hasses [time], since the organ there has
been carefully maintained.] Zur Geschichte, II, 290.

23Most of the raw data (and many of the arguments) on which my conclusions
are based were obtained in lengthy conversations on period lute organology with
Andre Burguete.

^"A uf der Laute werden Melodien gemacht; die Theorbe aber ist nur zum
Accompagnement erfunden." (Baron/Marpurg, 123).

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Illustration 8: German theorbo. Joh: Christian Hoffman Konigl. Poln. und Churf-
Sachs. Hoff Instrument- und Lautenmacher in Leipzig. 1720. Stringing (Mensure)
2x1, 6x2 (77.8cm); 6x2 (115.7cm). Leipzig Musikinstrumenten-Museum: Nr 506.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
It would be a mistake to assume that the German theorbo was in use

throughout the German-speaking regions of eighteenth-century Europe.25 In Vienna,

where the Italian court theorbist and composer Francesco Bernardo Conti was active,

the term theorbo meant what it had a century or more earlier in Italy. The theorbos

used by Weisss predecessors in Dresden were probably similar to the one in

Illustration 2, above. But the theorbo in use in Kursachsen by the time of Weisss

letter to Mattheson (21 March 1723) was the new German type, with the tuning clearly

distinguishing it from its Italian counterpart (compare Tunings 1 and 2, Appendix

XV). The general body shape and the technical details of the neck extensions were

also different. The Italian theorbo traditionally had a multi-rib bowl which was

considerably shallower and wider than its German counterpart; the length of the

extended neck accommodated diapasons which were often more than two times the

length of the fretted strings. The German model knew various body types (see

Illustrations 7 and 8, above), although most of them seem to have had the narrower,

deeper form associated with theorboed baroque lutes of the period. Still, the use to

which an instrument was put is often a deciding factor in assigning it a name, as

shown by the example of the Venere instrument (Illustration 7, above). Although it has

a shallow multi-ribbed bowl, and originally was an Italian theorbo (no doubt with a

long extended neck), the modification of the pegboxes together with the way it was

tuned justify us in calling it a German theorbo.

To my knowledge, there is no evidence that this type of theorbo was used


outside of the German-speaking regions of Europe.

61

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Practical experience with theorbos suggests that what lay behind the shortening

of the extended neck was a change in string technology. Extensive documentation is as

yet lacking, but the overspun strings which Playford had advertised in the 1660's, and

which were certainly in use in Saxony by the time of Weiss, seem to have dictated

reducing the length of the diapasons.26 On the older Italian instruments, the longer gut

diapasons were almost certainly needed to produce sufficient volume and clarity. The

attendant disadvantage was that the difference in color as compared to the last fretted

course was likely considerable. Greater homogeneity of tonal color could be obtained

with the shorter neck extensions that began to appear circa 1720 by using overspun

bass strings (overspun basses on the longer diapasons of Italian theorbos would have

continued ringing far too long, and the evidence supplied by original pegs suggests

that they continued to be strung in the old way).27

Arciliuto2*

The archlute is remarkably similar in general outline to an Italian theorbo (see

Illustrations 1 and 2, above), but the body of the former is more compact and the

Based on the unpublished organological research of Andre Burguete. One of


the indications for the presence of overspun strings is the impression made by the wire
wrapping of overspun strings on tuning pegs which can be demonstrated to be original.

27Before firm conclusions can be drawn, research into period taste in matters of
tonal color would be required, especially as it pertains to the desirability of
homogenous transitions between the various registers of plucked instruments.

Some references in the Dresden materials use the variant spelling arcileuto
(score to A. Lotti's Teofane, 184, e.g.), but nothing suggests that a different instrument
is implied.

62

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overall dimensions smaller, making a conventional lute tuning possible (see Appendix

XV, Tuning 4). This similarity may have caused some people in the eighteenth century

to mistake the theorbo for the archlute. Note again Weisss remarks to Johann

Mattheson (quoted above):

Theorbe und Arciliuto, welche unter sich selbst wieder gantz differiren, sind zu
Galanterie-Stucken (c) gar nicht zu gebrauchen.

The theorbo and archlute, which are quite different even from each other,
cannot be used at all in Galanterie pieces.29

The reader is advised that the arciliuto under discussion here is not the same as

the liuri attiorbato. The former has a mensure (for the fretted courses) of ca 67cm, and

generally fourteen courses, the last seven or eight of which run to a pegbox on an

extended second neck. The length of the diapasons running to the neck extension is in

a relationship of approximately two to one to the fretted courses. The liuto attiorbato

(see Illustration 9, below) while having as a rule the same string disposition and

tuning (though perhaps at a higher pitch), has a neck extension that is proportionately

shorter (about 150% of the fretted courses). The soundboard of the liuto attiorbato is

rounder (or squatter) and it is the present authors experience that they do not produce

the same volume of sound as arciliuti, and are therefore more suited to playing solo

music (or in lute ensembles) than basso continuo (unless it be in company with other

lutes). They would not be effective playing the archlute part in Arcangello Corellis

Opus 1 trio sonatas, for example.

29Mattheson's fin: "Der Hr. B. mercke diesen Unterschied von der Laute. pag.
131." [Herr Baron should note this difference from the lute (p. 131 [of
Untersuchung]).]

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The liuto attiorbato is perhaps the least well understood of the entire lute

family, certainly as far as the seventeenth century is concerned. Its short fretted-string

length makes difficult left-hand positions easier to manage, but the instruments

relatively squat soundboard makes the quality of the sound produced rather thin and

constrained, at least by twentieth-century standards. The volume of sound produced is

usually unsatisfactory for solo playing in any but the smallest halls. For purposes of

accompaniment, although they do not do well standing alone, they can lend a useful

edge to the sound of the continuo band. A number of these instruments were built in

seventeenth-century Italy, however, and their organology and repertoire would provide

ample material for a doctoral dissertation. The current author knows of no evidence

that the liuto attiorbato was used in eighteenth-century Dresden.

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Illustration 9: liuto attiorbato. Matteo Sellas alia Corona in Venetia [no date, but
probably around 1640]. Stringing (Mensure): lxl, 6x2 (50cm); 7x2 (70cm?). Leipzig
Musiltinstrumenten-Museum Nr 495.

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Personnel records suggest that after 1719 the arciliuto played little or no role in

Dresden music practice. As noted in Chapter 1, records for 1709 list Gottfried Bentley

and Francesco Arigoni as archlutenists; moreover, in 1719, only Arigoni is listed for

that instrument. Arigoni died on 27 December 1719, but even if he was still playing in

the orchestra on 13 September 1719 (f.p. of Teofane, which contains the first surviving

mention of archlute in a score) we know for certain that the performer was not he but

Weiss (on baroque lute), as explained in Chapter 3, below. Both Hasse (twice) and

Lotti (once) specified archlute rather than the (in Dresden) far more common baroque

lute, but this should come as no surprise: both composers represented the Italian

tradition, where the baroque lute was virtually unknown and archlutes and (Italian)

theorbos were the standard. (For views of the lutenists in the orchestra pit for the

premiere of Teofane, see Chapter 5, Figures 36 and 37.)

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Illustration 10: colascione. Johann Heinrich Kramer, Wien 1704. Stringing
(Mensure): 8x2 (94cm). Johanneum, Graz.

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Colascione

Thomas Balthasar Janowkas Clavis ad Thesaurum Magnae Artis Musicae (s.v.

Gallichon) lists the timing A or B-C-D-G-c-e-a.30 Johann Mattheson refers to an

instrument called the Calichon in his Neu-Erdjfneten Orchestre in the following

terms:

Wir wollen dem prompten Calichon (welches ein kleines Lauten-maBiges mit 5.
[!] Einfachen Sayten bezogenes / und fast wie die Viola di Gamba gestimmtes
Instrument / (D. [oder?] G.c.f.a.d[1].) endlich permittiren / daB er dann und
wann / doch in Gesellschafft des herrschenden Clavires / ein Stimmchen
accompagniren durffe.31

We would like finally to permit the easily played Calichon (which is a small,
lute-like instrument, with five single strings and tuned almost like a viola da
gamba (D [or?] G-c-f-a-d[].), now and again to accompany a little melody,
together with the dominant [literally mling] harpsichord.

Clearly the two writers are speaking of instruments with different functions, the first

being a bass instrument for accompanying and the second a treble instrument which

lent itself to playing melodies.32 An example of the former type is included in James

Talbots Manuscript (Christ Church Library Music MS 1187). This instrument has a

30Prague: in Magno Collegio Carolino Typis Georgii Labaun, 1701; facs. repr.
Amsterdam: Frits Knuf, 1973; vol. 2 in series Dictionarum Musicum.

3,Hamburg: aur Unkosten des Autoris, 1713. See also Paffgen, ...ein
forschrittsbesessener Kampfergeist... Johann Mattheson ./. Laute, Gitarre & Laute 9/6
(November/December 1987): 35-39.

32The lower of the two had a long mensure (the colascione at Illustration 10 is
94cm); the higher instrument would have had a considerably shorter vibrating-string
length, varying depending on local pitch standards. Andre Burguete, who posits that
the continuo part to the chorus "Lasset uns den nicht zerteilen" (Johannespassion, No
54) would have been played by colascione (gallichone), is currently pursuing research
into how the instrument might have been tuned for the purpose. (Personal
communication, 29 April 1995.)

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mensure of 3 feet, 2 inches, and 3 lignes, which translates into ca 97.5cm.33 In both

cases, an important distinction between the colascione and the lute and theorbo was

that all strings (or courses, i.e. pairs of strings) of the former could be fretted. Thus,

available notes were not determined by open strings, important in the low bass

register. Taking the tuning (supplied by Janowka) with the low A, for purposes of

illustration, all chromatic tones from A to a1 were available (from the open seventh

course to the twelfth fret on the first course). The (unffettable) diapasons of the

Venere theorbo went from F to F, but if we restrict ourselves to the range starting at

the lowest course of the colascione, six of ten pitches (from A to F #) were available

on the theorbo; all ten could be played on the colascione.

Three pieces including chalcedono (i.e. colascione) have been found to date

in the collection of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek, but only one of them was written

for the Dresden court, Heinichen's Lobe den Herm (Mus. 2398-E-506). For a

discussion of these works, see Chapter 4.

Six sonatas for colascioncino by one Domenico Colla are part of the Dresden

collection (Mus. 2702-V-l), the last of which is "per Colascioncino di due corde" [for

two-stringed colascioncino]. The tuning and characteristics of the instrument are not

clear, but the works are written out in soprano and bass clefs (the latter presumably

for basso continuo accompaniment). The ambitus of the treble part of the first four

sonatas is from a-e3 and of the last two a-f3, including frequent double stops

throughout the instrument's range. The bass clef goes down to a C in the last sonata

33See Michael Prynnes article on the manuscript, GSJ 14 (1961): 63-64.

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(in F) and otherwise does not go below D; the highest note in the bass part is e1, and

the part is of a simplicity that would have made realization possible on a wide range

of instruments (including lutes). The present author noted only one continuo figure in

the part.

Mandolino34

Mandoline has so far been encountered only once in the vocal music composed

for Dresden, in Antonio Lotti's Teofane-, but, as explained in Chapter 3, baroque lute,

not mandoline, was used to play the piece. No evidence has been found to date which

would indicate mandoline was part of eighteenth-century plucked-string practice in

Dresden and it will therefore not be discussed here.

Conclusion

This brief overview shows clearly that references to lutes in the Dresden

materials need to be interpreted with circumspection. In the three cases where arciliuto

is specified in the score, available evidence suggests that it was not the instrument

used to perform the piece (for details, see Chapters 3 and 4). Surviving theorbo parts

all date from after Weisss letter to Mattheson (i.e. 1723), in which he speaks of his

adapted (i.e. German) theorbo. That being said, the German theorbo, whose

MTwo Dresden sources include three solo pieces for mandolino by Johann
Schuster (Mus. 3549-V-l). The three pieces seem to bear no relationship one to the
other, and consist of: Andante in D ("Del Sigr Schuster") (1); Allegretto in C (1-2);
Andante in A (3-4). All pieces are written on two G-clefs.

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characteristics certainly influenced Weisss realizations, just as assuredly did not

influence the bass lines written by Hasse. An Italian theorbo could as easily have been

used, albeit with some modifications to the results. Only Heinichens I rapidi seems

to take the German theorbos range and tuning into account, but even here there are

problems (see the discussion of the aria in Chapter 3). Liuto refers to the baroque lute,

in one of its various forms, which seems to have played a very limited role in Dresden

ensemble vocal music. Future studies covering the lute instrumentarium in Berlin and

Vienna, as well as other centers of lute activity, would be welcome.

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CHAPTER 3

ARIAS WITH OBBLIGATO LUTE/THEORBO

By far the majority of the operas and other ensemble vocal works written for

Dresden did not include lute arias, and the practice should be viewed as reserved for

special occasions: Lottis Teofane and Heinichens Serenata nel Giardino Chinese

(both 1719) were part of the celebrations for the Crown Prince's marriage1; Hasses

Cleofide was his inaugural opera as Kapellmeister at Dresden (1731), and, like

Teofane, was premiered on August the Strongs birthday (13 September); Hasses II

Cantico was written for Easter (1734); Heinichens Flavio Crispo was planned for the

1720 carnival season, but was never performed.

Lute arias were certainly not bravura affairs; the instruments intimate

character was antithetical to larger ensembles, where the theorbo was the instrument of

choice, something Weiss readily admits in the letter to Johann Mattheson (cited in

Chapter 2, above). (Note also that Weiss preferred the lute in solo cantatas):

Im Orchestre aber zu accompagniren mit der Laute, das ware freilich zu


schwach und (e) unansehnlich; ob ich zwar bey hiesigen Beilagers-Festins eine
Aria con Liuto solo, in der Opera, mit dem bekannten Bercelli, hatte, die soil
aber, wie man sagt, guten effect gethan haben. Erstlich hatte ich eine treffliche
Laute. Zweitens war die Aria sehr brillant fur das Instrument. Drittens ging
nichts mit, als das Clavier und der Contra-Bafi. Und diese schlugen nichts, als
die Haupt-Noten im Bail an. Sonsten habe nun, im Orchestre und Kirche zu
accompagniren, ein eigenes (f) Instrument accomodirt. Es hat die GroBe,

The festivities lasted for more than a month and involved enormous expense,
requiring even the wealthy Saxon court to spread payments over the ensuing three
years (based on the present author's archival research in the Sachsisches Staatsarchiv,
Dresden). Documents relative to court marriage festivities are listed under:
Oberhofmarschallamt B Nr 20/a-c.

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Lange, Starke und resonance von der veritablen Tiorba; thut eben den effect;
ausser daB die Stimmung differiret. Desselbigen bediene mich bey dergleichen
Gelegenheit. Was aber in Camera betrifft, soversichere, daB eine Cantata ' Voce
sola, nebst dem Clavier, mit der Laute accompagniit, einen viel bessem effect
thut, als mit dem Arciliuto, oder auch mit der Tiorba: denn diese beide letztem
werden ordinairement mit den Nageln (g) gespielet, geben also in der Nahe
einen aspem, ruden Klang (h) von sich.

A lute accompanying in an orchestra would certainly be too weak and


inconsequential,2 although I did have an aria con liuto solo at the nuptial
celebrations here, with the famous Bercelli [Matteo Berselli], which is said to
have been quite effective. Firstly, I had an excellent lute; secondly, the aria
was brilliantly written for the instrument; thirdly, nothing else accompanied but
the harpsichord and contrabass, and they played only the main notes in the
bass. I have adapted one of my instruments for accompanying in the orchestra
and in church:3 it has the size, length, power and resonance of the true
theorbo, and has the same effect, just that the tuning is different. I use this
instrument on these occasions. But let me assure you that in a chamber cantata
for solo voice, the lute, together with the harpsichord, is more effective than
the archlute or even the theorbo: these last two instruments are usually played
with nails4 and produce a coarse, harsh sound up close.5

While Weisss cautious tone may be partly due to his respect for Matthesons position,

he offers no less than three arguments to defend his use of the lute in this aria: the

instrument was an excellent one; the aria was brilliantly written; the ensemble was

of modest size. Weiss admits that the lute as an instrument of accompaniment in an

orchestral context, would certainly be too weak and inconsequential; as an obbligato

instrument, it could be quite effective--but only when the ensemble was small. As

2Matthesons footnote: Ist just, was ich sage: aliis verbis. [This is exactly
what I say: aliis verbis.]

3Matthesons footnote: Das ist loblich. [That is praiseworthy.]

4Matthesons footnote: Notetur ad pag. 131. [Note page 131 [of Baron's
Untersuchung.]]

5Matthesons footnote: Ist wahr. [True.]

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will be discussed under the Hasse arciliuto arias, below, we are quite justified in

asking if arias scored for larger forces were perhaps not played with the theorbo (as

noted above, we have no evidence that Weiss played the archlute). More will be said

about this under the individual arias, below.

Of the six arias discussed in this chapter, four were for operas, and one of

those (to Giovanni Alberto Riston's Don Chischiotte) does not involve a full-blown

lute part. For details, see Table 1 and the discussions of the individual arias, below.

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Table 1: Preliminary List of Lute and Theorbo Arias Composed for Dresden

Composer: Work: Aria: first lute type named in lute type MS# (score)
performance: the score: used: Mus. *-*-*
A. Lotti Teofane "Lascia chc nel suo 13/9/1719 "Mandolino, 6 baroque lute 2159-F-7
viso" Arcileuto"
J. D. Heinichcn Serenaia nel Giardino "I Rapidi" 7/9/1719 "Tiorba" German 2398-L-l
Chinese theorbo
i. D. Heinichcn Flavio Crispo "lo vorrei saper never "Liuto" never 2398-F-3
d'amore" performed performed
G. A. Ristori Un pazzo ne fa cento "Can Gufi che 2/2/1727 "Leuto" baroque 2455-F-2
owero Don Chischiotte intomo volaic lute (7)
imparate"

J. A. Hasse Cleofide "Cerva al bosco" 13/9/1731 "Arcileuto" German 2477-F-9


theorbo(7)
J. A. Hasse li cantico de' ire "Tune all'invito 23/4/1734 "Arcileuto" German 2477-D-8
fanciulli de'nostri accenti" theorbo(7)

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75
Lute and Theorbo Arias Composed for Dresden

No playing parts survive to the lute arias written for Dresden (which might

well have included performance indications in the way of pencil additions). Moreover,

Silvius Weiss composed no vocal worksat least none that surviveleaving us with no

direct evidence of how he viewed the lutes role in such pieces (beyond his remarks

to Mattheson quoted above). Since Weiss found the Lotti aria Lascia, che nel suo

viso (Teofane) to be brilliantly written for the instrument, it behooves us to

examine it first.

"Lascia che nel suo viso" (II/26) to A. Lotti's Teofane (Mus. 2159-F-7)7

Teofane was premiered in the new Opernhaus am Zwinger on 13 September

1719 as part of the celebrations for the marriage of Crown Prince Frederick August II

and the Habsburg Princess Maria Josepha. daughter of Joseph I of Austria.* The

program for the weeks surrounding the wedding included three operas by Antonio

Lotti, Giove in Argo (inaugural opera of Opernhaus am Zwinger, 3 September),

Ascanio (7 September) and Teofane (13 September). There is no evidence of lute

obbligato parts in the first two of these operas. Weiss spoke of "an aria (emphasis

*0/2 = Act n, Scene 2. This system will be used henceforth with further
comment.

7For a facsimile of the complete aria, see Appendix IX. No modem edition has
been included, since the aria was played as written and is already in staff notation.

*Unfortunately, no good views of the exterior of the opera house are known to
have survived; for a view of the lutenists in the orchestra pit, see Chapter 4, Figures
35 and 36.

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mine) con liuto solo in the opera" [Teofane]', had there been more than one, he

doubtless would have mentioned it. He probably participated in the other operas as a

theorbist playing continuo, although no evidence for this conjecture has been found to

date (for more on theorbo continuo in the opera, see Chapter 5). "Lascia che nel suo

viso" is scored for obbligato "Mandolino, o Arcileuto" and "Basso" and was sung by

the noted castrato Matteo Berselli, in the role of Adelberto (see Figure 1 below).9

|\ A | 1*
VwP fin r O > r ^ r t u ' Wiriiin Ir In?
/VVcilcuto- LI ,ULi 1 r ----^ - T

i---------
}

ii
------------i f r - 1. v ;
------------------------- . ^ t I----------;4-----------H
1 --------
Figure 1: Opening measures of "Lascia che nel suo viso."

Weiss says that nothing else accompanied but the harpsichord and contrabass, and

they played only the main notes in the bass.10 But this remark is confusing, since the

bass line is quite simple as it is. By the main notes in the bass does he refer to

downbeats? Or did Weiss modify the bass line in ways other than simple octave

The other roles were distributed as follows: Ottone: Senesino; Teofana: Santa
Stella Lotti (wife of the composer); Emireno: Boschi; Gismonda: Durastanti; Matilda:
Tesi; Isauro: Guicciardi; Negli spettacoli (La Felicita, una Naiade, la Germania):
Signora Antonia Coralli. Source: Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, n, 142 (fn.).

l0See Weisss letter to Mattheson, above. The identification of this aria with the
aria con liuto solo mentioned in Weisss letter was made by Andre Burguete in 1991.
Mr Burguete played the first modem performance of the work in the opening concert
to the international lute congress Silvius Leopold Weiss und seine ZeitEuropaische
Lautenkunst des Barock, in Freiburg i.B., Germany on 8 September 1992.

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transposition, leaving the bass line as written to the harpsichord and double bass? Did

he play continuo during the rests in the lute part? We are unlikely to ever have a

definitive answer to these questions.

The vocal line goes up to d3(downbeat of measure 47), and a great deal of it

lies above e2. (The tessitura of the lute part is deceptive in that it would have sounded

an octave lower than written.) The lute does not always accompany, as Figure 2

below, illustrates: at the highpoint of the phrase (sung on the second syllable of cos-

tan-za) the lute is silent. Given the relatively soft sound of the instrument, when it

does participate in such passages, the desired effect may have been primarily a timbral

one.

I*
- i - ^ -----------
^
--------------- 1 - ;
h
K. ,
4- r f c i : x r r T f i f 1 flr ,1 jfr
iJ ITr
/
\ *
i& z 1 - 4- f" & f r S r I \
----L----5- ------ --------\ ;
i------- ------ r i -j i
= p = L r > t
j* _
Figure 2: Measures 23 to 26 of Lascia che nel suo viso.

That being said, the lute does participate in the buildup to the highest note of the

vocal part, the d3 at measure 47 (see Figure 3 below). Note, however, that the lute

does not play all the way to the cadence, only resuming after the downbeat of the last

note in the voice. (Was Lotti giving the vocalist room to ornament the cadence without

the distracting element of running 16ths in the lute part?)

78

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Figure 3: Measures 43 to 49 of Lascia che nel suo viso.

In preparing the part for the compact disc which accompanies this dissertation,

the author was at first inclined to take the "main notes in the bass" to mean tasto solo,

i.e. that any chords were to be provided by the lute. When the voice part was added,

however, the aria sounded plodding when not taken at quite a brisk tempo (circa

quarter note=100). The lute was unable to supply both the part as written and an

accompanying harmony without sounding rushed at this speed. Asking the harpsichord

to play chords only during rests in the lute part seemed inconsistent, particularly since

that was the only point at which the lute could comfortably have played full

harmonies. It is not false modesty which moves the author to suggest that Weiss may

have played a more elaborate part than that recorded on the accompanying compact

disc. As David Kellner said in his continuo treatise of Weisss playing:

Dafl der beruhmte Sylvius Leopold Weiss auf seiner Laute was rechtschaffenes
accompagniren und auf derselben das praestiren kan, was andere mussen
bleiben lassen, solches ist mehr seiner Geschicklichkeit als dem Instrument
zuzuschreiben.11

That the famous Silvius Leopold Weiss could accompany so ably on the lute,

"From the introduction to his Treulicher unterricht im General-Bass, Hamburg,


1732.

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and could play that which others had to omit, is more a credit to his ability
than a testimony to the capacity of the instrument.

Still, Weiss called Lottis lute writing brilliant, leaving open the possibility that he

made no changes in the part. (Nothing in the text suggests one realization above

another.)

The lute part to "Lascia che nel suo viso" is primarily single-line, with only

rare double-stops. Despite the instrumentation in the score, Weiss played the part on

baroque lute, not archlute or mandoline. (Recall that in Weisss above-mentioned letter

to Mattheson, he speaks of playing the aria on the lute, adding that the archlute and

theorbo differed from each other and from the lute. For more information on the

baroque lute, see Chapter 2; for performance notes on the aria, see Chapter 6.)

"Io vorrei saper d'amore" HI/14 to Johann David Heinichen's Flavio Crispo (Mus.
2398-F-3)12
Flavio Crispo was composed in 1720 but fell victim to political in-fighting and
was never performed.13 The opera was only completed through Act HI, Scene 15 (and

breaks off in the recitative to scene 16); the libretto (Dlb MTT 4 ' 109 Rara) is
complete and concludes with Act in, Scene 17. "Io vorrei saper d'amore" is sung by

12A facsimile of the complete aria and the authors edition are included as
Appendix VI and I, respectively.

13The conflict between Heinichen and the singers Matteo Berselli and Francesco
Bemardi (Senesino) concerned rehearsals for Flavio Crispo and led to the dismissal of
most of the Italian contingent, as well as bringing opera at Dresden to a standstill for
the rest of Heinichen's tenure as Kapellmeister. For more information, see M.
Furstenau, Zur Geschichte, II 153-54.

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Elena, described in the libretto (3) as a Principessa Inglese aUevate in Cone

dellImperadore [an English princess raised at the court of the Emperor]. In the

libretto, Elenas text concludes Act m . Scene 15 (of the libretto, 14 of the score),

which she shares with Alfrida, figliuola dAssanico Re della Francia orientale.14

Io vorrei saper damore


Altra [maggior in score] prova, che il morir.
A me resta
Solo questa;
Se la vieti al mio furore,
Lotterro dal mio martir. (Libretto, 68)

^ ^ \ *
Figure 4: Opening measures of lute aria to Heinichen's Flavio Crispo.

The piece is scored for violini pizzicati and liuto, with the latter part written (almost

l4The list of characters from page 3: Costantino[;] Flavio Crispo, figluiolo di


Costantino del primo Letto[;] Fausta, figliuola dellImperador Massimiano, e Moglie di
Costatino[;] Mapenzio, fratello di Fausta[;] Elena, Principessa Inglese allevata in Corte
dellImperadore[;] Alfrida, figliuola dAssanico Re della Francia orientale[;] Gilimero,
Principe Barbara nelleserciso di Costantino. La Scena e in Roma.

81

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entirely in two voices) in soprano and bass clefs (see Figure 4, below). The aria is in

D-minor and the lute part does not exceed the range of an eleven-course baroque

lute.13 The upper voice is wide-ranging and quite idiomatically written. The same

cannot be said of the bass line (which is virtually identical to the continuo line); if

functional compositionally, the bass line makes for inconvenient positional changes on

the lute. This is illustrated by measures 8 and 9 of the aria (see Figure 5, below).

Nothing in measure 8 is inconvenient, although a lutenist/composer would almost

certainly have written the bass line an octave lower from the second quarter of

measure 8. The second half of the second beat of measure 9 (g in the bass against d2

in the top voice), on the other hand, involves an awkward stretch: the fourth (little)

finger of the left hand is on the ninth fret of the first course (d2) and the first finger on

the fifth fret of the sixth course (g).16 This problem spot is not unplayable (assuming

the lutenist has large hands)and makes sense compositionallybut is the kind of

writing not encountered in parts (and solos) written by lutenists. Putting this stretch of

bass line down an octave (through the d at the downbeat of measure 10see check

to the right of the bass line) would look bad on paper (the voices would be too far

apart, for one thing), but it is far more idiomatic. (The aria has similarly awkward

l5The lowest note of the piece, a C at bar 49, corresponds to the eleventh
course of a baroque lute; the highest note of the piece is a frequently occurring d2.
Heinichen also composed instrumental and vocal works including obbligato theorbo
and clearly knew the difference between the two instruments. For more on the theorbo
aria to his Serenata nel Giardino Chinese, see this chapter, below.

l6Playing the g at the tenth fret of the sixth course is even more awkward.

82

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Figure 5: Measures 8 and 9 of "Io vorrei saper d'amore."

passages when played on archlute.)

Note, however, that the lute part to the Lotti aria discussed above has no bass

line. Moreover, the same reasoning which supports playing the Lotti aria as written

argues for deleting the bass line here when necessary to achieve an idiomatic and

flowing part. This is the approach that was taken on the accompanying recording. The

lutenists Johann Christian Weyrauch (1694-1771) and Adam Falkenhagen (1697-1761)

felt justified in arranging certain solo works of J.S. Bach to make them more suitable

to the lute,17 and one strongly suspects that players of the time would have done

1TThe reader is referred to Andre Burguetes book on the Bach lute works, cited
in Chapter 2. The author was kind enough to give me access to the materials before
publication.

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similar things with obbligato parts when necessary. Moreover, the parts to Flavio

Crispo (Mus. 2398-F-3a [microfilm], 236) reveal that Basso di Rip[ieno] [violone?]

e Basson were to play during the instrumental sections of the aria, which presupposes

harpsichord and cello.18 Given that, and the unidiomatic nature of sections of the bass

line (in the context of the upper voice), doubling the bass line on the lute likely would

have been considered superfluous by a period lutenist.19

The piece would have worked equally well on archlute or baroque lute. Neither

the German nor the Italian theorbo (see Chapter 2) would have accommodated the

upper range of the piece. For performance notes, see Chapter 6.

l8Weiss was the only lutenist active in Dresden at this time. Therefore, had the
opera been performed, theorbo would not have been part of the continuo band.

I9There is, of course, nothing against it, when adding the bass line is idiomatic
for the lute and it enhances the effect, such as in the chordal passage near the end of
the A-section.

84

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"Can Gufi che intomo volate imparate" (1/10) to Giovanni Alberto Riston's Un pazzo
ne f a cento owero Don Chischiotte (Mus. 2455-F-2)

Figure 6: Opening measures to 'Can Gufi che intomo volate imparate

This is not a full-blown lute aria, but it has been included here in order to

correct errors published nearly ninety years ago by Hans Volkmann which, to my

knowledge, remain unchallenged. Ristoris Un pazzo ne fa cento owero Don

Chischiotte (Mus. 2455-F-2) was first performed during Cameval o f the year 1727 (2

February). Leuto is mentioned twice in 1/8; in \J 10, the bass line to Isadora's aria "Cari

Gufi che intomo volate imparate" is marked "Violette, Violoncello, e Leuto" (see

Figure 6, above). Hans Volkmann's discussion of these two scenes in his otherwise

excellent early biographical sketch of Weiss includes the following errors:

Ristori fuhrt in einer Arie seiner Oper "Un pazzo ne fa cento" (1,7) die
Basslaute unisono mit dem Violoncello, dem Lautenisten die harmonische
Fiillung uberlassend, nachdem er diesem bereits in einem Rezitativ mit den

85

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Worten: "S'ode un Leuto" Raum zum Improvisieren gewahrt hat.20

Ristori, in an aria of his opera Un pazzo ne fa cento (1,7 [sic]), has the bass
lute play in unison with the 'cello, leaving the filling out of the harmony to the
lutenist, who has already had an opportunity to improvise in the recitative with
the indication "S'ode un Leuto.

