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[All right: reserved]


THE present Volume contains the history of the reigns
of Shah-Jahén, Aurangzeb, Bahadur Shah, Jahandér
Shah, and Farrukh-Siyar, of the little brief authority
of Rafi’u-d Daula and Rafi’u-d Darajat, and of the
early years of the reign of Muhammad Shah.
Several works hitherto unknown to the European
reader are here brought to notice. The history of the
reign of Shah Jahén is derived from the Bddsluilz-mima
of ’Abdu-l Hamid and from other Brids/za'k-ndmas and
Shéh—Ja/uin-mimas. The special works relating to the
reign of Anrangzeb have been examined and the most
interesting passages translated; but the history of his
long rule, and of the subsequent times which appear
in this Volume, has been derived from the great work
of Khafi' Khan, a contemporary history of high and
well-deserved repute. This important history is well
known at second-hand. All European historians of the
period which it covers have been greatly indebted,
directly or indirectly, to its pages. Elphinstone and
Grant Dufi‘ used it, and they refer to a MS. trans
lation by “Major Gordon, of the Madras Army.”
It is not known what has become of this MS. trans

lation, for the inquiries made after it have met with
no success. Not a line of translation had been pro
. vided by Sir H. M. Elliot; so this heavy labour has
fallen upon the Editor, who has provided the 330
pages of print which the work occupies, as well as the
long translation from the BcZds/zri/z-mima. ‘
Ample and very diversified matter remains for the
concluding volume.
The following is a list of the articles in this volume,
with the names of their respective writers :-—
LXL—Padshah-nama of Muhammad Kazwini—Editor.
LXlL—Badshah-nama of ’Abdu-l Hamid—Editor.
LXIII.—Shah Jahén-nama of ’Inayat Khan—Major Fuller.
LXIV.-—Badshéh-nama of Muhammad Wéris—Editor.
LXV.—’Amal-i Salih—Editor.
LXVL—Shah Jahén-nama of Muhammad Sédik—Editor.
LXVII.--Maj alisu-s Salatin—Sir H. M. Elliot and. munshis.
LXVIIL—Tarikh-i Mufazzali ' ,, ,,
LXIX.-—Mir-é.t-i ’Alam ,, ,,
LXX.—-Zinatu-t Tawarikh—Sir H. M. Elliot.
LXXI.-—Lubbu-t Tawarikh-i Hind ,, ,,
LXXII.——’Alamgir-nama——Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXIII.—Ma-asir-i ’Klamgiri—Sir H. M. Elliot and “Lt. Perkins.”
LXXIV.—Futuhat~i ’A'Iamgiri—Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXV.-—Tarikh~i Mulk-i A'sham ,, ,, .
LXXVI.—Wakai’ of Ni’amat Khan ,, ,,
LXXVII.—Jang-nama of Ni’amat Khan ,, ,,
LXXVIII.——Ruka’at-i ’A'lamgiri—Sir H. M. Elliot. '
LXXIX.—Muntakhabu-l Lubab of Khafi Khan—Article by Sir H.
M. Elliot—all the translation by the Editor.
LXXX.—Tzirikh of Iradat Khan—Captain Jonathan Scott.
LXXXL—Tarikh-i Bahédur Shah—“Lieutenant Anderson.”
LXXXlL— -Tarikh-i Shah ’Alam Bahadur Shah—Editor.
LXL—Pa'dskdh-ndma, of Muhammad Amin Kazwini - - 1
LXII.—Bddehdh-na'ma, of ’Abdu-l Hamid Léhon' - - - 3
LXIII.——SMh Jaha'n-ndma, of ’Inayat Khan - - - - - 73
LXIV.-—Ba'dal|dh-na'ma, of Muhammad Wairis - - - - 121
LXV.—’Amal-i Sa'h'h, of Muhammad Sz'ilih Kambi'i - - 123
LXVI.-—Shéh Jahdn-néma, of Muhammad Sédik Khan - - 133
LXVII.—Jl[qjdlisu-s'Saldtin, of Muhammad Sharlf Hanafi - 134
LXVHL—Ta'rtlch-i Mufassalt, of Mufazzal Khan - - - - 141
. .
LXIX.—Mr-dt4 , Alum, l of Bakhtawar Khan
. . - - 145
MT-tit-t Jakén-numa', l
LXX.—Zinatu-t Tawa'rtlch, of ’Azizu-llah - - - - - - 166
LXXL—Lubbu-t Tawa'rilch-z‘ .Hz'nd, of 1m; Bharé Mal - - 168
LXXII.—’Jlamgtr-na'ma, of Muhammad Kézim - L - - 174
LXXIII.—Ma-a'sir-i ’A'lamgiri, of Muhammad Sziki Musta’idd
LXXIVv—Futuhét-z' ’A'lamgiri, of Muhammad Ma’si'lm - - 198
LXXV.——-Tdrikh-i Mulk-i A'ahzim, of Shahébu-d din Télésh - 199
LXXVL—Wakdi’, of Ni’amat Khan - - - - - - - - 200
LXXVIL—Jcmg-néma, of Ni’amat Khan - - - - - ~ - 202
LXXVIII.—Ruka’a't-i ’A'lamgiri, of the Emperor Aurangzeb - 203
LXXIX.—-Muntalchabu-l Luba'b, of Khafi Khan - - - - - 207
LXXX.—Ta’rtkh, of Iradat Khan - - - - - - - - - 534
LXXXL—Ta'Hkh-z' Baha'dur Ska'hi - - - - - - - - - 565
LXXXIL—Tdrikh-z‘ Sha'h ’A'lam Baha'dur Shdht - - - - - 568
LXXXIII.—’Ibrat-na'ma, of Muhammad Késim - - - - - 569
Page 31, for “ 1241 A.H." read “ 1041 LR."
,, 32,for “1240 11.11.” read “ 1040 an.”
. ,, 33,for “ 1241 Lu.” read “ 1041 AJ-l.”
,, 463,f0r “ Muhakkim Singh,” read “ Mohkam Sing .”




[THE author of this work in his preface gives it the title of
Pa'dshzih-na'ma, but, like several other histories of the reign of
Shah Jahan, it is often called Shdlt-Jalzdn-na'ma, and sometimes
more specifically Ta'rikh-i Sha'h-Jaka'né Dak-sa'la. The full name
of the author is Muhammad Amin bin Abi'i-l Hasan Kazwini,
but he is familiarly known as Aminéi Kazwini, Aminéi Munshi,
or Mirzé. Amina. He was the first who received orders to write
a history of the reign of Shah Jahan. The orders were given,
as he tells us, in the eighth year of Shah Jaltén, and he com
pleted this work, comprising the history of the first ten years
of the reign, and dedicated it to Shah Jahan in the twentieth
year of that Emperor’s reign.
The author in his preface says that he has divided his work
into an Introduction, containing on account of the Emperor’s life
from his birth to his accession; a Discourse (makdla), comprising
the history of the first ten years of his reign ; and an Appendix,
containing notices of -holy and learned men, physicians and
poets. He also mentions his intention of writing a second
volume, bringing down the history to the twentieth year of
Shah Jahan’s reign. But he does not appear to have carried

out his design, having probably been prevented by his appoint
ment to a busy office, for Muhammad Sélih, in a short biography
of the author, says that he was transferred to the Intelligence
This history of Aminai Kazwini has been the model upon
which most of the histories of Shah Jahan have been formed.
’Abdu-l Hamid, the author of the Bddskdh-ndma, follows its
arrangement, and although he makes no acknowledgment of the
fact, his work comprises the same matter, and differs from it only
in style.
Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is a small folio of 297 pages of
twenty-one lines each. It is fairly written, but all the rubrics
are omitted. There is a copy in the Library of the Royal
Asiatic Society, and three copies in the British Museum] 1

1 [This article has been taken almost exclusively from Mr. Morley's Catalogue of
the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.] '
- >Z-1mz: bY‘JrJ-I -.-- - . .




[THIS is a history of the first twenty years of the reign of
Shah Jahan, composed by ’Abdu-l Hamid Lahori. Little is
known of the author, but Muhammad salih, in his ’Amal-i Sdh'h
(No. LXIV.), informs us that ’Abdu-l Hamid was celebrated for
the beauty of his style, and that he died in 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.).
’Abdu-l Hamid himself says in his preface, that the Emperor
desired to find an author who could write the memoirs of his
reign in the style of Abi'i-l Fazl’s Akbar-mima; and that he,
’Abdu-l Hamid, had studied and greatly admired Abi'i-l Fazl’s
style. He was recommended to the Emperor for the work, and
was called from Patna, where he was living in retirement, to
undertake the composition. His patron was the excellent
minister ’Allaini Sa’du-lla Khan.
The contents of the work are: A Preface, in which the author
dedicates his work to Shah Jahan. A description of the
Emperor’s horoscope. A concise account of his ancestors, com
mencing with Timur. A brief review of the proceedings of
Shah Jahan before his accession to the throne. A detailed
history of the first twenty years of the reign divided into two
cycles of ten years each. The work comprises, also, an enumera
tion of the princes of the blood royal; of the nobles of the
Court, arranged according to their respective ranks, from those
commanding 9000 to those of 500 horse ; and an account of the

skaikks, learned men, physicians and poets who flourished during
the period embraced by the history. ‘
The Bddsha'k-ndma is the great authority for the reign of
Shah Jahan. Muhammad Salih, a younger and rival writer,
speaks of the author in the highest terms, and “ Khéfi Khan,
the author of the Muntakhabu-l Lubdb, has based his history of
the first twenty years of Shah Jahan’s reign almost entirely on
this work. The greatest objection to the work is the author’s
style, which is of that adulterated kind introduced into India
apparently by the brothers Abi'i-l Fazl and Faizi.”1 ’Abdu-l
Hamid was, as he himself states, a professed admirer and
imitator of Abi'i-l Fazl's style; and when he is dealing with a
subject demanding his eloquence, his style is as verbose, turgid
and fulsome as that of his master. Happily, however, he is not
always in a magniloquent vein, but narrates simple facts in
simple language, blurred only by occasional outbreaks of his
laboured rhetoric.
The work is most voluminous, and forms two bulky volumes of
the Bibliotheca Indica, containing 1662 pages. It enters into
most minute details of all the transactions in which the Emperor
was engaged, the pensions and dignities conferred uponv the
various members of the royal family, the titles granted to the
nobles, their changes of office, the augmentations of their mansabs,
and it gives lists of all the various presents given and received on
public occasions, such as the vernal equinox, the royal birthday,
the royal accession, etc. Thus the work contains a great amount
of matter of no interest to any one but the nobles and courtiers
of the time. But it would not be fair to say that it is filled with
these trifies; there is far too much of them: but still there is a
solid substratum of historical matter, from which the history of
this reign has been drawn by later writers.
MSS. of the Bddshdh-ndma are common, and some fine copies
are extant. Mr. Morley describes one belonging to the Royal

1 [001. Lees, Jour. R.A. vol. N.S.]
7- w _. .. V , e -Wfw"1 an" '“Mk‘f-Q


Asiatic Society as “ a most excellent specimen of the Oriental
art of caligraphy,” and Col. Lees says : “ The copy of the second
part of the Ba'dska'h-na'ma which has been used for this edition
(Bibliotheca Indica) is the finest MS. I have ever seen. It is
written by Muhammad Sélih Kambfi, the author of the ’Amal-i
Sa'lz'h, and bears on the margin the autograph of the Emperor
Shah Jahén.” The following Extracts have all been selected and
translated by the Editor from the printed text.] 1


[Text, vol. i. p. 69.] The Emperor Jahangir2 died on the
28th Safar, A.H. 1037 (28th October, 1627), at the age of fifty
eight years and one month, solar reckoning. Prince Shahriyar,
from his want of capacity and intelligence, had got the nickname
of Nd-skudani, “ Good-for-nothing,” and was commonly known
by that appellation. He now cast aside all honour and shame,
and before Shah Jahan had started (from the Dakhin), he re
pudiated his allegiance, and went off in hot haste to Lahore to
advance his own interests. Ni'ir Mahal, who had been the cause
of much strife and contention, now clung to the vain idea of
retaining the reins of government in her grasp, as she had
held them during the reign of the late Emperor. She wrote
to Na-shudani, advising him to collect as many men as he could,
and hasten to her.
Yaminu-d daula Ksaf Khan and Iradat Khan, who always
acted together, determined that, as Shah Jahén was far away
from A'gra, it was necessary to take some steps to prevent
disturbances in the city, and to get possession of the princes
Muhammad Dara Shukoh, Muhammad Shah Shuja’, and
Muhammad Aurangzeb, who were in the female apartments with
Ni'ir Mahal. They therefore resolved that for some few days
‘ [This article has been compiled by the Editor from ’Abdu-l Hamfd’s preface, Sir
H. M. Elliot’s notes, Mr. Morley’s notice in the Catalogue of the Royal Asiatic
Society, and Col. Lees’ article in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol.
1 His title after death was “ Jannat-makdni.”

they would raise to the throne Bulaki, the son of Khusrn, who,
by Ni'ir Mahal’s contrivance, had been placed with Na-shudani,
but who had been put under the charge of Iradat Khan by
Jahangir when Na-shudani returned to Lahore from Kashmir.
* * So they placed Bulaki on horseback, and, with a party
of men in whom they had full confidence, they commenced their
march, taking care to keep one day ahead of Niir Mahal. "‘ *
As the young princes were not safe with Ni'ir Mahal, they
removed her from the royal palace, and took the young princes
under their own charge ; but when Bulaki had been raised to the
throne, they were placed in charge of Sidik Khan.

Accession of Sha'k Jaha'n.
[Text, vol. i. p. 82.] Shah Jahan ascended the throne at
A'gra on the 18th Jumada-s sani, 1037 A.H. (6th Feb. 1628),
with the title of Abi'l-l Muzafi'ar Shahabu-d din Muhammad
Séhib Kiran-i sani.

Rebellion of Jajhdr Singh.
[Text, vol. i. p. 238.] Jajhar Singh was son of Rajé. Nar
Singh Deo Bundela, who rose into notice by killing Shaikh Abi'i-l
Fazl, the celebrated author of the Akbar-mime, when Jahéngir
was heir apparent. * In obedience to orders from the Emperor
Akbar, the Shaikh was hastening to Court from the Dakhin
with a small escort. Jahangir was jealous of the Shaikh’s de
votion to his father, and was apprehensive that his arrival would
interfere with his own plans. * * So he incited Nar Singh
Deo to kill him as he passed through his territory. This evil
minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force of horse and
foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shaikh. The followers of the
Shaikh'advised him to fly and escape, but he refused, and fell in
the year 1011 A.H. (1602 A.D.). After the accession of Jahangir
to the throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction
through this wicked deed. But his evil nature was unable to

bear his prosperity, and towards the end of the reign of Jahéngir
he became disafl'ected, and oppressed all the zaminda'rs in his
neighbourhood. " " He died three or four months before
Jahangir, and was succeeded by his son Jajhar Singh. The
wealth and property which Nar Singh Deo had amassed without
labour and without trouble unsettled the mind of his worthless
successor Jajhar, and at the accession of Shah Jahén, “ " he
left the capital Aigra, and proceeded to U'ndcha, his stronghold,
where he set about raising forces, strengthening the forts, pro
viding munitions of war and closing the roads. A force was
accordingly sent against him, under the command of Mahabat
Khan Khan—khanan. [The Imperial forces converged upon
U'ndcha, and] Jajhar Singh, having no hope of escape, waited
upon Khén-khanfm and made his submission. Just at this
time intelligence arrived that ’Abdu-lla Khan had taken the
fortress of I'rich,l which had been in the possession of Jajhar

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1038 A.H. (20TH Dncnmnan,
1628 an).
[Text, vol. i. p. 272.] The anniversary of the accession was
on the 1st of Jumada-s sani. After the death of Jahangir, and
before the accession of Shah Jahan, Khéli-Jahan Lodi entered
upon a dangerous and disloyal course. "' " He formed an alliance
with Nizamu-l Mulk, and gave up to him the Balagliat in the
Dakhin,2 the revenue of which amounted to fifty-five krors of ddms.‘
But Sipahdar Khan, who held Ahmadnagar, bravely and loyally
refused to surrender that city. Khan-Jahan summoned to his
presence all the Imperial servants who were in those parts. He
left a small force at Burlrénpiir under the command of Sikandar
Dotani, who was related to him, while he himself marched with a
large force to Manda, with the intention of taking possession of
1 65 miles S.E. of Gwalior.
2 Khafi Khim says the temptation was six lacs of pagodaa.—-Muntakhabu-Z Luba'b,
p. 411; but see ante Vol. V1. p. 433.

Malwa, which province was then under the government of Mir
‘Abdu-r Razzz'ik, who had received the title of Muzafl'ar Khan.
Shah Jahan proceeded from Ahmadabéd by way of Ajmir to
A'gra, and there ascended the throne. * * The news of this
event awakened Khan-Jahan and brought him to a sense of his
folly and wickedness. Raja Gaj Singh, Raja J6i Singh, and
other distinguished Rajpi'its who had accompanied him to
Maiidi'i, parted from him when they heard of Shah Jahan
having arrived at Ajmir. Thereupon Khan-Jahan wrote a
letter of contrition and obedience, in the hope of obtaining
A royal farmoin was sent in answer, informing him that he was
confirmed in the governorship of the Dakhin, and directing him
to return at once to Burhanpi'ir. He then retired from Malwa
to Burhanpi'ir, and engaged in the duties of his oflice. But when
it was reported to the Emperor that the country of Balaghat,
which Khan-Jahan had given to Nizému-l Mulk, still remained
in his possession, and had not been recovered, the Emperor
appointed Mahabat Khan to the governorship of the Dakhin.
Khan-Jahan then returned to Court. The Emperor paid little
heed to the reports and observations about his improper conduct,
and for eight months passed no rebuke upon him. He still
continued moody and discontented, and ready to listen to the
incitements and suggestions of mischievous men. * ‘ One night
Lashkari, son of Mukhlis Khan, in a malicious, mischief-making
‘spirit, told the son of Khan-Jahan that he and his father were
to be made prisoners on the following day or the next. *‘ “‘
The son told his father, whose apprehensions were instantly
aroused by this malicious report, and he kept close to his quarters
with two thousand Afghan followers. His Majesty asked
Yaminu-d daula Ksaf Khan the reason why Khan-Jahan did
not attend the darba'r, and after inquiry had been made,~ it was
ascertained that he had fears and suspicions, and he begged for
a letter under the Emperor’s signature, forgiving him all his
ofi'ences, and relieving him from all his fears. " * The

Emperor graciously acceded to his request, and sent him a kind
letter under his own hand. He then came to Court and paid his
respects. But Fortune was aggrieved with him, and so his per
verse temper prevented him from appreciating the Emperor’s
On the night of Safar 26, the men of Yaminu-d daula brought
in the intelligence that Khan-Jahan meditated flight, and he
sent to inform the Emperor. * " After the first watch of the
night, Khan-Jahan, with his nephew Bahédur and other relations
and adherents, began his flight. As soon as the Emperor was
informed of it, he sent Khwéja Abi'l-l Hasan and * "‘ in
pursuit of the fugitive. Unmindful of the smallness of their
own force and the numbers of the Afghans, they followed them
and overtook them in the vicinity of Dholpl'ir.l The fugitives
saw their road of escape was closed; for the waters of the
Chambal were before them and the fire of the avenging sword
behind. So they posted themselves in the rugged and diflicult
ground on the bank of the river, and, fearing to perish in the
waters, they resolved upon battle. * *‘ [After many were
killed and wounded], KhanJahan, with his two sons and several
followers, resolved to hazard the passage of the Chambal, although
the water was running high. He and his followers, wounded
and unwounded, in great peril and with great exertion, succeeded
in crossing over, thus escaping from the fire of battle and the
waters of the stream. Many horses and much baggage fell into
the hands of the royal forces. "‘ “ A. party gathered to follow
up the fugitives, but on reaching the bank of the river, it was
found that it could not be crossed without boats, and an endea
vour was made to collect some. Khwaja Abi'i-l Hasan came up
when one pahar of the day remained, and after consultation it
was resolved to stay there for the night, and rest the horses, which
had made a long and fatiguing march. Boats were collected, and
the whole force passed over before noon next day, and recommenced

1 Dholpfir is about thirty-five miles from Agra near the left bank of the Chambal.

the chase. But the fugitives pressed forward with all haste, and
threw themselves into the jungles of Jajhar Singh Bundela.
When the traitor (Khan-Jahan) entered the territory of
Jajhar Singh Bundela, that chieftain was absent in the Dakhin ;
but his eldest son Bikramajit was at home, and sent the rebel
out of the territory by unfrequented roads. If Birkramajit had
not thus favoured his escape, he would have been either taken
prisoner or killed. He proceeded to Gondwéua, and after staying
there some time in disappointment and obscurity, he proceeded
by way of Birar to the country of Burhan Nizamu-l Mulk.

THIRD YEAR or run REIGN, 1039 A.H. (1629 A.D.).

[Text, vol. i. p. 300.] On the 21st Ramazan Khwaja Abu-l
Hasan and * * “‘ altogether about 8000 horse, were sent to eifect
the conquest of Nasik and Trimbakl and Sangamnir. It was
settled that the Khwaja was to stay at some suitable position near
the fort of Alang 2 during the rainy season until he was joined by
Sher Khan from the province of Gujarét with his provincial levies.
After the end of the rains he was to march by way of Baglana, and,
taking with him some of the zamina'drs of the country, make his
way to Nasik. The Khwaja marched from Burhanpiir, and in
eight days reached the village of Dholiya,3 near the fort of Alang,
and there halted until the rains should cease. * *‘ Sher Khan,
Slibadar of Gujarat, joined with 26,000 men, and the Khwaja
sent him to attack the fort of Batora, in the vicinity of
Chéndor, near Nasik and Trimbak. Sher Khan ravaged the
country, and returned with great spoil.

Murder of Jddii Rdi.
[Text, vol. i. p. 308.] Jadfi Rai, with his sons, grandsons,

1 This name is here written , but afterwards The real name
is Tirambak 0r Trimbak. It is a. little west of Nasik.
2 The text here has “ Lalang,” but afterwards “ Alang."
’ About half way between Burhfmpfir and Nasik.

and other relations, held altogether from the Imperial Government
mansabs amounting to 24,000 (personal), and 15,000 horse. He
also had sundry jdgirs in the Dakhin as tankkwdh, so that he lived
in wealth and comfort. But he was fickle and unfaithful, and went
with his sons and relations to join the Nizam. But the Nizam
well knew his perfidy, and resolved to put him in confinement.
For this purpose the Nizam arranged with some of his servants to
seize Jadd Rai, and he summoned him to his presence. Accord
ingly Jadd attended the Court with his family. The armed men
who were in concealment suddenly attacked them, and killed him,
his two sons Ujla and Raghu, and his grandson Baswant. His
brother Jagdeo Rai, with Bahadur-ji his son, his wife and the
others who escaped, fled from Daulatébad to Sindghar, near
Jalnapfir,l in their native country.

Campaign against Nizdm Shrih and Kliain-Jaba'n.

[Text, vol. i. p. 316.] 7th Rabi’u-l awwal. When the rains
were over, ’A'zam Khan and the great nobles who were with him
left Dewalgainw,2 where they had rested during the rainy season,
and marched against the rebel Afghans. * "
At the conclusion of the rains, Khwaja Abu-l Hasan also,
according to orders, marched from the vicinity of the fort of
Alang by way of Baglana towards Nésik and Trimbak. When
he reached Baglana, the zaminddr of that country, by name
Bahar-ji, met him with four hundred horse. "‘ “ The Khwaja
entered the enemy’s country by way of the ghat of Jarahi. He
found that the revenue officers and raiyats had left their villages,
and had retired into the jungles and hills. So the country was
desolate, corn was dear, and the soldiers of the royal army were in
want of necessaries. The Khwaja then sent detached forces into
the hills, and also into the inhabited country, and they returned
from each raid with abundance of corn and other necessaries,
having killed or taken prisoners many of the enemy. The
1 Or Jalna, east of Aurangabad. = About 60 miles S. of Burhanpfir.

Be-Nizé.m1 now appointed Mahaldar Khan with a party of horse
and foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also
directed to attack the parties sent out to gather fuel and fodder,
and to carry off their camels and bullocks whenever he could
get a chance. Shah-nawaz Khan was sent against 'these as
sailants, and he, making a forced march of twenty kos, attacked
them and put them to flight, and returned with great plunder.
The Khwaja next sent Khén-zamén to attack the enemy‘s camp
at Sangamnir. This force made forced marches, and reached the
camp of the enemy, who dispersed and fled to the fort of
Chandor. “ *‘
At the close of the rains, the royal army left its quarters in
Dewalganw, and marched forth against the Nizam-Shéhis and
the Afghans. On hearing of this, Mukarrab Khan and the
other rebels left Jalnapiir, where they had passed the rainy
season, and retreated towards Paithri.2 ’Azam Khan, being
informed of their retreat, followed them march by march. When
he reached the village of Rambhi'iri, on the Ban-ganga river, he
learnt that the Nizam-Shahis had ascended the Balaghat at
Dharur,3 and had taken refuge in the fort of that place, while
Khén-Jahan had not yet left his quarters at Bir.a Khan-Jahan,
having been informed of the movements of the Imperial army,
called in a detachment which he had sent to collect the revenues in
the dependencies of Bir, and awaited the arrival of reinforcements
from Mukarrab Khan, who was at Dhari'ir. ’Azam Khan conceived
the design of attacking the forces of the rebel Khan before the
reinforcements could reach him ; so he marched from Rambhr'rri to
Mahganw. Here he received a message from Saf-shikan Khan
Razwi, commandant of the fort of Bir, informing him that Khan
Jahau was at Rajauri, twenty-four kos from Machhli-ganw,
employed in dividing the spoil which his predatory followers had
obtained by plundering the merchants at Kehi'm and Kiorai.
1 “No ruler.” This is the nickname which the author invariably uses in referring
to Nizam Shah.
2 Between the Puma and Godavari rivers, about thirty miles from their junction.
3 Bit and Dhariir both lie on the road east of Ahmadnagar.

Several detachments which had been sent out to make collections
had rejoined him, and as he had heard of the arrival of the
Imperial army at Pathri, he had made up his mind to move off
as soon as it came nearer to Bir.
’Azam Khan left a detachment in charge of his camp at
Machhli-ganw to follow him quietly while he marched off after
night-fall to attack the rebels. Four gharis of night remained
when he reached Pipalnir, six kos from Bir, when he directed
Saf-shikan Khan to make a demonstration with his force on
Khan-Jahan’s flank, so that he might think this small force to
be the whole of the royal army, and refrain from moving away.
Saf-shikan Khan accordingly drew out his force upon a ridge
about a kos in front of the rebel army, which had taken post at
the foot. of the hills about four Icos from Bir. ’Aziz, son of Khén
Jahan, advanced to attack Saf-shikan with a body of his father’s
troops, and at this juncture ’Azam Khan came up with the main
body of the royal army, and ’Aziz was compelled to fall back in
disorder to his father, whom he informed that the force which
had first shown itself was Saf-shikan Khan’s division, and that the
whole of the royal army was coming up with all possible haste.
Khan-Jahan, when he found that his retreat was cut oil",
determined to fight it out. “ * But the royal troops forced
their way to the top of the hill. Khan-Jahan sent away the
elephant litter with his women to Sii'i-ganw,1 and then rallied
his troops for a struggle. He 'sent his nephew Bahadur, in
whose courage and daring he had great confidence, against -
Bahadur Khan and some others of the royal army, who, being
few in number, were very hard pressed. They dismounted, and,
resolving to sell their lives dearly, they kept up a desperate
struggle, and slew many of the enemy. Bahadur Khan received
two wounds from arrows, one in his face, the other in his side,
and several of his comrades were slain? Narhar Das also and
1 About 40 miles N.E. of Ahmadnagar.
2 Or as the author grandiloquently expresses it : “The field of battle having been
made dark as night by the clouds of dust, his companions cast themselves like moths
upon the flames of the fire-flashing swords.”
14 ’ABDU-L HAMID Lsnonr.

many Rajpl'its fell. Sipahdar Khan and others, who had mounted
the hill on the right, seeing the state of the battle, took shelter
behind a stone wall, and kept up a discharge of arrows. Rajé.
Bihar Singh Bundela now came up from the right wing to support
Bahadur Khan. He joined valiantly in the struggle, and many
of his men were killed. Raja J6i Singh and other rajas who were
on another part of the hill, also joined in the fight. ’Azam
Khan next came up in haste, and ordered a part of the left wing
to advance. At this time, when many of the Imperial officers
had fallen, and the- result seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven
fell upon the royal. forces. The ill-starred Bahédur, observing
the successive arrivals of reinforcements for his adversaries, lost
heart, and turned to flee with his Afghans. His father also
fled. As the discomfited rebels hurried down the hill, they were
harassed by showers of arrows and bullets». A ball struck
Bahadur Khan, and he was unable to continue his flight. Paras
Ram, a servant of Raja Bihar Singh’s, came up and despatched
him with his dagger; then he cut off his head, and sent it with
his ring, horse and weapons, to Raja Bihar Singh, who forwarded
them to ’Azam Khan. The Khan gave the horse to the man
who had slain Bahadur, the ring he sent to the Emperor, and
the head he caused to be set up as a warning over the gate of Bir.
The royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos, and put
many of them to the sword. But as the victors had been in the
saddle from the first watch in the evening of one day to the
third watch of the next day, and had marched more than thirty
kos, men and beasts were both worn out, and were unable to go
further. ’Azam Khan then called a halt, to allow of a little
rest, and to give stragglers time to come up.
Khan-Jahan and his followers, whose horses were fresh, took
advantage of this to improve their distance; but ’Azam Khan
sent Muhammad Dakhni and the forces that were in Bir to
maintain the pursuit, and he himself; after a brief interval,
followed with the main force. When Khan-Jahan learnt that
the victors were in full pursuit, he removed his ladies from the
BsnsHxH-MMA. 15

howda in which they had been carried by a female elephant,
and mounting them on horses rode away with them. Darwesh
Muhammad, with a party of pursuers, captured the elephant and
howda, and made a number of Afghans and their women prisoners.
Most of Khan-Jahan’s men who escaped were wounded, and in
their panic they were able to carry off nothing but the clothes they
were and the horses they rode. Khan-Jahén, with a few faith
ful followers, escaped into the hill-country. "' “‘ ’Azam Khan
halted at Bir, to give his army a little rest. * "‘ Khan-Jahan
then proceeded from Sifi-génw to Bizépfirl and Bhonsla, in the
Nizam-Shahi territory, with the design of going to Daulatabad.
On hearing of this movement, ’Azam Khan marched from Bir
towards Sifi-ganw with 20,000 horse. _
At this time, Séhi’i-ji Bhonsla, son-in-law of Jadd Rai, the
Hindu commander of Nizam Shah’s army, came in and joined
’Azam Khan. After the murder of Jadd Rai, which has been
mentioned above, Séhfi-ji broke off his connexion with Nizam
Shah, and, retiring to the districts of Firm and Chakna, he wrote
to ’Azam Khan, proposing to make his submission upon receiving
a promise of protection. ’Azam Khan wrote to Court, and received
orders to accept the proposal. Sélu’r-ji then came and joined
him with two thousand horse. He received a mansab of 5000,2
a khil’at, a gift of two lacs of rupees, and other presents.
His brother Mina-ji received a robe and a mansab of 3000
personal and 1500 horse. samaji son of Sz'ihi'i-ji, also re
ceived a robe and a mansab of 2000 personal and 1000 horse.
marks ofofdistinction.
their relations and dependents also obtained gifts and

Khén-Jahan and Darya Khan, when they heard of the
march of the Imperial forces towards Sii'i-génw, quitted Bizapfir
and Bhonsla, and went to the village of Lasi'ir, ten km from
Daulatabad. Nizam Shah also, on being informed of this advance,
withdrew from Nizamabad, which he had built outside of the fort

1 About 25 miles W. of Aurangabad.
2 “ 6000 personal and 5000 horse.”—Kha_’fl Khdn, p. 435.

of Daulatabad, and around which his adherents had built various
houses and edifices, and entered into the fort itself. Khan
Jahz'm and Darya Khan, no longer deeming it safe to remain at
Lasfir, went to Yr-Kahtala, half a kos from Daulatabad, and a
few days later Khan-Jahan removed his familyto Aubash-darra,
a place within cover of Daulatébad. Darya Khan, with a thou
sand Afghans, separated from Kha'm-Jahén, marched towards
Chandor, and the ghat of (Jhalis-ganw,l with the intention of
attacking Andol and Dharan-ganw. '
This movement being reported to the Emperor, * "‘ he appointed
’Abdu-lla Khan, whom he had summoned from the Balégliat, to
act against Darya Khan, and sent him off on the 10th Jumada-l
awwal. Darya Khan had ravaged Andol, Dharan-génw, and
sundry other places of the Payin-ghat of Chélis-ganw ; but on
hearing of the approach of ’Abdu-lla Khan, he turned back to
the Balagllat. Want of rain and the ravages of the Nizam
Shahis and Afghans, had made provisions very scarce about
Daulatabad; so ’Azam Khan did not deem it prudent to advance
in that direction, but thought it preferable to march against
Mukarrab Khan and Bahlol, who were at Dhari'ir and Amba
jogai, in which plan of operations he was confirmed by a letter
from Yaminu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So he marched
towards the gliét by way of Manik-di'idh. (After some fighting)
the royal forces ascended the ghat and took the village of DAman
génw, twenty kos from Ahmadnagar- Next day they marched
to Jamkhir,2 in the Nizam-Shahi territories. * * Leaving a force
there, he next day proceeded to Tilangi. The garrison of the
fort there had set it in order, and opened fire upon him. * * But
in the course of one watch he took it by assault, put many of the
defenders to the sword, took nearly five hundred prisoners, and
captured all the munitions of the fort.~ When the royal forces
reached the banks of the Wanjara,3 twelve has from the fort of

1 About 25 miles E. of Chandor, and the same N .W. of Aurangabad.
2 About 30 miles SE. of Aurangébad.
3 Called in the maps “Manjira.” '

Dhari'rr, they found that Mukarrab Khan and his confederates
had passed down the pass of Anjan-di'idh, and had gone to the
neighbourhood of Bir. ’Azam Khan then sent Séhi'i-ji Bhonsla
to take possession of the districts around Junir and Sangamnir,
whilst he himself, with the main force, went through the pass of
Ailam to the town of Bir, and proceeded from thence to Partlir,
on the bank of the river Dudna. The enemy then fled towards
Daulatabad. But ’Azam Khan learnt that scarcity of provisions
prevented them from remaining in that vicinity, and that they
had moved off towards the Bdléghat, by way of Dhérl'ir. He
then determined to intercept and attack them. But he found
that the enemy, having placed their elephants and beggage in the
fort of Dhéri'lr, had the design of descending the Payin-ghat.
So he went through the pass of Anjan-di'idh, and encamped three
has from Dhari'ir.

Capture of the Fort of Mansar-garh.

[Text, vol. i. p. 332.] ‘ In the course of the past year, Békir
Khan had proceeded to the pass of Kheré-para, two has from Chhatar
dawar. This is a very narrow pass, between the territories of
Kutbu-l Mulk and Orissa, and a small force of musketeers and
archers might hold it in security. He ravaged the country round,
but when the rains set in, he retired without making any attempt
upon the fort of Mansi'ir-garh, which a slave of Kutbu-l Mulk’s,
named Mansfir, had built about four has from Kheré-para.
After the rains, under the royal orders, he again marched to Khera
para. Sher Muhammad, and other officers of Kutbu-l Mulk,
had collected about 3000 horse and 10,000 foot, and having
strengthened the fort with guns, muskets, and other implements
of warfare, they made ready for battle. "‘ “‘ On the 8th Jumada-l
awwal, Bakir Khan arrived in the vicinity of Mansfir-garh, and
found the enemy drawn up in a plain north-east of the fort. “ *
The enemy were unable to withstand the assault of the 'royal
forces, but broke and fled. Flushed with victory, Bakir Khan

resolved to attack the fort. Notwithstanding a heavy fire of
cannons and muskets, he advanced to the base of the walls,
planted his scaling-ladders, and began to ascend. The garrison
being dismayed, took grass between their teeth, as is the manner
of that country, and begged for quarter. Bakir Khan allowed
them to march out in safety, and then placed a garrison of his
own in the fort.
Flight of Kkdn-Jahain.
[Text, vol. i. p. 334.] The territories of Nizamu-l Mulk, had
suffered severely from the inroads of the Imperial forces in pursuit
of Khan-Jahan, and mistrust and differences had arisen between
the Nizam and Khan-Jahan ; so the latter, in concert with Darya
Khan, his chief adherents, and his remaining sons, resolved to
retire to the Panjab, in order to seek the means of carrying on his
insurrection among the disafi'ected Afghéns of that country. So
he left Daulatabad and proceeded towards M alwa. The Emperor,
by his sagacity and foresight, had anticipated such a movement,
and had sent ’Abdu-alla Khan to Malwa, in order to chastise
Darya Khan. After Darya had returned to the BéIzighAt, ’Abdu
lla Khén was directed to wait at the Payin-ghat, and to hasten
after Darya Khan, wherever he might hear of him. Having got
intelligence of his movements, ’Abdu-lla Khan went after him,
and reported the facts to Court.
On the 24th Jumada-l awwal, the Emperor *‘ * appointed
Saiyid Muzafl'ar Khan to support ‘Abdu-lla Khan, * "‘ "‘ and on
the 25th Rabi'u-l awwal, he marched towards Malwa. He was
directed to proceed by way of Bijagarh, and to cross the
Nerbadda near Mandli. "‘ * If he found ’Abdu-lla Khan there,
he was directed to join him. He marched with all speed, and
crossed the Nerbadda at Akbarpi'ir. ’Abdu-lla Khan having
heard that Khan-Jahan had crossed at Dharampi'ir,l he crossed
the river at the same ford, and encamped at Lonihara. There he
ascertained that on the 28th Jumada-l awwal, Khan-Jahan had
1 S.w. of Mandii.

moved off. H0 then proceeded to Dipalpi'ir,l where he learnt that
the rebels were plundering the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and
he marched to Nlilahi2 in search of them.

FOURTH YEAR or THE Rmon, 1040 11.11. (1630 A.D.).
Flight of Khdn-Jaha'n.
[Text, vol. i. p. 338.] On the 4th, ’Abdu-lla Khén reached
Nlila'hi, and Saiyid Muzafl'ar Khan, having left Dipélpi'ir, reached
Mankod en the 5th, on his way to Mandisor, when he learnt that
the rebels had turned off to the right. On the 6th, he again
marched, and came to Tal-ganw, and on that day ’Abdn-lla
Khan. came up from the rear and joined him. There they
heard that the rebels were ten kos distant the day before, and
had moved off that very morning. So they hastened off in
pursuit. On the 10th they encamped at Khiljipi'ir, and ascer
tained that the rebels were moving towards Sironj. The
royal forces reached Sironj on the 14th, and found that the
rebels had come there two days previously. Khwaja Baba-e
Kftab got into the city just before their arrival, and joining
Khwaja ’Abdu-l Hadi, who was in the place, heat off the rebels,
who only succeeded in carrying ofi‘ fifty of the royal elephants.
Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan now found the roads closed on
all sides against them. Every day that came they looked upon
as their last, so in their despair they proceeded on the right from
Sironj, and entered the country of the Bundela, intending to push
on to Kalpi. Jajhar Singh Bundela had incurred the royal
censure because his son Bikramajit had allowed Khan-Jahan on
his flight from A'gra to pass through his territory and so reach
the Dakhin. Bikramajit, to atone for his fault, and to remove the
disgrace of his father, went in pursuit of the fugitives, and on
the 17th came up with the rear-guard under Darya Khan, and
attacked it with great vigour; That doomed one, under the
intoxication of temerity or of wine, disdained to fly, and in his
1 Between Mandu and Ujjain.
3 “Noulai” or “ Nowlye,” 60'miles.N. of Mandi.

turn attacked. A musket-ball pierced his brainless skull, and.
his son was also killed. The Bundelas attacked him under the
impression that he was Klién-Jahan, but that crafty one
hastened from the field in another direction. Bikramajit cut ofl'
the head of Darya Khan, and also of his son, and sent them to
Court, thus atoning for his former fault. Nearly four hundred
Afghéns and two hundred Bundelas were slain in the fight. For
this service Bikramajit received the title of Jag-réj, and was ad
vanced to the dignity of 2000 personal and 2000 horse.

