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Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America

Dumba rton Oaks Pr e- C olumbia n Symposia a nd Colloqu ia

Series Editor
Joanne Pillsbury

Editorial Board
Elizabeth Hill Boone
Tom Cummins
Gary Urton
David Webster
Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies
in Pre-Columbian America




2011 Dumbarton Oaks
Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C.
All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America

15 14 13 12 11 1 2 3 4 5

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Their way of writing : scripts, signs, and pictographies in Pre-Columbian

America / Elizabeth Hill Boone and Gary Urton, editors.
p. cm.(Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian symposia and colloquia)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-88402-368-5 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Indians of MexicoLanguagesWriting. 2. Indians of Central AmericaLanguagesWriting.
3. Indians of South AmericaPeruLanguagesWriting. 4. Picture writingMexico.
5. Picture writingCentral America. 6. Picture writingPeru.
7. Mayan languagesWriting. 8. Nahuatl languageWriting.
9. Quechua languageWriting.
I. Boone, Elizabeth Hill. II. Urton, Gary. III. Dumbarton Oaks.
f1435.3.w75t74 2011

General Editor: Joanne Pillsbury

Art Director: Kathleen Sparkes
Text Design and Composition: Melissa Tandysh
Jacket Design: Kathleen Sparkes
Managing Editor: Sara Taylor

Volume based on papers presented at the Pre-Columbian Studies symposium Scripts, Signs, and Notational
Systems in Pre-Columbian America, organized with Elizabeth Hill Boone and Gary Urton and held at
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C., on October 1112, 2008.

Cover illustrations: Inka khipukamayuq, drawing 137 of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva cornica y
buen gobierno, 1615, photograph courtesy of The Royal Library, Copenhagen. Mixtec scribe, detail, folio 48v
of the Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus.
These books were written in symbols and pictures. This is their way of writing,
supplying their lack of an alphabet by the use of symbols.
f r i a r mo t ol i n i a, 15 4 1,
History of the Indians of New Spain

Before the Spaniards came the Indians of Peru had no knowledge of writing at
all..., but this did not prevent them from preserving the memory of ancient times,
nor did they fail to keep a reckoning for all their affairs whether of peace, war,
or government....[T]hey compensated in part for the lack of writing and let-
ters...principally, with quipus....What they achieved in this way is incredible,
for whatever books can tell of histories and laws and ceremonies and accounts of
business all is supplied by the quipus so accurately that the result is astonishing.
jo s de ac o sta, 159 0,
Natural and Moral History of the Indies
con t en t s

for e wor d | ix
Joanne Pillsbury

1 i n t roduc t ion
Their Way of Writing: Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies
in Pre-Columbian America | 1
Gary Urton

2 The Cold War and the Maya Decipherment | 9

Michael D. Coe

3 All Things Must Change: Maya Writing over Time and Space | 21
Stephen D. Houston

4 The Flowering Glyphs: Animation in Cotzumalhuapa Writing | 43

Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos

5 Teotihuacan and the Development of Writing in Early Classic Central Mexico | 77

Karl Taube

6 The Written Surface as a Cultural Code: A Comparative Perspective

of Scribal Traditions from Southwestern Mesoamerica | 111
Javier Urcid

7 Elaboration and Abbreviation in Mexican Pictorial Manuscripts:

Their Use in Literary Themes | 149
Michel R. Oudijk

8 Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books | 175

Federico Navarrete

9 Ruptures and Unions: Graphic Complexity and Hybridity

in Sixteenth-Century Mexico | 197
Elizabeth Hill Boone

10 Moche as Visual Notation: Semasiographic Elements

in Moche Ceramic Imagery | 227
Margaret A. Jackson

v ii
11 Chuquibamba Textiles and Their Interacting Systems of Notation:
The Case of Multiple Exact Calendars | 251
R. Tom Zuidema

12 Tocapu: What Is It, What Does It Do, and Why Is It Not a Knot? | 277
Thomas B. F. Cummins

13 Khipu Typologies | 319

Gary Urton and Carrie J. Brezine

14 Khipu from Colony to Republic: The Rapaz Patrimony | 353

Frank Salomon, Carrie J. Brezine, Reymundo Chapa, and Vctor Falcn Huayta

15 The Cultural Category of Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies | 379

Elizabeth Hill Boone

c on t r i bu t or s | 391
i n de x | 397

v i i i c on t e n ts
fore word

T he first authors to write about the systems of

recording information used by the Aztec and
Inka, the dominant empires in the Americas in
said he would spread the word about this great sys-
tem himself, were it not for all of his friends in the
printing business who would be put out of work.
the early sixteenth century, stressed the complex- The study of ancient American writing and
ity and efficacy of the scripts, signs, and notational other systems of recording information did not
systems used to register dynastic histories, tax and wane in the nineteenth century. Mesoamerican
tribute lists, and other matters crucial to the opera- systems, in particular, were the focus of many
tion of any large and complex state. The types of studies. We should remember, however, how little
systems used to record information in the ancient was known about ancient American writing at this
Americas varied dramatically, from the glyphic time. The U.S. writer John Lloyd Stephens, travel-
writing in Mesoamerica to the knotted cord ing in the 1840s, described the spectacular monu-
records, or khipus, that facilitated the expansion of ments at the Maya site of Copan. He recognized
the Inka empire in South America. As Elizabeth that hieroglyphs had the potential to reveal rich
Boone and Gary Urton have noted, these early histories, but that they remained unintelligible and
modern authors distinguished such systems from functionally mute. By the late nineteenth century,
writing as they knew it, preferring, like Motolinia, however, essential features of Maya writing, par-
to use the phrase their way of writing or, as was ticularly numeration, had been worked out, setting
often the case in the Andes, simply accounts. Yet the stage for the spectacular decipherments of the
there was no doubt in the minds of these sixteenth- twentieth century.
century authors that such systems were extremely With over a century of serious, sustained re
effective in conveying information. search on Pre-Columbian systems of recording
The European fascination with Pre-Columbian information, it is perhaps a good time to consider
systems of recording information continued or our current state of knowledge. The present vol-
even increased in later centuries. The eighteenth- ume is based on papers presented at the sympo-
century Neapolitan intellectual Raimondo di sium Scripts, Signs, and Notational Systems in
Sangro, principe of Sansevero, was obsessed with Pre-Columbian America, held at Dumbarton
khipus and felt that they could replace European Oaks on October 1112, 2008. Organized with
writing systems, as he considered them a richer and Elizabeth Boone and Gary Urton, this conference
more efficient form of communication. Sansevero was a particularly celebratory one, as it marked the
saw them as the future, not just the past. Indeed, he return of the annual Pre-Columbian symposium

to Washington, D.C., after four years of being Miriam Doutriaux, exhibition associate; and Juan
held off-site while renovations were completed on Antonio Murro, assistant curator, organized two
the Main House at Dumbarton Oaks. Two papers stimulating exhibitions on the history of decipher-
presented at this symposium, by David Stuart and ment designed to coincide with the symposium.
Alfonso Lacadena, were not available for publi- The present volume was prepared by the pub
cation in the present volume. Dumbarton Oaks lications department of Dumbarton Oaks, under
remains indebted to Elizabeth and Gary for their the directorship of Kathleen Sparkes. I am grateful
vision in the scholarly organization of the sympo- to Sara Taylor, art and archaeology editor, for her
sium and for their expertise and tireless efforts in thoughtful work on editorial and production mat-
editing the resulting volume. Their own work on ters. Outside of Dumbarton Oaks, I would like to
the subject of recording information in the ancient thank the two anonymous reviewers for their help-
Americas has set a high standard, and we are for- ful advice.
tunate to have their consideration of the broader The success of any scholarly gathering and
framework for the study of writing and other nota- publication depends upon the free exchange of data
tional systems. and ideas and the rigorous analyses and discussion
I am grateful to Jan Ziolkowski, director of surrounding their presentation. I would like to
Dumbarton Oaks; William Fash, of the Adminis close by thanking the authors in this volume for
trative Committee of Dumbarton Oaks; and the their willingness to share their research. We are
senior fellows in Pre-Columbian Studies for their indebted, as well, to the many distinguished schol-
counsel and support in the organization of the ars who attended the symposium; their good ques-
symposium and the creation of the present vol- tions and comments contributed to the stimulating
ume. The staff at Dumbarton Oaks was unfailingly discussion at the symposium itself and to the ongo-
accommodating, from the symposium planning ing dialogue about the nature of recording infor-
stages to the preparation of this publication. No one mation in the ancient Americas.
was more helpful than Emily Gulick, the program
assistant in Pre-Columbian Studies, whose creativ- Joanne Pillsbury
ity and hard work were behind every stage of this Director of Studies, Pre-Columbian Program
project. Bridget Gazzo, Pre-Columbian librarian; Dumbarton Oaks

x f oreword

Writing, Images, and Time-Space

in Aztec Monuments and Books
federico navarrete

S cholars have long recognized that

Aztec, and more generally Mesoamerican,
writing traditions regularly combined and juxta-
Come, my uncle, sit on the chair.
Come sit.
My grandfather, come, sit.
posed written signs with images, and the complex My grandfather, Godspeed.
relationship between these two media has been My uncle, have a drink.
analyzed and discussed from many perspectives.1 Oh tlatoani, Godspeed (Kirchhoff et al. 1989:131).
In this chapter, I will argue that our analysis of
Aztec writing should also include the oral tradi- As suggested by John Monaghan (1994:89) and
tions and the ritualized performances that usu- Mark King (1994:105107) for the Mixtecs, these
ally accompanied these two elements in order for performances may also have included music,
us to understand the workings of the scriptural chants, dances, and ritual offerings that would
traditions as wholes. All of these elements came have heightened their ritual significance.
together when the narratives were performed in During these performances, the written texts
public. These performances must have been highly in the codices and monuments were read aloud
formalized occasions in which the owners of the and explained, while the oral tradition, includ-
traditionthat is, those who were socially entitled ing formalized discourses known generically as
to transmit itrecited its oral contents, read the huehuetlatolli as well as poems and chants called
written records, and displayed the images to a spe- cuicatl, was solemnly recited. The written texts did
cific audience. The solemn toast described, or actu- not record all of the verbal elements of the tradi-
ally performed, at the beginning of the Historia tions, but merely a few salient aspects such as dates,
tolteca-chichimeca indicates such an occasion: place-names, and personal names. This is why

several authors have proposed that they played a the actualization of past realities. Hence, when we
mnemonic role, eliciting the much more complete decipher written signs and interpret images, their
oral discourse. But their role went beyond being explicit referential meanings form just the bare
mere primers for memory, as Dana Leibsohn outline of a much more complex message that had
(1994) has called them. significant performative dimensions that cannot
Meanwhile, some of the salient elements of the be exhausted by a single way of reading, seeing,
images contained in the codices and monuments or reciting.
were alluded to, through the use of pointing devices
and linguistic markers, in the oral discourse. The
frequent utilization of expressions such as here is
Chronotopes and Rgimes dhistoricit
or here we show in colonial alphabetic sources
may reproduce the kind of expressions that were How did these highly complex, multidimensional
used to refer to the images during these perfor- constellations of words, images, performances,
mances. Similarly, the Historia tolteca-chichimeca and oral traditions maintain their unity and their
uses a different color of ink (red instead of black) in coherence? The written signs, in articulation with
the phrases that refer to an accompanying image, images, worked as the organizing armature of the
thus hinting that during the oral performance traditions, and they did so through systematic rep-
of the narrative a different tone of voice, or some resentations of time and space as significant forms,
kind of physical gesture, may have been employed that is, in the form of chronotopes. This concept was
to refer to the images. The written comments that first developed in relativist physics to refer to the
are included in many colonial pictographic manu- entanglement of time (chronos) and space (topos)
scripts may, in turn, be transcriptions of the oral in physical reality. It was subsequently adopted by
explanations that were used to describe or eluci- Mikhail Bakhtin to explain how all literary works
date the images during the performances. The ritu- are constructed around specific and meaningful
alized nature of the performance also likely meant representations of time and space, always in com-
that it provoked or facilitated communication with bination, and how these literary chronotopes func-
supernatural entities and transcendental realities tion as the essential cores of any narrative genre.
or direct contact with the past events and charac- They provide concretion and visibility to nar-
ters that were being described. The past was, thus, rated time and space, thus organizing the flow of
ritually or performatively reenacted and brought to events and providing it with a framework to make
the present. it understandable and coherent. Chronotopes
Therefore, the written and visual narratives determine the nature of the characters and agents
that have survived to this day were only complete involved in the narrative, and determine how they
when they were performed together with their cor- change or maintain their continuity through time.
responding oral traditions. Not one of the constitu- In other words, they give coherence and unity to
ent parts contained the entire message, which was the narrative by organizing its constituent parts
meant to be transmitted by the whole, and no part into a meaningful whole (Bakhtin 1981).
encompassed the others completely. The writing I contend that chronotopes are also fundamen-
did not fully explain or describe the images, nor did tal for the articulation of time and space in histori-
it register the complete oral tradition. The images cal narratives. In this realm, they can be considered
were likewise enriched and partially explained by a key element in the definition of what Franois
the information contained in the texts and in the Hartog (2003) has called a rgime dhistoricit,
oral narratives, but they also contained many ele- that is, the manner in which a specific society at a
ments that were not described by them. Finally, the specific moment in time conceives of the relation
ritual performance added significant elements to between the past, the present, and the future
the narrative message, such as the solemnity and a relation that, in turn, defines the meaning and

1 7 6 nava rret e
purpose of social action in time. For instance, in count of the years, and led Donald Robertson
the rgime dhistoricit prevalent in the Western (1959:6264) to define them as time oriented and
world until the eighteenth century, the present and to compare them structurally with the annals of
the future were conceived as the necessary repeti- the European tradition. But he also pointed out
tions of past models that were deemed to be eter- that Mixtec and Texcocan manuscripts were orga-
nally valid, which meant that human action strove nized differently, around events and places, respec-
to imitate past models and roles. As Hartog argues, tively. Robertsons observations, later elaborated by
however, in the modern Western conception of Elizabeth Boone (1994, 2000), are basically sound,
history, which gained currency after the French but they need further refinement. The Mexica man-
Revolution, the future is expected to be completely uscripts they classified as time-oriented annals
different from the past, and superior to it, so that were also organized around explicit depictions
human action breaks with the past and seeks inno- of space; the Mixtec books they defined as event
vation and progress. oriented, or res gestae, also contained abundant
Alfredo Lpez Austins classic work Hombre- dates and place-names; and the place-oriented,
Dios: Religin y poltica en el mundo nhuatl (1973) or cartographic, Texcocan codices also contained
provides key elements for understanding what chronological narratives. All three kinds of books
we could define as the Aztec rgime dhistoricit. were in fact organized around both time and space,
According to his proposals, Aztec ritual perfor- and the striking differences pointed out by these
mances, as well as historical and political actions, authors can be attributed precisely to the fact that
repeated and commemorated cosmogonic actions they employed different chronotopes.
carried out by the gods in the beginning of time as Even within the Mexica codices, we can iden-
well as exemplary historical actions of the previ- tify two clearly different chronotopes, that is, two
ous generations. Thus, human actions in the pres- different ways of organizing time and space. The first
ent strove to repeat or re-create the past, or they chronotope corresponded to the migration period
were made to conform to past models a posteri- before the foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan,
ori, when they were recorded or narrated (Lpez while the second chronotope corresponded to
Austin 1973:159160). This established a highly sig- what can be called the imperial period, after the
nificant identification between past and present, foundation of that city, when the Mexica had a rul-
between historical actions and their ancient myth- ing dynasty and later became an imperial power
ical and historical models, and between significant (Navarrete 2000). In the codices that narrate the
historical events and their ritual reenactments. I former period, time and space flow in a parallel
shall try to show how this conception of history, way, as they depict the Mexicas discontinuous
this rgime dhistoricit, was presented and artic- journey from place to place over the years in their
ulated through the use of particular chronotopes, seemingly unending quest for the land promised
that is, specific ways of organizing time and space them by their god Huitzilopochtli. In the latter
graphically and symbolically in Mexica codices narratives, as we shall see, space is firmly centered
and monuments. on the altepetl of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and more
Students of Aztec writing, most recently specifically on the Templo Mayor, its ritual heart,
Alfonso Lacadena (2008), agree that Aztec glyphic and time is punctuated by the succession of the
writing was used mainly to denote dates, names Mexica rulers and by the conquests and rituals car-
of places, and names of persons and deities. This ried out by them.
fact confirms the link between written signs and Thus, I propose the existence of an imperial
the chronotopic organization of oral, visual, and chronotope, a specific way of organizing time and
performative narratives. space, graphically and symbolically, in the histori-
The preeminence of year dates in Mexica books cal narratives that dealt with the events of Mexica
is reflected in their original name, xiuhamatl, history after the foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 177

and before the Spanish conquest. This chronotope Keber 1995), along with the closely related Codex
can be found not only in the surviving historical Vaticanus A/Ros (1979).2 Although these manu-
manuscripts, all from the colonial period, but also in scripts differ markedly in their style and in some
the known stone monuments with historical content aspects of their content, they share all, or most, of
from the Pre-Columbian period. Understanding the essential featurestwo chronological and two
this chronotope puts us on the path to understand- spatialof the imperial chronotope. First, they are
ing the working of the Mexica rgime dhistoricit organized chronologically through the representa-
and also the complex relationship between writing, tion of long rows of successive year signs depicted
oral tradition, visual representation, and ritual per- in the traditional pictographic style as cartouches
formance in Mexica historical narratives. with the year sign and numeral inside. Second,
they depict the succession of Mexica tlatoque, or
rulers, marked by their enthronements and deaths.
Third, they display prominently the Templo Mayor,
the main temple of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and they
Six pictographic books produced in the six- depict its renovations and some rituals carried out
teenth century narrate and depict the history on and around it; alternatively, they display the
of the Mexica after the foundation of Mexico- toponymic glyph of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, which is
Tenochtitlan and before the Spanish conquest: the metonymically associated with the Templo Mayor.
Codex Aubin (Dibble 1963), the Codex Mexicanus Fourth, they enumerate the conquests carried out
(Mengin 1952), the Codex Azcatitlan (Barlow by each Mexica ruler. Each codex utilizes these con-
et al. 1995), the Codex Mendoza (Echeagaray 1979), ventional elements differently, but they all respect
and the Codex Telleriano-Remensis (Quiones the essential features of the chronotope.

figure 8.1
The reign of
Axayacatl, Codex
pages 18v19r.
courtesy of the
Nationale de
France, Paris.)