First of all, the aria Volkmann refers to is in Act I, Scene 10 (not 7). Secondly, he

offers no justification for his conclusion that a bass lute played the part (nor does he

define the term bass lute). Thirdly, the bass line is in tenor clef and unfigured and the

lutenist almost certainly played tasto solo (see Figure 6, above). In the case of the

recitative, in Act I, Scene 8, the expression "s'ode un leuto" (see Figure 7, below)

simply means "one hears a lute" (from the verb "udire"), not that the lutenist was to

improvise. This is made all the more clear by the indication three measures later,

"replica il suono," or "the sound is repeated" (see Figure 8, below). The intervening

sung text reads "Ma qual perla nottuma aria si spande suon di musiche corde?" [But

what nocturnal pearl sends forth this sound of musical strings?]. More than likely

someone offstage (in the pit?) simply played a chord, then repeated it three measures

later to complete the word-picture. The type of instrument used in this instance is of

little moment, as it's only functioning as a prop. In in /5 of Un pazzo, Alvaro has an

Adagio (da capo) aria ("Io vi lascio o belle belle lagrime") with "Flute traversiere" and

a bass line "senza contrabassi" that would have made a delightful lute aria. Alas!

20"Sylvius Leopold Weiss, der letzte grosse Lautenist: biographische Skizze,"


Die Musik 6/17 (1906-07): 273-89.

86

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^ ./tY n ^ b o $6ie&Yd>: H&n d?0n

\ 1


L i V V --'. t ~
a. i/a ^ns ^ . i/ <&& *<* o^u+t>
Figure 7: 'S ode un leuto' from 1/8.

Figure 8: Note "replica il suono."

Nothing can be said with any certainty about lute panicipation in two other

dramme per musica by Ristori, Le Fate {Dresda 1736, Mus. 2455-F-5) and

Pigmaleone (autograph, Mus. 2455-F-9). Both have suffered extensive water damage:

the first cannot be examined; the second can be consulted, but the text is so bleached

out as to render the vast majority of the work illegible. Perhaps with the use of x-ray

technology or some other apparatus, the work could be reconstructed at some future

date.

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Theorbo Arias

Cerva al bosco HI/6 to Johann Adolph Hasses Cleofide (Mus. 2477-F-9)

Cleofide was the first of Hasse's operas to be performed in Dresden after his

appointment as Kapellmeister. The work was premiered on 13 September 1731 and

included the aria with obbligato arciliuto, "Cerva al bosco" (m/6). The present
author believes, however, that the archlute part to this aria was played on German

theorbo. Recall that Weiss almost certainly did not play the archlute, and said that "to

accompany with the [baroque] lute in an orchestra would be too weak and

inconspicuous." Weiss played the Lotti aria Io vorrei saper damore on baroque lute,

but, as he explained to Mattheson: he "had an excellent lute"; "the aria was brilliantly

composed for the instrument"; "nothing else accompanied, but the harpsichord and

contrabass, and they played only the main notes in the bass."21 For accompanying in

the opera and church, he used the German theorbo described in Chapter 2. Arguments

for using this instrument to play this aria include the following: a) the size of the

ensemble; b) the tessitura of the part is low; c) the part includes sections of figured

bass.

a) In addition to the como da caccia, a full complement of strings and the

continuo group accompany. Both Weiss and Baron speak of using theorbo rather than

lute for accompanying in larger ensembles.22 (For a discussion of a similarly scored

21For the context, see the quote on pages 1-2 of this chapter.

Weisss letter to Mattheson and Barons Urttersuchung. For a discussion of the


size of the Dresden orchestra around this time, see Janice Stokigts article "Zelenka
and the Dresden Court Orchestra 1735A Study" (Studies in Music no. 21 (1987): 69-

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aria, see I rapidi by Heinichen, below.) This point only has application to the

continuo sections of the part however, during the two two-measure solo sections, the

lute plays unaccompanied (see, for example, Figure 9, below)

b) The register of the part never goes above g1, corresponding to the fifth fret

of the first course of the German theorbo, and in this respect contrasts with the

tessitura of the lute arias by Lotti and Heinichen discussed above, both of which go

repeatedly to d2.

c) The part includes sections of figured bass. Of itself, this does not prove

theorbo participation, since Baron's Untersuchung (1727) shows that Weiss played

basso continuo extraordinarily well on lute as well as theorbo."23 Still, only one

Figured-bass part unequivocally associated with lute has been found in Dresden

sources. (See the discussion of the Heinichen Cantata XXII con strom.**, below).

Another contrast with the Lotti and Heinichen arias is that the lute here is

silent during all but one vocal passage (the final part of the A-section, where it is col

basso.) In fact, whatever lute type was used, its primary function was providing the

continuo in softer instrumental sections. Note, for example, the concluding two

measures of Figure 10, below, where the lute enters (and the bass part drops out) at

un poco pia[no]. (See also Figure 11.) The basso continuo is likewise silent when

the theorbo accompanies the upper strings and the como da caccia during the vocal

85).

^"Und extraordinair so wohl auf der Lauten, als Tiorba den General Bass
accompagnirt. (78)

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Figure 9: Archlute solo from page 4 of Cerva al bosco.

tacet illustrated by the first two measures of Figure 12; note that the continuo reenters

with the voice and the theorbo switches to playing col basso. See also the concluding

measure of Figure 9, above, where the continuo reenters and the first violins are

marked forfte].24

"The lute and violetta parts are similar, although the latter is an octave higher
and does not contain ornamental figures (such as at measures four and five of page
two of the score). The parts occasionally exhibit other differences, such as when the
violetta does not follow the bass but jumps to an inner part (see the 4-3 suspension at
the final measure of page one), or when the lute plays a bass note two octaves below
the violetta (first beat of page two).

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Figure 10: First (score) page of Cerva al bosco.

Figure 11: Como da caccia and archlute parts, conclusion of page 11 of Cerva
al bosco.

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Although the theorbo is louder than the baroque lute, it too would have been at a

disadvantage trading "riffs" with the como da caccia in this aria, especially with full

strings (see, for example, page 2 of the facsimile at Appendix XII). The opening

measures of page twelve illustrate various aspects of the lutes difficult task in this aria

(see Figure 12, below): competing with the como da caccia; arpeggiating along with a

complement o f strings; playing col basso against the backdrop of a large ensemble.

Whether the part was played on lute or theorbo, one wonders if the audience would

have heard the instrument, or only seen it.

. Z 'l C C Z : - ' '

Figure 12: Idem ditto, beginning of page 12 of Cerva al bosco.

Tutte all'invito de'nostri accenti" (N 7) to Hasse's oratorio II cantico de' tre fanciulli
(Mus. 2477-D-8)

Nearly three years after the premiere of Cleofide, Hasse produced the oratorio

II cantico de' tre fanciulli for a Dresden performance (23 April 1734). The number

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involving archlute is Azaria's soprano aria in B-flat, "Tutte all'invito de'nostri accenti."

Here too, German theorbo may have been the instrument used to play the part. The

writing is similar to that for "Cerva al bosco," but the solo sections are more fully

developed.

The oratorio survives in several versions, but Michael Koch has identified the

version represented by Mus. 2477-D-8 as the Urauffassung (Die Oratorien Johann

Adoph Hasses: Oberlieferung und Struktur)& Koch has studied the sources in detail

and their relationship need not be set out again here. Mus. 2477-D-9 is one of several

later versions of II cantico', in traditional two-part form, it contains an aria with the

same text as Tutte allinvito but which does not include archlute and has been

completely rewritten in A (sung in the latter case by Anania).

In Tutte all'invito de'nostri accenti" the archlute plays col basso for much of

the aria, especially when the voice and/or strings are active. The instruments solos are

written in two clefs, with the top voice written in tenor rather than soprano clef; the

archlute did not play entirely alone, however (see the indications "violetta col basso"

in Figures 13 and 14, below).26

23Vol. 14/1-2 in series Musikwissenschaftlichen Studien, ed. Hans Heinrich


Eggebrecht, Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1989.

26Bassi ripieni would not have played in any case, since they normally played
only in instrumental tutti (or forte) sections (see Chapter 4, under Zelenka). If
harpsichord was part of the ensemble, it did not accompany the lute solos.

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Figure 13: II cantico. Start of archlute solo, page 6, system 2.

Figure 14: II cantico, page 10, first system.

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Figure 15: II cantico, page 11, second system.

In addition to any improvisation involved in the continuo realization, the player was

evidently to do something extraa brief ritomello?at the "ad libitum" (see the

cadence at the second system of page 11, Figure 15, above). The only vocal passage in

the piece where the lute is obbligato is illustrated at Figure 16, below; notably, the

vocalist remains on one note while the lutenist provides the decoration and nothing

else accompanies (with the possible exception of the violetta).21

27Note at Figure 16, system 1, that the lower of the two staves accorded the
arciliuto is taken over from the violette.

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Figure 16: II cantico, page 13.

Tutte all'invito (1734) can hardly be called a tour de force for the lute, but

the part is certainly better written than that to Cerva al bosco (1731). Perhaps Weiss

had in the meantime explained the lutes (theorbos?) limitations to Hasse, or the latter

had learned from the probably unsatisfactory results of his first lute aria (Cleofide,

m/6). But even Hasses second effort is not always idiomatically written for the lute,
and a lutenist/composer of the period would almost certainly have put the bass voice

(in two-part writing) in the lower octave when possible. Musically, the solo sections in

the Hasse arias have nothing like the interest one finds in the Heinichen and Lotti

works examined above, although, to be fair, the lutes role in the Hasse pieces is far

96

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more modest.

It is instructive to compare the archlute parts to the two Hasse arias with the

theorbo part to J.J. Fux's opera Orfeo et Euridice (Vienna, 1715). As explained above

in the introduction, Vienna had one of Europe's finest theorbists in the person of

Francesco Conti, as well as other players of lesser reputation. Might Fux have

consulted Conti on how to write for theorbo? (The latter had been appointed a court

composer in 1713 and conceivably enjoyed sufficient prominence to be consulted as a

junior colleague.) Wherever Fux obtained his information, the piece is scored

intelligently to enhance the audibility of the theorbo, creating an effectively fragile

atmosphere: the violins (marked "unisono" and "pizzicato") play the only other

obbligato part; the bass line is "pizzicato" and "Senza Cembalo" (see Figure 17,

below).2* One can assume that the Tiorba is the Italian type used commonly in Vienna

(see Appendix XV, Tuning 1); the highest note in the bass corresponds to the eighth

fret on the thirdi.e. highest soundingcourse of the instrument. This presents few

problems if the highest sections of the part are played tasto solo (which the nature of

the line would tend to support). The piece can also be played without difficulty on

archlute or German theorbo (see Appendix XV, Tunings 2 and 4).

The theorbo part can generally be divided into passages of three types: a)

arpeggiated chords (see, for example, measures 2, 3 and 5 of Figure 17, below); b) a

single line in parallel thirds (or rarely sixths) with the violins (see, below, the first two

measures at Figure 18, the last two at Figure 19 and the last four measures at Figure

Strings play col arco in the B-section.

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20); c) col basso during some vocal sections (see Figure 18, measure three). In Figure

19, the three types are combined in quick succession (a, c and b).

;nm .arto

/tr tX iX to .
Figure 17: Opening measures of 'Felice io me n'andro di Giove.'

sii
\ f
tztec-r to m v n d n ^ri* ' i
i
Figure 18: Page two, system two of 'Felice io me n'andre di Giove."

Vi Je-r~r*j

Figure 19: Page four, first system of Felice io me n'andro.'

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Figure 20: Page six, top system of "Felice io me' n'andro."

Somewhat unclear is where and when (or if) chords were to be played. Realizing the

continuo on theorbo in the the col basso sections would have been easy for even less

experienced lutenists. Those sections of the bass line which amount to written-out

arpeggios are another matter: firstly, they already include the occasional double (and

one triple) stop (see, for example, measure 4, Figure 17, measure 2, Figure 18 and

measure 2, Figure 19); secondly, even such a comparatively straightforward (keyboard)

technique as holding a chord in the right hand and playing a ru n n in g bass line under it

is usually not available to lutenists. For this reason, the present author chose to add

unobtrusive chords in the col basso sections, but to play the rest of the part tasto

solo.29

:9The reader is referred to musical example 14 on the accompanying cassette


recording.

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Saturn's aria "I rapidi" (No 13) to Johann David Heinichen's Serenata nel Giardino
Chinese (Mus. 2398-L-l autograph score; *-*-la parts)

fr*'- >w *
T ^
*

J r. - > A /

-^ -ir

...
v ^y
-! v *7 * + i r 4 *-*-7 -C - * I :, . -73^
Figure 21: Opening of Heinichen's "I rapidi.

This aria has obbligato parts for theorbo and como da caccia. The Serenata was part

o f the lavish wedding festivities described under the Lotti aria, above; the performance

date given in the score is ''Mese Settemb: 1719" [mid-September 1719]. The few

surviving parts are for: Violino I, Violino U, Alto Viola, Oboe I, Oboe n. The bass
line is in eighth notes with a preponderance of rests and is marked sempre piano

(see Figure 21, above).

One of the parts most striking features is the tessitura of the bass line: on page

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five of the part (113 in the score) it goes all the way to down to a low F (see measure

3 in Figure 22, below). The arpeggiation in the upper (tenor) clef is characteristic; note

also that the theorbo is in parallel thirds with the voice in the first two measures of

this example. The theorbo is active throughout the aria, but plays only the bass line

(often at the lower octave) in certain sections (see, for example, the final two measures

of Figure 22).

Figure 22: Fifth page, second system of theorbo aria "I rapidi

In at least two other arias of the serenata, Nos 3 (II Sole) and 9 (Diana),

theorbo continuo would have been appropriate on the basis of the overall scoring. No

3 (22-34) is scored for Traversier. E Flaut. Doux, Violini sempre piano, viola and

basso continuo (the latter two are not designated in the score). The key, Eb, is not

particularly convenient on the German theorbo, but the bass part here is so

rudimentary as to make the point moot; moreover, sections of the piece are without

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continuo (see, for example, measures 19-36). No 9 (Pastorale, 83-86) has a sparsely

figured bass line, and the first two staves bear the following indications: [1] (I Flauti

Traversieri et Flauto doux suonano unis: col Violin. Sempre piano.D]; [2] i Flauti 2*

suonano col Viol.i. unis.). The range of the bass line is limited (D to a1) and is

written primarily in alto clef.

The range of the bass line to I rapidi (from F to a 1) has implications for the

instrument on which it was played. An Italian theorbo in A (see Appendix XV,

Tuning 1) could play the part comfortably only if the second course were timed to the

higher octave (a tuning adaptation occasionally encountered in French, English and

Italian sources).30 A fourteen-course archlute in A would have lacked the low F (see

above at measure 3, Figure 22)a fourteen-course archlute in G could conceivably

have been used (see Appendix XV, Tuning 4), although that would mean that the part

was played by Francesco Arigoni, not Silvius Weiss (who is only known to have

played baroque lute and theorbo). The most likely instrument is Weisss German

theorbo (for a description, see Chapter 2); this aria would then provide a terminus ad

quem for its development. The one argument against the Venere instrument (Chapter

2, Illustration 7) being the German theorbo that Sebastian Schelle adapted for Weiss,

is that it had only six fretted courses. The lowest frettable course was therefore G, but

I rapidi includes a few Fits in the bass line to the theorbo part which the instrument

30Mace (1676), for example. Determining just when this adaptation is intended
can be tricky, since a) the voice leading in theorbo sources is often already less than
textbook, and b) since the pitch names remain the same, only the octave changes (i.e.
the harmonies will remain the same, with the possible exception of inversions).

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would have had trouble accommodating (see the facsimile, at Appendix VUI: 1,

system 2; 3, system 1). Tuning the theorbos sixth course from G to F# is conceivable

(the G would then become available at the first fret), but the current author knows of

no evidence that such a tuning adaptation was in use at that time; tuning the

(unfrettable) seventh course to F# does not solve the problem, since Fl| is also

frequently required (as are all diatonic tones from E down to . Taking the FS up an

octave would have worked, but given the stepwise nature of the bass line, this solution

seems unlikely indeed. Of course, this argument would bear more weight if we had

correspondence from Weiss discussing I rapidi and touting how idiomatically the

theorbo part had been written for his instrument. For all we know, another bass

instrument (violone?) played the bass line down an octave in those passages (its

notated an octave above the theorbo bass). In all other ways, the aria admirably fits

the German theorbo, and, taken as a whole, the positive arguments for the Venere

instrument being Weisss adapted theorbo outweigh the negative ones.

Heinichen included como da caccia in another piece written for the same

celebrations, his Serenata di Moritzburg (Mus. 2398-L-3; performed 6 October 1719).

Theorbo is not mentioned in this latter score (i.e. the instrument did not have an

obbligato part), but certain indications in the Amabile aria "Dei fior piu vaghi" (score,

49) suggest that the other instruments were being reined in, perhaps because the

continuo instrument involved was the theorbo:

a) "comi di caccia dolcemente"; b) "(Violini et Hautb: tacet.)" has been crossed


out and "piano" written above it; c) a parenthetical "Bassoni tacet." has been
written above the second bar of the bass line.

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That Weiss would have been part of the band on such a festive occasion seems almost

certain. Were the above adjustments made to the score to bring the ensemble into

better balance in the Moritzburg acoustic? Establishing the hand in which the changes

were written may help in clearing up this matter, unfortunately no parts survive.

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Cantata con Tiorba sola

Heinichen's Cantata XVIa con Tiorba sola, "La bella fiamma 6 Tirsi" (Mus.

2398-1-3), is hard to place in the Dresden lute tradition. First of all, the cantata (for

middle voice) cannot be dated with certainty (Gustav Seibel assigns none).31 Secondly,

what does the term Tiorba indicate here? A date of 1711 is suggested in the card

catalogue of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek, before Heinichen had met Weiss (and

perhaps as much as a decade before the latter had adapted his theorbo). As to the

Italian theorbo in A (Appendix XV, Tuning 1), the upper range of the part (to a1)

would clearly have required the second course to be tuned to the higher octave; even

then, the part remains awkward for the left hand.32 The lower range of the part doesn't

help in making a determination: whereas a thirteen-course archlute in G goes down to

A or Q, the part's lowest note is C. In all likelihood, the piece was performed on

whatever lute types were available (that could accommodate the part). If the piece was

composed when Heinichen was in Venice, an Italian lutenist probably would have

played the part on archlute, an instrument brought into prominence from the 1680s by

A. Corelli et al. for the performance of the bass part in trio sonatas. The instrument is

well-suited to playing both wide-ranging (diatonic) bass lines and high obbligato parts

(comfortably up to d2). The present author plays the cantata on German theorbo and

finds the part equally playable on that instrument. A possibility suggested by Andre

3lIn his Das Leben [...] des Hofkapellmeisters Johann David Heinichen,
Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1913.

32See the sixteenth-note passage at the final measure of the first system and the
first measure of the second on page 187 of the manuscript (342 of this dissertation).

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Burguete is that the piece was played on the arciliuto francese, a ten-course lute (six

fretted courses plus four diapasons) with C as its lowest note. Whether the part was

performed by Weiss (or another player in Dresden) is uncertain; this may be the kind

of "chamber cantata" in which Weiss preferred the lute (see his letter to Mattheson,

above). The current author found the increased dynamic range available on a single

strung German theorbo more to his liking and recorded the piece with that

instrument.33

Sections of continuo (including tasto solo) alternate with obbligato passages,

the latter consisting primarily of arpeggios and scales. Figure 23, below, is the

cadential figure played by the theorbo just before the da capo of the second aria). A

facsimile of the cantata has been included as Appendix VII, but, as in the original,

some sections are illegible.

Figure 23: Theorbo solo in the concluding measures to La bella fiamma.

33The readers attention is drawn to the stringing of the Venere and Hoffmann
theorbos at Illustrations 7 and 8. The Hoffmanns stringing mimics that of the
theorbierte Laute, i.e. 1-2, single; 3-14, double. The Venere, with its 1-6, double, and
7-14, single is more in keeping with Italian models (which it was originally). Given
the variety of stringings encountered in historical lutes, this point does not seem
diagnostic, although further research into instrument types of the period would be
welcome.

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Lute vs Theorbo Continuo in Chamber Cantatas

To date, one cantata by Heinichen has been found which specifies lute continuo

and provides a separate staff for the purpose, namely Don vezzosa, dori bella, i.e.

Cantata XXII:1 con stromA The aria concerned, viver non so contento, includes a

part for obbligato oboe and a loud lute would have been required to provide adequate

support; lute participation in this cantata may have been limited to this one aria.

(Theorbo could also have been used to accompany, but in view of Weisss praise of

the lutes qualities in solo cantatas, if he played the piece it was most likely on the

baroque lute.) The reader is asked to note that the lute often, but not always,

accompanies the voice by itself; not clear is whether a bowed bass (or the violetta'])

would have assisted in those passages. A facsimile of the aria has been included as

Appendix XI.

Three cantatas by Ristori present intriguing possibilities for theorbo continuo.

The first of these is Lavinia a Turno (Mus. 2455-1-1, score; *-*-l[a], parts). The

"Cantata a voce sola con strum:'1" is dated 1748 and is a setting of a text by Ermelinda

Talea Pastorella Arcade, i.e. Kurprinzessin Maria Antonia Walpurgis. Parts survive

for:

Violino 1
Violino 0
Violetta
Oboe 1
Oboe II0
Fagotto

The score contains no references to bass instruments other than the bassoon, which is

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only mentioned when being given a separate stave (pages 43, 46, 50, 53, 6 1).34 A

comparison of the bassoon part with the score is revealing, not least because of the

extensive sections of rests in the former. The opening Grave is a recitativo

accompagnato, and the bassoon part unusually includes the voice part (without text) on

a separate staff (because of the numerous tempo changes?)35; the rest of the part

contains only the bass line. As is customary, the bassoon is generally tacet in vocal

sections (unless forte). Basso continuo is admittedly not mentioned on the title page,

but at the very least one (bowed?) bass part is missing. Given the orchestration (which

otherwise seems to be complete, at least as to the range of parts), lute (or theorbo?)

continuo would have been most appropriate.

A similar situation obtains with Ristori's, Nice a Tirsi (Mus. 2455-1-3, score; *-

*-3[a), parts), again on a text by Maria Antonia Walpurgis. The cantata is "a voce sola

co'strum: e un Oboe conc:(0." Pans survive for:

Violino 1 (2 copies)
Violino n (2 copies)
Violetta
Oboe 1
Oboe 0
Fagotto

^Sometimes, the entire passage to be played is given; in other instances, only


the beginnings and endings are given, with the balance clearly to be played col basso.
Pagination by author, beginning with title page.

35The section begins Grave, measure 11 is marked Lento, measure 16


Andantino, measure 21 Un poco and[ant]e (apparently applicable for just the one bar),
measure 25 Un poco and[ant]e and measure 34 Adagio ten:[ut?]e.

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As with Lavinia a Tumo, the bass line in the score is unfigured.36 Nothing in either

cantata would have been unidiomatic on the theorbo, and the first aria of Nice a Tirsi,

"Non v'e dulol" (8-16) would profit from the theorbo's naturally staccato sound (the

top stave is marked "Poco and[ant]e e affettuoso," the bass line "Poco and[ant]e e

staccato"). (For a more thorough discussion of these two cantatas, see Mengelberg,

Giovanni Alberto Ristori, 72-79.)

Ristoris Cantata a 4 Vocfi]37 (Mus. 2455-L-l, score; *-*-la, parts):

Violino Primo
Violino Secondo
Violetta
Flauto Trav: o Oboe Primo
Flauto o Oboe Secondo
Fagotto

Indications on page 61 of the score strongly suggest that four continuo parts to the

cantata are missing: harpsichord, theorbo, violone and cello. The aria concerned, Da

chiare e dolci venea fronte dTppocrene, is scored for Flauto Trav[erso],

Violoncello and voice (in tenor clef). The bass line is marked Senza Bassi

Rip[ieni]. The plural Bassi suggests that the ensemble included violone (the

bassoon part is marked tacet for this aria). The cello part is an embellished version of

the bass line rather than a distinctly separate part (see Figure 24, below), although the

reader is advised to note the different meter and the occasional octave displacement.

Two exceptions were noted in Nice a Tirsi, at page 3, measures 3-4 of the
score: a #-sign below a B and a " li7" above aGj l . (Pagination by author, beginning
with title page.)

37"Per il Giomo natalizio di S.M. la Regina [Maria Josepha] 1Anno 1735 [i.e. 8
December].

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etc,

Figure 24: Opening measures to cello and basso continuo parts to Da chiare e dolci venea (Mus.
2455-L-l).

Conclusion

Surviving evidence suggests that obbligato lute was rare in ensemble vocal

works and limited to special occasions, and, indeed, these occasions are the only

thread tieing the arias together. Of the arias discussed, only three have full-blown

obbligato lute (theorbo) parts. Of these, two were composed for the wedding festivities

for Kurprinz Frederick August II in 1719: Lascia che nel suo viso from Lottis

Teofane, and I rapidi from Heinichens Serenata nel Giardino Chinese. Heinichens

Flavio Crispo (including the lute aria Io vorrei saper damore) was never performed,

but would have been that composers first opera produced in Dresden. The aria Cerva

al bosco came from Hasses Cleofide, his first opera produced at Dresden (the part

only involved lute continuo). Unclear is just what lute type(s) was (were) used in

performance, and the answer is probably the one best suiting the pieces requirements

(which admittedly raises more questions). But as much as we desire certainty as to

such basic facts of performance, the music is served neither by clever constructs nor

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dogmatic statements. More of the conclusions in this chapter rest on the present

authors experience as a player than they do on unambiguous evidence of the period.

Even assuming we could establish beyond doubt that a given lute type had been used

to perform a certain aria or cantata, this would not preclude playing it on /arranging it

for another lute typeindeed, the adaptive, eclectic spirit of the German baroque

would argue for, rather than against, such adaptations.

Ill

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CHAPTER 4

LUTES IN SACRED VOCAL MUSIC

So much sacred music in the Dresden repertoire has been lost or damaged

since the eighteenth century that establishing a detailed picture of period lute practice

in sacred ensemble vocal works is unlikely ever to be possible. The following survey

is therefore far from comprehensive, and is largely descriptive. Those works to which

no parts survive present an especially daunting task, since nearly a year of searching

through scores in the Sachsische Landesbibliothek turned up only one reference to

theorbo as a continuo instrument (in Hasse's oratorio La conversione di S Agostino\

Mus. 2477-D-21).1 The possibility of finding other such references cannot be

dismissed out of hand. As to the possible fate of the lost parts, two theories

predominate: a) they were destroyed in WWII; b) they were taken to Moscow

following the war.2 As to those items taken to Moscow, the chances of their being

returned in the absence of significant cash payments are slight. In some cases, several

parts survive, but no theorbo part; in other instances, sets of parts are in such bad

physical condition that examining them just to ascertain which parts are on hand is out

Theorbo is naturally mentioned in those few scores where it fills an obbligato


role. For a discussion of La conversione, see below.

2Ortrun Landmann has informed me that an estimated 200,000 items were


taken from the Sachsische Landesbibliothek by the Russians following the war. When
she and a colleague visited Moscow a few years ago, they were unsuccessful in
gaining access to these materials. The main catalogue of the music collection of the
Sachsische Landesbibliothek survived the bombing of Dresden. A separate catalogue
now exists of those works which have since gone missing, but whether the items in
question were destroyed or carted away is not known.

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of the question (the lists in the catalogue often indicate no more than their number per

item).

In fact, enough parts have already been found to document a significant role

for lutes in sacred ensemble vocal music, at least for the first half of the eighteenth

century, but the question of just what they would have played (and where they would

have played it) looms large. The next step in researching the Dresden lute tradition

would logically be written accounts; unfortunately, all indications are that few such

accounts remain to be found.

Establishment of the Catholic Tradition in Dresden

In seventeenth-century Dresden, sacred music involving lutes was connected if

to any tradition then to the Protestant.3 In the eighteenth century, sacred music was

composed almost exclusively for the Catholic rite, as Ortrun Landmann explains:

Der Konfessionswechsel Friedrich Augusts I. machte auch eine Reorganisation


der Hofkapelle notwendig, denn einer ihrer drei standigen Dienste, neben Oper
und Kammermusik der Kirchendienst, muBte in einen evangelischen und einen
katholischen Zweig getrennt werden. De facto horte die Musikpflege groBen
Stils in der evangelischen Hofkirche (die zwar weiterhin bestand, von der
kurfiirstlich-koniglichen Familie aber nicht besucht wurde) allmahlich auf und
verlagerte sich einseitig auf die katholischen Gottesdienste. ([footnote:]
Zumindest fehlt jeder Bericht oder auch nur Hinweis darauf, daB solche
Auffuhrungen stattgefunden haben. Nachdem 1737 der evangelische
Hofgottesdienst aus der SchloBkapelle in die unweit des Schlosses gelegene
Sophienkirche verlegt und somit offentlich geworden war, hatte einer

3Schutz's Cantiones sacre (Freiberg: George Hoffmann, 1625), for example, are
not intended for use by any particular denomination. See Gottfried Grote's introduction
to the Neue Ausgabe samtliche Werke, vol. 8, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1950.

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Berichterstattung durch die damalige Presse nichts im Wege gestanden.)4

The conversion of Frederick August I [i.e. August the Strong] made a


reorganization of the court orchestra necessary, since one of its three permanent
functions (along with the opera and chamber music) was the church service;
and now it had to be split into a Protestant and a Catholic branch. In fact, the
large-scale cultivation of music in the Protestant court church (which certainly
continued to exist, although is was not attended by the Saxon royal family)
gradually came to an end and shifted entirely to the Catholic services,
([footnote:] At least, there are no reports or any other indications that such
performances took place. After the Protestant court religious services were
moved out of the palace chapel in 1737 and into the nearby Sophienkirche and
thereby made public, nothing would have prevented the press of the time from
reporting [on such performances].

Before the consecration of the Dresden court cathedral (in 1751), performances

of sacred music were held in the former Dresdner Opemhaus (built 1664-67) which

August the Strong had made into a (Catholic) Capella Regia (see Illustrations 11 and

12, below).5

4Ortrun Landmann, "Zur Pflege des Metastasianischen Passions-Oratoriums in


der Katholischen Hofkirche zu Dresden." Typescript in cover bearing title: Akademia
Muzyczna im. Karola Lipihskiego Katedra WokalistykL Zeszyty Naukowe Nr 40.
Wroclaw: Informacje o kursach Katedry Wokalistyki, 1985. The cover of this source is
printed, but both the Polish and German texts are typescript. The above quotation was
drawn from page 2 of the German text, catalogued under the same number.

5Please note that Illustrations 11 and 12 are of the same space, but viewed from
opposite ends.
The Capella Regia was consecrated on 5 April 1708. "In diesem Raum wirkten
Heinichen und Zelenka. Diese Kapelle, und nicht die beriihmte, im Jahre 1751
geweihte Dresdner Hofkirche des Architekten Chiaveri, bildet den Rahmen fur die
'Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik 1720-1745.'" [Heinichen and Zelenka worked in this
space. This chapel, and not the famous Hofkirche [designed by] the architect Chiaveri,
was where sacred music at the Dresden court was performed from 1720-45.] Wolfgang
Horn, Die Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik 1720-1745, Kassel: Barenreiter, 1987. See also
Eberhard Schmidt's Der Gottesdienst am Kurfurstlichen Hofe zu Dresden, Berlin:
Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1961, which details Dresden liturgical history from
Johann Walter through Heinrich Schiitz (and hence deals exclusively with the
Protestant tradition).

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Illustration 11: uDer Zuschauerraum des Opem- und Komodienhauses am Taschenberg. Original Kupferstich (B 1927,4)
by Johann Oswald Harms (1643-1708), currently in the Kupferstichkabinett in Dresden. From the book Ballett v.d.
Zusammenkunft u. Wirkung d. VII Planeten auf Dir Churfl. Durchl. zu Sachsen Anno 1678." Photo supplied by the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Abteilung Deutsche Fotothek (number 98491).

115
Illustration 12: Vue interieure de la Chapelle Royale au Chateau de Dresde ou Ton a chants le Te Deum, en actions des
graces de PArriv6e de Leurs Altesses Roiales. Date 3 September 1719. Currently in the Kupferstichkabinett (Mappe Ca

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
200, Bl. A 19) in Dresden. Photo supplied by the Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Abteilung Deutsche Fotothek (number 143
052).