Capture of the Fort of DkdM/r.
[Text, vol. i. p. 339.] ’Azam Khan, having ascended the pass
of Anjan-di'idh, encamped three kos from Dharlir. He then di
rected Multafit Khan andlothers to make an attack upon the town
of Dhari'lr and its petta, where once a week people from all parts,
far and near, were accustomed to meet for buying and selling.
The fort of Dhérur was celebrated throughout the Dakhin for its
strength and munitions of war. It was built upon the top of a
ridge, and deep rivers of diflicult passage ran on two sides of it.
It was so secure that any effort upon it by the royal army was
likely to prove unsuccessful ; so Marhamat Khan was directed to
plunder the town and petta, but not to make any attempt upon
the fortress. "‘ * * The garrison became disheartened, and remiss
in their duty. "‘ "‘ On the 23rd Jumada-s séni Marhamat Khan
’IAzamhis way then
Khan in with a party
entered with of
allmen, and opened
his officers, the wicket.
and nearly two

thousand men scaled the walls and got into the fort. All the
vast munitions, the jewels, etc., became spoil of war.

Death of Kha'n-Jahdn Lodi.
[p. 348.] The unhappy Khén-Jahan was greatly distressed
and dismayed by the death of Darya Khan. Having no hope ex
cept in evasion, he fled and sought obscurity ; but the royal forces
pursued him closely. ‘On the 28th Juméda-s sani, on arriving at

the village of Nimi, in the country of Bhémder,l the royal army
learned that Khan-Jahan was about eight kos from that place.
The long march they had made, and the company of many men
who had been wounded in Jag-raj’s action, prevented the royal
forces from marching very early, but they drew near to the rebel.
Khan-Jahan, on hearing of their approach, sent off some of his
Afghans, whose horses were knocked up, with the little baggage
that was left; while he himself. with nearly a thousand horse,
prepared to encounter Muzafi'ar Khan. The fight was sharp, great
valour was exhibited, and many fell on both sides. “ " Khan
Jahan was wounded, his son Mahmud was killed with many of
his followers, and further resistance was useless; so he again fled.
Being hard pressed, he was every now and then obliged to abandon
an elephant, so that before reaching Kalinjar twenty elephants had
fallen into the hands of the pursuers, and some were caught by
Réjé Amar Singh of Bandher. When Khan-Jahan approached
Kalinjar, Saiyid Ahmad, the commandant of that fortress, came
out to attack him. Hekilled several men, and took some prisoners.
Hasan, another son of Khan-Jahan, was made prisoner; with
him were captured twenty-two of the royal elephants, which
Khén-Jahén had taken at Sironj. Khan-Jahan lost his tugh
and banner, and fled with a handful of followers. By great
exertion he travelled twenty kos that day, and reached the
borders of Sabenda,2 where he was to end his mortal life.
’Abdu-lla Khan Babadur and Saiyid Muzafl‘ar Khan pursued him
closely with their forces in array.
Khan-Jahan was much afflicted at the loss of his sons and
faithful followers. All hope of escape was cut off; so he told
his followers that he was weary of life, that he had reached
the end of his career, and there. was no longer any means
‘ The text has Bandhfi. Khfifi Khan (vol. i. p. 40) calls it “ Bhandfir,” but a
MS. has Bbender, which is right. It lies N.E. of JhfinsL—A'in-iAkbari, vol. i.
p. 505.
2 “ The tank of Sindraha."—Kha'fi Khdn, vol. i. p. 44. Blochmann gives the
name as “ Sehonda." It lies north of Kalinjar on the Kem—A'in-i.Akbari, vol. i.
p. 505.

of deliverance for him; he desired, therefore, that every man
should make off as best he could. A few determined to
stand by him to the last, but many fled. The advanced
forces of the royal army under Madhi'i Singh new came up.
Khan-Jahan, with his son ’Aziz, who was the dearest of all, and
Aimal, and the Afghans who remained constant, placed their two
remaining elephants in front, and advanced to 'meet Muzaflhr
Khan. They made their charge, and when Khan-Jahan found
that they were determined to take him, he alighted from his
horse and fought desperately. In the midst of the struggle
Madhi'i Singh pierced him with a spear, and before Muzaffar
Khan could come up the brave fellows cut Khan-Jahan, his
dear son ’Aziz and Aimal, to pieces. About a hundred of his
adherents fell, and their heads were cut off, but a party escaped.
A grandson of Saiyid Muzafl‘ar Khan and twenty-seven other
royalists were slain. The heads of Khan-Jahan, ’Aziz, and Aimal
were sent to the Imperial Court. Farid, a son of Kban-Jahan,
was taken and placed in confinement. Another son, named Jan-i
Jahan, had fled and taken refuge in Sabenda with the mother of
Bahadur Khan. ’Abdu-lla Khan sent for him, and then de
spatched him in custody to Court. "‘ “‘ " The heads of the
rebels were placed over the gate of the fort. After their
victory, 'Abdu-lla Khan and Saiyid Muzafi'ar Khan came to
Court, and received many marks of favour. The former was
advanced to a mansab of 6000 and 6000 horse, and he received
the title Firoz-Jang. Saiyid Muzalfar Khan was promoted to
a mansab of 5000 and 5000 horse. He received the title
Khan-Jahan. _
Attack on Parenda.
[Text, vol. i. p. 356.] ’Azam Khan was in the neighbourhood
of Parenda,l intent upon the reduction of that fortress, and the
capture of the elephants and stores which had been sent there.
'* "‘ He sent Raja J5i Singh with a detachment to ravage the town
1 Near the Sina river on the route from Ahmadnagar to Sholapiir. It is about
sixty miles S.W. of Dhtirur.

and petta. The Raja first plundered the petta, which was about
a [me dist-ant on the left of the fortress. He then attacked the
town, which was surrounded by a mud (kluim) wall five gas high
and three gas thick, and by a ditch of three cubits (sib zara’)
broad (?). He broke through the walls by means of ,his
elephants, and the musketeers of the garrison then fled into
the ditch of the fort. The town was plundered. ’Azam
Khan then arrived, * "‘ "‘ and entered the town, to
secure the elephants belonging to the enemy, which had been
taken into the ditch of the fortress. Seven elephants were
seized and brought out, and much other booty was secured. " *
’Azam Khan pressed the siege, and the troops drove zigzagsl
up to the edge of the ditch in three places, and began to fill
it up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate of the
fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the moat. He
then pushed his zigzags to the very edge of the meat, and there
raised a battery, to which the men in the Sher-I-Iaji2 found it
very difficult to reply. i
It now became evident that ‘A'dil Khan, through his tender
years, had no real power, but that the reins of government were in
the hands of a slave named Daulat, who had been originally a min
strel (kaldwant), and whom the King’s father, Ibrahim ’A'dil, had
ennobled with the title of Daulat Khan, and had placed in com
mand of the fortress of Bijapiir. This ungrateful infamous fellow,
after the death of Ibréhim, assumed the title “ Khawass Khan,”
and delivered the government over to a mischievous turbulent
bra'hman, named Murari Pandit. This same Daulat put out the
eyes of Darwesh Muhammad, the eldest son of Ibrahim ’A'dil
Khan by the daughter of Kutbu-l Mulk, and demanded his
daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name and
honour of his indulgent patron. The ’A'dil-Khanis and the
Nizam-Shéhis had now made common cause and were united.
l “Ki'wha-e sala'mat,” ways of safety.
a This is not a proper name. There was a Sber-Haji also at Kandahar (see
post p. 26), and at many other places. It is apparently an advanced work, and
probably bears the name of its inventor.

The siege of Parenda had gone on for a month. Pro
vender had throughout been difficult to procure, and now no
grass was to be found within twenty kos. So ’Azam Khan was
obliged to raise the siege, and to go to Dhari'ir. " ‘ * The
’A'dil-Khénis retreated before ’Azam Khan, and he encamped on
the banks of the Wanjira. Next day he captured the town and
fort of Balni, which the inhabitants defended in the hope of
receiving assistance. After plundering the place, he marched to
Mandi'i,l and from Mandii to Dharfir.

Famine in the Dakhin and Gujarat.
[Text, vol. i. p. 362.] During the past year no rain had fallen
in the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought had been especi
ally severe about Daulatébad. In the present year also there had
been a deficiency in the bordering countries, and a total want in the
Dakhin and Gujarat. The inhabitants of these two countries were
reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf,’ but
none would buy ; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for
it; the ever-bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for
food ; and the feet which had always trodden the way of content
ment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long
time dog’s flesh was sold for goat’s flesh, and the pounded bones
of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this was
discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at
length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each
other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The
numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every
man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who
retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and
villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous
for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of produc
tiveness. *_ "' “' The Emperor in his gracious kindness and
bounty directed the officials of Burhénpiir, Ahmadabad, and the
1 So in the text; but the maps give no such name between Parenda and Dharfir.
2 “ Ja'm ba ndnc.”

country of Slirat, to establish soup kitchens, or alms-houses,
such as are called langar in the language of Hindustan, for the
benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day suflicient soup and
bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was
further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at
Burhanpi'ir 5000 rupees should be distributed among the
deserving poor every Monday, that day being distinguished
above all others as the day of the Emperor’s accession to the
throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one lac of rupees was giVen
away in charity. Ahmadabad had suffered more severely than
any other place, and so His Majesty ordered the officials to
. distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want
of rain and dearness of grain had caused great distress in many
other countries. So under the directions of the wise and generous
Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees were
remitted by the revenue officers—a sum amounting to nearly
eighty lcrors of dams, and amounting to one-eleventh part of the
whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the ex
chequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made
by the nobles who held ja'gz’rs and mansabs.

Capture of the Fort of Sithnda.
[Text, vol. i. p. 370.] Sipahdar Khan, after obtaining posses
sion of the fort of Taltam (by the treachery of the garrison), laid
siege to Sitlinda1 by command of the Emperor, and pressed the
place very hard. Sidi Jamal, the governor, offered to surrender
on terms which were agreed to; so he and his family came out,
and the fort passed into the possession of the Imperialists.

Capture of Kandahar.
[p. 374.] Nasiri Khan had been placed in command of a force,
with instructions to conquer the kingdom of Telingéna. He re
solved npon reducing the fort of Kandahar,” which was exceedingly
1 About fifty miles NE. from Aurangabad.
3 About seventy-five miles E. of Dhanir, and twenty-five S.W. of Nander.

strong, and the most famous one of that country. It was under
the command of Sédik, the son of Yéki'it Khudawand Khan,
and was in full state of preparation. On the 23rd Jumada-l
awwal he encamped one has from the fortress. Next day'he
prepared to attack the town of Kandahar; but before reaching
the place he was opposed by Sarfaraz Khan, the general
commanding in that country, who had taken up a position
between the fort and the town, and having covered his front with
artillery, awaited the attack. He was protected also by the guns
and muskets of the fortress. The royal army attacked with
great vigour, and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfaraz
Khan with a few followers fled to the Nizaln-Shéhis. After
this Nasiri Khan pushed on the siege. * * "‘ Randaula,
Mukarrab Khan, and others, with a united force of ’A'dil
Khanis and Nizam-Sliahis, came up to'attack him in his
trenches. Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he boldly faced his
assailants ; and although he had also to bear the fire of the guns
and muskets of the fortress, he defeated them with considerable
loss, and compelled them to fall back a distance of three kos.
Out of twenty~one mines which had been opened, six were
complete ; three were charged with powder, and three were kept
in reserve. ’Azam Khan, who had marched to support Nasiri
Khan, now approached, and Nasiri Khan went forth to meet
him, and to bring him to see the springing of the mines and the
assault upon the fortress. The match was applied to the three
mines; one failed, but the other two brought down the wall of
the Sher-Haji with half a bastion. The garrison kept up a
discharge of rockets, mortars, stones and grenades, but the
storming parties pressed on. The conflict raged from mid-day
till sunset, but the wall of the fortress was not sufficiently
levelled, and the defenders kept up such a heavy fire that the
assailants were forced to retire. At night the trenches were
carried forward, and preparations were made for firing the
other mines. The garrison saw that the place must fall, and
“‘ " * made offers of surrender, which were accepted, and the

Imperial troops took possession of the fortress. " * The siege
had lasted four months and nineteen days, and the place fell on
the 15th Shawwal.

Death of the Queen ’Aliyd Begam.
[Text, vol. i. p. 384.] On the 17th Zi-l ka‘da, 1040, died
Nawab ’Aliya Begam,l in the fortieth year of her age, to the great
grief of her husband the Emperor. “‘ " * She had borne him
eight sons and six daughters. The third child and eldest son was
Muhammad Dara Shukoh, the fourth Muhammad Shah Sliuja’,
the sixth Muhammad Aurangzeb, the tenth Murad Bakhsh.

Nisrim Sha'h.
[p. 395.] A letter from Sipahdar Khan informed the Emperor
how Fath Khan, feeling that his release from confinement by
Nizam Shah had been a matter of necessity, and that he would be
imprisoned again as soon as his master‘s mind was at ease, he
had resolved to be beforehand with him, and had placed Nizam
Shah in confinement, as his father Malik ’Ambar had done before.
* * * Fath Khan then addressed a letter to Yaminu-d
daula A'saf Khan, informing him that he had placed Nizam
Shah in confinement on account of his evil character and his
enmity to the Imperial throne, for which act he hoped to receive
some mark of favour. In answer he was told that if he wished
to prove his sincerity, he should rid the world of such a worthless
and wicked being. On receiving this direction, Fath Khan
secretly made away with Nizam Shah, but gave out that he had
died a natural death. He placed Nizam Shah’s son Husain, a
lad' of ten years old, on the throne as his successor. He reported
these facts to the Imperial Court, and was directed to send the
jewels and valuables of the late king, and his own eldest son
as a hostage.
1 Otherwise called “Mnmthz Mahal." She died in childbirth—EMT! Kha'n,
vol. i. p. 459.

Operations against ’A’dz'l Kha'n.
[Text, vol. i. p. 404.] Muhammad ’A'dil Khan (of Bijapfir),
through youth, inexperience, and evil counsellors, especially a
slave named Daulat (who had assumed the title ofKhawéss Khan),
had shown himself unfaithful to the Imperial throne, and regardless
of the allegiance paid by his father. The Emperor commissioned
Yaminu-d daula A’sai' Khan to arouse him from his negligence
and disregard of his duty. A'saf Khan was empowered to demand
from him a return to obedience and the payment of tribute.1 If
he agreed to these terms, he was to be left alone ; if not, as much
as possible of his territory was to be conquered, and the rest laid

I FIFTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1041 A.H. (1631 A.D.).

C'ampaign against Btjdpzlr.
[p. 411.] A'saf Khan proceeded on his expedition, and arrived
at Nander, where he remained two days There he left the main
part of his army, and proceeded express to the fort of Kandahar,
which he inspected. One stage further on he came to the fort of
Bhélki.’ "‘ "‘ * Orders were given for the reduction of the
place, and entrenchments were commenced, but it was resolved
to attempt the capture of the place by escalade at night.
The garrison get notice of this, and evacuated the place under
cover of darkness. “ * * A'sat' Khén then marched
towards Kalanor, a flourishing place belonging to ’A'dil Khan.
When he arrived at Sultanpfir, near the city of Kulbarga,
the general in command had taken the principal inhabitants
into the fort of Kulbarga, which was well armed with guns,
muskets, and other instruments of war. Next day ’Azam Khan,
under the directions of A’saf' Khan, made an attack upon the
town, and carried it, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the fort.
‘ The Shdh-Jahdn-ndma says that the surrender of the fort of Parenda was to be
also required. -
2 Twenty-fives miles N.W. of Bidr.

The victors plundered whatever they could lay their hands on,
and captured many horses in the ditch of the fortress. A’saf
Khan did not deem it expedient to attempt the reduction of the
fortress, as it would have been a difficult undertaking and a
cause of delay; so he retired, and encamped near the river
Nahnfira. Then he advanced to the vicinity of Bijépiir, and
encamped on the borders of a tank between Nauras-piirl and Shah
p1'1r. The enemy every day came out of the ditch into the plain,
and there was a warm interchange of rockets, arrows, and
musketry. But although the enemy kept up also a heavy fire
from the fortifications, they were regularly driven back to the
shelter of the walls.
A'saf Khan used to take every precaution for the safety of the
detachments which went out every day to collect fodder, but the
army was large and the animals numerous, so this was no easy
The enemy were constantly on the alert, and struck whenever
they got an opportunity. " * " At the beginning a man
named Shaikh Dabir, one of the confidante of Khawéss Khfin,
came out with overtures of peace and offers of tribute; but as
they were not worthy of trust, they were rejected. Afterwards
Mustafa Khan, son-in-law of Mullé. Muhammad Lahori, kept up
a secret correspondence with A’saf Khan, expressing his devotion
and proposing to admit the Imperial troops into the fortress.
" * "' After much negociation, it was agreed that Mustafé.
Khan and Khairiyat Khan Habshi, uncle of Randaula, should
come to Afsaf Khén and arrange for the transmission of tribute
and the settlement of the terms of peace. Accordingly both
came out of Bijéplir, "' * “ and it was finally agreed that
’A'dil Khan should send tribute to the value of forty lacs of
rupees in jewels, valuables, elephants, and money, and that he
should ever after remain faithful to his allegiance. A treaty in
these terms was accordingly drawn up. "‘ * * The two
negociators returned to Bijapur, and Shaikh ’Abdu-r Rahim
‘ The text has “ Nfir-siyur," but the Index of Names corrects it.

Khairébédi went in with them to obtain 'Aidil Khan’s signature
to the treaty.
On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a message
that they would send out their own wakils with the treaty.
Next day they came out with certain propositions that A'saf
Khan considered reasonable, and he accepted them. It was agreed
that the treaty should be sent out next day. As they were
about to depart, one of the wakils, who was a confidant of
Mustafé. Khan, dropped a letter of his before A'saf‘Khan,
without the knowledge of his companion. The letter said that
Khawass Khan was well aware that provender was very scarce in
the Imperial army; that the fetching of grass and fuel from long
distances was a work of great toil to man and beast -, and that in
consequence it would be impossible for the Imperial army to
maintain its position more than a few days longer. Khawéss
Khan had therefore resolved to have recourse to artifice and
procrastination, in the expectation that A'saf Khan would be
obliged to raise the siege and retire baffled. ,
The siege had lasted twenty days, and during that time no
corn had reached the army, and before its arrival the enemy had
laid waste all the country round, and carried off the grain to
distant places. The provisions which the army had brought with
it were all exhausted, and grain had risen to the price of one
rupee per sir. Men and beasts were sinking. So it was re
solved, after consultation, that the royal army should remoVe
from Bijapur into some better supplied part of the enemy’s
country, that the Imperial army might be recruited, and the
territory of the enemy be wasted at the same time. With this
intention the royal army marched along the bank of the Kishan
Gang1 to Rai-bagh and Miraj,’ two of the richest places in that
country. Wherever they found supplies they rested, and parties
were sent out to plunder in all directions. On whatever road they

1 The Kistna or Krishna.
’ Miraj is on the left bank of the Kistna, about thirty miles E. of Kolapiir. Rai
bagh is about twenty-five miles lower to the SE, and on the other side of the river.

went they killed and made prisoners, and ravaged and laid waste on
both sides. From the time of their entering the territories to
the time of their departure they kept up this devastation and
plunder. The best part of the country was trodden under, and
so, as the forces had recovered strength and the rains were near,
the royal army passed by the fort of Sholapiir, and descended by
the passes into the Imperial territories. 15,000 men of the enemy,
who had followed them to Sholapfir, then turned back to Bijapur.

Return of the Court from Burha'npur to A'gra.
[Text, vol. i. p. 421.] The Emperor being tired of his resi
dence at Burhanpiir, resolved to return to the capital; so he set
out on the 24th Ramazan, " "‘ and arrived there on the 1st Zi-l
hijja, 1241 A.H.
Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they
ought to have been by ’Azarn Khan; so a mandate was sent to
Mahabat Khan Khén-khénan, informing him that the govern
ment of Khandesh and the Dakhin had been conferred upon him,
and he was directed to make the necessary preparations as quickly
as possible, and start from Dehli to meet the Emperor and receive
instructions. Yaminu-d daula Ksaf Khan, with ’Azam Khan and
other nobles under his command, were directed to return to
Capture of the Port of Hag”.
[p. 434.] Under the rule of the Bengalis (dar ’ahd i Bangdli
ydn) a party of Frank merchants, who are inhabitants of Si'indip,
came trading to Sétgénw. One kos above that place, they occupied
some ground on the bank of the estuary.l Under the pretence
that a building was necessary for their transactions in buying
and selling, they erected several houses in the Bengali style. In
course of time, through the ignorance and negligence of the
rulers of Bengal, these Europeans increased in number, and
erected large substantial buildings, which they fortified with
1 The word used is 1.1.1:}, “ an estuary," here apparently meaning a tidal river.

cannons, muskets, and other implements of war. In due course,
a considerable place grew up, which was known by the name of
the Port of Hi'igli. On one side of it was the river, and on the
other three sides was a ditch filled from the river. European
ships used to go up to the port, and a trade was established there.
The markets of Seitganw declined and lost their prosperity. The
villages and districts of Hugli were on both sides of the river, and
these the Europeans got possession of at a low rent. Some of
the inhabitants by force, and more by hopes of gain, they infected
with their Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to
Europe. In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality of
an exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with the profits of
their trade for the loss of rent which arose from the removal of
the cultivators. These hateful practices were not confined to the
lands they occupied, but they seized and carried off every one
they could lay their hands upon along the sides of the river.
'These proceedings had come under the notice of the Emperor
before his accession, "‘ * and he resolved to put an end to them if
ever he ascended the throne, that the coinage might always hear
the stamp of the glorious dynasty, and the pulpit might be
graced with its khutba. After his accession, he appointed .
Kasim Khan to the government of Bengal, and "‘ “ impressed
upon him the duty of overthrowing these mischievous people.
He was ordered, as soon as he attended to the necessary duties
of his extensive province, to set about the extermination of the
pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both by water and
land, so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and easily
Kasim Khan set about making his preparations, and at the
close of the cold season, in Sha‘ban, 1240 A.H., he sent his son
’Inayatu-ulla with Allah Yar Khan, who was to be the real
commander of the army, and several other nobles, to effect the
conquest of Hi'igli. He also sent Bahadur Kambi'i, an active and in
telligent servant of his, with the force under his command, under
the pretence of taking possession of the Kkdh'sa lands at Makhsiis

abad, but really to join Allah Yar Khan at the proper time.
Under the apprehension that the infidels, upon getting intelligence
of the march of the armies, would put their families on board
ships, and so escape from destruction to the disappointment of the
warriors of Islam, it was given out that the forces were marching
to attack Hijli. Accordingly it was arranged that Allah Yar
Khan should halt at Bardwan, which lies in the direction of
Hijli, until he received intelligence of Khwéja Sher and others,
who had been ordered to proceed in boats from Sripi’irl to cut off
the retreat of the Firingis. When the flotilla arrived at M ohana,
which is a a'alma2 of the Hi’igli, Allah Yar Khan was to march
with all expedition from Bardwén to Hiigli, and fall upon the
infidels. Upon being informed that Khwéja Sher and his com
panions had arrived at the dalma, Allah Yar Khan made aforced
march from Bardwan, and in a night and day reached the village
of Haldipiir, between Sétganw and Hi'igli. At the same time
he was joined by Bahadur Kambfi, who arrived from Makhsfis
shed, with 500 horse and a large force of infantry. Then he
hastened to the place where Khwaja Sher had brought the boats,
and between Hi'igli and the sea, in a narrow part of the river, he
formed a bridge of boats, so that ships could not get down to the
sea; thus the flight of the enemy was prevented.
On the 2nd Zi-l hijja, 1241, the attack was made on the
Firingis by the boatmen on the river, and by the forces on land.
An inhabited place outside of the ditch was taken and plundered,
and the occupants were slain. Detachments were then ordered
to the villages and places on both sides of the river, so that all
the Christians found there might be sent to hell. Having killed
or captured all the infidels, the warriors carried off the families of
their boatmen, who were all Bengalis. Four thousand boatmen,
whom the Bengalis called gkra'bi, then left the. Firingis and
joined the victorious army. This was a great discouragement to
the Christians.
The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in
1 Serampore. 2 Qy. Bengali dahra, a lake.
VOL. vn. 3
34 ’ABDU-L nsnrn Lsnonr.

the siege of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels fought,
sometimes they made overtures of peace, protracting the time in
hopes of succour from their countrymen. With base treachery
they pretended to make proposals of peace, and sent nearly
'a lac of rupees as tribute, while at the same time they ordered
7000 musketeers who were in their service to open fire. So
heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove in which a large
force of the besiegers was posted were stripped of their branches
and leaves. I
At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work upon the
ditch, just by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as
elsewhere. There they dug channels and drew off the water.
Mines were then driven on from the trenches, but two of these
were discovered by the enemy and counteracted. The centre
mine was carried under an edifice which was loftier and stronger
than all the other buildings, and where a large number of
Firingis were stationed. This was charged and tamped. On the
14th Rabi’u-l awwal the besieger's forces were drawn up in front
of this building, in order to allure the enemy to that part.
When a large number were assembled, a heavy fire was opened,
and the mine was fired. The building was blown up, and the
many infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into
the air. The warriors of lslém rushed to the assault. Some of
the infidels found their way to hell by the water, but some
thousands succeeded in making their way to the ships. At this
juncture Khwaja Sher came up with the boats, and killed many
of the fugitives.
These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large ship, which
had nearly two thousand men and women and much property on
board, should fall into the hands of the Muhammadans; so they
fired the magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on
board the gkrdbs set fire to their vessels, and turned their faces
towards hell. Out of the sixty-four large dingas, fifty-seven
gk-rabs and 200 jaliyas, one ghra'b and two jah'yas escaped, in
consequence of some fire from the burning ships having fallen

upon some boats laden with oil, which burnt a way through (the
bridge of boats). Whoever escaped from the water and fire
became a prisoner. From the beginning of the siege to the con
clusion, men and women, old and young, altogether nearly 10,000
of the enemy were killed, being either blown up with powder,
drowned in water, or burnt by fire. Nearly 1000 brave
warriors of the Imperial army obtained the glory of martyrdom.
4400'Ohristians of both sexes were taken prisoners, and nearly
10,000 inhabitants of the neighbouring country who had been
kept in confinement by these tyrants were set at liberty.

Surrender of the Fort of Ga'lna.
[Text, vol. i. p. 442.] After Fath Khan, son of Malik
’Ambar, had put Nizam Shah to death, Mahmud Khan, the
commandant of the fort of Galna, repudiated his authority,
and put the fortress in a state of defence, intending to deliver
it over to Sa'ihi'i-ji Bhonsla, who, unmindful of the favours he
had received from the Imperial throne, had strayed from the
path of obedience, and had possessed himself of Nasik, Trimbak,
Sangamnir and Junir, as far as the country of the Kokan. He
had got into his power one of the relatives of the late Nizém
Shah, who had been confined in one of the strongest fortresses
in the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence. He
(Mahmud Khan) 1 wished to deliver the fort over to him. Khan
zaman, who was acting as deputy of his father in the government
of the Dakhin, Birar and Khandesh, when he was informed of
Mahmud Khan’s proceedings, wrote to'Mir Kélsim Khan Harawi,
commandant of the fort of Alang, which is near to Galna. He
directed him to endeavour by promises of Imperial favour to
win him over, and prevent the surrender of the fortress to Séhfi-ji
Bhonsla. Mir Késim communicated with Mahmud Khan on
the subject, and the latter invited the Mir to come to him.
After a good deal of talk, Mahmud Khan assented to the pro
1 This seems to be the sense of the passage, but it is obscure.

position, and in the hope of a great reward delivered over the
fort to the representatives of the Emperor.

SIXTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1042 A.H. (1632 A.D.).
[Text, vol. i. p. 449.] Bhégirat Bhil, chief of the disaffected
in the province of Mélwa, relying on the number of his followers
and the strength of his fort of Khatakhiri,l had refused obedience
to the governors of Malwa. He ventured to show his disafi'ection
to Nusrat Khan, when he was governor, and the Khan marched
from Sérangpfir to chastise him. The Khan’s fame as a soldier
had its effect. The rebel gave up all hope of resistance, and,
seeking an introduction to Nusrat Khan through Sangram,
Zamindér of Kani'ir, he surrendered his fortress.

Destruction of Hindu Temples.
[p. 449.] It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty
that during the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but
remained unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity.
The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty,
the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and
throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples that had
been begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the
province of Allahabad that seventy-six temples had been
destroyed in the district of Benares. '

Conquest of Daulatdba'd.
[p. 496.] Fath Khan, son of ’Ambar Habshi, conceiving his
interest to lie in making submission to the Emperor, had sent his
son, ’Abdu-r Rusfil, with a suitable offering to the foot of the Im
perial throne, professing obedience and praying for favour. The
Emperor graciously bestowed upon him some districts which had
formerly belonged to him, but had been since given to Séhfi-ji
Bhonsla. Now, in compliance with the request of Fath Khan,
1 “ Kuntharkera,” in Malcolm’s Map of Central India, on the Kali Sind, about thirty
miles N. of Ujjain.

they were restored to him. This gave great offence to the
turbulent Séhl'i-ji, who went and joined the Bijapuris, and
induced ‘Kdil Khan to place him in command of a force for
wresting the fortress of Daulatabad from the hands of ‘Fath
Khan. The latter was much incensed against the Nizam-Shahis,
and had no faith in them ; so he wrote to Khan-khanan Mahabat
Khan, informing him that Séhi'i-ji Bhonsla was preparing to bring
a force from Bijapfir against him, and that, as the fortress was ill
provisioned, there was great probability of its being taken, unless
Mahabat Khan came to his assistance. If the Khan came
quickly, he would surrender the fortress, and would himself pro
ceed to the Imperial Court. The Khan-kliauan accordingly sent
forward his son, Khén-zamén, with an advanced force, and he
himself followed on the 9th Jumada-s sani. [Kha'n-zama’n defeats
a covering army qfBijripz'irj
The Bijapfiris were discouraged by the chastisement they had
received from the Imperial army, so they made offers of an arrange
ment to Fath Khan. They offered to leave the fortress in his
possession, to give him three lacs of pagodas in cash, and to
throw provisions into the fort. That ill-starred foolish fellow,
allured by these promises, broke his former engagement, and
entered into an alliance with them. Most of the animals in the
fortress had died from want of provender, and the Bijapi'iris now,
at the instance of Fath Khan, exerted themselves in getting
provisions. When Khan-khanan, who was at Zafarnagar, was
informed of these proceedings, he wrote to Khan-zaman directing
him to make every exertion for the reduction of the fortress, and
for the punishment of the traitor and the Bijapiiris. [Skirmishes
in the vieinity.]
Khan-khanau, on being informed of the state of affairs,
marched from Zafarnagar to Daulatabad, and reached there on
the last day of She/ban. Next morning he rode out with his
son, Khén-zaman, to reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his
residence in a house belonging to Nizam Shah at Nizémpi'ir, near
the fortress. [Disposition of his force-s.] He placed the artillery
38 ’ABDU-L Hanna LKHORY.

and siege material under the direction of (his son) Luhrasp, and
ordered that a constant fire should be kept up from a high hill
which governs the fortress, and upon which Kaghziwara stands.
He also ordered Khan-zaman to be constantly on the alert
with 5000 cairalry, and ready to render assistance wherever it
might be required in the trenches. The Imperial army having
thus invested the place, and formed trenches, pushed on the siege,
running zigzags, forming mines and preparing scaling ladders.
Fath Khan placed the son of Nizém Shah in the Kala-kot
(black fort), which was considered impregnable. He himself
took post in the Maha-kot (great fort), and the body of the
' forces were stationed in the outer works called ’Ambar-kot,
because they had been raised by Malik ’Ambar to protect the
place against the advance of the Imperial power. [Defeat of
many attempts to cictual and relieve the fortress from without, and
of sorties from within]
On the 9th Shawwal a mine which had been formed from the
trenches of Khan-zaman was charged, and the forces having been
named for the assault, were ordered to assemble in the trenches
before break of day. The mine was to be fired at the first
appearance of dawn, and upon the walls being blown down, the
stormers were to rush into the fort. By mistake the mine was
fired an hour before dawn, and before the storming parties were
ready. Twenty-eight gas of the walls and twelve gas of the
bastion was blown away, and a wide breach was made. But the
troops not having arrived, no entry was effected. The defenders
rushed to the breach, and kept up such a rain of arrows, bullets,
and rockets, that the storming party was obliged to take refuge
in the trenches. Then they exerted themselves to stop the
‘ breach with palisades and planks. The commander of the
Imperial army desired to dismount and lead the assault, but
Nasiri Khan urged that it was against all the rules of warfare
for the commander-in-chief to act in such a way. He himelf
would lead the storming party, trusting in God and hoping for
the favour of the Emperor. Khan-khénan directed Mahes Dés

Rathor and others to support him. The Imperial troops rushed
to the breach, and the defenders madea desperate resistance ; but
Nasiri Khan, although wounded, forced his way in upon the
right, and Rajé. Bihar Singh and other Hindus upon the left.
They were fiercely encountered by Khairiyat Khan Bijapi'iri and
others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and
drove the defenders into the ditch of the Maha-kot for shelter.
Great numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the
victors. Thus fell the celebrated works of Malik ’Ambar, which
were fourteen gas in height and ten gas in thickness, and well
furnished with guns and all kinds of defences. The Imperial
commander having thus achieved a great success, proceeded with
Nasiri Khan to inspect the works, and immediately took steps
for attacking the Maha-kot. [Diversion made by the enemy in
the direction of Birdr. Another attempt by Randaula and Sa'hi'iy'i
to relieve the fortress.]
With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under
the Maha-kot, and Fath Khan was so much alarmed that he
sent his wives and family into the Kala-kot. He himself, with
Khairiyat Khan, uncle of Randaula, and some other Bijapiiris,
remained in the Maha-kot. The Bijépi'iris being greatly
depressed by the scarcity of food and the progress of the
Imperial arms, sought permission through Mahi-ji to be allowed
to escape secretly, and to go to their master. Khan-khénan sent
a written consent, and by kind words encouraged their drooping
spirits. Nearly two hundred of them after night-fall descended
by a ladder fastened to the battlements. Khén-khauan sent
for them, and consoled them with kind words and presents.
[Several more attempts to relieve the fortress.]
On the 25th Zi-l ka’da, the commander-in-chief visited the
trenches. He went to Saiyid ‘Alawal, whose post was near the
mine of the Sher-Haji of the Maha-kot, and determined that
the mine should be blown up. Fath Khan got notice of this, and
in the extremity of his fear he sent his wahil to Khan-khanan,
and with great humility represented that he had bound himself

to the ’A'dil-Khémis by the most solemn compact not to make
peace without their approval. He therefore wished to send one
of his followers to Murari Pandit, to let him know how destitute
the fort was of provisions, and how hard it was pressed by the
besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send wakils to
settle with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort.
He therefore begged that the explosion of the mine might be
deferred for that day, so that there might be time for an answer
to come from Murari Pandit.. Khan-khanan knew very well
that there was no sincerity in his proposal, and that he only
wanted to gain a day by artifice; so he replied that if Fath
Khan wished to delay the explosion for a day, he must imme
diately send out his son as a hostage.
When it had become evident that Fath Khan did not intend
to send his son out, the mine was exploded. A bastion and
fifteen yards of the wall were blown up. The brave men who
awaited the explosion rushed forward, and heedless of the fire
from all sorts of arms which fell upon them from the top of the
Maha-kot, they made their way in. The commander-in-chief
now directed that Saiyid ’Alawal and others who held the
trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposite the Sher-Haji,
should go inside and bravely cast up trenches in the interior.
[Defeat of a demonstration made by Mura'ri Pandit. Surrender
of the fort of Nabdti near Ga’lna.]
Fath Khan now woke up from his sleep of heedlessness and
security. He saw that Daulatébéd could not resist the Imperial
arms and the vigour of the Imperial commander. To save the
honour of his own and Nizam Shah’s women, he sent his eldest
son ‘Abdu-r Rusi'il to Khan-khanan [laying the blame of his
conduct on Sa'ha-ji and the ’A’dil-Khdnis]. He begged for
forgiveness and for a week’s delay, to enable him to remove his
and Nizam Shah’s family from the fortress, while his son
remained as a hostage in Khan—khanan’s power. Khan-khanan
had compassion on his fallen condition, granted him safety, and
kept his son as a hostage. Fath Khan asked to be supplied

with the means of carrying out his family and property, and
with money for expenses. Khan-khanén sent him his own
elephants and camels and several litters, also ten lacs and fifty
thousand rupees in cash, belonging to the State, and demanded
the surrender of the fortress. Fath Khan sent the keys to Khan
khanan, and set about preparing for his own departure. Khan
khanan then placed trusty guards over the gates.
On the 19th Zi-l hijja Fath Khan came out of the fortress
and delivered it up. The fortress consisted of nine different
works, five upon the low ground, and four upon the top of the
hill. These with the guns and all the munitions of war were
surrendered. "‘ ‘ “ Klian-khanan went into the fortress,
and had the hhutba read in the Emperor’s name.
The old name of the fortress of Daulatabad was Deo-gir, or
Dharagar. It stands upon a rock which towers to the sky. In
circumference it measures 5000 legal gas, and the rock all round
is scarped so carefully, from the base of the fort to the level of
the water, that a snake or an ant would ascend it with difficulty.
Around it there is a moat forty legal yards (zara’) in width, and
thirty in depth, cut into the solid rock. In the heart of the rock
there is a dark and tortuous passage, like the ascent of a minaret,
and a light is required there in broad daylight. The steps are
cut in the rock itself, and the bottom is closed by an iron gate.
It is by this road and way that the fortress is entered. By the
passage a large iron brazier had been constructed, which,
when necessary, could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire
being kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent
all progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by mines,
sabrits, etc., are of no avail against it. “ "‘ 1"
Khan-khanan desired to IeaVe a garrison in the captured
fortress, and to go to Burhanpi'ir, taking Nizam Shah and Fath
Khan with him. The Imperial army had endured many hard
ships and privations during the siege. They had continually to
contend against 20,000 horse of Bijapi'ir and Nizamu-l Mulk,
and to struggle hard for supplies. Nasiri Khan (who had been

created Khan-dauran) was always ready for service, and he
offered to take the command of the fortress. So Khan-khanan
left him and some other officers in charge, and marched with his
army to Zafarnagar. * “ ‘ After reaching that place, Muréri
Pandit and the Bijapi'iris sent Farhad, the father of Randaula,
to treat for peace; but Khén-khénan knew their artfulness and
perfidy, and sent him back again. The Bijapi’iris, in despair
and recklessness, now turned back to Daulatabad. They knew
that provisions were very scarce and the garrison small. The
entrenchments which the besiegers had raised were not thrown
down, so the Bijapi'iris took possession of them, invested the
fortress and fought against it. Khén-daurén, without waiting
for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and attacked them repeatedly.
By kind treatment he had conciliated the raiyats of the neigh
bourhood, and they supplied him with provisions, so that he was
in no want. As soon as Khén-khénan heard of these proceedings,
he marched for Daulatabad. The enemy finding that they could
accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they heard of
the approach of Khan-khanan, and then retreated by Nasik and

Christian Prisoners.
[Text, vol. i. p. 534.] On the 11th Muharram, [1043 A.I-l.],
Kasim Khan and Bahadur Kambu brought “ * "‘ 400 Christian
prisoners, male and female, young and old, with the idols of their
worship, to the presence of the faith-defending Emperor. He
ordered that the principles of the Muhammadan religion should
be explained to them, and that they should be called upon to adopt
it. A few appreciated the honour offered to them and embraced
the faith: they experienced the kindness of the Emperor. But
the majority in perversity and wilfulness rejected the proposal.
These were distributed among the amirs, who were directed to
keep these despicable wretches in rigorous confinement. When
any one of them accepted the true faith, a. report was to be made
to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for him. Those

who refused were to be kept in 'continual confinement. So it
came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such
of their idols as were likenesses of the prophets were thrown
into the Jumna, the rest were broken to pieces.