1 7 8 nava rret e
The first two chronological elements, the suc- dominant, since the year signs are organized in con-
cession of year signs and Mexica rulers, clearly tinuous lines and the coronations and deaths of the
served to establish a sense of continuity in time kings do not affect their deployment. But the pages of
and to emphasize the uninterrupted and grow- the Codex Mendoza are organized around the rule
ing power of the Tenochca state. They also dem- of each tlatoani, and the number of years included
onstrated that the history of the period was first in each one depends on its length, so the year signs
and foremost the history of the rulers of Mexico- are not continuous. The Codex Azcatitlan does away
Tenochtitlan and of their ritual actions and feats with year signs altogether, depicting the rule of each
of conquest. As Boone (1994:67, 2000) has pointed tlatoani in a double page, thus explicitly subordinat-
out, this served to establish that the time depicted ing the year count to the succession of rulers (Figure
was a specifically Mexica time and it symbolized 8.1). As we shall see, however, the lack of dates
empire and that Mexica history was an unbroken does not mean that the codex does not follow the
line. This is also the reason why Eloise Quiones imperial chronotope.
Keber (1995) has called the imperial-period Codex The third element of the chronotope, the rep-
Telleriano-Remensis a dynastic chronicle. In this resentation of the Templo Mayor, the ritual center
sense, the Mexica histories appear to be very close of the Mexica altepetl, served to organize space,
in their structure and content to European chroni- confirming the political, ritual, and cosmic cen-
cles of the time, which were also organized around trality of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and its rulers.
dynastic succession. Boone (2000:236) has proposed that in Mexica his-
These two elements are articulated in different tories the Mexica and the city of Tenochtitlan are
ways in each manuscript. In the Codices Telleriano- the unmarked categories, they are considered so
Remensis, Mexicanus, and Aubin, time appears to be fundamental to the history that they need not be

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 1 79

figure 8.2
The beginning of the imperial chronotope, Codex Aubin, pages 4849. (Photograph courtesy of The Trustees of the
British Museum, London.)

named or specifically indicated and that all the glyph. Afterward both it and the Codex Telleriano-
events in Mexica histories were assumed implic- Remensis (folios 38v and 39r) depict the renovation
itly to take place in that town. Such an assumption, of the Templo Mayor of Mexico-Tenochtitlan under
however, is possible only because the year count Tizoc and Axayacatl, emphasizing the bloody sac-
that organizes the stories is firmly anchored to the rifices that were made on those occasions.
Templo Mayor and to Mexico-Tenochtitlan. The Codex Azcatitlan (page 12) also depicts
This spatial anchoring is particularly explicit the foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, placing
in the Codex Aubin, since the year count after the the famous tenochtli on the chest of a sacrificial
foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan starts near the victim who lies atop the Templo Mayor. It then
base of the recently erected Templo Mayor (Figure portrays the foundation of the temple in Mexico-
8.2). Afterward, the document portrays the renova- Tlatelolco (page 13), which is understandable since
tion of the temple under the governments of Tizoc this document presents a Tlatelolca version of
and Axayacatl. Significantly, the last depiction of Mexica history. Only after recounting the defeat
the Templo Mayor is in an image portraying the of the Tlatelolcas by the Tenochcas and the death of
massacre carried out in front of it by the Spanish their ruler Moquihuix (page 19), who was dismem-
conquerors in 1520. bered and thrown down the stairs of his temple,
The Codex Vaticanus A/Ros (folio 71v) be does it portray the Templo Mayor from Mexico-
gins the year count corresponding to the impe- Tenochtitlan. In this way, the codex argues that the
rial period of Mexica history on a page depicting original political and cosmic center of the Mexicas
the foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and dis- was in Tlatelolco and that the Tenochcas usurped
playing its tenochtli, or stone-cactus, toponymic its rightful position (Navarrete 2004). The last

1 8 0 nava rret e
depiction of the Tenochca Templo Mayor portrays (battles won by the Mexica at a specific moment in
the massacre carried out by the Spaniards during time) and places (foreign polities that were incor-
the conquest (page 24). porated into the growing Mexica empire). These
The Codex Mexicanus does not initially depict outlying places were implicitly related to the cos-
the Templo Mayor (folio 44), but it includes the mic center in Mexico-Tenochtitlan because they
toponymic glyph of Mexico-Tenochtitlan to mark represented the four directions of the cosmos
the foundation of the altepetl. It then portrays the that became progressively subordinated to it. This
conquest of the Tlatelolca temple and the renova- relationship is explicitly stated in a passage from
tion of the temple of Mexico-Tenochtitlan under Fernando Alvarado Tezozmocs (1992:33) Crnica
Tizoc (folio 76). mexicyotl, in which the Mexica made the follow-
In contrast, the Codex Mendoza never de ing promise to their god Huitzilopochtli: In truth
picts the Templo Mayor of Mexico-Tenochtitlan here [in this cosmic center] shall be your tequitl
but only those temples in conquered enemy cities, [your sacred duty], the one you came here for; you
including the temple in Mexico-Tlatelolco. Nev shall wait for the others, you shall confront the oth-
ertheless, one could argue that the temple is pre- ers in all the four directions you shall push forward
sented implicitly. The codexs famous initial page the altepetl.3
(folio 2r) clearly portrays Mexico-Tenochtitlan as a Each codex represents the conquests using
cosmic center, represented by the tenochtli glyph, one of the different glyphic conventions available
a clear sacrificial symbol in the Mexica tradition, in Nahuatl writing. The Codex Mendoza employs
as it was supposed to have grown upon the bur- highly simplified images of the burning temples
ied heart of a sacrificial victim and its red cactus of each conquered polity alongside its toponymic
fruits were symbols of the human hearts offered glyph. In contrast, the Codex Azcatitlan repre-
to the deities. To strengthen this association with sents the conquered polities using the customary
sacrifice, it also depicts a tzompantli, or skull altepetl, water-mountain, glyph, which consists
rack (Figure 8.3). On the following page (folio 2v), of a mountain (tepetl) with a horizontal bar on the
it records the sacrifice of war captives after the bottom that represents water (atl). Each of these
Mexica conquered four enemy cities. As we have glyphs is accompanied by its respective toponymic
seen, the Codex Azcatitlan explicitly identifies glyph, and some particularly important battles
the tenochtli glyph with the Templo Mayor (page and sacrificial rituals are also depicted. The Codex
12); this glyph was also associated with the monu- Aubin also presents the altepetl glyphs below a
ment known as the Teocalli de la Guerra Sagrada war shield with a macquahuitl, a truncheon with
(Teocalli of Sacred Warfare). obsidian blades that denotes conquest. The Codex
But the question remains: why was the Templo Mexicanus only shows the place-names and the
Mayor not represented directly in the Codex war shield with the macquahuitl. The Codex
Mendoza? A possible response is that this docu- Telleriano-Remensis also uses the altepetl glyph
ment, which was commissioned by the Spanish and the toponymic glyphs but always depicts two
authorities, sought to understate the religious and warriors who are metonymic representations of the
sacrificial dimensions of Mexica power, symbol- defeated enemy and the victorious Mexica armies
ized by the temple, and instead emphasized its and who are shown wearing their full regalia,
political and military elements, which were of par- including hats, hairdressings, paper banners, and
ticular interest to the Spaniards, as successors to weapons (Figure 8.4). These figures are similar to
the Mexica. the ones found on the Stone of Tizoc.
The fourth element of the chronotope, the enu- The combination of consistency and variabil-
meration of conquests carried out by the successive ity in the implementation of the imperial chrono-
Mexica rulers, combines time and space in a mean- tope in the Mexica codices suggests that we are
ingful way since these conquests were both events dealing with a convention that was well established

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 181

figure 8.3
The foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, Codex Mendoza, folio 2r. (Photograph courtesy of the Bodleian
Library, Oxford.)

1 82 nava rret e
figure 8.4
Mexica conquests, Codex Telleriano-Remensis, folio 37r. (Photograph courtesy of the Bibliothque Nationale
de France, Paris.)

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 183

but also allowed a fair amount of liberty to each sixteenth century deliberately attempted to repro-
particular tlacuilo, or writer-artist, just like the lee- duce some of the oral and performative dimensions
way the scribes belonging to different altepetl had of the tradition they sought to continue. But several
in the use of the basic conventions of the writing other factors militated in favor of decontextualiza-
system, according to Lacadena (2008:1013). tion. First of all, Mexica authors needed to gain the
All of these codices have a clear, linear nar- assent of the new dominant Spanish audiences to
rative structure that is familiar and reassuring to which they directed their messages, often within
Western readers since it corresponds well with the the context of delicate judicial and political nego-
linearity of our own historical chronotopes. (For tiations. Therefore, at the formal level, they sought
more on Western concepts of lineal history, see to strengthen the aspects of their tradition that
Koselleck 1985.) Therefore, they have been easily were more similar to Western notions of history
accepted as legitimate histories by Western audi- and writing and to downplay those that were more
ences since the sixteenth century. Even the repeti- dissimilar, such as the ritual and oral dimensions.
tions that are clearly evident in the sequence of the At the level of content, they sought to reduce, or
accessions and deaths of rulers, in the conquests even suppress, the religious and ritual dimension
accomplished by each Mexica tlatoani, and in the of their historical narratives and to stress those
successive renovations of the Templo Mayor and aspects that corresponded to Spanish notions of
the sacrificial rituals that accompanied them can political legitimacy (Navarrete 2011). This process
be easily considered historical regularities derived is quite evident if we compare the images of the
from the political organization of the altepetl. Just conquering and conquered warriors who appear
like their European counterparts, Mexica rul- as embodiments, or representatives, of the patron
ers sought to emulate the successful and glorious gods of their polities in the pre-Hispanic Stone of
actions of their predecessors and to liken them- Tizoc (see Figure 8.6) and the similar images on the
selves to them; in this way they gained legitimacy initial page of the colonial Codex Mendoza, which
and confirmed the continuity of their royal lineage are completely deprived of any religious elements
and the political regime that centered around it (see Figure 8.3).4
(Cruz Gonzlez 2006). These assertions of conti-
nuity may have been directed primarily toward
other members of the ruling elite, who had their
Stone Monuments
own claims to the throne, as well as toward the rul-
ing lineages of neighboring polities. My analysis of some key Mexica stone monuments
But as the subsequent analysis of Pre- from Pre-Columbian times will confirm that they
Columbian stone monuments will show, these utilized the imperial chronotope and will show
repetitions may have had a more literal meaning how their visual and written narratives were inti-
within the Aztec rgime dhistoricit, which estab- mately articulated with the ritual life of Mexico-
lished a highly meaningful relationship between Tenochtitlan. This analysis will also bring forth
past and present and between ancient events and some peculiarities and complexities of the impe-
their contemporary ritual reenactments. rial chronotopes and the Aztec rgime dhistoricit
Also since the sixteenth century, codices that are not so evident in the deceptively linear and
have been assimilated into the Western category familiar pictographic histories.
of books, as objects with a written message that The stone monolith known as the Teocalli
is both dominant and self-contained, and thus de la Guerra Sagrada is a scale representation
their ritual and performative dimensions have of a temple, most likely the Templo Mayor itself
been underestimated and even suppressed. This since it has a beautiful rendering of the tenochtli
has happened despite the fact that pictographic glyph on its rear side. The close association of
histories produced by indigenous authors in the the two elements in this monument confirms the

1 84 nava rret e
figure 8.5
Teocalli de la Guerra Sagrada, stone monolith, Museo Nacional de Antropologa, Mexico City. (Photograph
by Marco Antonio Pacheco; reproduced by permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia,
Mexico City.)

implicit presence of the Templo Mayor on the ini- Tezcatlipoca (or Tepeyollotl, one of his avatars;
tial pages of the Codex Mendoza and the Codex Umberger 1984:6467), and placed atop a represen-
Mexicanus. The teocalli also confirms the sym- tation of the open maw of Tlaltecuhtli, the Earth
bolic importance of the Templo Mayor as a cosmic Lord (Figure 8.5). In this way, it depicts heaven and
center: the altar at its summit is adorned with a the underworld, placing itself in the center of them.
sun disk, flanked by the gods Huitzilopochtli and The cosmic centrality of the Templo Mayor (and of

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 185

Mexico-Tenochtitlan) is a key feature of the impe- the figure of Tepeyollotl-Tezcatlipoca on the main
rial chronotope and was explicitly or implicitly altar (Umberger 1984:73). This glyph led Emily
asserted in all of the codices that I have analyzed. Umberger (1984:8283) to propose that the mono-
The monument also contains significant dates. lith was in fact a momoztli, a kind of small altar that
On top, the year date Ome Calli (2 House) refers was used as a throne for the god Tezcatlipoca, and
to the founding of Tenochtitlan as represented that it could also have been used as a ceremonial
through the tenochtli glyph. On the front, the or symbolic throne for Moteuhczoma Xocoyotzin
dates Ce Tochtli (1 Rabbit) and Ome Acatl (2 Reed) since it was found on the site of his palace. But this
may refer to the beginning of the current cosmic interpretation has been challenged by Guilhem
era, as Alfonso Caso (1927:6264) proposed, but Olivier (1997:206), who contends that the monu-
also to the last New Fire ceremony performed by ment is too small to have served as a throne.
Moteuhczoma Xocoyotzin in Mexico-Tenochtitlan Even if it did not serve as a throne, this monu-
in 1507, as Enrique Palacios (1927:1920) affirmed, ment could have been associated with the perfor-
or to the previous one carried out by Moteuhczoma mance of sacrificial rituals linked to the New Fire
Ilhuicamina in 1455 (Graulich 1997:192). These read- ceremony, which it appears to have commemorated
ings are not contradictory, but complementary, (though Graulich [1997] questions this link). In any
since they associate the ritual actions of the Mexica case, I propose that the written and visual messages
rulers with the creation of the cosmos. This associa- contained in the monument could only be fully
tion is both spatial, since the altepetl is represented read when these rituals were being performed,
as a cosmogonic and sacrificial center, and chrono- whether the king used it as his throne and com-
logical, since it is portrayed as the place where the pleted the rituals through his physical presence or
cosmogonic actions of the gods are reenacted and whether the rituals of cosmic renewal carried out
cosmic time is renovated when the specific dates around the teocalli gave them a physical actuality.
are repeated. This assertion of cosmic centrality At those moments, the monument would not sim-
is anchored to historical time by the dates of the ply represent but would actually become the center
foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and of the per- of the cosmos, both chronologically and spatially.
formance of the New Fire ceremonies, which also It would function as the locus where the cosmo-
demonstrate the continuity of the altepetl. gonic actions of the gods and the rituals of the
Although there are no explicit depictions Mexica priests converged in the present, confirm-
of conquests in this monument, war as a sacred ing the legitimacy and continuity of Mexica ruler-
endeavor is presented through the atl tlachinolli, ship, which would also explain why this monument
water-burnt field, glyphs, well-known sym- was located in the palace of the reigning ruler.
bolic representations of warfare that sprout from The famous round monolith known as the
the mouths of most of the figures carved on it. As Stone of Tizoc also contains the key elements of
Richard Townsend (1979:5455) proposed, the por- the imperial chronotope: the affirmation of the
trait of the Earth Lord Tlaltecuhtli surrounded cosmic centrality of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and the
by war shields and arrows (a symbol of conquest enumeration of the conquests of the Mexicas, as
employed in the Codices Aubin and Mexicanus) well as the assertion of the uninterrupted succes-
may be interpreted as a claim for military domina- sion of the Mexica rulers and the continuity of
tion of the whole world by the Mexica. Mexica time (Figure 8.6). The top of the monument
The final key element of the imperial chro- is carved with a solar disk that represents the cen-
notope, the portrayal of Mexica rulers, is also ter of the cosmos and its four directions. The fif-
implicitly present in the teocalli through the teen carvings on the side of this huge disk depict
name glyph of the tlatoani Moteuhczoma, which the Tenochca tlatoani Tizoc and fourteen other
could allude both to Ilhuicamina and his succes- Mexica warriors subjugating a series of fifteen
sor, Xocoyotzin, and which appears right next to enemy warriors representing the same number