116
From 1751 to the outbreak of the Seven Years War, sacred music was performed in

the Hofkirche. During the war, which badly damaged the edifice, the court moved to

Warsaw.

The Beginnings of Catholic Music in 18th-Century Dresden

August the Strong's conversion to Catholicism is well known to have been with

the aim of capturing the Polish throne of King Jan (III) Sobieski (deceased 17 June

1696). August H's coronation took place in Crakow on 15 September 1697. but

making the thoroughly Prostestant Saxony Catholic was not easily accomplished.

Indeed, even before his selection (in April 1697) August signed a declaration

guaranteeing that his conversion would not have the slightest effect on the "statum

religionis et ecclesiarum" [state of religion and the churches] which was to remain

"durchgehends in alien Unsem landen, wie er gegenwertig ist." [to continue in all our

territories as it is now.]6 August's conversion took place during the reign of Pope

Innocent XII (1691-1700) who was apparently concerned about the Saxon Kurfursis

sincerity. The French cardinal Janson Forbin wrote (from Rome) to the French

ambassador in Poland, Polignac:7

Je ne puis vous exprimer, combien le Pape est afflige du peril, ou se trouve


notre religion en Pologne par le choix d'un Prince, dont l'abjuration ist si
suspect.

6Hom, Die Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik, 17.

7Quoted in Paul Haake, "Die Wahl Augusts des Starken zum Konig von
Polen," Historische Vierteljahrsschrift 9 (1906): 31-84.

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I cannot express to you how much the pope is distressed at the threat posed to
our religion in Poland by the choice of a prince whose conversion is so
suspect.

Although August the Strong had a Capella Regia in Dresden from April 1708, music

performances there would remain relatively modest for several more years, with

personnel consisting largely of Kapellknaben imported from Catholic Bohemia. The

term Kapellknaben should not be misunderstood as referring to a boy's choir, however:

although the high voices of the all-male choir were indeed boys (since castrati were

still a rarity in Saxony), the other singers were adults.8

Unavailability of other evidence on the Saxon tradition of (Catholic) sacred

music forces us to turn to accounts such as the Jesuit's "Historia Missionis." Wolfgang

Horn assesses the situation as follows:

Die Schreiber der Jahresberichte in der "Historia Missionis" wechseln ebenso


wie die Verfasser dieser Berichte; zuweilen ist die Schrift nur schwer zu
entziffem, zuweilen ist das Latein nicht leicht zu verstehen. Gravierender aber
ist, daB offenkundig auch die Erwahnung der Kirchenmusik stark vom
personlichen Interesse des jeweiligen Verfassers abhangig ist. Da musikalische
Quellen aus jener Zeit anscheinend nicht mehr vorhanden sind, laBt sich ein
Bild von der Dresdner Kirchenmusik in diesen Jahren nur noch anhand von
Berichten gewinnen. Es mag sein, dafi die Akten des Staatsarchivs Dresden
noch den einen oder anderen Hinweis bergen; vielleicht war die Kirchenmusik
nicht ganz so bescheiden, wie es die durren Mitteilungen der jesuitischen
Jahresberichte vermuten lassen. Eines jedoch ist gewiB: eine kontinuierlich
gepflegte und "den Hof eines katholischen Fursten angemessene" Kirchenmusik
existierte in Dresden erst in den Jahren nach 1720. Ihre Blute verdankte sie
verschiedenen Ereignissen und Voraussetzungen, die in der Zeit vor 1717 noch
fehlten.9

8According to Wolfgang Reich's lecture opening the Zelenka exhibit at the


Sachsische Landesbibliothek, 20 May 1995.

9Hom, Die Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik, 40.

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The scribes of the yearly reports in the "Historia Missionis" change just as do
the authors. At times, the handwriting is only hard to decipher, at times, the
Latin is not easy to understand. More serious, however, is that the mention of
sacred music clearly depended to a great extent upon the personal interests of
the then current writer. Since musical sources from that period are no longer
available, a picture of Dresden sacred music for these years can only be gained
from written accounts. It may be that the Dresden state archives still contain
this or that reference; perhaps sacred music was not of the modest dimensions
the sparse communications of the Jesuit annual reports would lead us to
believe. One thing, however, is certain: a continuous tradition of sacred music
worthy of the court of a Catholic prince existed in Dresden only in the years
after 1720. Its flowering is due to certain events and preconditions that were
still lacking in 1717.

Perhaps the single largest factor in the expansion of Catholic music at Dresden

was the conversion of August the Strong's one legitimate heir, Frederick August II

(later King August EH). The Kurprinzfs conversion was in itself a hard-won battle that

culminated on 27 November 1712 in Bologna with his embracing the Catholic faith

before the Jesuit priest Giovanni Battista Salemi. The Kurprinz, who had far more

interest in the arts than in politics, spent considerable time in Italy following his

conversion, and it was he who brought Johann David Heinichen and later Antonio

Lotti to his father's attention, two composers who would have considerable influence

on sacred music in the Saxon capital.

The following table outlines the activities of composers active at Dresden who

are known to have written sacred music for the court during the eighteenth century,

and is not limited to those appointed as Kirchencompositeurs:

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Table 1: Composers with responsibilities for sacred music in eighteenth-century
Dresden:
Composer: Dates of Service: Comments:
Johann Christoph Appointed In addition to his duties as head
Schmidt (1664-1728) Kapellmeister on 19 of the royal orchestra, Schmidt
June 1698. was responsible for both
Protestant and Catholic church
music. In 1717, the latter task
was given to Heinichen.
Unfortunately, no sacred works
by Schmidt survive in the
Dresden collection.
Johann David Heinichen Appointed Heinichen, himself a Protestant,
(1683-1729) Kapellmeister on 28 officially took over duties in the
August 1716 (in Lutheran chapel upon Schmidt's
Venice).10 Arrived death in 1728.12 Showing
in Dresden in the symptoms of tuberculosis as
first half of 1717.11 early as 1718, Heinichen shared
compositional duties with
Zelenka from circa 1722.13

10The document, signed by Kurprinz Frederick August II, is reproduced in its


entirety in Seibel, Johann David Heinichen, 19.

"For details, see Horn, Die Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik, 42, and Melvin P.
Unger, German Choral Church Compositions, 26-28.

"Heinichen had a continuing association with the Lutheran church: his only
child, a daughter Erdmuthe Friederica, was baptised there on 27 January 1723, and
Heinichen was buried there on 19 July 1729. Seibel, Johann David Heinichen, 25 and
28.

"Seibel, Johann David Heinichen, 21.

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Composer: Dates of Service: Comments:
Jan Dismas Zelenka Not appointed Though Heinichen died in 1729,
(1679-1745) Kirchen- he was not replaced as
compositeur until 17 Kapellmeister until 1733, when
September 1735, Hasse was given the post
though he bore (passing over Zelenka).
heavy
responsibilities for
sacred music from
circa 1722.
Giovanni Alberto Riston Kirchencompositeur
(1692-1753) from 1746.
Johann Georg Schurer Zelenkas successor After the performance of his
(1720-1786) as director of comic opera Calandro (20
church music. January 1748), confined himself
to writing sacred music.
Tobias Butz (?-?) One of Zelenkas Only one mass survives in the
successors as church Dresden collection.
composer.
Michael Breunich (1699- One of Zelenkas Six published masses (Mainz,
1755) successors as church 1727), along with (other) masses,
composer (from 4 offertories, antiphons, etc.
February 1746 till
his death).
Johann Gottlieb Appointed second Sacred works include twelve
Naumann Kirchencompositeur oratorios. See also Sib MB 4
(1741-1801) on 1 August 1764. 1387 Rara ("Kirchen-Musicalien
des Herm Kammer und Kirchen
Compositeurs Nauman [sic]").14
Franz Seydelman (1748- Appointed church Wrote three oratorios, over thirty
1806) composer on 1 May masses, as well as much other
1772 (together with sacred music.
Joseph Schuster).
Joseph Schuster (1748- See under Composed oratorios, masses (19)
1812) Seydelman. and other sacred music.

14From title page. Cover reads "Kirchen=Musicalien des Herm Capell-Meisters


Nauman."

121

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The Theorbo as Continuo Instrument in Church

As explained in Chapter 2, the eighteenth century saw the birth of a new,

German type of theorbo, and it was this lute type that played by far the largest role of

any lute type in sacred music in eighteenth-century Dresden. Only two sacred works

written for Dresden have been found to date which specify a lute other than the

theorbo, Heinichen's Lobe den Herm, meine Seele (2398-E-506) and H.A. Hasse's II

cantico de' tre fanciulli (Mus. 2477-D-8). In II cantico, an archlute fills by turns an

obbligato and a continuo function; in Lobe den Herm, the part for "Chalcedono"

(colascione) is partially figured, but the colascione appears otherwise to have played

tasto solo (for more on these instruments, see Chapter 2 above, and the discussion of

the two works, below).

But what of the theorbo? Did it primarily play chords during secco recitatives

and otherwise double the bass line? What evidence do we have of chordal realization

on the theorbo in larger ensemble numbers, and in what way did the instrument's role

change in the course of the eighteenth century?

Pencil Additions to the Theorbo Parts

One of the most significant new sources of evidence to be discussed in this

study, pencil additions by Silvius Leopold Weiss to the theorbo parts of eight operas

and seven sacred works, give several clues as to the nature and extent of lute

participation in ensemble vocal works at Dresden. These pencil additions are of four

basic types:

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1) added (or changed) figures;
2) corrected notes;
3) performance indications (including tempo and dynamic markings);
4) "squiggles" (probably denoting some ornamental figuration on the part of the player).

Table 2: Comparison of pencil additions to eight operas by Hasse


(N.F. means that no reproducible examples were found, not that the symbol does not appear in the opera)

Opera Squiggle 5 6/6 5 4+2 fermata 7

Cleofide 1/4 (=Act/Scene) III/3 1/14 1/1 1/12

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Cajo Fabrizio 1/8 1/8 H/7 N.F. II/7


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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
As can be seen in Table 2, all pencil additions to the Hasse operas were made by one

hand15; the present authors working hypothesis is that these additions were made by

Silvius Leopold Weiss. Andre Burguete was the first person to suggest this possibility

to me. His view is shared by Ortrun Landmann, musicologist on the staff of the

Sachsische Landesbibliothek, who writes: "da z.B. der Lautenist WeiB seine Tiorba-

Stimmen stets selbst bezifferte, konnte Hasse sein Augenmerk auf besondere

Feinheiten richten." [Since, for example, the lutenist WeiB always figured his own

theorbo parts, Hasse could direct his attention to special subtleties.]16 Taken as a group

of sources, there are more figures in ink (in the hand of the copyist) than in pencil,

and some movements contain only figures added by Weiss, but movements which are

extensively figured by him are rare indeed. The arguments that these additions were

made by Weiss and not a copyist include the following: a) pencil and not ink was

used; b) the hasty, almost sloppy hand contrasts sharply with the neat figures written

by the copyists in ink; c) "squiggles," in almost all cases written over long notes,

would make little or no sense to anyone but the player who made them; d)

occasionally, other indications are added, which allow us to compare rare handwriting

samples. Figures 25-27 compare two instances of the word adagio drawn from opera

scores with the same word drawn from two movements of the autograph sonata

15The pencil additions to all works in the Dresden repertoire examined so far
were by the same hand, with one exception, the theorbo part to Hasses Venite (Mus.
2477-E-538a). For a reproduction of the first page of the part, see Figure 30, below.

16"Bemerkungen zu den Hasse-Quellen der Sachsischen Landesbibliothek,"


Analecta Musicologica 25 (1987): 489.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
number 7 in d by Silvius Leopold Weiss.17 Notice that even within the same sonata

Weiss changes the g slightly (one with loop and one without).

Figure 25: Adagio" added in pencil. (Upper: Cajo Fabrizio, n/4; lower Numa, Intermezzo).

Figure 26: Movement beading from autograph suite in d by Weiss.

Figure 27: Movement heading from


sarabande of the same suite.

Certain identification of the handwriting in the theorbo parts is problematic, however:

in all but a few instances, only numbers or symbols have been added, and, more

importantly, the figures (and words) are usually clumsily written, as if executed by

l7The handwriting samples have been enlarged for the sake of clarity. In the
samples drawn from the operas, photocopies made from films of the theorbo part were
scanned into the document. In the case of the sonata in d, the facsimile (ed. Wolfgang
Reich, Leipzig, 1977, 43, 47) was scanned ([sjarab: was too close to the page break
to make it into the image).

127

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someone trying to write under awkward circumstances (while holding a large

instrument?). This is illustrated by the lower adagio at Figure 25, above, which was

written at the top of the page (represented by the black line in the image). In the case

of the upper adagio, the pencil addition, easily legible in the original, does not

transfer well to film and as a scanned image can hardly be made out. Certainly, the

handwriting in the Intermezzo to Numa bears a strong resemblance to the adagio

written above the allemande of Weisss sonata number 7 (see, Figure 26, above); note

especially the pairing of letters ad-ag-io, a feature somewhat less apparent in the

movement heading of the sarabande. More extensive study might produce additional

handwriting evidence, but even now the case that S. L. Weiss made the pencil

additions is strong, especially when one remembers that the earliest of the

additions/corrections in this hand are found in the theorbo part to Cleofide (f.p. 13

September 1731), and none antedates 1749 (in the theorbo part to Hasses II Natal di

Giove, f.p. 3 August or 7 October 1749). The only lutenist working for the Dresden

court in those years was Silvius Leopold Weiss.

The normally low frequency of pencil additions is not surprising due to the

relatively straightforward harmonic character of the music; moreover, an experienced

player of Weiss's caliber would not have needed more than an occasional signpost. At

Act HI, Scena Ultima of the theorbo part to Hasses Irene (Mus. 2477-F-24a), there is

but one pencil addition near the end of a recitative several pages in length-a corrected

note; but why make it if the theorbo is not to accompany the piece?

More puzzling is why, of the seventeen theorbo parts to sacred works examined

128

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below, only one of the seven bearing additions by Weiss is to a work not composed

by Hasse, namely Zelenkas Gesu cd Calvario (Mus. 2358-D-la, autograph score; *-*-

lb, parts). Some of the parts without pencil additions include extensive figuring in the

hand of the copyist, such as Ristoris Divoti Affetti (Mus. 2455-E-500); but others,

such as the theorbo part to Heinichens Magnificat (Mus. 2398-D-22a, autograph score;

*-*-510, parts), are unfigured. Was the theorbo to play tasto solo in the latter case?

Or, as seems quite possible, did Weiss copy out his own parts to these other works?

(As mentioned in Chapter 1, Weisss personal library has never been located.) Did

Weiss feel the works merited more attention because they were composed by the

Kapellmeister'! (The reader is referred to Appendix XVIII for a list of sacred works

with surviving theorbo parts.)

Surviving Theorbo Parts to Sacred W orks (by composer)

Johann David Heinichen

As Table 1 shows, Heinichen, as Kapellmeister, was officially responsible for

Catholic sacred music in Dresden from his arrival in Dresden early in 1717. In

practice, however, he had been engaged as director of music for the theater and it was

probably only the unforeseen problems and subsequent departure of Antonio Lotti and

the Italian opera company (early in 1720) that caused the composer to turn his

attention to the realm of sacred music. But according to Wolfgang Horn, Heinichens

first sacred composition for the Hofkirche may not have been composed until Whitsun

1721:

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Die meisten der autographen Partituren Heinichens sind datiert. Das ffuheste
Datum, das sich bei einem Kirchenwerk findet, verweist auf Pfingsten 1721.
Angesichts der insgesamt dichten Datierung darf man mit gutem Grund
annehmen, daB Heinichen zuvor keine Kirchenmusik fur den Dresdner
Hofgottesdienst komponiert h at Zum Zeitpunkt seines Engagements konnte
niemand vorhersehen, dafi die katholische Hofkirchenmusik einmal zum
Hauptarbeitsgebiet des Protestanten Heinichen werden sollte.18

Most of Heinichen's autograph scores are dated. The earliest date encountered
for a sacred work is Whitsun 1721. In view of the generally steady flow of
compositions [i.e. dated works following one another at close intervals], one
has good reason to assume that Heinichen had not previously composed sacred
music for the Dresden court services. At the time he was hired, no one could
have foreseen that Catholic sacred music would one day become the Protestant
Heinichens principal area of activity.

Magnificat a. 4 Voci con Violini (abbreviato) [di] Giov. Heinichen (Mus. 2398-

D-22a, autograph score; *-*-510, parts) is a sacred work with six surviving bass parts,

including one for theorbo.19 The autograph score is in Heinichen's angular but musical

hand. There are precious few indications as to instrumentation and none applicable to

the bass line.20

The bass parts divide into two groups: organ, theorbo and ' cello; violone,

l8Hom, Die Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik, 48.

,9A second, expanded autograph score likewise survives, Mus. 2398-D-22


("Juny 1721. Fest S. Petri et Pauli". See Seibel, Johann David Heinichen, 58). The
surviving parts belong to the abbreviated version (22a), as demonstrated by the
practice of measure numbering. At the end of each movement, the number of measures
is given: these numbers are present in both the score and the bass parts, with the
following exceptions: a) The violone part does not contain these measure counts; b) no
part bears an entry for the Moderato (47, in score); c) the Gloria has 47 bars, but 27 is
the figure in the score and the organ part; the other four parts have the correct figure
(47). When the abbreviated version was performed remains an open question.

20The larger version of the work (Mus. 2398-D-22) contains one "tasto solo"
above the bottom stave of the "Allabreve" in the score (31).

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bassoon and gamba ("violon").21 The following table details the differences in the

parts:

Table 3: Bass parts to Heinichen's Magnificat in F (Mus. 2398-D-510).


Movement: Comments in re bass parts:
Vivace All bass parts are identical and accompany throughout. Only organ
part has figures.
Affettuoso Only the organ part includes the indication "A[lto] solo"; none of the
parts bears a tempo marking. All bass instruments are tacet during
the three vocal sections (mm. 11-26; 36-66; 68-77), with the
exception of the final three measures of the second section (where
organ, theorbo and violoncello enter three measures ahead of the
violone, bassoon and gamba). The measure where the voice enters is
marked piano in each case; the final measure of each vocal section (a
bass tutti, as it were) is marked forte.
Largo All bass parts are identical and accompany throughout. Only the
organ part has figures.
Moderate All bass parts are identical and accompany throughout. Only the
organ part has figures. The only dynamic markings in the piece are
found below the bass line at measures 3 1 and 33 piano and forte,
respectively; they are also found in those parts which play throughout
(theorbo, organ and ' cello), but not in the other parts (bassoon,
violone and gamba), which reenter at measure 33.
Andante For soprano and tenor. Theorbo, organ and 'cello play throughout;
bassoon, violone and gamba drop out in the vocal sections.
Gloria All bass parts are identical with the exception of the organ, which
has several short passages in alto and soprano clefs, some of them in
two voices. These are tacets for the other bass instruments.

In fact, the theorbo part is not completely without figures. At the sixth measure of the

Affettuoso, the u6 5" in the organ part is reflected in the theorbo part; at measures 43-

44 of the Andante, the " b3"s in the organ part have become simply flat signs (i.e. a

21For Wolfgang Horns comments on the division of the continuo band into
organo and ripieno groups, see under Zelenka, below.

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minor third) in the theorbo part. The figures are in ink and appear to be in the hand of

the copyist. Why figures were included at only these places is unclear. Were these

seen to represent cases where the figuring was not readily apparent in context? Was

Weiss expected to provide his own figures? Given the harmonic content, it seems

inconceivable that Weiss played chords the majority of the time from an unfigured

part (see Appendix XHI for copies of the theorbo and organ parts).

The rest of Heinichen's sacred works, including the three Te Deums, fall into

the category of those works with missing parts. A case in point is the Te Deum

Laudamus (autograph score, Mus. 2398-D-18) dated July 1728. The title page lists the

obbligato parts as:

a 4 voci
2 Trombe
Tympano
2 Comi da caccia
2 FI. Travers.
Violini
Hautb.

Given the date, the participation of theorbo in the continuo group seems beyond

question. Unfortunately, nothing in the score supports this supposition. The following

performance indications have relevance to the bass part:22

6/1/5-6: tacet ripienisti [?]. Bottom of page has been trimmed. Crossed out
in ink.
12/1/3-4: "Bassi Ripieni tacet [?]". Crossed out in ink.
18/1/2: "Tasto solo".

Pagination by author, counting the title page as 1. For ease of counting, the
blank sheet at 23-24 is included in the pagination. Numbers refer to page/system/(full)
measure (s).

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27/1/1: Bottom two staves marked "Bassi ripieni" and "organo" (bottom).23
28/1/1: Second system from (bottom marked) "Bassi ripieni".
30/1/1: "Organo col Violoncello".24 Instrumental section.
30/1/4: "Violonc[ello] solo". Vocal entrance.
31/1/3: "Col organo". Instrumental section.
31/2/2: "Violoncello solo". Vocal entrance.25
33/1/5: "Tasto solo". Bass in soprano clef.26

On the title page of a copy of Heinichens Mass is D (Seibel no 10),

reformata da Giuseppe Schuster 1784" has been added in pencil.27 Unfortunately, the

parts to the work (catalogued as Mus. 2398-D-l) may not be consulted because of

their poor physical state. In the Schuster copy of the score, nothing would indicate that

theorbo was part of the continuo band; the bass line is marked organo in the score

and bears several instances of the following indications relative to orchestration: Tutti

i bassi; tasto solo; Violoncellialso V.V. and other variants; R:[= Ripieni?];

Pedale (only at measure one, page 59); unisono. For a discussion of Heinichen's

For the first two bars of pages 27-29, the ripieni arpeggiate off the beat,
playing eighths 2-4 and 6-8, while the organ plays 1-2, 4-6 and 8. The organ part is
virtually identical with that of the bass voice (with the exception of some added
passing sixteenths in the latter), with the bassi ripieni providing a sort of rhythmic
counterpoint. On each of these pages, in the third measure of the ripieni part only the
first note is given; these notes coincide with the organ and bass voice parts and clearly
the ripieni are to play col basso (with the organ).

24A. Larghetto for tenor ("Dignare Domine"). The strings play con sordini.

From the next bar, the violas (violette) play "col Violoncello" or a nearly
identical line one octave up (to the da capo).

Curious, in that the bass part is written in two voices starting with the third
bar of this section. The organ accompanies the two upper voices for the first fifteen
bars of this section (Presto) and thereafter is largely doubling the bass vocal part.

27Seibel, Johann David Heinichen, 42.

In places, for example pages 62-63, unisono is used with VV:01 and R.

133

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Lobe den Herm, meine Seele, see below under Other Lute Types in Sacred Music in

Dresden later in this chapter.

Antonio Lotti

Lotti, active in Dresden from 1717-19 as an opera composer, had no official

responsibilities for sacred music. Still, in 1984, Ortrun Landmanns researches into the

Dresden Lotti sources established that the following three works by Lotti were part of

the archives o f the Katholische Hofkirche in the first half of the eighteenth century:29

Requiem in F-dur (Mus. 2159-D-7a, incomplete score; *-*-7b, parts); Credidi (Mus.

2159-E-8, score; *-*-8a, parts); and Laudate Dominum (Mus. 2159-E-7, score; *-*-7a,

parts).

The score to the Requiem in F is incomplete (missing the Kyrie/Christe/Kyrie

and the Offertorio) and clearly in two separate hands (with the second hand

commencing at page 49). The list of surviving parts is lengthy:

Canto (1 and 11)


Alto Cone: (1 and 11)
Tenore (1, 2do and 3o3)
Basso (1, 2do and 331)
Canto R[ipieno] (1 and 11)
Alto Rip[ienol (two copies)
Tenore 11 (Ripieno?)
Basso n (Ripieno?)

^Unpublished research referred to in Horn, Die Dresdener Hofkirchenmusik,


49.

Tenors two and three in "Spirituoso" only.

31Basses two and three in "Spirituoso" only. Basso 2do missing but referred to
in score.

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Violino Conc[ertato]
Violino Primo (two copies)
Violino Secondo (three copies)
Violetta I*
Violetta 11*
Violoncello
Violoncello R[ipieno]
Violone R[ipieno]
Tiorba
Organo
Oboe 1
Oboe n
Fagotto (two copies)
Tromba

The theorbo and organ parts are identical as concerns notes and figures. The organ

part does contain occasional dynamic markings and other performance indications

found in the score but not in the theorbo part.32 The 'cello line to the "Confutatis

maledictis" is included in the organ part but absent from the theorbo part, for instance.

The score contains no mention of the theorbo.

The lion's share of the work is unfigured in both the score and the two chordal

parts, but this clearly did not indicate tasto solo performance, which is marked at three

places in the score and parts: a) Measure nine of the opening ritomello of the "Dies

Irae"; b) measure 31 of the "Inter oves"33; c) the opening measure of the "Confutatis

maledictis." The clearest example is b), since the entire movement is unfigured;

clearly, chords were expected up to measure 30 (or at least not proscribed).

Compare, for example, the organ and theorbo parts with the score in the tutti
section of the "Dies Irae": organ part (382-83); theorbo part (360-61); score (18-21).

The second half of bar 16 in the score, which has measures of four rather
than two minims (as in the parts).

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The "Confutatis maledictis" poses particular problems for the theorbist and a

strict adherence to the numerous ties in the part is out of the question, as it would

mean only fifteen bass notes articulated in the space of 56 measures (of 3/2 time)!

That the theorbo would have played seems beyond dispute, since a tacet is marked in

the theorbo part at "Recordare" (and the 'cello, violone and bassoon parts are replete

with them). In the "Confutatis," one or more of the string parts (violins, violette, celli)

is articulating the first beat (and playing in an overall metric pattern of three times

dotted-quarter/eighth); the theorbist may have played the downbeat of each bar.

In three of the more intimate numbers, the orchestration of the (bowed) bass

line is specified: "Violoni soli senza Violoncelli" in the "Qui mariam";34 "Viol[??]lii e

Violette" in the "Lacrimosa." At page 28 of the score ("Mors stupebit"), we find:

"Violette, e violoncelli senza organi".36 Would the theorbo have accompanied as the

sole chordal instrument in this last instance? Though none of the three numbers is

figured in the theorbo part, the modest size of the ensemble suggests it as a "realizing"

instrument. Given the straightforward harmonies, an experienced player could easily

have improvised from the unfigured bass line.

The Laudate Dominum (setting of Psalm 116: Mus. 2159-E-7, score; *-*-7a.

MMarked in both organ part (390)with "Peccatricem" as the textual incipit!


and the score (59).

35Score, 81. In the organ and theorbo parts marked simply "Violoncello."

36In the organ part: (Violoncelli soli senza organo)"; in the theorbo part:
"Violoncello". With reference to the plural "organi," note the similar indication at page
42 of the score: "Che sonano tutti li organi."

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parts) is a work of more modest dimensions. The list of surviving parts reads:

Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso


Canto Rip[ieno], Alto Rip[ieno], Tenore Ripfieno], Basso Rip[ieno]
Violino Primo (3 copies)
Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Alto Viola (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone R[ipieno]
Tiorba
Basso Continuo
Fagotto
Hautbois P
Hautbois 2

Both the organ and theorbo parts are figured and are in this respect identical; the

former contains several "tutti" and "soli" indications not found in the latter, however.

The theorbo part bears no pencil additions; the organ part contains three clarifications

of the note text.38 At the conclusion of the organ part, three systems of a melody in

soprano clef and 3/8 time are written out; since the entire Laudate is in common time,

the source of the melody is not clear. With the exception of the "Tromba" at the

beginning of the top stave on page 1 of the score (and several "tutti" and "soli"), no

indications of orchestration are given.39

37The original label of the parts wrapper survives, giving the call number of the
piece in the cathedral music collection: "Lit: Schranck No: I l . L . ["L" in red ink] 3.
Fach 8. Lage[.] Laudate Dominum [title in red ink] a 4. voci co'VV.si Viola ed Org.
Partitura e parti del Sigi Lotti."

38a) At the second bar of the ninth system of the first page, an f that could be
misread has been clarified; b) and c) indicate g-naturals (that, given the harmonic
context, conceivably could have been sharped) in the first two full bars of the third
system, second page.

39For Wolfgang Horns comments on the division of the continuo band into
organo and ripieno groups, see under Zelenka, below.

137

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A work o f similar dimensions is the Credidi (setting of Psalm 115: Mus. 2159-

E-8, score; *-*-8a, parts).40 The list of surviving parts reads:

Canto, Alto, Tenor, Basso


Canto Rip[ieno], Contr'alto Rip[ieno], Tenore Rip[ieno], Basso Rip[ieno]
Violino P (3 copies)
Violino 2 (3 copies)
Tenor Viola (2 copies)
Violoncelli[!]
Bassus [Violone?]
Teorba
Organo
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Fagotto (2 copies)

Allowing for different styles of figures and the odd insignificant detail, the parts are

identical.41 With the exception of one "tasto solo," the bass line of neither score nor

parts bears performance indications. The theorbo part bears no pencil additions, the

organ part one, a sharp sign next to a g1 at the second bar, twelfth system of the

second page o f the part. With the exception of figures, the 'cello and violone parts are

identical to the theorbo and organ parts, including double stops and clef changes. The

bassoons have only occasional rests, when the bass line moves into the treble clef and

fewer voice parts are singing. Neither score nor parts contain dynamic markings which

might provide a basis for realizing the continuo.

40The label on the parts wrapper reads: "Lit: Schranck No: I L L . ["L" in red
ink] 3. Fach 9. Lage[.] Credidi [title in red ink] a 4. voci a Capella co'VV.si Viola ed
Org. Partitura e parti del Sigi Lotti".

41At the second half of bar four, system four, page one, for example, the
theorbo part has a ft -sign (major third) and the organ part no figure.

138

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Jan Dismas Zelenka

Much to be lamented is the fact that the parts to virtually all sacred works by

Zelenka are missing. We are left with three examples where theorbo parts survive, as

well as the occasional suggestive remark in scores. That Zelenka appreciated the

special tonal characteristics of the theorbo is certainly proven by his use of it in two of

his wind sonatas.42 As Wolfgang Horn explains, Zelenka made extensive use of the

natural division of the continuo band into two groups: the organo group, which

included (in addition to that instrument) the celli and theorbo; the ripieno group was

comprised of the contrabasses and bassoons:

Wie in seinen eigenen, so regelt Jan Dismas Zelenka auch in den von ihm
eingerichteten fremden Werken die Lautstarke und Klangfarbe des Continuos
mit einem Arsenal von Hinweisen, deren Bedeutung erst das Stimmenmaterial
offenbart. Wesentlich ist dabei das richtige Verstandnis der Termini "Organo"
und "Ripieni", die nicht im scheinbar nachstliegenden Sinn verwendet werden.
Vielmehr ist das Gesamtinstrumentarium des Continuo geteilt in eine "Organo"-
Gruppe, bestehend aus Orgel, Theorbe und Violoncelli, und eine "Ripieno"-
Gruppe, bestehend aus Kontrabassen (oft begegnet ausdrucklich die
Stimmenbezeichnung: "Violone Ripieno") und Fagotten. Die Termini
unterscheiden die Qualitat von Instrumenten und nicht die Qualitat von
Spielem: samtliche Kontrabassisten und Fagottisten gelten als Ripienisten. Der
gewohnte Gegensatz "Soli" (oder "Concertati") und "Ripieni" greift hier nicht.
Die Ripieni bilden ein Klangregister, das nach bestimmten Regeln ein- und
ausgeschaltet wird.43

Just as he does in his own works, Jan Dismas Zelenka also manipulates the

42The eighteenth-century Dresden sources of the sonatas for winds (ca 1721-22)
are the autograph score (Mus. 2358-Q-l) and a set of four parts (Mus. 2358-Q-3, 1-3,
for 20b, Fg and Be) written out by Zelenka and copyist Philipp Troyer to Sonatas 2, 4
and 5. The parts display important differences vis a vis the score, and in Sonatas 4 and
5 these changes include the addition of the designation "Violone o Tiorba" to the
continuo part (in Q-3,2 und 3). Source: Zelenka Dokumentation, n, 307, 365

43Hom, Die Dresdner Hoflarchenmusik, 195.