Last of the Mzdm Sha'hs.
[Text, vol. i. p. 540.] Islam Khan returned to Court, bringing
with him the captive Nizam Shah and Fath Khan, whom Khan
khz'inan Mahabat Khan had sent together with the plunder taken
at Daulatabad. Nizam Shah was placed in the custody of Khan
Jahan, in the fort of Gwalior. "' " "‘ The crimes of Fath Khén
were mercifully pardoned; he was admitted into the Imperial
service, and received a hhil’at and a grant of two lacs of rupees per
annum. His property also was relinquished to him, but that of
Nizam Shah was confiscated.

SEVENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1043 A.H. (1633 A.D.).
[p. 545.] The Emperor had never visited Lahore, one of his
chief cities, since his accession. He now determined to proceed
thither, and also to pay a visit to the peerless vale of Kashmir.
Accordingly he set out from Agra on the 3rd Sha’ban, 1043 H.
* "‘ * His Majesty’s sense of justice and consideration for his
subjects induced him to order that the Bakhshi of the ahadis with his
archers should take charge of one side of the road, and the Mir-(itish
with his matchlock-men should guard the other, so that the grow
ing crops should not be trampled under foot by the followers of the
royal train. As, however, damage might be caused, driroghas,
mushrifs and amins were appointed to examine and report on the
extent of the mischief, so that raiyats, and ja'girda’rs under 1000,
might be compensated for the individual loss they had sustained.

March of Prince Sha'h Shzg'd’ against Parenda.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 33.] The fortress of Parenda, belonging to
N lZfHll Shah, was formerly besieged by ’Azam Khan, but, as before
44 'ABDU-L HAMl'D Lxnonr.

related, certain obstacles compelled him to raise the siege. ’A'dil
Khan [by cajolery and bribery] got the fort into his possession.
* "‘ "‘ The reduction of this fortress had long been a favourite
object with Khan-khanan, and, when Prince Shah Shujé.’ came
near to Burhanpi'ir with a fine army, " ‘ “ Khan-khanan
waited upon him, and advised him to undertake the reduction of
Parenda. So the Prince, without entering Burhanpur, turned
off and marched against that fortress. "‘ * * On arriving at
Parenda, he encamped on a stream about a has distant, which is
the only water to be found in the vicinity. Then he allotted the
work of constructing the trenches, and placed the general
direction of the siege works in the hands of Alla Vardi Khan.
[Many conflicts and skirmishes in the neighbourhood]
The efforts of the besiegers in the construction of mines were
not attended with much success. The enemy broke into some
and destroyed them, and water burst into others. One, constructed
by Alla Vardi, in front of the Sher-Hfiji, was fired by the
Prince himself, who went to it by the covered way. It blew up
a bastion, but did not make a practicable breach. Moreover,
great ill feeling had sprung up between Khén-khénan and Khan
dauran, because the. latter was continually repeating that he
had saved Khén-khénén’s life [in one of the engagements].
All the nobles and officers also were aggrieved at the petulance
and discourtesy of Khan-khanén. Through this the enemy
got information about Khan-khanan’s plans, and were able
to foil them, so that he made no progress in the reduction
of the place. He therefore represented to the Prince that,
although provisions were abundant, there was no grass or fuel
within ten or twelve has of the camp, so that every foraging party
had to travel more than twenty hos. This was very distressing
to the army. The rainy season also was at hand. So he advised
a retreat to Burhanpiir. As the Prince had been ordered to act
upon the advice of Khan-khanan, the army retreated on the 3rd
Zi-l hijja.

Death of Khdn-khéndn.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 59.] On the 14th Jumada-l awwal intelli
gence arrived of the death of Mahabat Khan Khan-khanén, who
died of fistula, wit-h which he had long been afflicted.

EIGHTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1044 AJ-I. (1634 A.D.).

The Peacock Throne.

[p. 62.] In the course of years many valuable gems had come
into the Imperial jewel-house, each one of which might serve as an
ear-drop for Venus, or would adorn the girdle of the Sun. Upon
the accession of the Emperor, it occurred to his mind that, in the
opinion of far-seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels and
the keeping of such wonderful brilliants can only render one
service, that of adorning the throne of empire. They ought
therefore, to be put to such a use, that beholders might share in
and benefit by their splendour, and that Majesty might shine
with increased brilliancy. It was accordingly ordered that, in
addition to the jewels in the Imperial jewel-house, rubies,
garnets, diamonds, rich pearls and emeralds, to the value of
200 lacs of rupees, should be brought for the inspection of the
Emperor, and that they, with some exquisite jewels of great
weight, exceeding 50,000 misha'ls, and worth eighty-six lacs of
rupees, having been carefully selected, should be handed over to
Be-badal Khan, the superintendent of the goldsmith’s depart
ment. There was also to be given to him one lac of tolas of
pure gold, equal to 250,000 mishdls in weight and fourteen lacs
of rupees in value. The throne was to be three gas in length,
two and a half in breadth, and five in height, and was to be set
with the above-mentioned jewels. The outside of the canopy
was to be of enamel work with occasional gems, the inside was
to be thickly set with rubies, garnets, and other jewels, and it
was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. On the top of
46 ’ABDU-L nmrn Lxnonr.

each pillar there were to be two peacocks thick set with gems, and
between each two peacocks a tree set with rubies and diamonds,
emeralds and pearls. The ascent was to consist of three steps
set with jewels of fine water. This throne was completed in the
course of seven years at a cost of 100 lacs of rupees. Of the
eleven jewelled recesses (tahhta) formed around it for cushions,
the middle one, intended for the seat of the Emperor, cost ten
lacs of rupees. Among the jewels set in this recess was a ruby
worth a lac of rupees, which Shah ’Abbas, the King of Iran,
had presented to the late Emperor Jahéngir, who sent it to his
present Majesty, the sahib Kiran-i sani, when he accomplished
the conquest of the Dakhin. On it were engraved the names of
Séthib-kiran (Timur), Mir Shah Rukh, and Mirzé. Ulugh. Beg.
When in course of time it came into the possession of Shah
’Abbas, his name was added; and when Jahangir obtained it, he
added the name of himself and of his father.1 Now it received
the addition of the name of his most gracious Majesty Shah
Jahan. By command of the Emperor, the following masnawt,
by Héji Muhammad Jan, the final verse of which contains the
date, was placed upon the inside of the canopy in letters of green
enamel. * "‘ *
On his return to Agra, the Emperor held a court, and. sat for
the first tithe on his throne. *‘ "‘ Yaminu-d daula A'saf Khan
was promoted to the dignity of Khan-khanan. [Conquest by
Nag'dbat Khdn of several forts belonging to the zaminda'rs of
Srinagar, and his subsequent enforced retreat]

1 The following is the account given of the throne in the Sha'h-Jahan-ndmd of ’Infiyat
Khfm : “The Naa-roz of the year 1044 fell on the 'fd-ifitr, when His Majesty was to
take his seat on the new jewelled throne. This gorgeous structure, with a canopy
supported on twelve pillars, measured three yards and a half in length, two and a
half in breadth, and five in height, from the flight of steps to the overhanging dome.
On His Majesty‘s accession to the throne, he had commanded that eighty-six lacs
worth of gems and precious stones, and a diamond worth fourteen lacs, which
together make a crorc of rupees as money is reckoned in Hindustan, should be used
in its decoration. It was completed in seven years, and among the precious stones
was a ruby worth a Inc of rupees that Shah ’Abbas Safavi had sent to the late
Emperor, on which were inscribed the names of the great Timur Sfihib-Kirén, etc.”

Rebellion of Jajkdr Singh Bundela and his son Bikramajit.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 94.] His Majesty in the second year of his
reign pardoned the misdeeds of this turbulent man, and sent him
on service to the Dakhin. After a while he took leave of Mahébat
Khan Khan-khénan, the ruler of the Dakhin, and retired to his
own country, leaving behind him his son Bikraméjit, entitled Jag
réj, and his contingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked
Bim Narain, Zamindar of Garha, and induced him by a treaty and
promise to surrender the fort of Chaurégarh.1 Afterwards, in viola
tion of his engagement, he put Bim Narain and a number of his
followers to death, and took possession ofthe fort, with all the money
and valuables it contained. Bim Naréin's son accompanied Khén
dauran to Court from Mélwa, taking with him an offering, and he
made known to the Emperor what had happened. A farmlin was
then sent to Jajhar Singh, charging him with having killed Bim
Narain, and taking possession of Garha, without the authority of
the Emperor, and directing him to surrender the territory to the
officers of the Crown, or else to give up the jdgirs he held in his
own country, and to send to Court ten lacs of rupees in cash out
of the money which had belonged to Bim Narain. He got notice
of this farma'n from his wakils before it arrived, and being
resolved to resist, he directed his son Bikraméjit to escape with
his troops from the Bélfighat, whither he had gone with Khan
dauran, and to make the best of his way home. The son acted
accordingly, * "‘ but he was attacked at Ashta2 in Melwa by
Khan-zaméu, Ndzim of the Péyin-ghét, when many of his men
were killed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly escaped ;
* * but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads through
the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the pargana o'f
Dhzimuni.3 [20,000 men sent against the rebel under the nominal
command of Prince Aurangzeb.]
The different divisions of the Imperial army united at Bhander,
1 Seventy miles W. of Jabalpfir.—A'in-i Akbari, vol. i. p. 367.
2 Sixty miles S.W. of Bhopal.
’ In Bundelkhand near lat. 79", long. 24°.
48 ’ABDU-L mun) LA'HORI'.

and prepared for the reduction of the fortress of U'ndcha. On
arriving within three has of U'ndcha, where the forest territory of
Jajhar commences, the forces were constantly occupied in cutting
down trees and forming roads. Every day they made a little
advance. J ajhér had with him in U'ndcha nearly 5000 horse and
r 10,000 foot, and was resolved to contest the passage through the
woods. Every day he sent out cavalry and infantry to keep
under the cover of the trees, and to annoy the royal forces with
muskets and arrows. But the Imperial army killed some of them
every day, and forced its way to the neighbourhood of Kahmar
with, one has from Undcha, where the rebels were determined to fight.
R-ajé. Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Khan-dauran,
pressed forward and took the little hill of Kahmar-wéli from
Jajhar’s men. Notwithstanding the density and strength of his
forests, Jajhar was alarmed at the advance of the Imperial forces,
and removed his family, his cattle and money, from Undcha to the
fort of Dhémiini, which his father had built. On the east,
north and south of this fort there are deep ravines, which prevent
the digging of mines or the running of zigzags. On the west
side a deep ditch had been dug twenty imperial yards wide,
stretching from ravine to ravine. Leaving a force to garrison
U'ndcha, he himself, with Bikramajit, and all their connexions,
went OH to Dhamuni. This flight encouraged the royal forces,
and on the 2nd Jumada-s sani [they took Undcha by escalade],
and the garrison fled.
After resting one day at U'ndcha, the royal army crossed the
river Satdhara, on which the town stands, and went in pursuit of
the rebels. On the 14th it was three has from Dhamuni, when
intelligence came in that Jajhar had fled with his family and
property to the fort of Chauragarh, on the security of which he
had great reliance. "‘ "' Before leaving he blew up the buildings
round the fort of Dhaml'mi, and left one of his officers and a
body of faithful adherents to garrison the fort. * "‘ The Imperial
army was engaged two days in felling trees and clearinga passage,
and then reached the fortress. They pushed their trenches to

the edge of the ditch, and pressed the garrison hard. The fort
kept up a heavy fire till midnight, when, alarmed at the progress
of the besiegers, they sent to propose a capitulation. Favoured
by the darkness, the men of the garrison made their way out,
and hid in the jungles. * " The Imperial forces then entered
the place, and began to sack it. * "‘ A cry arose that a party of
the enemy still held possession of a bastion. " “ ’Ali Asghar
and the men under him carried the tower ; but while they were
engaged in plundering, a spark from a torch fell upon a heap of
gunpowder, which blew up the bastion with eighty yards of the
wall on both sides, although it was ten yards thick. ’Ali Asghar
and his followers all perished. * * Nearly 300 men and 200
horses who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. "‘ *
Jajhér, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial forces,
destroyed the guns of the fortress (of Chaurégarh), burnt all the
property he had there, blew up the dwellings which Bim Narain
had built within the fort, and then went off with his family and
such goods as he could carry to the Dakhin. * * The Imperial
army then took possession of the fortress. A chazidhari brought
in information that Jajhar had with him nearly 2000 horse and
4000 foot. He had also sixty elephants, some of which were loaded
with gold and silver money and gold and silver vessels, others
carried the members of his family. He travelled at the rate of four
Gondi hos, that is, nearly eight ordinary kos per diem. Although
he had got fifteen days” start, the Imperial army set out in pursuit,
and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and wealth,
the pursuers hurried on at the rate of ten Gondi has a day.
[Long and exciting chase] When pressed hard by the pursuers,
Jajhar and Bikramajit put to death several women whose horses
were worn out, and then turned upon their pursuers. "' *
Although they fought desperately, they were beaten, and fled into
the woods. *‘ ~" Intelligence afterwards was brought that iJajhar
had sent off his family and treasure towards Golkonda, intending
to follow them himself. * " The royal forces consequently
steadily pursued their course to Golkonda. * *
voL. vn. 4

At length the pursuers came in sight of the rebels. Khan
dauran then sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, and some
other oflicers with 500 horse, to advance with all speed against
them. The hot pursuit allowed the rebels no time to perform
the rite of Jauhar, which is one of the benighted practices of
Hindfistfin. In their despair they inflicted two wounds with a
dagger on Reni Parbati, the chief wife of Rajé. Nar Singh Dee,
and having stabbed the other women and children with swords
and daggers, they were about to make off, when the pursuers came
up and put many of them to the sword. Khan-daurén then
arrived, and slew many who were endeavouring to escape.
Durgbahan, son of Jajhar, and Durjan Sél, son of Bikramajit,
were made prisoners. Udbahén, and his brother Siyam Dawa,
sons of Jajhér, who had fled towards Golkonda, were soon after
wards takeu. Under the direction of Khan-daurén, Rani Parbati
and the other wounded women were raised from the ground and
carried to Firoz .Iang. The royal army then encamped on the
edge of a tank. * * While they rested.there, information was
brought that Jajhar and Bikramajit, " "‘ after escaping from the
bloody conflict, had fled to hide themselves in the wilds, where'
they were killed with great cruelty by the Gonds who inhabit
that country. * '* Khén-dauran rode forth to seek their bodies,
and having found them, cut oil their heads and sent them to
Court. *‘ * When they arrived, the Emperor ordered them to
be hung up over the gate of Sehur.
On arriving at Chanda, the Imperial commanders resolved to
take tribute from Kipa, chief zaminddr of Gondwana, * * and
he consented to pay five _lacs of rupees as tribute to the govern
ment, and one lac .of rupees in cash and goods to the Imperial
commanders. "‘ *
On the 13th Jumada-s sani the Emperor proceeded on his
journey to U’ndcha, and on the 21st intelligence arrived of the
capture of the fort of Jhansi, one of the strongest in the Bundela

NINTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1045 A.H. (1635 A.D.).
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 125.] An oflicer was sent to Bijapur
to ’A'dil Khan, with a. khil’at, etc., and he was directed to require
that ’A'dil Khan should be faithful in his allegiance and regular
in the payment of his tribute, that he should surrender to the
Imperial oflicers the territories he had taken from Nizému-J
Mulk, and that he should expel the evil-minded Séhfi and other
adherents of the Nizamu-l Mulk from his dominions. [Text of
the farmdn.]
Farmdn to Kutbu-l Mulk (of Golkonda).
[It stipulates for the allegiance of Kutbu-l Mulk to the Imperial
throne, for the khutba being read in the name of the Emperor, and
for the payment of tribute, etc.]
[p. 133.] On the 15th Sha’ban Khan-dauran came from
Chanda to wait upon the Emperor. He presented * "‘ the wives
of the wretched Jajhar, Durgbahén his son, and Durjan Sél,
his grandson. By the Emperor’s order they were made
Musalmans by the names of Islam Kuli, and ’Ali Kuli, and they
were both placed in the charge of Firoz Khan Nazir. Rani
Parbati, being severely wounded, was passed over; the other
women were sent to attend upon the ladies of the Imperial palace.

Despatoh of the Imperial army against Sdhh and other
[p. 135.] Nizamu-l Mulk was in confinement in the fort of
Gwalior, but the evil-minded Séhi'i, and other turbulent Nizamu-l
Mulkis, had found a boy of the Nizém’s family, to whom they
gave the title of Nizamu-l Mulk. They had got possession of
some of the Nizam’s territories, and were acting in opposition to
the Imperial government. Now that the Emperor was near
Daulatébéd, he determined to send Khan-dauran, Khan-zaman,
and Shéyista Khan, at the head of three different divisions, to
W__.~-_~ ‘— _\‘ -'~\\‘ \.___I v. A N , p

52 ’ABDU-L mun) LKHORI'.

punish these rebels, and in the event of ’A'dil Khan failing to co
operate with them, they were ordered to attack and ravage his
‘ territories. * “t Khan-dauran's force consisted of about 20,000
horse, and he was sent towards Kandahar and Nander, which join
the territories of Golkonda and Bijapi'lr, with directions to ravage
the country and to besiege the forts of U'dgir1 and U'sa, two of
the strongest forts in those parts. * * Khan-zaman’s force also
consisted of about 20,000 men. He was directed to proceed to
Ahmadnagar, and subdue the native territory of Séhi'i, which lies
' in Chamar-gonda2 and Ashti near to Ahmadnagar. After that
he was to release the Kokan from the grasp of Shhu, and upon
receipt of instructions he was to attack and lay waste the country
of ’A'dil Khan. * "‘ The force under Shéyista Khan consisted of
about 8000 horse, and was sent against the forts of Junir, San
gamnir, Nasik and Trimbak. On the 8th Ramazau they were
sent on their respective expeditions. * "' On the 5th Shawwal
Shayista Khan reported the capture of the fort of Masij.
Udbihan, the son of Jajhar, and his younger brother, Siyam
Dawa,3 who had fled to Golkonda, were made prisoners by
Kutbu-l Mulk, and were sent in custody to the Emperor.
They arrived on the 7th Shawwal. The young boy was ordered
to be made a Musulman, and to be placed in charge of Firoz Khan
Ndzir, along with the son of Bikraméjit. Udbihan and Siyam
Dawé, who were of full age, were offered the alternative of Islam
or death. They chose the latter, and were sent to hell.
It now became known that ’A'dil Khan, misled by evil counsels,
and unmindful of his allegiance, had secretly sent money to
the commandant of forts U’dgir and U’sa. He had also sent
Khairiyat Khan with a force to protect those two forts, and had
commissioned Randaula to support sahs. Incensed with these
acts, the Emperor sent a force of about 10,000 men under:
Saiyid Khan-jahan, "‘ * to chastise him. Orders were given that
l About fifty miles S. of Nander on the road to Bidar.
’ About fifty miles S. of Ahmadnagar. The “ Chambargoondee ” of the Bombay
Route Map.
3 These names are here spelt“ Udihan ” and “ Siysm Duds.”

he and Khan-daurau and Khén-zamén should march into the
Bijapfir territories in three different directions, to prevent Randaula
from joining Séhfi, and toravage the country from end to end. If
’Kdil Khan should awake from his heedless stupidity, and should
pay proper obedience, they were to hold their hands ; if not, they
were to make every exertion to crush him. On the 11th a letter
arrived from Shayista Khan, reporting that Sélih Beg, the
Nizamu-l Mulki commander of the fort of Kher-darak, had con
fined all Séhu’s men who were in the fort, and had surrendered it
and its dependencies to the Imperial commanders.
Mir Abu-l Hasan and Kazi Abi'i Sa’id, whom ’Kdil Khan of
Bijapur had sent to the Emperor after being aroused from his
negligence by the despatoh of the Imperial forces to ravage hi
dominions, now arrived and presented tribute and presents.
Mukarramat Khan, the Imperial envoy, approached Bijapiir,
and ’A'dil Khan, fearing the consequences of showing disobedience,
came forth from the city five has to meet him, and made great
show of submission and respect. "‘ * But the envoy soon
discovered that, although he made all these outward demon
strations through fear, he was really desirous of exciting dis
turbances and ofl'ering opposition. He made a report to this
efl'ect, and upon his arrival, the Imperial order was given to kill
and ravageas much as possible in the Bijapfir territories.
When ’Abdu-l Latif, the envoy to Golkonda. approached the
city, Kutbu-l Mulk came forth five hos to receive him, and con
ducted him to the city with great honour. "‘ "‘ He had the khutba
read aloud in the name of the Emperor; he several times attended
when the hhutba was read, and bestowed gifts upon the reader,
and he had coins struck in the Emperor’s name, and sent
specimens of them to Court.
LConquest of the fort of Chandor. Surrender of the hill fort
of Anjardl, and of the hill forts of Kdnjna and Ma'm'na, Rola,
Jola, Ahnnat, Kol, Busra', Achla'gar, and others. Conquest of
the fort of the Roi/d of Bir after two months” siege. Surrender of
the fort of Dharab to Allah Verdi Kha’n]
54 ’ABDU-L HAMID muonr.

[Sha'yista Kha'n takes Sangamnir and the town of Jantr from
Sa'ka. Sa'ka’s son“ attempts the recovery of Junta]

Campaign against Béiapin'.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 151.] On the 8th Shawwél, a royal
order reached Khan-dauran near U'dgir, informing him that
’A'dil Khan had been remiss in his obedience and payment of
tribute; that Khan-jahan had been directed to invade his
territory by way of Sholapi'ir, Khan-zamfin by way of Yndapi'ir ;1
and that he, Khan-dauran, must march against him by way
of Bidar, and lay waste his country. Khén-daurén accordingly
left his baggage on the banks of the Wanjira, in charge of a
party of men whose horses were ineffective. In the beginning
of New Year’s night he set forth, and at five o’clock reached
Kalyén, the most flourishing place in that country. The
inhabitants were quite unprepared, and near 2000 of them fell
under his attack. Many were taken prisoners, and great booty
was secured. [Naraz'npar, Bhdlki, and llfalmat‘h,2 taken in suc
cession and plundered. 2000 of the enemy defeated near Bidar.]
From Bhélki Khan-dauran marched to Deoni, three kos from
U'dgir, and from thence towards Bijépiir, plundering and laying
wasteall the country. He then attacked and sacked the two great
towns of Sultanpfir and Hirapur. From Hirapl'lr he advanced
to the river Bhunréfi A party of the enemy then drew near
and threatened him, * * but was defeated. After this, Khan
daurz'm marched to Firozabad, twelve kos from Bijapi'ir. A letter
then arrived from Mukarramat Khan, informing him that the
Bijépfiris had broken down the tank of Shéhpfir, and had taken
all the inhabitants of the country round Bijapfir into that city,
and that no water or food was to be found in the country. * “ “
Aletter from the Emperor then reached him, to the effect that
1 Between Pfina and Sholapfir, eighty-four miles from the former.
2 Naréinpfir is “one km: and a half from Kalyfin." Bhfilki or Belki is about
equi-distant N. of Kalyan and Bidar. Maknath is “ ten has from Bhfilki, and two
from Bidar."
3 This name often occurs, and is evidently used for the Bhima.

’A'dil Khan had sent two envoys to make some representations
about the forts of U'sa and U'dgir; but as these belonged to
Nizamu-l Mulk, the Emperor would not present them to him.
A report received subsequently from Mukarramat Khan stated
that ’A'dil Khan had abandoned his claim to these forts, and
had returned to his obedience. Khén-dauran was therefore
directed to desist from ravaging the Bijapi'rr territories, and to
lay siege to Usa and U'dgir. On the 23rd Muharram Khan
dauran marched against U'dgir.

Campaign of Kha'n-Jaha'n.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 155.] [Capture of Saradhan,
Dha'ra’styan, Kantt eta; hos from Shola'par, and the town of
Deoga'nw. Victories over the Btia'pzirts, commanded by Randaula.]
Water and provisions were now difficult to obtain, so the royal
army fell back to Dharésiyfin,‘ intending to leave their baggage
at Saradhiin, and passing between U'sa and Naldrug, to make
a raid into the flourishing country about Kulbarga, to plunder
and lay waste. On the lst Zi-l hijja, the enemy made his
appearance while the Imperial army was encamped about two
has from Usa, and began to throw in rockets. The royal forces
issued from their entrenchments and repulsed their assailants.
Next day they attacked the Imperial army as it was about to
march, " * but were defeated and driven back. After returning
from the battle-field, Saiyid Khén-jahan, considering that the
country was devastated, and the rains were at hand, determined
to fall back to Bir, "‘ "' and await the Imperial directions as to
where the rainy season should be passed. On the 11th Zi-l
hijja, about eight has from Sarédhi'rn, the enemy again appeared
in the rear [and after a hard fight fell back defeated]. The
royal army then continued its march to Saradhi’m, and along
the banks of the'Wanjira to Dhéri'ir.

1 “ Deraseo," fifty miles north-east of Sholapdr.
56 'ABDU-L HAMID Lsnoar.

Campaign of Khdn-zaman.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 160.] After receiving his orders,
Khén-zaman marched to Ahmadnagar, and, after provisioning
his force, * “ he went on towards J unir. Six has from Ahmad
nagar, he learnt that the villain Séhfi had made terms with
Minaji Bhonsla, and had obtained from him the fort of Méhuli.
Having taken Minaji along with him to Junir, saha was about
to proceed by way of Pérgénw to Parenda. Khan-zaman
marched after him, * * but Séhi'l passed the river Bhi'mra, and
proceeded to Lohgénw, a dependency of Pi'ma in the Bijapi'ir
territories. Here Khan-zamén'halted, because his orders were
not to follow Séhii into ’A'dil Khan’s country. [Capture of the
fort of Chamar-goada by a detachment] On receiving orders
from Court, he entered the Bijapi'rr territories, and plundered
and destroyed every inhabited 'place he came to. On
the 27th Shawwél he reached the pass of Di'idbai, where he
halted. " "‘ Next morning he ascended the pass. In eight
days he arrived at Kolapi’rr, and invested the fortress and town.
Notwithstanding a brave defence, he quickly took the place.
[Successful skirmishes with Srihd and the Bi/a’ptrta] Khan
zaman next marched to Miraj, one of the principal towns in the
Bijapi'ir dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made six
days’ march to Rai-bagh, a very ancient town in that country,
where he obtained great booty. After remaining there ten days,
he fell back, and the enemy had the audacity to hang upon his
rear and harass him with rockets. Eight days’ march from Miraj
the army encamped on the bank of a river. A party was sent
out to forage, and a force was ordered to support it. The
enemy attacked this force, and a sharp fight ensued; but the
assailants were repulsed and pursued for two hos. While the
army was resting on the banks of the river Bhiinra, an Imperial
farmdn- arrived, directing Khan-zaman to return to the royal
presence, to receive instructions for the reduction of the fort of
Junir and the punishment of sent. The reason for this was

that ’Kdil Khan had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute
equivalent to twenty lacs in jewels, elephants, etc., and engaged
that if sahfi returned and surrendered Junir and the other forts
in the Nizam-Shahi territory to the Imperial officers, he would
take him into his service; but if Séhi'i did not do so, he would
assist the Imperial forces in reducing the forts and punishing
[Capture bg Khdn-kha'na'n of the forts of Anhi and Tankt,
Alka and Pa'lha, eighteen has from Daulata'bad.]
[Farman containing the terms of peace with ’A'dil Khdn, and
letter of the latter in acknowledgment. Letter of homage from
Katha-l Mulk. Summary of Sha'h Jaha'n’s two expeditions to the
Dakhin, the first in his father’s lifetime, the second after his own
’A'dil Kha'n of Btjapar.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 202.] While the Emperor was still
thinking about the reduction of the forts of the Dakhin, ’Adil
Khan, being disturbed by the prolonged stay of the Imperial
Court, wrote a letter to the Emperor, representing that the
affairs of that country were now all settled, and that he would
be answerable for the surrender of the forts held by sum and
others. There was therefore no reason for the Emperor’s staying
any longer, and it would be a great favour if he would proceed
to the capital, so that the raigats and people of Bijapiir might
return peacefully to their avocations. The Emperor graciously
consented, and resolved to go and spend the rainy season at
Mandu. ’A'dil Khan’s tribute, consisting of "‘ *, arrived, and
was accepted. The Emperor confirmed to him the territory
of Bijépfir and the fortress of Parenda, which had formerly
belonged to Nizamu-l Mulk, but which the commandant had
surrendered to ’A'dil Khan for a bribe. He also confirmed to
him all the country of Kokan on the sea-shore, which had been
formerly held half by him and half by Nizamu-l Mulk. [Copy
of the treatg.] '

Prince Aurangzeb, Governor of the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 205.] On the 3rd Zi-l hijja the
Emperor appointed Prince Aurangzeb to the government of the
Dakhin. This country contains sixty-four forts, fifty-three of
which are situated on bills, the remaining eleven are in the
plain. It is divided into four shbas. 1. Daulatébad, with
Ahmadnagar and other districts, which they call the saba of
the Dakhin. The capital of this province, which belonged to
Nizamu-l Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards
Daulatabad. 2. Telingana. This is situated in the suba of
the Be'zléghz'it.1 3. Khandes. The fortress of this province is
Asi-r, and the capital is Burhanpur, situated four kos from
Asir. 4. Birar. The capital of this province is Elichpfir, and
its famous fortress is called Gawil. It is built on the top of
a hill, and is noted above all the fortresses in that country
for strength and security. The whole of the third province
and a part of the fourth is in the Payin-ghat. The jama’,
or total revenue of the four provinces is two arbs of da'ms,
equivalent to five crores of rupees.
[Treaty with Kutbu-l Mulk. Letter from the latter.]
[Khdn-daurdn besieges U’dgir and Fsa, 'and both forts are
eventually surrendered]

TENTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1046 A.H. (1636 an).

Conquest of the Fort of Janir and Settlement of the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. i..part 2, p. 225.] When Khan-zaman returned
from the Emperor to his army, he learnt that Séhu had declined
entering into the service of ’A'dil Khan, and refused to surrender
Junir and the other fortresses to the Imperial ofiicers. ’Aidil
Khan therefore sent his forces, under the command of Randaula,
to co-operate with the Imperial army in the destruction of Séhi'i,
'1 The Shah Jaha'n-na’ma adds, “The capital of which is called Ntmder and the
fortress Kandahar."
BA'Dsrurn-MMA. 59

and the reduction of his fortresses. Khan-zaman hastened to
Junir, " "‘ " and invested the fortress. Being satisfied with
the arrangements for the siege, he determined to march against
Séhi'i, who was in the neighbourhood of Puna. \Vhen he reached
the Khorandi, he was detained on its banks for a month by the
heavy rains and the inundations. As soon as the waters abated,
he crossed the river, and encamped on the banks of the Indian,
near Lohganw, and Séhi’i, who was seventeen kos distant, then
made into the mountains of Gondhana and Ni'irand. There were
were three large swollen rivers, the I’ndén, the M01, and the
Mota,l between Khan-zaman and Sahfi. “ " The Khan
therefore sent an officer to consult with Randaula. The opinion
of that commander coincided with Khén-zaman’s in favour of
the pursuit, and the latter began his march. * * Séhi'i
then fled with great haste by the pass of Kombha,2 and entered
the Kokan. "‘ “‘ Finding no support there, he returned by
the pass of Kombha. The Imperial forces then entered the
Kokan by the same pass, and Randanla also was closing up.
Séhi'i then went off to Mahi'ili, "‘ " and from thence to
the fort of Mi'iranjan,3 situated between the hills and the jungle.
Khan-zamén followed. * ‘ ' "’ On discovering the approach
of his pursuers, Séhi'i hastily sent 03' a portion of his baggage,
and abandoned the rest. * " "‘ The pursuers having come
up, put many of the rebels to the sword. “ "' Being still
pursued, Séhi'i went again to Mahfili, hoping to get away by
Trimbak and Tringalwéri ;4 but, fearing lest he should encounter
the royal forces, he halted at Mahl'ili. He retained a party of
his adherents, who had long followed him, and the rest of his
men he disbanded, and allowed them to go where they would.
Then, with his son and a portion of his baggage, he went into
the fort, resolved to stand a siege.

‘ The Indiranee, Moola, and Moota of the Maps, near Prime.
7 In the Ghats, Lat. 18'20.
9 Or “ Muroranjan ” in the Ghats, Lat. 18'50.
‘ A little N. of the Tel Ghat
60 . ’ABDU-L HAMI'D Lxnonr.

Khén-zamén got intelligence of this when he was twelve kos
from Mahfili, and, notwithstanding the difficulties of the road,
he reached the fort in one day. * * He immediately opened
his trenches and made approaches. “ ‘ A few days after,
Randaula came up, and joined in the siege. " * When the
place was hard pressed, Séhi'i wrote repeatedly to Khan-zaman,
offering to surrender the fortress on condition of being received
into the Imperial service. He was informed that if he wished
to save his life, he must come to terms with ’Kdil Khan, for such
was the Emperor‘s command. He was also advised to be quick
in doing so, if he wished to escape from the swords of the
besiegers. So he was compelled to make his submission to ’A'dil
Khan, and he besought that a treaty might be made with him.
After the arrival of the treaty, he made some absurd inadmissible
demands, and withdrew from the agreement he had made. But
the siege was pressed on, and the final attack drew near, when
Séhi'i came out of the fort and met Randaula half way down the
hill, and surrendered himself with the young Nizam. He agreed
to enter the service of ’A'dil Khan, and to surrender the fortress
of Junir and the other forts to the Imperial generals. " * *
Accordingly the forts of Junir, Trimbak, Tringalwari, Haris,
J udhan, J find, and Harsira, were delivered over to Khén-zaman.
"‘ "‘ Randaula, under the orders of ’A'dil Khan. placed the
young Nizam in the hands of Khan-zaman, and then went to
Bijapi'ir, accompanied by Séhfi.
[Khdn-daura'n takes possession of the forts of Kataljahr, and
Ashta, and besieges and storms the fort of Na'gpzZr.]

Niza'mu-l Mulk.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 256.] On the 1st Zi-l hijja, 1046 A.H ,
Prince Murad Bakhsh, Yaminu-d daula Khan-dauran Bahadur
Nusrat Jang,1 and others went forth to meet Prince Aurangzeb,
who had returned to Court from the Dakhin. * *‘ He brought

1 He had been honoured with this title for his late victories.
unsure-mm. 61

with him the member of Nizamu-l Mulk’s family 1 whom the
disaffected of the Dakhin had made use of for their rebellious
purposes, and to whom they had given the title of Nizému-l
Mulk. He was placed under the charge of Saiyid Khan
Jahan, to be kept in the fort of Gwalior, where there were
two other of the Nizams—one of whom was made prisoner at
the capture of Ahmadnagar in the reign of Jahéngir, and the
other at the downfall of Daulatabad in the present reign; * “
On the 4th, the news came that Khén-zarnén had died at
Daulatabad from a complication of diseases of long standing. * "‘
Shayista Khan was appointed to succeed him in his command.

The Bundelas.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 270.] The Bundelas are a turbulent
troublesome race. Notwithstanding that Jajhar, their chief,
had been slain, the rebellious spirits of the tribe had taken no
warning, but had set up a child of his named Pirthi Raj, who
had been carried off alive from the field of battle, and they had
again broken out in rebellion. * * Khan-dauran Bahadur Nusrat
Jang was ordered to suppress this insurrection, and then to pro
ceed to his government in Malwa.

Storm at Thatta.
[p. 276.] On the 23rd Rabi’u-l awwal letters were received
from Thatta, reporting that rain had fallen incessantly for thirty
six hours in all the towns and places near the sea-shore. Many
houses and buildings were destroyed, and great numbers of men
and beasts of all kinds were drowned. The wind blew so furiously
that huge trees were torn up by their roots, and the waves of the
sea cast numbers of fishes on to the shore. Nearly a thousand
ships, laden and unladen, went down from the violence of the
sea, and heavy losses fell upon the ship-owners. The land also,
- over which the waves were driven, became impregnated with salt,
and unfit for cultivation.
1 This individual, like all the others, is sarcastically called “ Be-Nizfim."

Conquest of Tibet.
[Term vol. i. part 2, p. 281.] The late Emperor Jahangir long
entertained the design of conquering Tibet, and in the course of
his reign Hashim Khan, son of Késim Khan Mir-bahr, governor
of Kashmir, under the orders of the Emperor, invaded the
country with a large force of horse and foot and local saminda’rs.
But'although he entered the country, and did his best, he met
with no success, and was obliged to retreat with great loss and
with much difficulty. * * The Imperial order was now given that
Zafar Khan, governor of Kashmir, should assemble the forces
under his command, and effect the conquest of that country.
Accordingly he collected nearly eight thousand horse and foot,
composed of Imperial forces, men of his own, and retainers of the
marzbrins of his province. He marched by the difficult route of
Karcha-barh, and in the course of one month he reached the
district of Shkardi'i, the first place of importance in Tibet,
and on this side of the Niléb (Indus). ’Ali Rai, father of
Abdél, the present Marzbdn of Tibet, had built upon the
summits of two high mountains two strong forts—the higher of
which was called Kaharphi'icha, and the other Kahchana. Each
of them had a road of access “like the neck of a reed, and the
curve of a talon.” The road of communication between the two
was on the top of the mountain. Abdal shut himself up in the
fort of Kaharphiicha. He placed his minister and general
manager in the fort of Kahchana, and he sent his family and
property to the fort of Shakar, which stands upon a high moun
tain on the other side of the Nilab.
Zafar Khan, after examining the height and strength of the
fortresses, was of opinion that it was inexpedient to invest and
attack them; but he saw that the military and the peasantry of
Tibet were much distressed by the harsh rule of Abdal, and he
resolved to win them over by kindness. Then he sent a detach- '
ment to subdue the fort of Shakar, and to make prisoners of the
family of Abdel. The whole time which the army could keep

the field in this country was two months; for if it remained
longer, it would be snowed up. It was for this reason that he
sent Mir Fakhru-d din, "‘ * with four thousand men, against the
fort of Shakar, while he himself watched the fort in which
Abdal was. He next sent Hasan, nephew of Abdal, with some
other men of Tibet, who had entered into the Imperial service,
and some zaminddrs of Kashmir, who had friendly relations with
the people of the country, to endeavour by persuasion and
promises to gain over the people. " * Mir Fakhr passed over the
river Nilab, and laid siege to the fort. Daulat, son of Abdal,
of about fifteen years of age, was in charge of the fort. He
sallied out to attack the besiegers, * “ but was driven back with
loss. * * The besiegers then advanced, and opened their trenches
against the gate on the Shkardi'i side. The son of Abdal was so
frightened by these proceedings, that, regardless of his father’s
family (in the fort), be packed up the gold, silver, and what
was portable, and escaped in the night by the Kashghar gate.
Mir Fakhru-d din, being apprised of his flight, entered the fort.
He could not restrain his followers from plundering ; but he took
charge of Abdal’s family. A force was sent in pursuit of the
son, which could not overtake him, but returned with some gold
and silver he had thrown away on the road.
On hearing of this victory, Zafar Khan pressed on the siege of
Kaharphiicha and Kahchana. * * The governor and garrison
of the latter surrendered. * * Abdal, in despair at the progress
made by the invaders, and at the loss of his wives and children,
opened negociations and surrendered the fort of Kaharphiicha. * "
Zafar Khan was apprehensive that the snow would fall and close
the passes, and that, at the instigation of Abdal, he might be
attacked from the side of Kashmir. So, without making any
settlement of the country, and without searching after Abdal's
property, he set out on his return, taking with him Abdal, his
family, and some of the leading men of the enemy. He left
Muhammad Murad, Abdal’s eakil, in charge of the country.

ELEVENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1047 Ail-I. (1637 an).
Capture of Kandahar and other forts.l

[Text, vol. ii. p. 24.] The strong fortress of Kandahar was
annexed to the Imperial dominions in the fortieth year of the
Emperor Akbar. * * Shah Safi of Persia, was desirous of re
covering it. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Jahangir,
Prince Shah Jahan was sent to arrange the affairs of the
Dakhin, * * and the Shah of Persia seized the opportunity
to make an attempt to recover the place. He invested it,
and after a siege of forty-five days reduced the fortress in
the seventeenth year of Jahangir. “‘ * After a time, “Ali
Mardan Khan was appointed governor of Kandahar, “ * "‘
and Shah Jahan, being desirous of recovering the place, directed
his governor of Kabul to send an able emissary to ’Ali Mards'in
Khan, who was to learn what he could about the fortress and its
garrison, and to make overtures to ’Ali Mardén Khan. * * The
envoy was received very graciously, * * and friendly relations
were established between ’Ali Mardéu Khan and the governor of
Kabul, "‘ * so that the Khan at length wrote, expressing his
desire to surrender the place to Shah Jahan. "‘ "‘ On the approach
of the Imperial forces, ’Ali Mardan Khan conducted them into the
fortress, and gave it up to them. " * The governor of Kabul was
directed to proceed to Kandahar, and to present a lac of rupees to
’Ali Mardan Khan. He was then to take the Khan to Kabul,
and to send him under escort to the Imperial Court, with all his
family and dependents. * *‘ The Emperor sent "Ali Mardan
Khan a khil’at [and many other fine presents. Engagement between
Sa’id Khan, governor of Kabul, and the Persians, and defeat of
the latter. Capture by siege of the forts of Bust, Zamz'nddwar,
and Girishk] All the country of Kandahar with its fortresses
[enumerated in detail] were re-annexed to the Imperial dominions.

l The account of this siege is told in great detail.

Rebellion in Kach-Hdju.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 64.] On the north of the country of Bengal
there are two countries: Kiich-Haji'i, a cultivated country,
which lies on the banks of the Brahmaputra, a large river, two
has in width, which flows from the country of A'shém (Assam)
into Bengal. From thence to Jahangir-nagar (Dacca) is one
month’s journey. The other country is Kiich-Bihar, which is
far away from the river, and is twenty days’ journey from
Jahangir-nagar. These two countries belonged to local rulers
(marzban), and at the beginning of the reign of the Emperor
Jahangir, the country of Kfich-Héji'i was under the rule of
Parichhit, and Kfich-Bihar under Lachhmi Narain, brother of
the grandfather of Parichhit. In the eighth year of the reign,
Shah Jahz'm gave the government of Bengal to Shaikh ’Alau-d
din Fathpi'iri, who had received the title of Islam Khan.
Raghunath, Zamindar of Susang, came to him, complaining that
Parichhit had tyrannically and violently placed his wives and
children in prison. His allegations appeared to be true. At the
same time, Lachhmi Narain repeatedly represented his devotion
to the Imperial government, and incited Islam Khan to effect the
conquest of Ki'ich-Haji'i. He accordingly sent a force to punish
Parichhit, and to subjugate the country. [Long details of the
operations] When the victorious army reached the river Kajli,
some men were sent over first in boats, who in a short time
defeated and put to flight the guard of the place. The whole
force then crossed and destroyed some old forts. A strong fort
was then constructed on each side of the Kajli, and * ““ garrisons
were placed in them to check and keep down the turbulent
landholders. The army then proceeded to Koh-hatah, towards
U’tarkol, between Sri-ghat and the Kajli, there to pass the rains.

Conquest of Bagldna.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 105.] The territory of Baglana contains
nine forts, thirty-four parganas, and one thousand and one
von. vn. 5

villages. It has been a separate jurisdiction (marzbdnt) for one
thousand four hundred years, and its present ruler is named
Bharji. It is famous for its temperate climate, its numerous
streams and the abundance of its trees and fruits. In length
it is a hundred has, and in breadth eighty. On the east is
Ohandor,_a dependency of Daulatabad; on the west the port of
Surat and the sea ; on the north Sultanpiir and Nandurbar; and
on the south Nasik and Trimbak. * * The strongest of its
forts are Sélhir and Mi'ilhir.1 Salhir is placed upon a hill. "‘ *
Mulhir also stands upon a hill. * “ When Prince Aurangzeb
was sent to the government of the Dakhin, he was directed to
subjugate this country. On the 8th Sha’ban, 1047 H. (Dec. 1637),
he sent an army against it, * * which advanced and laid siege to
Miilhir. The trenches were opened and the garrison was pressed
so hard that, on the 10th Shawwal, Bharji sent out his mother
and his oaktl with the keys of his eight forts, offering to enrol
himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, on condition
of receiving the pargana of Sultanpi'ir. *‘ *‘ When this pro
posal reached the Emperor, he granted Bharji a mansab of three
thousand personal and 2500 horse, and Sultanpi'ir was conferred
upon him for his home.

TWELFTH YEAR. or THE REIGN, 1048 A.H. (1638 A.D.).

[Submission of Mantle Ra'é, the Mag Rdjd of Chdtgdm]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 123.] On the 13th Rajab, the Imperial
train reached Lahore, * * and ’Ali Mardan Khan, who had
come from Kandahar, was received with great ceremony. He
was presented with [numerous rich gifts], and his mansab was
increased from 5000 to 6000 personal and 6000 horse. * "‘
Before the end of the month he was appointed governor of
Kashmir, * * and shortly afterwards he was presented with
five lacs of rupees and ten parcels of the choice fabrics of the

1 “Moolcer” lies about half way, a little west, of a line drawn from Ohandor to

looms of Bengal. The Emperor afterwards did him the honour
of paying him a visit at his house. [The Imperial progress
from Lahore to Kabul and back again]

Little Tibet.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 159.] The conquest of Little Tibet, the
captivity of its ruler Abdal, and the appointment of Adam
Khan to be governor, have been previously mentioned. A'dam
Khan now wrote to ’Ali Mardan Khan, the new governor of
Kashmir, informing him that Sangi Bamkhal, the holder of
Great Tibet, * * had seized upon Biirag in Little Tibet,
and meditated further aggression. ’Ali Mardan Khan sent a
force against him under the command of Husain Beg. * *
On the meeting of the two forces, Sangi’s men were put to flight.
* * He then sued for forgiveness, and offered to pay tribute.

THIRTEENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 163.] On the 21st Jumada-s sani, the
Emperor arrived at Lahore. * * ’Ali Mardan Khan came
down from Kashmir. * "‘ His mansab was increased to 7000
personal and .7000 horse, * "‘ and the government of the
Panjab was given to him in addition to that of Kashmir. *" *
On the 6th Rajah, Islam Khan came according to summons from
Bengal, and was appointed to the oflice of Financial Minister

’Ali Marddn’s Lahore Canal.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 168.] ’Ali Mardan Khan represented to
His Majesty that one of his followers was an adept in the forming
of canals, and would undertake to construct a canal from the
place where the river Ravi descends from the hills into the plains,
and to conduct the waters to Lahore, benefiting the cultivation
of the country through which it should pass. The Emperor

* * gave to the Khan one lac of rupees, a sum at which
experts estimated the expense, and the Khan then entrusted its
formation to one of his trusted servants.
[Advance of an army from Sista'n against Kandahar—Occupa
tion and abandonment of the fort of Khanshi, near Bust]
[Great fire at the residence of Prince Shujd’ in A’gra.—Rogal
visit to Kashmir]
In the month of Muharram intelligence came in that Pirthi
Raj, son of Jajhar Bundela, had been taken prisoner. * *
Orders were given for his confinement in the fort of Gwalior.


[Chastisement of the Kolis and Kdthis in Gujarat—Payment
of tribute by the Ja'm of Ka'thiwa'r.]
[Rebellion of Jagat Singh, son of Rdjd Bash of Ka'ngra.]


Death of A’saf Khan Khdn-kha'na'n.
[Text, 'vol. ii. p. 257.] On the 17th Sha’ban Yaminu-d
daula Aisaf Khan Khan-khanan, commander-in-chief, departed
this life; *‘ * and on receiving the intelligence, His Majesty
was much afl'ected, and gave orders that he should be buried on
the west side of the tomb of the late Emperor Jahéngir, and
that a lofty dome should be raised over his grave. * * He
had risen to a rank and dignity which no servant of the State
had ever before attained. By the munificent favour of the
Emperor, his mansab was nine thousand personal and nine thou
sand horse, a'o-aspah and sih-aspah, the pay of which amounted
to sixteen krors and twenty lacs of dams. When these had all
received their pay, a sum of fifty lacs of rupees was left for him
self. * "‘ Besides the mansion which he had built in Lahore,
and on which he expended twenty lacs of rupees, he left money
and valuables to the amount of two hrors and fifty lacs of

rupees. There were 30 lacs of rupees in jewels, three lacs of
ashrafis equal to 42 lacs of rupees, one kror and 25 lacs in
rupees, 30 lacs in gold and silver utensils, and 23 lacs in mis
cellaneous articles.
[Campaign in Jagat Singh’s territory. Capture of Mu, Nurpur,
and other forts. Surrender of Tdra'garh, and submission of Jagat


[Reduction of Pcila'mun, and submission of its Rafi]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 376.] At the beginning of Rabi”u-s sani, it
was made known to the Emperor that Prince Aurangzeb, under
the influence of ill-advised, short-sighted companions, had deter
mined to withdraw from worldly occupations, and to pass his days
in retirement. His Majesty disapproved of this, and took from
the Prince his mansab and his jdgir, and dismissed him from
the office of Governor-General of the Dakhin. Khan-dauran
Bahadur Nusrat Jang was appointed to succeed him.

EIGHTEENTH YEAR 0E THE REIGN, 1054 A.H. (1644 A.1).).
[’Alt Marddn Kha'n Amtru-l Umarzi sent to chastise Tardt ’Ali
Katghdn of Edith—Successful result]
[p. 385.] On the 29th Zi-l hijja, Prince Aurangzeb was
appointed Governor of Gujarat. "‘ "‘

NINETEENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1055 A.H. (1645 A.D.).
[Aflairs of Nasar Muhammad Khan of Balkh—Operations in
[p. 411.] On the 29th Shawwal, 1055, died Nfir Jahan
Began], widow of the late Emperor Jahangir. After her
marriage with the Emperor, she obtained such an ascendency
over him, and exercised such absolute control over civil and

revenue matters, that it would be unseemly to dilate upon it
here. After the accession of the Emperor Shah Jahan, he
settled an annual allowance of two lacs of rupees upon her.1

Campaign against Balkh and Badakhsha'n.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 482.] Ever since the beginning of his
reign, the Emperor’s heart had been set upon the conquest of
Balkh and Badakhshan, which were hereditary territories of his
house, and were the keys to the acquisition of Samarkand, the
home and capital of his great ancestor Timur Séhib-Kirén. He
was more especially intent on this because Nazar Muhammad
Khan had had the presumption to attack Kabul, from whence he
had been driven back in disgrace. The prosecution of the
Emperor’s cherished enterprise had been hitherto prevented
by various obstacles; "‘ " but now the foundations of the_
authority of Nazar Muhammad were shaken, and his authority
in Balkh was precarious. * * So the Emperor determined to send
his son Murad Bakhsh with fifty thousand horse, and ten
thousand musketeers, rocket-men and gunners, to effect the con
quest of that country. * “' On the last day of Zi-l hijja, 1055
IL, the Emperor gave his farewell to Prince Murad Bakhsh, to
Amiru-l Umara (’Ali Mardan Khan),2 and the other officers sent
on this service. [Plan of campaign. * * Progress of the
Emperor to Kabul—Details of the campaign—Capture of the
fort of Kahmard and the stronghold of (Mort—Conquest Qf'
Kunduz and Balkh, and flight of Nazar Muhammad—Revenues
of Nazar Muhammad]

[Prince Murdd Bahhsh desires to retire from Balkh—Dis
pleasure of. the Emperor expressed in a despatoh—The Prince
1 Khafi Khan says that afier Jahangir’s death she were only white clothes, she
never went to parties of amusement of her own accord, but lived in private and in
sorrow. She was buried at Lahore in a tomb she had built for herself by the side of
J ahfingir.
2 Who was of course the real commander.

persists] Many of the amérs and man-sabddrs who were with
the prince concurred in this unreasonable desire. Natural love
of home, a preference for the ways and customs of Hindustan, a,
dislike of the people and the manners of Balkh, and the rigours
of the climate, all conduced to this desire. This resolution
became a cause of distress among the raz'yals, of despondency
among the soldiery, and of hesitation among the men who were
coming into Balkh from all quarters. The soldiers, seeing this
vacillation, began to plunder and oppress the people. So, when
the Prince’s desire was repeatedly expressed, the Emperor's anger
was increased. He deprived the prince of his mansab, and took
from him his tug/1210f Multan. Under these circumstances, to settle
the confusion in Balkh, the Emperor found it necessary to send
there a trustworthy and able manager; so he selected Sa'du-lla
Khan, his prime minister. [Fighting in Badakhshdn.—Settle
ment of Balkh] Sa’du-lla Khan returned on the 5th Sha’ban,
1056 11., having settled the afl'airs of Balkh, and restored order
and tranquillity among the soldiers and people, and rescued the
country from wretchedness. He had most effectually carried
out the orders of the Emperor, and was rewarded with a khil’at,
and a thousand increase to his mansab. [Prince Murdd Bakhsh
restored to his mansab of 12,000.—Much fighting near Balkh
and Shaburghdn.] 1

Aurangzeb sent to Balkh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 627.] On the 24th Zi-l hijja., 1056, the
Emperor bestowed the countries of Balkh and Badakhshén on
Aurangzeb, and increased his mansab to 15,000 personal and ten
thousand horse, eight thousand being do-aspahs or sih-aspahs. * *
He was directed to proceed to Peshawar, and on the arrival of
spring to march to Balkh, in company with Amiru-l Umaré. ’Ali
Marda'm Khan, and a body of Rajpi'its, who had left Balkh and
Badakhshan in disgust, and had come to Peshawar, where they
1 See suyra‘, Vol. II. p. 478.

were stopped by an Imperial order directing the officers at Atak
not to allow them to cross the Indus.

The Emperor proceeds to Kdbul.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 637.] By the reports of the commanders in
Balkh and Badakhshén, the Emperor was informed that ’Abdu-l
’Aziz Khan, governor of Turan, “ “ intended to invade Balkh at
the beginning of spring. On the 15th Muharram Prince
Aurangzeb was sent on to Balkh with a body of Imperial
soldiers, and the Emperor himself determined to leave Lahore
and go to Kabul for the third time.
[Long details of fighting in Balkh and Badakhshiin, ending
abruptly with a statement of the errors made on the Imperial side]




[MUHAMMAD TAHIR, who received the title of ’Inayat Khan,
and was poetically named ’Ashna, was son of Zafar Khan bin
Khwaja Abi'i-l Hasan.
Zafar Khan, the author’s father, was wasir of Jahangir.
In the reign of Shah Jahan, he was at one time ruler of Kabul,
and afierwards of Kashmir, during which latter government he
effected the conquest of Tibet recorded in the foregoing pages
(p. 62). At a later period he was appointed to the administration
of Thatta. “ He was celebrated as a poet, as a patron of letters,
and as a just and moderate ruler.” .
’Inayat Khan’s maternal grandfather, Saif Khan, was governor
of Kgra, and when Prince Shuja’ was appointed ruler of Bengal,
Saif Khan was sent thither to conduct the administration until
the arrival of the prince.
The author, it appears, was born in the year that Shah Jahan
came to the throne. In the seventh year of his age he received, as
he informs us, “a suitable mansab.” He was sent to join his
father in Kashmir while he was governor there. He was afterwards
daroghd-i ddgh, and subsequently employed in a more congenial
oflice in the Imperial Library. “ He inherited his father‘s
talents and good qualities, and is said even to have surpassed
him in ability. He was witty and of agreeable manners, and
was one of the intimate friends of Shah Jahan. Latterly he

retired from office, and settled in Kashmir, where he died in A.H.
1077 (A.D. 1666). In addition to the history of Shah Jahén’s
reign, he was author of a Diwdn and three Masnawis.” 1
The sources of the first part of this Shah Jahdn-ndma are
plainly acknowledged by the author. The first twenty years
are in entire agreement with the Bddshdh-na'ma, but are written
in a more simple style. The history comes down to 1068 A.H.
(1657-8 A.D.), the year in which Aurangzeb was declared
Emperor, but of this event he takes no notice. The author
does not inform us whether he used any other work after the
Bddshdh-na'lna as the basis of his own,_0r whether the history
of the last ten years is his own independent work.
The following is the author’s own account of his work trans
lated from his Preface:
“ The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad Tahir, com
monly known as Ashna, but bearing the title of ’Inéyat Khan
bin Muzaifar Khan bin Khwaja Abi'i-l Hasan, represents to the
attention of men of intelligence, and acumen that in Rabi’u-l
awwal, in the 31st year of the reign of the Emperor Shah
Jahan [six lines of titles and phrases], corresponding to 1068 H...
he was appointed superintendent of the Royal Library, and there
he found three series of the Ba'dsha'h-na'ma, written by Shaikh
’Abdu-l Hamid Lahori and others, each series of which comprised
the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. The whole of these
memoirs completed one karn, which is an expression signifying
thirty years. Memoirs of the remaining four years were written
after his death by others. The author desires to observe that
the style of these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his
simple mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abl'i-l
Fazl was ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the history of
his reign, yet Khwaja Nizamu-d din Ahmad Bakhshi wrote a
distinct history of that reign, which he called the Tabakdt-i
Akbar-shdht. Jannat-makéni Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahéngir,
imitating the example of his ancestor the Emperor Zahiru-d din
1 Marley’s Catalogue.

Muhammad Babar, himself wrote a history of his own reign;
yet Mu’tamad Khan Bakhshi wrote a history of that reign, to
which he gave the title of Ihba'l-ndma-i Jaha'ngz'rz'. Ghairat Khan
Nakshabandi also brought together the chief events of that reign
in a book which he called Ma-a'sir-i Jahdngirz'. (With. these
examples before him), it seemed to the writer of these pages that,
as he and his ancestors had been devoted servants of the Imperial
dynasty, it would be well for him to write the history of the reign
of Shah Jahan in a simple and clear style, and to reproduce the
contents of the three volumes of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hamid in plain
language and in a condensed form. Such a work (he thought)
would not be superfluous, but rather a gain. So he set about his
work, and the Almighty gave him leisure, so that in a short time
he completed it. The history from the fourth to the tenth year
is based on the Pddshah-ndma of Muhammad Amin Kazwini,
commonly known as Aminéi Munshi, which is written in a
more simple style. And as only a selection has been made of
the events recorded, this work is styled lllalakhhhas.”
The title Malahhhhas “ Abridgment,” which the author gave to
his work, was too indefinite to last, and it is commonly known as
Shah Jaha'n-na’ma.
MSS. of this work seem to be common. Sir H. M. Elliot
has three borrowed copies. There are three in the British
Museum, and one in the Library of'the Asiatic Society. A copy
belonging to the Raja of Benares is a handsome quarto of 12
inches x 8%, and contains 360 leaves of 19 lines to the page.
The whole of this work, from the beginning of the third year of
the reign to the accession of Aurangzeb, with which it closes, was
translated by the late Major Fuller. It fills 561 folio pages of
close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot’s Library. The follow
ing Extracts are taken from that translation]


TVVENT'Y-FIRST YEAR or THE REIGN, 1057 A.H. (1647 A.D.).

In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of royalty
about- this time, through the representations of the victorious
Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, was the following :—
Nazar Muhammad Khan, who, after abandoning the siege of
fort Maimanah, had stood fast at Nilchiragh,1 continued watching,
both day and night, the efforts of ’Abdu-l ’Aziz Khan and his
other sons, who were gone to oppose the royal army with all the
Uzbek forces of Mawarau-n Nahr, Balkh and Badakhshan, anxious
to see what would be the result. As soon as he heard that they
also had, like himself, become wanderers in the desert of failure,
owing to the superior prowess and vigour of the royalists, finding
his hopes everywhere shattered, he despatched an apologizing
letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition for
past misdeeds, and ardent longing for an interview with His
Royal Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his
fallen fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the
throne of royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy
in attendance till the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation
of the farmdn’s arrival, and the Khan's letter, which His Royal
Highness had forwarded to Court in the original, with some
remarks of his own, was duly submitted to the auspicious
perusal. As it happened, from the commencement of his in
vasion of Balkh, this very design had been buried in the depths
of his comprehensive mind, viz. that after clearing the kingdoms
of Balkh and Badakhshan from the thorny briers of turbulence
and anarchy. he should restore them in safety to Nazar Mu-i
hammad Khan. The latter, however, scorning the dictates of
prudence, hastened to Him; but finding his afl'airs did not
progress there to his satisfaction, he turned back, and at the
suggestion of the Kalmaks and other associates, came and be
sieged the fort of Maimanah, in order that he might seek
‘ [Also written Pulchiragh or Bilchiragh]

shelter within its walls, and so set his mind at rest. In the
end, however, after infinite toil and labour, seeing the capture
of the stronghold in question to be beyond his reach, he de
parted without effecting his object, and moved to Nilchirégh,
all which occurrences have been already fully detailed in their
proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions,
it was further made known to his world-adorning understanding,
that notwithstanding the servants of the crown had manifested
the most laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the
peasantry in Balkh and Badakhshén by giving them seed, and
assisting them to plough and till their fields: yet, owing' to the
inroads of the Almans, most of the grain and crops had been~
destroyed, and the populous places desolated; and that the
commanders of the army, and the chiefs of the soldiery, owing
to the dearth of provisions and the scarcity of grain, Were ex
tremely disgusted, and averse to remaining any longer in the
country. From the contents of the Prince’s letter, moreover, his
unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned. Taking
all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued, direct
ing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshan
to Nazar Muhammad Khan, provided the latter would come
and have an interview with him, and then set out with all the
victorious forces for Hindustan, the type of Paradise.

Oession of Balkh and Badahhshdn to Nazar Muhammad Kha'n,
and Retreat of Aurangzeb.
* * *‘ On the 4th of the month of Ramazan, early in the
morning, which was the time selected for Nazar Muhammad
Khan’s interview, news came in that he had sent his grand
son Muhammad Késim, son of Khusri'i Sultan, in company
with Kafsh Kalmak and several chiefs, and that they had all
' advanced two has beyond the bridge of Khatab. The Prince,
appreciating the gradations of rank, deputed his son, Mu
hammad Sultan, along with Bahédur Khan and some other

nobles, to go and meet him; and that early fruit of the
orchard of royalty having dutifully obeyed the command,
brought the individual in question into his noble father’s
presence. The Prince, well versed in etiquette, then folded
Muhammad Kasim in a fond embrace, and placed him in
an adjoining seat; after which, Kafsh Kalmak delivered the
Khan’s letter, full of apologies for not having come in con
sequence of an attack of indisposition, and represented that
the Khan, being obliged to forego the pleasure of an interview,
had sent Muhammad Késim as his representative, with a
view to remove all suspicion of his having wilfully broken
his promise.
After dismissing Muhammad Kasim, the Prince addressed
the commanders of the army in that country,'viz. * *‘ saying,
his instructions were, to deliver over Balkh and Badakhshan
to Nazar Muhammad Khan, after the interview; but now
that the latter had only sent his grandson, excusing himself
on the pretended plea of sickness, he could not carry out
this measure without a distinct order. He told them to take
into consideration, however, that the country was desolated,
winter close at hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that
there would be great difficulty in making arrangements for the
winter, and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement
season, and asked them what was their opinion on the subject.
The principal chiefs replied, that the passes of the Hindu Koh
were just about to be covered by snow, when the road would
be blocked up; so that, if he reported the matter, and waited
the arrival of instructions, the opportunity would slip through
his hands. They therefore came to the unanimous conclusion,
that His Royal Highness should recall all the governors of
forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh.
As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting of Uzheks
and Almans, had crossed the river Jihl'm, and spread them
selves over those regions, and wherever they saw a concourse
of people, took the first opportunity of assailing them, Rajé.

Jai Singh was despatched to Turmuz to fetch Sa’adat Khan.
The Prince was also on the point of starting off Bahadur
Khan to bring back Rustam Khan from Andkhod, and Shad
Khan from Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in
safety. In the interim,'however, a letter arrived from Rustam
Khan, saying, that as he had ascertained that the country was -
to be delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Khan, he had set
out from Andkhod to Maimanah, with the intention of taking
Shad Khan from thence in company with him, and proceeding
towards Kabul by way of San-charik. The Prince then
marched with all the royal forces from the neighbourhood of
Faizabad, and encamped at Chalkai, which lies contiguous to
the city of Balkh; where, having ceded the country to Nazar
Muhammad Khan, he delivered up the town and citadel of
Balkh to Muhammad Késim and Kafsh Kalmak. He pre
sented the former of these, on bidding him farewell, with a
jewelled dagger, a horse caparisoned with golden trappings,
and 50,000 rupees out of the royal treasury. He also com
mitted to his charge, among the stores contained in the fort
and city, 50,000 mans of grain belonging to His Majesty,
which, estimated by the rate ruling at that time, was worth
five lacs of rupees; and besides this, all the granaries of the
other forts. At this stage, Mirzé. Rajé. Jai Singh returned
from Turmuz, accompanied by Sa’adat Khan, and joined the
army. From the beginning of the invasion of Balkh and
‘Badakhshan till the end, when those conquered territories were
ceded to Nazar Muhammad Khan, there was expended out
of the State exchequer, in the progress of this undertaking,
the sum of two krors of rupees, which is equivalent to seven
lacs of the tamdns current in Irak.
To be brief. On the 14th of the aforesaid month of Ramazan,
the Prince started from Chalkai with all the royal forces for
Kabul. He appointed Amiru-l Umara with a party to form the
.left wing; Mirzé. Rajé. Jai Singh with his, the right; and
Bahadur Khan the rear-guard; whilst he sent on Mu’tamad

Khan, the Mir-i atish, with the whole of the royal artillerymen,
and Pirthi Raj Rather, as a vanguard; so that the bands of
Uzbeks, ever watching for an opportunity of attack, might not
be able to harass and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the
army, whilst winding through the narrow defiles and passes.
As it was an arduous task for the whole army to cross the pass
of ’Arbang in one day, the victorious Prince himself having
marched through it safely, waited on the further side with
Amiru-l Umara, till the entire army was over; and by His Royal
Highness’s order, Bahadur Khan halted at the mouth of the
above pass, for the sake of helping the camp and baggage
through. He was also in the habit of sending some of the
troops every day to protect the party who went out to fetch
grass and firewood. One day, when the turn for this duty
came to Shamsher Khan, Khushhél Beg Kashghari, and others
of his countrymen, the Uzbeks, imagining the party to be a
small one, advanced, to the number of about 5000 horsemen,
and one moiety of them having encompassed Shamsher Khan
and his comrades in the midst, the other took up a position on
the summit of some eminences. Bahadur Khan, having received
intimation of this, went to his support, and having made several
of those marauders a prey to the sword of vengeance, put the
remainder to flight; whilst out of the royal troops some few
were wounded. On the third day of the halt, whilst the
rest of the army were crossing the pass of ’Arbang, a body of
Almans made their appearance; whereupon Nazar Bahadur
Khan, Kheshji Ratan son of Muhesh Das, and some others,
charged them on one side, and on the other Mu’tamad Khan
with the artillerymen, and a number of the Prince’s retainers.
The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned and fled,
closely pursued by the royalists, who killed and wounded a few
of them.
The day they had to march from Ghori by way of Khwaja
Zaid, as the road to the next stage, which had been selected on
the banks of the Surkhab, was extremely diflicult, and there
snsn .TAHKN-NAMA. 81

was a great likelihood of an attack from the Uzbeks and
Hazaras, the Prince left Amiru-l Umaré. at the top of the
aforesaid pass, to protect the men who used to follow in rear
of the army. As there was an interval of two hos between
Amiru-l Umara, Bahadur Khan,and the left wing of the army,
a portion of the baggage, whilst threading the road, was plundered
by the Hazaras. A vast body of them also fell upon the
treasure; but Zfi-l Kadar Khan, and the rest who were with it,
firmly held their ground, and the battle was warmly contested
till some part of the night was spent. Amiru-l Umara, having
been informed of the circumstance, sent a detachment of his
own men to their assistance; whereupon the enemy retreated
in confusion. After the camp had advanced beyond Shaburghan,
during the march to Nek Bihér and to Char-chashma, some
injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the narrowness
and steepness of the road, and the rolling over of several laden
beasts of burden, which were accidentally led along the top of
the hill off the path by some of the people who had lost their
way. When they started from Ohar-chashma for the foot
of the Hindu Koh range, it was resolved, for the greater con
venience of the troops, that 'the Prince should first cross the
pass, and at the expiration of a day Amiru-l Umara should
follow; that after him should come the royal treasure, har-kha'na
(wardrobe) and artillery, with all His Royal Highness’s estab
lishment; and in this way, a party having gradually crossed
every day, Bahadur Khan, who occupied the rear of the
victorious army, should follow last of all. The illustrious
Prince, having reached the foot of the pass that day, passed
over the Hindu Koh on the next, and though the weather was
not intensely cold, yet as snow had fallen previously, and
there was a hard frost, the men get over with considerable
On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, whence he
marched during the night into Kabul. When Amiru-l Umara,
who followed one day’s march in rear, was encamped at the foot
voL. vn. 6

of the pass, at midnight it began to snow, and continued doing
so without intermission till morning; after which the weather
became fair, and the Amir having got through the pass with
his force, entered Kabul two days after His Royal Highness.
As for Raja Jai Singh, who, the day the camp marched from
Surkhab, had stayed behind by the Prince’s orders at that place,
on account of the narrowness of the road, and the difliculty of
the defiles that occurred further on, as soon as he passed Char
chashma, the snow commenced falling, and never once ceased
all that day and the next, during which he halted on the road.
After arriving at the pass of the Hindu Koh, till crossing over
it, the snow kept falling for three more days and nights; and
Zi'1~l Kadar Khan, whose duty it was to guard the treasure,
seeing, when four hos distant from the Hindu Koh, that a snow
storm was coming on, started at once in the hope of getting
the treasure through the pass, before it could have time to stop
up the road. It chanced, however, that the snow gradually
accumulated to such a depth, that most of the camels tumbled
down, and nearly half of them were rendered quite‘unserviceable,
so that the Khan in question, despite his utmost exertions, was
unable to cross that day. In consequence of the intense cold,
his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed, and saving a
few servants of the crown, no one remained with him; never
theless he stayed on the summit of the ridge, to guard the
treasure, notwithstanding the snow-storm. In the morning,
having laden a portion of it on such of the camels as were
capable of travelling, he started it off in advance to Ghorband,
escorted by some of the horsemen; whilst he himself with a
few others occupied themselves in guarding the remainder, and
spent seven days and nights on the top of the Hindu Koh in the
midst of snow and intense cold, and with but a scanty supply
of provisions, waiting for Bahadur Khan’s arrival, who was
behind. The fortunes of the latter were as follows. As soon
as he reached the pass of Nek Bihar, which is two marches
from the Hindu Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the
snxn JAHKN-NXMA. 83

snow began to fall, and continued coming down all night till
twelve o’clock next day. Owing to the difficulties of the pass,
which were greatly enhanced by the heavy fall of snow, he only
got the rest of the camp and army through with immense labour.
At this juncture, the malicious Hazaras, in their eager desire
for plunder, assaulted the camp followers more desperately than
ever; but Bahadur Khan each time inflicted summary chastise
ment on the freebooters, and drove them off. After reaching,
the foot of the Hindu Koh pass, and halting there for a day,
he sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon as
they were across, set out himself. As most of the people spent
the night on the summit of the pass, on account of the difficult
roads, and the intense coldness of a mountain climate, heightened
by the deep snow and chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle '
that were worn out and infirm perished. Accordingly, from the
first commencement of the army’s crossing to the end, about
5000 men, and a similar number of animals, such as horses,
elephants, camels, oxen, etc., were destroyed, and a vast deal of
property remained buried in the snow. When Bahadur Khan
came to the top of the pass, and Zi'i-l Kadar Khz'in explained
the state of affairs to him, he halted there, and in company with
Ikhlas Khan, and some other nobles and mansabda'rs who still
stood by him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning,
having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels as
he could find, he loaded them with the treasure, and distributed
the rest among the horses and camels belonging to the troops.
Just as he was on the point of starting, a body of Hazaras
came up in the rear, and seeing the paucity of his detachment,
resolved upon making an assault, for the sake of carrying off
the treasure. Bahadur Khan, however, faced about, and made
some of the doomed wretches a prey to (the crocodile of) his
bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He then set out
with the treasure, and reached Balkh along with his comrades,
after an interval of fourteen days from the time of the Prince’s
arrival there.

Despatch of a Candlestick to the Glorious Olly.
Among the events of this year was the despatch of a candle
stick studded with gems to the revered tomb of the Prophet (on
whom he the greatest favours, and blessings!) an account of which
is here given. Some time previous to this it was represented
that a wonderfully large diamond from a mine in the territory
~of 'Golkonda had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-l Mulk; where
upon an order was issued, directing him to forward the same
to Court ; when its estimated value would be taken into account,
as part of the two lacs of lame (pagodas), which was the stipu
lated amount of his annual tribute. He accordingly sent the
diamond in question, which weighed in its rough state 180 ratls,
‘ to Court; and after His Majesty’s own lapidaries had cut away
as much of the outer surface as was requisite to disclose all
its beauties, there remained a rare gem of 100 ratls weight,
valued by the jewellers at one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such
a valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the
threshold, resembling the Elysian abode, since his accession to
the throne, the pious monarch, the bulwark of religion, with
the best intention, and the utmost sincerity of purpose, made a
vow to send it to the pure sepulchre of the last of the Prophets
(on whom be peace I). Having therefore selected out of the
amber candlesticks that he had amongst his private property
the largest of them all, which weighed 700 tolas, and was worth
10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should be covered with
anetwork of gold, ornamented on all sides with flowers, and
studded with gems, among which that valuable diamond should
also be included.
In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two lacs and 50,000
rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the price of the diamond,
and the remaining lac the worth of all the gems and gold,
together with the original candlestick. Mir Saiyid Ahmad
Sa’id Bahari, who had once before conveyed charitable presents
to the two sacred cities, was then deputed to take charge of this

precious ofl'ering; and an edict was promulgated to the effect,
that the revenue collectors of the province of Gujarat should
purchase a lac and 60,000 rupees worth of goods for the sacred
fans, and deliver it over to him, so that he might take it along
with him from thence. Out of this, he was directed to present
50,000 rupees worth to the Sharif of Mecca; to sell 60,000
rupees worth, and distribute the proceeds, together with any
profit that might accrue, amongst the indigent of that sacred
city; and the remaining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those
of the glorious Medina. The above-named Saiyid, who was
only in receipt of a daily stipend, was promoted to a suitable
mansab, and having been munificently presented with a dress of
honour and a donation of 12,000 rupees, received his dismissal.

Account of the founding of the fort at the Metropolis of
The following is an exact account of the founding of the splendid
fort in the above-named metropolis, with its edifices resembling
Paradise, which was constructed in the environs of the city of
Dehli, on the banks of the river Jumna. It first occurred to the
omniscient mind that he should select on the banks of the afore
said river some pleasant site, distinguished by its genial climate,
where he might found a splendid fort and delightful edifices,
agreeably to the promptings of his generous heart, through which
streams of water should be made to flow, and the terraces of
which should overlook the riVer. When, after a long search, a
piece of ground outside of the city of Dehli, lying between the
most distant suburbs and Ni'irgarh, commonly called Salimgarh,
was fixed upon for this purpose, by the royal command, on the
night of Friday, the 25th of Zi-l hijja, in the twelfth year
of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 A.H., being the
time appointed by the astrologers, the foundations were marked
out with the usual ceremonies, according to the plan devised, in
the august presence. Active labourers were then employed in

digging the foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of
Muharram, of the year coinciding with 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.),
the foundation-stone of that noble structure was laid. Through
out the Imperial dominions, wherever artificers could be found,
whether plain stone-cutters, ornamental sculptors, masons, or
carpenters, by the mandate worthy of implicit obedience, they
were all collected together, and multitudes of common labourers
were employed in the work. It was ultimately completed on
the 24th of Rabi’u-l awwal, it the twenty-first year of his
reign, corresponding to 1058 A.H., at an outlay of 60 lacs of
rupees, after taking nine years three months and some days in

Firos Shah’s Canal.

The canal that Sultan Firoz Shah Khilji, during the time he
reigned at Dehli, had made to branch ofi' from the river Jumna,
in the vicinity of pargana Khizrabad, whence he brought it in
a channel 30 Imperial has long to the confines of pargana
Safidi'in, which was his hunting-seat, and had only a scanty
supply of water, had, after the Sultan’s death, become in the
course of time ruinous. Whilst Shahabu-d din A-hmad Khan
held the government of Dehli, during the reign of the Emperor
Akbar, he put it in repair and set it flowing again, with a view to
fertilize the places in his ja'gtr, and hence it was called Nahr-i
Shahab; but for want of repairs, however, it again stopped
flowing. At the time when the sublime attention was turned to
the building of this fort and palace, it was commanded that the
aforesaid canal from Khizrabad to Safidi'm should be repaired,
and a new channel excavated from the latter spot to the regal
residence, which also is a distance of 30 Imperial has. After it
was thus prolonged, it was designated the Nahr-i Bihisht.
snxn JAHKN-NA’MA. 87


Advance of the Persians against Kandahdr.—Despatch of an
army thither.

0n the 22nd of the month of Ramazan, when the standards of
prosperity, after their return from Safidi'in, were planted at His
Majesty’s private hunting-seat, it reached the ear of royalty,
through the representations of Daulat Khan, ruler of Kandahar,
and Purdil Khan, governor of fort Bust,l that Shah ’Abbas the
Second, having come to the sacred city of Tris2 (Mashhad-i
Mukaddas), with‘intent to rescue the kingdom of Kandahar, had
proceeded towards the confines of Khurasan, with all his. match
lockmen3 and pioneers. It was, besides, reported that he had
despatched men to Farah, Sistén, and other places, to collect
supplies of grain, and having sent on a party in advance to
Hirat, was doing his utmost to block up the road on this side;
being well aware that, during the winter, owing to the quantity
of snow on the ground, the arrival of reinforcements from Hin
dustan by way of Kabul and Multan was impracticable, he
proposed advancing in this direction during that inclement
season, and had despatched Shah Kuli Beg, son of Maksi’id Beg,
his wazz'r, as expeditiously as possible, with a letter to Court,
and further that the individual in question had reached Kandahar,
and, without halting more than three days, had resumed his
journey to the august presence.
His Majesty, after hearing this intelligence, having summoned
’Allami Sa’du-lla Khan from the metropolis, commanded him
to write farmans to all the nobles and mansabda'rs who were at
their respective estates, jagtrs, and homes, directing them to
set out with all speed for Court. It was likewise ordered that the

1 [See supra, Vol. II. p. 575.]
I [16. 578.]
3 [The word which Major Fuller so translates is tufangchi.]

astrologers should determine the proper moment for the departure
of the world-traversing camp from the metropolis to the capitals
Lahore and Kabul.

Appointment of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahddar, ’Alla'mt
Sa’du-lla Khan, etc., to lead the army against Kandahar.