1 86 nava rret e
figure 8.6
Stone of Tizoc, stone monolith, Museo Nacional de Antropologa, Mexico City. (Photograph by Luis Martn
Martnez; reproduced by permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.)

of different altepetl conquered by the Mexica. polities and the ethnic groups conquered by the
The king is explicitly identified through his name Mexica, as well as for their patron gods.
glyph and is shown wearing a headdress that lik- There are terrestrial symbols carved below the
ens him to Huitzilopochtli, the patron god of the figures, including the open maws of Tlaltecuhtli
Mexica; his left foot is missing and is substituted and stars and sky bands above them, which together
by a smoke sign, which would identify him also with solar disk atop the monument place this series
as Tezcatlipoca (Townsend 1979:4346). Olivier of conquests in a cosmological framework, imply-
(1997:9193) has also found traits associated with ing that the Mexica had subjugated their enemies
the god Xiuhtecuhtli. He is shown subduing an all over the world (Townsend 1979:4647), the same
enemy warrior by taking hold of his hair, a well- message conveyed by the codices and the Teocalli
established icon of conquest in the Mesoamerican de la Guerra Sagrada. Historical sources assert
and Nahuatl traditions. A toponymic glyph iden- that this stone monument and an earlier one now
tifies the captive with Matlatzinco, an impor- known as the Ex-Arzobispado Stone, to be dis-
tant region and ethnic group situated to the west cussed subsequently, were placed atop the Templo
of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. In contrast, none of the Mayor (Cruz Gonzlez 2006), thus presenting the
other Mexica figures in the monument are identi- familiar message of the cosmic centrality of that
fied, though all have godlike characteristics, while building, of the Mexica altepetl, and of the relation
each enemy captive is associated with a specific between this center and the imperial expansion of
toponymic glyph. Umberger (1998:251) has pro- the Mexicas.
posed that the captive enemy warriors are met- Strikingly, this monument contains no dates.
onymic figures who stand at the same time for the This absence may be related to the fact that most of

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 187

the places, or polities, depicted on it were not actu- direction taken by participants in some key Mexica
ally conquered under Tizocs short-lived reign. But rituals involving the tlatoani (Townsend 1979:47).
Michel Graulich and other scholars have asserted Following the same line, Umberger (1998:246
that the conquests depicted on this monument are 249) argues that the monument was designed as
organized chronologically in the same order as a program for the sacrificial rituals that were to
in the Codex Mendoza, starting with Colhuacan be carried out by Tizoc to celebrate his own con-
and culminating with four conquests that could quests and to commemorate those of his predeces-
be attributed to Tizoc (though three of them are sors, which were actually performed around it in
attributed to Axayacatl in that codex; Graulich 1484, transforming it into a piedra sangrada, or
1992). In fact, the same conquests, except for the bloodied stone, according to the Codex Telleriano-
final four attributed to Tizoc, were represented in Remensis (see Umberger 1998).
the exact same order on the Ex-Arzobispado Stone, Within the Aztec rgime dhistoricit, the
an earlier and very similar monument attributed to anointment of the stone with the blood of the sac-
Moteuhczoma Ilhuicamina by Felipe Solis (1992) or rificial victims may have had the effect of ritually
to Axayacatl by Graulich (1992). reviving the conquests carried out by the Mexica
According to this interpretation, the monu- rulers over the generations, bringing them to the
ment would be historically accurate, while im present. And after the stone was bloodied, any
plicitly linking the significant conquests of the future reading of its explicit historical contents
previous Mexica rulers with Tizocs much less would recall the sacrifices that were carried out
impressive achievements. In this way, it would around it. In such a way, the reading of the mon-
establish a temporal continuity between these mil- ument required the performance of the rituals that
itary feats and convey the same message of con- it represented, and these in turn led to the reactu-
tinuity and repetition, thereby assimilating the alization of the past feats that it commemorated.
glorious actions of one ruler with those of his prede- The third monument I analyze here is the
cessors and successors, as the codices did through famous Dedication Stone of the Templo Mayor
the use of continuous dates and the representations (Figure 8.7). It carries the themes of assimilation
of the coronations and deaths of the Mexica kings. between past and present events and dynastic con-
The Stone of Tizoc, just like the Codex Azcatitlan, tinuity to an extreme that clearly breaks with the
therefore managed to represent the chronological Western notion of historical truth but is neverthe-
dimension of the imperial chronotope, that is, the less consistent with the Aztec conception of his-
assertion of the continuity of Mexica time, without tory. This stone plaque consists of a large year sign
using year signs. cartouche (Chicuey Acatl, or 8 Reed) below a scene
The Stone of Tizoc, however, served as more in which two Mexica rulers, Tizoc and Ahuitzotl,
than a record of conquests since it was either a perform a ritual of self-sacrifice. Between them
cuauhxicalli (a vessel for the blood of sacrificial vic- is a series of ceremonial artifacts, particularly a
tims) or a temalacatl (a stone around which ritual large zacatapayolli used to absorb the blood they
sacrificial combats were carried out). Townsend are letting out of their ears and to hold the spines
(1979:46) suggests, in fact, that the monument is not they are using to pierce their skin. These artifacts
a historical record as such, since it did not depict stand atop the open maw of Tlaltecuhtli. Since
the conquests of those fifteen altepetl, but rather this plaque was most likely attached to the Templo
depicted a ceremony in which war captives hailing Mayor itself (Umberger 1987:420422), it provides
from the altepetl were sacrificed by Tizoc, either us with a significant variation of the imperial chro-
because they were captured in combat or because notope. Whereas generally this cosmic center was
they were rendered as tribute by the already con- associated with the sacrifice of captive enemies,
quered towns. This is why the counterclock- in this instance it is linked to the performance of
wise direction of the carvings corresponds to the rituals of self-sacrifice by the Mexica rulers. This

1 8 8 nava rret e
figure 8.7
Dedication Stone, stone plaque, Museo Nacional de Antropologa, Mexico City. (Photograph by
Boris de Swan; reproduced by permission of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia,
Mexico City.)

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 189

was another key aspect of their ritual duties, and it
Writing and Society
was also modeled on the cosmogonic actions of the
gods, since they created the world, and mankind, The previous analysis puts forward an ideologi-
through self-sacrifice. cal model for interpreting Aztec writing (Houston
This plaque has been interpreted as a record of 2004:6) based on the premise that its nature and
the dedication ceremonies of the renovated Templo workings, its contents, and its relation to outside
Mayor carried out by Ahuitzotl. A second date, reality cannot be fully understood unless we take
without a cartouche (Chicome Acatl, or 7 Reed) into account the social and historical framework in
has been read by H. B. Nicholson (1993:77), follow- which it was produced; the chronotopes that artic-
ing a previous interpretation by Alfonso Caso, as ulated its written, visual, oral, and ritual elements;
December 18, 1487, the specific date on which this and the rgime dhistoricit that gave meaning to
dedication ritual was enacted. the events that it narrated.
This chronological accuracy is misleading, This means that the written signs cannot be
however, because the dedication ritual could not deciphered and understood until we understand
have occurred as depicted, since by that date Tizoc their social meanings and intentions. In Mexica
had been dead for over a year. The joint presence society, and quite likely in other Mesoamerican
of the dead former ruler and his successor on the societies, writing was primarily a tool at the ser-
monument is thus a symbolic statement similar vice of the state and its rulers.5 We can assume that
to that of the famous Cross Panels of Palenque, in full literacy was restricted to specialized elites,
which the ruler Chan Bahlum appears alongside his since it involved not only the ability to read and
dead predecessor, Pakal. In both instances, the mes- write the written signs, but also the capacity to
sage is the continuity of the ruling dynasty. Such a draw and interpret the visual narrations in which
statement was particularly important in this case they were embedded, the knowledge of the oral
because Tizoc had died at a relatively young age traditions that accompanied them, and the mas-
after just a few years on the throne and probably had tery and social authority to carry out the associ-
been poisoned, according to Diego Durn (1967:311). ated rituals. Another key element of literacy was
Moreover, the renovation of the Templo Mayor that a full command of the conventions of the specific
Ahuitzotl inaugurated was actually started by Tizoc. chronotopes that were used to structure historical
Thus, we can assume that the dedication ritual narratives and that may have worked as proofs of
was carried out by Ahuitzotl (who was imitating the authenticity and legitimacy of each codex and
the self-sacrifices carried out by the gods at the monument, as well as of their authors (Navarrete
beginning of time) and that the dedication stone 2000). Beyond this reduced group, other social sec-
that commemorated it stated that Tizoc should tors may have been able to muster varying degrees
have been there, as Ahuitzotls predecessor and of literacy, which allowed them to understand
as the initiator of the rebuilding of the temple, or some parts of the visual, written, and performed
that Tizoc was made present by some kind of ritual messages and to participate in the rituals.
invocation. In this way, different moments of the In addition, each genre or class of docu-
recent past and of more distant cosmogonical time mentseither historical, sacred, tributary, or
were conflated, and the invocation of the past rul- judicialmust have developed its own ad hoc way
ers and the imitation of their actions propitiated of linking the written, visual, oral, and performa-
a more literal and tangible presence. As with the tive elements. These specific configurations obeyed
Teocalli de la Guerra Sagrada, the Templo Mayor practical constraints and considerations; that is,
became the cosmic center where the historical each genre found the most efficient method to pres-
times of the Mexica rulers and the time of the gods ent a given set of information and the most con-
could come together and be actualized in the pres- vincing way to convey its argument. Each of them
ent through the performance of sacrificial rituals. must have also developed specific rules regarding

19 0 nava rret e
who could read and recite the texts, as well as analysis should also be extended to stone monu-
when and how the documents could be shown and ments all over Mesoamerica.
performed. These configurations must have had When studying the relationship between writ-
significant ideological and cosmological under- ing and other elements of the traditions, we should
pinnings. Here I have explored just how complex strive to avoid the logocentrism of Western culture
such tenets were in the case of historical books and that attributes to written records a more exalted
monuments, but similar analyses could be made status or a higher reliability. In Mesoamerican tra-
of documents and monuments of other kinds, as ditions, written documents and monuments were
Boone (2007) has done for the sacred books. not regarded as the sole guarantors of authentic-
The speed and efficiency with which Aztec ity and truth, nor did they establish a direct con-
written and visual traditions adopted European tinuity with the historical past, as in the Western
elements and techniques after the Spanish con- scribal tradition. Instead, they were frequently
quest, and adapted them to the new cultural con- destroyed, defaced, and replaced by new versions
text, proves that they were not inflexible or static. (Navarrete 1998). In fact, some oral genres, such as
Significantly, the chronotopes survived and thrived cuicatl (sacred chants) and huehuetlatolli (words
in the new forms of European books and in the use of the ancients), were likely held in higher regard
of the new alphabetic scripts. because of their sacredness, and their performance
This historical convergence, however, should provided historical narratives with veracity, solem-
not blind us to the differences between Aztec and nity, and sacredness, as well as instigated the estab-
other Mesoamerican systems of writing and our lishment of supernatural connections with the past
own. For instance, I want to stress that written or the divine realms being alluded to.
names, toponyms, and dates were almost always Nahuatl traditions were not simply performed,
embedded within larger visual contexts and formed or enacted in front of an audience in a solemn way,
part of more complex visual narratives. Hence, their they were also performative in the linguistic sense
spatial placement and arrangement, and their rela- defined by John Austin (1962): as utterances they
tionship with the images they explained or named, had effects that went beyond the transmission of
were an integral part of their meaning, beyond the their explicit content. Their performance not only
verbal content they registered. That is why a lineal transformed the historical reality, past and present,
transcription of the names and dates contained in to which they referred but also transformed the
the codices and monuments that I have analyzed codices and monuments themselves. For instance,
here would not render their full meaning. the dedication of the Stone of Tizoc turned this
The works of Mary Elizabeth Smith (1973), monument into a bloodied stone, a sacred sac-
Pablo Escalante (1996), and Elizabeth Boone (2000) rificial altar, and also may have transformed Tizoc
have already described and analyzed some of the himself into a conqueror similar to his forebears.
key elements of visual narrations in Mesoamerican There is a tautological relationship between
codices. But we still need more detailed studies written and visual narrations and their ritual per-
that move beyond the clarification of details and formances: the former are both records of the latter
individual scenes to the analysis of the narrative and programs for their future realization and rep-
structures and conventions utilized in whole docu- etition. This relationship could even apply to cer-
ments and to the comparison between them. Our emonies that were never carried out as they were
understanding of visual narratives will also ben- depicted, like the joint dedication of the renovated
efit from systematic comparisons between Mexica, Templo Mayor by Ahuitzotl and Tizoc, but that
Texcocan, and Mixtec codices with their different were represented in an idealized way. This tautol-
chronotopes, that is, the ways in which they depict ogy between narrative and performance is parallel
and integrate time and space as well as the ways in to the relationship between ritual events and his-
which they organize images and texts. This kind of torical ones within the Aztec rgime dhistoricit.

Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 191

The sacrifices performed around the Stone of Tizoc not be so from a perspective that conflated ritual
not only commemorated but actually reenacted the archetypes and individual events.
conquests carried out by all the previous Mexica The cycles of repetitions, or rather of mean-
rulers, dating back even to the founding of Mexico- ingful imitations across time, also contained an
Tenochtitlan, which ritually transformed Tizoc element of linearity, since each ruler sought to
into the conqueror of the whole world. distinguish himself in some way from his pre-
This cycle of repetition also extended into the decessors. The Teocalli de la Guerra Sagrada can
future, as Mexica rulers sought to imitate their be interpreted as a monument to commemorate
predecessors. Just as Tizoc emulated Axayacatl by just that kind of innovationthe moving of the
making a sacrificial stone similar to his, Ahuitzotl year of the New Fire ceremony from Ce Tochtli
invoked Tizoc in the dedication ceremonies of the (1 Rabbit) to Ome Acatl (2 Reed) by Moteuhczoma
Templo Mayor, as commemorated in the Dedication Xocoyotzinbut it clearly aims to anchor this
Stone. Similarly, Moteuhczoma Xocoyotzin tried to novelty in a firm historical and ritual chain of
build his own sacrificial stone in the manner of the precedents, emphasizing the continuity of the
two previous rulers, and the fact that he failed was central position of the Templo Mayor, of Mexico-
interpreted as an omen of his future defeat by the Tenochtitlan, and of its rulers.
Spanish conquerors (Cruz Gonzlez 2006). Thus, That multiplicity of meanings is why, beyond
the historical narratives that I have analyzed can deciphering the written content of the codices and
be highly elaborate from a symbolic and ritual monuments, and even beyond proving that such-
point of view and at the same time can be faith- and-such a statement or date is either true or false,
ful to historical events, as conceived in their rgime we should strive to understand the full significance
dhistoricit, and statements that might seem to be of a text within the framework of the narratives
historical impossibilities according to our con- to which it belonged, which were, in turn, firmly
ceptions of history, such as the presence of Tizoc anchored in specific conceptions of time, space,
alongside Ahuitzotl on the Dedication Stone, may and history.