139

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dynamics and timbre of the continuo group for the works of other composers,
which he supplies with an arsenal of indications made clear only by the set of
parts. Essential is also a correct understanding of the terms "organo" and
"ripieni," which are not used in the way one would first expect. Rather, the
combined instrumentarium of the continuo is divided into an "organ group,"
consisting of organ, theorbo and 'celli, and a "ripieno group," consisting of
contrabasses (the specific indication "violone ripieno" is often written on the
part) and bassoons. The terms distinguish the [tone] quality of the instruments
and not the quality of the players: combined contrabass players and bassoonists
are considered ripienists. The standard counterpart "soli" (or "concertanti") does
not apply here. The ripienists constitute a range of (tone) colors which,
according to certain rules, is turned on or off.

The motet Angelus Domini (ZWV 161, Mus. 2358-E-39, score; *-*-39a, parts)

is dated "Dresden, 28 March 1725." Horn observes: "Intended as offertory for the

Easter celebration (1 April). The piece is a parody of the aria Haec caeli est victoria

[No. 3] from the Festspiel [Sub olea pacis] o f 1723 [in Prague]."44 Parts survive for:

Soprano (2 copies), Contra Alto (2 copies), Tenore (2 copies), Basso (2 copies)


Violino Primo (2 copies)45
Violino 2 (2 copies)
Viola (2 copies)

44[Als Offertorium fur das Osterfest (1. April) bestimmt. Es handelt sich bei
dem Stuck um eine Parodie der Arie "Haec caeli est victoria" aus dem Festspiel von
1723.] Die Dresdener Hofkirchenmusik, 77, 138. The sources of the work include the
autograph score Mus. 2358-D-2 (ZWV 175) but no parts. The composition was
performed on 12 November 1723 at the Jesuit college in Prague and celebrated the
coronation of Charles VI.

45Zelenka has marked one of the parts "M: P:" ("probably ' Maestro' or
'M onsieur Pisendel'", Zelenka Dokumentation, 303). "S.P." [or some version thereof]
(i.e. "Signore Pisendel") is also frequently encountered on the title page of one of the
first violin parts (instances will be noted under discussions of the individual works).
Johann Georg Pisendel was bom 26 December 1687 and died 25 November
1755. He was concertmaster from 1 February 1730 till shortly before his death, giving
us a terminus ante quern for scores bearing this indication. (Pisendel was de facto
concertmaster from Volumiers death on 7 October 1728.) For documentation, see
Treuheit, Johann Georg Pisendel, 58-74; see also, Jung, Johann Georg Pisendel, 34-
47.

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Violoncello
Basso (2 copies)
Tiorba
Organo
Oboe 1
Oboe 2

The two basso parts are for the "ripieno group" (bassoon(s) and/or violone?) as they

are tacet during solo vocal passages, unlike the 'cello, theorbo and organ parts which

play throughout. The theorbo part bears no pencil additions and contains fewer figures

than the organ part, though occasionally the former is more complete than the latter:

compare the 6-4-2 in the theorbo part at the penultimate measure of the seventh

system (25) with the corresponding chord in the organ part (28, first measure). The

second page (of two) of the theorbo part is unfigured but for a lone " b [crossed out] 7"

at the first measure of the fifth system (marked Allegro in the part, it corresponds to

page 10 to the end in the score). That the theorbo would have played during the

Allegro seems likely in view of the "V.S. Volti presto" at the bottom of the fust page

of the part. The organ part includes the notes of the tenor solo in the opening section

of the motet on a separate staff (score, 5-9a); although the theorbo part contains only

the bass line, it is fully figured and chordal realization seems likely. The theorbo and

' cello parts contain a slight variation vis a vis the other parts at the first measure, first

beat: a-b in eighths in theorbo and cello; A (eighth)-a-b (sixteenths) in other parts. No

other deviations in the note text were observed.

A second motet by Zelenka, O magnum mysterium (ZWV 171; Mus. 2358-E-

501, score; *-*-50la, parts) is likewise a parody of an aria in Sub olea pacis, in this

case of "Eviresce, effloresce" from Act III (No. 19). The contralto aria "Dormi nate,

141

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dormi Deus" follows the recitative "O magnum mysterium." No theorbo part survives

to the work, the score of which is in Troyer's hand and the parts in the hand of

Zelenka, Girolamo Personelli (Persone) and two as yet unidentified scribes.46 The

score, which bears numerous Cater?) additions in purple pencil contains no suggestive

indications in re the continuo group. The parody dates from 1728 and bass parts

survive for "Violoncello o Fagotto," "Violone R: o Fagotto" and "Organo."47 The

violone part represents the "ripieno group," and plays neither the opening recitative nor

the vocal solo sections; the 'cello part is unfigured but otherwise identical to the

organ part, and includes the vocal part to the opening recitative. These parts likewise

bear additions in purple pencil.

A Tiorba part survives to Zelenka's oratorio Gesu al Calvario (Mus. 2358-D-

la, autograph score; *-*-lb, parts). The performance took place on two successive

days, namely 8 and 9 April 1735 (Karfreitag and Karsamstag). The list of surviving

parts reads as follows:

Maria Virgine49, Maria Maddelena50, Maria Cleofe51, Gesu52, S' Giovanni53

46Zelenka Dokumentation, 304.

47"o Fagotto" in both cases a later addition with a different pen and likely in a
different hand.

Horn, Die Dresdner Hoflarchenmusik, 93.


49"I1 Sig.e Ventura," i.e. Venturio Rochetti (?-?). Mus. 2477-F-13 (score to
Demetrio) has "Sr. Venturini" singing at the opening of Act 1 and "Sigr. Rocchetti" at
the Allegro assai on page 24, but both refer to the same singer (as confirmed for me
by Ortrun Landmann). Listed by Furstenau as Sopranist (Zur Geschischte, n, 166),
coming to Dresden in 1730 at a salary of 792 Thaler. His salary in 1756 was 2400
Thaler (Zur Geschischte, n, 294).

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Ripieni per i Cori (Canto, Alto, Tenore (2 copies), Basso (2 copies))
Violino primo (3 copies)
Violino secondo (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone
Tiorba
Cembalo
Flauto I
Flauto II
Oboe I
Oboe H

50"D Sig.e Bindi, i.e. Giovanni Bindi (?-?), an Italian soprano castrato
{Sopranist, Zur Geschischte, n, 166). Bindi was engaged (salary 792 Thaler) along
with Rochetti and Campioli. His salary was subsequently raised to 1100 Thaler (1738),
with a provision for raises to 1500 Thaler in 1740 and 2000 Thaler in 1743 (Zur
Geschischte, n, 239).

5l"Il Sig.e Campioli," i.e. Antonio Gualandi (fl. 1703-38). Italian male castrato,
bom in Germany of Italian parents but trained in Italy. Employers included Frederick I
(Berlin, 1708-13) and Handel (London, 1731-32 season). Sources: Moritz Furstenau's
Zur Geschichte and s.v. "Campioli" in The New Grove, 1980 ed.

"H Sig.e Nicolini." Nicolo Pozzi, not the famed Italian alto castrato, Nicolo
Grimaldi, as the latter died on 1 January 1732 in Naples, more than three years before
the first performance of Gesu.
Certain curiosities of spelling of Gesu are to be found in the score and parts.
The cover of the score (both recto and verso), bears the spelling Gesu (without
accent). The blue cover of the part bears the spelling Giesu and the first page of the
music (in the part) Jesu. In the autograph score, the spelling Gesu is used. For
information on copyists etc., see Zelenka Dokumentation, p. 294.

53"D Sig.e Annibali," i.e. Domenico Annibali (c 1705-1799 or later). The Italian
alto castrato was recruited for Dresden (salary 792 Thaler) while singing in Venice
(1729). He was a member of Handel's London company from October 1736 to June
1737. The Saxon envoy to London, fearing the singer might defect, offered to raise his
salary first to 1500, then to 2000 Thaler Gate in 1739), at which point Annibali
returned to Dresden. He is listed as a singer until 1756. He left for Italy in 1764.
Sources: Moritz Furstenau's Zur Geschichte and s.v. "Domenico Annibali" in The New
Grove, 1980 ed.

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Chalumeaux54
Fagotto I
Fagotto II

In the score, the continuo part is simply designated Basso. The "organo" group

is represented by cembalo, theorbo and violoncello, the "ripieni" by the two bassoons

and the violone. The ripieni play in the instrumental sections and accompany the voice

only during forte passages. An apt illustration of this is found on page 31 of the score,

measures nine through thirteen, where the bassoon and violone entrances exactly

mirror the changes in dynamic.35

Pencil additions, though relatively few in number, are present in both

recitatives and orchestral sections, indicating that the theorbo played most if not all of

the time. That the theorbo would have accompanied the "Cantabile" (with chalumeaux)

seems quite likely. The score bears the indication "(senza oboi, violette e Bassi Rip:)"

above the top stave; the violins play con sordini, the "Cembalo pia: e Fagotti con

sordini".

A theorbo continuo part (which differs in minor details from the organ part)

survives to a Kyrie in a minor by Zelenka (ZWV 27, Mus. 2358-D-32, score; *-*-32a,

parts). Each part consists of but one page of a figured bass line, with an occasional

second voice added. The theorbo part is virtually identical to the organ part, but it

"Separate sheet included in oboe I part (512-13) for the single aria (165-88 in
score).

C orresponding to the following places in the parts (Tempo giusto): Violone


(382, mm 52-56); Fagotto 1 (540, mm 52-56); Fagotto 11 (559, mm 52-56). The
harpsichord (450), theorbo (402) and 'cello (337) play throughout.

144

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contains the odd puzzling octave displacement of the bass line (puzzling because

unnecessary).

The autograph score to Zelenka's Credo a 2 Cori (ZWV 32; Mus. 2358-D-30)

contains on page 19 the clearly legible indication "Senza Organo," although it appears

that an attempt has been made to cross it out.56 Volume two of Zelenka Dokumentation

(289) gives the number of missing parts as twenty-three and dates the work ca 1724.

Most certainly a theorbo part would have been included among them, as must have

been the case with the following works with missing parts.

Zelenka's Offertorium a 4 Viol: 2. Viola e Basso Continuo (ZWV 166; Mus.

2358-E-40), "Currite ad aras," was composed "a Vienna, li 13 Juni: 1716." (title page),

and later became part of the Dresden collection. Unfortunately, portions of the bottom

stave have been trimmed away on pages 11-14; of those still-legible indications which

refer to the orchestration of the (figured) bass line, only "tutti," "solo," "forte" and

"piano" are present. Volume two of Zelenka Dokumentation (303) gives the number of

missing parts as twenty-nine.

The bass line of the autograph score to the Lamentationes Jeremiae Prophetae

(Dresden, 1722; ZWV 53; Mus. 2358-D-3b-d) has few figures and contains virtually

nothing which would indicate how the "Basso Continuo" was to be realized or on what

The indication is at the first of a four-bar "ad: adag. e pian." section just
preceeding the Allegro beginning on on page 20 (where the bass line is marked
"Tutti").

145

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instruments.57

Giovanni Alberto Ristori

A theorbo part survives to Giovanni Alberto Ristori's Litania58 in F (Mus.

2455-D-5, autograph score59; 2455-D-6, parts). In the score, the second staff from the

bottom is clearly the (figured) organ part; the staff below it appears to be for the

melodic bass instruments, where one encounters several instances of the following

terms: Con l'Org0, Tutti, Soli, Unis:, Violincelli (crossing from 44 to 45),

Fagotti e Contrabassi (45), and Seitz' Org (65, m4, in tenor clef and with Soli

above organ staff). The following parts survive:

Canto, Alto, Tenor, Basso


Canto Ripieno, Alto Rip:, Tenor R, Basso R, Basso Rp
Violino Primo (2 copies)
Violino Imo (2 copies)
Violino Secondo (2 copies)
Violino 2do
Violino 0
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violoncello R
Contrabasso Rp

57Even dynamic markings are exceedingly rare: note the "forte." and "pia:" on
page 10 of 3c, for example. For more on other sources of the work, see Zelenka
Dokumentation, n, 292.

58"Pro Fest: Corp: Christi." (catalogue entry). The ripieno parts for 'cello and
contrabass, as well as the two bassoon parts bear the title: Litania del SS: Sagram:[1].
It has not yet been ascertained which (if any) of the entries in Mengelberg are
represented by this work.

59Only the second half of the piece is contained in the autograph.

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Teorba
Organo
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secodo [line above o]
Fagotto (2 copies)
Como di Caere P
Como di Caere 2

There are no substantive differences between the organ, violoncello and theorbo parts.

Both organ and theorbo parts are figured throughout. In one case, a compound figure

in the organ part was not present in the theorbo figures (see the penultimate bar,

seventh system, pages 138 and 145, respectively). This seems insignificant in that the

theorbo part otherwise agrees with the organ part and is replete with compound

figures. No other similar cases were observed. Other than the numerous "tutti" and

"soli" indications, the only other performance signals in re the bass parts are the

"Violoncello solo" and "Organo" at system five of, respectively, the organ and theorbo

parts. One change has been made in pencil in the theorbo part at the first measure of

the sixth system of the last page of music (143), where a "c" in the bass has been

corrected to a B \>.

Earlier this year, Wolfgang Reich (Sachsische Landesbibliothek, retired)

rediscovered Ristori's Divoti Affetti (Mus. 2455-E-500), a work that had been

presumed lost.60 D1 Reich informed me that the work represented the entry on page

150 of C.R. Mengelberg's dissertation for "Listessi Duetti in 4 libri legati" [the same

"alia Passione di Nostro Signore per uso della Reale Cappella di Dresda ne'
Giomi de' Venerdi, e Domeniche della Quadragesima posti in Musica a 2 Voci
C[anto]. e. A[lto] con Accompagnamento di Organo e Tiorba." Wolfgang Horn lists
the source as missing {Die Dresdner HofJdrchenmusik, 1984, 143).

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duets in four bound books], the original work being the Duetti per la Quadr[agesi]M

[for] "Soprano e Contralto col Organo" (Mengelberg, 149). Using C.R. Mengelberg's

list of textual incipits for the missing Duetti, I find that the movements of the two

versions are disposed as follows:61

Table 4: Comparison of textual incipits of the two versions of Ristori's Duetti

Duetti per la Quadr,m


aetc. Divoti Affetti etc.
Amor, ah amor meus Nr 1 Ad Mortem Jesus
O Vinea electa Nr 2 Respice bone Pastor
0 Signum libertatis Nr 3 Implete pectus
Ad mortem Jesus Nr 4 O Vinea electa
Respice bone pastor Nr 5 Fideles lachrimae
Fideles lachrymae Nr 6 Per dura devia
Perdura diora Nr 7 Jesu morti tradebaris
Jesu morte tradebaris Nr 8 Amor ah! amor meus
Implete pectus Nr 9 O Signum libertatis
Qui sinum Patris Nr 10 Qui sinum Patris

Taking the lost Duetti (almost certainly composed first) as the standard, the versi of

the Divoti Affetti are presented in the order 4, 5, 9, 2, 6, 7, 8, 1, 3, 10. Why the order

was changed in the second version is unclear. Likewise in need of clarification is

Ristoris choice of tempo indications, virtually all of whichcertainly for the listener

unfamiliar with eighteenth-century conventionsare relatively slow. The listeners

6lOne cannot, of course, guarantee that the entire texts were the same, nor that
their settings were identical. Barring the rediscovery of the Duetti, this will have to
remain an open question.

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desire for some variety in tempo is greater when listening to the entire work at one

sitting; most likely, only selected versi were performed at a given eighteenth-century

performance. Given the nature of the recorded medium, recording the work integrally

was considered the best choice, but this behooved the musicians to form a concept of

the ten versi that would make a performance of the entire work musically satisfying.

Mengelbergs Verzeichnis der Werke (14Iff.) seems to indicate that the versi

of the Duetti were bound separately (as parts?). In his listing (149), numbers 1, 3 and

4 are marked with asterisks. Of this indication, he says:

Unter den jungst aus dem Besitz der katholischen Hofkirche dem Bestande der
Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Dresden einverleibten Handschriften befindet sich
eine groBe Anzahl der Werke Ristoris, darunter fast samtliche
Kirchenkompositionen. [...] Letztere sind in nachstfolgendem Verzeichnis mit
dem Signum: Dresd. Mus. (K.H.) versehen, die aufgefundenen durch einen
hinzugefugten * kenntlich gemacht. Verlorengegangene Kompositionen sind mit
einem + bezeichnet.62

Among the most recent manuscripts that the Royal Library in Dresden has
acquired from the Catholic court church are a large number of works by
Ristori, including nearly all his sacred compositions. [...] The latter
compositions are indicated in the Works List by Dresd. Mus. (K[atholische]
H[ofkirche]), with an additional * marking those works already received. Lost
works are indicated with a t .

All movements of the Duetti bear the indication Dresd. Mus. (K.H.), and Versi 1, 3

and 4 are marked with an asterisk. N 1 of the Duetti, Amor, ah amor meus, appears

to have two versions: a) D-Moll, and b) D-Moll c[on] Tiorba concert[ato] (149).

This movement of the Divoti Affetti (8), is also in d-minor and well suited to theorbo

accompaniment. (See musical examples 4-6 on the accompanying cassette recording.)

62Mengelberg, Giovanni Alberto Ristori, 142.

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Authorship of the text cannot be established, although Wolfgang Reich

suggested in correspondence (dated 7 October 1995) that a Jesuit priest, resident in

Dresden, may have been responsible. The poetry is rich in imagery, but otherwise

unexceptional; this is more than compensated for, however, by the consistently high

quality of the music and the excellent text setting.63 A copy of the current authors

translation has been included as Appendix XIV.

Ristori's La Sepoltura, or La Deposizione della Croce di N.S. could well have

involved theorbo.64 Sadly, no pans to the work survive and theorbo is not mentioned

in the score. But then, as mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, only one score

has thus far been located which includes a reference to theorbo as a continuo

instrument, namely Hasse's oratorio La conversione di S Agostino65 (for details, see

below under that composer). As in the case of the Litania in F, the bass line to La

Deposizione bears a number of performance indications; unfortunately, none of them

refers to theorbo participation: Fagotti, Violincelli soli, Tutti li Bassi, co'

Violini pia:, Violette col Basso, Violoncelli, Contrabassi, Bassoni, Tutti,

Viol.ui, Fagotti e Viol.114.66

Father Charles Huegelmeyer, of Mary knoll monastery in Ossining, New York,


and Henk Rijkers of Utrecht, Holland were especially helpful with the translation of
the text. Jennifer Lane and Eric Milnes also provided useful insights, and assisted with
proofreading the Latin.

Title on pages 1 and 2 respectively, in different hands.

Mus. 2477-D-21.

Only the terms Tutti, Fagotti and Viol:11*" appear more than once. The
terms up to and including Bassoni appear within the first 22 pages of the piece.

150

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Johann Adolph Hasse

Hasse's oratorio II Giuseppe riconosciuto (Mus. 2477-D-13 score; parts *-*-

13a) is typical in that no mention is made of theorbo in the score though there is a

separate part for the instrument. The complete list of parts includes:

Violino Imo (3 copies)67


Violino 2do (3 copies)68
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone
Tiorba
Flauto Trav: Primo
Flauto Trav: Secondo
Oboe Imo
Oboe 2do
Fagotto (2 copies)

The theorbo part bears added pencil figures in Weisss hand throughout, with the

exception of the Allegro aria "Del reo nel cuore" (31-36, score; 492-93, part) and the

final chorus. The aria is in f-minor and depending on the realization opted for (and

barring scordatura, which seems unlikely) could have involved some clumsy left-hand

positions. Tasto solo may be called for, though there are numerous loud passages

(including three "fortiss:" in the part) which argue against that. Long stretches of

several recitatives often include only one or two figures, but given the straightforward

harmonies this is hardly diagnostic as to what was played. Concerning the other bass

parts to Giuseppe, note the following: the 'cello part is complete, i.e. includes all

67One of the parts appears to have what remains (after binding) of an "L" in the
upper right-hand comer of the title page.

MOn the title page of one of the parts is what appears to be "XB" in pencil.

151

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recitatives and does not have extended rests. There are some small differences between

the violone and bassoon parts: neither includes recitatives and both include extended

passages of rests.

The library catalogue lists twenty (missing) parts for strings, oboe, bassoon,

theorbo, organ etc. to Hasse's motet Ero constans (Mus. 2477-E-30). Nothing was

found in the score which gave a clues as to the theorbos role in the continuo band.

Three parts marked "Basso" survive to Hasse's oratorio La conversione di S

Agostino (Score Mus. 2477-D-21, parts *-*-21a), first performed on 28 March 1750 in

the Taschenberg Palace. The text was by the Saxon Kurprinzessin (and later

Kurfurstin), Maria Antonia Walpurgis, bom Princess of Bavaria. There is one

reference to theorbo in the score: "pizzicato, senza Fag: e Tiorba" (176, measure 3),

the only reference of its kind found so far in the Dresden materials. There are (two)

separate bassoon parts, so the three "Basso" parts are likely for the theorbo, cello and

harpsichord (a violone part would most likely have been marked Basso Ripieno).

There are parts for:

Alto, Tenore, Basso69


Violino Primo (3 copies)
Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Viola (2 copies)
Basso (3 copies)
Flauto Travers [o] (2 copies)
Oboe (2 copies)
Fagotto (2 copies)
Cornu [sic] (2 copies)70

69The Soprano part is missing.

70Tacet during the "Prima Parte."

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The three bass parts are not identical, and can be identified as follows: Two of the

parts have -signs at the top of most pages; one of these bears the modem pagination

133-169 (henceforth a), the other has no pagination (h e n c e f o r th b). The third part has

neither $ -signs nor pagination (henceforth c). Unfortunately, the "senza Fag: e Tiorba"

is not reflected in any of the parts. None of the parts bears additions by Weiss. The

reference is puzzling in that the bassoon was part of the ripieno group and the

theorbo belonged to the organo group of continuo instruments.

Eight orchestral parts survive to Hasse's one-part oratorio Le Virtu appie della

croce (Mus. 2477-D-12, score; *-*-12a, parts):

Violino Primo71
Violino Secondo
Violetta
Tiorba
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo72
Fagotto 1
Fagotto 2o73

7lThe part book has been trimmed for binding, but "Mons: Pise" i.e. Pisendel
survived the process.

72A solo Chalumeau plays in the opening and closing sections of the overture,
though no part survives. The Andante at page 66 of the score ("Debil sesso, infirma
etade," for soprano solo) includes "Flauto Trav. Solo," although, again, no part
survives.

73As is customary, the bassoons do not accompany the voice(s) (in either recits
or arias). The bassoons do not play at all in Carita's Adagio sempre/Moderato assai/Un
Poco Andante aria "Gesu, dolce Gesu" (they are tacet from the Adagio secco recit "Di
questa Croce" through the accompagnato recit which concludes "i miei segnaci"
(score, 51-66). The missing section in the bassoon parts is indicated simply by "una
l'Aria tacet."

153

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The title page indicates that this "Cantata Sacra" was composed for "II Venerdi Santo

dell'Anno MDCCXXXVTI [1737]" (first performance on 19 April of that year). For a

discussion of source materials, see Michael Koch's Die Oratorien Johann Adolf

Hasses. The theorbo part contains extensive pencil additions, which would likely have

been even more numerous had the copyist not included so many figures. Only the final

Andante is completely free of figures (the copyist likewise did not include any).

Ironically, it is the Andante ma non troppo in four flats (score, 41-51; theorbo part,

68-69) that would have seemed the least likely candidate for chordal realization on the

theorbo, but it bears numerous added figures. Although ' cello and violone pans are

missing, in all likelihood the 'cello accompanied throughout and the violone only in

instrumental and forte vocal passages.

The two-section oratorio, La Deposizione dalla Croce (Mus. 2477-D-19, score;

*-*-19a, parts) was first performed on 3 April 1744 in Dresden. Michael Koch has

concluded that the parts provide us with the original version as well as the later

version (1748, represented by the score and certain modifications in the partssee

below).74 Performing parts survive for:

Violino 1 (5 copies)75

74Koch, Die Oratorien Johann Adolf Hasses, 107.

75Three of the parts are in one hand, each bearing an added notation in the
upper right comer (modem pagination given for reference): a) "Sr. P[isendel]" in ink,
the "P" having subsequently been modified (in rust-colored pencil to "Ba0*" (108-147).
b) "H" in rust-colored pencil (148-186); c) "O [or Q?]" in pencil (187-225). The cover
of a) also has 1744 written in pencil, though most probably by a modem hand. Two
more parts for Violino I exist (36-71 and 72-107, respectively) which have markings
on the cover in rust-colored pencil that are almost certainly contempory with the pan.

154

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Violino 2do (4 copies)76
Violetta 1
Violetta 2do
Violoncello
Violoncello 26077
Violone (2 copies)78
Tiorba
Flauto Travers: Primo
Flauto Travers: Secondo
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Como Primo
Como Secondo79
Fagotto (2 copies)

What I will call d) is marked "Camer Musicus Leneis" toward the lower left, and e)
bears in the upper right comer what appears to be a crossed-out "4H". d) and e)
represent a later version: note, for example, the 6/8 Lento in A, which is contained in
a)-c) in two versions whereas d) and e) contain only what is clearly the latter version
of the two.

76Three of the parts are in one hand, each bearing an added notation in the
upper right comer (modem pagination given for reference): a) "II." in pencil (226-
263); b) "X" in rust-colored pencil (264-302); c) "H" in pencil (303-340). What I will
call part d) for Violino Secondo (1-35) has "N:r." in rust-colored pencil in the upper
right comer of the cover, a notation almost certainly contempory with the part, d)
represents a later version: note, for example, the 6/8 Lento in A, which is contained in
a)-c) in both versions whereas d) only contains the latter.

77The Violoncello [Primo] part is identical to the theorbo part as to the text, but
is not figured. A few pencil additions have been made to make fermate etc. more
noticeable (435, first system, penultimate bar, for example). The second 'cello part is
identical to the bassoon and violone parts, i.e. tacet during recits and solo vocal
sections.

78Like the violin parts (see above), one of the violone parts is in a different
hand and appears to be of later vintage (earlier part?, 490-504; later part?, 505-520).
Both parts contain fragments of watermarks, but in neither case are they of sufficient
size to make positive identification possible. This line of enquiry may or may not
prove fruitful at some later date.

79The notation on the cover of the two parts "Introduzzione, e Coro tacet 4 Arie
tacet[,] poi siegue il Coro" means simply that the comi only play in the final chorus of
the Prima Parte.

155

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The theorbo part (521-576) bears pencil additions throughout. Three numbers are

marked with "NB" (i.e. nota bene) in the margin.80 Pages 573 and 573a in the theorbo

part illustrate two separate versions of the work. 573a has been sewn in and provides a

different conclusion to the 6/8 Lento (the version represented by the score). The ' cello

(I) part likewise contains both versions, the later one as an insert before the earlier one

(470 and 471-72, respectively). The insert in the theorbo part bears no pencil

additions, whereas the first (and subsequently crossed-out) version contains several

added figures. The same is true of the two modified systems sewn in at the top of

page 569 (Allegro, see also the score (165-74) and the 'cello (I) part (466)).

The two-part oratorio, Sant'Elena al Calvario (Mus. 2477-D-20, score; *-*-20a,

parts) was first performed on 9 April 1746 in Dresden. Michael Koch notes that he

was unable to examine these parts, but nevertheless concludes that they represent the

first version of the work and the one that was performed in both 1746 and 1747.81

Performing parts survive for:

Sant'Elena,82 Eudossa,83 Eustatio,84, Hraciliano,85 S. Macario,86

80The writer combines the right side of the N and the back of the B. These
occur at the "un poco lento, ma poco" (546-47), Allegro (552-54) and Lento (562-63).
The opening stave of the second Lento is curious in that "B molli[?]" proceeds the clef
sign. In the score (158-60), the movement has three flats (as does the proceeding
Lento); in the part, the flats have been left out. In the 'cello part, three flats have been
pencilled in, though only at the first system. The piece was clearly played in A-flat;
why Weiss chose to notate it in this way is not clear.

8lKoch, Die Oratorien Johann Adolf Hasses, 109-10.

82"Sig. Venturino" in ink in upper right comer of part.

^"Sig. Bindi" in ink in upper right comer of part; in upper left comer,
"Patrassi" in pencil.

156

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Violino Primo (3 copies)7
Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Violetta 1
Violetta 2***
Violoncello
Violoncello R[ipieno]
Violone
Tiorba

Flauto Trav: Imo


Flauto Trav: 2*
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Fagotto Imo
Fagotto 2to

With the two exceptions of San. Macario's recitative "O marmo glorioso" (corresponds

to page 18 of the score) and the final chorus of the oratorio, all sections of the theorbo

part bear pencil additions.* In some numbers, only one or two figures have been

added; in the Moderato corresponding to pages 100-109 of the score, on the other

hand, numerous figures have been added. Unique in the Dresden theorbo parts

examined to date are certain of the pencil additions found in the theorbo part to San

4"Sig. Nicolino" in ink in upper right comer of part; in upper left comer,
"Perini" in pencil.

5"Sig. Annibali" in ink in upper right comer of part; in upper left comer,
"Bondini" in pencil.

M"Sig. Amorevoli" in ink in upper right comer of part; in upper left comer,
"Guardassoni" in pencil.

7One of the parts is marked "S.P." (i.e. "Signore Pisendel"). Another is marked
"V" in pencil on the title page (not Volumier, who died in 1728).

*Pages are given for the score only as the parts are not paginated.

157

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Macario's recitativo accompagnato, "A1 ciel diletta Augusta, popoli a1 Ciel diletti" (A

tempo giusto, e sempre I'istesso: score, 94-99). In the theorbo part (measures 20-27),

lines have been drawn from the single bass note in each of these measures to the

corresponding note one beat earlier in the voice part (see Figures 28 and 29, where the

first system of this passage is given, in theorbo part and score respectively). One

assumes the goal was to enhance the audibility of the theorbo by having it play

(chords?) when all other instrumental (bass) parts were silent.

Figure 28: Lines drawn in theorbo pan to Hasses SantElena a l Calvario.


I

Figure 29: Corresponding measures in score (see previous figure).

La Caduta de Gerico (Mus. 2477-D-18, score; *-*-18,2, parts) poses

orchestration problems, as pointed out by Michael Koch. He accords the Urform of the

work the number D 6a, exlaining:

158

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Der groBte Teil der Abschriften uberliefert das Werk in Fassnng D 6a. In
dieser Form wurde es in Dresden (wenigstens) einmal gespielt. D 6a erscheint
in den Partiturkopien mit unvollstandigen Instrumentationsangaben. Der
Dresdner Stimmensatz D-Dlb 2477-D-18a [sic] kann die
Auffuhrungsinstrumentation leider auch nicht vollstandig erhellen, da die
Oboenstimmen dort fehlen. Immerhin zeigt sich, daB die Floten in sechs Alien
und beiden ' Coro'-Satzen mitgewirkt haben, ohne daB die Partituren dies
anzeigten. damit ergibt sich Fassung D 6a*. die noch um die Oboenstimmen zu
erganzen ware.89

The majority of the copies transmit the work in version D 6a. In this form, it
was played at least once in Dresden. Copies of the score of D 6a transmit
incomplete indications of orchestration. The Dresden parts (Mus. 2477-D-18.2)
are unfortunately unable to clarify the instrumentation since the oboe parts are
missing. All the same, one sees [from the parts] that the flutes participated in
six arias and both choruses even though this is not indicated in the score,
giving us version D 6a*. which must be supplemented with oboe parts.

The list of surviving parts:

Caleb,90 Rahab,91 Finees,92 Eleazzaro,93 Giosue9*


Violino I (3 copies)95
Violino II (3 copies)
Violetta I
Violetta H
Violoncello
Violoncello R[ipieno]

89Koch, Die Oratorien Johann Adolf Hasses, 107-08.