As soon as it reached the royal ear, through Daulat Khan’s
representations, that on the 10th of Zi-l hijja, the Shah had
arrived outside the fortress of Kandahér, and besieged it, the
ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur was
appointed to proceed thither with ’Allami Sa’du-lla Khan, and
some of the chief officers of State, such as Bahadur Khan, Mirzé.
Rajé. Jai Singh, Rustam Khan, Rajé. Bithaldas, and Kalich
Khan. Besides these, there were upwards of fifty individuals from
amongst the nobles, and a vast number of mansabda'rs, ahadi
archers, and matchlockmen—the whole number of whom, under
the regulation requiring them to bring one-fifth of their respective
tallies of fighting men into the field, would amount to 50,000
horsemen, and according to the rule enforcing a fourth, to 60,000—
as well as 10,000 infantry, matchlock and rocket men, etc. It
was ordered that subsidiary grants of money out of the State
exchequer should be made to the nobles and mansabddrs holding
ja'gz'rs, who were appointed to serve in this expedition, at the
rate of 100 rupees for every individual horseman, which would be
a lac for every hundred; that to those who drew pecuniary
stipends in place of holding jdgz'rs, three months’ pay in
advance should be disbursed; and in like manner also to the
, ahadz's and matchlockmen, who numbered 5000 horse, should
a similar advance be made; so that they might not sufl'er any
privations during the campaign from want of funds to meet their
current expenses.
On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being a fortu
nate moment, ’Allémi was dismissed along with the nobles
who were present in His Majesty’s fortunate train, and
suxn JAHAN-NA'MA. 89

farmdns were issued to those who were staying in the pro
vince of Kabul and other places, to join the royal forces at once.
Various marks of favour and regard were manifested towards
’Allami and his associates, on their taking leave, by the bestowal
of hhil’ats, jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and elephants
on them, according to their difi‘erent grades of rank. He also
forwarded by the hands of ’Allami for the gallant Prince—to
whom an order had been issued previous to this, directing him
to start instantly from Multan and overtake the royal forces at
Bhimbhar—a handsome khil’at. ' "‘ "‘ It was further commanded
that the ever-victorious army should hasten to Kabul m'd Bangash-i
bala and Bangash-i péyin, as they were the shortest routes, and
thence proceed by way of Ghazni towards Kandahar.

Loss of Kandahar.

On the 8th of Rabi’u-l awwal, when the victorious camp
started from Jahéngirébad, intelligence reached the Court that
the servants of the crown had lost possession of the fortresses
of Kandahar and Bust, and all the rest in that country; a detailed
account of which events is here given. When Shah ’Abbas
came from This to Hirat, he proceeded from thence to Farah;
where, having halted some days, he marched upon Kandahér,
having, however, first despatched Mihrab Khan with some of
his nobles, and an additional number of matchlockmen, etc.,
amounting altogether to about 8000 horsemen, to besiege the
fortress of Bust, and Sziz Khén Baligh with five or six thou
sand composed of Kazalbashis and the troops of Karki and
Naksari,1 to subdue Zamindéwar. On reaching that place, he
fixed his head-quarters in the garden of Ganj Kuli Khén,
whilst Daulat Khén, who had shut himself up in the fortress,
having committed the interior of the stronghold to the charge
of trusty persons, appointed a party of the royal matchlock
men and a portion of his own men to occupy the summit of
1 [Variously written and doubtful.]

the Kambi'il Hill. The defence of the towers he left to the
care of Kékar Khan, to whom he also sent some of the
matchlockmen; and the protection of the intrenchments below
the Bhshuri and Khwaja Khizr gates he entrusted to Ni'iru-l
Hasan, bahhshi of ahadis, with a body of the latter who were
serving under him. He also appointed some of the household
troops, and a number of matchlockmen belonging to the Kandahar
levies, to garrison the fortifications of Daulatébad and Mandavi,
and having consigned the superintendence of them to Mirak
Husain, bakhshz' of Kandahar, came himself from the citadel to
the former of these two forts, for the purpose of looking after
the intrenchments. With a wanton disregard to the dictates
of prudence, however, he did not attend to the defence of the
towers, that Kalich Khan, in the days of his administration,
had constructed expressly for such an occasion, on the top of
the hill of Chihal-Zinah (forty steps), whence guns and match
locks could be fired with effect into the forts of Daulatabad
and Mandavi. The Kazalbashis, therefore, seeing those towers
devoid of protection, despatched a number of matchlockmen to
take post in them, and open a destructive fire. They also
laid out intrenchments in two difl'erent quarters. " "‘ "‘
At length a number of the garrison, from want of spirit, lost
the little courage they possessed, and Shadi Uzbek having
entered into a conspiracy with the Kazalbashis, seduced Kipchak
Khén from his duty. Though the latter was not naturally
inclined at heart to this course of behaviour, yet as his companions
had their families with them, through dread of losing their
wealth, their lives, and their good repute, they would not let him
follow the bent of his own disposition, so he was necessarily
compelled to ally himself with those unfortunates. Some of the
Mughal mansabddrs, ahadts, and matchlockmen too, having
sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads of loyalty, entered
into a 'league with them, and having come in front of the fort,
declared that, in consequence of all the roads being closed, from
the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no hope of

the early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the
untiring efforts of the Kazalbashis, that they would very shortly
capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and violence,
neither would there be any chance of their own lives being spared,
nor of their ofl'spring being saved from captivity. The wretched
Daulat Khan, who ought instantly to have extinguished the
flames of this sedition with the water of the sword, showed an
utter want of spirit, by contenting himself with offering advice
in reply. This, however, made no impression on the individuals
' in question, who got up, and departed to their respective homes,
so that nought but a scanty force being left in the intrenchments,
the Kazalbashis entered the Sher-Héji in several places. As
for the party that forced an entrance on the side of the Babéwali
gate, some of the household troops and Daulat Khan’s followers,
who occupied that quarter, rushed upon them, whereupon several
were killed on both sides.
Meanwhile, the traitor Shadi sent a message to the governor
of the fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that
Muhammad Beg Baki had come, bearing a letter and message
from the Shah, and accompanied by Sharafu-d din Husain, a
mansabda'r who was ddrogha of the buildings and magazines
in the fort of Bust. Daulat Khan, on this, despatched Mirak
Husain Bakhshi, for the purpose of sending away Muhammad
Beg from the gate ; but as soon as the balchshi reached the gate of
Veskaran, he noticed Kipcha‘k Khan, Shédi, and a number of
the Mughal mansabddrs, sitting in the gateway, and perceived
that they had brought Muhammad Beg inside, and seated him in
front of them, and that he had brought four letters, one addressed
to Daulat Khan, and the other three to Shadi, Nfiru-l Hasan and
Mirak Husain, and was saying that he had besides some verbal
messages to deliver. Mirak Husain therefore turned back, and
related the circumstances to Daulat Khén; whereupon that
worthless wretch deputed his Lashkar-naeis (paymaster of the
forces) to detain Muhammad Beg there, and send Kipchék
Khan and Shadi to him. As soon as these ungrateful wretches

came, acting in conformity with their advice, he adopted the
contemptible resolution of proceeding to an interview with
Muhammad Beg, and receiving and keeping the letters he
brought. The Shah also sent a message to the effect, that he
should take warning from what had already befallen Purdil
Khan, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades, and
neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the
blood and sully the fair fame of himself and his comrades; and
with a view to acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition
of the garrison of Bust, he despatched along with Muhammad
Beg the aforesaid Sharafu-d din Husain, whom Mihrab Khan
had started off loaded with chains in advance of himself. To
this Daulat Khan replied, that he would return an answer five
days hence; and it having been stipulated that during this
interval hostilities should not be engaged in on either side,
Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned to his
own camp.
On the 5th day ’Ali Kuli Khén, brother of Rustam Khén,
the former commander-in-chief, having come to Shédi’s intrench
ment, and delivered a message, saying that the Shah had com
missioned him to ascertain their final decision, the pusillanimous
Daulat Khan, with most of the servants of the crown, went to
the gate, and invited him in. The latter, after being introduced,
stated, that as they had already offered as gallant and stubborn
a resistance as it was possible to make, it was now proper that
they should refrain from fighting, and, applying themselves to the
preservation of their lives and property, should send an indi
vidual along with him to deliver their reply. The worthless
Daulat Khan accordingly despatched ’Abdu-l Latif, diwa'n
of Kandahar, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in
company with the above individual, and on the following day he
returned with the written agreement.
The villain Shadi, however, without waiting for the governor’s
evacuating the fort, surrendered the Veskaran gate, which was in
his charge, during the night to the Kazalbashis, and hastened

along with Kipchak Khan to the Shéh’s camp. However much
the miserable Daulat Khan exhorted his men to repair to the fort
on the top of the hill, it was of no avail; though had he but
taken shelter there with a detachment, he could have held out
till the arrival of succour without sufl'ering any harm. On the
morrow, when the mansabdérs, akadis, and matchlockmen, who
were engaged in the defence of the gates of the new and old
forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct, with the
exception of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khan was
left with Kakar Khan, the base Raj-é. Amar Singh, and some
other mansabddrs, as well as a party of his own adherents, every
spot was in the possession of the Kazalbéshis.
On the 9th of Safar, this year, ’Ali Kuli Khan came and said
that any longer delay could not be permitted; whereupon the
disloyal Daulat Khan delivered up a place of refuge of that
description, and having marched out with his goods and comrades,
encamped at a distance of a kos. During the period of the
siege, which extended over two months, nearly 2000 of the
Kazalbash army and 400 of the garrison were slain.
Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khan’s dastardly
evacuation of the fort, ’Ali Kuli Khan, I'sa’ Khan, and his
brother Jamshid Khan, came to him, and intimated that the
Shah had sent for him, as well as for some of his chief ofiicers
and associates. The latter replied that it would be better for
them to excuse him from this trouble, or, if they were resolved
upon taking him there, to manage so that there should be no
delay in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of
honour, both of which requests were guaranteed by ’Ali Kuli
Khan. The ill-fated Daulat Khén accordingly proceeded with
Kakar Khan and Ni'iru-l Hasan, in company with the above
named nobles, to wait upon the Shah, and having received his
dismissal after a few moments, returned to his own camp, and on
the 18th of the month of Safar set out with a world of shame
and ignominy for Hindi'istan.
The Shah, in consequence of the horses with his army having

mostly perished for want of forage, in addition to which a
scarcity of grain was experienced, appointed Mihrab Khan, with
about 10,000 Kazalbéshis and slaves, armed with matchlocks,
to garrison Kandahar; and Dost ’Ali Uzbek with a detachment
to guard the fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurasan
on the 24th of this month. The account of the fortress of Bust
is as follows. *‘ "‘
Surrender of Bust.
From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife
raged furiously for 54 days, and many were killed and wounded
on both sides; insomuch that during this period close upon
600 of the Kazalbéshis, and nearly half that number of Purdil
Khan’s followers, met their death. On the 14th Muharram, this
year, the governor having begged for quarter, after entering into
a strict agreement, had an interview with Mihrab Khan. The
latter, having broken his engagement, put to death out of the 600
men, who had stood by the governor to the last, several persons,
who, being averse to the surrender, had protracted the struggle ;
and having made that individual himself a prisoner, together
with the rest of his adherents, and his family and children,
brought them all to the Shah at Kandahar.
In Zamindawar the war was carried on as follows. As soon as
Séz Khan Baligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-lla, and Saiyid
Bakar, sons of Saiyid Bayazid Bukhéri, who were engaged in
its defence, sent him a message, saying that the fort was a
dependency of Kandahar, and without reducing the latter, its
capture would be of no use ; and it would therefore be better to
suspend hostilities until the fate of Kandahar was ascertained,
so that blood might not be shed fruitlessly. Séz Khan, con
curring in the reasonableness of this proposition, refrained from
prosecuting siege operations, and having written to inform the
Shah of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A messenger
from the Shah at length brought to the Saiyids a letter, detail
ing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahar; where
upon they surrendered the fort.

Admmce qf the Imperial Army to Kandakdr.
The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that
’Allami Sa’du-lla Khén crossed the Nilab with the royal forces,
Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur having arrived from
Multan, also efl‘ected his passage over that river; and the whole
of the forces set out at once in His Royal Highness’s train
for Kohat. On reaching that place, he halted to await the
receipt of intelligence regarding the snow; and presently a letter
arrived from Khalil Beg, who had been sent on in advance to
level the road and construct bridges, to the effect that on the
road through the hill-country along the Kohistan route the snow
was lying so deep that even if no more fell the road would not
probably be passable for at least a month. The ever-victorious
Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding by that
route, but started in the direction of Peshawar, by way of the
pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely rugged and difficult
road, and without entering that city, pursued his journey by the
regular stages to Kabul. " "‘ *
Sa’du-lla Khan having set out with his comrades at full speed,
came and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of
Shahr Safa. Having left Mubérak Khan Niazi to guard that
city, he marched thence, and in three days reached the neigh
bourhood of Kandahar, on the 12th of Jumada-l awwal of this
year; whence Kasadah Khwéja, which is half a has from the
fortress, became the site of his camp. As the 14th of the above
named month was the time fixed upon for commencing the siege,
he halted next day to await the arrival of the victorious Prince,
and the advent of the appointed time for the siege, but rode out
in company with the commanders of the royal forces, and made a
reconnoitring tour round the fortifications. On the 14th the
Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed
his head-quarters half a kos from the fortress. ‘ * *

TWENTY-THIRD YEAR on THE REIGN, 1059 an. (1649 A.D.).

As it was represented that during the progress of the
victorious forces towards Kandahér a great deal of the culti
vation of Ghazni and its dependencies had been trodden under
foot by the army, the merciful monarch, the cherisher of his
people, despatched the sum of 2000 gold mohurs, in charge of
a trusty individual, with directions to inquire into the loss
sustained by the agriculturists, and distribute“ it amongst them
After the fortress of Kandahar had been besieged for three
months and ahalf, so that grain and fodder were beginning to get
scarce, notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the faithful
servants of the crown, owing to their having with them neither
a siege train of battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the
capture of the fortress seemed as distant as ever. For these
reasons, and as the winter also was close at hand, a farma’n was
issued to the illustrious Prince, to the effect that, as the reduc
tion of the fortress without the aid of héavy guns was imprac
ticable, and there was not now sufficient time remaining for them
to arrive in, he should defer its capture till a more convenient
opportunity, and start for Hindustan with the victorious troops.
The Prince Buland Ikbal Dara Shukoh was also ordered to
tarry some time at Kabul, and directly he heard the news
of the Kandahar army’s arrival at Ghazni, to set out for the
presence. "‘ "‘
As the winter was now close at hand, and forage had become
unattainable, notwithstanding hearing of the death of Mihrab
Khan, the kilada'r, from a number of persons, who came
out of the fortress, the Prince did not deem it expedient to delay
any longer, but, in obedience to the mandate worthy of all atten
tion, set out with the victorious forces from Kandahar on the
8th of the month of Ramazan this year for Hindustan. * *
snxu JAHAN-NAMA. 97


The Emperor excused the Fast.
As his most gracious Majesty had this year advanced in joy
and prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the“ divine precepts
sanctioning the non~observance of the fast came into force, the
learned doctors and muftz's, according to the glorious ordi
nances of the Kuran, by way of fulfilling the commandments of
the law, decreed that it would be lawful for His Majesty,
whose blessed person is the source of the administration of the
world, to expend funds in charity in lieu of observing the fast.
The monarch, the lover of religion, and worshipper of the divine
law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the deserving poor ; and
at his command, every night during the sacred month divers
viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the Chihal
sitI'In in front of the balcony of public audience, with which
famishing and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was
further resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be
pursued during every month of Ramazén.

TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1061 A.H. (1650-1 A.D.).

Subjugatz'on of Tibet.
On the 23rd Jumada-s sani, which was the time fixed for
entering Kashmir, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal
apartments of the fort. ‘
On the 4th of Rajah His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque,
which had been erected in the most exquisite style of art, for the
asylum of learning, lldullé, Shah Badaklisliani, at a cost of 40,000
rupees, the requisite funds having been provided by Nawab
’Aliya, and was surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations
for the poor, which were constructed at a further outlay of
20,000 rupees.
VOL. VII. . 7

On the 12th of this month, A'dam Khan’s munski and his
nephew Muhammad Murad, as well as the sons of Salim Beg
Kashghari, who ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the
province of Kashmir, and had stood security for the two former
individuals, were appointed to proceed to Tibet, with a number
of zaminddrs, ‘to exterminate a rebel named Mirza Jan, and
subdue the fort of Shkardu, together with the territory of Tibet,
which had escaped out of the possession of the servants of the
On the 27th of Sha’ban it reached the ear replete with all
good, through A'dam Khan’s representations, that the rebel
Mirza Jen had no sooner heard of the arrival of the royalists,
than he evacuated the fort of Shkardu, and became a wanderer in
the desert of adversity ; whereupon the fort in question, together
with the territory of Tibet, came anew into the possession of the
servants of the crown. The gracious monarch rewarded the
aforesaid Khan with an addition to his mansab, and conferred
the country of Tibet in jeigér on the above-named Muhammad
Murad, as his fixed abode.
Towards the close of the spring, on account of the heavy rain
and tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the middle of
the Dal, as well as the gardens along its borders, and those in
the suburbs of the city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness.
The waters of the Dal rose to such a height, that they even
poured into the garden below the balcony of public audience,
which became one sheet of water from the rush of the foaming
tide, and most of its trees were swamped. Just about this time,
too, a violent harricane of wind arose, which tore up many trees,
principally poplars and planes, by the roots, in all the gardens,
and hurled 'down from on high all the blooming foliage of
Kashmir. A longer sojourn in that region was consequently
distasteful to the gracious mind; so, notwithstanding that the
sky was lowering, he quitted Kashmir on the lst of Ramazan,
and set out for the capital by way of Shahabad.

Progress to Kabul, and despatoh of ’Alldmi Sa’du-Zla Kha'n with
an immense army/or the subjugation of Kandahar.
On the night of Monday, the 18th of Rabi’u-l awwal,
being the moment that had been fixed for the auspicious
departure to Kabul, the royal train moved from the capital of
Lahore in that direction. At the same chosen period, too, His
Majesty despatched ’Allami with the multitudinous forces
(resembling the waves of the sea), amounting together with the
army serving in Kabul to 50,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry,
including musketeers, gunners, bombardiers, and rocketmen, for
the purpose of conquering the country and fortress of Kandahar,
Bust and Zamindawar. He was further accompanied by ten '
large and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and twenty light
guns; the latter of which carried two and two and a half sir
(four and five lbs.) shot, and during an engagement used to be
advanced in front of the army; twenty elephants carrying hat/mails,
and 100 camels with shuturndls, besides a well-replenished
treasury, and other suitable equipments. He was instructed to
repair by way of Kabul and Ghazni to Kandahar, and about
3000 camels were employed in the transport of artillery stores,
such as lead, powder and iron shot. “‘ "‘ *

TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1062 A.H. (1651-2 an).

Arrival of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Baheidur and Jamdatu-l
Mulk Sa’du-lla Khan at Kandahar, and siege of the fortress.

On the 3rd of Jumada-s sani, the first month this year, the
victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, who had set
out from Multan for Kandahar, reached his destination. ’Allami,
who had hastened thither by way of K'bul, having joined His
Royal Highness on the above date, delivered the kind and.
indulgent fdrman. As it had been determined that the siege
of the fortress should be commenced simultaneously with the
0 5

arrival at Kandahar, the fortunate Prince, having finished
marking out the positions that the royal forces were to occupy,
invested the stronghold that very day. "‘ "‘ *
In short, for two months and eight days the flames of war
burned fiercely, and on both sides numerous casualties occurred.
On one occasion, when Muhammad Beg Topchi-ba'shi (Comman
dant of the Artillery), and five or six others of the garrison, had
been destroyed by a shot from the gun named Fath Lashhar,
the Kazalbashis sallied out of the fort and poured down upon
the trenches; whereupon a desperate struggle ensued between
the adverse hosts. Another time they fell on ‘Allami’s trenches;
but a party of his retainers firmly held their ground, and after
putting a few of their antagonists to the sword, and wounding
some others, manfully laid down their lives; and on 'the arrival
of succour, the enemy retired precipitately within the fortifica
tions. '
To be brief, the royalists used the most strenuous exertions, and
laboured with unremitting zeal and assiduity in carrying forward
the parallels and zigzags of attack, and demolishing the crest of
the parapet and the bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress
possessed immense strength, and was filled with all the military
weapons and stores required for an effective defence, their utmost
efforts produced no impression, and, owing to the storm of shot
and shell that poured on them like a shower of rain from the fort,
they were unable to advance their trenches beyond the spot they
had already brought them to. In the interim, out of the seven
guns which had accompanied the royal army, and were the most
effectual implements of attack, two that were mounted in the
Prince’s trenches had cracked from constant firing, and had
become quite unserviceable. As for the other five, which were in
the trenches conducted by ’Allami and Kasim Khan Mz’r-i a'tish,
although they continued to be discharged, yet as they were not
served by scientific artillerymen, their fire was not so effective as
could be wished.
K v,As soon as these particulars became known to His Majesty‘s
snsn JAHAN-NA'MA. 101

world-adorning understanding, and he was informed that the
capture of the fortress was at that period impracticable; and it
also reached the royal ear that the Uzbeks and Alméns had
come into the neighbourhood of Ghazni, and excited tumults, as
already described, afarmdn was isSued to the illustrious Prince
on the 4th of Sha’ban, to withdraw his forces from around the
fortress, and, deferring its capture till some other period, to
take his siege train along with him and set out for Court. "‘ “‘

Departure of the Prince Buland Ileba'l Dara Shukoh from Lahore
to Kandahar, and organization of forces with artillery, etc.

As the Prince Buland Ikbal,'after the return of the army from
Kandahar, had guaranteed to conquer that territory, and with
this view the provinces of Kabul and Multan had been bestowed
upon him, His Royal Highness, on reaching the capital, applied
himself to the task of making the requisite arrangements for the
campaign. In the course of three months and some days that
he remained at Lahore, he used such profuse exertions, that what
could not have been otherwise accomplished in a year was
effected in this short period. Among the siege train was a gun
called Kishwar-husha (clime-conquering), and another Garh
bhanjan (fort-shattering), each of which carried an iron shot one
man and eight sz'rs in weight (96 lbs); and they were worked
by the gunners under the direction of Kasim Khan.
There was also another large piece of ordnance that carried
a shot of a man and sixteen strs (1 cwt.), and was plied under
the management of His Royal Highness’s Mir-i dtish, as well
as 30,000 cannon-balls, small and great. He also got ready
5000 mans of gunpowder, and 2500 of lead, measuring by
Imperial weight, and 14,000 rockets. Having likewise collected
as many grain dealers as were procurable, he made arrangements
for the army commissariat, and the safe arrival of supplies. He
then desPatched a letter to Court, representing that as the moment
of starting was fixed for the 23rd of Rabi’u-l awwal, and the pre

1iminary arrangements for the campaign had been completed,
if the royal forces appointed to this enterprise received their
dismissal, he would set out for Kandahar. A mandate in the
auspicious handwriting was therefore issued, directing His Royal
Highness to start off at the predetermined moment by way of
Multan, on which read provisions and forage were abundant.
[Long details of the siege]


Reduction of the Fortress of Bust.
Among the stirring incidents that occurred during the siege
of Kandahar was the subjugation of the fortress of Bust by the
laudable exertions of the servants of the crown, a concise account
of which is as follows. * "‘ 4

Siege of Kandaha'r raised.
Ultimately the duration of the siege extended beyond five
months, the winter began to set in, all the lead, powder, and
cannon-balls were expended, and neither was there any forage
left in the meadows, nor provisions with the army. A farmtin
likewise was issued to this effect, that as the winter was close at
hand, and they had already been long detained in Kandahar, if
the reduction of the fortress could not be effected just at once,
they might stay if necessary some short time longer; or other
wise return immediately. Rustam Khan, who had been recalled
from Bust for the purpose of sharing in the assault, having
dismantled that fortress, distributed the provisions among his men,
and reached Kandahar with his comrades, bringing all the
artillery stores, and property in the Ka'r-hha'ina, that was there,
along with him. With an eye therefore to the safety of the
property mentioned above, he deemed it eXpedient to return, and
not one of the royalist commanders proposed staying any longer.
The Prince Buland Ikbal consequently, on the 15th Zi-l ka’da
this year, set out from Kandahar for Hindustan.

TWENTY—EIGHTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1064 A.H. (1653-4 an).

Appointment of ’Alla’mi to the task of demolishing the Fort of
Chitor, and chastising the Rand.
On the 22nd Zi-l ka’da, at a chosen moment, the royal
departure from the metropolis of ShahjaliaEabAd to the blessed
city of A'jmir took place. On the same date, the Emperor de
spatched ’Allémi, with a large number of nobles and mansabddrs
and 1500 musketeers, amounting altogether to 30,000, for the
purpose of hurrying on in that direction, and demolishing the fort
of Ghitor, which was one of the gifts (’ata'gd) that had been made
by this Imperial dynasty. From the time of the late Emperor
Jahangir, it had been settled that no one of the Rana’s posterity
should ever fortify it; but Rana Jagat Singh, the father of
Rajé. Jai Singh, having set about repairing it, had pulled down
every part that was damaged, and built it up very strongly anew.
He also directed him, if perchance the Rana did not tender his
obediencetto overrun his territory with the royal forces, and
inflict suitable chastisement on him. The triumphant standards
then moved on by the regular marches in the rear of the ever
victorious troops. On the 2nd of Zi-l hijja, when the world
subduing banners were planted at Khalilpfir, the Rana’s confiden
tial aahz'ls waited on the Prince Buland Ikbal, and begged His
Royal Highness to act as their intercessor. When, by his
mediation, the penitence and humility expressed by the Rana was
reported at the threshold of might and majesty, an order was
issued that His Royal Highness should send his Mir-i bugutdt
to wait upon the Rana, and deliver the following message, viz.
that if, with judicious forethought, he would despatoh his eldest _
son, the Seihib-i-tika, to the presence, and a detachment of
his people under the command of one of his relatives were
stationed in the Dakhin, the same as formerly, to be employed
in the royal service, he should be left in security, or otherwise
he should be overwhelmed in adversity.

As the Rana had again in these days humbly forwarded an
address'to the Prince Buland Ikbél, requesting him to send
his admin, in order that he might start 011' his sons to Court
in company with that individual, His Royal Highness obtained
permission from the Imperial threshold, and despatched Shaikh
’Abdu-l Karim, his own diu'dn, to the Rana. * “
The exploits of the army that accompanied ’Allémi were as
follows. On his arriving within twelve has of Chitor, which is
the frontier of the Rana’s territory, inasmuch as the latter’s nego
ciations had not yet been satisfactorily terminated, he commenced
plundering and devastating, and depasturing his cattle on the
crops. On the 5th of Zi-l hijja, this year, having reached the
environs of Chitor, he directed working parties with pickaxes
and spades to overthrow that powerful stronghold. Accordingly,
in the course of fourteen or fifteen days, they laid its towers and
battlements in ruins, and having dug up and subverted both the
old and the new walls, levelled the whole to the ground. The Rana
having awoke from his sleep of heedlessness at the advent of the
prosperous banners at A'jmir, the irresistible force of the royal
arms, the dispersion of the peasantry, and the ruin of his
territory, sent off a letter containing the humblest apologies to
Court, along with his eldest son, who was in his sixth year, and
a number of his principal retainers, in company with Shaikh
’Abdu-l Karim, the Prince Buland Ikbal’s llfz'r-i buguta’t. A
farmdn was then issued to Jamdatu-l Mulk (’Allami), that since
the fort had been demolished, and the Rana had sent off his
son to Court, the pen of forgiveness had been drawn through the
register of his delinquencies at the Prince Buland Ikbél”s solici
tation, and that he should set out himself with the whole of the
victorious army to the royal presence.

Marks of distinction bestowed on Prince Da'rd Shuhoh.

On the 8th of Rabi’u-s sani this year, being the expiration of
the sixty-fifth lunar year of His Majesty’s age, a festival was
snxn JAHKN-NAKMA. 105

celebrated with exceeding splendour, and was attended with the '
usual ceremonies. In this sublime assembly the Emperor
kindly conferred on the Prince Buland Ikbal a handsome
khil’at with a gold-embroidered vest, studded with valuable
diamonds round the collar; on both sleeves, and the skirts,
pearls had been sewn, and it was worth 50,000 rupees; also
a sarband composed of a single ruby of the purest water, and
two magnificent pearls, of the value of a lac and 70,000 rupees,
and a donation of thirty lacs besides. He also distinguished
His Royal Highness by.the lofty title of Shéh Buland Ikbal,
which had been applied exclusively to himself during his late
Majesty’s reign; and since in the days of his Princehood a
chair had been placed at that Emperor‘s suggestion opposite to
the throne for him to sit on, he now in like manner directed
I His Royal Highness to seat himself on a golden chair, that

had been placed near the sublime throne.

TWENTY-NINTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1065 A.H. (1654—5 an).

Campaign in Sirmor.

Among the incidents of the past year, the appointment and
despatch of Khalilu-lla Khan during the return from A'jmir,
with 8000 men, for the purpose of coercing the Zamindar of
Srinagar, and capturing the D611, have been already detailed by
the historic pen. The particulars of his advance and return are
as follows. When the Khan in question set out with the royal
forces, the Zamindar of Sirmor, who had never felt disposed to
ally himself with the servants of the crown, came under the
guidance of good fortune and joined them. He was then ren
dered conspicuous among his compeers by the promulgation of
an edict from the threshold of empire and sovereignty, investing
him with the title of Rajé, Sabhak Prakas.
Sirmor is a mountainous tract to the north of the new metro
polis, measuring thirty has in length, and twenty-five in breadth,

in which ice-houses had been established for His Majesty’s
private use; whence, from the beginning of the month of
Isfandiar (February) till the end of Mihr (September), an
. abundant supply of ice was constantly reaching the metropolis
during the time that the royal standards were planted there.
From these emporia porters used to carry loads of' snow and ice
on their backs as far as Dhamras, the name of a place situated
on the bank of the river J umna at a distance of sixteen hos,
but the road to which is extremely difficult. There it was
packed in boxes, and sent down the stream on rafts to Daryapfir,
one of the dependencies of pargana Khizrabéd, which is also
sixteen hos off from Dhamrés. From that point it was
transported to the metropolis on board of boats in the course
of three days and nights.
Khalilu-lla Khan, in company with the aforesaid Raja
and some other saminddrs of those parts, having reached the
Dun, which is a strip of country lying outside of Srinagar,
twenty hos long and five broad, one extremity of its length
being bounded by the river J umna, and the other by the Ganges,
which possesses many flourishing towns in various quarters, laid
the foundation of a fieldwork close to Kilaghar, and completed
it in the course of a week. He then deputed one of the man
sabda'rs to keep guard there with 200 matchlockmen, and set
out in advance with the whole of his comrades. On reaching
Bahadur Khanpfir, which is a place belonging to the Dun, and
lies between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, in consequence of the
peasantry that dwelt in that neighbourhood having taken refuge
in the hills and forests and defiles, and obstinately refusing to
return, he despatched the ever-triumphant troops from every
side to coerce them, who succeeded in inflicting suitable chastise
ment. A number of the rebels therefore fell by the sword of
vengeance, and many more were taken prisoners ; after which the
remainder tendered their allegiance, and innumerable herds of
cattle fell into the hands of the soldiery. Here, likewise, he
threw up a fortified post, and left a confidential person with some

mansabddrs, and 500 infantry and matchlockmen, to garrison
it, so that the passage of travellers to and fro might remain
uninterrupted. Having then set out himself from thence, he
approached the town of Basantpfir, which is also a dependency of
the D611, and halted half-way up the hill. Opposite the above
town, he constructed another redoubt, in which he posted one
of the mansabda'rs with 250 infantry matchlockmen. From
thence he moved to Sahijpur, a place abounding in streams and
fountains, and clothed with flowers and verdure; where he
erected a fort on the top of an embankment, measuring 1,000
yards in circumference, and fifteen in height, that had in _
former times been crowned by a stronghold, inasmuch as some
traces of the ancient works were still visible; and he deputed a
trusty individual to hold the post, backed by 250 musketeers.
On reaching the banks of the Ganges, after crossing which one
enters the hill-country, he sent a detachment with the royal
artillery to the other side of' the stream, with a view to their
taking possession of the thcina of Chéndi, which is one of the
dependencies of Srinagar, but lies outside the D611 of Kilaghar.
Meanwhile, Bahadur Chand, Zamindér of Kumayl'm (Ku
maon), under the guidance of a fortunate destiny, espoused
the royal cause, and came and joined the above-mentioned Khan.
As soon as this fact was conveyed to the Imperial ear, the repo
sitory of all good, through the representations of Khalilu-lla
Khan, a conciliatory farma'n and a hhil’at set with jewels were
forwarded to him. As the season for prosecuting military
operations in that region and the fitting period for an invasion
of the hill-country had passed away, the rains being new at
hand, and the Dun having been taken possession of, a mandate
was issued to Khalilu-lla Khén, to defer the campaign in the
hills for the present; and after delivering up the Dun to Chatur
Bhiij, who had expressed an ardent desire for it, and confiding
the tha'na of Chandi to Nagar Das, the chief of Hardwar, to
set out for Court. The Khén accordingly, having set his mind
at rest by fulfilling these instructions, started for the presence.

Mir Jumla seeks protection.
Another incident was the flying for refuge of Mir Muhammad
Sa’id Ardastani, surnamed Mir Jumla,1 to the Court, the asylum
of mankind, an account of which event is as follows. The above
individual, in whose hands was the entire administration of
Kutbu-l Mulk’s kingdom, had, after a severe struggle with the
Karnatikis, brought under subjection, in addition to a powerful
fort, a tract of country measuring 150 has in length, and
twenty or thirty in breadth, and yielding a revenue of forty lacs
of' rupees. It also contained mines teeming with diamonds, and
no one of Kutbu-l Mulk’s ancestors had ever been able to gain
possession of any portion of it. Having destroyed several strong
forts built by the Karnatikis, he had brought this country into
his power; and in spite of long-standing usages, he had collected
a considerable force, so that he had 5000 horse in his service.
For these reasons, a faction who were at, enmity with him caused
Kutbu-l Mulk to be displeased with him, and strove to effect his
ruin. He had been active in performing such meritorious
services, and after contending against the zaminddrs of the
Karnatik, had subdued so fine a territory, but he did not gain the
object he sought; but, on the contrary, reaped disappointment.
S0,‘using Prince Mahammad Aurangzeb Bahadur as an inter
cessor, he sought refuge at the Court, the asylum of the world.
After this circumstance had been disclosed to the world-adorning
understanding through the representations of the illustrious
Prince, a handsome khil’at was forwarded to him by the hand
of one of the courtiers in the middle of this month, together
with an indulgent farmdn sanctioning the bestowal of a mansab
of 5000 on him, and one of 2000 on his son, Mir Muhammad
Amin; as well as a mandate accompanied by a superb dress of
honour for Kutbu-l Mulk, regarding the not prohibiting him and
his relations from coming.

‘ [Afterwards entitled Mu’azzam Khan]

Account of Prince Muhammad Aurangseb’s March to G'olkonda.l

Among the important events that took place towards the close
of this year was the march of the ever-successful Prince Mu
hammad Aurangzeb Bahédur to the territory of Golkonda, for the
sake of coercing Kutbu-l Mulk, his exaction of a superb tributary
offering on behalf of His Majesty’s private exchequer, and his
uniting in marriage of the latter’s daughter with his own eldest
son, Muhammad Sultan, an abridged narrative of which is as
follows. When Mir Jumla sought to ally himself to the
Imperial throne, Kutbu-l Mulk, the instant he gained intelligence
of the matter, imprisoned Mir Jumla’s son, Mir Muhammad
Amin, together with his connexions, and having confiscated
whatever he possessed, both in live stock and goods, forwarded
him and his relatives to Golkonda. This circumstance having
soon reached the ear of the fortunate Prince, through the inter
vention of news-writers, His Royal Highness despatched a quiet
letter to Kutbu-l Mulk regarding the release of the prisoners, and
the restoration of Mir Muhammad Amin's goods and chattels.
Having likewise reported the state of the case to the Imperial
presence, he solicited authority, that in case Kutbu-l Mulk per
sisted in keeping Mir J umla’s son in confinement, he might be
permitted to march against him in person, and endeavour to
liberate the captives ; as supineness in resorting to arms would be
a source of additional lethargy to the opulent lords of the Dakhin.
On the receipt of his report, afarma'n was likewise forwarded with
the utmost expedition to Kutbu-l Mulk, by the hands of some
mace-bearers, respecting the surrender of Mir Jumla’s son
along with his relatives, and the infliction of the consequences of
disobedience. A mandate was also addressed to the victorious
Prince, instructing him to set out for his destination with the
triumphant troops; and the ever-obeyed commands were issued
to the governor of Malwa, and the mansabda'rs serving in

1 [Both Muhammad Wtris and Muhammad Sélih agree in placing these affairs of
Golkonda in the thirtieth year of the reign.]

that province, to proceed and join His Royal Highness as quickly
as possible.
In short, as Kutbu-l Mulk, under the influence of the fumes of
arrogance, would not heed the contents of the letter, the Prince
despatched his eldest son, Muhammad Sultan, thither on the 8th
of Rabi’u-l awwal this year, along with a host of nobles and
mansabddrs and his own followers. It was further determined
that the army that was returning from Deogarh should halt in
that vicinity, and unite itself to the illustrious Sultan; and that
he himself should set out afterwards in the course of another
month. About this time, the mansabddrs in whose charge the
khil’ats and farma’ns had been despatched for Kutbu-l Mulk
and Mir Jumla from the brilliant presence, as has been related
in its proper place, came and waited on that ward of the divine
vigilance. Although it was the realm-subduing Prince’s opinion
that Kutbu-l Mulk would release Mir Jumla’s son from confine
ment previous to the arrival of Muhammad Sultan, “ the tender
sapling in the garden of prosperity and success,” at the frontier
of the Golkonda territory, and that the campaign would not
consequently be prolonged to any great extent, yet Kutbu-l Mulk,
from excessive negligence and extreme pride, had not the good
sense to adopt this measure, and hold the far-main in dread and
fear. After the last communication the Prince gave orders,l
directing Muhammad Sultan to enter his territory with the
Imperial troops. On receiving the above farmzin with the
alarming intelligence of Muhammad Sultan’s approach at the
head of the royal forces, Kutbu-l Mulk awoke from his deep
sleep of arrogance and conceit, and sent 011' Mir Jumla‘s son,
along with his mother and connexions, He also forwarded a
letter ‘to Court, intimating this fact, and avowing his fealty and
subservience, in charge of the mace-bearers who had brought the
farmdn. Mir Jumla‘s son having joined Muhammad Sultan
twelve kos from Haidarabad, reposed in the cradle of peace and
safety_ Nevertheless as Kutbu-l Mulk, with grasping avarice, still
1 [The text here is vague and of doubtful meaning]

retained the goods and property belonging to Mir Jumla and his
son, and would not deliver them up, the illustrious Sultan set
out for the city of Haidarabad. Kutbu-l Mulk, on learning this
news, started off his children to Golkonda, which is situated at a
distance of three kos from Haidarébad, and where, owing to the
impregnability of the position, he was in the habit of depositing
his secret hoards of treasure; and he followed them shortly after
himself. - Whatever gems and jewelry, gold and silver articles,
and cash he possessed, he likewise removed to the fort of
Golkonda; and other property, such as various kinds of carpets,
porcelain, etc., he made over to the chief of his confidential
servants,-and deputed him to contend with the royal forces.
Next morning, corresponding to the 5th of Rabi’u-s sani this
year, when Muhammad Sultan, having arrived at the environs of
Haidarabad, was just about to encamp on the banks of the Husain
‘Sajar lake, one of Kutbu-l Mulk’s confidential retainers came
and waited on him with a casket full of jewels that his master
had forwarded by his hands. Meanwhile, Kutbu-l Mulk’s forces
made their appearance, and assumed a menacing attitude; but the
ever-triumphant troops, having engaged in the deadly strife from
right and left, enveloped the enemy with speed and prompti
tude in the midst of a galling fire, and by the aid of His Majesty’s
daily-increasing good fortune, having gained the superiority,
chased the routed fugitives up to the city walls. Many of the
enemy were accordingly killed and wounded, and the survivors,
from dread of the royalists’ assaults, did not stay within the city
walls, but fled into the fort. In short, as such an audacious act
had been perpetrated by Kutbu-l Mulk, and the bearer of the
casket of jewels was indicated as the originator of this hostile
movement, Muhammad Sultan gave the order for his execution.