1 In this chapter, I shall use the term Aztec to refer passage. The Nahuatl original reads: caye nica-
to the Nahuatl-speaking peoples of the central nyez in motequiuh inic tihualla in titechiaz, in
Mexican plateau and Mexica to refer more specifi- tinenamiquiz in nauhcampa in tictotopehuaz in
cally to those who inhabited Mexico-Tenochtitlan altepetl, inic ticaciz melchiquiuh motzonteco ica,
and Mexico-Tlatelolco. ihuan moyollo mezom.
2 I do not include in this group the Tira de Tepechpan 4 This contrast was pointed out to me by Luis Reyes
because it was not produced by Mexica tlacui- (personal communication 1997).
lome and because it does not deal exclusively with 5 Houston (1994) argues that in Classic Maya soci-
Mexica history, since it seeks to integrate local ety there were other social contexts and media for
Tepechpan history with the history of Mexico- writing and that there is some indirect evidence of
Tenochtitlan. The other Aubin manuscripts (cat. this in Nahuatl societies. But most of the written
nos. 85 and 40 at the Bibliothque Nationale de texts that have survived, and certainly the ones that
France) are not included either because they do not I have analyzed here, were produced by and for the
fit the characteristics of these documents. ruling elites.
3 My translation; I am grateful to Berenice Alcntara
for her kind help in interpreting this difficult

192 nava rret e

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Monaghan, John 1959 Mexican Manuscript Painting of the Early
1994 The Text in the Body, the Body in the Text: Colonial Period. Yale University Press,
The Embodied Sign in Mixtec Writing. New Haven, Conn.
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Townsend, Richard F. 1987 Events Commemorated by Date Plaques at
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Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, pp. 411449. Dumbarton Oaks Research
Washington, D.C. Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.
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Writing, Images, and Time-Space in Aztec Monuments and Books 195

con t ribu tor s

Elizabeth Hill Boone Princeton and the National Gallery of Art in

Elizabeth Hill Boone, a professor of art history, Washington, D.C. She was awarded the Order of
holds the Martha and Donald Robertson Chair the Aztec Eagle by Mexico (1990) and was named
in Latin American Art at Tulane University. She the Andrew W. Mellon Professor at the Center
is a specialist in the painted manuscripts of Pre- for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts by the
Columbian and early colonial Mexico. Formerly National Gallery of Art (20062008). Her current
director of Pre-Columbian Studies at Dumbarton project examines changes in the indigenous tradi-
Oaks (19831995), she has edited or coedited tion of pictography and manuscript painting after
eleven books, including The Aztec Templo Mayor the conquest.
(1987), Collecting the Pre-Columbian Past (1993),
Writing without Words: Alternative Literacies in Carrie J. Brezine
Mesoamerica and the Andes (1994, with Walter Carrie J. Brezine is a weaver and spinner with expe-
Mignolo), Native Traditions in the Postconquest rience in both European and Andean textile con-
World (1998, with Tom Cummins), and Painted struction.Her undergraduate work in mathematics
Books and Indigenous Knowledge in Mesoamerica at Reed College continues to inspire her research in
(2005). Among her own books are The Codex fabric structure and ethnographic weaving. From
Magliabechiano (1983), The Aztec World (1994), 20022005, she was the database administrator
Stories in Red and Black: Pictorial Histories of the for the Harvard Khipu Database Project, which
Aztecs and Mixtecs (2000; winner of the Arvey catalogued and deciphered the knotted-cord com-
Prize of the Association for Latin American Art), munication devices of the Inka Empire. In the
and Cycles of Time and Meaning in the Mexican summer of 2005, she described and analyzed the
Books of Fate (2007). She has held research fel- patrimonial khipu of Rapaz, Peru. She is presently
lowships at the Institute for Advanced Study in a PhD candidate in the Archaeology Program

of the Department of Anthropology at Harvard coast and the Maya Lowlands. He is the author
University. Her dissertation research focuses on of Guatemala, corazn del mundo maya (1999),
changes in weaving technology and dress in colo- Kakaw: Chocolate in Guatemalan Culture (2005),
nial Peru. and Imgenes de la mitologa maya (2010). He is
also the coeditor of The Decipherment of Ancient
Reymundo Chapa Maya Writing (2001, with Stephen D. Houston and
Reymundo Chapa earned his MA in anthropol- David Stuart).
ogy in 2009 from the University of Wisconsin-
Madison, where he studied with Frank Salomon Michael D. Coe
and Jason Yaeger. He has worked throughout the Michael D. Coe is Charles J. McCurdy Professor
Americas, focusing on the archaeology of the south- of Anthropology, Emeritus, at Yale University. His
ern Andes, particularly on ceremonial architecture research interests focus on the pre-Hispanic civi-
and its development during the rise of social com- lizations of Mesoamerica (especially the Olmec
plexity in the Lake Titicaca basin. He has been an and Maya) and on the Khmer civilization of
active contributor to the research of several promi- Cambodia. He has also conducted archaeological
nent Pre-Columbian ceremonial centers, including excavations on forts of the French and Indian War
Tiwanaku, Chavin de Huntar, and Chankillo, and in Massachusetts. Among his eighteen published
he has contributed papers, such as Transforming books are Mexico (1962, with four subsequent edi-
One Hundred Years of Archaeological Research tions, two coauthored with Rex Koontz); The Maya
into Models of Evolving Ceremonial Form at (1966, with seven subsequent editions); The Maya
Tiwanaku, Bolivia and Aptapis and Archaeology: Scribe and His World (1973); Lords of the Underworld:
How Aymara Celebrations at Kasa Achuta, Bolivia, Masterpieces of Classic Maya Ceramics (1978); In the
Give Meaning to the Past, at professional confer- Land of the Olmec (1980, with Richard A. Diehl);
ences. He is currently a cultural resources project Breaking the Maya Code (1992); The True History of
manager at a small environmental consulting firm Chocolate (1996, with Sophie D. Coe); The Art of the
in Austin, Texas. Maya Scribe (1997, with Justin Kerr); Reading the
Maya Glyphs (2001, with Mark Van Stone); Angkor
Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos and the Khmer Civilization (2003); Final Report: An
Oswaldo Chinchilla graduated from the Universi Archaeologist Excavates His Past (2006); and The
dad de San Carlos de Guatemala in 1990 and Line of Forts: Historical Archaeology on the Colonial
earned his PhD from Vanderbilt University in 1996. Frontier of Massachusetts (2006). He has been a
He is currently curator at the Museo Popol Vuh, Member of the National Academy of Sciences since
Universidad Francisco Marroqun, and professor 1986. He has been given the Tatiana Proskouriakoff
at the Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala. Award by Harvard University (1989); the James D.
His research focuses on the archaeology of the Burke Prize in Fine Arts by the Saint Louis Art
Pacific coast of Guatemala, Classic Maya writing Museum (2001); the Order of the Quetzal by the
and iconography, and the history of archaeology Government of Guatemala (2004); the Orden del
in Guatemala. He has carried out extensive field Pop by the Museo Popol Vuh (2006); and the Linda
research in the Cotzumalhuapa region of the Pacific Schele Award by the University of Texas (2008). He
piedmont of Guatemala, including recording and is currently coauthoring a book on Maya cities with
analysis of the sculptural corpus, studies of settle- the photographer Barry Brukoff.
ment patterns and urbanism, and documentary
research on the Pre-Columbian peoples of the area. Thomas B. F. Cummins
His recent papers concentrate on the mythological Tom Cummins is the Dumbarton Oaks Professor
interpretation of Classic imagery from the Pacific of the History of Pre-Columbian and Colonial Art

392 c on t ri bu tor s
and the chair of the Department of the History of Stephen D. Houston
Art and Architecture at Harvard University. He Stephen D. Houston holds the Dupee Family Pro
received his MA and PhD in art history from the fessorship of Social Science at Brown University,
University of California, Los Angeles, and has pub- where he has taught since 2004. His previous posi-
lished essays and books on early Pre-Columbian tion was as Jesse Knight University Professor at
Ecuadorian ceramics and on colonial art and archi- Brigham Young University. He took his BA at the
tecture in Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, and Mexico. University of Pennsylvania and his MPhil and PhD
He is the author of Toasts with the Inca: Andean at Yale University. He is the author, coauthor, and
Abstraction and Colonial Images on Kero Vessels editor of several books, including The Memory
(2002) and the coeditor of The Getty Mura: Essays of Bones: Body, Being, and Experience among the
on the Making of Martn de Muras Historia gen- Classic Maya (2006, with David Stuart and Karl
eral del Piru, J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. Ludwig Taube), Veiled Brightness: A History of Ancient
XIII 16 (2008, with Barbara Anderson). Maya Color (2009, with various colleagues), The
Classic Maya (2009, with Takeshi Inomata), as well
Vctor Falcn Huayta as The First Writing: Script Invention as History and
Vctor Falcn Huayta holds a Licenciado degree Process (2004), Classic Maya Place Names (1994,
in archaeology from the Universidad Nacional with David Stuart), and Function and Meaning in
Mayor de San Marcos, and is a candidate for a Classic Maya Architecture (1998). The recipient of fel-
masters degree in Andean studies at the Pon lowships from Dumbarton Oaks, the Guggenheim
tificia Universidad Catlica del Per. He was a staff Foundation, the School of American Research, and
archaeologist of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura the National Endowment for the Humanities, he
from 1991 to 2009. As a museum researcher, he has also directed archaeological projects at Piedras
relates collected objects to current field findings. Negras and, more recently, at El Zotz in Guatemala.
His publications include La Huayllaquepa de With Dan Finamore, he curated the exhibition and
Punkur: Costa Nor-Central del Per (Anales, edited the exhibition catalogue for Fiery Pool: The
Museo de Amrica, Madrid, 2005); Reconstruc Maya and the Mythic Sea (2010).
tion of the Burial Offering at Punkur in the
Nepea Valley of Perus North-Central Coast Margaret A. Jackson
(Andean Past, 2009); and Un tambor de cuero Margaret A. Jackson is currently assistant pro-
pintado del Museo Nacional de Arqueologa, fessor of art history at the University of New
Antropologa e Historia del Per (Anales, Museo Mexico. As an art historian, her research focuses
de Amrica, Madrid, 2008). His research on the on the ancient cultures of the Andes, with particu-
Lima cultura is published in Playa Grande: Entre lar emphasis on the imagery and iconography of
la aldea y el santuario; Un caso de interpre- the Moche of Peru. Additional research interests
tacin arqueolgica ambigua? (Arqueolgicas, include the visual cultures of ancient Mesoamerica
Museo Nacional de Arqueologa, Antropologa e and systems of visual communication. She com-
Historia del Per, 2000); El motivo interlocking a pleted her PhD in Pre-Columbian art history at
travs del dolo de Playa Grande (Arqueolgicas, the University of California, Los Angeles. She is the
2003); and Morir en Playa Grande: El rescate de president of the Association for Latin American
un entierro de la cultura Lima (Actas del Primer Art and an active member of the College Art
Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales y Association. Most recently, she was coeditor of
Humanidades, 2004). He also conducts research on Invasion and Transformation: Interdisciplinary
the rock art of the central Andes, including current Perspectives on Images of the Conquest of Mexico
work on Inka pictography in the Yucay Valley at (2008, with Rebecca Brienen). Her book Moche Art
Inkapintay (Ollantaytambo). and Visual Culture in Ancient Peru (2008) was the

c ontribu tors 393

recipient of the Association for Latin American Art Matthew) and coauthor of La conquista indgena
book award in 2010. de Mesoamrica: El caso de don Gonzalo Mazatzin
Moctezuma (2008, with Matthew Restall).
Federico Navarrete
Federico Navarrete is a historian and anthropolo- Frank Salomon
gist at the Instituto de Investigaciones Histricas Frank Loewen Salomon is the John V. Murra
of the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico. Professor of Anthropology at the University of
His work centers on the nature and workings of the Wisconsin. Born in New York in 1946, he took
historical traditions of Mesoamerican, and more his BA from Columbia University in 1968 and his
generally Amerindian, societies. He is the author MA and PhD from Cornell University in 1974 and
of La migracin de los mexicas (1998) and editor 1978. He joined the Department of Anthropology
of Indios, mestizos y espaoles: Interculturalidad e at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, in 1982.
historiografa en la Nueva Espaa (2007, in collab- A historical ethnographer of the Andean peoples,
oration with Danna Levin). His latest book, Los or- he has discovered and analyzed unsuspected
genes de los pueblos del Valle de Mxico, is in press. sources on the northern reaches of the Inka
He has also published articles in Estudios de cul- Empire, which are treated in Native Lords of Quito
tura nhuatl and Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics. (1986). In 1991, he published, with George Urioste,
Another line of his research concerns the history of the first English version of the Quechua-language
Amerindian societies after European colonization, Huarochir manuscript (1608?), the only known
their cultural transformations, and their relation- book presenting an Andean sacred tradition
ship with colonial empires and the independent in an Andean language. He coedited the South
nation-states of the Americas. In this area, he has American volumes of the Cambridge History of
published the books La conquista de Mxico (2000), the Native Peoples of the Americas (1999, with
Las relaciones intertnicas en Mxico (2004), and La Stuart Schwartz). Since 1994, he has been engaged
invencin de los canbales (2006). He has also writ- in field study of Peruvian communities that pre-
ten the historical novel Huesos de Lagartija (1998). serve as sacred patrimony khipus (knotted-cord
records, a perennially enigmatic lost script). A
Michel R. Oudijk resulting book, The Cord Keepers, was published
Michel Oudijk received his PhD from the Uni in 2004.
versiteit Leiden in the Netherlands. After com-
pleting his degree, he worked for three years as Karl Taube
associate professor at the Kbenhavns Universitet Karl Taube received his PhD from Yale University
in Denmark. Since 2004, he has been a researcher in 1988 and is currently a professor of anthropol-
at the Instituto de Investigaciones Filolgicas at ogy at the University of California, Riverside.
the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico He has conducted fieldwork in Honduras, Gua
in Mexico City, where he is currently working on temala, Mexico, Ecuador, and Peru. He is cur-
the translation and analysis of Zapotec colonial rently the project iconographer for the San Bartolo
texts. He has published extensively on Zapotec his- Project in the Peten of Guatemala. His primary
tory and Mesoamerican pictographic documents, research concerns the archaeology and ethnol-
including Historiography of the Bniza (2000) and ogy of Mesoamerica and the American Southwest,
Los lienzos pictogrficos de Santa Cruz Papalutla, including the development of agricultural symbol-
Oaxaca (2010, with Sebastin van Doesburg). His ism and the relationship between Teotihuacan and
recent research concerns the interaction between the Classic Maya. Among his publications are The
indigenous and Spanish colonial societies. He is the Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan (1992), Gods and
coeditor of Indian Conquistadors: Indigenous Allies Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya (1993,
in the Conquest of Mesoamerica (2007, with Laura with Mary Ellen Miller), Aztec and Maya Myths

394 c on t ri bu tor s
(1993), The View from Yalahau: 1993 Archaeological ethnohistory, and ethnology. His research on Inka
Investigations in Northern Quintana Roo, Mexico khipus has resulted in the description of two hun-
(1995, with Scott Fedick), The Writing System of dred and fifty samples from museums in Europe,
Ancient Teotihuacan (2000), Olmec Art at Dumbar the United States, and South America. He is the
ton Oaks (2004), The Murals of San Bartolo, El author of numerous articles, books, and edited
Peten, Guatemala, Part 1: The North Wall (2005, volumes on Andean/Quechua cultures and Inka
with William Saturno and David Stuart), and civilization. His books include At the Crossroads of
The Murals of San Bartolo, Part 2: The West Wall the Earth and the Sky (1981), The History of a Myth:
(2010, with William Saturno, David Stuart, and Pacariqtambo and the Origin of the Incas (1990),
Heather Hurst). The Social Life of Numbers: A Quechua Ontology of
Numbers and Philosophy of Arithmetic (1997), Inca
Javier Urcid Myths (1999), Signs of the Inka Khipu: Binary Coding
Javier Urcid is an anthropological archaeologist in the Andean Knotted-String Records (2003), and
interested in the role of ancient literacy in the Los khipus de la Laguna de los Cndores (2007).
formation and maintenance of social complex- He is director of the Khipu Database Project at
ity, in the origins and alternative developments Harvard University.
of writing systems, and in the semantic and pho-
netic decipherment of extinct scripts. His other R. Tom Zuidema
interests center on archaeological approaches to R. Tom Zuidemas initial academic studies were at
ancient political economies and on bioarchaeol- the Universiteit Leiden on the languages, laws, and
ogy, particularly the social dimensions of mortu- anthropology of the former Netherlands Indies.
ary practices and cultural/ritual modifications Since he could not go to Indonesia, he turned his
of human remains. His main research focuses on interests to the Andes, first studying in Spain and
Mesoamerican scribal traditions. He is the author defending a PhD at the University of Madrid (1953)
of Zapotec Hieroglyphic Writing (2001) and the and then completing fieldwork in Peru and defend-
coauthor of The Lords of Lambityeco: Political ing a second thesis at the University of Leiden (1962)
Evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca during the Xoo on the ceque system of Cuzco. From 1956 to 1964,
Phase (2010, with Michael D. Lind). He has also he was curator of the Americas and Siberia at the
written articles on uie, Central Mexican, and State Museum of Anthropology, Leiden, and from
Mixteca-Puebla scripts. 1964 to 1967, he was professor at the Universidad
Nacional de San Cristbal de Huamanga in
Gary Urton Ayacucho, Peru. From 1967 until 1993, he taught
Gary Urton is the Dumbarton Oaks Professor at the University of Illinois, with interruptions to
of Pre-Columbian Studies in the Department of teach elsewhere. His principal interests in Peruvian
Anthropology at Harvard University. His research anthropology have been kinship, social and ritual
focuses on a variety of topics in pre-Hispanic and organization, iconography, and Andean astron-
early colonial intellectual history in the Andes, omy and calendars, in particular the Inka calendar
drawing on materials and methods in archaeology, as it functioned in Cuzco.