90"Sig. Schuster" in upper right comer of title page.

91"Sig. Bindi" in upper right comer of title page.

w"Sig. Venturino" in upper right comer of title page.

^"Sig. Anibali" in upper right comer of title page.

^''Sig. Amorevoli" in upper right comer of title page.

^One of the parts is marked "S.P." (i.e. "Signore Pisendel") in ink. The two
others are marked "L:" (with rust-colored pencil): a) in the part with pages 134-172 an
apparent (and unsuccessful) attempt has been made to erase the letter, b) in the part
with pages 173-211 the "L:[?]" has been partly trimmed away.

159

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Violone
Tiorba
Flauto Travers: Primo
Flauto Travers: Secondo

The work was first performed on 12 April 1743. The theorbo part has perhaps fewer

pencil additions than in any other work examined to date. Still, up to and including the

Lento (part, 563-64; score, 169-183), all sections but the opening chorus contain some

notations by Weiss. Beginning with the recitative on the bottom of page 564, however,

only the Lento at pages 572-73 contains added figures (score, 201-09). The only really

puzzling spot which involves theorbo is the second measure on page 555 of the part,

where a sharp sign above the final sixteenth note suggests that the theorbist may have

arpeggiated during the ensuing measures marked "tremulo" rather than using the

technique indicated. No such addition has been made at the two similar passages (one

later on the same page, the other at page 549)96 The "tremulo" is also marked in the

'cello part.

The theorbo part to the pastorale Venire, Pastores, venire exultemus (Mus.

2477-E-538, score; *-*-538a, parts97) has the first pencil additions found to date which

may be in a different hand (i.e. not that of S. L. Weiss).98 The theorbo part is identical

to the organ part with the exception of three ties missing in the former which appear

to be copyist's omissions. (For a copy of the first page of the theorbo part, see Figure

96See score, 144-45 and 108, respectively.

97A second and clearly more recent (19th century?) set of parts to Venire is
catalogued under the same call number, but it is not relevant to this discussion and
will not be discussed here; it does not include a theorbo part.

The work is called a "Motetto" on the title page.

160

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30, below.) Two sets of pencil additions are found in all the parts, one in regular

pencil and one in blue pencil that were certainly made later."

"T he lead pencil appears to have been harder and/or of better quality than that
used for other additions encountered to date; the additions may also have been more
recent.

161

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^ T rf t TT
- Ti T ; -tM=-

w 7 ... _________ J S -, & *. ,$ f /

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* $ u ^ r ' ^ - ~ 1 r- t 1 -

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:ii
Figure 30: Page I. theorbo part to Hasse's Venite.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Corrections to some parts have also been made in ink, some of them pasted in. The

additions in regular pencil are few in number and chiefly involve changes in the text

("pastores" replaces "venite" at measures 34-36 of the alto and tenor parts, for

instance). The only two additions to the theorbo part consist of sharp signs (to

designate a major third) at systems three and six of the second of two pages; a similar

sign was not found in any of the other parts, although one can suppose that they were

made by the theorbist, while the other corrections were perhaps by the conductor. The

additions in blue pencil consist largely of ties and dynamic markings (quite clearly, the

same hand has done all the parts). A date for the work has not yet been established

and the Hasse's works list in The New Grove (1980 ed., see under the heading "Other

Sacred Vocal") is the only reference to the work in the secondary literature found to

date. The bass line is simply marked "Organo" (on the title page) and no indications as

to instrumentation are found elsewhere in the score.

Watermarks may prove valuable in dating the (earlier set of) parts; the

following parts bear watermarks: Contralto R[ipieno], Tenore (scarcely visible),

Basso R[ipieno], both violone parts. As yet no identification has been made; the

quality of the paper is not consistent and identifying its source is likely to be difficult.

The watermark taken from the two violone parts is reproduced in Figure 31.

163

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r
xv
Figure 31: Watennark from Hasse's Venite, Pastores.

For a discussion of the archlute aria to Hasses II cantico, see Chapter 3.

Johann Georg Schurer

Johann Georg Schurer (c 1720-1786), one of Zelenka's successors (from circa

1746), initially wrote primarily for the theater, but after the performance of his comic

opera Calandro (Mus. 2455-F-l)100 confined himself to composing sacred music.101 A

case in point is the oratorio II Figliuol Prodigo (Mus. 3096-D-8). The Andantino sung

by "La Speranza" (soprano) is for flute (first and second), bassoon (first and second),

violini con sordini (first and second), "2. Violette. con sordini" and basso continuo

(166-80102). The bass line is marked piano sempre and especially intriguing are the

five passages of written out trills that the bass part shares with the violins.103 The bass

100First performance in the little Zwinger theater on 20 January 1748.

l01S.v. "Schurer, Johann Georg" in The New Grove, 1980 ed.

Pagination by author.

103Three lasting four measures, one lasting three and one half, and one lasting
two bars. In each case, the trill is represented by two thirty-seconds followed by a

164

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part goes as high as a 1.104 The text begins "Ah quel pianto quanto e bello, abbondante

e Si, abbondante e Si che pare, qual se fosse un ampio mare [...] dove s'agita il dolor."

The character of the piece would not have been inappropriate for theorbo and Weiss

was still active in performances. Those desiring to perform the piece will have to

decide for themselves.

We have better luck with Schiirer's Litanie di S. Saverio in F (Mus. 3096-D-

10105). A theorbo part survives which is completely figured; no differences have been

found between it and the part for organo. Many of the theorbo figures, as well as

section titles and some tempo indications, are in a lighter ink than that used for the

notes. The reason for the somewhat haphazard nature of the two stages of copying is

not clear. The following parts to the Litanie survive:

Soprano, Contr'Alto, Tenore, Basso


Soprano Ripieno, Alto Ripieno, Tenore Ripieno, Basso Ripieno (2 copies)
Violino Primo (3 copies)
Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies),
Violoncello o\[? ] Basso continuo (2 copies)
Violoncello Ripieno (2 copies),
Violone
Tiorba
Organo
Flauto Traversiere: Primo

dotted sixteenth. Those in the violin part are simply marked "tr". In those sections the
violins are unisoni.

lwRepresents the pitch at the seventh fret of the first course of the German
theorbo and the twelfth fret of the third course of the Italian theorbo in A (see
Appendix XV, Tunings 2 and 1, respectively).

105Both parts and (autograph) score bear the same number.

165

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Flauto Traversiere: Secondo106
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Fagotto Primo
Fagotto Secondo
Como di Caccia Primo
Como di Caccia Secondo.107

The title page of the score, though unusually complete, naturally does not list non

obbligato parts (violoncelli, violone, bassoons, theorbo, vocal and instrumental

ripienists):

"Litaniae Xaverianae a Soprano, Alto, Tenore, et Basso Viol 2. Oboe 2. oblig:


Flaut: 2 oblig: Comi di Caccia 2 oblig: Violetta et Organo Compositae e
Joanne Georgio Schurer."

The score contains not a single reference to the theorbo. The bass line bears only the

following indications as to instrumentation:

a) vvs: and vvs[i?] presumably violoncelli soli); b) tutti; c) tasto sola


[sic] (also tasto sol:). "Vvs:" and "tasto sol:" occur together in numerous
instances in the Largo, "Pauperrime Haveri".

The violone and bassoon parts are identical throughout the "Pauperrime Haveri." The

violone is then tacet for 68 of the "Patriarcha affectu"s (Allegro poco) 102 bars; the

violone accompanies the oboe and otherwise plays only during fortissimo instrumental

passages. For the rest of the piece, violone and bassoon again play identical parts.

With the exception of the bassoon solos in the "Patriarcha affectu," bassoon and

' Flutes tacet at: "Magister Credentium," "Prodigiorum Thaumaturge,"


"Patriarcha affectu" and "In quo uno." Comi di caccia tacet at: "Magister Credentium,"
"Prodigiorum Thaumaturge," "Pauperrime Haveri," "Patriarcha affectu" and "In quo
uno."

,07A11 parts bear the indication "revfision?! (double underlining in orig.) in the
upper left hand comer of the title page.

166

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violone generally only accompany the voice during forte passages, otherwise playing

strictly during the instrumental sections. See, for example, the "Magister Credentium"

(Quasi cantabile). Analysing the parts for theorbo, organ, bassoons, ' celli and violone

would lend support to the division of the continuo group into "soli" and "ripieni" (see

Wolfgang Horns comments under Zelenka, above).

No theorbo part survives to Schurer's Missa in A (Mus. 3096-D-500, score; *-

*-500a, parts).108 The bass part in the score is labelled "Fond." or "Fondam."

Tobias Buz

The least distinguished successor of Zelenka (as church composer) was Tobias

Buz (?-?). Only one of his works is currently in the collection of the Sachsische

Landesbibliothek, namely his Mass in G (autograph, 2834-D-l).109 Unfortunately, no

parts to the mass survive, but the score contains a few clues as to the performance of

the continuo part. The scoring is for oboe (1 and 2), violin (1 and 2), viola, canto,

alto, tenore, basso and organo. The bass line is figured throughout, though not

extensively. That the organ was not the only continuo instrument is clear from the

following indications in the part. On page 20 of the score, the penultimate measure of

108The only bass parts are for "Violono" (presumably the violone) and
Organo.

l09"Messe Delicta Inventutis mea ne memineris."

167

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the organo part has "tutti" written above it.110 The "tutti" is not to give the organist a

clue as to what is going on behind his back, as it were, since the only changes that

occur are that the voices drop out, the second violin drops out, and the oboe resumes

playing (entry one measure before "tutti"). The viola comes in forte a measure later,

and is joined by the second violin {forte) two measures later, there are no other

dynamic indications until the next "tutti," which is sung by soprano only (23, measure

3 of the "Kyrie"). Interesting also are the two 'Tasto solo" indications at a) the last

measure of page 101 (just before the last page of the Kyrie), and b) at the opening

measure of the following Credo. At a), figures are present three measures later (for the

two-measure cadence); at b), figures resume at the next bar. The stretto (and first)

entry o f the "Christe eleison" (15, measure 2) is curious as the bass part is marked

"solo"; so is the canto, however. This is not the case at the second Kyrie entry,

likewise stretto. Not having parts, one cannot say if the Kyrie entry was with ripienists

and the Christe without. In any event, the figures in the bass part resume one measure

later. The same situation obtains at page 19, penultimate bar. It is the "tutti" six

measures later which concludes this section.

Johann Michael Breunich

Johann Michael Breunich (died after 1756) was one of Zelenka's successors as

church composer. A Jesuit priest who had worked previously at both Mainz and

llQRepresents the cadence at "Christe eleison" leading into an instrumental


passage and back to "Kyrie eleison."

168

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Prague, he composed at least one opera, Astrea placata (Mus. 2993-F-l), but Hasse's

prominence in Dresden seem to have limited performances of Breunichs few secular

compositions to the Warsaw court. The Sachsische Landesbibliothek now has only a

handful of his works, none of which provide clear evidence of lute participation. His

oratoria II David Penitente (Mus. 2992-D-l), dated "in Dresda nell' Anno 1742,"

designates the bass line in all but one instance with "Violone." Organo is never

mentioned; "Basso" is used on page 44, and from page 156 to 185 no bass instrument

is mentioned. The part is unfigured and there are no other suggestive indications (such

as "tutti gli bassi").

A similar situation obtains with Breunich's Litanie di St. Francesco Xaverio

(Mus. 2993-E-l). The instrumental bass part is marked "organo." On page 50, a

soprano aria is accompanied by "flauti unis.", "violini con sordini," violetta and

"Basso." For the conclusion of the aria (including the final Largo), oboes and bassoons

are added. The bass part is figured extensively throughout except during this section

marked "Basso." The tempo marking is "Adagio e Cantabile" and the key is C-major,

and one is tempted to posit theorbo accompaniment. Parts survive for:

Soprano solo, Contralto Imo, Tenore I, Basso Imo


Soprano ripieno (3 copies), Alto ripieno (3 copies), Tenore ripieno (3 copies),
Basso ripieno
Violino I00 (7 copies)
Violino II (5 copies)
Violetta
Violoncello e Violone (2 copies)111
Violone

11Each title page bears a name in pencil at the top: "Salamon" and "Doza
Schubert" respectively.

169

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Organo

Nothing in the bass line itself would argue against theorbo having participated and

"organo" could be taken to mean organ group as discussed by Wolfgang Horn (see

above, under Zelenka and in connection with the Litaniae Xaverianae of Johann Georg

Schurer).

Franz Seydelmann

Franz Seydelmann (1748-1806) served in Dresden as both court composer

(from 1772) and Kapellmeister (from 1787), sharing both positions with Joseph

Schuster. Seydelmann's oratorio La Betulia Liberata (Mus. 3550-D-3, score; *-*-3a,

parts) was composed for Dresden and first performed in 1774. Solo voice parts contain

continuo figures and five instrumental bass parts survive, one for violoncello, two for

"violono" and two for bassoon (I00 and IT*0). Notably, none of these instruments

accompanies the recitativo secco; they all participate in recitativo accompagnato

sections.112 A similar source situation obtains for two other works by Seydelmann: La

Morte d'Abel (1801: Mus. 3550-D-l, score; *-*-la, parts); Gioas, re di Guida (1776:

Mus. 3550-D-2, score; *-*-2a, parts). The only difference in the bass parts to the three

oratorios is that two violoncello parts survive to La Morte d'Abel and only one each to

both Gioas and La Betulia Liberata. The latter two scores, however, contain references

to "Violoncelli soli" (several in the case of La Betulia). The lowest part of all three

ll2Compare the relevant sections of the parts with the score to the secco recit
(76-82) and Ozia's recitativo accompagnato (85-91) (both in vol. 1 of the score).

170

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scores is marked simply "Bassi." The rare "Contra Bassi" indications presumably refer

to the violones as a separate group (see Gioas, 151, measure two, for example). Just

on the basis of the figures to the secco recitatives (in the score), one has to conclude

that a chordal instrument or instruments participated for which no parts survive. A

more precise difinition of the configuration of the continuo band will have to await the

results of further research. Sadly, most sets of parts to Seydelmann's works are

missing.

Joseph Schuster

Joseph Schuster also composed an oratorio La Betulia liberata (1796: Mus.

3549-D-4, score; *-*-4a, parts). The list of surviving orchestral parts is reasonably

long and does not include theorbo:

Violino 1 (2 copies)
Violino H*5 (2 copies)
Viole (2 copies)
Violincello113
Violone (2 copies)
Flauto I
Flauto
Oboe I0
Oboe n*>
Oboe I0 R[ipien]o
Oboe H** R[ipien]o
Clarinetto I
Clarinetto H**
Fagotto N I
Fagotto N II

ll3Both violin parts and the violone part survive in duplicate, marked N I and
N n, respectively. Only the 'cello part marked N I survives. The "Viole" parts are
not so marked.

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Como Imo, Como IIdo (both marked _ D:_B:_G:_F:_Eb:_C:_)
Tromba 1, Tromba H* (both marked _.D:_B:)
Timpani (_.D: A:_)

There are numerous and lengthy secco recitatives, but the evidence suggests that they

were accompanied only by one 'cello and one violone, not the theorbo. In the

accompagnato recitatives, "Violoncelli" passages generally alternate with "Bassi" (see,

for example, "Popoli di Betulia" beginning on page 29 of the score and the

corresponding section of the 'cello part). These sections in the 'cello part are not

figured. The secco recitatives, on the other hand, are figured in both the 'cello part

and the score. In the former, they are marked "1. [or "un"] Violoncello I. Violone."

The unfigured Violone N I part played the secco recitatives with the Violoncello N I;

Violone N II contains the accompagnato recitatives but not the secco recitatives

(textual tags clue subsequent entrances). Whenever the ' celli play chordally as a

group, notes are written out in both the 'cello part and the score.114 An interesting

combination of the two styles of recitative is found in the second part of the oratorio,

beginning on page 43 of the score (see also the corresponding section of the ' cello

part).

Johann Gottlieb Naumann

As shown in Table 1 above, J.G. Naumann was engaged as second

Kirchencompositeur at Dresden in 1764, upon Hasse's recommendation (Johann Georg

1MSee, for example, the D-major triad for "Violoncelli" just prior to the fourth
chorus (Adagio) at the last bar on page 100 in the score, and the corresponding place
in the part.

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Schurer was the other official composer of sacred music). Naumann subsequently

received the following appointments in Dresden: Kammerkomponist, 1765; "Emennung

zum kurfurstlichen Kapellmeister," 1776; Oberkapellmeiser, 1786.115 His list of sacred

compositions includes twelve oratorios, one in French and the rest in Italian. Given his

association with the theorbist J. A. F. Weiss, he may well have made use of theorbo in

his sacred compositions (for more on the theorbist, see Chapter 1). Many sacred works

from this period by Naumann and others fall into this category, but the vast majority

o f scores have no corresponding parts; most of these works exist on microfilm, but the

parts were lost before this process began.

Sacred works by composers not employed at the Saxon Court

Certain works by composers not active in Saxony survive in Dresden sources

and were clearly performed there, such as the two masses by Francesco Conti (Contini

in the sources). The score of Conti's Missa con Trombe (Mus.2367-D-l) bears entries

in Heinichen's hand.116 The copy of Conti's mass number 32 comes from Zelenka's

private collection (and may be in his hand). Neither score contains a reference to the

theorbo, but a Dresden performance of the work (which is not documented but must

be considered in view of the presence of the score) would almost certainly have

115Inge Forst, "Die Messen von Johann Gottlieb Naumann," Ph.D. diss.,
Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Univ., Bonn, 1988, 17-23.

I16Hom, Die Dresdner Hofkirchenmusik, 166. "Eine dieser Messen weist


Eintragungen Heinichens auf." [One of these masses bears [handwritten] additions by
Heinichen.]

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included theorbo in the continuo group.

The psalm setting Beata vir (Mus. 2170-E-2, score; *-*-2a, parts) by Antonio

Caldara (ca 1670-1736) was likewise part of Zelenka's collection and a theorbo part

survives.117 Surviving parts include:

Canto concertato, Alto concertato, Tenore, Basso


Canto Ripieno, Alto Ripieno, Tenore Ripieno, Basso Ripieno
Violino 1 (3 copies)
Violino 2do (3 copies)
Viola (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone Ripieno (2 copies)
Tiorba
Organo
Hautbois lm0
Hautbois 2do
Fagotto (2 copies)

The theorbo and organ parts contain the same note text, but the organ part is more

extensively figured (though the theorbo part does have figures, including frequent

compound figures, throughout). The theorbo part also does not contain dynamic

markings or indications of solo passages, both found in the organ part. The clef

changes in the Gloria and Peccator are found in both parts, including the two-voice

writing in the second case. The bass line of the score contains numerous indications

relative to the viola(!) but nothing beyond the "organo" above the bottom system of

the first page to indicate other subtleties of orchestration. As is customary, violone and

bassoons generally do not play in vocal passages (except tutti).

,1TThe score and the majority of the parts are clearly in the hand of copyist
Philipp Troyer, with additions by Zelenka. Nothing can be said at this time about other
scribes who may have been involved in copying these parts.

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Zelenka had in his collection one composition by fellow Bohemian, Jan Zach

(1699-1773), the Salve Regina in D minor (Mus. 2479-D-l). Parts survive for soprano,

violin (I and II), viola, flute (I and II), Como ("Primo" and "Altero"), organ and

violone. The work is the last of the "Salve"s in Zelenka's list (number 17) and is

entered as "a 4 con Stromenti e Basso Continu." On 24 April 1745, Zach was

appointed Kapellmeister at Mainz, being suspended in 1750 and dismissed in 1756,

but this piece would have been written while the composer was still living in Prague

(where he remained until 1740).118 The presence of the work in Zelenka's list puts the

year of its acquisition as 1739 at the latest, eleven years prior to the death of S. L.

Weiss, who almost certainly would have participated in any performance(s) of this

work at Dresden.119

Other Lute Types in Sacred Music in Dresden

Heinichen's Lobe den Herm, meine Seele (2398-E-506) survives only in a set

of parts and is a Psalm cantata which "alternates literal verses from Psalm 103 with

rhymed paraphrases."120 The work is undated, but Unger assumes a date prior to 1707,

118S.v. "Zach, Jan" in The New Grove, 1980 ed.

119Zelenkas list was "begonnen am 17. Januar 1726 und offenbar kontinuierlich
bis 1739 (letzter datierbarer Eintrag) weitergefuhrt. [started on 17 January 1726 and
apparently continually maintained until 1739 Oast datable entry).] Zelenka
Dokumentation, I, 25.

>20Unger, German Choral Church Compositions, 67.

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due to the absence of da capo arias.121 Parts survive for:

Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso


Violino 1
Violino 2
Viola 1
Viola 2
Chalcedono
Continuo
Hautbois 1
Hautbois 2
Basone122

Melvin Unger identifies the "Chalcedono" with the colascione and posits that

"Heinichen probably learned to appreciate the instrument from Telemann, who used it

in many of his church cantatas."123 The range demanded of the instrument here is from

C to e 1 (for more on the range of the colascione, see Chapter 2). The organ part is

figured throughout (sparsely in the final chorus). The colascione has two figured

sections:

121The earliest dated chorale cantata by Heinichen is Gelobet sei der Herr (24
June 1707), for the Feast of St. John the Baptist; the cantata's first aria (for soprano) is
da capo. In positing a chronology for four undated works, including Lobe den Herm
and one other cantata without da capo arias, Unger is "inclined to conclude that these
undated works are earlier works still." (42). He does admit, however, "that the Masses
(which are late works) do not use da capo form." (48, fn. 14)

I22The oboe and bassoon parts are transposed up a major second, employing
"the lower pitch characteristic of France and at least parts of Italy." Unger, German
Choral Church Compositions, 96.

123Unger, German Choral Church Compositions, 92. Donald Gill's article (cited
under colascione in Chapter 2) is the basis for Ungers conclusion that the
"chalcedono" (or colascione) had six strings and "was therefore well-suited for playing
the thorough bass" (92). Gill's article also refers to a "church cantata score" by G.Ph.
Telemann marked "Calcedon o theorba," but does not state in which library the
manuscript resides. For a discussion of the Telemann sources and their relevance to
Dresden lute practice, see Chapter 2 (under colascione).

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a) the first eleven measures of the four-part "Und vergiB nicht" (marked "Adagio" in

the "Canto" and "Tenore" partsfrom Psalm 103:1-3. ).124 (The colascione enters on

the second beat of the measure with the singers; the organ plays the downbeat.)

b) The colascione plays chords for the last twenty-six measures of the "canto" solo,

"Siehe, siehe". The winds and violas are silent throughout and there is some interplay

with the violins, but no clear signal that chords are to be played on the colascione.

The text, a paraphrase of Psalm 103:4-6, is "wenn du muBt leiden, schafft dir Kraft"

[when you must suffer, acquire strength]; the colascione's entry is on the repeat of

"leiden."125

Two concetti grossi by G.Ph. Telemann which specify obbligato colascione

also survive in autograph copies in Dresden: (Mus. 2392-0-18) for two transverse

flutes or violins in D; (Mus. 2392-0-22) for two transverse flutes in b. Here, the

colasciones role is clearer, and perhaps more typical for the instrument (although

more research is required before far-reaching conclusions can be drawn). In addition to

the paucity of figures, the indication "Calchedono [?] ou Basson" suggests that the

instruments role may have been primarily melodic (see Figure 32, below).126 A

standard feature is that the colascione accompanies flute solos, while the harpsichord

accompanies solo strings (see Figure 33, below). (Naturally, both accompany during

tuttis.) The range demanded of the instrument is from E to f1 in (Mus. 2392-0-18) and

124Unger, German Choral Church Compositions, 113.

125For a structural analysis of the work, see Unger, 123-24.

I26From the second stave from the bottom, system 1, page I of the concerto in
D (Mus. 2392-0-18).

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from D to g1 in (Mus. 2392-0-22).127

Figure 32: Calchedono (?) ou Basson.

127The two works were almost certainly composed circa 1719 while Telemann
was working in Frankfurt, but they formed a relatively early part of the foundation of
the royal music collection at Dresden, witness the signature number Ca 36. Manfred
Fechner posits that the works were perhaps brought to Dresden as early as 1719, or
were sent there shortly thereafter (see his "Studien zur Dresdner Uberlieferung der
Instrumentalkonzerte von G. Ph. Telemann [etc.]-Untersuchungen zu den Quellen und
Thematisher Katalog," Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Rostock, 1991, 26-28).

178

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Figure 33: Opening measures of page 5, second system of Mus. 2392-0-
18.

179

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Conclusion

Lutes played a demonstrably large role in sacred music at eighteenth-century

Dresden, especially the theorbo during the tenure of Silvius Leopold Weiss. All

surviving evidence suggests that Weisss primarily role was playing theorbo continuo.

Why theorbo and note lute? Weiss himself mentioned his use of the theorbo in church

in his letter to Johann Mattheson (quoted in Chapter 2, above); Ernst Gottlieb Baron

(in his Untersuchung) observed that the lute, due to its delicacy was most

appropriate for trios and chamber works for small ensembles," but the theorbo,

because of its power, was suitable for ensembles of thirty to forty musicians, as in

churches and operas."128 Musicians who scoff at the theorbo's ability to be heard in a

church should not forget that the orchestras in which it played a role usually counted

no more than forty musicians and were generally even smaller. The churches where it

is known to have played were likewise of modest dimensions. As for the colascione,

although it was used with some frequency during the tenure of Bachs predecessor at

Leipzig, Johann Kuhnau, it does not seem to have played a prominent role in

performances of sacred music at Dresden.129

What do we know about the style in which S. L. Weiss played continuo?

128"dafl bey Trios oder aus wenig Personen bestehenden Cammer-Musiquen, die
Laute wegen ihrer Delicatesse und die Theorbe unter Musiquen von dreyssig biB
vierzig Personen als in Kirchen und Opem wegen ihrer Force gute Dienste thue.
(131)

129For information on the colasciones role in Leipzig under Kuhnau, see Hans-
Joachim Schulzes article, "Johann Sebastian Bach's orchestra: some unanswered
questions," EM 17/1 (February 1989): 10-11.

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Precious little. First of all, we have no solo literature for the German theorbo,

preventing us from taking the (usually dangerous) leap from the instrumental style

found in a solo repertoire to the realization of figured bass parts. As to contemporary

accounts of Weisss continuo playing, Baron says only that Weiss played "basso

continuo extraordinarily well on lute as well as theorbo (Untersuchung, 78).'30 We do

have the eighteenth-century solo music for (baroque) lute, which was in a related

tuning (compare Tunings 2 and 3, Appendix XV). But baroque lute repertoire is based

largely on a two-voice model (with additional voices filling out the harmonies, from

time to time); this technique that can work admirably in softer passages, but, as soon

as the ensemble grows in size, a denser accompaniment is almost always required. In

such passages, the current authors experience is that arpeggiating full chords is an

excellent way to increase the instruments audibility in such passages.131

The effectiveness of the lute in church will have been affected by several

factors, including the quality of the instruments (and the strings), the acoustics of the

church and whether the lutenist did or did not play with nails. My own experiences as

both a player and a concertgoer have taught me that the only reliable guide is testing

the instrument in the space and being prepared to react to both pleasant and unpleasant

surprises. Always assuming that our own aesthetic sensibilities are not totally out of

l30"und extraordinair so wohl auf der Lauten, als Tiorba den General Bass
accompagnirt.

l31Baron, in the opening to the sentence in which he praises Weisss talent as a


continuo player, says Weisss arpeggios had an exceptionally full-voiced quality
(eine ungemeine Vollstimmigkeit). (Untersuchung, 78.)

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harmony with those of musicians in the eighteenth century, we will be better served to

rely on our ears rather than to spend time positing and carrying out formulae for

effective continuo.

Both Gasparini and Heinichen advise using a full-voiced accompaniment (on

the harpsichord) in larger ensembles, which might lead one to posit full-bodied chords

on the theorbo if the instrument is to be adequately heard. Sadly, little musical

evidence has been found to date which would enable one to support this admittedly

reasonable suggestion. Moreover, consistently playing more than four- or five-note

chords on lutes is seldom possible, due to the limitations placed on the player by open

strings, etc. Obbligato parts which survive for lute, theorbo and archlute (to both

sacred and secular works) are generally in one- or, at most, two-voice writing. In

Ristori's Arianna (Mus. 2455-F-4, score; *-*-4a, parts), on the other hand, we

encounter a succession of written-out chords which raises the possibility of a denser

accompaniment (see Figure 34, below). Note, however, that the chords are written out

in a tenor clef and do not make use of the theorbos powerful bass register. If the

chords were indeed played in the notated range they would hardly have produced an

overwhelming volume of sound, and conceivably were played arpeggiando, more as

an effect than for strong support.

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Czi>rbai

fTZ". rT * y** * ? .% '


; ; m <-3fb ^ t .* , *i < V V u

" - h
Figure 34: Beginning of 'Dove: col pie scosceso' from Riston's Arianna.

That theorbo played such an active role in the musical life in Dresden up to

1750 is remarkable in itself, and testifies to the extraordinary talents of Silvius

Leopold Weiss. For immediately after the changing of the guard, brought about by

Weiss's death in 1750 and the subsequent appointment of his son Johann Adolph

Faustinus in 1763, the theorbist was no longer the best-paid musician in the orchestra,

but a hanger-on whose only duties involved playing in church during Lent. The only

primary evidence found to date which suggests theorbo participation in sacred music at

Dresden after S. L. Weiss's death are the pencil additions to the theorbo part to the

Hasse motet Venite discussed above. (The part may well have been used by another

bass instrument.)

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CHAPTER 5

THEORBENB Oc h e r t o e i g h t h a s s e o p e r a s

The Theorbenbucher to eight operas by Johann Adolph Hasse constitute the

largest group of lute sources at Dresden, both in number of works by a single

composer and amount of music. These parts are particularly noteworthy because they

contain, in addition to figures by the copyist, numerous pencil additions which affect

the continuo realization.1 Only one theorbo part to an opera not by Hasse has been

found to date, to Ristori's Arianna (Mus. 2455-F-4), though it is not as extensively

figured as the Hasse Theorbenbucher (Ristoris work is discussed following the Hasse

operas, below). The Hasse operas with theorbo parts are listed chronologically in

Table 1, below.

Evidence examined to date indicates that the theorbo was the principal lute

type used to play continuo in the opera (and in church), although other lute types may

also have been used. Two arias have been found so far (both by Hasse) which call for

continuo to be played on archlute, but the present author suspects that these works

may have been performed on theorbo instead.2 "Cari Gufi che intomo volate imparate"

(1/10) to Ristori's Un pazzo ne fa cento owero Don Chischiotte (Mus. 2455-F-2)

specifies "Violette, Violoncello, e Leuto" on the bass line, but whether the lute is to

For samples of these additions and evidence as to the person most likely
responsible for them, see Chapter 4.

2"Cerva al bosco" (III/6) to Hasse's Cleofide (Mus. 2477-F-9) and Tutte


all'invito de'nostri accenti," aria No. 7 in Hasse's oratorio II cantico de' tre fanciulli
(Mus. 2477-D-8). For a discussion of both arias, see Chapter 3.

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play tasto solo or chords is not clear.3 The very fact that leuto is mentioned in the

score makes it, almost by definition, an obbligato instrument. (References to continuo

lutes in scores are exceedingly rare; of course, the lute type mentioned in the score is

not necessarily the one used to play the part, whether continuo or obbligato, as

explained in Chapter 3). Ernst Gottlieb Baron, says that Weiss played "basso continuo

extraordinarily well on lute as well as theorbo (Untersuchung, 78), but he does not

specify the repertoire and almost certainly was not referring to opera.4

Engravings clearly showing lutenists in the Dresden opera orchestra have been

found only for the fust performance of Lotti's Teofane on 13 September 1719. Figure

35 shows a section of the pit and Figure 36 is an enlargment showing the two lute

players.5 Weiss is most likely the Iutenist on the right (holding the instrument without

an extended neck).6 ; the other player (of a theorbo or archlute) is either G. Bentley or

F. Arigoni, probably the latter (for more on these players, see Chapter 1). The smaller

3For more on the term leuto, see Chapter 2. For a discussion of the aria, see
Chapter 3.