Arrival of Muhammad Sultan at Golkomla, and Sulg/ugation
of Haidardbdd.
On the morrow, Muhammad Sultan took possession of the
city of Haidarabad, and having encamped outside the walls,

prohibited the soldiery from entering it, for fear of having Kutbu-l
Mulk’s property plundered, and the effects of the inhabitants
carried off. He also despatched a confidential servant of his noble
father to conciliate the residents of that city, so as to dissuade
them from dispersing, and to endeavour to protect their wealth
and property. This day Kutbu-l Mulk sent 200 more caskets
full of gems and jewelled trinkets, two elephants with silver
housings, and four horses with gold trappings, to the Sultan;
and that fruitful plant of the gardens of prosperity and good
fortune detained the bearer of these articles in his camp, as a
hostage for the restoration of Mir Jumla’s goods, which Kutbu-l
Mulk still persisted in withholding. Five or six days afterwards,
he sent eleven elephants, sixty horses, and other things belonging
to Mir Jumla ; and though, apparently having entered into
amicable relations, he used to send numbers of people to Mu
hammad Sultan, and make professions of loyal obedience, yet
he continued strengthening his fortifications, using tremendous
exertions to complete the requisite preparations for standing a
siege, and forwarded repeated letters to ’A'dil Khan by the
hands of trusty individuals soliciting aid.

Arrival of the fortunate Prince at Golkonda.

The particulars regarding the ever-triumphant Prince’s retinue
are as follows. His Royal Highness having reached Golkonda
from Aurangabad in eighteen days, pitched his camp on the 20th
of the aforesaid Rabi’u-s sani a kos from the fort. He then went
off the road for the purpose of marking out the intrenchments,
and reconnoitring the defences of the place, and having gained
intelligence of Kutbu-l Mulk’s approach, commanded Muhammad
Sultan to take post on the left-hand side with his force. At this
juncture, five or six thousand cavalry and ten or twelve thousand
infantry came opposite to the army, and kindled the flame of war
by discharging rockets and matchlocks, whilst the garrison like
wise fired ofl' numerous cannons and rockets from the top of the
snxn JAHKN-NKMA. 113

ramparts. The lion-hearted Prince, however, with his habitual
intrepidity, allowed no apprehensions to enter his mind, but
urged on his riding elephant to the front ; and the heroes of the
arena of strife, having charged at full gallop in successive
squadrons, and sapped the foundations of their foolish opponents,
stability by their irresistible assaults, victory declared in favour
of the servants of the crown. The ever-triumphant Prince, after
returning to camp, crowned with glory and success, despatched
the royalists to besiege the fort, and the prosecution of the attack
against each front was committed to the vigilant superintendence
of some trusty individual.
In short, the friends of Government began constructing
intrenchments, and carrying forward the approaches; and as
Kutbu-l Mulk, from weakness of intellect, had been guilty of
such highly improper behaviour, notwithstanding that he had
again sent four more caskets of gems, three elephants with silver
housings, and five horses with gold and silver trappings, in
charge of an intimate friend, begging that he might he allowed
to send his mother to wait upon His Royal Highness, for the
purpose of asking pardon for his offences ; the Prince, in token
of his deep displeasure, would not listen to his request, nor grant
his messenger an audience, but exhorted the besiegers to lavish
still greater exertions in carrying on the attack with gallantry
and vigour. After two or three days had elapsed in this
manner, a vast force of the Kutbu-l Mulkis made their appear
ance on the northern side of the fort, and were about to pour
down upon the intrenchment of Mirza Khan, who was engaged in
the defence of that quarter; when the latter, becoming aware of
their hostile intention, made an application for reinforcements.
The renowned and successful Prince immediately despatched
some nobles with his own artillery to his support; and these
reinforcements having arrived at full speed, took part at once in
the afl‘ray. Under the magic influence of His Majesty’s never
failing good fortune, the enemy took to flight; whereupon the
ever-triumphant troops began putting the miscreants to the
von. VII. 8

sword, and allowed hardly any of them to escape death or
captivity. After chasing the vain wretches as far as the fort,
they brought the prisoners, along with an elephant that had fallen
into their hands, into His Royal Highness‘s presence.
On this date a trusty person was deputed to go and fetch Mir
Jumla; and as it reached the Prince’s auspicious ear that about
six or seven thousand cavalry and nearly 20,000 infantry of
Kutbu-l Mulk, consisting principally of matchlockmen, who
had been repeatedly defeated and dispersed in the battles men
tioned above, had collected together on the southern face of the
fort, and were standing prepared for action, the illustrious Prince
mounted and set out in person to exterminate the doomed
wretches. As soon as he drew near, the miscreants had the fool
hardiness to advance, and standing on the brink of a ravine that
ran between them, fanned the flame of strife into a blaze by the
discharge of matchlocks and rockets; whilst from the battlements
of the fort also, cannons, guns, and rockets beyond number,
played upon him incessantly. The devoted heroes, however,
drawing the shield of divine Providence over their heads, pushed
rapidly across the ravine; and a detachment of their vanguard,
by the most spirited efforts, drove the villains two or three times
to the foot of the ramparts, hurling many of them into the dust
of destruction, and capturing a number more. Several of the
servants of the Crown perished in this conflict, and others were
adorned with the cosmetic of wounds; whilst a number of the
Prince‘s retainers also were either killed or wounded. His Royal
Highness, deeming an additional force necessary for this quarter,
stationed one there, and having taken possession of the com
manding points, and appointed a party of matchlockmen to guard
them, returned at night from the field of battle to his own tents.
Next day, at Muhammad Sultan’s solicitation, he gave
Kutbu-l Mulk’s son-in-law permission to pay his respects, who
had come two days before with some petitions and a slight
tributary offering, but had not gained admittance. Having
refused the jewelry that the latter had brought for him, he
sum JAHKN-NKMA. 115

deferred its acceptance till the conclusion of negociations. About
this time Shayista Khan joined the army with the nobles of
Malwa, whereupon the Prince altered the previous position of
the trenches, and directed that they should throw up four, opposite
each front ofthe fortifications. In these very days, too, an Imperial
edict arrived, intimating the despatch of a handsome kln'l’at, and
a jewelled dagger with ph-Ifl-katar, for the illustrious Prince,
,and a present of a fine dress of honour, and a mansab of 7000,
with 2000 horse, for Muhammad Sultan, as well as a benevolent
farman to Kutbu-l Mulk’s address, granting him a free pardon.
By the untiring efforts of the servants of the Crown, however,
afl'airs had come to such a pass, that Kutbu-l Mulk was all but
annihilated, and every day a number of his followers used to
turn the countenance of hope towards this prosperous threshold,
and attain the honour of paying their respects. Alarmed at the
irresistible superiority of the royal troops, moreover, he had sent
two of his confidential servants with a tributary offering, and
tendered his allegiance, consenting to pay all the stipulated
tribute, due for several years up to Isfandiar of the 29th year of
this reign, and begging that the amount of that for the present
twelvemonth might be settled in addition to the former. The
subject of his daughter’s. marriage with Muhammad Sultan had
likewise been broached ; and the illustrious Prince, consequently,
deeming it inexpedient to forward him the warrant of pardon
just now, kept it to himself. After a lapse of two or three days,
Kutbu-l Mulk despatched, agreeably to orders, ten elephants and
some jewelry, as an instalment of the tribute in arrears, together
with two more elephants and other articles belonging to Mir
Jumla’s son. For the noble Muhammad Sultan, too, he sent a
letter congratulating him on his mansab, two elephants, one of
which bore silver housings, and a horse With gold saddle and
jewelled trappings. The Prince then directed that they should
mount two heavy guns that had been brought from fort U'sa,
on the top of a mound situated in Katalabi Khan’s intrench
ment, and point them against the fortress.

As Kutbu-l Mulk had repeatedly begged permission to send
his mother for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences, and
solicited a safe conduct, it was ordered that Muhammad Sultan
and Shayista Khan should despatoh the customary passport. As
soon as he received that warrant and security, he sent off his
mother in the hope of gaining his other objects. Accordingly,
on the 22nd of Jumada-l awwal, several of His Royal High
ness’s intimate companions went out, at his suggestion, to meet
her, and brought her from the road to Shayista Khan’s camp.
The latter, having treated her with the deepest respect and at
tention, conducted her next day, agreeably to orders, into
the illustrious presence; where she enjoyed an interview with
Muhammad Sultan, and presented two horses. *‘ * As Mu
hammad Sultan represented that she was anxious to be ad
mitted to a personal audience, in order to detail her propositions,
the Prince summoned her into his presence. That chaste matron
then presented a thousand gold mohurs as m'sdr to His Royal
Highness as well as *‘ * .
That ward of divine providence affirmed in reply, that Kutbu-l
Mulk must pay down a kror of rupees in cash, jewelry, elephants,
. etc., and she having consented to obey this mandate, returned to
the fortress for the purpose of collecting the above sum.
As a vast number of Kutbu-l Mulk’s partisans, under the com-_
mand of his kotwcil, who had no intimation as yet of the armistice,
had collected together about two kos from the fortress with hostile
intentions, the Prince despatched several nobles and mansabda'rs,
with 200 mounted musketeers, and 500 cavalry out of Shayista
Khan's retainers, amounting altogether to 6,000 horse, and a host
of matchlockmen, to coerce them. The royal troops repaired with
the utmost celerity to the menaced point, and encamped that day
close to the enemy’s position. On the succeeding one, the
miscreants sent off their heavy baggage and property to a distance,
and having formed up in line themselves, stood prepared for
action. Although the royalists several times drove them off
and dispersed them, yet the shameless wretches kept constantly

rallying and renewing their assaults, in which they sufl'ered
numerous casualties, until night supervened; when the ill-fated
villains, being incapable of further resistance, took to a precipitate
flight. A few out of the victorious army were also killed and
wounded; and the ever-successful troops, after spending the
night on the ground where the enemy’s tents had stood, returned
in triumph on the morrow.

Mir Jumla’s coming to wait upon the Prince Muhammad
Auranyzeb Baha'dar.
At this time, the news of Mir Jumla’s arrival in the vicinity
of Golkonda was made known ; so the Prince forwarded to him
the farma'n and khil’at that had come for him from Court, by the
hands of the bearer of it. The latter having been apprised of the
fact, came out to meet the messenger, from his camp, which was
pitched four has the other side of the Husain Ségar lake, and
after observing the usual marks of respect, received the farma'n
and khil’at from him on the banks of the above-named lake. As
two days were wanting to the time fixed for his introduction to
the victorious Prince, he returned for the present to his own
camp. On the appointed day, the Prince sent out some nobles
to fetch him, and he having set out with great pomp and
splendour, enjoyed at a chosen moment the honour of paying
his respects, and presented 3,000 Ibra'himts as nisdr. That
descendant of nobles was recompensed from the munificent
threshold by the receipt of a superb dress of honour, a jewelled
tarrah and dagger, two horses, one with a gold, the other with a
silver saddle, and an elephant with silver housings, accompanied
by a female one ; and obtained permission to be seated in the
presence. As-peace had now been established on a firm basis,
the fortunate and successful Prince evacuated the trenches en
circling the fortress, on the last day of the aforesaid month, and
summoned the party engaged in the siege to his presence.


Painful Death of Sa’du-lla Khan.
On the 22nd Jumada-s séni ’Allami Sa'du-lla Khan, con
formably to the sacred text, “When your time of death has
arrived, see that ye defer not a moment, nor procrastinate,”
returned the response of Labaika to the herald of God, and
,migrated from this transitory sphere to the realms of immortality.
For nearly four months he had been labouring under a severe
and painful attack of cholic; during the first two months of
which period, when he was not confined to his bed, he used to
attend daily in the auspicious presence, and uttered no excla
mation of pain. In fact, he was then trying to dispel the disease
by attending to Takarrub Khan’s medical treatment ;\ but after
he became confined to his house from the acute agony he was
suffering, the matter was disclosed to the royal ear; whereupon
the skilful physicians in attendance at the foot of the. sublime
throne were commanded to effect his cure. As his appointed
time of death, however, had come, all their remedies produced no
effect, and the disease gradually gaining ground, put an end to
his sufferings. The monarch, the appreciator of worth, expressed
intense regret at the demise of that deserving object of kindness
and consideration, and showered favours on his children and all
his connexions.

Marriage zy’ Muhammad Sultan with Katha—l Mul/c’s daughter.
The sequel to the narrative of Golkonda affairs is as follows.
As the moment for the celebration of Muhammad Sultan’s
nuptials had been fixed for the morning of the 18th of Jumada-s
sani in this happy-omened year, Prince Muhammad Aurang
zeb Bahadur sent his dz’wdn, Muhammad 'l‘ahir, one day
previously to Kutbu-l Mulk, together with the ecclesiastics, and
sum JAHKN-NKMA. 119

forwarded a khil’at. * * Next day, the marriage service was read
in a fortunate moment, and the hymeneal rites were duly
observed. After a week’s interval, the illustrious Prince again
despatched his own déwa'n and the royal bahhshi into the
fortress, with a view of fetching that chaste and fortunate
damsel; and commanded several nobles to wait outside the
fortifications, and accompany her from thence. These obedient
vassals accordingly acted in conformity with his injunctions, and
conducted her along with Kutbu-l Mulk’s mother, who had
accompanied her, to a pavilion that had been erected near His
Royal Highness’s. Kutbu-l Mulk sent about ten lacs of rupees
in gems and other articles by way of dowry. Next day the
Prince forwarded the farmdn and a superb khz'l’at, the delivery of
which he had deferred, as has been alluded to in its proper place,
to Kutbu-l Mulk, who went out to meet them, and received them
with the deepest reverence.
[Return g" Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb from Golhonda, '
inuestiture of Mir Jumla with the title Qf Mu’azzam Khan,
and bestowal qf that of Kha'n-Jaha’n on Shdyista Khan]

Appointment qf Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb to conduct the
campaign of Bijapiir, and dismissal q" Mu’azzam Kha'n
[Mir Jumla], etc., from the presence.
Among the events of this year was the appointment of
the victorious Prince Aurangzeb Bahadur to conduct the
campaign of Bijapiir, and the dismissal of Mu’azzain Khan
and the other nobles and mansabdars from the sublime pre
sence to share in the above campaign; a concise version of
which is as follows. As it had been reported at the threshold. of
royalty, through the representations of the above-named Prince,
that ‘A'dil Khan had bid adieu to existence by a natural death,
and his servants had constituted Majhiil Illahi his successor, who
professed to be his offspring, it was ordered, on the 18th of Safar,

that His Royal Highness should hasten thither with the Dakhin
forces, and bring the campaign to a conclusion, in such a way as
he should deem expedient. An ever-obeyed mandate was also
issued to Khén-Jahén, to repair expeditiously to Daulatabad,
and remain in that city until the ever-successful Prince’s return.
Jamdatu-l Mulk Mu’azzam Khan, Shah Nawaz Khan Safvi,
Mahébat Khan, Nijabat Khén, Rajé. Réi Singh, and a number
more nobles and mansaba'drs, whose total strength amounted to
20,000 horse, were appointed to serve under that ward of divine
providence; some being despatched from the auspicious presence,
and others
a great frommusketeers
many their respective homes
both horse andand jdgtrs,
foot, along with I
and rocketmen.

Among those who received their dismissal from the presence,
Jamdatu»l Mulk was presented with a handsome khil’at, etc. "‘ *
As Mu’azzam Khan had reported that he had sent several led
horses, adorned with diamonds, rubies, and precious stones, and
some other articles, that he had taken from the Zaminda'r of the
Karnétik, to ’A'dil Khan, the Shah Buland Ikbal despatched by
the hands of two confidential slaves a mandate, agreeably to
orders, to the latter, respecting the forwarding of the aforesaid
articles. As ’A'dil Khan, however, departed this life very
shortly after the receipt of the mandate, his servants forwarded
to Court four out of the whole number of led horses, together
with an epistle from his successor, in charge of the above
mentioned slaves. They were accordingly presented on the 1st
of Rabi’u-s sani this year, and their value was almost a lac of



[THIS work is also called Shah Jaha'n-nama. It is the completion
of the Badsha'h-na’ma of ’Abdu-l Hamid by his pupil and assistant
Muhammad \Varis, who was appointed to carry on the work
when his friend and master had become incapacitated by age.
It embraces the last ten years of Shah Jahan’s reign, from the
beginning of the twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his
actual reign closed. The work was submitted for revision to
’Alau-l Mulk Tuni, entitled Fazil Khan, who became wazir in
Aurangzeb’s days, and the part of the work subsequent to the
death of ’Allami Sa'du-lla Khan was written by Fazil Khan,
under the command of the Emperor himself. Little is known of
Muhammad W'éris, but the author of the Ma-a'sir-i ’Alamgiri
records that “On the 10th Rabi’u-l awwal, 1091 (1680 A.D.),
Wéris Khan, news reader, the graceful author of the third
volume of the Bddsha'h-na'ma, was killed by a blow of a pen
knife from a mad student, whom he had taken under his pro
tection, and who used to sleep at night near his patron.”
'The work is composed in a style similar to that of"Abdu-l
Hamid, and is of considerable length. It closes with a list of
the shaihhs, learned men and poets who flourished during its
The history of this period of Shah Jahan"s reign has been so
fully supplied by the Extracts from the Shdh Jaha'n-ndma of
’Inéyat Khan, that only one short Extract has been taken from
this work.
Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is a poor one. -It is an 8vo., twelve
122 MUHAMMAD wears.

inches by six and a half, and contains 357 leaves, of nineteen
lines to the page. There is a copy in the British Museum, and
one in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society.]


Twenty-second Year of the Reiyn.
[1 When the Emperor set off from Shéhjahénabad to chastise
the Persians, it was his intention to march on and make no stay
until he reached Kabul. “ " But afterwards it appeared clear to
his far-reaching judgment, that it was very improbable that the
Shah of Persia would enter upon a campaign in the winter season,
when grain and forage are very difficult to procure in that
country (of Kandahar). The Emperor’s counsellors also repre
sented that the Shah of Persia had resolved upon this evil
enterprise in that infatuation which arises from youth and
inexperience. During the winter he would be busy making
preparations in Khurasén, and in the spring he would commence
operations. In this way the late Shah ’Abbas came up against
Kandahar in the reign of the Emperor Jahéngir. The severe
cold and the heavy snow and rain, together with scarcity of
provender for the horses, would be sources of great suffering to
the Imperial army ; so under all circumstances it was desirable to
postpone the march until the Nau-roz. * “ So it was resolved
to wait the arrival of news from Kandahar. On the 12th
Muharram a despatch arrived from the commandant of the
fortress, to the effect that on the 10th Zi-l hijja the Shah‘of
Persia had invested the fortress, his evident object being to ac
complish this, the first enterprise of his reign, before the spring,
when the roads would be open for the advance of the Imperial
1 See supra, p. 87.




[THIs, like the other histories of the reign of Shah Jahan, is
sometimes called Sha'h Jahdn-nrima. It is a history of the
reign of that Emperor from his birth to his death in 1076 A.H.
(1665 A.D.).
Muhammad Salih was a fine scribe,l so there can be little
doubt that he is the Muhammad salih he himself mentions in
his list of the noted caligraphists of his time. Mir Muhammad
Sélih and Mir Muhammad Miiman were, he says, sons of Mir
’Abdu-lla, Mushhin kalam, whose title shows him to have also
been a fine writer. Muhammad Sélih was known as a poet by
the Persian title Kashfi and the Hindi Subha'n. Both brothers
were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindi singers. In
the list of mansabdiirs, Muhammad Sélih is put down as com
mander of five hundred.
The ’Amal-i Sa'lih is a valuable history, and has a good reputa
tion in the East. It is not so long as the Ba'dshdh-nama of
’Abdu~l Hamid and Muhammad was, and it does not enter into
the same petty details. The latter part of it, devoted to the life
of Shah Jahan after his deposition, is very brief, and notices
only the tragic deaths of his sons and his own peaceful decease.
The style is polished, and often highly wrought and rhetorical.
At the end of the work the author has added biographical
notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, physicians, poets,
and fine writers who were contemporary with Shah Jahan. Also
a list of princes, nobles, and commanders, arranged according to
their respective ranks. A borrowed MS., belonging to a native
gentleman, is a folio 13 in. x 9, containing about 1000 to 1200
1 See supra, p. 5.



Death of ’Ali Mardan Khan.
[1 Amiru-l Umara’Ali Mardén Khan, being ill with dysentery,
started for Kashmir, the air of which country suited his consti
tution, but he died on his way on the 12th Rajab. "‘ ‘* His sons,
Ibrahim Khan and the others, brought his corpse to Lahore, and
buried it in the tomb of his mother. He was a noble of the
highest dignity; he held a mansab of 7000 with 7000 horse,
5000 do-aspas and sih-aspas. He had an in’a'm of one hror of
ddms. Altogether his emoluments amounted to thirty lacs of
rupees. His death caused the Emperor great grief]

2 Mu’azzam Khcin joins Auranyzeh. Capture of several
fortresses belonying to Bijdpur. Defeat of ’A'dil Kha'n’s army.
[Mu’azzam Khan departed from Court, and marched with the
army under his command to Prince Aurangzeb, whom he joined
on the 12th Rabi’u-s séni. On the same day the Prince, making
no delay, marched on his enterprise with all the Imperial forces
and his own followers. In the course of fourteen days he
reached Chandor. There he left VVali Mahaldar Khan with a
force of matchlockmen, etc., to keep open the communications
and provide supplies. Next day he encamped under the fort of
Bidar. This fortress was held by Sidi Maljan, an old servant of
Ibrahim ’A’dil Khan. He had been commander of the fortress
for thirty years, and had kept it fully armed and ready. He
had under him nearly 1000 horse and 4000 infantry, consisting
of musketeers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and walls
and works were carefully looked after, and he made every pre
paration for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince Aurangzeb
1 See supra, pp. 64, 67. 2 See supra, p. 117.

reached the place, he resolved to reduce it. This strong fortress
was 4500 yards (dam?) in circumference, and twelve yards high;
and it had three deep ditches twenty-five yards (gas) wide, and
fifteen yards deep cut in the stone. The Prince went out with
lVIu’azzam Khan and reconnoitered the fort on all sides. He
settled the places for the lines of approach, and named the forces
which were to maintain them. Notwithstanding the heavy fire
kept up from the bastions and the citadel, in the course of ten
days Mu’azzam Khan and the other brave commanders pushed
their guns up to the very edge of the ditch and began to fill it
up. Several times the garrison sallied forth and made fierce
attacks upon the trenches, but each time they were driven back
with a great loss in killed and wounded. The besiegers by the
fire of their guns destroyed two bastions and battered down the
battlements of the wall.
On the 23rd Jumada-s séni, in the thirty-first year of the reign,
Muhammad Murad, with a body of musketeers and other forces,
sallied from his trenches to make the assault. As soon as he
reached the bastion opposite the trench of Mu’azzam Khan, he
planted scaling ladders in several places, and ascended the wall.
Marjan, the commandant, had dug a' great hole in the rear of
this bastion, and had filled it with gunpowder, rockets and
grenades (kukka). With his eight sons and all his personal
followers he stood near this bastion, and with the greatest courage
and determination endeavoured to resist the assault. Just then,
through the good fortune which at all times attends the royal
arms, " * a rocket directed against the besiegers fell into the
above-mentioned hole, and ignited the gunpowder. A tremendous
explosion followed, which destroyed many of the enemy. Sidi
Marian and two of his sons were severely burnt. Those who
escaped the explosion bore him and his sons back into the citadel.
The brave assailants took advantage of this accident, and pouring
into the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all who
resisted, and raised the flag of victory. "‘ * The commandant of
the fortress, with great humility, sued for quarter, and as he was

mortally wounded and unable to move, he sent his sons with the
keys of the fortress. They were graciously received by the
Prince, who presented them with lchil’ats, and promised them the
Imperial favour. On the day after the giving up the keys, the
Prince entered the city, and proceeding to a mosque which had
been built two hundred years before, in the reign of the Bahmani
Sultans, he caused the kkutba to be read in the name of the
Emperor. * “ This strong fortress was thus taken in twenty
seven days. Twelve lacs of rupees in money, and eight lacs of
rupees in lead, gunpowder, stores, and other munitions of a
fortress, were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns.
Bidar is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the borders
of Telingana. It is related in the histories of Hindfistén, that
Bidar was the seat of government of the Rais of the Dakhin, and
that the Rais of the Karnatik, Mahratta (country), and Telingéna
were subject to the Rai of Bidar. Daman, the beloved of King
Nala of Mélwa, whose story Shaikh Faizi has told in the poem
entitled Na! 0 Daman, was daughter of Bhim Sen, the marzbdn of
Bidar. Sultén Muhammad, son of Sultan Tughlik, first sub
dued the place. Afier that, it passed into the hands of the
Bahmanis, and subsequently into the possession of the Kings of
Bijapl'lr. By the favour of God, it now forms part of the
Imperial dominions.
Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of the forces
of ’A'dil Khan were collecting at Kulbarga, and preparing for
war. He consequently sent Mahabat Khén with fifteen thousand
well-mounted veteran cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to
leave one trace of cultivation in that country. Every building
and habitation was to be thrown down, and the land was to be
made a dwelling for the owls and kites. The Khan had not got
far from Bidar, when, in the middle of the next day, two
thousand of the enemy’s horse, at about three kos from the
Imperial army, seized a number of bullocks, belonging to the
Banjaras, while they were grazing, and were driving them elf to
their quarters. Mu’azzam Khan and * * led a detachment of the

Imperial forces after them, to inflict chastisement upon them, and
release the cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, they over
took the enemy, killed a great many of them, and rescued all
the cattle. Such of the enemy as escaped made off with great
difficulty, and the royal forces returned. The wretched Afzal,
who had advanced very boldly, when he heard of this disaster,
was paralyzed, and fled in consternation from Kalyani, without
even waiting for the fugitives to come in, and fell back upon his
other forces. Mahabat Khan then ravaged Kalyani, and con
tinued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of the
enemy appeared in the distance, but they continued to retreat. *‘ *
On the 8th Rajah, Jan Muhammad and Afzal and Rustam,
the son of Randaula, and others of the enemy, with about 20,000
horse, made their appearance near the royal army, and were very
bold and insolent. * * Mahabat Khan left his camp in charge of
Subhan Singh, and marched out against them. The enemy
began to discharge rockets upon the right wing under the com
mand of Diler Khan, and a battle followed. * * Mahabat Khan
was a good soldier; and when reports were brought to him from
all parts of the field, he saw that Ikhlas Khan and Diler Khan
were hard pressed. *‘ "‘ So he charged the enemy with such
impetuosity that they were filled with dismay and fled. The
victors followed in close pursuit, and many of the fugitives fell
by their swords.
Aurangzeb, having left Mu’azzam Khan and Ikbal Khan in
charge of Bidar, on the 23rd Rajah marched against Kalyani. On
the 29th he reached that place, and on the same day he recon
noitered the fortress and invested it. "' *‘ On the 8th Sha’ban the
approaches were advanced to the edge of the ditch, and the
besieged were hard pressed. [Several actions with and victories
over the enemy. The country ravaged. Kutbarga occupied]
When the ditch was filled with stones and earth, and the
bastions and ramparts had been well battered, on the 27th the
assailants placed their ladders and mounted a bastion which had
been much damaged, and began to undermine and throw down

the wall. The besieged made a gallant resistance, and kept up a
heavy discharge of rockets, arrows, and muskets. Grenades,
naphtha-balls, and trusses of burning straw were thrown from
the top of the walls. But the assailants pressed bravely on, and
victory was not far off. At this juncture Dilawar Habshi, who
with 2500 men held the place for ’A'dil Khan, felt himself in
great danger of destruction, and on the 29th wrote a letter
begging for forgiveness and offering to surrender. Most of the
garrison were Musulmans, so the commandant and all his men
were allowed to march out with their property and their wives
and families. On the 1st Zi-l ka’da, 1068, the keys of the
fortress were given up, and the Prince entered and had the
hhutba read. The commandant sought and obtained permission
to go to Bijépfirj

Illness 0f the Emperor.
[Suddenly, on the 1st Zi-l ka"da, 1067 A.H., the Emperor was
attacked with serious illness in the form of strangury, constipation
and other sympathetic affections, so that he was unable to attend
to worldly afl'airs. Physicians tried all the remedies of their art,
but in vain, for the disorder increased. * * In Safar, 1068,
the health of the Emperor had so improved that he was con
valescent, * * and great rejoicings followed]


[In the eyes of his father the Emperor, Prince Dara Shukoh
was superior to his brothers both in merit and age. When his
other sons departed to their respective governments, the Emperor,
from excessive love and partiality, would not allow Dara Shukoh
to go away from him. He also evinced the greatest partiality
and affection for the Prince, providing for his honour and
dignity. * *
Shah Buland Ikbal (Dara Shukoh) took upon himself to

interfere in the direction of affairs of State, and induced His
Majesty to do many unwise things which tended to create dis
turbances. He urged that Murad Bakhsh had diverged from
the path of rectitude, and had not ceased to act improperly. It
was therefore advisable to remove him from the shba of Ahmad
ébad, and to settle upon him the jzigt-r of Birar. If he obeyed
the Emperor’s order and proceeded to Birar, his ofl'ences might
be forgiven and clemency be extended to him. But if, from want
of foresight and intelligence, he should prove refractory and
disobey the orders, he should be suitably chastised and be
brought to Court under restraint. Dara Shukoh then spoke of
Prince Aurangzeb, and represented that a party of intriguers
had artfully led him astray, and nolens volens had persuaded him
that he had been worsted by the malice and revenge of his
brother (Dara Shukoh), and that he should get the assistance of
his brother (Murad Bakhsh), who had resolved upon rebellion.l
He should then march with the splendid army under his com
mand to the capital,- under the pretence of paying a visit to his
father, and wherever'he passed he should subvert the authority
of the Government. To carry out his aims Aurangzeb had set
himself to win over to his side the great nobles of the State,
some of whom he had made his own, and that he was endeavour
ing to effect his object by secret communications before his
designs should become public. The money which he had received
as tribute from Kutbu-l Mulk he had spent without permission in
the raising of forces, and it would not be long before he would
cast off his obedience and commence a war. It was to be hoped
that the army which had been sent by the Emperor for the
reduction of Bijapur, and was now with Aurangzeb, might not
be won over by the money which he had received as tribute; for
assuredly, if this were so, it would be a great danger to the State,
which it would be almost impossible to avert. The first thing to
be done was to send farmdns recalling all the nobles and their
forces from the Dakhin. Then a strenuous effort should be made
1 Here the M88. differ, and the meaning is not certain.
voL. v11. 9

to get possession of the treasure. By these means the strength
and greatness of the Prince would be diminished, and the friends
and allies, the strength of his cause, would fall away. "‘ *‘
Although the Emperor showed no haste in adopting these
views, he was quite willing to send the letters. He could not
resist the influence Prince Dara had obtained over him. So
letters of the unpleasant purport above described were sent ofl' by
the hands of some of the Imperial messengers. The messengers
reached Prince Aurangzeb as he was engaged in directing the
operations against Bijapur, and he had the place closely invested.
The arrival of the messengers disturbed the minds of the soldiers,
and greatly incensed the Prince; so, much confusion arose. Some
of the nobles, Mahabat Khan, Rae Sattar S61, and others, went
off to Kgra without leave or notice. Mu’azzam Khan also, who
was the head and director of this campaign, acted in a very
ungenerous and foolish way, and wanted to go 011' to A'gra, quite
regardless of the duty and respect he owed to the Prince.
This want of support from his followers, and the anxiety he
felt about the Emperor, led the Prince to accept the proposals of
the people of Bijapur. Having settled this difficult matter, he
marched towards Aurangabéd; and as soon as he arrived there, he
sent messengers in a courteous way1 to Mu’azzam Khan, desiring
him to come and have an interview. The Khan would not listen
to the invitation, and acted in a manner unworthy of a great'noble.
So the Prince ordered Prince Sultan Muhammad to set forth
with all speed and use every expedient to bring the Khan to his
presence. When the directions were carried out, and the Khan
arrived, Aurangzeb immediately provided for his punishment,
and sent him prisoner to the fort of Daulatabad. He seized all
his treasure, elephants and other property, and gave them into the
charge of the State treasurers]

1 [Az rdh imada'ra’, which may mean either “ by way of courtesy " or “ by way
of dissimu1ation.”]

Rajd Jasmant.
[After the defeat of Shah Shuja’, and the return of Aurangzeb
to A'gra, the Emperor sent a force "‘ * to inflict salutary punish
ment upon Raja Jaswant. The Rajé. feeling himself unable to
resist, in his great perplexity and alarm, sent some of his servants
to Dara Shukoh, who, previous to the Raja’s flight, had arrived at
Ahmadabad, and, without waiting to recover from his toilsome
journey through the sandy desert, was busily occupied in gather
ing forces. * "‘ Dara Shukoh, haying satisfied himself by taking
from. the promise-breaking Réja a covenant which the Raja
confirmed with the most solemn Hindu pledges, marched towards
his country. The Emperor was meanwhile moving towards Raja
Jaswant’s territory, and he wrote the Raja a letter, in which ex
postulations and threats were mingled with kindness. This letter
greatly alarmed the Raja, so that he departed from Dara and re
turned to his own country. Making use of Mirza Raja Jai Singh,
he wrote a penitent and'submissive letter to the Emperor, begging
forgiveness for his ofl'ences ; and the Emperor in his clemency
forgave him, granted him the subaddrt of Ahmadabéd, and sent
him. a farmah, bestowing honours and promising favours.]

Fate of the Princes Suleiman Shukoh, Sultan Muhammad
and Mura'd Bakhsh.
[The samtnda'r of Srinagar, having consented to surrender
Prince Sulaiman Shukoh, sent him to Court in the custody of his
son. Two days after his arrival, the Prince was brought into the
Emperor’s presence, who directed that on the morrow he,
along with Prince Sultan Muhammad, should be sent to the fort
of Gwalior. and that both should be fed with kolmar.1 " * The
sons of ’Ali Naki, who had a charge against Murad Bakhsh for
the murder of their father, were sent to Gwalior, with directions,
that after a lawful judgment had been given, the retaliation for
‘ [Otherwise called pasta, a slow poison prepared from poppies]

blood should be eXacted from the Prince. When they arrived
at Gwalior, an inquiry was made by the Kézi. The Prince was
resigned to his fate, and said, “ If the Emperor will accept my
pledges and spare my life, no harm will happen to his throne;
but if he is resolved to take my life, there is no good in listening
to such low fellows as these. He has the power, and can do what
he likes.” On the 21st Rabi’u-s sani, 1072, under the orders of
the Kazi, two slaves killed the Prince with two blows of their
swords. He was buried in the fort of Gwalior. In the month of
Shawwal Prince Sulaiman Shukoh died from the treatment of
his jailors, in the thirtieth year of his age, and was buried beside
Murad Bakhsh]


[Besides the Sha'h-Jahdn-ua'mas noticed at length, there are among the M88.
borrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, several others bearing the same title. 1. “An
abstract of the lengthy Sha'hJaha'n-ndma " (the Bddshdh-ndma) of ’Abdu-l Hamid
Lah0ri. This was written in 1225 mu. (an. 1810), by Muhammad Zahid. 2. A
fragment of another and lengthy SMh-Jaha'n-na'ma, by Mimi: Jalalu-d din Tabhtaba.
3. A short work by Bhagwau Das, which gives brief notices of the ancestors of Shah
Jahan, beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Mirza Muhammad Jan Mashhadi.
This is called Shdh-Jahdn-na'ma, but the title given to it by the author would rather
appear to be Zafar-na'ma. 5. Another Sha'h-Jahdn-néma in verse, by Mir Mu
hammad Yahya K6shi.]




[THE author
Sédik, of this
who was history of Shah
Weikz'flnarisiin Jahénupon
attendance was Prince

Jahan in his campaign against the Rana during the life of
Jahangir. He afterwards received the title of Sédik Khan.
The work embraces the reign of Shah Jahén “ from his accession
to the throne unto the termination of the confinement into which
he fell through the stupidity of Dara Shukoh.” A copy of the
work-in the British Museum ends with the deposition of Shah
Jahén, but the author adds that the deposed monarch lived eight
years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot’s MS. goes on without any
break to the end of the reign of Aurangzeb; but to have written
all this, Sédik Khan must have lived over a century. The
history of the reign of Aurangzeb turns out to be the same as
that of the Mimtakhabu-l Lubdb of Khaf'i Khan, with some
slight variations, not greater perhaps than Col. Lees found in
various MSS. of that work.l
The history is of moderate extent, and is written in a simple
style. Similarity or identity in. many passages shows that
Khafi Khén used the work for his history of the reign of Shah
Jahan. There is also among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS. one
called Tabaka't-i Skdh-Jahém', written by the same author.
This consists of notices of the great and distinguished men of
the reign of Shah Jahan. The names are numerous, but the
notices are s110rt.-]
1 Journal Royal Asiatic Society, ms. vol. iii. p. 473.




THE Majdlisu-s Saldtin, or “Assemblies of the Sultans,” was
written by Muhammad Sharif Hanafi. The reason he assigns
for writing it is, that no one had courage enough in his time to
wade through long histories, especially mentioning those of Zia
Barni, Kazi ’Ajaz Badshahi, and ’Abdu-l Kadir, which are each
works of considerable size, and he therefore determined, notwith
standing his constant avocations, to write an abridged history of
India. In the midst of a hundred interruptions, he set himself
to the work, but, short as it is, he was nearly failing in his
resolution to complete it, and “ a wind .arose occasionally which
was nearly making his pen fly away like an arrow from a bow,
and converting his paper into'a flying kite.” At last he asked
his spiritual teachers for their aid and countenance, and through
their encouragement he brought it to a completion.
The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to have
deprived us of the account of his travels, which, as will be seen
from one of the following extracts, extended to a distance quite
unusual in his days. He had travelled from Madura in Southern
India to Kashmir, and had dwelt for some time in the inter
mediate countries ; and he tells us that if he had recorded all the
wonderful things he had seen, he might have filled a thousand
volumes. He was employed in some public capacity during the
whole time that he was making these tours, for he signifies that
he was a person of no mean consideration.

The work was composed in the early part of Shah Jahan’s
reign, in the year 1038 A.H. (1628 an), according to a chrono
gram at the close of the work in which the date is recorded.
The Majdlisuis Saldtz'n is not divided into chapters, but the
following abstract will show the pages where the principal
dynasties and reigns commence and end.
Preface, pp. 1 to 3.
The Ghaznivides, pp. 4 to 11.
The Ghorians and subsequent Dehli dynasties, pp. 11 to 121.
Bébar, pp. 121 to 123.
Humayiin, Sher Khan, etc., pp. 124 to 193.
Akbar, pp. 193 to 200.
Jahangir, pp. 200 to 206.
Kingdoms of the Dakhin, Kashmir, etc., pp. 207 to 258.
SIZE—121110. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines.
The copy from which the following Extracts are taken is in
one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow. I know of no other.
[The Extracts were translated by a muns/zé and corrected by
Sir H. M. Elliot]
Anecdotes of Muhammad Tugklik.
1 After some time, intelligence was brought that -M.alik
Bahrain Abiya, the adopted brother of Sultan Tughlik Shah,
had revolted in Multan, and put ’Ali Akhti to death, whom
Sultan Muhammad ’A'dil had sent with orders to summon the rebel.
The Sultan, with a view to subdue the rebellion, marched from
Daulatabad towards Dehli, and thence reached Multan by suc
cessive marches. Malik Bahram came out to oppose him, but
was defeated and slain. His head was brought to the Sultan,
who was about to order a general massacre of the inhabitants of
Multan, and make streams of blood flow, when the stafi' of the
1 See supra, Vol. III. p. 242.