c ontribu tors 395

inde x

Page numbers in italics indicate illustrative material. Antigua Guatemala Valley, Cotzumalhuapa writing
from, 50, 60, 6061
Codex Aute (Codex Selden), 114, 115, 150, 151, 167, 169n8
abbreviation. See elaboration and abbreviation Apoala, 158, 163, 165, 167
abstract or conventional versus iconic systems, 386 Armstrong, W. E., 1718
Acatempo Stela, 93, 94, 104 Arroyo de Piedra, identification of scribes producing
Acosta, Jos de, v, 168n56, 306n3, 309n15, 387 Maya glyphs in, 23
acsus (female dresses) in Chuquibamba textiles, 252253 Ascher, Marcia and Robert, 320, 339
Aguna, Cotzumalhuapa inscriptions at, 50 Atahuallpa, 259
Ahuitzotl, 188, 190, 191, 192 Atetelco, White Patio mural at, 96
ajaw signs, 24, 31 atl tlachinolli, water, burned field, couplet in Aztec
Ajaxa: inventory of Cotzumalhuapa inscriptions at, 50; writing, 62, 186
Monument 1, 56 Atlee, Clement, 9
alabaster carved vessels, 134139, 136 Atonaltzin, 165
alphabetic writing: hybridity of graphic systems after Atzompa, ceramic vessels from, 134, 135
Spanish conquest, 201, 204210, 205210; quilca Codex Aubin, 168n5, 178, 179, 180, 181, 186, 215
and, 278 Axayacatl, 188, 192
Alvarado, Pedro de (Tonatiuh), 211, 212 Axtapalulca Plaque, 81, 82, 100
Alvarez de Arenales, Juan Antonio, 368370, 369, 373 ayllu, 288, 306n5, 354355
anabil, 23 Codex Azcatitlan, 168169n57, 178, 179, 180, 181, 188, 215,
Anahuac, Late Postclassic concept of, 103 216, 217
Anales de Chimalpahin, 158 Aztec writing, 175195; atl tlachinolli, water, burned
Anales de Tlatelolco, 158, 168169n56 field, couplet in, 62, 186; chronotopes (time-space
Angulo, Jorge, 84 representations) and rgime dhistoricit (historical
animal bones, carved, 135, 137, 139 sensibility) in, 176178, 181, 184, 188, 190, 191;
animation of Cotzumalhuapa writings, 4446, 46, 5965, conquests of Mexica rulers, depiction of, 178, 181,
5966 184, 186; Dumbarton Oaks conferences on codices, 2;
Anna, Timothy, 371 genres or classes of documents in, 190191; in Mexica
anthropology in Stalins USSR, 1112 codices, 178, 178184, 179, 180, 182, 183; on Mexica

stone monuments, 184190, 185, 187, 189; Moche calendrical notations: calendar khipus, 345; in
ceramic imagery compared, 238; New Fire ceremony, Chuquibamba textiles (See Chuquibamba textile
186, 192; oral and performative literary traditions, notation systems); Cotzumalhuapa writings, largely
relationship to, 175176, 191192; places of origin in, calendrical system suggested by, 65; Monte Albn
157158; social and cultural meaning, importance objects marked with calendrical names of owners,
of, 190192; Spanish conquests, adaptation to, 191; 134, 135; in uie scribal tradition, 78; Tovar
succession of year signs and tlatoque (rulers) in, 178 calendar, 206
181, 184, 186; Templo Mayor, Mexico-Tenochtitlan, canuto khipus, 322323, 323, 350n3
depictions of, 177, 178, 179181, 184186; Teotihuacan Caracol, absolute size and relative proportion of Maya
writing and, 48, 66, 77, 87 glyphs at, 24
Aztlan, 157158, 162 Cartilla (Pedro de Gante, 1569), 205
cartillas de ensear a leer, 205
Caso, Alfonso, 48, 78, 82, 83, 85, 140, 190
Baird, Ellen, 202 catechisms, pictorial, 205206, 205210
Bakhtin, Mikhail, 176 Catholicism: foundation/migration stories involving,
Balancan Stela, 27 166; glyph representing change from indigenous
Codex Baranda, 170n22 religion to, 162; images, influence on viewing and
Barthel, Thomas S., 16, 307308n8 reading of, 278; indigenous pictography as vehicle for
Bateson, Gregory, 18 ideology of, 198; khipus and, 290, 358; uncu for Christ
Bayer, Herman, 30 Child statue with tocapu, 290, 291
Beazley, John, 23 Cave Seven, Oaxaca, 158
Benedict, Ruth, 12 celts and celtiform stelae, 99, 100
Beria, Lavrenty, 16 census khipus, 344, 345
ceque systems: at Cuzco, 259, 259260, 266, 267, 272, 344;
Berlo, Janet, 77
khipus recording, 345
Bertonio, Ludovico, 287288
Cerro Bernal inscriptions, 144n2
Beyer, Hermann, 81
Cerro de la Caja and environs, carved stones from,
Bilbao: architectural compound at, 43, 45; Monument
117122, 120, 121
1, 54; Monuments 29, 48; Monument 4, 61, 62;
Cerro de la Campagna, Santiago Suchilquitongo, Tomb
Monument 10, 53; Monument 11, 61; Monument 13,
5, 125, 126127, 128
54, 55, 61; Monument 14, 54, 55, 61; Monument 18, 57;
Cerro de las Mesas Stela 15, 80
Monument 20, 61, 62, 64; Monument 21, 6465, 65;
Cerro de los Tepalcates, Chacahua, Oaxaca, 123, 124
Monument 29, 56; Monument 33, 5859; Monument
Cerro del Rey, Ro Grande, Stela 1, 133, 134
42, 47; Monuments 84ac, 58, 5859; possible ancestor
Cerro Nuyoo, Tomb 5, 130, 132
cult at, 4849
Cerro Yucuniza mortuary slab, 130, 132
Codex Bodley, 152153, 153, 157, 167, 168n3, 169n8 Cerron Palomino, Rodolfo, 286, 288
Bolvar, Simn, 367368, 368, 370371 Champollion, Jean-Franois, 18
Boltz, William, 2930 Chapa, Reymundo, 353, 392
Boone, Elizabeth Hill, ix, x, 2, 3, 156, 179, 191, 197, 232, 379, Chiapanec scribal tradition, 112, 113
391392 Chiapas, Teotihuacan writing at, 78
Bonampak murals, 34 Chicanel pottery, Late Preclassic, 7778
Codex Borgia, 103, 198, 382 Chichen Itza: size of glyphs on jades from, 25;
Borgia Group codices, 2, 103, 153 Teotihuacan glyphs and, 82, 84; Yukatekan terms in
Codex Boturini, 199, 215. See also Tira de la script at, 27
Peregrinacin Chichimecateuctli, don Pedro, 213, 214
boustrophedon sequence, 114115, 215 Chicomoztoc, 158, 159, 160, 162
Bove, Frederick, 48 Chimalpahin, 168169n56
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Abb, 15 chinampas at Tenochtitlan, El Plano del Papel de
Brezine, Carrie J., 319, 353, 360, 391 Maguey showing, 88, 89
Browder, Jennifer, 84 Chinchilla Mazariegos, Oswaldo, 43, 387, 392
Burkitt, Robert, 54 Choltian hypothesis for Maya glyphs, 27, 36n6
Cholula: lack of writing tradition at, 77; Relacin
geogrfica of, 152153, 160; Tlachihualtepec or Great
Cacaxtla script: inventory of inscriptions compared to Pyramid of, 160, 161
Cotzumalhuapa, 49; lack of study of, 77; Teotihuacan Choque, Rosa and Rosala, 360
writing and, 48, 66, 82, 96 chronotopes (time-space representations) in Aztec
Cdiz, Cotzumalhuapa inscription at, 50 writing, 176178, 181, 184, 190, 191
Calakmul dynasty and Maya glyph changes, 32 chullpas, tocapu-like designs on, 290, 292

39 8 i n de x
Chuquibamba textile notation systems, 251275; in Cold War and Maya decipherment. See Knorosov, Yuri
archaeological, ethnohistorical, and art historical Valentinovich, decipherment of Maya glyphs by
contexts, 269272, 270, 271; and ceque system, Colhuacatepec, 158, 159, 160
Cuzco, 259, 259260, 266, 267; different calendars Codex Colombino, 152, 168n3
represented in, 256257, 257; eight-pointed star comparative dialogue, importance of, 36, 18
motif and, 269, 271, 271272; feathered ponchos and, Condesuyu: Inka province of, 251, 256, 269, 272, 298;
269272, 271; felines, llamas, and toads, symbolic references to dress in, 269272, 271
use of, 261262; female dresses (acsus) and large Conklin, William, 2, 321322, 325
shawls, 252253; forty-one, forty, and forty-two, conquests of Mexica rulers, Aztec writings depicting,
textiles referring to, 259, 259260, 263, 263264, 178, 181, 184, 186
264; historical and geographic origins, 256, 269; Contreras, Carlos, 368
Kosok shawls standardized sidereal calendar within conventional or abstract versus iconic systems, 386
solar year, 256, 267269, 268; male tunics (uncus), Copan: absolute size and relative proportion of glyphs
loincloths, and ponchos, 252, 252253; Merrin Gallery at, 24; Structure 10L-16, Stairway Block 2, 100101;
shawl, 263, 263264; Museo Banco Central de Reserva Structure 26, 91; vowel notations at, 32
del Per loincloth, 264; Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Copan Hieroglyphic Stairway: consonant sensitivity in
shawl with sidereal lunar calendar, 254, 255, 258263, glyphs from, 33; heterography at, 34; production of,
259, 265266, 267, 268; Ohara shawl with modules 2324
of three different calendars, 261, 265, 265267, 269; Corts, Hernn, 166
Peabody Museum uncu with solar calendar, 252, 253, costume and performance in Moche culture, 228, 229
257258, 258, 266, 268, 269; Pleiades constellation Cotzumalhuapa writings, 4375; animation of, 4446, 46,
and, 259, 267; types of intentional orders used in, 5965, 5966; architectural compounds at El Bal, El
251253, 252255 Castillo, and Bilbao, 43, 45; cartouches, 50; in context
of coastal writing tradition, 4649, 47, 66; distribution
classes or genres of documents: in Aztec writing, 190
and inventory of inscriptions, 4950; head signs in
191; ethnoiconological context provided by, 150151
frontal or profile view, 50; human sacrifice in, 65;
closed versus open writing systems, 66, 384
iconographic depictions, comparison of signs with,
coastal writing tradition: defined and described, 112, 113;
52; largely calendrical system suggested by, 65; in Late
mortuary contexts, 130134, 133; Teotihuacan and
Classic period, 4849; Late Preclassic system, 4647;
Citzumalhuapa writings in context of, 4748, 66
media, variety of, 50; Mixtec codices compared, 66;
Coatepec, 161, 162, 165, 166
name tags, use of, 57, 5759, 58; numerals, 51, 5152,
Coatlinchan, unfinished monumental figure from, 100
52; orientation of signs, 50; oversized signs in, 56,
Cobo, Bernab, 308n9
5657; sign combinations, rarity of, 5455, 55, 66; sign
codices: Aubin, 168n5, 178, 179, 180, 181, 186, 215;
inventory, 5254, 6771; 6 Star collocations with maw
Azcatitlan, 168169n57, 178, 179, 180, 181, 188, 215,
of reptilian monster, 5759, 58; Star glyph, use of, 50,
216, 217; Baranda, 170n22; Bodley, 152153, 153, 157, 5759, 58; Teotihuacan writing and, 4849, 95
167, 168n3, 169n8; Borgia, 103, 198, 382; Borgia Group, Couch, Christopher, 202
2, 103, 153; Boturini, 199, 215; Colombino, 152, 168n3; counted offerings in ritual petitions, 153, 155
Dehesa, 170n22; Dresden, 5, 15, 35n2; Egerton, 170n22; Covarrubias Orozco, Sebastin de, 287, 300301
Fejrvry-Mayer, 103, 153, 155, 198, 200; Florentine, Coyolxauhqui circular monument, Templo Mayor of
168169n56, 169n10, 202204, 203, 204; Gmez Mexico-Tenochtitlan, 122123
de Orozco, 158; Kingsborough, 88, 89; Madrid, 15, Crnica mexicyotl (Tezozmoc), 181
35n2, 80, 81; Magliabechiano, 202, 206; in Mayan Cross Panels of Palenque, 190
imagery, 35n2; Mendoza, 85, 178, 179, 181, 182, 184, cross-reading, use of, 15
185, 188, 217, 218, 219, 279, 309n17; Mexica codices, 2, Cruz, Juan de la, 201, 205
177184, 178, 179, 180, 182, 183, 198, 199; Mexicanus, cryptography and decipherment, lack of connection
168169n56, 178, 179, 181, 185, 186, 212, 213215, 215; between, 16
Mexicayotl, 168n5; Osuna, 212; Paris, 35n2, 80, 81; de Cueto, Marcos, 368
Santa Mara Asuncin, 85; Selden (Aute), 114, 115, cuicatl, 175, 191
150, 151, 167, 169n8; Telleriano-Remensis, 178, 179, 180, Cuicuilco, lack of writing tradition at, 77
181, 183, 188, 202, 206, 212; Tudela, 202, 206; Tulane, Cuilapan, Oaxaca cloister stone with Zapotec
170n22; Vaticanus A/Ros, 178, 180, 206; Vaticanus inscriptions, 117, 118
B, 103; Vienna, 385; Vindobonensis, 159, 164165, 165; cultural category, writing systems as, 379390; access to/
Zouche-Nuttall (Tonindeye), 115, 152, 158, 167, 169n8. interpretation of message, 382383; commonalities
See also Mixtec codices of, 380384; glottographic versus semasiographic
Coe, Michael D., 9, 24, 392 systems, 384385; hieroglyphic script versus
Coixtlahuaca valley through-cave inscriptions, 144n6 pictographic systems, 386387; historical significance
Cola de Palma, near El Ciruelo, Stela 3, 130134, 133 of surviving documents, 383384; iconic versus

index 399
conventional or abstract systems, 386; Mesoamerican effigy vessels, 125130, 127, 129, 132, 139
and Andean terms for, 380; pictures versus glyphs, Codex Egerton, 170n22
385386; recording process, 381; scripts, signs, and eight-pointed star motif and Chuquibamba textile
pictographies covered by, 379380; speech and notation systems, 269, 271, 271272
performance compared, 380381; typology of, 384 El Bal: acropolis at, 43, 45; Monument 1, 43, 44, 47, 49;
388; vehicle for message, 381382; writing as term, Monument 6, 54, 55; Monument 18, 56; Monument
problem of, 379380, 387388 27, 59; Monument 30, 61, 64; Monument 34, 56;
cultural code, written surface as, 111148; in Aztec writing, Monument 56, 51, 52; Monument 59, 4346, 46, 65;
190192; performance and place-making, relationship Monuments 67 and 68, 56
of writing to, 114116, 114123, 118121, 123, 124; El Castillo: architectural compound at, 43, 45; causeway
personhood and human body in mortuary contexts, connecting Goln with, 50; Monument 1, 51, 55, 58, 61;
notions of, 125139, 126129, 131133, 135138; scribal Monument 16, 56
error, semiology of, 139143, 141, 142; semiological El Fraile, 289
theory of writing behind, 111112; in six scribal El Mundo Perdido, Tikal: marcador from, 83, 90, 101;
traditions in southwestern Mesoamerica, 112, 112113 stucco-painted vessel from, 95, 96
cultural encyclopedias, 206 El Palmillo, genealogical slab probably from, 125, 128
cultural superiority associated with possession of El Tajin, inventory of inscriptions at, 49
writing system, 306n3 El Zotz, identification of scribes producing Maya glyphs
Cummins, Thomas B. F., 277, 386, 392393 in, 23
Cunil, Jacinto, 18 elaboration and abbreviation, 149174; analogies between
Cuzco: ceque system, 259, 259260, 266, 267, 272, ethnographic present and historical past, 153154,
344; Condesuyu, references to dress in, 269272, 155; ethnoiconological methodology of approach to,
271; guinea pig sacrifices, 262; khipus from, 328; 150154, 151, 153, 154, 155; foundation/toma de posesin/
napa or puca llama, 262; painted tablas at, 300; taking hold of the bundle theme, 150, 166; genre of
Tawantinsuyu, concept of, 298299, 299 document, context provided by, 150151; historical
sources for, 156157; migration theme, 156, 162168,
163, 165; minimal pictographic elements, identifying,
dart-thrower carved with owners name, 134, 135 150; nose-piercing theme, 152153, 153; origin theme
Dvila, Francisco, 309n11 and places of origin, 156, 157162, 159, 160; sacred birth
Davletshin, Albert, 30 theme, 167; thematic focus, determining, 151153, 152,
de Young stela, 22, 2223 154, 155; thematic units commonly found in historical
dedication stone, Templo Mayor, Mexico-Tenochtitlan, sources, 156
188190, 189, 191192 Elkins, James, 233, 380
Codex Dehesa, 170n22 Eloxochitlan de Flores Magn burial, Sierra Mazateca,
diagramming tradition, 221n2 carved human mandible from, 134, 136
Dibble, Charles, 385 emblematic glyphs (toponyms, titles, and personal
difrasismo, 161, 169n14, 170n2021 names), 8488, 85, 86, 87, 385
diglossia in Maya glyphs, 28, 37n10 encyclopedias, cultural, 206
direct historical approach, 151 Engels, Friedrich, 11, 12, 17
disjunction, 151 errors in writing, semiology of, 139143, 141, 142
Doctrina (Pedro de Gante, 1553), 205 Escalante, Pablo, 191, 202
Doctrina christiana (1548), 205 Escuintla: Early Classic pottery and Cotzumalhuapa
Doctrina christiana en la lengua guasteca con la lengua writing, 4748; Teotihuacan glyphs and, 84
castellana (Juan de la Cruz, 1571), 201, 205 Estela Lisa, Monte Albn, 91, 93
Doctrina Xpiana en lengua misteca (Hernndez), 161, Estrada-Belli, Francisco, 88
161162 ethnoiconological approach to elaboration and
Donnan, Christopher, 239 abbreviation, 150154, 151, 153, 154, 155
Dos Pilas, identification of scribes producing Maya Etla district mausoleum facade and effigy vessel, 125, 127
glyphs in, 23 Ex-Arzobispado Stone, 187, 188
Dresden Codex, 5, 15, 35n2
Dubois, Cora, 12
Dumbarton Oaks conferences on Pre-Columbian Falcn Huayta, Victor, 353, 364, 393
writing systems, ixx, 13 feather paintings, 202203, 203
Durn, Diego, 190, 202, 206 feathered ponchos and Chuquibamba textile notation
systems, 269272, 271
Codex Fejrvry-Mayer, 103, 153, 155, 198, 200
eagles devouring hearts in Teotihuacan art, 103, 105n6 felines, llamas, and toads, Chuquibamba textiles
effigy figure, skin as writing surface on, 138, 139 symbolic use of, 261262