4"und extraordinair so wohl auf der Lauten, als Tiorba den General Bass
accompagnirt. (78)

sThe original pen and ink drawing (CA 200/13), by Heinrich Christoph Fehling
(1654-1725), is in the collection of the Kupferstichkabinett in Dresden. The details
were drawn from photo number 150 015, which was kindly made available to me by
the Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Abteilung Deutsche Fotothek.

6Weiss, in his letter to Mattheson discussed in Chapter 2, makes a clear


distinction between the lute, archlute and theorbo. When he speaks of having had an
excellent lute on which to play an aria con liuto solo at the nuptial celebrations
here, we reasonably assume he was speaking not genetically, but of a specific
instrument type. Lutes in this period (1719) did not have long neck extentions (in
contradistinction to archlutes and theorbos), hence the conclusion that the Weiss is the
player on the right.

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instrument probably represents the excellent lute Weiss used to play the obbligato

part to Lascia che nel suo viso (and was most probably not used for playing basso

continuo in the opera).7 Weisss letter refers only to the aria con liuto solo from

Teofane and that may represent the limit of his duties for the performance; the other

player depicted may have provided the basso continuo (on the lute with the extended

neck). A similar instrument is depicted (as Figure I) in Robert Spencers article of

1976. Particularly noteworthy are the relatively short second neck, and two pegboxes

of the Knickhals (or bent-back) variety (for comparison, see the archlute and theorbo

depicted in Chapter 2, Illustrations 1 and 2). Figure 37, below, displays a lute with one

bent-back pegbox, though with a somewhat longer extended neck and a different type

of second pegbox.9 Naturally, in drawings of this kind, such organological details may

not be significant. Still, the resemblance of the extended-neck instrument in Figure 36

to the lute in the Molenaer painting is striking and may closely approximate an

instrument used at Dresden. The current author suggests that the extended-neck lutes

represented in Figures 36 and 37 are archlutes.

7From Weisss letter to Mattheson. See Chapter 3 for a discussion, and note
especially Weisss comments regarding the unsuitability of using the lute to
accompany in an orchestra and how he had adapted another instrument for that
purpose.

At Figure 1 (408), a detail of a painting by Jan Molenaer (1609/10-68) which


hangs in the Seattle Art Museum, Spencer adds; The lowest four courses of this 10-
course instrument are housed in a second peg-box.

9"Ehrentempel zum 43. Geburtstag Augusts des Starken am 12. Mai 1718. The
original pen and ink drawing was by Johann Friedrich Wentzel (1670-1729) and
measures 44x83.5cm; the photograph (number 129 352) was provided by the
photographic division of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek. The original etching is in
the Kupferstichkabinett in Dresden.

186

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Figure 35: Section of the orchestra pit during performance of Lottis Teofane.

Figure 36: Detail of lutenists in previous figure.

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Figure 37: Detail of luteuist (theorbist?) at banquet for August the
Strong. (Sachsiscbe Landesbibliothek Mscr. Drsd. J3, Bl_5.)

Table 1: Hasse operas with surviving theorbo parts

Opera Place of f.p. Date of f.p. Lib. sign.


Mus. 2477-F-
Cleofide Dresden, Hof 13 Sept. 1731 9a
Cajo Fabrizio Dresden, Hof 8 July 1734 Ua
Irene Dresden, Hof 8 Feb. 1738 24a
Demetrio10 Dresden, Hof 8 Feb. 1740 12a
Numa Pompilio Hubertusburg 7 Oct. 1741 28a
Lucio Papirio Dresden, Hof 18 Jan. 1742 32a

10Listed as Demetrio b in Fredrick L. Millners The Operas o f Johann Adolph


Hasse, [Detroit]: UMI Research Press, 1979. Demetrio a was composed for the
carnival season in Venice (1732). Millner says of the revision: While very few
revised operas lose more than half of their original arias, Demetrio lost all but five of
the twenty-four pieces of music of the Venetian version. Despite this drastic effort,
Demetrio may still be considered a revision, not an entirely new setting, for much of
the recitative, the framework of the opera, was retained. Though three of the roles
were taken in 1740 by singers with different tessituras, Hasse kept as much of the old
recitative as he could. (134)

' Kings birthday. Note also the (f.p.) Dates of Didone abbandonata and 11
Natal di Giove.

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Opera Place of f.p. Date of f.p. Lib. sign.
Mus. 2477-F-*
Didone abbandonata Hubertusburg 7 Oct. 1742 35a
II Natal di Giove Hubertusburg 3 Aug. or 7 O ct 58a
1749

Features of Theorbo Parts by Opera


(Listed chronologically by f.p. at Dresden court)

Cleofide (Mus. 2477-F-9, score; *-*-9a, parts)

The cover to the part (under Sinfonia) originally bore the word Violoncello

(which was erased and replaced with Tiorba). Violoncello overo Tiorba is written

in the upper right-hand comer of the first page of Atto primo, but the first two words

are crossed out. The opening page of both Atto Secondo12 and Atto Terzo bear only the

word Tiorba in the upper right-hand comer. Pencil additions include figures,

fermatas and interpretative squiggles, the latter generally over long notes. Few figures

were added by either the copyist or the player (some arias are unfigured). Arias are

indicated as such in the theorbo part, however, something not true of the other (bass)

parts. Obbligato instruments are not usually indicated, but the aria in the middle of

HI/613 bears the indication Arciliuto (for a discussion of this piece, see Chapter 3).

Understandably hard to interpret are the squiggles and other non-numerical

12On the first page of Atto Secondo, the word primo has been erased and
replaced with Secondo, clearly a copyists error.

13I.e., Act HI, Scene 6. This system will be followed in all cases except the
serenata II Natal di Giove (which has but one act, as it were) where scenes will be
listed.

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(and non-verbal) additions. Se possono tanto, the first aria in 1/9 (70914), bears a

horizontal wavy line at measure 34 above a half note e, somewhat puzzling since

beneath the note is the indication pia:[no]. Or was it precisely because of the piano

passage that the theorbo would have had a better chance of being heard? Near the end

of 1/12 (718), un pocho [sic] adagio has been pencilled in, as well as a Presto

(735). The concluding aria to 1/16 (732) contains examples of all three types of

pencilled additions, but even here, we find no more than two figures, one fermata and

two squiggles.15 The final aria of HI/6 bears the indication Arciliuto in the upper

left-hand comer. Part of the script has been cut away during the binding process, but

the word is still clearly legible. The last few notes of the second system have been

similarly damaged.

As will be seen in the course of this chapter, a majority of the numbers to the

eight Hasse operas for which theorbo parts survive contain performance indications

added in pencil by, one has good reason to assume, Silvius Leopold Weiss. But what

do such small details say about the likely role played by the theorbo in the Dresden

orchestra? One hypothesis is that Weiss was making such clarifications for the benefit

of a student who was allowed to play alongside him, a student not named in payment

records but allowed to learn theorbo continuo practice at the feet of his teacher, so to

14Modem pagination of the theorbo part runs from 662 (inside front cover) to
835.

^Figures: 6 b above a quarter note c at measure 70; 5" below a cl at


measure 81. Fermata: under a quarter note b at measure 80. Squiggles extending over
measures 84-85 and 117-118.

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speak. Taken as a whole, the surviving parts do not support such a theory. Experience

teaches us that students require more rather than less in the way of figures than does a

seasoned player, and very fewif anyof the numbers bearing pencil additions has

been sufficiently figured to allow for their being executed by a student. (By the time

of the Hasse operas, no other lute players were on staff in Dresden.) These and other

issues will be dealt with under the individual operas, but it is the opinion of the

present writer that these parts were for Weisss exclusive use.

The list of surviving parts to Cleofide reads:

Violino Primo (3 copies16)


Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violoncello. Rip.
Tiorba
Flauto Travers. Primo
Flauto Travers. Secondo
Obo Primo
Obo* Secondo
Fagotto17
Bassono (!)

Cajo Fabrizio (Dresda 1734; Mus. 2477-F-ll, score; *-*-lla, parts)

Scene 9 of Act DI provides an excellent example of why we cannot limit

theorbo participation to those numbers bearing pencil additions by Weiss. In the

theorbo part, between Scena Ottava (a recitative sung by Sestia and Fabrizio) and

16The cover of one of which bears a P, i.e. Pisendel. See similar note under
Cajo Fabrizio.

17At the beginning of Atto Secondo, Bassono.

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the Moderato ma poco marked No. 24" (and part of m/9) Weiss has added the

words Manca Rec:[itativo]. This refers to the opening recitative of m/9, on a page

later tipped into the part. Names of the characters involved are not noted, and more

importantly, there are no pencil additions to the (added) recitative. Unfortunately, the

words Manca Rec: in Figure 38 do not transfer well from the film (the sign above

the pencil addition also appears in the upper left-hand comer of the added page).

Figure 38: Manca Rec: Cajo Fabrizio, II1/9.

Bound with the part (in the back) is the theorbo part to an Intermezzo secondo and

an Intermezzo 30.18 Pages 6-10 and 12 (pagination by author) of the second

intermezzo bear figures/additions (but no character names) to recitatives, an aria and a

duet. The part to the third intermezzo lists Venesio and Larinda and pages 8, 9 and 11

bear pencil additions. Clearly some trimming of the pages has taken place (see flat

sign below last measure of page 8, third intermezzo); that there were originally more

figures which were cut away seems unlikely but cannot be ruled out.

In re pencil additions to Cajo Fabrizio, also note the following: A forte (which

l8The theorbo part to the first intermezzo has yet to be located, if it ever
existed.

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is not in the score) has been added to the theorbo part at measure 29 of the Allegro

assai o f the sinfonia. Two complete systems of the Adagio (2nd movement of the

sinfonia) nave been pasted over, with pencil additions in the original but not the

corrected version.19 Often pieces contain only a few additions, such as the aria No 2

(1/2), Quando abbandona: a) a fermata at the B b on the downbeat of measure 57; b)

a $ sign before the penultimate f at measure 58 ({1-sign is not present in the score); c)

a short squiggle (ca 15mm) above the penultimate note before the double bar (a

minim on g).20 Unfortunately, only three other bass parts survive, two for Fagotto and

one for Violono21: all three have rests to the double bar following the Bb at measure

57, but neither has the fermata contained in the theorbo part. The theorbo part includes

all the recitatives; in the three other bass parts, two techniques have been employed: a)

Recitativo Tacet, and b) the concluding words of the recitative have been written in

instead.22 Aria No 3 in the theorbo part bears the (copyists) tempo indication molto

19Same situation with bassoon part bearing a pencilled B (designating Johann


Gottfried Bohme) after the word Fagotto (on cover). Bohme was second chair from
1728-9 and first from 1731-52.

The only instruments with surviving parts playing at this point are the first
violins (with e b2 at the point in question), second violins (with a c2), the violette (with
ff*'). In the violetta part with a conspicuous one measure bleed-through at the eighth
system o f the cover, the U-sign is a correction, squeezed in between the g and f; the
other violetta part does not contain this copyists error.

2,Violone is certainly intended here (not Violoncello), as the part is tacet at all
recitatives.

22The part labelled Fagotto uses technique b) starting with the second act.
Fagotto Bthe B is written in on the first page of each of the actsuses technique
a) through the first recit of Act HI, switching to b) with ne di me piu fedel ne piu
Amorosa (before No 21). The violone part is treated as Fagotto B. In the theorbo,
violone and Fagotto B parts the numbers are given; in the other bassoon part they

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moderato; the violone part bears no tempo indication in ink, but Adag. has been

added in pencil. The 3/4 section of aria No 13 (LAmato bene non sara mio) is

marked "Lento in the score and Adagio has been pencilled into the theorbo part. A

table detailing theorbo participation by number in Cajo Fabrizio is included as

Appendix XVI.

In short, we seem to be dealing with the kinds of changes made to performance

parts in rehearsal, all of which strengthens the case that the parts were actually used

for the purpose and do not represent models the players were to copy out for their

own use. Moreover, more than one performance was involved, given the changes

which have been made to the parts. Why the tipped-in sections do not bear pencil

additions is not clear. (More work needs to be done to establish when performances of

the work were staged, especially relative to Weisss presence in Dresden.) As will be

observed more than once in the course of this study, seldom is the harmonic language

used by Hasse so complex as to require more than the occasional memory aid in the

continuo part. And experience shows that continuo players differ widely as to what

they add to their parts in the way of figures and other performance indications.

The following parts to the opera survive:

Violino Primo (3 copies23)


Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violono

are not.

^The cover of two (!) of which bear a P, indicating Pisendel. See similar
note under Cleofide.

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Tiorba
Flauto Traversiero Primo
Flauto Traversiero Secondo
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Fagotto (2 copies)

Irene (Mus. 2477-F-24, score; *-*-24a, parts)

The majority of the numbers to Irene bear pencil additions, although, as in

several of the Theorbenbucher, a goodly portion of Act IH is without them. Table 2

lists those numbers without additions in Weisss hand from the Sinfonia through n/6.
(An explanation of the situation for the rest of the opera follows.)

Table 2: Numbers in Irene without pencil additions (Sinfonia through n/6).


Act/Scene Character(s) Comments
Sinfonia
1/11 Isaccio, Oreste Recitative. Unfigured, but for one ft by the
copyist at measure 26.
n /i Nicefero, Eudossa Recitative. Part contains a few figures by
copyist.
n/3 Irene Recitative. Copyist includes one added natural
sign (here indicating minor) at measure five.
n/5 Coro Listed in the score as Coro di Popolo [Chorus
of the People] and Coro di Guardie
Pretoriane [Chorus of the Pretorian Guard].
n/6 Coro A brief reprise (five measures) of the previous
chorus, between two recitatives.

After the Coro (II/6), all numbers through ID/4 bear pencil additions. From that

point on, the situation is reversed, and starting with m/5 only the following numbers
have added figures: aria (Non e dun regno) to m/6; a corrected note (f to e) at the

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top system, penultimate page of Scena Ultima [HI/11]. As has been observed above,

details like the corrected note in m/11 again illustrate that the absence of figures is by
no means decisive is determining theorbo participation. The following arias have been

marked with an X (in pencil) in the margin:24 1/2 (un poco Lento; 1/3 (piu tosto

Allegro); 1/7 (Allegretto); 1/8 (Allegro); 1/10 (Allegro ma non troppo); 1/12

(Moderato); 0/3 (non troppo Lento); II/4 (Allegro)25; D/6 (Allegro piu tosto);

II/7 (Allegro). (Note that not just arias in slow to moderate tempi were accompanied

by theorbo.)

The following parts to the opera survive:

Violino Primo (3 copies26)


Violino Secondo (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone
Tiorba
Flauto Traversiero Primo
Flauto Traversiero Secondo
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Fagotto (2 copies)

24This author sees such Xs as a definitive indication of theorbo


accompaniment, the extent and nature of which must, of course, be supported by other
evidence.

25The Recit at U/5 likewise has been marked with an X. To the right of this
X, an additional pencil marking has unfortunately been cut away in binding. The
X from the proceeding aria has also rubbed off onto the page with the recit. This
latter marking is not sufficiently visible as to permit of its being reproduced here.

26The cover of one of which bears the indicatiortMons: Pisendel.

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Demetrio (Mus. 2477-F-12, score; *-*-12a, parts)

The theorbo part to Demetrio has less in the way of pencil additions than do

the parts to the other Hasse operas, especially in the second and third acts. For a table

detailing theorbo participation in Demetrio by number, see Appendix XVII.

The following parts to the opera survive:

Violino I.0 (3 copies27)


Violino 2.do (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone
Tiorba
Flauto Primo
Flauto Secondo
Oboe 1
Oboe 2.do
Fagotto (2 copies)

Demetrio exists in a second version at the Sachsische Landesbibliothek. Mus.

2477-F-13 (parts, *-*-13a) consists of a reduced score and instrumental parts for

Violino Primo
Violino Secondo
Alto Viola
Basso
Oboe Primo e Flautra: Primo
Flauto Tra: Secondo e oboe solo
Oboe secondo
Como Primo,
Como secondo

2TThe cover of one of which bears the indication S.P. (i.e. Signore
Pisendel).

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Numa Pompilio (Mus. 2477-F-28, score; *-*-28a, parts)

Numa Pompilio survives with the following instrumental parts:

Violino I0 (3 copies28)
Violino 2do (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Tiorba
Cembalo H4* [I]29
Flauto 1
Flauto n
Oboe I

The only numbers in the theorbo part without pencil additions are: Sinfonia, I/S

(Egeria), 1/7 (recitative, Numa, ballo allegro, recitative30), HI/5 (recitative, Egeria).

Sometimes the additions are few, such as in the rather long opening recitative to m/6

(Corinna and Silvio), where they are limited to a 5 6" and an accidental (flat).31 After

Egerias Allegretto aria (which concludes m/5), the theorbo part shifts to the

Intermezzo. This corresponds to the Intermedio Dell opera di Numa Pimpinella, e

Marcantonio Del Sig.r Gio. Adolfo Hasse, detto il Sassone (see vol. 3 of score,

following the final chorus). There are additions to all sections of the Intermezzo up to

(but not including) the final Allegretto, the verso of the second page of which takes up

with Scena 6 of Numa. With the exception of one 4+2" (which has been written over

The title page to one of which bears the initials S.P., i.e. Signore
Pisendel.

:9In re the second harpsichord, see Quantzs remarks at the Conclusion of this
chapter.

^The following Allegro (still 1/7) bears additions.

^Respectively, at the last system, first page of Act m and next to a b at the
first measure of the following page.

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in ink) there are no other additions to the theorbo part starting with m/6.32 While the

theorbo part has only the bass line for all but the recitatives, the cembalo (II) part

duplicates the top line of the first violin or other solo instrument (though not always in

the same octave).33 No pencil additions were found in the cembalo part. As with the

other operas, pencil additions to the parts other than the theorbo parts are very rare,

but three such additions were found in the Violino I part bearing the initials S.P.

(i.e. Signore Pisendel) on its first page.34

Lucio Papirio (Mus. 2477-F-32, score; *-*-32a, parts)

The theorbo part to Lucio Papirio33 has pencil additions to all numbers but the

following: I: the choruses; the Marcia Allegro in 8 (and the brief recitative marked

Q.F. in the part; Q.F. scende dal carro in the score); H: opening recitative to 4

32There are eight scenes in m (including Scena Ultima), plus a concluding


chorus.

33See, for instance, measure 19 of the opening of the Intermezzo (at segno).
The oboe solo is given the top line in II/8 (see vol. 2, 113 of score and the
corresponding point in the cembalo part).

341) The vertical line above the last eighth note of the first measure of the aria
Dalla piu chiara sfera un raggio (D/6); 2) The andante above the first measure of
what in the score is marked Un poco Lento (vol. 2, 112). Neither the cembalo part
nor the theorbo part bears a tempo marking at this point; 3) The repeat sign at the
conclusion of the sinfonia would appear to have been either highlighted or crossed out
(repeat sign unaltered in theorbo and cembalo parts). The markings in the Violino 1
part are in rust-colored pencil (in PisendeFs hand?).

35The title page of volume one of the score refers to H Camovale dellAnno
1742" as the occasion of the operas first performance.

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(Papiria, Servilio and M. Fabio)36; 1037; HI: the recitative (sung by M.F. and Q.F

which concludes Scene 1); 9-15 (15="Ultima) and concluding chorus.38 The markings

to the piu tosto Allegro/non troppo lento which concludes I are in a reddish-brown

pencil but also in Weisss hand.39 For some reason, the first page of UJ1 has been

inserted between the two pages of this movement; curiously, the last eighteen measure

of the recitative (of Rutilia and Cominio) are missing from the theorbo part. The scene

is concluded by an Allegro/un poco lento of which the Allegro section is likewise

missing. The Allegro which concludes HI/4 has I Flauti sempre coViolini. The

theorbo has rare extended rests (of 26, 37 and 21 measures respectively) which

correspond to sections played (in tenor clef) by Viol[in]celli staccjati].40 Where the

theorbo is to play, the bass line in the score switches to bass clef; the cello part

MThe aria following the recit (Allegro di molto) bears several (copyists)
figures and has a pencilled X in the margin.

37Designated without number in the theorbo part as Scena L. Papirio. Q.F.,


M.F. popolo soldati. The copyist included a few figures in the part, so the absence of
pencil additions is hardly conclusive.

38In the Coro allegro, two apparent slurs have been added in pencil two
measures before the end in the first instance and two 3"s to indicate sixteenth-note
triplets in the second. The slurs may suggest the articulation of the triplets.

39With the exception of a squiggle over the last three measures of the 3/8
non troppo lento which is in regular pencil (just before the common-time Come
prima); this section corresponds to the top system, I, 184, in the score.

40Only the first section bears this indication; the two other sections are marked
pia[no]. See also the discussion of Araspes aria (Largelletto in lacci stretto, n/4),
below under Didone abbandonata.

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likewise has these clef changes.41 The second and third entries of the theorbo are

marked for[te].

The following orchestral parts for Lucio Papirio survive:

Violino Imo (3 copies)


Violino 2*> (3 copies)
Violetta (2 copies)
Violoncello
Violone
Tiorba
Flaut [sic] travers: 1
Flauto Travers: 2do
Oboe 1
Oboe 2d0
Fagotto (2 copies)

Didone abbandonata (Mus. 2477-F-35, score; *-*-35a, parts)

Additions to this theorbo part are in rust-colored pencil. They are not present

in: Sinfonia; I: 3 (recitative), 4 (consists of recitative only), 11 (recitative), 15 (consists

of recitative only); II: 4 (recitative and aria), 842 (consists of recitative only), 16

(recitative); HI: 2 (recitative), 3-4 (consist of recitatives only), 6 through recitative of

9,43 1044 through 1345 (consists of recitatives only), 15 through 16 (recitative only), 17

41The first treble-clef entry is marked staccato violoncelli. The staccato


markings appear to be random (mm 12, 19 (at the clef change), 21-22, 65-68, 72).

42The numbers used for the rest of II are from the score. Discrepancies begin
with n/5 (score) and scenes in the following list are numbered with the theorbo part
first, followed by the score and the page number of the beginning of the scene in the
score: VI=5 (56); VD=6 (58); IX=7 (73); X=8 (83); XI=9 (83); XH=10 (86);
XHI= 11(94); XIV=12 (music begins on page 97); XIV=13 (107); XTV=14 (113).
Scenes 15 and 16 are correctly numbered in the theorbo part.

43Selenes Scene 9 aria (Nel duol che prova) bears one pencil addition, a

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(consists of recitative only), 18 (recitativo secco only46), 19 through Scena Ultima (21).

The conclusion of Didone had to be adapted for the small theater at the

Hubertusburg hunting lodge, which would not accommodate the final scene, the

burning of Carthage. [...] According to the 1742 libretto, Didone had a long solo scene

in accompanied recitative, culminating in an aria, Ombra cara, ombra tradita, none

of which is Metastasian. The opera then closed with dialogue between the other

characters, and was followed by a licenza and chorus in honor of Frederick August II

(now also King August III of Poland). Existing scores make a compromise between

the two versions, and include both the Ombra cara scene and Didones death scene,

ending in the destruction of Carthage.47 It may be assumed that this second version

was performed at the court theater in the Carnival of 1743.4* The theorbo part

contains this adapted version as a sort of appendix (unlike the violone part, which

needed no adaptations, being tacet during recitatives).

Two copies (both marked "Basso") of the bass line to a Sinfonia have been

inserted between the third and fourth pages of the Scena Ultima, each with a blank

verso. Each is preceeded by a line of text (presumably from a recitative), "porger la

44Both Scene 10 and 11 are numbered as X in the part.


4SScene 14 bears only an added flat sign at measure 19.

^There are a number of figures in the recitativo accompagnato (Dei frutto de


miei sudor) that begins at measure 12, the first of which is at measure 13.

47"Ah che dissi infelice (recitativo accompagnato). See 116-23, vol. 3 of the
score.

^Millner, The Operas o f Johann Adolf Hasse, 20.

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mano ecco s'appressa Arbace"; each is followed by the direction "Si replica nella

prixna Scena dell'Atto 3o: Senza Ritomelli." The second of these copies bears a circle

with a vertical line through it in the upper left-hand comer. No explanation for these

inserts has been found to date.49 The page (recto) following the final page of the Scena

Ultima takes up midway through the fourteenth measure of the opening recitative to

Scene 19.50 On the verso of this sheet and the following recto in the theorbo part, the

aria to Scene 19 is again written out in full; unlike the copy in the body of the opera,

this copy bears pencil additions. Following it is the Scena Ultima (bearing one added

figure).51 Puzzling is why the recitative to Scene 19 is not given complete. It bears no

pencil additions, but if Weiss did not play at all, a few measures before the aria would

have sufficed, or even the last words of the text (usual in violone, bassoon and 'cello

parts). The part begins on measure 14 of a 38-measure recitative, partway into a

section sung by Selene. There are no markings to show where Weiss might have

begun playing, though he may have only accompanied Jarba, who enters nine and one

half measures into the abbreviated part and sings much of the rest of the recitative.

Araspe's aria "L'augelletto in lacci stretto" (E/4) is without pencil additions in

the theorbo part, but one suspects that theorbo would have played. Obbligato flutes

accompany and large sections have only upper voices. It is one of the few pieces in all

49The text "porger la mano ecco s'appressa Arbace" has yet to be located. It
does not come at the end of Act EL

Second bar of top system, 129, vol. 3, of score.

51Scene 20 in the version for Hubertusburg. It is sung by Selene, Jarba and


Osmida. In the full-length opera, Scena Ultima was scene 21 and was sung by Didone.

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the Theorbenbucher with extensive rests in the theorbo part, which only plays during

forte passages (which are either instrumental or when the voice is finishing).52 During

the theorbo tacets the bass line (when present) is played by violoncelli soli (piano).53

There are two places where the theorbo plays and the violone is tacet: at measure 42

(the theorbo plays an upbeat figure); at measure 74 (the theorbo plays an entire

measure concluding with a fermata).

The "Ritomello Tacet" partway through HI/8 in the theorbo part is a surprise; it

and the following Andante (which concludes Scene 8) are without pencil additions,

although in the latter case the theorbo most likely would have played (tasto solol).

II Natal di Giove (Mus. 2477-F-58, score; *-*-58a, parts)

Millner says of the work that // Natal di Giove is called an azione teatrale by

Brunelli. Hasse called it a serenata on the title page, and indeed it fits this category

better: it has eleven arias and a cavatina, sung by five pastoral characters (Giove does

not appear), bracketed by a three-part sinfonia and a final coro, probably sung by the

soloists. Four relatively extended areas of recitativo obbligato increase the non-seria

feeling of the work. (The Operas, 52). The following parts survive:

52Compare the theorbo part with the following pages in the score (vol. 2, i.e.
Act 2): 34-35; 39-41; 46-47; 49-50; 53-55. See also (above) the discussion of the
Allegro aria from ni/4 of Lucio Papirio.

The word beginning with p is unclear, although piano suggests itself, the
last two occurences appear to be piu. See pages 36 (Viol Soli pi[?j), 41 (Viol.
Solil p[?]), 42 (piu) and 50 (piu[?J Violon s[oli?]). Especially the entry at 50
makes no grammatical sense.

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Violino I"0 (2 copies)54
Violino 2do (2 copies)
Violetta
Violoncello
Violone
Tiorba
Flauto I
Flauto 2do
Oboe I
Oboe 2do
Oboe 3
Fagotto I"
Fagotto 2do
Como I0
Como 2do55

There are separate parts to the sinfonia, with the following differences: Neither Violino

I part bears the initials "S.P."; first two oboe parts in one; the bassoon parts are not

designated I0 and 2do. The following table details theorbo participation in the serenata

(y=yes, indicating the presence of added figures in pencil; n=no, and indicates that no

such figures were found);

Table 3: Theorbo participation by number in Hasses II Natal di Giove

Number y/n Character Comments


Sinfonia n ----- The sinfonias separate theorbo
part surely means that it
participated in the movement
despite the lack of pencil
additions. The three sections are
in G, D and G respectively.

54One of which bears the letters "S.P." on the cover, i.e. "Signore Pisendel."
See similar reference under Numa, above.

55Both comi parts have "5. Arie tacet" on the cover.

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Number y/n Character Comments
Prologue y Cassandro,
(R=Recitative) Adrasto56
Aria Cassandros aria Allegro. "M'empi d'orrore il
tuono". Numerous additions, also
at forte passages (for example
following first fermata).
Recitativo Adrasto "Ah si pietose Deita!"57
accompagnato
Aria Adrasto Un poco lento ma non troppo.
"Sconsolata Filomena." X in
margin and figures throughout.
Scene 1 (R) y Melite, Adrasto
Aria y Melite Andante. "Digli che il sangue
mio."
Scene 2 (R) y Adrasto, Limited to one "5 6" in measure
Cassandro twenty.
Scene 3 (R) y Amaltea, Adrasto, Limited to one figure, but copyist
Cassandro has included several.
Aria y Cassandro Lento/Andante. "Oh Dio, non
sdegnarti."X in margin.
Scene 4 (R) y Amaltea, Adrasto Limited to one crossed-out
accidental, but copyist has
included several figures.

56Names in italics indicate added figures etc. during that character's section(s)
of the recit.

57The two sections are marked (under the violin entrance) non troppo lento
and risoluto.

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Number y/n Character Comments
Aria y Amaltea Piu tosto allegro. "A'giomi suoi la
sorte."
Scene 5 (R) n Adrasto
Aria y Adrasto Allegro/Andante/Allegro. Datre
nubi e il sol rawolto. in
margin. Theorbo plays at upper
octave (with celli) from il segno.
In score (154), above the bass
line: "Violoncelli e un Fagotto";
below the bass line: "Violoni e
1'altro Fagotto po:"58 Fascicles 2-4
numbered in upper rh comer of
relevant page.
Scene 6 (R) n Cassandro, Melite
Aria y Melite Un poco lento. "Giusta Dea, morir
voglio."
Scene 7 (R) n Amaltea, Adrasto, Copyist has included a few
Cassandro figures.
Aria y Amaltea Un poco lento/Andantino. X in
margin. Numerous additions.
Recitative n Melite, Amaltea, Numerous compound figures by
Adrasto copyist.
Recitative n Melite, Amaltea, Numerous figures (incl.
(second section Adrasto, compound figs.) by copyist.
accompagnato: Cassandro
Adagio/Allegro)
Scene 8 n Temide Accompagnato section marked
(Recitativo Andante. b6" and
secco/ac- It [here=major] by copyist.
compagnato)

Aria n Temide Allegro/Allegretto. Bellalme al


Ciel dilette si.

58At the first entrance of the voice, the "Violxelli" play e and the "Violoni po:"
E.

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Number y/n Character Comments
Scene 9 (R) n Melite, Amaltea,
Cassandro,
Adrasto
Aria y Melite Tempo giusto/Allegretto/Tempo di
prima. Non so diiti il mio
contento. Aria marked with X
in margin. Only five pencil
additions, including three
corrected notes; additions occur at
places likely to be played piano.59
Recitative y Adastro, One 5 6" at measure four.
Cassandro, Adastro finishes on the downbeat
Amaltea (quarter) and Cassandro enters on
the second half of beat three (in
4/4).
Coro n Allegrissimo.

The recitatives to Scene 7 illustrate the problem posed by the sections of the

Theorbenbucher which bear figures by the copyist but no pencil additions. The

absence of the latter is insufficient reason to conclude that the theorbo was tacet; in

fact, this writer's position is that the theorbo likely played throughout unless expressly

marked tacet.