Fir-i” --,-'—

world, the most religious Shaikhu-l Hakk, came bare-headed to
the King’s court, and stood before him soliciting pardon for the
people. The Sultan forgave them for the sake of that holy man.
In short, this King called himself just, and 'generally before
executing persons he certainly did refer the case for the decree of
the expounders of the law.
It is said of him, that one day, having put on his shoes,
he went on foot to the court of Kazi Kamalu-d din, the
Chief Justice, and told him that Shaikh-zada Jam had called
him unjust; he demanded that he should be summoned and
required to prove the injustice of which be accused him, and
that if he could not prove it, he should be punished according
to the injunctions of the law. Shaikh-zada J am, when he
arrived, confessed that he had made the assertion. The Sultan
inquired his reason, to which he replied, “When a criminal is
brought before you, it is entirely at your royal option to punish
him, justly or unjustly ; but you go further than this, and give
his wife and children to the executioners that they may do what
they like with them. In what religion is this practice lawful?
If this is not injustice, what is it? ” The Sultan remained silent;
and when he left the court of the Kézi, he ordered the Shaikh-zada.
to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on his journey to Daulat
abéd he took the prisoner with him on the back of an elephant.
When he returned to Dehli, on passing before the court of the
Kézifhe ordered the Shaikh-zada to be brought out of the cage 1
. and cut to pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed very
opposite qualities. He was called by the common people “the
unjust.” There are many similar stories of the atrocities he
committed. Tyranny took the place of justice, and infidelity
that of Islam. At last he was seized with fever, and departed
to the next world, when he was in the vicinity of Thatta, on the
21st Muharram, A.H. 752 (20th March, 1351 A.D.). The period
of his reign was twenty-seven years.
1 A few years later we find the Raja of Golkonda imprisoned in an iron cage by
Sultan Kuli Kutb Shah—Briggs Firialita, vol. iii. p. 374.

Accession 0f Sha'h Jaluin.l

When Ni'iru-d din Muhammad Jahangir died, the second
Lord of the Conjunction, the rightful heir, Shah Khurram, who
was entitled Shah Jahén, was in the Dakhin at a distance of three
months’ journey from the place where the Emperor Jahangir had
died. It is well known to politicians that the throne of royalty
cannot remain vacant for a moment, and therefore the ministers
of the government and the principal officers of the Court con
sidered it expedient to place Sultan Déwar Bakhsh, the grandson
of the Emperor Jahangir, upon the throne for some days; and
thus to guard against mutinies and disturbances which might
otherwise arise. They defeated Shéhriyar, who, through his
vain ambition, had proclaimed himself King in Lahore. The
Emperor Shahabu-d din Muhammad Shah Jahan (may his
dominions and reign increase, and may the world be benefited by
his bounty and munificence !) also came with a powerful army
rid Gujarat and Ajmir, and soon arrived at A'gra, which was
the seat of his and his forefathers” government. He mounted
the throne of sovereignty in the fort of Kgra on Monday the
7th of Juméda-l akhir, corresponding with the 25th of
Bahman; and distributed largesses and rewards among his
subjects. May the Almighty keep this generous and world
conquering King under His protection and care !

Revenues (J Hindzlstain and the Dakhin.
It also entered into the mind of this “most humble slave
of God ” to write a short account of the difi'erent provinces of
Hindustan, and make it a portion of this small work, detailing
how much of this country was in possession of the Emperor
Jalalu-d din Muhammad Akbar and his son Ni'iru-d din
Jahangir, and into how many sz'tbas it is now divided.
Be it not concealed that the whole country of Hindustan,
which is known to form one-fourth of the inhabited world, and
1 See supra, Vol. VI. p. 435.

reckoned as the largest of all the countries, is divided into
fourteen sz'ebas, or provinces.
First, the Province of Dehli; revenue upwards of 65,61,00,000
ddms. Second, the Province of Agra, which is the seat of govern
ment ; revenue 82,25,00,000 da'ms. Third, the Province of the
Panjab, or Lahore; present revenue, 82,50,00,000 da'ms. Fourth,
the Province of Kabul, including Kashmir, etc.; revenue
25,00,00,000 ddms. Fifth, the Province of the Dakhin, or
Ahmadnagar ; revenue 28,35,00,000 da'ms. Sixth, the Province
of Khi'mdesh and Birar; revenue 87,32,00,000 ddms. Seventh, the
Province of Malwa; revenue 28,00,00,000 ddms. Eighth, the
Province of Gujarat; revenue 50,64,00,000 da’ms. Ninth, the
Province of Bihar, including Patna and Jaunpiir; revenue
31,27,00,000 ddms. Tenth, the 'Province of Oudh with its
dependencies; revenue 23,22,00,000 ddms. Eleventh, the Pro
vince of Ajmir with its dependencies; revenue 42,05,00,000
ddms. Twelfth, the Province of Allahabad; revenue 30,70,00,000
ddms. Thirteenth, the Province of Sind, including Multan,
Thatta and Bhakkar ; revenue 40,00,00,000 ddms. Four
teenth, the Province of Bengal, which is equal to two or three
kingdoms; revenue 50,00,00,000 ddms.
The revenue of all the territories under the Emperors of Dehli
amounts, according to the Royal registers, to six arbs and thirty
krors of ddms. One arb is equal to a hundred krors (a kror being
ten millions), and a hundred krors of ddms are equivalent to two
More and fifty lacs of rupees. Each of the fourteen provinces
above mentioned formed the territory of a powerful king, and
was conquered by the sword of the servants of the Chaghatais.
Nine of these fourteen provinces have been visited by the poor
compiler of this book, and the following is a detail of them.

h The Author's Travels.

He was born in the province of the Dakhin, and lived five
I years there. Though it is mentioned as one province, yet the

whole territory of the Dakhin, through which he travelled with
his father, consists of five provinces. Ahmadnagar is one pro
vince, Bijapi'ir is another, Golkonda is a third; the Kamatik,
which is a large territory extending as far as Setband Reim
eshwar, forms a separate province. Khandesh and Birér, which
are in reality two provinces, though rated above only as one,
were visited throughout every space of their whole extent by the
writer, who has also travelled over the provinces of Gujarat,
Mélwa, Ajmir, Dehli, and A'gra, as well as those of the Panjéb
or Lahore, and Sind, which includes Thatta, Bhakkar and
Multan. By the favour of God, he possessed authority in all
these provinces, and visited them as a person of consideration.
If he were to note down the wonders and curiosities of all the
places he has seen, he would require to blacken paper equal to one
thousand volumes. He has therefore avoided enlarging his work.
He may, however, as well mention, that when in the territory
of the Karnétik, he arrived in company with his father at the
city of Southern Mathura (Madura), where, after a few days, the
ruler died and went to the lowest hell. This chief had 700
wives, and they all threw themselves at the same time into the
fire. This event was related by the compiler of this book at
Burhanpfir, in the presence of the Nawab Khan-khanan, son
of Bairam Khan; but the Nawab did not believe it. The
eakil of the Raja of the Karnétik, whose name was Kaner Rei,
was also present at the court of the Nawéb; and when inquiries
were made of him respecting the truth of my assertion, he
related the event exactly as the writer had done. So the Nawab
entered it in his note-book.
All the people of this territory are idolators, and eat all the
wild animals of the forest. There is not a single Musulmén
there. Occasionally a Musulman may visit the country, deputed
by Nizam Shéh, ’A'dil Shah or Kutb Shéh, but the natives are
all infidels. The Madari malangs and jogts go by this road to
Sarandip and the hill-fort of Ceylon, which is the place where
the impression of Adam’s foottep is preserved.

In A.H. 1031 the writer of this book visited the delightful
land of Kashmir, when he accompanied the victorious camp of
the Emperor who had an army as numerous as the stars, viz.
Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahangir, and was in the immediate
service of the most exalted and noble Nawab, the Great Khan,
the best of all the descendants of the chosen prophet, the chief
of the house of ’Ali, a nobleman of high rank and dignity, viz.
Kasim Khan, may God preserve him! '




[THIS is a general history of considerable length, written by Saiyid
Mufazzal Khan. It begins with the Creation, and comes down to
1077 A.H. (1666 A.D.), the tenth year of the reign of Aurangzeb.
A copy of the Table of Contents from another MS. brings the
work down to the time of Farrukh Siyar. The work is divided
into seven makdlas or sections, the sixth and seventh of which are
devoted to India. In the account of Nésiru-d din Kubécha it
gives an epitome of the Chach-ndma, which was translated into
Persian under his patronage.1 It is an extensive work of nearly
a thousand pages, seventeen lines to the page. The following
Extracts, apparently translated by a m'zms/n', have been revised
by Sir H. M. Elliot.]

2 When Shah Jahan mounted the throne at A'gra, all the
officers of State came to pay their respects to him, but Khan
Jahan Lodi, who was one of the greatest officers under the late
Emperor Nurn-d din Muhammad Jahangir, did not attend the
Court on the plea of illness. This was very displeasing to His
Majesty, and when at last he did attend the Court, he spoke in a
very disrespectful tone, which greatly excited His Majesty’s anger.
As a punishment for his insolence, an order was given to level
his house with the ground. Being informed of it, he fled imme_
1 Supra, Vol. I. page 181.
2 See supra, page 7.

diately with his whole family and property, and attempted to
cross the Chambal, but was pursued by Rajé. Bahadur with a
large force. Ismat Khan, the son of Khan-Jahan Lodi, a boy
only twelve years of age, came to an engagement with this officer
and killed him with his own hand. The royalists, on the death
of their general, made a vigorous attack upon the enemy. Ismat
Khan was slain, but Khén-Jahan himself escaped and crossed
the river.
In A.H. 1040 (1630 A.D.) the Emperor proceeded to the Dakhin,
and conquered many places there. The fort of Daulatabéd,
which was the capital of the neighbouring territory, was taken
by Khan-khanan Muhammad Khan.
Such a magnificent and beautiful fort of red stone was built on
the banks of the Jnmna, that no building like it was ever
constructed by any of the kings who-had ruled in India. Besides
other magnificent works, the Peacock throne was made by this
monarch, which was set with all kinds of precious stones. It
was prepared at the expense of nine krors nine lacs and one
thousand rupees.
Sa’du-lla Khan and Mudabbir Khan, who were both good
scholars, were deservedly appointed ministers to the throne.
Prince Dara Shukoh was married to the grand-daughter of
Sultén Parwez, and the nuptial ceremonies were performed with
such pomp and splendour as was never witnessed before.
The Mosque of Jéma’ Jahan~numa was built near the fort
under the superintendence of Sa’du-lla Khan, at the expense of
ten lacs of rupees.
Prince Muhammad Murad Bakhsh was appointed to the
Governorship of Ahmadabad in Gujarat, with the grant of
an honorary dress and some jewels to the value of five lacs of
rupees ; and Prince Aurangzeb Bahadur to that of the Province
of the Dakhin, and a khll’at with a sarpech, a horse, and jewels
to the value of five lacs of rupees, was granted to him. They
were all ordered to go to their respective provinces, and the
Emperor himself came to A'gra, where he remained nine months,

and then returned to Dehli. As he proceeded on his journey,
he amused himself on the way with all kinds of sports.
His Majesty had been pleased to assure his mother-in-law,
the wife of A'saf Khan, in the days of her pregnancy, that if she
brought forth a son, he would make him a mansabda'r of 5000
horse; and accordingly, when a son was born to her, the rank was
conferred on the child under the title of Shayista Khan Bahéflur.
About the same time Muhammad . Dara Shukoh was declared
to be the successor to the throne, and the entire management of
the Government was placed in his hands. The charge was
accordingly undertaken by the Prince, but Providence had deter
mined otherwise. The country was destined to be ruled by a
juster and better prince, and every circumstance which occurred
in those days combined to assist him in obtaining the throne.
On the 7th Zi-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 1657 A.D.), the Emperor
Shah Jahan, who shall henceforth be called ’Alé. Hazrat, fell sick
in Dehli, and was unable to attend the duties of the State. Dara
Shukoh, the eldest Prince, intending to avail himself of the circum
stance, so managed that no news regarding the public aifairs could
transpire. This gave rise to great disturbances in the country.
Murad Bakhsh, the fourth son of the Emperor, who was the
. Governor of Gujarat, seated himself on the throne and declared
himself independent. Shah Shuja’, the second Prince, also
followed the same course in Bengal and prepared an army.
Dara Shukoh, being afraid of his brother Aurangzeb, prevailed
upon the Emperor during his sickness to recall the forces which
were with that Prince. His object in taking this measure was
first to despatch the two rebel princes, Shuja’ and Murad Bakhsh,
out of his way, and then to proceed to the Dakhin against
Aurangzeb. He took His Majesty to Agra in the very height of
his illness, and sent Rajfi Jai Singh with a royal army, and his
own force under the command of his eldest son Sulaimfin Shukoh,
against Shah Shuja’. He also ordered Réjé. Jaswant Singh to
march with a large army towards Malwz'r, the threshold of the
Dakhin, to prevent the enemy from advancing. This Hindi

chief was one of the greatest Rrijris of Hindustan, and as he was
very nearly related to the Emperor, he had gained his confidence
in a considerable degree, and had obtained a few days before the
title of Maharaja. 1“ 1‘ "‘
Towards the end of the year 1067 A.H., when, in consequence
of the Emperor's sickness, disturbances arose in all parts
of the country, Bim Narain, Zamindrir of Kiich Bihar, took
possession of the territory of Kamriip, which belonged to the
empire of Dehli. It was also at the same time encroached upon
by Jai Bijai Singh, Raja of Asam, who always considered his
dominions secure from the depredations of the royal army. To
protect Kémri'ip, a large army was despatched by land under
the command of Khan-khanan, who, considering the service very
important, obtained leave of the Emperor to depart immediately,
and left Khizrpiir on the 13th of Rabi’u-l awwal, in the 4th year
after His Majesty‘s accession to the throne, and conquered the
city of Kiich Bihai' on the 27th of the same month. After the
conquest he changed the name of the city to 'A'lamgimagar,
and on the 28th proceeded to invade A'szim by way of Ghoré
ghat. After five months’ exertions, the city of Karkalu, which
the chief residence of the ruler of Asam, was taken on the
6th of Sha‘ban. An account of the immense booty, both in pro
perty and cash, which fell into the hands of the victors, as also of
the number of men killed on both sides in these battles, and of
the rarities and wonders of Ki'ich Biliar and Ksam, together
with a description of the vegetable and mineral products of the
country, the manners and customs of the people, and their forts
and buildings, is fully given in the ’A’lamglr-mima. When the
Emperor received the report of these important conquests from
the Khan-khanan, the general of the royal army, he showed
great favour to his son, Muhammad Amin Khan, and honoured
him with the grant of a khil’at in his own presence. The Khan
also received a farma'n in approbation of his services, and was
rewarded with an honorary dress, one kror of ddms, and the
insignia of the fa/rmdn and tugh.





THESE two histories, though circulating under different names,
may be considered as essentially one and the same.
Dr. Bernhard Dorn, at p. xv. of the Preface to his “ History
of the Afghans,” describes the Mlr-dt-l ’A’lam as a most valuable
universal history, written in Persian, by Bakhtéwar Khan, who
by travel and assiduous study had qualified himself for the task
of an historian. Dr. Dorn mentions also that the history of the
Afghans by Ni’amatu-lla, which he translated, frequently
corresponds, word for word, with that found in the Mr-dt-t' ’A'lam.
He gives the following abstract of a copy in the British
Museum :
“ Section I.——History of the Patriarchs; of the Israelite Kings ;
of Lukman and Daniel ; of the Hebrew Prophets ; of Jesus and
the Apostles ; of the Seven Sleepers; of some Saints, as Georgius,
Barseesa, Samson, etc.; of the ancient Sages, as Solon, Pytha
goras, Socrates, Diogenes, Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Homer, Zeno,
Ptolemy, Thales, Euclid: after that follows the history of the
Persian Monarchs and of the Yemen Kings.
Section II.—History of Muhammad.
III.—History of the Khalifs of other Dynasties, as the
Safl'arides, etc.
IV.—History of the Roman and the Turkish Em
perors, etc.
voL. v11. 10

Section V.—History of the Sharifs of Mecca and Medina.
VL—History of the Turkish Khéns, etc.
VII.—History of Changiz Khan and his successors.
VIII.—History of different Dynasties in l’rén, etc., after
Sultan Abi'i Sa’id Bahédur Khén. After that, a history
of India follows, in which there is the History of the Kings of
Dehli, from Shahabu~d din to Ibrahim Lodi; of the Kings of the
Dakhin, of Huméyi'in, Sher Shah, Islam Shah, and ’A'dil Shah ;
of the Kings of Bengal, etc. ; of Jaunpur, Kashmir, etc. ;
Huméyi'm‘s conquest of Kabul.”
Dow also quotes the work as one of his authorities in his
Continuation of Firishta, and in the Preface to his third volume
speaks of it as being composed by Nézir Bakhtéwar Khan, a
man of letters, who led a private life near Faridébad, within
a few miles of A’gra, and states that it contains the history of
the first ten years of Aurangzeb.
This latter description corresponds with the Mir-dt-i Ja/zdn-numd
usually met with in this country; and though the name of the
author is the same in both instances, it is evident that Dr. Dorn’s
and Colonel Dow’s descriptions of the portions devoted to Indian
history can scarcely refer to the same work. The contents also
of the several books differ in many respects, as will be seen from
the following abstract of the Mir-(it-i Jaka'n-n'umd, which is found
in India; but as there can be no doubt that the two works are
the same in substance, there is reason to apprehend that Dr.
Dorn’s description is defective in some particulars.
The Mir-dt-i Jakdn-numd is divided into a Preface, seven Books
(A'rdisk), and a Conclusion. These are subdivided into several
Sections (namdisk and pairdish) and Sub-sections (namztd), of all
which the following is a full detail :

Introduction—Gives an account of the creation of the heaven
and earth, their inhabitants—the Jinns, Iblis, etc.

13001: I.—History of the patriarchs, philosophers and kings
who flourished before the dawn of Muhammadanism. In
four Chapters. —Chapter 1. On the Patriarchs.—2. On the
Ancient Philosophers—3. On the Kings of Persia. In five
Sections. — Section i. The Peshdédians. -— ii. The Kaianians.
—iii. The Muli'iku-t Tawaif. — iv. The sasanians. -—v. The
Akasiras.—Chapter 4. History of the dependencies of Yaman.
BOOK II.—-An account of Muhammad, his exploits, his
character and miracles, his descendants and wives, his successors
and Iméms, some of his friends and dependents, the learned men
who expounded the religion, the Sfifias and Mashaikhs. In
thirteen Chapters—Chapter 1. An account of Muhammad and
his exploits—2. His character and miracles—3. His wives.
-—4. His descendants—5. The first four Khalifas.-—6. The
Imzims.—7. The ten disciples—8. Friends of Muhammad
whose names are given in alphabetical order. — 9. The
followers of Muhammad and their dependents.—10. The four
great Imams.—ll. The seven persons who were appointed to
read the Kuran.—12. The great expounders of the Kuran, the
descent of the holy mantle, the different orders of the sects of
the Shaikhs. In three Sections. — Section i. The great ex
pounders of the Kuran.—ii. The preservation of the holy mantle.
—iii. The difi'erent orders and sects of the Shaikhs.—-Chapter
13. The holy men of Arabia and Persia, the» celebrated saints of
Hindustan, and the Muhammadan doctors. In three Sections.—
Section i. On the Shaikhs and the holy men of Arabia and
Persia. — ii. The celebrated Saints of Hindustan. -- iii. The
Muhammadan doctors.
BOOK III.—The ’Ummayides, ’Abbasides, and those kings who
were contemporary with the ’Abbésides; the Caesars of Rum;
the Sharifs of Mecca and Medina; the Khans of the Turks;
Muli'iku-t Tawaif. In eight Chapters.—l. The ’Ummayides.—
2. The ’Abbéside Khalifas.-—3. The kings who were con
temporary with the ”Abbésides. In eleven Sections.—i. The
Tahirians.—ii. The Safl'arians.—iii. The Séménians.-—iv. The

Ghaznivides. — v. The Ghorians. —vi. The Buwaihides or
Dailamis.—-vii. The Sa1j\'1kians.—viii. The Khwérizm-shahis.-—
ix. The Atabaks.—x. The Isma’ilians.—xi. The Karékhitais
of Kirmén. -— Chapter 4. On the Kings Of Rum. In eight
Sections.—Section i. The Kaiasarés.—ii. The Saljiikians who
ruled in Rum—iii. The Danishmandias.—iv. The Salikié. Kings
who governed in Kzurbéijén and Ri'im.—-v. The Salikié. or
Mankuchakia Kings who ruled in A'zurbéjj-Zm and Kamékh.
—vi. The Karé.m6.ns.—vii. The rulers of Malatiya and Abulistan.
—viii. The Ottomans who are called out of respect Khwandgars.
—Chapter 5. The Sharifs of Mecca and Medina—6. The Khans
of the Turks. In four Sections—Section i. History of Turk,
son of Yafis (Japhet), son of Ni'ih, and his descendants.—
ii. Tatar and his descendants—iii. Moghi'il and his descendants.
—iv. Lanjar Ka-an and his descendants—Chapter 7. Changiz
Khan and his descendants. In seven Sections—Section i.
Changiz Khan—ii. Descendants of Changiz Khan who ruled in
Ulugh-yi'irat, which was the seat of his government.—iii. His
descendants who obtained the rank of Khan in the desert of
Kipchak.—iv. His descendants who obtained the same rank in
the country of Tram—v. The Khans of Turan who were the
descendants of Chaghat'ai Khan, son of Changiz Khan—vi. The
Shaibania Kings—vii. The Khans of Kashghar who were the
descendants of Chaghatéi Khan, son of Ohangiz Khan.—
Chapter 8. Muh'iku-t Taw'aif, who reigned in Iran after Sultan
Abi'i Sa’id Bahédur Khan. In five Sections—Section i. The
Chi'ibanians.—ii. The I'lkénians. —iii. Amir Shaikh Abu-l
Ishak Inju and the Muzafi'arides.-—iv. The Kurt Kings.—v. The
B001: IV.--Tim1'1r and his descendants who ruled in Iran and
Turan; the Kara-kl'iinll'i and A'k-ki'iinli'i rulers;1 the Safawiya
Kings. In four Chapters—Chapter 1. Timur and his descen
dants who governed in frail and Turan.—2. The Gfirganian
rulers who ruled in I'rén and Khurésén.—3. The Karé-ki’iinli'i
1 See supra, Vol. IV. p. 299.

Kings—4. The Safawiyé. Kings who still occupy the throne of
the country of Iran.
BOOK V.—An account of Hindustan ; religious notions of the
Hindus ; Sultans of Dehli and other parts of Hindustan, where
at present the khutba is read and coin struck in the name of the
Emperor. An Introduction and nine Chapters—Introduction.
On the religious not-ions of the Hindus, history of some of the
Rais of Hindustan, and the dawn of Muhammadanism in this
country.——Chapter 1. Kings of Dehli from Shahabu-d din
Ghori to Sultan Ibrahim Lodi.—2. Rulers of the Dakhin. In
six Sections.—Section i. The Bahmanis.—-ii. The Baridis.—iii.
The ’Imad-Shéhis.-—iv. The Nizamu-l Mulkis.—v. The ’A'dil
Khénis,—vi. Kutbn-l Mulkis.—Chapter 3. The Rulers of
Gujarat..—4. Chiefs of Sind. In two Sections—Section i. Kings
of Thatta—ii. Rulers of Multén.—Chapter 5. Princes of Bengal.
—6. Chiefs of Malw6.-—7. The Fardkis of Khandesh.—-8. The
Eastern Kings of Jaunp1'1r.—9. Rulers of Kashmir.
BOOK VI .—The Gfirgénians who ruled in Hindustan from the
.time of Zahiru-d din Muhammad Babar to the reign of the
Emperor Shah Jahan. In five Chapters—Chapter 1. History of
Babar.—2. Humayfin.—3. Akbar.—4. Jahangir.-—5. Shah
BOOK VII.—Account of Aurangzeb ’Klamgir. In three
Chapters—Chapter 1. His history from the time of his minority
to the period ten years subsequent to his accession—2. His
qualities and character; his descendants; the extent of his
empire; his contemporary rulers, in five Sections—Section i.
His character.—ii. His descendants—iii. The extent of his
empire with a detail of the Provinces—iv. His contemporary
rulers.—v. The ancient ministers. — Chapter 3. Contains four
Sections—Section i. An account of the learned men of the
author’s time. — ii. The celebrated caligraphers. —iii. Some
wonderful and marvellous occurrences—iv. An account of the
author’s ancestors.
Conclusion—On the Poets, including the Author.

SIZE—Small folio, comprising 1540 pages, each page containing
an average of 20 lines.
It will be seen that both Dr. Dorn and Colonel Dow ascribe
the lllir-a't-i ’A'lam exclusively to Bakhtéwar Khan; but it may
be doubted if he had really anything to do with its composition.
There is in fact very great confusion attending the authorship of
this work, which ought, I believe, to be attributed almost entirely
to Muhammad Baké. of Saharanpiir, an intimate friend of
Bakhtéwar Khan. It may be as well to consider the claims of
these two, as well as of others, to the authorship.
I.—BAKHTAWAR KHAN. He was a nobleman of Aurangzeb’s
Court. In the tenth year of the reign he was appointed to the
rank of one thousand, and in the thirteenth he was made
superintendent of the eunuchs. He was a favourite eunuch of the
Emperor, who followed his bier for some paces towards the
grave.1 The Mir-dt-i ’A'lam, of which he is the presumed author,
and which certainly bears his name, was comprised in a Preface,
seven A'ra'ish, two Afsdisk, and ,a Conclusion, and was written in
the year 1078 A.H., the date being represented by the words
A'tna-i bakbt, “ the mirror of fortune,” which also seems to con
firm the title of Bakhtawar Khan to the authorship of the work.
He died in 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.). The Preface states how fond
the author was of historical studies, and how he had long
determined upon writing such a work as this. Towards the end
of the work, he shows how many works he had written and
abridged; amongst- others, which are all ascribed by Muhammad
Shafi’ to Muhammad Baka, we find an abridgment of the
Tzirz'kh-i Alf: and the Aklzba'ru-l Akhyér. There can be no
mistake about the person to whom it is meant to ascribe these
works in this passage, because the same Chapter mentions the
buildings founded by the person alluded to as the compiler, and
amongst them are mentioned the villages of Bakhtawarpi’ir and
II.—MUHAMMAD BAKA. His name does not appear in the
1 Kewal Khan, in the Tazkiratu-Z Umara'. Y

Preface to the Mir-dt-i ’A'lam, but in the biography of him,
written by Muhammad Shafi’, it is distinctly stated that he wrote
the work at the request, and in the name, of his intimate friend
Bakhtawar Khan, but left it incomplete.
TIL—MUHAMMAD Sunni”. He was the son of the sister of
Muhammad Baka, and he tells us in the Preface to the Mr-dt-i
Jakdn-numd that Muhammad Baka had left several sheets of an
historical work incomplete, ill-arranged, and requiring revision,
and that he was thinking of putting them into shape and render
ing them fit for publication, when he was warned in a dream that
it was a sacred duty he should fulfil towards his uncle’s memory,
that he readily obeyed this injunction, and after supplying what
was defective in the work, especially on the subject of the
Prophets, completed his labours in 1095 A.H., the year of
Bakhtawar Khan’s death; but after it, because he speaks of him
under a title used only after death, and called his work .Mir-a't-i
Jaha'n-nurmi. This is the history of which the detailed contents
are given above. The loose sheets he alludes to are evidently the
Mr-dt-i ’A'lam, though he does not expressly say so, even when
he mentions that work as one of those composed by Muhammad
Baka; nevertheless as the very words of the Mir-lit-i ’A'lam
and the llIir-a't-i Jakzin-numa' are identical in the chapters which
relate to the same subjects, there can be no doubt that “ the loose
sheets ” and the lllir-a't-é ’A'lam are also the same; but why the
credit of the Mir-zit-i ’A'lam should be so depreciated it is not
easy to say, except it was done for the purpose of enhancing the
merit of the nephew’s labours.
IV.—MUHAMMAD RlzA. He was younger brother of Mn
hammad Baka. His concern in the work is very incompre
hensible, unless on the understanding that, according to the usual
Indian foible, he had a quarrel with his nephew; for he also
edited the Jahdn-numé from “ the loose leaves” left by Mu
hammad Baka, without any allusion to the labours of his nephew.
The precise date of his compilation is not mentioned, but that he
succeeded Muhammad Shati’ in the work, and must have been

aware of what he had done, is evident; for at the close of the
work, where he gives an account of his ancestors and relations,
he mentions the death of Fathu-lla in 1100 A.H., a date five
years subsequent to that in which Muhammad Shafi’ had
stated that Fathu-lla was still living. Muhammad Rizé.
does not say he had the sanction of a dream for his under
taking, but that he had long wished to arrange the dispersed
sheets of his brother’s history, and had only waited for the
time appointed by destiny to do so, which at last, notwith
standing the avocations of his official duties, made its ap
pearance, and the result is the Mir-a't-i Jaka’n-numd, a name
which he gave to the work, in consequence of the implied wishes
of his brother to that effect ; but as the imperfect work written in
his brother’s lifetime was called llft'r-dt-i ’A' lam, it does not
appear why the name was changed into Mir-dt-i Jahdn-mzma', a
title chosen with some reason by his nephew, because it represents
the chronogram of 1095 A.H. The author says his additions com
prise an account of the Prophets from Niih to Muhammad, of
the Philosophers, of the Iméms, of the Khalifs, of the Saints of
Persia, Arabia and Hindustan, and of the Poets. He says he will
mention more about his own additions in the Conclusion ; but the
two copies which I have consulted, one in the Moti Mahal
Library at Lucknow, and the other in the possession of Khadim
Husain Sadru-s Suddr of Cawnpore, are deficient at the end. He
designates the history which Muhammad Baké. wrote at the
request of Bakhtawar Khan, as Ta'rikk-i ’A'lamgiri, and not
.Mt'r-a't-t' ’A'lam; but it is evident that in this case also the
“ dispersed leaves ” are those included in the Mir-dt-t' ’A'lam. He
divides his Mir-dt-i Jaha'n-numd into a Preface, eleven A’rdisk,
and a Conclusion, and has subdivided the work in other respects
a little more minutely than his predecessor. For instance, he has
devoted fourteen namdz'sh to an account of the wazirs, which by
his predecessor is included in one, and he has adopted some other
minute differences, in order to give an air of originality to his
work, and give him a title to independent authorship; but the

two works called llfir-a't-i Jaluin-numd may be] considered in all
material respects the same. Neither of the editors has added
anything to the history of Aurangzeb’s reign by Muhammad
Bake, though he carries it down only to 1078 A.H,
It will be seen, therefore, that the real author of these various
works is Muhammad Baka, though he is the person to whom
they are least ascribed, in consequence not only of his attributing
his own labours to others, but from the prominence which his
editors have endeavoured to give to their own names.
His real name was Shaikh Muhammad, and his poetical title
was Baka. He was born in A.H. 1037. In his early youth he
applied himself to the study of the Kuran, and in a short space
of time learnt the whole of it by heart. Having read a few books
with his father, he went to Sirhind, where he studied several
branches of knowledge under Shaikh ’Abdu-llah, surnamed Mian,
and other learned men. He acquired acquaintance with Mu
hammadan traditions under the tuition of Shaikh Niiru~l Hakk,
son of Shaikh ’Abdu-l Hakk of Dehli, and having obtained his
permission to teach this branch of learning, he returned to his
native city of Sahéranpiir, and devoted his time to imparting his
knowledge to others. Afterwards, by desire of his father, he
forswore worldly concerns, and directed his whole attention to
worship and devotion.
When his father died, he enrolled himself among the disciples
of Shaikh Muhammad of Sirhind, and made in a short time very
considerable progress in spiritual knowledge. On again returning
to his native place, he led, like his ancestors, a retired life. Soon
after, Iftikhar Khan (Bakhtawar Khan)—who from early youth
had been an intimate friend of Muhammad Baké, and had
attained the rank of three thousand horse and the office of
steward (mir-sdmcin) to the Emperor Aurangzeb—invited him to
Court, and secured for him a respectable rank, which he accepted,
but with much reluctance, and owing only to the importunities of
his friends. This appears to have been in the fourth year of
Aurangzeb’s reign. Although he held a high rank, and had

public duties to attend to, yet he always led a life of retirement ;
notwithstanding which, we are told that the 'Emperor was very
favourably disposed towards him.
Besides writing the Mz'r-dt-i A'lam, he made extracts from the
works of Hakim Sandi, the Mantiku-t Tair of Faridu-d din
Attar, and the celebrated masnawt of Maulané. Rumi, “ the
most eminent writers on Divine subjects, who unanimously agree
in their religious tenets.”
He also abridged the Diwén of Saib and the Sa'ki-ndma, and
composed a Riya'su-l Auh'yd, or history of Saints, and a
Tazkiratu-s Shu’ara', or biography of Poets, with extracts. It is
probable that much of these two works is comprised in the
Mir-dt-t' Jakdn-numd, notwithstanding that Muhammad Rizé.
states the loose sheets left by Muhammad Baka to have been
deficient in these particulars. The Riydsu-l Aulz'yd is an exceed
ingly useful but rare work, comprised in 380 pages of 15 lines,
and its value is greatly enhanced by being arranged alphabetically.
In the preface to this work the author distinctly states, that in
the lllir-dt-i ’A'lam he had devoted a namdisk to an account of
the Saints, but thought proper to write, at a subsequent period,
this more copious work upon the same subject.
He was also an original poet, and his poetical talents are highly
praised in the Farlzatu-n Na'zirin, at the close of Aurangzeb’s
Towards the close of his life, he was appointed sarka'r of
Saharanpi'ir, where he erected some useful buildings. At the
instance of his relations and friends he constructed some houses
on the banks of the tank of Réiwala in the suburbs of Saharanpi'ir.
He also founded the quarter known as Baképi'ira, besides con
structing several mosques and public wells. He died in 1094 A.H.
(1683 A.D.).
Muhammad Baké. was descended from a distinguished family.
His ancestor, who first came to Hindustan from Hirat, was
Khwaja Ziau-d din. He arrived during the reign of Firoz
Shah in 754 A.H. (1353-4 A.n.). He was received kindly by that
MIR-KT-I 'A’LAM. 155

King, was promoted to be Siibada'r of Multan, and received the
title of Malik Mardan Daulat. He was the adoptive father of
Saiyid Khizr Khan, who afterwards became King of Dehli.
His own lineal descendants were all men of distinction, in
their successive generations, until we come to the subject of this
The Mr-a't-i ‘A'lam, or the Mir-lit-t' Jaha'n-nzmza', is a
monument of his industry and ability, and though there is
little of novelty, except the account of the first ten years of
Aurangzeb's reign, yet the compilation must be considered
useful and comprehensive. The accounts of the Poets and
Saints are very copious, and among the best to which reference
can be made. It is doubtful how far these portions are to be
attributed to his pen. They form, certainly, no portion of the
M'r-a't-i' ’A'lam.
Several works have been formed on the same model as the
Mir-a't-i Jakdn-numd, and continuations of the work are oc
casionally met with, which add to the confusion attending the
inquiry respecting the original authorship. There is, for
instance, in the Library of Nawab Siraju-l Mulk, ex-minister
of Haidarabad, a large volume styled the Tdrikh-i ’A’lamgtr
na'ma, continued down to the reign of Muhammad Shah,
subdivided in the same way into A'ra't'sh and Nama'z'sk, etc., all
taken from the Mir-dt-i Jahdn—numd. The continuation is
extracted from the Tdrikh-i Chagkata’t.
This work is not common in India, at least in a perfect form.
That of Muhammad Shafi is the least rare, and the best copy I
have seen is in the possession of Saiyid Muhammad Rizé,
It Sudz'n'byofsome
is enriched 'Aligarh, though
marginal notesit written
is not uniformly written.
iniAJI. 1216 by a

person who calls himself Muhammad bin ’Abdu-llah. In Europe,
besides the copy in the British Museum mentioned above, there is
the copy in the Bibliothéque Nationals, fonds Gentil, No. 48, and
the copy of Sir W. Ouseley numbered 305 and 306 in his
Catalogue. He observes that he never saw another copy.
156 BAKHTKWAR new.

[There is also a copy in the Library of the Royal Asiatic
Society, 1 of which Mr. Morley has given a full account.]
The cleanest copy I have seen of this work is in the Library
of Muzafi‘ar Husain Khan, a landed proprietor in the Lower Doab.
There is a very good copy of the work in the possession of Fakir
Ndru-d din of Lahore, and a good copy of the first half of the work
is in the Library of Nawab ’Ali Muhammad Khan of Jhajjar.

Aurarzyzeb's Charity.
When it was reported to Hi Majesty Aurangzeb, that in the
reign'of his father every year a sum of seventy-nine thousand
rupees was distributed through the Sadru-s Suditr amongst the poor
during five months of the year,—viz. twelve thousand rupees in
each of the months of Muharram and Rabi’u-l awwal, ten
thousand in Rajah, fifteen thousand in .Sha’bén, and thirty
' thousand in the sacred month of Ramazan,—and that during the
remaining seven months no sum was distributed in charity,-His
Majesty ordered the Sadru-s. Sudar and other accountants of the
household expenses, that with regard to those five months they
should observe the same rule, and in each of the other months
also they should give ten thousand rupees to be distributed among
the poor; so that the annual sum expended in charity, including
the increase which was now made, amounted to one lac and
forty-nine thousand rupees.