40 0 i n de x
Fierro, Pancho, 366, 368 Heggarty, Paul, 345
Finca San Cristbal: inventory of Cotzumalhuapa Hellmuth, Nicholas, 47
inscriptions at, 50; Monument 1, 63, 64, 65 helmets as icons for Warrior theme in Moche ceramic
Florentine Codex, 168169n56, 169n10, 202204, 203, 204 imagery, 234238, 236, 237
Flower World, Cotzumalhuapa version of, 58, 6465 herders use of khipus, 354, 371, 373
Fonds mexicain 399 manuscript, 209, 209210, 210 Hernndez, Benito, 161, 161162
foundation/toma de posesin/taking hold of the bundle Heyerdahl, Thor, 16
theme, 150, 166 hieroglyphic script: Mayan identified as type of, 15,
four steps on the road to God, 161, 161162 386387; pictographic systems versus, 386387
Fraccin Mujular: inscriptions, 144n2; Stela 3, 79, 80 Historia del origen y genealoga real del los reyes ingas del
Frame, Mary, 256, 267, 269, 284 Per (Martn de Mura, 1590), 298, 299, 302
funerary contexts. See mortuary contexts Historia general del Per (Martn de Mura, ca. 1615), 303
Historia tolteca-chichimeca, 152, 158162, 159, 160, 169n6,
175, 176
Galvin manuscript, 301, 302, 303 historical sensibility: Aztec writing, rgime dhistoricit
Gamarra, Agustn, 369 in, 176178, 184, 188, 190, 191; in Moche ceramic
Gante, Pedro de, 205 imagery, 245
Gante I manuscript, 206, 206209, 207, 208 El Hombre de Tikal, 90, 9091
Garca-Des Lauriers, Claudia, 87 Houston, Stephen D., 21, 61, 66, 382, 384, 386, 393
genealogical records, inscriptions of, 125, 126128 Huaca de la Luna, 227, 294, 294297, 295, 296
genres or classes of documents: in Aztec writing, 190 Huajuapan de Len, uie mortuary material from area
191; ethnoiconological context provided by, 150151 of, 130, 132
Gerson, Juan, 202 Huamelulpan, carved stones from, 122
Gisbert, Teresa, 290 huatancha, 355
glottochronology applied to Maya glyphs, 27 huehuetlatolli, 175, 191
glottographic versus semasiographic systems, 201, Huitzilopochtli, 123, 157, 177, 181, 187
232233, 384387 human body and personhood, writing conveying
glyphs versus pictures, 385386 notions of, 125139, 126129, 131133, 135138
Goln: Monuments 2 and 3, 49, 4950, 6162, 63; human bones, carved, 134, 136
Monuments 4 and 5, 57 human sacrifice: in Cotzumalhuapa writings, 65; in
Gmez Chvez, Sergio, 82, 88 Moche culture, 227; San Jos Mogote, Monument 3,
Codex Gmez de Orozco, 158 and 122123, 123; Stone of Tizoc and, 188, 191192;
Gonzlez Holgun, Diego, 287 Templo Mayor, Mexico-Tenochtitlan, foundation/
Gorbachev, Mikhail, 10, 11, 16 renovations of, 180, 181; in Teotihuacan writings,
Graulich, Michel, 188 102, 103
grids, central Mexican examples of writing in, 87, human skin, as writing surface, 138, 139
8890, 89 Humboldt Fragment 1, 85
Grube, Nikolai, 30 Hun Nal Ye cave, stone coffer from, 27
Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe: Chuquibamba textile hybridity of graphic systems after Spanish conquest,
notations and, 262, 269272, 270; Nueva cornica y 197225; alphabetic writing, 201, 204210, 205210;
buen gobierno, authorship of, 310n24; tocapus and, changes to graphic systems following conquest,
279280, 280, 281, 283, 286, 288, 297, 298, 299, 202, 219220; comparison of Mesoamerican and
301305, 304 European graphic expression, 197198; diagramming,
Guchte, Maarten van de, 290 221n2; different graphic systems in sixteenth-century
Guerrero: Lienzo de Petlacala, 150; Rufino Tamayo stela, Mexico, 197201; mimetic figuration, 201, 202204,
possibly from, 79, 94; Teotihuacan writing at, 78, 79, 203, 204; pictography, 198200, 199, 200, 210219,
9397, 9398, 94, 104 211219; pictorial catechisms, 205210; semasiography
guinea pig sacrifices, Cuzco, 262 and, 198, 233
Guzmn, Manuel de, 214 hyperdiffusionism, 18

Habel, Simeon, 53 iconic versus conventional or abstract systems, 386

Haddon, Alfred, 17 Icxicouatl, 158
Hamilton, Andrew, 338 ideograms (logograms) and Knorosovs decipherment of
Harris, Roy, 111 Maya script, 1516
Hartog, Franois, 176, 177 Ilhuicatepec, 162
head signs: Cotzumalhuapa writings, frontal or profile Inka: caves of origin at Pacaritambo, 297, 298; lost writing
view in, 50; Teotihuacan writing, frontal view in, 104 system, efforts to unveil, 278, 306n6, 307308n8;

index 401
supposed lost paintings of, 306307n7; writing system, significance of differences using SplitsTree4 and
lack of, 281283, 308n9. See also Chuquibamba textile NeighborNet algorithm, 345348, 346, 347; Middle
notation systems; Cuzco; khipu; tocapu Horizon/Wari khipus, 321, 321322, 322, 325, 350;
Inka-type khipus, 323325, 326 patrimonial khipus of Rapaz not fitting, 363364, 374;
Inti Raymi, feast of, 262 sizes of archives and khipu samples, 328; subsidiaries,
inverted signs, semiology of, 140143, 142 presence/absence and number of, 328329, 329
Isthmian script: as closed system, 66; decipherment King, Mark, 175
proposals, 35n1; glottographic nature of, 384; length King, Timothy, 82, 88
of use of, 21 Codex Kingsborough, 88, 89
Ixcaquixtla, Tomb 1, 130, 132 Kinich Yax Kuk Mo, Teotihuacan cultural ties of,
Kirchhoff, Paul, 157
Jackson, Margaret A., 227, 380, 385, 393 Kirov, Sergei, 10
jaguars devouring hearts in Teotihuacan art, 102, 103 Knorosov, Yuri Valentinovich, decipherment of Maya
Jama-Coaque vessels with tocapus, 296, 297, 305 glyphs by, 920; and anthropology in Stalins USSR,
Jansen, Maarten, 150, 385 1112; background, education, and career, 1214;
Japanese script and Maya glyphs, 16 death of Stalin, dissemination of Knorosovs work
Jara, Victoria de la, 283284, 297, 310n28, 312n42 following, 1617; Great Purge/Great Terror in USSR
(1936), effect on intellectual life, 1011; language
of glyphs importance of, 16, 18; methodology of,
Kaha Wayi (khipu house) and Pasa Qullqa (storehouse), 1416; photograph of, 10; publication of article on
Rapaz, 355360, 356, 357, 358, 359, 373 decipherment by, 14; reasons for success of, 17, 18;
kanji writing, 16, 19n3 recognition of achievements of, 18; and Thompson,
Kaqchikel and Cotzumalhuapa writings, 53, 54 John Eric Sidney, 10, 1418
Kauffman Doig, Federico, 363364 Kosok, Paul, 256, 267
KCCS (Khipu Color Code System), 339 Kroeber, Alfred L., 269
KDB (Khipu Database), 320, 325, 326, 329, 334, 338, Kubler, George, 1, 151, 219, 284
350n5, 361 Kuna-Lacanha, Chiapas, Early Classic stela from, 99, 100
Keber, Eloise Quiones, 179
Kelley, David, 1, 16
key-type Wari khipus, 321, 322 La Cinega, Zimatlan, genealogical slab from, 125, 128
khipu: ancestral mummies, entrusted to, 5; La Gloria, Monument 1, 56
Chuquibamba textile notation systems and, 256; La Herredura, Tlaxcala, temple sign from, 86
in colonial and Catholic contexts, 290, 353355; La Mojarra stela, 144n4
defined, 320321; distinguished from other cord La Nueva, concentration of Cotzumalhuapa-style
constructions, 320; Dumbarton Oaks conferences on, sculptures at, 50
2; herders use of, 354, 371, 373; metacategory of khipu, La Serna, Viceroy, 369, 370
representing, 306n3; Pachacamac archive, 328, 335, La Sufricaya, Early Classic painted grids from, 87, 88
344, 345, 348, 361; Paracas cords, possible origins in, La Ventilla, Teotihuacan: corpus of glyphs from, 84;
350n1; study of, 277278; tocapus and, 279284, 288, marcador from, 82, 83; Plaza de los Glifos (See Plaza
289290, 300301; Toledan-era viceroyalty, khipus de los Glifos, Teotihuacan); shields depicted at, 103;
of governance under, 353; in Tupicocha, 354, 354355, zoomorphic vehicles at, 92, 93
374; as writing systems, 387. See also khipu typologies; Lacadena, Alfonso, x, 30, 48, 52, 77, 177, 385
patrimonial khipus in Rapaz Lagoon of Primordial Blood (Quelatinizoo), 158162, 166
khipu typologies, 319352; archival images or icons, 342 Lake Titicaca and ruins of Tiwanaku, association of
343, 342344; archival similarities and differences, tocapus with, 288
328329, 342344; archives of Inka-type khipus based Lambityeco: Tomb 6, Mound 195, 125, 127, 128; Tomb 11,
on provenience, construction of, 325327, 326, 327; Mound 195, carved baton or spatula made of deer
canuto khipus, 322323, 323, 350n3; ceque system tibia from, 134, 135
khipus, 345; color values and patterns, 338339, 340, Landa, Diego de, 13, 1415, 16, 18, 278, 386
341, 342343; comparing and distinguishing types, Langley, James, 48, 102, 103
325; cord attachment methods, 331332, 332; fiber type language. See speech and language
and cord construction, 329331, 330, 331; functional Lpida de Bazan, Monte Albn, 91, 92
types, 344345; Inka-type khipus, 323325, 326; Larco Hoyle, Rafael, 229231, 246n1
KCCS (Khipu Color Code System), 339; KDB (Khipu Las Colinas, Tlaxcala, Teotihuacan-style ceramic bowl
Database), 320, 325, 326, 329, 334, 338, 350n5, 361; from, 84
key-type Wari khipus, 321, 322; knot construction Later Oaxacan scribal tradition, 113, 134, 139, 143
and directionality, 332338, 333, 334337; measuring Leakey, L. S. B., 18

402 i n de x
Lehmann, Walter, 43, 239 Maya glyphs, 2130; absolute size and relative proportion
Leibsohn, Dana, 2, 176 of, 2426, 25; Choltian hypothesis, 27, 36n6; content
Len, Cieza de, 308309n11 used for, 26; diglossia in, 28, 37n10; Dumbarton Oaks
Lettera apologetica (Raimondo di Sangro Sansevero, conferences on, 12; glottochronology applied to, 26,
1750), 284 28; heterography (variation at any one time), 34; as
Lvi-Strauss, Claude, 139, 145n16 hieroglyphic script, 15, 386387; Japanese script and,
Levillier, Roberto, 353 16; living essence attributed to, 26; morphosyllables,
Lienzo de Amoltepec, 162164, 163, 169n16 2830, 29; non-Maya glyphs with, 26, 27; phonic and
Lienzo de Chiepetlan, 162 linguistic characteristics, 2630; polycode nature
Lienzo de Cuauhquechollan, 162 of, 24; production of, 22, 2224; somatic framework
Lienzo de Guevea, 153, 154 for, 26; supernatural resonances of, 24; surviving
Lienzo de Jicalan or Jucutacato, 162 examples and media, 2122; Teotihuacan writing
Lienzo de Petlacala, 150, 162 and, 7778, 90, 9093, 91, 92. See also Knorosov, Yuri
Lienzo de Tequixtepec I, 158 Valentinovich, decipherment of Maya glyphs by;
Lienzo de Tira de Xalatzala, 162 variations in Maya glyphs over space and time
Lienzo de Tlapiltepec, 158, 165 McClelland, Donna, 239
Lienzo de Tlaxcala, 88, 102 McCormac, F. G., 364
liminal places, migration from, 162, 166 Medina Susano, R. Clorinda, 371
literacy, 23, 190 Medrano, Sonia, 48
literary themes, elaboration and abbreviation of. See Memoria de Juquila (Memoria probanza de Yetzegoa),
elaboration and abbreviation 166
llamas, Chuquibamba textiles symbolic use of, 261262 Memoria de Yacuini (Memoria probanza de Yacuini), 166
llutu kuychi (mourning/dark rainbow) textile colors, 339 Memorial de Solol, 53
Locke, Leland, 278 Mndez, Cecilia, 373
Lockhart, James, 219 Codex Mendoza, 85, 178, 179, 181, 182, 184, 185, 188, 217,
logograms, and Knorosovs decipherment of Maya 218, 219, 279, 309n17
script, 1516 Mendoza, Antonio de, 212
logographic functions in Moche ceramic imagery, Mendoza y Velasco, don Juan de, 166
238239 Mexica codices, 2, 177184, 178, 179, 180, 182, 183, 198, 199.
Loo, Peter van der, 150, 151, 153 See also specific codices
Los Cerritos Norte, Cotzumalhuapa inscription at, 50 Mexica stone monuments, 184190, 185, 187, 189
Los Horcones: Stela 2, 79, 80; Teotihuacan writing at, 78 Codex Mexicanus, 168169n56, 178, 179, 181, 185, 186,
Lounsbury, Floyd, 1, 16 212, 213215, 215
Lowland Maya writing, as closed system, 66 Cdice Mexicayotl, 168n5
Lysenko, Trofim, 11, 16 Mexico-Tenochtitlan: Aztec writing at, 177181, 182,
184187, 192, 192n1; elaboration and abbreviation of
literary themes at, 157, 166; founding of, 217, 220;
machc, 239 El Plano del Papel de Maguey showing chinampas at,
Mackey, Carol J., 354 88, 89. See also Templo Mayor, Mexico-Tenochtitlan
Macuilxochitl, carved human mandible from, 134, 136 Mexico-Tlatelolco, 180, 181, 192n1
Madrid Codex, 15, 35n2, 80, 81 Middle Horizon/Wari khipus, 321, 321322, 322, 325, 350
Codex Magliabechiano, 202, 206 migration theme, 156, 162168, 163, 165
Maksimov, A. N., 12 Millon, Clara, 84, 103
Malinowski, Bronislaw, 11 miniaturized items, 139, 145n16
Manco Capac, 297, 301305, 302, 303, 304 mistakes in writing, semiology of, 139143, 141, 142
Mapa de Cuauhtlanzinco, 162 Mixtec codices: Cotzumalhuapa writing and, 66; darts,
Mapa de Teozacualco, 157, 158 use of, 95; decipherment efforts, 2; Dumbarton Oaks
marcadors: El Mundo Perdido, Tikal, 83, 90, 101; La conferences on, 2; emblematic play in, 385; events and
Ventilla, Teotihuacan, 82, 83 places, manuscripts organized around, 177; jewels
Marcus, Joyce, 91, 385 in feminine names in, 150; Later Oaxacan scribal
marked beans (pallares) in Moche ceramic imagery, 229, tradition and, 113; migration theme and, 162165;
230 Moche ceramic imagery compared, 238; places of
Marr, Nikolai Y., 11 origin, 158, 161; sacred birth theme and, 167; thematic
marriage alliances and genealogical slabs, 144n9 units in, 156
Marx, Karl, 11, 12 Moche ceramic imagery, 227249; compounded signs,
Matatlan, genealogical slab probably from El Palmillo 239240, 240; iconic signs with logographic functions,
embedded in wall of house in, 125, 128 239; machc, 239; marked beans (pallares), 229, 230;
Matrcula de Huexotzinco, 52 Mixtec and Aztec traditions compared, 238; molds,