Theorbenbucher to operas by composers other than Hasse

A theorbo part has been found to only one other surviving opera performed at

59The measures concerned are either marked upo:, or it is the last proceeding
dynamic indication. See, for example, measure 11 of the Allegretto. Nevertheless, it
must be said that, piano or not, the first of the three pencil additions to the Tempo
giusto section is with the full band minus only the bassoons; the last two are at tutti
passages. In other words, how well the theorbo would have been heard is unclear.

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Dresden, Giovanni Alberto Ristori's Arianna (score, Mus. 2455-F-4; parts, *-*-4a).60

Parts survive for:

Violino Primo (marked "Mr. Pisendel")


Violino Secondo
Violetta
Tiorba
Flauto Traversiero Primo
Flauto Traversiero Secondo
Oboe Primo
Oboe Secondo
Fagotto

Figure 39: Reference to Ballo di Marinari in theorbo part

The title page reads: Arianna, Azione scenica per musica, rappresentata nella
Regia Elettoral ViUa DI SANT UBERTO per Solennizzare IL GIORNO NATALIZIO
DELLA MAESTA Di AUGUSTO m . RE DI POLLONIA, ELETTORE DI
SASSONIA, l'anno 1736. la Musica di Gio: Alberto Ristori.

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/ter V02 'fayjj. KonjpHXur&o.
prt tr fttfr^n-| |

Figure 40. Reference to Ballo di Marinari in score.

The theorbo part contains only a few pencil additions which, although faint and

difficult to reproduce, certainly are in the same hand as in the Hasse

Theorbenbucher.61 More puzzling is what role the theorbo may have played in the

Ballo di Nereidi and the Ballo di Marinari. The former comes after the sinfonia and

the latter before Arianna and Glauco's recitative (at about the half-way point of the

opera). That the two balli would have been unaccompanied seems highly unlikely, but

music for neither is included in the score nor in any part. (Figures 39 and 40, above,

are from the theorbo part and the score respectively.)

The only explicit mention of theorbo participation in the score comes at

Arianna's "Dove: col pie scosceso," a sort of recitativo accompagnato with arpeggios

61The one exception is the "un tono pi[u?J alto" at the "Tempo di Rigaudon"
(74, in the score). The hand in this case remains unidentified.

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r u :

Figure 41: Opening to 'Dove: col pie scosceso,' from Ristori's Arianna.

in the first violins (and the theorbo?). Note the indication "per la Tiorba" above the

bass line of measure 2 (see Figure 41, above). But theorbo participation did not stop

here, for Weiss has marked the following Andante with a double "X" in the margin

(see Figure 42, below), the only instance of the practice in this opera.

Figure 42: Andante marked with double X in Weisss hand (see right side).

Parts of the bass line to this aria are in tenor clef, but the evidence is that Weiss

played those passages as well. At the conclusion of the last system on the same page,

Weiss has written in the opening notes to both his part and the vocal line, including

the indication presto, which here almost certainly means volti subito, i.e. turn over at

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once (see Figure 43, below).

,s V-

Figure 43: Notes and presto" added in Weisss hand.

First, if he is not to play passages in tenor clef, no notes need be added, especially

since the first one and one half measures of the following page are likewise in tenor

clef, providing plenty of time to get oriented before resuming playing. But if the

lutenist is to play throughout, how would these few notes have been useful? Was

someone in the band turning the page for him while he kept playing? The answer

seems to be simpler than that: of the four eighths concluding the measure, three are

open strings (a, d 1 and d). The g which begins the next measure would have had to be

frettedif played in the octave writtenbut if Weiss played G instead (an open string),

this would have given him additional time to turn the page and prepare for the next

fretted note, a git. True, Weiss does not indicate the lower octave in the score, but this

is done nowhere in the theorbo parts, and yet period practice certainly involved that

kind of adaptation on the part of the player. On the next page, a figure in his hand

appears in a section of the bass line written in tenor clef (see Figure 44, below), which

at least shows that the theorbo was not always tacet during such sections.

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Ti 'i ,|| r rr-(j
1

Figure 44: Figure in Weisss hand on second page of Andante (note tenor clef).

In all likelihood, theorbo parts once existed for all operas performed in Dresden

during Weiss's tenure (1718-50). An effort has been made to check all known

surviving operas for theorbo parts; a few of those operas to which no theorbo part

survives are discussed below, including musical details which suggest why such parts

may well have existed to these works.

Antonio Lotti's Giove in Argo (score, Mus. 2159-F-4; parts, *-*-4a),

"Melodrama Pastorale rappresentato alia Regia Elettoral Corte di Dresda Anno

MDCCXVII & compositione del Sigr. ant. Lotti veneto," almost certainly involved

theorbo continuo. The work was performed (again) on 3 September 1719 as the

inaugural opera for the new Opemhaus am Zwinger. Weiss was one of the most

prominent musicians at court and it is inconceivable that he would not have been

included in the band. A complete score to Giove in Argo survives, in addition to parts

for the Sinfonia, but no figures are to be found in either.62 Figures are sometimes but

not always encountered in presentation scores, but usually in the parts, although the

key scheme of Giove in Argo is simple enough to make it hardly necessary. Moreover,

62The bass line of the full score is labelled "Basso continuo"; the parts are
labelled simply "Basso".

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Weiss is known to have played in the performance of Lotti's Teofane, just ten days

later.

Ristori's I Lamenti d'Orfeo (score, Mus. 2455-L-3; parts, *-*-3a), called a

"Festa di Camera" on the title page, was first performed in 1749.63 J.G. Pisendel

(identified on both the cover and the first page of music as "Mr. P:", i.e. "Monsieur

Pisendel") was still concertmaster and Weiss was still active in the Hofkapelle, as

demonstrated by his pencil additions to the theorbo part to Hasse's II Natal di Giove,

first performed in the same year (for a discussion, see above). There is no obvious

reason why Weiss would not have participated in the performance of I Lamenti

d'Orfeo. The only references to scoring of the bass part concern the bassoon (Fagotto).

(One wonders if musicians of the time were aware of Monteverdi's Orfeo and of

Orfeo's associations with lutes.) The aria "Con spirito" in D major (62-78), with flauti,

oboi, comi di caccia, fagotti and strings "con sordine" is an excellent candidate for

theorbo accompaniment, not least because of the numerous (resonant) open strings that

would have been available in the bass part. Parts survive for:

Violino I: (2 copies)
Violino 11: (2 copies)
Violetta
Flauto I:
Flauto 11:
Oboe I:
Oboe 0:
Fagotto

63The full title page reads: "I Lamenti d'Orfeo[,] Festa di Camera consagrata
alle Glorie Auguste di Ermelinda Talea. Patrocinio, e Decoro d'Arcadia[,] Poesia del
Sig.re Ab: Gio. Claudio Pasquini d: Trigenio Migonitidio[,] Pastore Arcade. Musica
di Gio. Alberto Ristori 1749."

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Another likely number is Calliope's recitativo accompagnato "Di stelle omata," marked

"Grave, e staccato."64

Ristori's Commedia per Musica, Calandro (2455-F-l) possibly involved theorbo

continuo, although the association of the practice with opera seria is better

established.65 Numbers that would work well with lute include: Clizia's Lento aria with

transverse flute (H/2, 117-120)66; the 12/8 da capo duet (Lento) (D/8, 173-83), sung by

Licisco and Clizia; the secco recitative sung by "Nearco, Licisco, Calandro che dorme"

(in
/2
,193-95); Nearco's da capo aria (ID/4, 213-18). Nearco's aria is an "and[ant]e" in

common time, with "V.V.: Sordini et Flauti"; the violette play with the continuo ("Le

Violette col basso conti:00"). The text is all "soft caresses" ("vezzosi dolci"), and "love

that sleeps" [qui dorme amor].

The score to Johann Georg Schurer's dramma per musica, L'Ercole sul

Termodonte (Mus. 3096-F-4; text by C.F. Bussani) makes no references to lutes, but

certain indications make Deja's Bb soprano aria "Vola o sonno, adar riposo" (157-64)

well-suited for theorbo accompaniment, to cite but one example from this opera. The

scoring is for flauti 1. [and] 2.*, viol[ini] I.0 [and] 2.d0 ("con sordini, pizzicato."),

With secco interjections by Calliope and Orfeo (score, 95-105).

65The title page reads: "Calandro, Commedia per Musica rappresentata per
comando di Sua Altezza Reale la Sereniss:1 Prencipessa Ellettorale di Sassonia
per il felice ritomo da Varsavia di Sua Altezza Reale il Sereniss:0 Prencipe Ellettorale
di Sassonia in Pilnitz il di 2. Settembre 1726. Poesia di Stefano Pallavicini. Musica di
Gio: Alberto Ristori."

Leading into a final (secco) recitative section with Calandro and Nearco (120-
21 ).

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viola ("con sordini, pizzicato")67, Fagotte 1. [and] 2.do ("semp. pia.") and Basso

("sem. po. pizzicato"). The tempo is andante, the meter 6/8. The bass part consists

largely of quarter, eighth, quarter, eighth, and would present no problems whatsoever

to the theorbist. The pizzicato strings could be said to mimic the theorbo, or at the

very least were not inimical to it in character. The dynamic level would enhance the

theorbo's chances o f being heard. The association of flutes with lutes is well

established and Weiss probably played continuo throughout I'Ercole sul Termodonte.

The work premiered on 7 January 1747 and Weiss was still playing as late as the

second half of 1749.

Conclusion

What role lutes might have played in the productions at the original Opemhaus

located adjacent the Taschenbergpalais is unknown.68 During Weisss tenure (1718-

50), theorbo was probably part of the continuo group of all operas produced at

Dresden. All the evidence suggests that his death in 1750 brought this practice to an

end, and, although his son Johann Adolph Faustinus was a member of the Hofkapelle

from 1763 through 1813, the latters activities at court were limited and seem not to

have included opera. In the second half of the century, a changing musical language

67"C[ol] B[asso]" throughout, though apparently at the upper octave (the first
bar is written out).

The Taschenbergpalais, recently restored as the Kempinski Hotel, is located a


short distance from the Zwinger. The original opera house was located between the
two, in the vicinity o f the Sophienkirche-, it was built in 1664-67 and in 1708
transformed into the Capella Regia.

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and (later) increasingly large orchestras worked to the theorbo's disadvantage; Quantz,

in his Versuch, included the theorbo only in the following ensemble:

Zu zwolf Violinen geselle man: drey Bratschen, vier Violoncelle, zweene


Contraviolone, drey Bassons, vier Hoboen, vier Floten; und wenn es in einem
Orchester ist, noch einen Flugel mehr, und eine Theorbe.

Twelve violins should be accompanied by three violas, four cellos, two


contrabasses, three bassoons, four oboes, [and] four flutes; in the case of an
orchestra, add another harpsichord and a theorbo.

Its hard to imagine how the theorbo would have been heard in an ensemble of

this size. Even as coloration of the bass line, when both harpsichords were playing the

theorbo would hardly have made an impression. Naturally, when sections of the

ensemble are tacet, the theorbo could have served a useful function, especially in

recitatives (in which case, the size of the ensemble becomes irrelevant).

In a few cases, Weiss was accorded obbligato parts in opera arias, including

Cleofi.de, the first Hasse opera performed in Dresden, but it was as a theorbist (in the

opera and in the church) that Weiss was primarily occupied. But what can be said with

certainty about the nature of theorbo participation in these large ensemble genres? Was

the theorbo playing most of the time, but then tasto solo? Or was the its role restricted

to accompanying recitatives (stressed in connection with Johann Kropffganfls activities

in Leipzig)? The latter question is easy to answer, largely on the basis of Weisss

pencil additions to the Hasse Theorbenbucher. the theorbo was probably playing most

if not all of the time, in both arias and recitatives (both secco and accompagnato).

True, added figures (etc.) are few in number in most movements, but no more than

two or three passages marked Tiorba tacet were found in the entire range of sources

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examined. But this begs the question of just what the theorbo was doing when it did

play. Some arias are replete with figures (several are pointed out in Chapter 5,

including some in keys difficult on the theorbo), and here at least theorbo

accompaniment was probably quite full. But was the harpsichord silent in such cases,

so as to enhance the theorbos audibility? Or did the former instrument trade sections

(or phrases) with the latter, lending variety to continuo realizations? Unfortunately,

almost no cembalo parts survive, and those materials do not contain tacets which

suggest that the instrument was occasionally making way for the theorbo. But cembalo

parts are not numerous enough to justify more than the most preliminary of working

hypotheses. The current author is of the opinion that the Dresden continuo group

which included Silvius Leopold Weiss produced far more varied accompaniments than

any firm evidence in surviving sources would suggest.

The idea of the renowned Weiss playing continuo for most of his working

hours at first seems absurd. Still, the squiggles in the Theorbenbucher probably

represent brief improvisations by him; the odd piece of other evidence suggests he

occasionally had more extensive opportunities to improvise.69 More to the point, the

role of eighteenth-century musicians, even of such prominent players as those in the

Dresdner Hofkapelle, was not that of the often fiercely independent virtuosi of the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but rather that of privileged personnelbut

personnel nonetheless.

69The archlute aria Cerva ai bosco to Cleofide includes a measure marked ad


libitum. Might Weiss have played an extended solo here? See the facsimile at
Appendix XII.

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CHAPTER 6

PERFORMANCE NOTES ON THE ACCOMPANYING RECORDING

Divoti Affetti

The excerpts of Ristons Divoti Affetti included on the recording were from a

version originally scored for soprano, contralto, organ and theorbo. In the space used

for the recording, however, more reinforcement of the bass line was deemed necessary

than that provided by the theorbo alone, and a cello was added to the continuo group.

The added support freed up the theorbo to play either tasto solo or a chordal

accompaniment, depending on what seemed appropriate in a given section (or verso).

Especially in rapid movements, the technical difficulties of trying to realize the

bass line while not dropping notes were sometimes insurmountable; in those cases, the

cello played the integral bass line, and the theorbo provided a chordal realization of

the structural notes in the bass. This is illustrated by Musical Example 2 on the

accompanying tape (total time ca 3:20-4:50), from the opening section of Verso IV

(mm. 1-40). Especially awkward are those measures with running sixteenths (2-3, 5-6,

etc.).1 The bass line at the first five measures of Verso VHI is certainly playable on

the theorbo, but playing it integrally would make it quite difficult to realize the

harmonies. On the recording, chordal realization was the preferred solution. (Consult

Musical Examples 4 and 5 on the tape: total time ca 6:48-7:08 and 8:53-9:17,

lThe eighth notes at mm. 36-45 of the first aria of La bella fiamma are about
as fast, but they lie in a reasonably comfortable range on the instrument: consult
Musical Example 12 on the tape, total time ca 24:13-24:27.

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respectively. Example 5 is a slightly more elaborate realization). In the C-section of

Verso EX (mm. 102-116), O signum libertatis, the bass line is only slightly

simplified in the theorbo realization, to make it more flowing. (Consult Musical

Example 3, total time ca 5:12-6:26).

When the nature of the line called for it, the theorbo played tasto solo, such as

at the opening section of Verso X (mm. 1-53). (Consult Musical Example 7, total time

ca 11:25-14:34). The numerous leaps in this bass line make playing full-voiced chords

on theorbo rather awkward (a crude analogy could be made with playing keyboard

continuo with the right hand and only one finger of the left2). Playing the bass line an

octave down would make thicker chords possible, but would have other unfortunate

effects: done integrally, it lends an unduly dark character to the line; done piecemeal,

the line itself is compromised.3 A (primarily) two-voice realization is an option some

players may want to consider, and a suggested version has been included as Appendix

IV.

The decision to have the theorbo play only the bass line in the con spirito

section of Verso VTEI (mm. 37-94) was a more arbitrary one. (Consult Musical

Example 6, total time ca 9:37-11:12). Chords could have been played on selected beats

2Henry Purcells song Music for a While has a bass line that is not
dissimilar; playing it with one finger of the left hand while playing chords with the
right would be a challenge, to say the least.

3When the timing of the German theorbo is taken into account, playing it
integrally at the lower octave is seen to be impossible. The lowest frettable course on
the instrument is an E, but both B_b and B h. as well as C h and Ctf, would be
required. (Tuning one string to each of th^se pitches would not work, as it would
deprive the player of other needed pitches.)

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as was done with Verso Is 0 vinea electa,4 but leaving chord realization to the

organ and having the theorbo double the cello line in Verso VHTs con spirito section

produced the effect the music seemed to demand.

The note text of the theorbo part is identical to that of the organ part

throughout the Divoti Affetti's ten versi, but in certain sections there are fewer figures.

The opening measures of the Andante O impudentia from Verso I (mm. 47-85)

illustrate the point.5 (Consult Musical Example I, total time ca 1:10-2:40). Comparing

the two bass parts reveals numerous instances of missing (?) figures in the theorbo

part-and yet, the last thirteen measures of the two parts are identical. The part does

not seem to have been modified to take account of the difficulties of executing it on

the theorbo, since in more difficult movements the figuring is the same in both parts.6

Unfortunately, with the Divoti Affetti we do not have the added benefit of the

pencil additions outlined in Chapters 4 and 5. The part books are not autograph, and

the figures in both continuo parts are from the pen of the copyist; puzzling out at this

far remove just what shape the copyists Vorlage had would be difficult to impossible.

Still, we should not multiply guesses needlessly, and the position that the theorbos

role (in the Urfassung) was to be more of a (tasto solo) reinforcing instrument is

certainly defensible. Once the decision was taken to include a cello, however, not

4See Musical Example 1, total time ca 1:10-2:40.

sSee page 60 (theorbo) and page 88 (organ) of the accompanying facsimile of


the part books. (The facsimile is included as Appendix V, pages 307-415 of this
dissertation.

6See, for example, the Andante of Verso IV, O vinea, pages 66 and 94
respectively of the facsimile; consult Musical Example 2, total time ca 3:20-4:50.

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exploiting the possibilities for increased chordal activity on the theorbo seemed

unnecessarily conservative.

Lute Arias

Deciding on an editorial approach for the two lute arias by Lotti and Heinichen

proved more difficult than expected. The current author first leaned toward an

arrangement of the lute part to the Lotti aria (in the original it was single-line); the

continuo bass line was added to the part, and chords were added during measures

where the lute is tacet. This approach was taken partly because the Heinichen aria had

been provided with a bass line (however unidiomatic); another consideration was the

presence of fully worked out lute parts for liuto francese (i.e. baroque lute) in the

cantatas by Weisss contemporary Francesco Conti, theorbist and composer in Vienna.7

(Conti, after all, was a lute player, Lotti and Heinichen were not.) But this approach

failed to take two key factors into account: 1) Weiss wrote Mattheson that the Lotti

aria was brilliantly written for the instrument; 2) such an arrangement placed certain

restrictions on tempi which could be taken.

During preparations for the accompanying recording, it became clear that both

arias needed faster tempi than full-blown arrangements would permit. With the Lotti

7Published as vols. 28 and 29 in the series Archivum musicum, al cantata


barocca. ed. Stefano Mengozzi, Florence: Studio per editioni Scelta. The facsimile is
of Ms. N 17593 in the collection of the Austrian National Library at Vienna.
The lute parts, though presumably by Conti, are riddled with mistakes, arguing
that the composer did not check the final copy. This is not the same as saying that
Conti was not responsible for the lute versions.

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aria, this meant simply going back to the composers version; with the Heinichen aria,

however, bass notes had to be deleted to make the part single-line, especially in those

sixteenth-note sections where speed was of the essence. (Consult Musical Example 9,

total time 18:39-21:26.)* In those sections of the aria with only a bass line, the author

opted to play along (mm. 21-22, for example), although, in retrospect, it would have

been more consistent for the lute to drop out in these sections, as was done with the

Lotti aria.

As explained in Chapter 3, the continuo group indicated by the parts to Flavio

Crispo would have made the bass in the lute inaudible and the entire question moot.9

Even with the more modest forces used to play the aria on this recording, the lute

playing the bass line alone is scarcely audible; dropping it in sixteenth-note passages

made a brisker overall tempo possible and seemed a case of getting something for

nothing.

As to the orchestration of the Lotti aria, the decision was made to accompany

only with the harpsichord, i.e. to drop the bowed bass from the ensemble (as explained

in Chapter 3, Weiss reported that harpsichord and contrabass played the main notes in

the bass). Changing what we know to have been the orchestration (of the first

performance) may at first seem an unnecessary liberty, but a difference in texture with

the Heinichen aria was sought, beyond that resulting from the addition of violins to the

*Appendix VI is a facsimile of the original score of the Heinichen aria;


Appendix I is the authors edition of the piece.

Harpsichord, cello, bassoon, violone seems the likely constellation. For more,
see Chapter 3, above.

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latter piece. Moreover, as can be heard at Musical Example 8 on the recording (total

time ca 14:54-18:17), even with only harpsichord accompanying the lute is by no

means overly present.

Do performers take unjustified liberties when they change historically

documented instrumentations in earlier repertoires without a specific model? We know

that composers of the past often enough adapted works, producing new versions for

new forces or new conditions (the changes to the final act of Hasses Didone detailed

in Chapter 5, for example). Some may argue that composers have many more rights

than performers (of their own or any later generation). But not all composers have

held this view. Richard Taruskin, in his essay The Musicologist and the Performer,

cites comments by composers as varied as Irving Berlin, Claude Debussy and Elliott

Carter to the effect that they expected (or at least appreciated) performances which did

not stay within the bounds specified in the score.10 Should we assume that composers

are in favor of performers adapting their pieces on their own initiative, barring

comments to the contrary? Or just the contrary? More to the point, do performers of

today owe composers of the past (or present, for that matter) some moral obligation to

perform their pieces only in approved ways? Taruskin illustrates the problem with a

discussion of two approaches to Messiah:

Here is a paradox: which is more authentic, an historical reconstructionist

l0In Musicology in the 1980s: Methods, Goals, Opportunities, eds D. Kem


Holoman and Claude V. Palisca, New York: Da Capo Press, 1982, 101-17. See also
Taruskins essay The Pastness of the Present and the Presence of the Past in
Authenticity and Early Music, ed. Nicholas Kenyon, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
137-207.

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performance of, say, Messiah, or a Three Choirs Festival performance? Which,
in other words, enjoys the commonality of work, performer, and (lest we
forget) audience, the certainty of experience and of expectation that lends the
proceedings the cool, inevitable intention Jeffrey Mark described?" The
Three Choirs performance certainly speaks for a culture, not Handels perhaps,
but that of the performers and their audience certainly. It gives what [T.S.]
Eliot called a sense not only of the pastness of the past, but its presence. 12
The modernist, avant-garde, historical reconstruction of Messiah can only
evoke the pastness of the past, and will therefore appeal not to the aesthetic
sense but merely to antiquarian curiosityunless it derives its sustenance not
only from whatever evidence musicological research may provide, but from
imaginative leaps that will fill in the gaps research by its very nature must
leave. Otherwise we will not have a performance but a documentation o f the
state o f knowledge [emphasis added].13

Silvius Leopold Weiss, too, built on an inherited foundation. He wrote to

Mattheson that he had adapted one of his instruments (a theorbo) for accompanying

in die opera and in church, one assume because the older style theorbos didnt work as

well. Zelenka adapted the instrumentation of two of his wind sonatas to include

theorbo in the continuo group.

La bella fiam m a

Orchestrating the performance of this cantata for the recording was very

straightforward. In honor of the theorbos obbligato role, it was used to realize the

opening recitative (consult Musical Example 10, total time ca 21:39-22:19); the second

recitative seemed better suited to the harpsichord, with theorbo tacet (consult Musical

"Taruskin refers to Marks The Fundamental Qualities of Folk Music, in


Music and Letters 10 (1929): 287-90 passim.

12Taruskin refers to Tradition and the Individual Talent, in Selected Prose o f


T.S. Eliot, ed. Frank Kermode (New York, 1975): 38.

13"The Musicologist and the Performer, 109.

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Example 11, total time ca 22:36-23:43). In the opening aria, the theorbos obbligato

role is again the determining factor, along with our feeling that the piece should be

performed presto possibile. (Consult Musical Example 12, total time ca 24:03-

27:12.)

The realization of the second aria required considerable thought, especially in

view of the remark arpeggio e sempre col fundamento, four measures before the

start of the B-section (see facsimile at Appendix VII). But for how many measures

does this indication apply: Till the double bar three measures later? Throughout the B-

section? This latter suggestion seems unlikely, especially since fourteen of the

sections twenty-nine full measures of bass line consist entirely of running eighths

(which as often as not articulate a chord). Would the theorbo have arpeggiated only in

quarter-note passages, otherwise playing col fundamento? Does the indication hold

until the final four measures before the da capo (which the theorbo plays solo)? The

author opted to arpeggiate when practical, and otherwise to play simply sempre col

fundamento (i.e. both harpsichord and theorbo throughout). (Consult Musical Example

13, total time ca 27:25-30:44.)

Ironically, one can say for sure that the piece would not have been composed

with the German theorbo in mind, the type of theorbo used by the present author to

play the part.15 The instrument was not developed until after 1720 (in Saxony),

whereas La bella fiamma seems to have been composed while Heinichen was in

Italy, perhaps as early as 1710 (see the discussion of the cantata at Chapter 3, pp. 105-

l5For details of the German theorbos tuning and organology, see Chapter 2.

226

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06). Using a different lute type to perform a piece is, however, something that was

done by Weiss himself, as detailed under the discussion of Lottis Lascia che nel suo

viso in Chapter 3.

Far more intimate in character than La be 11a fiamma is the Fux theorbo aria

Felice io me nandro di Giove (Orfeo), included here to provide a contrast to

Heinichens theorbo writing. (Consult Musical Example 14, total time ca 31:08-34:27.)

For more on Felice io me nandro di Giove, see Chapter 3, page 97-99.

Table 1: Musical Examples on the accompanying recording.

Musical Drawn from: Measures: Time at end of


example #: selection:
1 Ristoris Divoti Affetti, Verso I 47-85 2:40
2 Divoti Affetti, Verso IV 1-40 4:50
3 Divoti Affetti, Verso IX 102-16 6:26
4 Divoti Affetti, Verso VHI 1-26 (Da Capo) 8:42
5 Divoti Affetti, Verso VD3 1-6 9:20
6 Divoti Affetti, Verso VUI 37-94 11:12
7 Divoti Affetti, Verso X 1-53 14:34
8 Lottis Lascia che nel suo 1-78 18:17
viso (Teofane)
9 Heinichens Io vorrei saper 44-58; 1-43 21:26
damore, (Flavio Crispo)
10 Heinichens La bella fiamma, in entirety 22:19
opening recitative
11 La bella fiamma, second in entirety 23:43
recitative
12 La bella fiamma, Aria I 28-127; 1-31 27:12
13 La bella fiamma, Aria II 1-78 30:44

227

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Musical Drawn from: Measures: Time at end of
example #: selection:
14 Fuxs Felice io me nandro di 1-99 34:27
Giove (Orfeo)
P A G E NUMBER(S) OF M USICAL EXAMPLES (refer to
appendices in this dissertation). In examples 1-7, parts in
the follow ing order: soprano (S)/alto (A )/theorbo (T )/organ
(O ). S ys = system; D b = double bar.
S 279 / A 290 / T 301 / O 313 (T and O, from Sys 4 to the end of the
page)
I
S 280 / A 291 (both vocalists through the Db in Sys 10) / T 302 / O
2 314 through Sys 2 of 315

S 285 / A 296 / T 308 (all three, four last systems of respective page) /
3 O 320 (from the Andante in Sys 8 to the end of the page)
S 282 / A 293 (both vocal parts, to Db in Sys 6) / T 305 / O 317 (T
and O both play to the Db in Sys 10)
4
The first six measure of the previous example.
5
S 282 (penultimate Sys) through 283) / A 293 (Sys 10) through 294 / T
306 / 0 318
6
S 286 (to the Db in the penultimate Sys) / A 297 / T 309 to the Db in
Sys 4 of 310 / O 321 to the Db in Sys 4 of 322
7

8 Score: 355-59
Score: 239 (Sys 2) through 241; 234 through 239 (Sys 1)
9

10 Score: 243, Sys 1-2

1 1 Score: 248, Sys 1-2

1 2 Score: 244 (in Sys 2) through 247; 243 (Sys 3) to measure 31 on 244

1 3 Score: 248 (Sys 4) through 251

1 4 N ot included.
228

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CONCLUSION:

SILVTUS LEOPOLD WEISS AND THE DRESDEN LUTE TRADITION

Nowhere in the eighteenth century had a lutenist occupied such a distinguished

position as did Silvius Leopold Weiss at the court of Dresden. (The theorbist

Francesco Conti, at Vienna, appears to have achieved more recognition as a court

composer than as a theorbist. As for Ernst Gottlieb Baron at Berlin, not only was he

paid considerably less than Weiss or Conti, but surviving records give little indication

of his having had the same degree of prominence at court functions.)

Judging solely on the basis of surviving evidence, Weisss chief duty was

playing theorbo in the continuo band, which, even with the best of colleagues,

probably did not give him his greatest musical satisfaction. This is not to demean the

rewards of ensemble playingfar from it!but the few eye-witness accounts we

possess lay more stress on Weisss qualities as a soloist than on his accompanying.

Furthermore, while the theorbo could probably be heard well enough in the Opemhaus

am Zwinger (which is said to have had phenomenal acoustical properties), the same

cannot be said of occasional outdoor performances (e.g., the theorbo aria I rapidi to

Heinichens Serenata nel Giardino Chinese, performed at the 1719 wedding

festivities). In fact, those repertoires where lutes would have been heard to their

greatest advantage, namely small instrumental and vocal chamber ensembles, represent

the smallest group of sources currently in the collection of the Sachsische

Landesbibliothek. The point has already been made that Weisss own music collection

did not go to the court, and his performing parts probably would have provided the

229

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best indication of the extent of his ensemble activities.

Fortunately, the range of pieces for which we do have surviving parts (or

indications in scores) is rather large. Obbligato parts include: a concerto grosso by

Heinichen; instrumental chamber works by Weiss for lute(s) and various other

instruments (to which only the lute part survives)1; three lute arias to operas by Lotti,

Heinichen and Hasse (played on theorbo?); a (theorbo?) aria to an oratorio by Hasse; a

theorbo aria to a serenata by Heinichen. Continuo parts (for both lute and theorbo) are

on hand for close to thirty works (one-third operas and two-thirds sacred vocal). The

theorbo parts provide the best evidence of actual lute participation in the above works,

especially those with pencil additions.2 The current author strongly believes that Weiss

would have participated in mostif not allorchestral performances, as well as in a

wide variety of chamber music.

The Sachsisches Staatsarchiv may well contain items which would more

completely document lute participation at court, but the sheer quantity of material to

be sifted has kept it from being included here. Unfortunately, detailed written and

pictorial accounts of lute participation in individual performances at Dresden are

notable by their absence; so far only Weisss participation in Lottis Teofane can be

lAs instrumental works, they fall outside the parameters of this dissertation.
The current author, in collaboration with Andre Burguete (of the Academie Weiss), is
attempting to find the missing parts.

2Added figures are particularly important, since a cello could theoretically have
made use of the part. And although cellos (and double basses) did play chordal
continuo, evidence of this practice in the Dresden sources has so far been limited to
Joseph Schusters oratorio La Betulia liberate (Mus. 3549-D-4; for more details, see
Chapter 4).

230

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demonstrated beyond all doubt.

The one sample realization provided is not intended to be prescriptive, but

merely to show two possible versions, one on each of two instruments. (Those looking

for a more thorough treatment of the subject are referred to the excellent printed tutor

by Nigel North.

None of the lutenists who survived Silvius Leopold Weiss in Dresden or

elsewhere enjoyed anything like his reputation, and little if any documentary

evidence survives to attest to their activities. The director of the Academie Weiss,

Andre Burguete, has spent the past thirty years assembling information on the German

lute tradition in general and the life and works of S.L. Weiss in particular. His efforts

to uncover documents relating to the activities of Weisss former student, Johann

Kropffganss, for instance, have been fruitless. He has also been in communication with

other researchers whose work brings them into contact with archives likely to contain

such evidence. And yet, neither Wolfgang Reichs research in the Sachsisches

Staatsarchiv nor Hans-Joachim Schulzes in the records of the city of Leipzig have

turned up a single piece of evidence attesting to Kropffgansss work as a lutenist. For

now, at least, we must be satisfied with the information contained in lexica such as

Walther and Gerber.

Officially, the Saxon lute tradition continued until 1813, when the last of the

Hoflautenisten died, namely, S.L. Weisss son, Johann Adolph Faustinus Weiss. But

although the younger Weiss was Hoflautenist from 1763 to 1813, his activity seems to

have been limited to accompanying Versets during Lent on the theorbo. One could

231

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search for reasons for the lutes greatly diminished role in the straitened circumstances

of Kursachsen at the end of the Seven Years War (overall land area was reduced by

about one third, e.g.), or one could point to the fact that the younger Weiss was a

most capable player but not a composer of substance. But, perhaps the stylistic sea

change that was taking place would have kept even the great Silvius Leopold Weiss

from occupying a prominent position in the Dresden Hofkapelle, had he survived the

war. As it happened, S.L. Weiss died on 16 October 1750, and the uniquely prominent

role he (and his instruments) played in music at the Saxon capital came to an end.

The extensive evidence of theorbo continuo at Dresden till the middle of the

eighteenth century and in all manner of ensembles - reveals that the tradition was

viabile far beyond the period normally associated with it, namely the seventeenth

century.

232

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APPENDIX I: Author's edition of Johann David Heinichens

Io vorrei saper damore

(Flavio Crispo, Mus. 2398-F-3)

233

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'Io Vorrei f lw io CrifyofilZo) ^ o Q w ijD o w Z j-le i

J-Tablature for a baroque lute In the following tuning.

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T S T etc. tt* y1 Oiwlj)
4 - Unless otherwise Indicated, original lute bass line doubles b.c. t tt mi /
i s m s g u i D i nn isr z o n
f-Originally in lute pan, with b.c. taceL
tO
U>
U
U H I& 'IohoJ

I
*
235

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taaget

236

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fp=@^pipillfllii=pi

237

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240

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APPENDIX II: Authors edition of Heinichens

La bella fiamma

(Mus. 2398-1-3)

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4 ,-s

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i 1

i!

jilt
MI:

1, 1;i
111

250

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APPENDIX IH: Authors edition of Heinichens

I rapidi

(iSerenata nel Giardino Chinese, Mus. 2398-L-l)

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253

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III III

III)

tJi

H
i *I

i m
i

c _*x.

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I

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APPENDIX IV: Authors figured-bass realization

of Verso X of Giovanni Alberto R istons Divoti Affetti (Mus. 2455-E-500)

The following realization represents only in part what was done on the accompanying

cassette recording, and shows some of the many approaches available to the player. A

few measures of a possible realization for baroque lute have been suggested for

comparison, but this instrument would likely only have been used in an emergency.

No version for archlute is included, as that instrument was no longer in use in Dresden

by the composition of Divoti Affetti\ in the authors view, the instruments sharp,

penetrating sound is antithetical to the character of the music. That the top string of

the German is a minor third lower than that of the baroque lute has implications for

possible realizations: d 1 (instead of the latters fi) as the top string makes mobility in

the upper register comparatively more difficult on the German theorbo, by virtue of

the fact that, to play a given pitch, one has to move farther up the neck. The higher

the position, the higher the action (i.e. the vertical distance of the strings from the

fingerboard) and the more energy is required to fret notes.3

Voice leading on lute is most often suggestive than consistently worked out,

and this is doubly so when the bass line is as angular as this one (note the tenor voice

at mm. 6-8). Harmonic filler is added as needed, and disappears just as quickly.

Measure 35 provides a good example: without the proper articulation, of course, this

occasional thickening of the generally two-voice texture can backfire; in this case, the

3For details of these tunings, see also Appendix XV.

262

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g minor chord on the second beat, as well as the d major chord on the last eighth, will

benefit from very quick arpeggiation. Making too much of either chord will destroy

the basic pulse. Slightly slower arpeggiation would work well on chords such as at the

downbeat of measure 32, which concludes a vocal section and introduces a four-

measure continuo solo.

Occasional liberties have been taken with the voice leading. Note, for instance,

the apparent parallel octaves at the first two eighths of measure 13. The current

authors experience is that such faux pas are seldom, if ever, perceived when played

on lute certainly not in an ensemble context. (And the contrary motion set up here

more than atones for the momentary lapse.) Another technique advised against by

most tutors is doubling the vocal line, something found here in measures 36 and 37,

for instance. While this writing requires excellent ensemble of the lutenist and the

singer (in this case the contralto), the effect makes it worth the risk. Of course, the

bass line could have been lowered an octave, something done only very selectively in

this realization (downbeat of m. 32; mm. 86-89, for example). Generally, however, the

benefits of keeping the bass line in the proper octave were deemed to outweigh the

advantages of playing it down. For two reasons: a) when done consistently, lowering a

bass line can give it another character altogether, clearly a technique to be used with

caution; b) when done unsystematically, maintaining the inherent logic of the bass line

becomes difficult to impossible.

Players are encouraged to use this realization, not as something to be copied,

but rather as a stimulus to their own versions.

263

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264

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265

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269

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APPENDIX V: Facsimile of Versi I, IV, VTTT, IX and X

to Ristoris Divoti Affetti (Mus. 2455-E-500)

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322

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APPENDIX VI: Facsimile of Heinichens

Io vorrei saper damore

(Flavio Crispo, Mus. 2398-F-3)

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324

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325

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326

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327

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329

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APPENDIX VII: Facsimile of Heinichens

La bella fiam m a

(Mus. 2398-1-3)

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\rV

333

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336

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337

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341

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Ai

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344

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APPENDIX V lil: Facsimile of Heinichens

I rapidi

(Serenata net Giardino Chinese, 2398-L-l)

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346

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347

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348

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349

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350

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351

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353

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APPENDIX IX: Facsimile of Antonio Lottis

Lascia che nel suo viso

(Teofane, Mus. 2159-F-7)

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355

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356

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357

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358

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359

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APPENDIX X: Facsimile of J.A. Hasses

Tutte allinvito de nostri accenti

(II cantico de' tre fanciulli, Mus. 2477-D-8)

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a L07

U.UII1BI

362

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1
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365

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368

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1.1Jil 1. g .

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371

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374

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375

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376

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APPENDIX XI: Facsimile of Heinichens

lute aria Viver non so contento

(from the cantata Don vezzosa, Dori bella, Mus. 2398-1-3)

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379

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381

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383

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APPENDIX XII: Facsimile of J.A. Hasses

Cerva al bosco

(Cleofide, Mus. 2477-F-9)

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389

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391

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392

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393

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394

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395

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396

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397

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398

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399

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400

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401

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404

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405

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APPENDIX X ili: Facsimile of theorbo and organ parts

to Heinichens Magnificat

(Mus. 2398-D-22a, autograph score; *-*-510, parts)

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APPENDIX XTV: English translation
to G.A. Ristoris Divoti Affetti

Divoti Affetti Devout Feelings


alia Passione di Nostro Signore, on the Passion of Our Savior.
per uso della Reale Cappella For the use of the Royal Chapel
di Dresda of Dresden
ne Giomi deVenerdi e Domeniche, on the Friday and Sunday
della Quadragesima of Lent.
posti in Musica a 2 Voci C[anto] e Set to music for two voices, soprano
Apto] and alto,
con Accompagnamento di Organo e with accompaniment of organ and
Tiorba theorbo,
da Gio: Alberto Ristori by Giovanni Alberto Ristori

I I

Ad Mortem Jesus ducitur. Jesus is led to death.


Mens haec considera. Mind take note.
Mitis Agnellus trahitur [The] soft lamb is led
Cruenta Victima. as a bloody victim.
Mortalis adhuc ridet Up to now, mortal man has laughed at
Dum Deum pati videt this as he looks at Gods suffering
Crucem et Vulnera the cross and the wounds:
O impudentia! What shamelessness!
Dira Vesania! Deadly insanity!
O dulcis Salvator O sweet Savior,
O pie Redemptor O loyal Redeemer,
Da mori pro te. grant death in your name.

0 n

Respice bone Pastor Look down upon us Good Shepherd,


Super oves Pascuae tuas: on the sheep of your fold:
Ecce infirmatae sunt et vidua; Behold, they are fragile and bereft,
Nec est illis consolator. [and] there is no one to comfort them.
Festina; fer opem Hasten; help us;
Opera salutem work salvation,
O Jesu Spes Mundi 0 Jesus, Hope of the World
et liberator. and Liberator.
Paravi remedium vestris languoribus I have provided healing for your
illnesses,
Immolabor pro Ovibus 1 shall give my life for the sheep,
Dolor Convertetur in gaudium. [and] sorrow will be turned into joy.

419

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HI hi

Implete pectus Fill your hearts,


Maesti affectus Qet these] sorrowful feelings
Uni hoc cedite dolori. yield to this one sorrow.
Urgete lachrymas Let your tears flow,
Tristes inferias sad funereal [tears],
Pro nobis mortuo Amori. for our Love who died for us.
Haec Mens est rea This mind [of ours] is guilty,
O Crux es mea 0 cross, you are mine.
Ego erravi: 1 have strayed,
Ego peccavi. I have sinned.
Crimen est meum; The fault is mine;
Cur premis Deum? why are you blaming God?
Haec mens est rea This mind [of ours] is guilty,
O Crux es mea. O cross, you are mine.

IV IV

O Vinea electa plantavi te, 0 chosen Vine, Plant of Life,


1 have planted thee,
O Anima dilecta plasmavi te, 0 Beloved Soul, Substance of Life,
1 have molded thee,
Ut cresceres in dulcedinem. that thou shalt grow into sweetness.
Quare conversa es in amaritudinem? Why are you changed into bitterness?
Ingrata tellus Ungrateful earth,
Cor meum et aridum my arid heart,
Spera, non longe est salus hope, salvation is not far off.
Ros decidet in semen tuum. The dew will fall upon your seed.
Rigabit te Christus Messor bonus Christ, the Good Sower, will irrigate
you,
Praetioso suo sanguine with his precious blood,
Ut efflorescas in pinguedine that you may flower abundantly.

420

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V V

Fideles lachrimae Faithful tears,


Hue hue confluite here, here flow together,
Tristesque stillulae sad teardrops
Vultu decurrite. run down my face.
Jesus flagellis caeditur Jesus is tom by stripes
Nee cor crudele hominis and the cruel heart of man is not
Dolore tangitur. touched with sorrow.
Ah tangant paenae Ah, may the torture
Dirae Catenae of the hideous chain
Reum hoc pectus [chastise] this guilty heart;
Gemat affectus let my senses cry out:
Innocens Jesus est Salvator meus. [the] guiltless Jesus is my Savior.

VI VI

Per dura devia Through the harsh wilderness,


Errans ovicula O wandering flock,
Revertere. turn back.
Amantem Dominum The loving Lord,
Pastorem Optimum the best of all Shepherds,
Amplectere. embrace [him]!
Vide paenas, et Catenas See the torture and the chains;
Haec pro te patitur he suffers these for you,
Inter dolores in the midst of sorrows,
Inter Cruores in the midst of bloodshed,
En pro te moritur. behold He dies for you.

vn VU

Jesus morti tradebaris Jesus, [you were] handed over to death


et ut ovis ducebaris and led as a sheep
Mox futurus Victima. to be soon a victim;
Omnis expers sim rancoris may I be without anger,
Sed affectum fac Amoris and [may you] make my inmost heart
Cordis gerant intima. respond with feelings of love.
En ut Vinctus accusatur And behold, as the bound captive is
accused,
Agnus silet, dum culpatur the Lamb is silent, charged with a
crime

4 2 1

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[VII cont.] [VII cont.]
Irae procul motibus. [he is] far from [committing].
Fac me linguam reftaenare Control my tongue,
Sensus omnes Castigare Castigate all my senses
Pravis ab affectibus. for their base feelings.
Petrus quidem te negavit Peter, indeed, denied you,
Sed flens, crimen expiavit but, weeping, paid for his crime
Tuae vi clementiae by the force of your clemency.
O si numquam te negarem O would I never deny you,
Vel me tecum mox purgarem or may I soon cleanse myself
Fletu paenitentiae [in your eyes] by my penitent weeping.

v rn vni

Amor ah! amor meus. Love, ah, my love


In Cruce figitur. is Fixed to the cross.
Moritur Homo Deus The Man-God dies
Et non diligitur. and is not loved.
O Gens ingrata O ungrateful race,
Ardorem concipe create a fire within your souls
Sic Adamata and thus recapture Adams
Amorem redhibe. love [Fig. of Jesus as Second Adam].

EX IX

O Signum libertatis O Sign of Liberty


Nostraeque faustitatis and of our great good fortune,
Dux Fida, sacra Crux. Faithful Guide, O Sacred Cross,
In te perennis Vena in you the true and blessed and
Caeli beata scena everlasting gate of heaven,
Es mentis alma lux. You are the lifegiving light of the soul.
Inter Cruces semper ire Constantly to live in the midst of
crosses
Non est premi, nec perire is not to be rejected, nor be considered
Non est triste plangere; [a cause] of perishing nor of sad
Sed est Animo laetari weeping;
instead, the soul must rejoice with the
Angelis est collastari angels,
Festa metra pangere. celebrating feasts to joyful poetry.

422

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X X

Qui sinum Patris deserit Whoever abandons the bosom of the


father,
Jesus est qui te diligit Jesus it is who chooses you,
Peccatrix Anima. sinful soul.
Te querens cadit lassus Seeking for you, he falls down wearily.
Redemit Crucem passus Having suffered the cross, he redeems
you.
Haec haec considera Reflect on this,
Peccatrix Anima. sinful soul.
Usquequo claudis occulos Everywhere you close your eyes,
Gemens sub tristi pondere groaning under this sad weight,
Ad Dominum convertere turn back to the Lord,
Qui sanat languidos. who heals the weary.

423

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APPENDIX XV: Four Standard Lute Tunings

Tuning 1: Italian theorbo in A


14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Course
Fret .
B C D E F G A d g b e a open
AS ds gs c f as 1
B e a cs1 fs b 2
Open strings C f as d> g c* 3
(Diapasons)
CS fs b ds1 gs CS* 4
D g c' e* a d> 5
Ds gs cs1 f> as d s' 6
E a d> fs> b e* 7
F as ds' g* c1 P 8

G erm an theorbo
12 11 10 9 8 7 6 S 4 3 2 1
Course
Fret .
A B C D E F G A d f a d> open
F Fs Gs AS ds fs as d s' 1

Fs G A B e g b e> 2

Open strings G Gs As c f gs cl P 3
(Diapasons)
Gs A B CS fs a CS1 fs* 4
A As c d g as d g' 5
AS B cs ds gs b ds1 gs* 6
B c d e a c1 e a> 7
c cs ds f as CS1 P as1 8

424

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Tuning 3: Theorbierte (D-minor) Laute
14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Course
Fret .
F G A d f a d* f 0|
Fs Gs AS ds fs as ds* fs* 1
G A B e g b e* g* 2
Open strings Gs As c f gs c n gs* 3
(Diapasons)1
A B cs fs a cs1 fs* a* 4
AS c d 8 as d> g as* 5
G cs ds gs b ds* gs* b* 6
c d e a c* e* a* cl 7
cs ds f as cs1 f as* cs: 8

Tuning 4: Archlute in G
14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Cour
Fret
F G A B C D E F G c f a d* g1 open
Gs cs fs as ds* gs' 1
A d g b c* a* 2
Open strings AS ds gs c* f* as* 3
(Diapasons)
B e a CS* fs* b* 4
c f as d* gl cJ 5
CS fs b ds* gs cs* 6
d g c* e* a* d* 7
ds gs cs* r as* ds* 8

425

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APPENDIX XVI: Theorbo part to Hasse's Cajo Fabriccio

Detail of added figures by number 4

Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments


additions?
(y/n)
Sinfonia "forte" in Allegro assai (third)
section.
VI y Turrio, Pirro Recitative. Figures added at Turrio's
second entrance.
VI y Tunio Aria No 1: "In cosi lieto giomo".
An "X" (partially cut away at
binding) and (slightly to the right) a
"#" are written in pencil over the
"No."
VI n Pirro, Turrio Recitative.
V2 y Pirro, Cinea, Recitative.
Turrio
V2 y Cinea Aria No 2: "Quando abbandona il
Lito "5
V3 y Turrio, P/m;, Recitative.
Fabrizio,
Cinea
V3 y Pirro Aria No 3: "Vedi I'amata figlia".
Numerous figures and fermate.
V4 y Fabrizio, Recitative. Fabrizio's final two
Sestia measures have added figures.
V4 y Fabrizio Aria No 4: "Dell'Amante l'Alma
bella"

4Names in italics indicate added figures etc. during that character's section(s) of
the recit.

'Lido in the score. Libretto catalogued as MTT 46 144 Rara.

426

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Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments
additions?
(y/n)
V5 Sestia, Recitative. Turrio's part(s) bear only
Bircenna, one cadential "#" (i.e. major).
Turrio
1/5 y Sestia Aria No 5: "II Trono, il Regno".
Partially cut-away "NB" in margin.
1/6 y Bircenna, Recitative.
Turrio
1/6 y Bircenna Aria No 6 : "Non ti ricuso amante"
1/7 y Volusio Recitativo accompagnato: "H vivo
ancora"
VI y Volusio Aria No 7: "Scherza tailor sul
prato"
VS y Pirro, Fabrizio Recitative. Fabrizio's part is
involved in a held-over cadential
figure.
1/8 y Pirro Aria No 8 : "Reca la pace in dono"
V9 y Fabrizio, "NB [i.e. nota bene]" in the margin.
Sestia Weiss writes the two letters as one
symbol, with the right side of the N
and the back of the B as one stroke.
1/10 y Sestia, Volusio Recitativo accompagnato: "Vibralo,
e mori"
I/ll y Sestia Recitativo accompagnato: "O Dei!
che udij, che vidi!" Added figures
from first bass note.
I/ll n Sestia Aria No 9: "Caro sposo, amato
oggetto"
D/Coro n
n/i y Turrio, Recitative.
Bircenna
n/i Turrio Aria No 10: "Pender da cenni tuoi"

427

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments
additions?
(y/n)
n/2 Biecenna, Recitative. Figures sparse, but
Pirro, present throughout.
Fabrizio,
Cinea
0 /2 y Bircenna Aria No 11: " Amore a lei giurasti"
n/3 y Pirro, Cinea, Recitative. Limited to one added
Fabrizio " 6" .

n/3 y Fabrizio Aria No 12: "Ardi ai vezzosi rai"


n/4 y Pirro, Cinea Recitative. Limited to one added
" 6" .

n/4 Pirro Aria No 13: "Non ha piu pace".


Allegro assai, e con spirito/Adagio
("L'amato bene non sara mio").
Additions in both sections,
including "adagio" on final page.
n/5 y Cinea Recitative. Limited to one added
" 6" .

n/5 y Cinea Aria No 14: "Giovani cori amanti".


Numerous additions.
U/6 y Fabrizio, Recitative. Sestia, though listed at
Sestia, Turrio the top of the recitative, doesn't
sing.
n/7 Fabrizio, Recitative.
Sestia
n/7 Fabrizio Aria No 15: "Non sempre oprar da
forte". Presto con spirito. "NB" in
margin. Additions include:
correction "e h on upbeat to
"fortissimo" and "squiggle" over
three measures at "forte".
n/8 y Sestia, Volusio Recitative.
n/8 y Sestia Aria No 16: "Lungi dagl'occhi"

428

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments
additions?
(y/n)
0/9 Sestia, Pirro, Recitative.
Volusio
n/io Turrio, Recitative.
Bircenna,
Volusio, Pirro
n/11 y Pirro, Volusio Recitative.
n /11 y Pirro Aria No 17: "Se tu non senti, oh
Dio". Composed of Allegro and
Adagio sections; only Allegro
sections have additions.
n/ 1 2 y Sestia, Volusio Recitative.
n/ 1 3 n Turrio, Recitative.
Volusio, Sestia
n/ 1 3 Sestia Aria No 18: "Non mi chiamar
crudele". No figures; only pencil
additions relate to (added)
fermata/squiggle (eight measures
before "Dal Segno" and return point
at the sign. Piece in four flats;
might theorbo have played only the
bass line? If so, why squiggle? "X"
in margin just below and to left of
"No."
n/ 1 4 y Volusio Recitative.
n/i4 y Volusio Aria no 19: "Nocchier, che teme
assorto"
m /i Turrio, Recitative.
Bircenna
ni/i n Turrio Aria no 20: "Sura vezzo sa e bella"
m/2 n Bircenna, Pirro Recitative.

429

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments
additions?
(y/n)
m /2 Bircenna Aria no 21: "Volgi a me gli affetti
tuoi". Only addition a "D" on final
eight of bar 23, corrected from "e".
It appears to be an error (though in
the score), as it occurs on the final
beat of m/8 at a cadence to A. The
other voices make up a D major
harmony.
El/3 n Pirro, Cinea Recitative.
m /4 y Fabrizio, Recitative. Pirro listed at head of
Sestia, Pirro recitative, but does not sing.
m/4 n Fabrizio Aria no 22: "Quella e mia figlia"
m/5 n Pirro, Sestia, Recitative. Lack of additions not
Cinea decisive, as the copyist included a
few figures.
m /6 Pirro, Volusio, Recitative. Only addition an added
Sestia flat to a "b" at "e di Sestia il
Tiranno". Rat already present in
score.
m/7 y Pirro, Cinea, Recitative.
Sestia
ni/7 y Sestia Aria no 23: "Vedrai morir
costante". One fermata and one
"squiggle".
m/8 Sestia, Recitative.
Fabrizio
m/9 Sestia "Manca Rec:" added by Weiss at
end of previous recitative. This
recitative opens Scene 9, and has
been tipped in between the first and
second (i.e. last) page of the
following aria. The recitative bears
no pencil additions.

430

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments
additions?
(y/n)
m/9 Sestia'a aria Aria No 24: "Chi non sente al mio
dolore". Limited to one "squiggle"
at Dal Segno.
m/9 n Fabricio Recitative. Not included in the
score.
m /io n Pirro, Cinea Recitative.
m /io n Cinea Aria No 25: "Scrivi, lo vuol
vendetta"
m/ 1 1 Fabricio, Pirro Recitative. Includes what may be
indications of "straight chords,"
namely long vertical lines before
the bass note.
m/ 1 2 Fabricio Recitativo accompagnato: "Dura
necessita"
m /13 n Sestia, Recitative.
Fabricio
m/14 n Volusio, Recitative. Some figures added to
Fabricio, bass line by copyist.
Sestia
m/14 Sestia Aria No 26: "Padre ingiusto".
Limited to addition of segno (at
beginning of bar nine), one "# [i.e.
major] and two fermate.
Adagio/presto area; additions in
both slow and fast sections.
m/ 1 5 n Fabricio, Recitative.
Volusio
111/16 n Volusio Recitative.
m/i6 y Volusio Aria No 27: "Varchero la fiebil
onda". Five 4/2 chords (all on e)
and two "squiggles."
m/17 n Pirro, Cinea Recitative.

4 3 1

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Act/Scene Pencil Characters) Comments
additions?
(y/n)
m/ 1 8 n Fabricio, Pirro, Recitative.
Turio, Cinea
Hi/Ultima y Tutti Recitative. Limited to one corrected
bass note at bar 11 (g to a).
Coro n

432

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDIX XVII: Theorbo part to Hasse's Deme trio

Detail of numbers with added figures4:

Act/Scene Characters Comments


VI Olinto7 Aria: "Di quell'ingiusto sdegno"
1/2 Cleonice, Barsene Recitative. One added "6 ".
1/3 Cleonice Aria: "Fra' tanti pensieri di Regno".
"X" in margin.
1/4 Barsene Aria: "Misero tu non sei". "X" in
margin.
1/5 Mitrane, Fenicio Recitative.
1/5 Fenicio Aria: "Ogni procella infida"
1/6 Mitrane Aria: "Alma grande". Double "X" in
margin.
1/7 Olinto, Cleonice, Fenicio Recitative.
vs Alceste, Cleonice, Fenicio, Very few added figures.
Olinto
vs Cleonice Aria: "Se libera non sono"
1/9 Fenicio, Olinto, Alceste Recitative.
V10 Alceste Aria: "Scherza il nocchier talora
coll'aura". "X" in margin.
I/ll Olinto Aria: "Che mi giova 1'onor". "NB" in
margin.
1/12 Cleonice, Barsene, Fenicio Recitative. Two added "6 "s.
1/13 Mitrane, Cleonice, Barsene, Recitative. One added "5".
Alceste

6In the case of recitatives, italics indicate that pencil additions are found in the
part sung by that character.

7List of interpreters (role: singer): Olirtto: Rochetti; Cleonice: Faustina Bordoni;


Barsene: Cat. Giorgi; Mitrane: Bindi; Fenicio: Filippi Giorgi; Alceste: Annibali
(Fiirstenau, Zur Geschichte, II, 235).

433

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Act/Scene Characters Comments
1/14* Alceste, Barsene Recitative. Limited to "5 6".
1/14 Alceste Aria: "Dal suo gentil sembiante". "X"
in margin.
I/159 Barsene One added "5 b".
1/15 Barsene Aria: "Vorrei dai lacci sciogliere"
n/2 Alceste Aria: "Non v'e piu barbaro". "X" in
margin.
D/3 Olinto, Mitrane Recitative.
n/3 Olinto Aria: "Ela fede degli'amanti"
H/4 Mitrane Aria: "Dice, che t'e fedele". "X" in
margin, but no other additions. Bass
line in score marked "pia. Viol.lli
Soli". Theorbo joins ensemble in forte
passages.
n/5 Cleonice, Barsene Recitative.
H/6 Fenicio, Cleonice, Barsene Recitative. Limited to one added "6"
and a " 0 " which Weiss appears to
have tried to erase.
H/7 Olinto, Cleonice, Fenicio Recitative.
0/7 Cleonice Aria: "Nacqui agl'affanni in seno".
"X" in margin. Numerous figures.
H/8 Fenicio, Olinto, Barsene Recitative. One added "6 b".
0/8 Fenicio Aria: "Ora e preggio il crine". "X" in
margin.
n/10 Olinto Recitative. Limited to one "7 b".
n/10 Olinto Aria: "Non fidi al mar". "X" in
margin.
II/11 Cleonice, Mitrane Recitative.

8In theorbo part incorrectly numbered "IV".

9In theorbo part incorrectly numbered "V".

434

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Act/Scene Characters Comments
n/12 Alceste, Cleonice Recitative. Including Recitativo
Accompagnato (Adagio) section.
n/1210 Cleonice, Alceste Duet: "Dal mio ben".
m /311 Cleonice, Alceste Recitative. Limited to one "6".

10There are fifteen scenes in Act II.

There are fifteen scenes (including "Scena Ultima") in Act HI, plus a
concluding chorus.

435

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDIX XVIII: Sacred works with surviving theorbo parts

Composers (and works) listed alphabetically

Composer Pencil additions? Work


(y/n)
Antonio Caldara n Beata vir (Mus. 2170-E-2,
score; *-*-2a, parts)
Johann Adolph Hasse y La Caduta de Gerico (Mus.
2477-D-18, score; *-*-18,2,
parts)
Johann Adolph Hasse y La Deposizione dalla Croce
(Mus. 2477-D-19, score; *-*-
19a, parts)
Johann Adolph Hasse y II Giuseppe riconosciuto (Mus.
2477-D-13 score; parts *-*-
13a)
Johann Adolph Hasse y Sant'Elena al Calvario (Mus.
2477-D-20, score; *-*-20a,
parts)
Johann Adolph Hasse y Venite, Pastores, venite
exultemus (Mus. 2477-E-538,
score; *-*-538a, parts)
Johann Adolph Hasse y Le Virtu appie della croce
(Mus. 2477-D-12, score; *-*-
12a, parts)
Johann David Heinichen n Magnificat in F (Mus. 2398-D-
510)
Antonio Lotti n Credidi (Mus. 2159-E-8, score;
*-*-8a, parts)
Antonio Lotti n Laudate Dominum (Mus.
2159-E-7, score; *-*-7a, parts)
Antonio Lotti n Requiem in F-dur (Mus. 2159-
D-7a, incomplete score; *-*-
7b, parts)

436

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Composer Pencil additions? Work
(y/n)
Giovanni Alberto Ristori n Divoti Afferti (Mus. 2455-E-
500)
Giovanni Alberto Ristori n Litania in F (Mus. 2455-D-5,
autograph score; 2455-D-6,
parts)
Johann Georg Schurer n Litanie di S. Saverio in F
(Mus. 3096-D-10)
Jan Dismas Zelenka n Angelas Domini (ZWV 161,
Mus. 2358-E-39, score; *-*-
39a, parts)
Jan Dismas Zelenka y Gesu al Calvario (Mus. 2358-
D-la, autograph score; *-*-lb,
parts)
Jan Dismas Zelenka n Kyrie in a minor (ZWV 27,
Mus. 2358-D-32, score; *-*-
32a, parts)

437

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRIMARY SOURCES (Numbering is that of the Sachsische Landesbibliothek):

Breunich, Johann Michael


Sacred works: Mus. 2993-*
II David Penitente D-l
Litanie di
St. Francesco Xaverio E-l
Astrea placata F-l

ouz, looias
Sacred works:
Mass in G Mus. 2834-D-l (autograph

Caldara, Antonio
Sacred works:
Beata vir Mus. 2170-E-2(a = parts)

Conti, Francesco
Sacred works:
Missa con Trombe Mus. 2367-D-l

Hasse, Johann Adolph:


Operas: Mus. 2477-F-*
Cleofide 9(a)
Cajo Fabrizio 11(a)
Irene 24(a)
Demetrio 12(a)
Numa Pompilio 28(a)
Lncio Papirio 32(a)
Didone abbandonata 35(a)
II Natal di Giove 58(a)
Sacred works: Mus. 2477-D-*
II Cantico de tre fanciulli 8
Le Virtu appie della croce 12(a)
II Giuseppe riconosciuto 13(a)
La Caduto de Gerico 18 (parts 18,2)
La Deposizione dalla Croce 19(a)
Sant Elena la Calvario 20(a)
La conversione di S Agostino 21(a)
Venite, Pastores, venite 2477-E-538(a)

438

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Heinichen, Johann David:
Opera:
Flavio Crispo Mus. 2398-F-3
Sacred works: Mus. 2398-*
Te Deum Laudamus D-18 (autograph score)
Magnificat a 4 Voci D-22
(same work) D-22a (autograph score)
(same work) D-510 (parts)
Lobe den Herrn E-506

Lotti, Antonio
Opera:
Teofane Mus. 2159-F-7
Sacred works: Mus. 2159-*
Requiem in F-dur D-7(a = incomplete score; b =parts)
Laudate Dominum E-7(a = parts)
Credidi E-8(a)

Ristori, Giovanni Alberto


Opera:
Calandro Mus. 2455-F-l
Sacred works: Mus. 2455-*
Litania D-5 (*-6 = parts)
Divoti Affetti E-500 (parts only)

Schiirer, Johann Georg


Sacred works: Mus. 3096-D-*
II Figliuol Prodigo 8
Litanie di S Saverio in F 10(a)

Schuster, Joseph
Sacred works:
La Betulia liberata Mus. 3549-D-4(a)

Seydelmann, Franz
Sacred works: Mus. 3550-D-*
La Morte d Abel Ka)
Gioas, re di Guida 2(a)
La Betuiia Liberata J(a)
Zach, Jan
Sacred works:
Salve Regina Mus. 2479-D-l

439

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Zelenka, Jan Dismas
Sacred works: Mus. 2358-*
Gesu al Calvario D-la (*b = parts) ZWV 62
Lamentaciones D-3b-d 53
Credo a. 2 Cori D-30 32
Kyrie in a D-32(a) 28
Angelus Domini E-39(a) 161
Offertorium E-40 166
O magnum mysterium E-501(l) 171

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