index 403
manufacture and use of, 233234, 234, 235; mortuary non-Maya glyphs, use of, 26; places of origin and,
contexts of, 229; notational elements, Larco Hoyles 157162; Teotihuacan writing and, 77, 78, 84, 85, 88,
theories regarding, 228, 229, 229231, 230; oral literary 89; thematic units in, 156
tradition and, 245; phases in, 246n1; porras (conical napa or puca llama, 262
mace heads), 235, 236, 239; preadaptation toward visual Naples documents and the khipu, 284, 306n6, 310n24,
signing in, 233; rebus devices, 239; relationship to 312n42
monumental and performance art, 228, 229; Revolt of Naranjo, identification of scribes producing Maya glyphs
the Objects scene, semasiographic nature of, 241244, in, 23
241245; semasiography defined and described, Navarrete, Federico, 175, 383, 385, 393394
231233; speech or language, not reducible to, 240 NeighborNet, 345348, 346, 347
241; stepped pyramid motif, logographic aspects of, New Fire ceremony, 117, 158, 186, 192
238, 238239; Warrior theme demonstrating use of Nicholson, H. B., 1, 2, 151, 190
conventionalized signs, 234238, 235, 236, 237, 240 Noriega, Mound 4, genealogical slab from cist in, 125, 128
Moche costume and performance, 228, 229 Nowotny, Karl Anton, 2, 153
Moche murals, tocapu-like figures in, 293297, 294, 295, Nueva cornica y buen gobierno (Guaman Poma, 1615),
296, 305 279280, 280, 283, 301, 304, 310n24
Moche pyramid complexes and monumental art, 228, uie scribal tradition: alabaster carved vessels, 134;
229 calendric notation in, 78; defined and described, 112,
Moctezuma, in Codex Mendoza, 218, 219 113; mortuary contexts, 130, 132
Molina el Cuzqueo, Cristbal de, 288, 289, 297, 300, Nun Yax Ayiin, Tikal Stelae 31 and 32, 99, 100
Monaghan, John, 175
Montana site: Cotzumalhuapa writings and decline of, Ocelotzin, 213, 214
48; Teotihuacan cultural traits at, 48
Okladnikov, A. P., 16
Monte Albn: Building J, 140, 142; Building L-sub, 114,
Olderogge, Dmitri Alexeyevich, 14, 16
114117, 116, 138, 139, 140, 145n17; calendrical names of
Olivier, Guilhem, 186, 187
owners, objects marked with, 134, 135; Estela Lisa, 91,
open versus closed writing systems, 66, 384
93; Fragments S11 and S16, South Platform, 140, 142;
oral literary tradition: Aztec writing and, 175176,
Lpida de Bazan, 91, 92; Middle Formative danzante
191192; ethnoiconological analogies drawn from, 156;
sculptures at, 100; miniature items from, 137, 139;
khipus and tocapus in, 279; Moche ceramic imagery
Monument SP2, South Platform, 140, 141; Monument
and, 245; written transmission versus, 45
SP8a, South Platform, 140, 142; Monument SP9, South
origin theme and places of origin, 156, 157162, 159, 160
Platform, 140, 142; Mound II slab, 117, 119; scribal
orthographical issues, 6
error at, 140143, 141, 142; Stela 1, 92, 93; Stela 7, 91;
orthostats: human skin as writing surface on, 138, 139;
Teotihuacan writing at, 83, 91, 9193, 94; Terrace
79 house, ceramic plaque from, 134, 135; Tomb 7, preservation of performance and place-making in,
miniature weaving baton from, 137, 139; Tomb 104, 125, 114116, 114123, 118121, 123, 124; scribal error on, 140
126127, 134, 135, 140; Tomb 158, Terrace 27, carved lintel Codex Osuna, 212
from, 130, 131; Tombs 139141, Terrace 21, 140, 142 Oudijk, Michel R., 149, 385, 394
Morgan, Lewis Henry, 11, 12, 17
Morley, Sylvanus, 14, 18, 30
morphosyllables in Maya glyphs, 2830, 29 Pacaritambo, Inka caves of origin at, 297, 298, 308n11
mortuary contexts: of coastal writing tradition, 130134, Pachacamac khipus, 328, 335, 344, 345, 348, 361
133; of Moche ceramic imagery, 229; of uie scribal Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Santa Cruz, 279, 297,
tradition, 130, 132; personhood and human body, 298, 299, 311n38
notions of, 125139, 126129, 131133, 135138; of Palacios, Enrique, 185
Zapotec writing, 125130 pallares (marked beans) in Moche ceramic imagery, 229,
Moteuhczoma Ilhuicamina, 186, 188 230
Moteuhczoma Xocoyotzin, 186, 192 Palo Gordo: inventory of Cotzumalhuapa inscriptions
Motolinia [Toribio de Benavente], ix, 202 at, 50; Monument 10, 60; Monument 24, 63, 64;
Muchic or Yunga language, 239 Monument 25, 6263, 63
mummified remains, writing on skin of, 138, 139 Palo Verde: inventory of Cotzumalhuapa inscriptions at,
Mura, Martn de: on khipus, 326; on tocapus, 281, 287, 50; Monument 1, 59
298, 301305, 302, 303, 310n22, 310n24 Panofsky, Erwin, 150, 151
Paris Codex, 35n2, 80, 81
Parry, Milman, 149
Nahua and Nahuatl: Cotzumalhuapa writings and pars pro toto convention in Teotihuacan writing, 95, 98,
Nahua day names, 53; migration theme and, 162, 164; 98100

404 i n de x
Pasa Qullqa (storehouse) and Kaha Wayi (khipu house), Post-Monte Albn scribal tradition, 112, 113
Rapaz, 355360, 356, 357, 358, 359, 373 Prem, Hans, 385
Pasin, absolute size and relative proportion of Maya Primeros memoriales (Sahagn), 102, 202
glyphs at, 24 Probanza de Yetzelalag (seventeenth century), 166
patrimonial khipus in Rapaz, 353377; Catholicism, processualism, 4
no association with, 358; dating of, 364368, 373; propagative syllables in Maya glyphs, 3234, 33
figurines, 362, 363, 364, 365, 367, 371, 373; historical Proskouriakoff, Tatiana, 1, 104
context, 353354; Kaha Wayi (khipu house) and Pasa puca or napa llama, 262
Qullqa (storehouse), 355360, 356, 357, 358, 359, 373; puka kuychi (red rainbow) textile colors, 339
khipu collection, 358, 360364, 361, 362, 363; meaning pyramid complexes, Moche, 228, 229
attributed to, 363; military history and Peruvian War pyramid motif, stepped, in Moche ceramic imagery,
of Independence in Rapaz area, 364373, 366369, 372; logographic aspects of, 238, 238239
Pre-Columbian khipus, not resembling, 363364, 374; Pyramid of the Moon, Burial 2, five Tlaloc water jars
scholarly study of, 355; Tupicocha khipus and, 354, from, 103
354355, 374; village, description of, 355356 Pyramid of the Plumed Serpents, Xochicalco, 93
Peirce, Charles S., 111, 233 Pyramid of the Sun, Late Preclassic Chicanel pottery in
performance: in Aztec writing tradition, 175176, interior fill of, 78
191192; elaboration and abbreviation of literary
themes and, 114116, 114123, 118121, 123, 124; in
Moche culture, 228, 229; writing as cultural category Quelatinizoo (Lagoon of Primordial Blood), 158162, 166
compared to, 380381 queros with tocapus, 285, 286, 287, 297, 305
personhood and human body, writing conveying Quetzalcoatl, 152, 164
notions of, 125139, 126129, 131133, 135138 Quetzalteueyac, 158
Peten, San Diego wall carving at, 25 Quicopecua, Tomb 1, Mound 1, 125, 126127
Peterson, Jeanette, 202 quilca, 278, 308n9
Philip II (king of Spain), death inventory of, 300 Quilter, Jeffrey, 2
pictographic systems versus hieroglyphic script, 386387 quincunx motif: Tlaloc head with quincunx in mouth,
pictures versus glyphs, 385386 Teotihuacan, 81, 90, 96, 98, 101, 101103, 102; tocapus
Piedra Labrada: Stela 1, 81, 82; Stela 3, 133, 134; Stela 11, and, 297, 299
130, 133; stela with Teotihuacan water sign, 83, 84; quipu. See khipu
Teotihuacan writing at, 78, 81, 82, 83, 84
Piedras Negras: identification of scribes producing Maya
glyphs in, 23; Panel 2, 87 Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 11
Pillsbury, Joanne, x, 3 Rapaz. See patrimonial khipus in Rapaz
Pintura de la Peregrinacin de los Culhuaque-Mexitin Rawlinson, Henry, 18
(Mapa Sigenza), 162, 168169n56 rebus writing and rebus devices, 77, 210, 222n16, 234, 238,
Pipil and Cotzumalhuapa writings, 53 239, 384, 387
Pizarro, Pedro, 259 rgime dhistoricit (historical sensibility) in Aztec
place-making and performance, relationship of writing writing, 176178, 184, 188, 190, 191
to, 114116, 114123, 118121, 123, 124 Relacin de la provincia de los Collaguas (Juan de Ulloa
places of origin and origin theme, 156, 157162, 159, 160 Mogolln, 1583), 272
El Plano del Papel de Maguey, 88, 89 Relacin de las antigedades del Pir (Santa Cruz
Plaza de los Glifos, Teotihuacan: day signs, 80, 81, 82; Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, ca. 1613), 279, 297, 298
Early Classic painted grids at, 87, 88; emblematic Relacin de las cosas de Yucatn (Diego de Landa), 13,
glyphs (toponyms, titles, and personal names), 84, 85; 1415, 16, 278
jaguars devouring hearts, 102; Tlaloc and quincunx Relacin de las fbulas y los ritos de los incas (Molina el
sign, 102, 103 Cuzqueo, ca. 1575), 288, 307n7
Pleiades constellation and Chuquibamba textile notation Relacin de Macuilxochtil, 52
systems, 259, 267 Relacin geogrfica of Cholula, 152153, 160
polychrome mural fragment with Teotihuacan day sign, Reptiles Eye glyph in Teotihuacan writing, 81, 8182
83, 8384 Revolt of the Objects scene in Moche ceramic imagery,
polycode nature of Maya glyphs, 24 241244, 241245
Ponce Monolith, Tiwanaku, 289 Ro Grande 2, coastal Oaxaca, carved stones from, 122
Popol Vuh, 164 ritual petitions, counted offerings in, 153, 155
Porras, Bartolom de, 300 River of Jade and Quetzal Feathers, 158, 162
porras (conical mace heads) in Moche ceramic imagery, Rivers, W. H. R., 17
235, 236, 239 Robertson, Donald, 177
Porter, James, 100 Roman Catholicism. See Catholicism

index 405
Roman y Zamora, Jernimo, 281 shields, Teotihuacan monumental rendering of, 99,
Rosny, Lon de, 15 100103
Rowe, Ann, 256 singing canine heads and weapon bundles, Teotihuacan-
Rowe, John, 284 style, 95, 96
Roys, Ralph, 18 Sipan, 227, 228
Rufino Tamayo stela, possibly from Guerrero, 79, 94, size of signs: Cotzumalhuapa writings, oversized signs
9495 in, 56, 5657; Maya glyphs, absolute size and relative
Ruz Estrada, Arturo, 355, 363, 364 proportion of, 2426, 25
Rulers 13 and 15, Copan, 23, 24 skull birds in Cotzumalhuapa writing, 53, 5354, 54
Russia. See Knorosov, Yuri Valentinovich, decipherment Smith, Mary Elizabeth, 1, 191
of Maya glyphs by social and cultural meaning. See cultural category,
writing systems as; cultural code, written surface as
somatic framework: for Maya glyphs, 26; for Maya stelae,
sacred birth theme, 167 36n5
Sahagn, Bernardino de, 168169n56, 169n10, 202204, Soviet Union. See Knorosov, Yuri Valentinovich,
206 decipherment of Maya glyphs by
Salomon, Frank, 353, 394 space. See time and space
San Baltazar Chichicapan, genealogical slab attributed Spanish conquest: Aztec writing and, 191;
to, 125, 128 ethnoiconological approach to representations
San Bartolo: origins of Maya glyphs and, 31; size of Maya of, 166; khipus in colonial and Catholic contexts,
glyphs used at, 25, 26 290, 353355; Moteuhczoma Xocoyotzins failure to
San Bartolome Lachixova, title of, 166 build sacrificial stone and, 192; tocapus, colonial
San Jose de Moro, 227, 228 understanding of, 278283, 287288, 305. See also
San Jos Mogote, Monument 3, 122123, 123 hybridity of graphic systems after Spanish conquest;
San Juan Tabaa, title of, 166 patrimonial khipus in Rapaz
San Martn, Jos de, 368370 Spear-Thrower Owl, 90, 101
San Pedro Aae, alabaster vessel from, 134139, 136 speech and language: Moche ceramic imagery not
San Pedro Quiatoni, stone miniature replica of tomb reducible to, 240241; writing as cultural category
facade, 125, 127 compared to, 380381; writing, relationship to, 111112
Sangro Sansevero, Raimondo di, ix, 284 SplitsTree4, 345348
Cdice de Santa Mara Asuncin, 85 Spranz, Bodo, 1
Santa Mara Camotlan, writing on skin of mummified Squier, E. G., 290
remains from, 138, 139 Stalin, Joseph, 9, 10, 11, 12, 16
Santa Rosa site, Cotzumalhuapa inscription at, 50 Star glyph, Cotzumalhuapa writings, 50, 5759, 58
Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, 281, 288, 300, 307n7 Stephens, John Lloyd, ix
Saussure, Ferdinand de, 111, 232 stepped pyramid motif in Moche ceramic imagery,
Schele, Linda, 1 logographic aspects of, 238, 238239
Schellhas, Paul, 13 Stone of Tizoc, 181, 184, 186188, 187, 191192
Schultze-Jena, Leonhard, 153 Stuart, David, x, 1, 24, 28, 32, 34, 88, 104
scribal error, semiology of, 139143, 141, 142 Sucre, Jos Antonio de, 370371, 373
seated character with Cotzumalhuapa Star glyph, syllabary, identification of Maya script as, 15
portable sculpture, 50 synharmony, principle of, 15
Codex Selden (Codex Aute), 114, 115, 150, 151, 167, 169n8 syntagmic relationships in spoken and written language,
Selden Roll, 164 111112
Seler, Eduard, 57, 59
self-sacrifice rituals, 188190
semasiography, 231233; dialectic model of, 232233; Takalik Abaj: Classic period, as important center
glottography versus, 384385; hybrid graphic systems through, 48; Late Preclassic writings from, 4647
as semasiographic, 198, 233; mathematical notation Talum carved vessels, 133, 134
as semasiographic, 231232; Mexican pictography as Tamarindito, identification of scribes producing Maya
semasiographic system, 198; in Moche Revolt of the glyphs in, 23
Objects scene, 241244, 241245; musical notation as tattooed mummified remains from Santa Mara
semasiographic, 231; origins and meaning of term, Camotlan, 138, 139
221n3; road signs as semasiographic, 232; triadic Taube, Karl, 4748, 61, 77, 134, 385, 394395
model of, 233 Tawantinsuyu, 298299, 299
semiological theory of writing, 111112 tecalli bowl carved with Reptiles Eye glyph, 81, 82
serpents devouring hearts in Teotihuacan art, 102, 103 tecalli plumed serpent with Teotihuacan day names, 78, 79
shawls. See Chuquibamba textile notation systems tecalli sculpture with Tlaloc and quincunx sign, 101

40 6 i n de x
Techinantitla, Teotihuacan writing at, 84 Thomas, Cyrus, 15
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 188, Thompson, John Eric Sidney: Cold War decipherment of
202, 206, 212 Maya glyphs and, 10, 1418; Cotzumalhuapa writings
Temple of the Sun, Cuzco, 259 and, 43, 5152, 54
Temple-Plaza-Altar complexes, 117, 118, 125 Tikal: Burial 116, incised bone from, 90, 9091;
temple signs, Teotihuacan, 86, 8687 identification of scribes producing Maya glyphs in,
Templo Mayor, Mexico-Tenochtitlan: Aztec writing 23; somatic framework of stelae at, 36n5; Stela 1, 90;
depicting, 177181, 184186; Coatepec, representing, Stela 31, 99, 100, 105n6; Stela 32, 99, 100, 104; Temple
161; Coyolxauhqui monument at base of staircase, of the Inscriptions, 24, 25; Teotihuacan arrival at, 88,
122123; dedication stone, 188190, 189, 191192; 104; Teotihuacan writing at, 78, 83, 90, 9091
deposition on cult images removed from, 212213, Tikal dynasty: Maya glyph changes and, 32; probable
213, 219 usurpation by Teotihuacan, 88, 104
Tenoch, enthronement of, Codex Azcatitlan, 216, 216217 Tilantongo, 157, 167
Tenochtitlan. See Mexico-Tenochtitlan time and space: Aztec writing, chronotopes in, 176178,
Tenosique Bowl, non-Maya glyphs in Maya inscriptions 181, 184, 190, 191; tocapus used to represent significant
on, 27 spaces, 297300, 298, 299. See also variations in Maya
Teocalli de la Guerra Sagrada, 181, 184186, 185, 187, glyphs over space and time
190, 192 Tiquisate bowl, Cotzumalhuapa writing and, 53
(Teo)Colhuacan, 158, 162 Tira de la Peregrinacin, 168169n56. See also Codex
Teohuaonohualli, 213, 214 Boturini
Teotenango script: inventory of inscriptions compared Tira de Tepechpan, 192n2, 199, 211, 215
to Cotzumalhuapa, 49; lack of study of, 77 Tiwanaku monoliths and tocapus, 288289, 289
Teotihuacan: grid plan of metropolis, 88. See also Tizoc: dedication stone, Templo Mayor, Mexica-
La Ventilla, Teotihuacan; Plaza de los Glifos, Tenochtitlan, 188, 190; Stone of Tizoc, 181, 184,
Teotihuacan 186188, 187, 191192
Teotihuacan-style statuette with day sign, 79, 80 Tlachihualtepec or Great Pyramid of Cholula, 160, 161
Teotihuacan writing, 77109; in context of coastal writing tlacochcalco, 87
tradition, 4748, 66; Cotzumalhuapa writings and, Tlaloc heads: in Cotzumalhuapa writing, 53;
4849, 95; day signs in, 7884, 7983; development Teotihuacan Tlaloc head with quincunx in mouth,
of Early Classic central Mexican writing and, 7778; 81, 90, 96, 98, 101, 101103, 102
emblematic glyphs (toponyms, titles, and personal Tlaltecuhtli, 185, 186, 187, 188
names), 8488, 85, 86, 87, 385; grids, central Mexican Tlamanalco church choir paintings, 202
examples of writing in, 87, 8890, 89; Guerrero, Tlapacoya, lack of writing tradition at, 77
monumental texts from, 78, 79, 9397, 9398, 94, Tlapanecs, ritual use of counted bundles by, 153, 155
104; head signs in frontal view, 104; human sacrifice, Tlatelolco. See Mexico-Tlatelolco
depictions of, 102, 103; Maya influence, 7778, 90, Tlatolatl, 212
9093, 91, 92; open systems, trend toward, 66; tlatoque (ruler) successions in Mexica codices, 178181, 184
pars pro toto convention, 95, 98, 98100; shields, Tlaxcallan property plan, 213, 214
monumental rendering of, 99, 100103; speech scrolls Tlaxiaco, alabaster vessel from, 134139, 136
in, 61; symmetry as characteristic of, 100; Tlaloc head Tlazolteotl, 208
with quincunx in mouth, 81, 90, 96, 98, 101, 101103, toads, Chuquibamba textiles symbolic use of, 261262
102; Zapotec writing and, 48, 7778, 83, 90, 9093, 91, tocapu, 277317; ancestral mummies wrapped in
92, 100, 104; zoomorphic vehicles, 92, 93 textiles with, 5; arrangement of, variations in, 292;
Tepantitla, Teotihuacan writings from, 84, 85, 96, 102, Berlin cross painted with, 284287, 285; on chullpas,
103 290, 292; color schemes, significance of, 286287;
Tepecuacuilco: Stela 1, 9596, 96; Stela 2, 96, 97, 98; defining, 286288; Dumbarton Oaks conferences
Teotihuacan writing at, 78 on, 2; fixed set of signs, problem with interpretation
Tepelmeme de Morelos, Oaxaca, Protoclassic murals, as, 305; Inkas lack of writing system and, 281283,
80, 81 308n9; Jama-Coaque vessels with, 296, 297, 305;
Tepeyollotl-Tezcatlipoca, 186 khipus and, 279284, 288, 289290, 300301; Lake
Testerian manuscripts, 206209, 206210 Titicaca and ruins of Tiwanaku, association with,
Tetitla, Teotihuacan emblematic glyphs from, 86 288; in Manco Capac portraits, 301305, 302, 303,
Texcocan manuscripts, organization of, 177 304; Moche murals, tocapu-like figures in, 293297,
textiles: color system for, 339; costume and performance 294, 295, 296, 305; multiple media, appearances in,
in Moche culture, 228, 229; tocapus and, 278, 287, 289. 290293; on queros, 285, 286, 287, 297, 305; quilca,
See also Chuquibamba textile notation systems; khipu relationship to, 278; quincunx motif and, 297, 299;
Tezcatlipoca, 103, 186, 187 as seales (signs), 300301; significant spaces, used
Tezozmoc, Fernando Alvarado, 181 to represent, 297300, 298, 299; Spanish conquest,

index 407
in writings and images after, 278283, 287288, 305; characteristics, 2630; Postclassic-period glyphs,
specific meanings for individual forms, efforts to 34; Preclassic- and Early Classic-period glyphs,
decipher, 283284; symbolic meanings attached 31; propagative syllables, use of, 3234, 33; social
to, 288290; textiles, relationship to, 278, 287, 289; circumstances affecting, 23, 31, 32, 3435; vowel
Tiwanaku monoliths and, 288289, 289; uncus (male notations, introduction of, 32
tunics) with, 281, 282, 284287, 290, 291, 293294, Codex Vaticanus A/Ros, 178, 180, 206
295, 300, 301305, 302, 303, 304; urpus painted as if Codex Vaticanus B, 103
wearing uncus with, 290, 293 Vega, Garcilaso de la, 281, 326, 328
Tokarev, Sergei Aleksandrovich, 12, 13 Ventris, Michael, 18
Toledan-era viceroyalty, khipus of governance under, 353 Veracruz: Teotihuacan writing at, 78, 100; Xochicalco
Tollan, 159161 Glyph A on monument probably from, 82, 83
Tollan Cholollan, 152 Codex Vienna, 385. See also Codex Vindobonensis
Tolstov, Sergei Pavlovich, 1112, 13, 14 Codex Vindobonensis, 159, 164165, 165. See also Codex
Codex Tonindeye (Codex Zouche-Nuttall), 115, 152, 158, Vienna
167, 169n8 Viracocha, 288
Torres Straits Expedition (1898), 17 Vista Linda, Monument 1, 58
Totometla, Tlaloc and quincunx sign from, 101 Von Winning, Hasso, 82, 86, 103
Tovar calendar, 206
Townsend, Richard, 186
Tozzer, Alfred, 18 Wari/Middle Horizon khipus, 321, 321322, 322, 325, 350
tribute khipus, 344, 345 Warrior theme in Moche ceramic imagery, 234238, 235,
Codex Tudela, 202, 206 236, 237, 240
tukapu. See tocapu White Patio mural at Atetelco, 96
Tula: lack of study of, 77; Teotihuacan writing and, 82, 87
Whittaker, Gordon, 385386
Codex Tulane, 170n22
Wichmann, Sren, 30
tunics, male. See uncus
women and writing: Chuquibamba textiles for women,
Tupicocha khipus, 354, 354355, 374
252253 (See also Chuquibamba textile notation
systems); ethnoiconology of representations of
women, 150, 151; Maya glyphs, female literacy in, 23
U-shaped element serving as toponymic sign for
writing systems in Pre-Columbian America, ixx,
Teotihuacan and Xochicalco, 96, 97
17; comparative dialogue, importance of,
Uaxactun Stela, 27
36, 18; as cultural category, 379390 (See also
Ulloa Mogolln, Juan de, 272
cultural category, writing systems as); as cultural
Umberger, Emily, 186, 187, 188
code, 111148 (See also cultural code, written
uncus (male tunics), 252253; Peabody Museum
Chuquibamba uncu with solar calendar, 252, 253, surface as); cultural superiority associated with
257258, 258, 266, 268, 269; with tocapu designs, 281, possession of writing system, 306n3; Dumbarton
282, 284287, 290, 291, 293294, 295, 300, 301305, 302, Oaks conferences on, ixx, 13; elaboration and
303, 304; urpus painted as if wearing, 290, 293 abbreviation of literary themes in, 149174 (See
Urcid, Javier, 2, 111, 382, 386, 395 also elaboration and abbreviation); hybrid graphic
urpus painted as if wearing uncus with tocapu designs, systems, 197225 (See also hybridity of graphic
290, 293 systems after Spanish conquest); Inka lack of, 281
Urton, Gary, ix, x, 1, 2, 319, 320, 323, 324, 334, 338, 339, 345, 283, 308n9 (See also Chuquibamba textile notation
380, 395 systems; Cuzco; khipu; tocapu); oral versus written
USSR. See Knorosov, Yuri Valentinovich, decipherment transmission, 45; orthography of, 6; true writing,
of Maya glyphs by status as, ix, 2; use of writing as term, problem of,
Uxmal, Yukatekan terms in script at, 27 379380, 387388. See also specific systems, e.g.,
Uxul stelae, size of glyphs on, 24, 25 Maya glyphs

variations in Maya glyphs over space and time, 2142; xiuhamatl, 177
in absolute size and relative proportion, 2426, Xiuhtecuhtli, 103, 187
25; consonant sensitivity, development of, 32, 33; Xochicalco Glyph A on Teotihuacan-style vessels and
diversity, accounting for, 3034; heterography monuments, 82, 8284
(variation at any one time), 34; Middle and Late Xochicalco script: animated signs in, 59, 5960;
Classic-period glyphs, 3234; morphosyllables, inventory of inscriptions compared to
2830, 29; number of glyphs in use at any one Cotzumalhuapa, 49; lack of study of, 77; Temple
time and place, 3031; phonic and linguistic of the Feathered Serpent, 59; Teotihuacan writing

40 8 i n de x
and, 48, 66, 78, 82, 87, 93, 94, 101; Tlaloc head with Zapotec writing: alabaster carved vessels, 134; and
quincunx in mouth, 101 Cuilapan cloister stone, 117, 118; defined and
Xolochiuhyan place name, Codex Mendoza, 85 described, 112, 112113; genealogical records,
Xoxocotlan, Tomb A, lintel, 140, 142 inscriptions of, 125, 126128; human skin as writing
surface for, 139; length of use of, 21; migration
theme and, 162, 165166; mortuary contexts of many
Yagul, Tomb 28, Terrace C, 125, 126127 inscriptions, 125130; places of origin and, 158160;
Yaxchilan, absolute size and relative proportion of Maya scribal error in, 140143, 141, 142; symmetry as
glyphs at, 24, 25 characteristic of, 100; Teotihuacan writing and, 48,
Yaxha stela, 24, 25 7778, 83, 90, 9093, 91, 92, 100, 104; Xochicalco
Yaxitzadao, 166 Glyph A probably originating in, 83
year counts: in Mexica codices, 178181; on Mexica stone Zender, Marc, 34, 385
monuments, 186 Zhdanov, Andrei, 1011
Yogana: alabaster vessel attributed to, 134139, 136; effigy Zimatlan: human carved parietal bone attributed to, 134,
vessel from, 125130, 129 136; stone cylindrical basin attributed to, 134, 135
Yucatan, number of Maya glyphs in use in, 30 zoomorphic vehicles, Teotihuacan figures riding, 92, 93
Yukatekan terms in script at Uxmal and Chichen Itza, 27 Codex Zouche-Nuttall (Codex Tonindeye), 115, 152, 158,
167, 169n8
Zuidema, R. Tom, 251, 286, 345, 386, 395
Zacuala Palace mural, Teotihuacan, 93 Zumrraga, Juan de, 212213, 214

index 409
dumbar ton oak s pre- columbia n
s y mp osia a nd col loquia
published by dumbarton oaks research library
and collection, washington, d.c.

The Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian Symposia and the exchange of ideas on the art and
and Colloquia series volumes are based on papers archaeology of the ancient Americas.
presented at scholarly meetings sponsored by the
Pre-Columbian Studies program at Dumbarton Further information on Dumbarton Oaks
Oaks. Inaugurated in 1967, these meetings provide Pre-Columbian series and publications can
a forum for the presentation of advanced research be found at

Dumbarton Oaks Conference on the Olmec, Falsifications and Misreconstructions of

edited by Elizabeth P. Benson, 1968 Pre-Columbian Art, edited by Elizabeth Hill
Boone, 1982
Dumbarton Oaks Conference on Chavn, edited
by Elizabeth P. Benson, 1971 Highland-Lowland Interaction in Mesoamerica:
Interdisciplinary Approaches, edited by Arthur G.
The Cult of the Feline, edited by Elizabeth P. Miller, 1983
Benson, 1972
Ritual Human Sacrifice in Mesoamerica, edited by
Mesoamerican Writing Systems, edited by Elizabeth Hill Boone, 1984
Elizabeth P. Benson, 1973
Painted Architecture and Polychrome Monumental
Death and the Afterlife in Pre-Columbian America, Sculpture in Mesoamerica, edited by Elizabeth Hill
edited by Elizabeth P. Benson, 1975 Boone, 1985
The Sea in the Pre-Columbian World, edited by Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Andes, edited
Elizabeth P. Benson, 1977 by Christopher B. Donnan, 1985
The Junius B. Bird Pre-Columbian Textile The Aztec Templo Mayor, edited by Elizabeth Hill
Conference, edited by Ann Pollard Rowe, Boone, 1986
Elizabeth P. Benson, and Anne-Louise
Schaffer, 1979 The Southeast Classic Maya Zone, edited by
Elizabeth Hill Boone and Gordon R. Willey, 1988
Pre-Columbian Metallurgy of South America,
edited by Elizabeth P. Benson, 1979 The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in
Chimor, edited by Michael E. Moseley and Alana
Mesoamerican Sites and World-Views, edited Cordy-Collins, 1990
by Elizabeth P. Benson, 1981
Wealth and Hierarchy in the Intermediate Area,
The Art and Iconography of Late Post-Classic Central edited by Frederick W. Lange, 1992
Mexico, edited by Elizabeth Hill Boone, 1982

4 11
Art, Ideology, and the City of Teotihuacan, edited Twin Tollans: Chichn Itz, Tula, and the
by Janet Catherine Berlo, 1992 Epiclassic to Early Postclassic Mesoamerican
World, edited by Jeff Karl Kowalski and Cynthia
Latin American Horizons, edited by Don Stephen Kristan-Graham, 2007
Rice, 1993
Variations in the Expression of Inka Power, edited
Lowland Maya Civilization in the Eighth Century by Richard L. Burger, Craig Morris, and Ramiro
AD, edited by Jeremy A. Sabloff and John S. Matos Mendieta, 2007
Henderson, 1993
El Nio, Catastrophism, and Culture Change in
Collecting the Pre-Columbian Past, edited by Ancient America, edited by Daniel H. Sandweiss
Elizabeth Hill Boone, 1993 and Jeffrey Quilter, 2008
Tombs for the Living: Andean Mortuary Practices, Classic Period Cultural Currents in Southern and
edited by Tom D. Dillehay, 1995 Central Veracruz, edited by Philip J. Arnold III
and Christopher A. Pool, 2008
Native Traditions in the Postconquest World,
edited by Elizabeth Hill Boone and Tom The Art of Urbanism: How Mesoamerican
Cummins, 1998 Kingdoms Represented Themselves in Architecture
and Imagery, edited by William L. Fash and
Function and Meaning in Classic Maya
Leonardo Lpez Lujn, 2009
Architecture, edited by Stephen D. Houston, 1998
New Perspectives on Moche Political Organization,
Social Patterns in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica, edited
edited by Jeffrey Quilter and Luis Jaime Castillo B.,
by David C. Grove and Rosemary A. Joyce, 1999
Gender in Pre-Hispanic America, edited by
Astronomers, Scribes, and Priests: Intellectual
Cecelia F. Klein, 2001
Interchange between the Northern Maya Lowlands
Archaeology of Formative Ecuador, edited by and Highland Mexico in the Late Postclassic
J. Scott Raymond and Richard L. Burger, 2003 Period, edited by Gabrielle Vail and Christine
Hernndez, 2010
Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama,
and Colombia, edited by Jeffrey Quilter and John The Place of Stone Monuments: Context, Use, and
W. Hoopes, 2003 Meaning in Mesoamericas Preclassic Transition,
edited by Julia Guernsey, John E. Clark, and
Palaces of the Ancient New World, edited by Susan Barbara Arroyo, 2010
Toby Evans and Joanne Pillsbury, 2004
Their Way of Writing: Scripts, Signs, and
A Pre-Columbian World, edited by Jeffrey Quilter Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America, edited
and Mary Ellen Miller, 2006 by Elizabeth Hill Boone and Gary Urton, 2011


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