The Habits and Manners of the Emperor Aurangzeb.
Be it known to the readers of this work that this humble slave
of the Almighty is going to describe in a correct manner the
excellent character, the worthy habits and the refined morals
of this most virtuous monarch, Abi'i-l Muzaii'ar Muhiu-d din
Muhammad Aurangzeb ’A'lamgir, according as he has witnessed
them with his own eyes. The Emperor, a great worshipper of
God by natural propensity, is remarkable for his rigid attachment
‘ ‘ Catalogue, p. 52. '

to religion. He is a follower of the doctrines of the Imam Abfi
Hanifa (may God be pleased with him 1), and establishes the
five fundamental doctrines of the Kans. Having made his
ablutions, he always occupies a great part of his time in adoration
of the Deity, and says the usual prayers, first in the masfid and
then at home, both in congregation and in private, with the most
heartfelt devotion. He keeps the appointed fasts on Fridays and
other sacred days, and he reads the Friday prayers in the Jdmi’
masjid with the common people of the Muhammadan faith. He
keeps vigils during the whole of the sacred nights, and with the
light of the favour of God illumines the lamps of religion and
prosperity. From his great piety, he passes whole nights in the
Mosque which is in his palace, and keeps company with men of
devotion. In privacy he never sits on a throne. He gave away
in aims before his accession a portion of his allowance of lawful
food and clothing, and now devotes to the same purpose the
income of a few villages in the district of Dehli, and the proceeds
of two or three salt-producing tracts, which are appropriated to his
privy purse. The Princes also follow the same example. During
the whole month of Ramazan he keeps fast, says the prayers ap
pointed for that month, and reads the holy Kuran in the assembly
of religious and learned men, with whom he sits for that purpose
during six, and sometimes nine hours of the night. During the
last ten days of the month, he performs worship in the mosque,
and although, on account of several obstacles, he is unable to
proceed on pilgrimage to Mecca, yet the care which he takes
to promote facilities for pilgrims to that holy place may be con
sidered equivalent to the pilgrimage.
From the dawn of his understanding he has always refrained
from prohibited meats and practices, and from his great holiness
has adopted nothing but that which is pure and lawful. Though
he has collected at the foot of his throne those who inspire ravish
ment in joyous assemblies of pleasure, in the shape of singers who
possess lovely voices and clever instrumental performers, and in
the commencement of his reign sometimes used to hear them

sing and play, and though he himself understands music well,
yet now for several years past, on account of his great restraint
and self-denial, and observance of the tenets of the great Imém
(Shafi’i), (may God’s mercy be on him i), he entirely abstains
from this amusement. If any of the singers and musicians
becomes ashamed of his calling, he makes an allowance for him or
grants him land for his maintenance.
He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, nor does
he ever use vessels of silver or gold. In his sacred Court no
improper conversation, no word of backbiting or falsehood, is
allowed. His courtiers, on whom his light is reflected, are
cautioned that if they have to say anything which might injure
the character of an absent man, they should express themselves
in decorous language and at full detail. He appears two or three
times every day in his court of audience with a pleasing counte
nance and mild look, to dispense justice to complainants who
come in numbers without any hindrance, and as he listens to
them with great attention, they make their representations with
out any fear or hesitation, and obtain redress from his impartiality.
If any person talks too much, or acts in an improper manner, he
is never displeased, and he never knits his brows. His courtiers
have often desired to prohibit people from showing so much
boldness, but he remarks that by hearing their very words, and
seeing their gestures, he acquires a habit of forbearance and
tolerance. All had characters are expelled from the city of
Dehli, and the same is ordered to be done in all places through
out the whole empire. The duties of preserving order and
regularity among the people are very efficiently attended to, and
throughout the empire, notwithstanding its great extent, nothing
can be done without meeting with the due punishment enjoined by
the Muhammadan law. Under the dictates of anger and passion
he never issues orders of death. In consideration of their rank
and merit, he shows much honour and respect to the Saiyids,
saints and learned men, and through his cordial and liberal
exertions, the sublime doctrines of Hanifa and of our pure religion

have obtained such prevalence throughout the wide territories of
Hindustan as they never had in the reign of any former king.
Hindu writers have been entirely excluded from holding
public- oflices, and all the worshipping places of the infidels and the
great temples of these infamous people have been thrown down and
destroyed in a manner which excites astonishment at the success
ful completion of so difficult a task. His Majesty personally
teaches the sacred kalima to many infidels with success, and
invests them with khil’ats and other favours. Alms and dona
tions are given by this fountain of generosity in such abundance,
that the emperors of past ages did not give even a hundredth
part of the amount. In the sacred month of Ramazan sixty
thousand rupees,l and in the other months less than that amount,
are distributed among the poor. Several eating houses have
been established in the capital and other cities, at which food is
served out to the helpless and poor, and in places where there
were no caravanserais for the lodging of the travellers, they
have been built by the Emperor. All the mosques in the
empire are repaired at the public expense. Ima'ms, criers to the
daily prayers, and readers of the khutba, have been appointed to
each of them, so that a large sum of money has been and is
still laid out in these disbursements. In all the cities and towns
of this extensive country pensions and allowances and lands
have been given to learned men and professors, and stipends
have been fixed for scholars according to their abilities and
As it is a great object with this Emperor that all Muham
madans should follow the principles of the religion as expounded
by the most competent law officers and the followers of the
Hanifi persuasion, and as these principles, in consequence of the
different opinions of the Mats and muftts which have been
delivered without any authority, could not be distinctly and
clearly learnt, and as there was no book which embodied them
all, and as until many books had been collected and a man had
1 This is double the amount mentioned a little above.

obtained sufficient leisure, means and knowledge of theological
subjects, he could not satisfy his inquiries on any disputed point,
therefore His Majesty, the protector of the faith, determined
that a body of eminently learned and able men of Hindustan
should take up the voluminous and most trustworthy works
which were collected in the royal library, and having made a
digest of them, compose a book which might form a standard
canon of the law, and afford to all an easy and available means
of ascertaining the proper and authoritative interpretation. The
chief conductor of this difficult undertaking was the most learned
man of the time, Shaikh Nizam, and all the members of the
society were very handsomely and liberally paid, so that up to
the present time a sum of about two hundred thousand rupees
has been expended in this valuable compilation, which contains
more than one hundred thousand lines. When the work, with
God’s pleasure, is completed, it will be for all the world the
standard exposition of the law, and render every one independent
of Muhammadan doctors.l ‘ Another excellence attending this
design is, that, with a view to afl'ord facility to all, the possessor
of perfections, Chulpi ’Abdu-llah, son of the great and the most
celebrated Maulana ’Abdu-l Hakim of Sialkot, and his several
pupils have been ordered to translate the work into Persian.
Among the greatest liberalities of this king of the faithful is
this, that he has ordered a remission of the transit duties upon
all sorts of grain, cloth, and other goods, as well as on tobacco,
the duties on which alone amounted to an immense sum, and to
prevent the smuggling of which the Government ofiicers com
mitted many outrages, especially in regard to the exposure of
females. He exempted the Muhammadans from taxes, and all
people from certain public demands, the income of which
exceeded thirty lacs of rupees every year. He relinquished the
Government claims against the ancestors of the officers of the
State, which used to be paid by deductions from their salaries.
This money every year formed a very large income paid into the
1 The Fata'wa-i 'A'lamgiri.
MIR-A’T-I ’ALAM. 161

public treasury. He also abolished the practice of confiscating
the estates of deceased persons against whom there was no Gov
ernment claim, which was Very strictly observed by the account
ants of his predecessors, and which was felt as a very grievous
oppression by their sorrowful heirs. The Royal orders were also
issued to collect the revenues of each province according to the
Muhammadan law.
Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought
before his accession, as well as after that period, has been given
above, and we shall now write a few instances of his fortitude.
At the time when the Royal army arrived at Balkh, ’Abdu-l
’Aziz Khan, with a large force which equalled the swarms of
locusts and ants, came and arranged his men in order of
battle, and surrounded the Royal camp. While the conflict was
being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the evening
prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by some
worldly ofiicers, alighted from his horse and said the prayers,
etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indifference and presence
of mind. ’Abdu-l ’Aziz, on hearing of this, was much astonished
at the intrepidity of the Emperor, who was assisted by God, and
put an end to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is
to destroy oneself.
The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries,
traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the
great Imam Muhammad Ghizali (may God’s mercy be on him I),
the extracts from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahyé. Muniri
(may his tomb be sanctified l), and the works of Muhi Shirazi, and
other similar books. One of the greatest excellences of this
virtuous monarch is, that he has learnt the Kuran by heart.
Though in his early youth he had committed to memory some
chapters of that sacred book, yet he learnt the whole by heart
after ascending the throne. He took great pains and showed much
perseverance in impressing it upon his mind. He writes a very
elegant Naskh hand, and has acquired perfection in this art. He
has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand, and
VOL. vu. 11

having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal
lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to
the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. He also wrote an excellent
Nasta’lik and Shikastah hand. He is a very elegant writer in
prose, and has acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably
to the words of God, “Poets deal in falsehoods," he abstains
from practising it. He does not like to hear verses except those
which contain a moral. “To please Almighty God he never
turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor gave his ear to a poet.”
The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortu
nate and noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and
care, have reached to the summit of perfection, and made great
advances in rectitude, devotion, and piety, and in learning the
manners and customs of princes and great men. Through his
instruction they have learnt the Book of God by heart, obtained
proficiency in the sciences and polite literature, writing the
various hands, and in learning the Turki and the Persian
In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according
to his orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of
religion, and all devote their time to the adoration and worship
of the Deity, to reading the sacred Kuran, and performing
virtuous and pious acts. The excellence of character and the
purity of morals of this holy monarch are beyond all expression.
As long as nature nourishes the tree of existence, and keeps the
garden of the world fresh, may the plant of the prosperity of
this preserver of the garden of dignity and honour continue

T/ae Distances of certain places in Hindztstdn— The Provinces
and their Revenues.
The length of the daily-increasing empire, from the port of
Lahori, province of Thatta, to the thdm'z of Bindasal in Bengal,
is 994 royal has, 1740 common kos known in most parts
nIR-A'r-I ’A’LAM. 163

of Hinddstén. Each royal 1:08 measures 5000 yards, and each
yard is the breadth of 42 fingers. Two royal kos are equal to
three and a half common kos. From the capital of Dehli to
Lahori the distance is 437 royal kos, and 764 common kos;
from the same city to "wind Bindasal 557 royal kos, and 975
common kos. In the same manner, from Lahori to Thatta 25
royal kos; from Thatta to Bhakkar 31 1'08; from Bhakkar to
Multan a little more- than 99 kos; from Multan to Lehore 75 I
kos; from Lahore to Shah-JahanAbad 170 Ices; from Shah
Jahanabad to A'gra 44 kos; from Agra to Allahabad 107 kos;
from Allahabad to Patna 96 has and a fraction; from Patna to
Mungir 37 kos; from Mungir to Akbarnagar or Raj Mahal
48 kos; from Akbarnagar to Jahéngirnagar, or Dacca, 108
kos; from Dacca to Silhet 87 kos; from Silhet to Bindasal 30
1:08 ; and calculating every stage at twelve has, the usual travel
ling distance in Hindustan, the whole length is 145 stages, or a
journey of four months and twenty-seven days. The breadth of
the whole empire is from the fr0ntier of Tibet and the delightful
province of Kashmir to the fort of Sholépi'ir, which in the
prosperous reign of this monarch has been taken from ’Afdil
Khan, a distance of 672 royal kos, or 1176 common kos; from
Shéh-Jahénébad, the seat of‘Empire, to the boundary of Tibet,~
is 330 royal Ices, or 577 common kos; from the seat of the
Empire to Sholapi'ir, 342 royal has, or 598 common kos ; as was
found by measurement which may be thus detailed. From the
boundary of Tibet to Little Tibet, 60 royal kos; from Little
Tibet to Kashmir, 64 kos; from Kashmir to Lahore 101 has;
from Lahore to Shah-Jahénébad 105 kos ; from Shah—Jahanabad
to Agra 44 [cos ; and from A'gra to Burhanpiir 178 kos. At the
rate of twelve kos a stage, the whole breadth is 98 stages,
occupying a period of three months and ten days.
Under the management and care of this virtuous monarch, the
country of Hindi'istan teems with population and culture. It is
divided into nineteen provinces, and 4440 parganas, the revenue
of which amounts altogether .to nine arbs, twenty-four krors

seventeen lacs, 16,082 da'ms, 0r 9,24,17,16,082 ddms, out of
which the kha'lisa, or the sum paid to the royal treasury, is
1,72,79,81,251 ddms, and the assignments of the jagirda'rs, or the
remainder, was 7,51,77,34,731 ddms.

Details of all the Provinces.
Shdhjahdndbdd—‘Z85 mahdls; revenue 1,16,83,98,269 ddms.
A'gra—230 mahdls; revenue 1,05,17,09,283 dzims. Lahore
-330 mahdls ; revenue 90,70,16,125 ddms. Ajmir—235
mahdls; revenue 63,68,94,882 dlims. Ahmada'ba'dr—200 mahdls;
revenue 44,00,83,096 ddms. Alla'hdba'd——268 maha'ls ; revenue
43,66,88,072 ddms. Oudh—J49 maha'ls; revenue 32,00,72,193
da'ms. Biheir—252 maha'ls ; revenue 72,17,97,019 ddms. Bengal
—1219 mahdls; revenue 52,37,39,110 da'ms. Orissa—244
maha'ls; revenue 19,71,00,000 ddms. Kashmir—51 maha'ls;
revenue 21,30,74,826 ddms. The four provinces of the Dakhin,
viz. Auranga’bdcl, Zafardbdvl, Bira'r, and Kha'ndesh—552 mahdls;
revenue 2,96,70,00,000 ddms. Ma'lwa—257 mahdls; revenue
42,54,76,670 ddms. Mulla'n—98 maha'ls; revenue 24,53,18,575
ddms. Kabul—40 mahdls; revenue 15,76,25,380 da'ms. Thatta
—revenue 57,49,86,900 1 da'ms.

From the concluding Chapter Qf Wonders and Marvels.
Those who have visited the territory of Jakkarz and Ladakh
have heard the following story. In these hills there is found
a worm which is exceedingly small. It adhere to the toes of
the foot, and bites them. No force of hand or instrument is
able to detach it, but it increases every moment in bulk and
length, so that, having swallowed up the toe, it becomes equal to
a large rat, and then swallows the whole foot. After this it
increases to the size of a dog, and then swallows up both the
1 [This is probably a mistake for 6,74,98,690.]
2 The Lanskar of our maps.
MIR-XT-I 'xLAM. 165

legs and up to the waist or half the body of the man. Although
the people beat it much and try to cut it, yet no instrument or
weapon has any effect upon it. In a short time it becomes like
a lion, and having eaten the man entirely, goes away towards
the jungle or the hills, and then disappears.




Tms “Ornament of Histories,” by ’Azizu-‘llah, is a mere com
pilation of no value. The author informs us in his preface that
he intended composing a second volume, in order to reconcile
the discrepancies which were observable in different histories.
Whether he ever did so does not appear, but there is so little
critical judgment exercised in the single volume we have under
consideration, that the second is not worth the search.
In the preface we learn that the work was commenced in
1086 11.11. (1675—6 A.D.), but passages occur at the close which
show that the work is brought down to 1126 A.H. It is evident,
however, that the original work concluded with the account of
Aurangzeb’s children, and that the few last pages, including
mention of Bahadur Shah and Jahandar Shah, have been added
by some transcriber. In the last volume the date of 1087 A.H.
is given, which leads us to conclude that the history occupied
one year in its composition.
There is nothing worthy of translation.
Preface, pp. 1—11.
The Creation. — Adam. — Prophets—Muhammad. — Imams,
pp. 12—111.
Persian Dynasties.——Greeks.——Salj iiks. —Osmanlis. —Popes,
pp. 212—294.
’Ummayides and ’Abbasides, pp. 294—410.
Zl'NATU-T uwxnrxn. 167

Téhiris. — Tuliinias. — Ikhshidites.— Ghaznivides. —Buwaih
ides—Isma’ilians.-—Sharifs.—Saiyids, pp. 410-464.
Ghorians.—Afghans.—Mughals, pp. 674—816.
Kings of Dehli, from the earliest Hindi period to the time of
Farrukh Siyar, pp. 816—996.
Sizn.—8vo. 996 pages, of 17 lines each.
This work is rare. I know of only one copy. Malcolm, in his
“ History of Persia,” quotes a Ztnatu-t Tawdrz'kh respecting the
Ghaznivides, which he describes as a metrical history.




THE author of this brief history was Bindraban, son of Rai
Bharé. Mal, and was himself also honoured with the title of
Ra'i. We learn from the Conclusion of the Khuldsatu-lInshd that
Rai Bhara Mal was the villain of Dara Shukoh; and it is prob
able, therefore, that our author was early initiated into a
knowledge of public affairs. He says that the reason of his
entering on this undertaking was that, “ after meditating upon the
conquests made by the Timi'irian family in this country, upon their
being still more enlarged by ’A'lamgir (Aurangzeb) up to the year
1101 A.H., and upon the fact of their continuing uninterruptedly
in the possession of the same family, he thought of writing a
book which should briefly describe how, and in what duration of
time, those conquests were achieved, should give the history of
former kings, their origin, and the causes which occasioned their
rise or fall, the period of their reign, their abilities and enter
prises, and which should more particularly treat of the great
conquestsmade by ’A'lamgir.”
“It is true,” he continues, “that former historians have
already written several works regarding the history of ancient
kings, and especially Abii-l Kasim, surnamed Firishta, whose
compositions are very good as far as regards the language, but the
defect of that work is that, notwithstanding its being an abstract,
it is in many parts too prolix.” Adverting also to the fact that

his history does not extend beyond the thousandth year of the
Hijra, and hence the important transactions of one hundred years
are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to extract its
essence, and compile, with his own additions, a new work, to be
called the Lubbu-t Tazcdrtkh, or “ Marrow of Histories.”
He gives as another reason for the superiority of his work over
others, that it treats of the extensive and resplendent conquests of
the'Emperor ’A’lamgir, whose kingdom extended towards the
East, West, and the South to the seas, and towards the North
to the boundaries of Trim and Ti'iran, a vast dominion, to the
tenth of which no other kingdom is equal. Perhaps Ri'im only
might enter into competition with it, but even in that case
“ seeing is better than hearing.”

Preface, pp. 1—3.
Section I.—The Kings of Dehli, from Mu’izzu-d din Mu
hammad Seim to Aurangzeb, pp. 4—256.
Section II.—'[‘he Kings of the Dakhin, viz. the Bahmani,
’A'dil-Shahi, Nizam-Shahi, Kutb-Shahi, the ’Imad-Shahi and
Baridia, or the Kings of Kulbarga, Bijapiir, Ahmadnagar, Gol
konda, Birar, and Bidr, pp. 256—329.
Section III.—The Kings of Gujarat, pp. 330—352.
Section IV.——The Kings of Malwa, pp. 352—374.
Section V. — The Kings of Khandesh and Bdrhanpi’ir,
pp. 375-386.
Section VI.—The Kings of Bengal, pp. 386—398.
Section VII.—The Kings of Jaunpiir, 399—403.
Section VIII.—The Kings of Sind, pp. 403—408.
Section IX.——The Kings of Multan, pp. 408—410.
Section X.—The Kings of Kashmir, pp. 410—412.
SIZE.—8vo. pp. 412, of 15 lines each.
Major Scott has made great use of this work in his “ History
the Dakhin,” but so brief a work is of little use. The author
quotes no authorities in his preface except Firishta, but he
170 asr BHKRK MAL.

mentions also in the body of the work the Akbar-name and
Jaha'ngtr-ndma as being so common as to render it unnecessary
for him to enlarge on the periods of which they treat.
The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat
doubtful. It is not quite clear from the preface whether the
date should be rendered 1100 or 1101 A.H. A chronogram given
by an early transcriber makes it 1106; and if the title of the
work be intended to form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated
by the author, the date would be 1108 A.H. (1696 A.1).).
The Lubbu-t Tawa'rikh-i .Hind is very common in India. One
of the best copies I have seen is in the possession of Nawab
Hasan ’Ali Khan of Jhajjar, written in 1148 A.H. In Europe
also it is not uncommon. There is a copy of it inthe British
Museum (No. 5618). There is also an illegible copy at Paris
(Gentil, No.44), under the incorrect title of Mnntakhabu-t Tdrikh.
[The translations of the following Extracts were revised by
Sir HQM. Elliot]
Sha'h Jahdn abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration.
It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to
prostrate themselves before the King in grateful return for any
royal favours conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal
mandates. This just King (Shah Jahan), on his accession to the
throne, commanded that the practice should be abolished, and, at
the representation of Mahébat Khan (Khén-khanén), he estab
lished instead the practice of kissing the ground. This also
being afterwards found equally objectionable, the King, actuated
by his devotion and piety, ordered that it likewise should be
discontinued; and that the usual mode of salutation by bowing
and touching the head should be restored, with this difference,
that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act should be
performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing the
observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors
within the royal dominions.

Prosperity of the Country during Slut/z. Jaluin’s Reign.
The means employed by the King in these happy times to
protect and nourish his people ; to punish all kinds of oppressive
evil-doers; his knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare
of his people; his impressing the same necessity upon the
revenue functionaries, and the appointment of honest and intelli
gent ofiicers in every district; his administration of the country,
and calling for and examining annual statements of revenue, in
order to ascertain what were the resources of the empire; his
showing his royal affection to the people, and expressing his
displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent orders to the
oflicers appointed to the charge of the crown and assigned lands,
to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants; his admon
ishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his generous
attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the collec
tion of the revenues of the state ;—all these contributed in a
great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The
pargana, the income of which was three lacs of' rupees in the
reign of Akbar (whose seat is in the highest heaven 1), yielded, in
this happy reign, a revenue of ten has! The collections made in
some districts, however, fell short of this proportionate increase.
The chaklada'rs who, by carefully cultivating their lands, aided
in increasing the revenue, received marked consideration, and
vice oersd.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of
the State during this reign, gratuities for the erection of public
edifices and other works in progress, and for the paid military
service and establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh,
Badakhshan, and Kandahar, amounted, at one disbursement only,
to fourteen krors of rupees, and the advances made on account of
edifices only were two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this
single instance of expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what
the charges must have been under others. Besides, in times of
war, large sums were expended, in addition to fixed salaries and

ordinary outlay. In short, the expenditure of former reigns, in
comparison with that of the one in question, was not even in the
proportion of one to four; and yet this King, in a short space of
time, amassed a treasure which it would have taken several
years for his predecessors to accumulate!

Sheik Ja/zdn’s Justice.

Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were
so few that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed
upon for the administration of justice; and it was rarely even
then that twenty plaintiffs could be found to prefer suits, the
number generally being much less. The writer of this historical
sketch on more than one occasion, when honoured with an '
audience of the King, heard His Majesty chide the da’rogha
of the Court that although so many confidential persons had
been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day of the week
was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing justice,
yet even the small number of twenty plaintifl's could but very
seldom be brought into Court. The ddrogha replied that if
he failed to produce only one plaintifl', he would be worthy of
In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the
King towards the promotion ofthe national weal and the general
tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing
offences against one another and breaking the public peace. But
if ofi'enders were discovered, the local authorities used generally
to try them on the spot where the offence had been committed
according to law, and in concurrence with the law oficers: and if
any individual, dissatisfied with the decision passed on his case,
appealed to the Governor or déica'n, or to the Ica'zt of the sztba,
the matter was reviewed, and judgment awarded with great care
and discrimination, lest it should be mentioned in the presence of
the King that justice had not been done. If parties were not

satisfied even with these decisions, they appealed to the chief
diwa'n, or to the chief ka'zt on matters of law. These oflicers
instituted further inquiries. With all this care, what cases,
except those relating to blood and religion, could become subjects
of reference to His Majesty?




THIS work was written 1688 A.1). by Mirza Muhammad Kazim,
son of Muhammad Amin Munshi, the author of the .Pddshdlt
na'ma, previously noticed as No. LXI. It contains a history of the
first ten years of the reign of ’A'lamgir Aurangzeb. It was dedi
cated to Aurangzeb in the thirty-second year of his reign; but on
its being presented, the Emperor forbad its continuation, and, like
another Alexander, edict‘o vetm't ice quis se pingeret, but not for
the same reason. The Mughal Emperor professed as the cause
of his prohibition that the cultivation of inward piety was
preferable to the ostentatious display of , his achievements.
Elphinstone observes of this strange prohibition that the
Emperor not only discontinued the regular annals of the
empire, which had before been kept by a regular historio
grapher, but so efl'ectnally put a stop to all records of his trans
actions, that from the eleventh year of his reign the course of
events can only be traced through the means of letters on
business and of notes taken clandestinely by private individuals.1
This prohibition is the more extraordinary from its incon
sistency with orders previously issued for the preparation of
the Li’lamgir-ndma. The Preface of that work shows not only
the encouragement which the author received in the prosecu
tion of his work, but also the little reliance that can be reposed
in the narrative when any subject is mentioned likely to afl'ect
1 [See more upon this point in the article on the Muntakhabu-l Luba'b of Khafi
Khan, post, No. LXXIX.]
i the personal character of the monarch. It is much the same

with nearly all the histories written by contemporaries, which
are filled with the most nauseous panegyrics, and

With titles blown from adulation.

The historian was to submit his pages to the interested
scrutiny of the Emperor himself, and to be guided in doubtful
questions by information graciously given by the monarch re
specting what account was to be rejected or admitted. As the
royal listener was not likely to criminate himself, we must bear
perpetually in mind that such histories are mere one-sided
accounts, and not to be received with implicit reliance.
After an encomium of the powers of eloquence, the author
says that it was solely owing to the reputed charms of his style
that he was introduced to the great monarch ’A'lamgir, and,
afizer a long obscurity, was suddenly raised from insignificance
to the high situation of His Majesty’s munshé in the year of
the coronation. His style being approved by the King, he was
ordered to collect information about all the extraordinary events
in which the King had been concerned, and accounts of the
bright conquests which he had effected, into a book; and ac
cordingly an order was given to the ofiicers in charge of the
Royal Records to make over to the author all such papers as
were received from the news-writers and other high functionaries
of the different countries concerning the great events, the monthly
and yearly registers of all kinds of accidents and marvels, and
the descriptions of the different cubes and countries.
The author was further instructed, that if there were any such
particulars as were omitted in any of the above papers, or not
witnessed by himself, he should make inquiries regarding them
from such trustworthy officers as followed the royal camp, who
would relate the exact circumstances; and if there were anything
which particularly required the explanation of His Majesty, the
author was graciously permitted the liberty of making inquiry
from the King himself.

He was also ordered to attend on His Majesty on proper
occasions, to read over whatever he had collected, and had
written from the above authorities, and to have His Majesty’s
corrections incorporated. It is to be regretted that Aurangzeb
did not here again imitate the example of Alexander, of whom
Lucian gives an anecdote which shows that conqueror to have
been less compliant with his flattering historians. “Aristobulus,
after he had written an account of the single 'combat between
Alexander and Porus, showed that monarch a particular part of
it, wherein, the better to get into his good graces, he had inserted
a great deal more than was true: when Alexander seized the
book and threw it (for they happened at that time to be sailing
on the Hydaspes) directly into the river: ‘ Thus,’ said he, ‘ ought
you to have been served yourself, for pretending to describe my
battles, and killing half a dozen elephants for me with a spear.1 ”
The value of the Royal Records may be known from the narra
tive of an English traveller who visited the Court in A.D. 1609.
Captain Hawkins says, “ During the time that he drinks his six
cups of strong liquor, he says and does many idle things; yet
whatever he says or does, whether drunk or sober, there are
writers who attend him in rotation, who set many things down
in writing; so that not a single incident of his life but is re
corded, even his going to the necessary and when he lies with
his wives. The purpose of all this is that when he dies all his
actions and speeches worthy of being recorded may be inserted
in the chronicles of his reign.”
“As the history regarding His Majesty’s birth and minority
up to the time of his ascending the throne has already,” says
our author, “been fully detailed in the book called Ba'dsklih
mima, it was at first resolved that this book should begin with
the accounts of His Majesty’s return from the Dakhin towards
his capital (which took place in 1068 A.H., 1657 A.1).), and it will
contain an account of the undertakings and conquests achieved
by His Majesty during the period of eighteen years. But the
author subsequently thought of writing, in an Introduction, a
’A'LAMGl'R-NKMA. 177

brief account of the King’s minority, because it was replete
with wonderful events, and because many conquests were effected
during that period. It accordingly commences with Dara
Shukoh’s assumption of authority upon the illness of his father
Shah Jahan, and the means employed by Aurangzeb to cut
03 his brothers and obtain the Imperial Crown.
[The style in which this work is written is quite in accord
with the courtly panegyrical character of the book. It is
strained, verbose, and tedious; fulsome in its flattery, abusive
in its censure. Laudatory epithets are heaped one upon another
in praise of Aurangzeb; while his unfortunate brothers are not
only sneered at and abused, but their very names are perverted.
Dara Shukoh is repeatedly called Be-Skukok, “the undignified;”
and Shujé.’ is called Nd-shzg'd’, “ the unvaliaut.” The work seems
to have obtained no great reputation in India. “Subsequent
authors,” says Colonel Lees “do not express any very decided
opinion upon the qualifications of Muhammad Kazim as an his
torian. The author of the Mir-dtu-l H'lam, however, speaks of
him as an author of great erudition; the author of the Ma-a'siru-l
’A'lamgz'rt has made an abridgment of his work the first portion
of his history; and Khafi Khan, the author of the Muntakhabu-l
Luba'b, has made the ’A'lamgir-mima a_ chief authority,” though
he occasionally controverts its statements. It is well that the
book has been so well worked up by later writers, for a close
translation of it into English would be quite unreadable. A
few passages have been translated by the Editor, but in them it
has been necessary to prune away a good deal of the author’s
exuberance of language and metaphor.]
The history of the conquest of Assam has been translated
from this work by Mr. Vansittart, in the “ Asiatic Miscellany,”
vol. i., and in “ Asiatic Researches,” vol. ii. [The whole of the
original work has been printed in the “ Bibliotheca Indica,” and
occupies more than 1100 pages]

voL. vn. 12


Illness qf S/zd/z Jaha'n.
[On the 8th Zi-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), the
Emperor Shah Jahan was seized with illness at Dehli. His
illness lasted for a long time, and every day he grew weaker,
so that he was unable to attend to the business of the State.
Irregularities of all sorts occurred in the administration, and
great disturbances arose in the wide territories of Hindustan.
The unworthy and frivolous Dara Shukoh considered himself
heir-apparent, and notwithstanding his want of ability for the
kingly office, he endeavoured with the scissors of greediness
to cut the robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited
for his unworthy person.1 With this over-weening ambition
constantly in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design,
he never left the seat of government, When the Emperor
fell ill and was unable to attend to business, Dara Shukoh
took the opportunity of seizing the reins of power, and
interfered with everything. He closed the roads against the
spread of news, and seized letters addressed to individuals. He
forbade the officers of government to write or send any intelli
gence to the provinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their
having done so, he seized and imprisoned them. The royal
princes, the great nobles, and all the men who were scattered
through the provinces and territories of this great empire, many
even of the oflicials and servants who were employed at the
capital, had no expectation that the Emperor would live much
longer. So great disorders arose in the affairs of the State.
Disaffected and rebellious men raised their heads in mutiny
and strife on every side. Turbulent ralyats refused to pay their
revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all directions, and
by degrees the evil reached to such a height that in Gujarat
Murad Bakhsh took his seat upon the throne, had the kkutba
read and coins struck in his name, and assumed the title of
‘ [Passages like this frequently occur, but after this they have been turned into
plain language in the translation.]
'A'LAMcrR-NA'MA. 179

King. Shuja' took the same course in Bengal, led an army
against Patna, and from thence advanced to Benares.]

Heresy of Da'mi Shukoh.
[Dara Shukoh in his later days did not restrain himself to the
free-thinking and heretical notions which he had adopted under
the name of tasawwuf (Sufiism), but showed an inclination for
the religion and institutions of the Hindus. He was constantly
in the society of Brdhmans, Jogis and Sanng/dsis, and he used to
regard these worthless teachers of delusions as learned and true
masters of wisdom. He considered their books which they call
Bed as being the Word of God, and revealed from heaven, and he
called them ancient and excellent books. He was under such
delusion about this Bed, that he collected Brdhmans and
Sarmya'sis from all parts of the country, and paying them
great respect and attention, he employed them in translating
the Bed. He spent all his time in this unholy work, and
devoted all his attention to the contents of these wretched
books. Instead of the sacred name of God, he adopted the
Hindu name Prablzu (lord), which the Hindus consider holy,
and he had this name engraved in Hindi letters upon rings
of diamond, ruby, emerald, etc. “‘ "‘ Through these perverted
opinions he had given up the prayers, fasting and other obliga
tions imposed by the law. *f" It became manifest that if Dara
Shukoh obtained the throne and established his power, the
foundations of the faith would be in danger and the precepts of
Islam would be changed for the rant of infidelity and Judaism.]

Mir Jumla Mu’azzam K/zdn.
[After the conquest of Zafarabad and Kalyén, and the return
of Aurangzeb from Bijépi'ir, where he had failed in obtaining full
success, through the opposition and malevolence of Dara Shukoh,
he left ’Umclatu-s Saltanatu-l Kdlu'm Mu‘azzam Khan, with a
part of the Imperial army, in the vicinity of Bijapiir, to realize
a sum of a hundred lacs of rupees as tribute from ’A’dil Khan, by

the promise of which the retreat of Aurangzeb had been obtained.
The intrigues of Dara Shukoh, who did his best to defeat this
arrangement, and- the mischievous disturbing letters which he
sent to ’A'dil Khan and his nobles, brought this desirable settle
ment to nought. His Majesty Shah Jahan, who at that time
took no very active part in the affairs of government, was
influenced by the urgent representations of that weak-minded
(Dara Shukoh), and summoned Mu‘azzam Khan to court. In
obedience to this order, the Khan marched with the force under
his command to Aurangabad, intending to proceed from thence to
the capital. This movement at such a time seemed injurious to
the State, and encouraging to the turbulence of the Dakhinis.
Mu’azzam Khan had no sinister object in proceeding to the
capital; but Aurangzeb, as a matter of prudence and of State
policy, made him prisoner and detained him in the Dakhin.
When Dara Shukoh obtained information of this arrest, his
malignity and jealousy led him to persuade the Emperor that it
was all a trick and conspiracy between the Khén and Aurangzeb.
By this he so worked upon the feelings and fears of the Emperor
that he roused his suspicions against Muhammad Amin Khan,
son of Mu”azzam Khén, who then held the office of Mir Bakhshi
at Court, and obtained permission to secure his person. Ac
cordingly Dara Shukoh summoned Muhammad Amin to his
house and made him prisoner. After he had been in confinement
three or four days, intelligence of the true state of the case and
of the innocence of Muhammad Amin reached the Emperor, and
he, being satisfied of the facts, released Muhammad Amin from

Illness qf the Emperor Aurangzeb.
[On the night of the 12th Rajah (in the eighth year of his
reign), the Emperor was suddenly attacked with strangury, and
suffered great pain until the following morning. " " The skill
and attention of his physicians had their effect, "‘ * and in a few
days he recovered]
7“ '"(V’ég/w‘ -,"- I ~ '-w.





THIS is a history of the reign of ’Klamgir (Aurangzeb). The
first ten years is an abridgment of the work last noticed, the
’A'lamgir-ndma; the continuation till the death of Aurangzeb in
A.D. 1707 is an original composition. It was written by Muhammad
Séki Musta’idd Khan, munshi to ’Inéyatu-lla Khan, wazir of
Bahédur Shah. He had been a constant follower of the Court
for forty years, and an eye-witness of many of the transactions
he records. He undertook the work by desire of his patron, and
finished it in A.D. 1710, only three years after the death of
Aurangzeb. [Khafi Khan, in his Muntakhabu-l Lubdb, informs
us that “ after the expiration of ten years (of Aurangzeb’s reign)
authors were forbidden from writing the events of that just and
righteous Emperor's reign; nevertheless some competent persons
(did so), and particularly Musta’idd Khan, who secretly wrote
an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply
detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding
at all to the misfortunes of the campaign.” 1:I
The Ma-dsir-i ’Alamgiri contains two Books and a short
Book l.—An abridgment of Mirzé Muhammad Kazim‘s
history of the first ten years of the Emperor’s reign and the
events preceding his accession.
Book II.—The events of the last forty years of the Emperor’s
reign, with an account of his death.
1 [001. Lees, Journ. R.A.S., N.s. vol. iii. p. 473.]

Appendix.—Several anecdotes of the Emperor, which could
not be included in the history; and a minute-account of the
Royal family.
The history is written in the form of annals, each year being
distinctly marked ofi'. -
Stewart, in his “ Descriptive Catalogue,” observes of the writer
of this work, that “ although his style be too concise, I have never
met in any other author with the relation of an event of this
reign which is not recorded in this history.”
It is difi'erently spoken of by the author of the “ Critical
Essay,” who shows a discrimination rarely to be met with in
Indian critics. The omissions he complains of will not appear of
much importance to a European reader. ‘
“ Muhammad Séki Musta’idd Khan, who composed the
chronicle named Ma-a'sir-i ’A'lamgiré, has not by any means
rendered his work complete; for he has omitted to record several
matters of considerable importance. Thus, he has not mentioned
the dignities and offices of honour accorded to Royal princes, and
their successive appointments to difi'erent situations, such as
might best qualify them for managing the afi'airs of government.
Some he has noticed, but he has omitted others. Neither has he
‘ informed us in what year the illustrious Shah ’A'lam Bahadur
Shah (now gone to the abode of felicity) and'Muhammad ’Kzam
Shah were invested with the high rank of OhihaZ-kasarz' (40,000) ;
and of many other circumstances relating to these two princes,
some are mentioned, and many have been altogether unnoticed.
In the same manner also he has treated of other Royal princes.
“ Respecting likewise the chief nobles and their removals from
different offices or appointments and dignities, some are men
tioned, but several are omitted, thus he has neglected to notice
the dates and various circumstances of the appointment of Hafi
hazari (7000) of Ghazi'u-d din Khan Bahédur Firoz Jang, and
the Shash-hasaré (6000) of Zulfikar Khan Bahadur Nusrat
Jang, two distinguished generals.
“ On the other hand, he relates with minute precision some very

trifling occurrences little worthy of being recorded in history,
and by no means interesting, such as particulars concerning
chapels or places of prayer, the merits of different preachers and
similar topics, which had been subjects of discussion among his
intimate companions. On this account his work is not held in
high estimation among those learned men who know how to
appreciate historical compositions.”
[This verdict of a native critic is worthy of record, although it
cannot be accepted. Muhammad Siki has a style of his own
which is not difficult, and yet has some pretensions to elegance.
The early part of the work is little better than a Court Circular
or London Gazette, being occupied almost exclusively with the
private matters of the royal family, and the promotions, appoint
ments, and removals of the oflicers of government. Farther on
he enters more fully into matters of historical record, and gives
details of Aurangzeb’s campaign in the Dakhin, and his many
sieges of forts.]
The work was edited and translated into English by Henry
Vansittart in 1785, and published in a quarto volume. [The
complete text has been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and fills
541 pages. A translation of the last 40 years, Muhammad
Siki’s own portion of the work, was made for Sir H. Elliot by
“Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I.,” and from that translation the
following Extracts have been taken.]
[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zi-l hijja, 1078 A.H. (3rd May,
1668), the intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of
Samaji had been destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand
houses were thrown down.

Prohibition of Hindh Teaching and Worship.
[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zi-l ka’da, 1079 (18th April,
1669), it reached the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the
184 ssxr MUSTA‘IDD KHAN.

faith, that in the provinces of Thatta, Multan, and Benares, but
especially in the latter, foolish Brahmans were in the habit of
expounding frivolous books in their schools, and that students
and learners, Musulmans as well as Hindfis, went there, even
from long distances, led by a desire to become acquainted with
the wicked sciences they taught. The “ Director of the Faith ”
consequently issued orders to all the governors of provinces to
destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of the
infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to
the teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On
the 15th Rabi’u-l akhir it was reported to his religious Majesty,
leader of the unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Govern
ment officers had destroyed the temple of Bishnath at Benares.
[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramazan, 1080 A.H. (December,
1669), in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving
monarch, the constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruc
tion of the Hindu temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by
the name of Dehra Késu Rai, and soon that stronghold of
falsehood was levelled with the ground. On the same spot
was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast mosque.
The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar
Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahangir,
before he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various
reasons, much displeased with Shaikh Abi'i-l Fazl, and the
above-mentioned Hindu, in order to compass the Shaikh’s
death, afi'ected great devotion to the Prince. As a reward for
his services, he obtained from the Prince become King per
mission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three lacs were
expended on this werk. Glory be to God, who has given us the
faith of Islam, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods,
an undertaking so difficult of accomplishment 1 has been brought
to a successful termination ! This vigorous support given to the
true faith was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rajas, and,
like idols, they turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The
1 Alluding to the destruction of the Hindu temple.

richly-jewelled idols taken from the pagan temples were trans
ferred to A’gra, and there placed beneath the steps leading
to the Nawab Begam Séhib‘s mosque, in order that they might
ever be pressed under foot by the true believers. Mattra
changed its name into Islamabad, and was thus called in all
oflicial documents, as well as by the people.
[Text, p. 100.] In Shawwal information reached the King
that Shah-zeda Muhammad Mu’azzam, under the influence of his
passions, and misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had,
notwithstanding his excellent understanding, become imbued
with a spirit of insubordination. Prompted by his natural
benevolence, His Majesty wrote several letters replete 'with
advice to the Prince, but this alone did not satisfy him—the
Nawab Rai, the Prince’s mother, was sent for to go to her son,
and lead him back into the right path if any symptom of
rebellion should appear in him. Iitikhar Khan Khén-zaman, a
wise and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince,
charged with much beneficial advice. He soon reached his
destination, and delivered himself of the King’s messages.
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was a fountain of candour; there
was moreover no truth in the report; so his only answer was to
how his head in submission. He wrote to his father letters
expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling to ever transgress
the obedience due to his King and to his God, he insured him
self happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger and
prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son.


Outbreak of the Satnamis—also called Mondihs.1
[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody,
miserable rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and
other ignoble beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions,

1 [Khafi Khan shortens the first vowel and calls them Mundiha—see post]

should become so puffed up with vain-glory as to cast themselves
headlong into the pit of self-destruction. This is how it came
to pass. A malignant set of people, inhabitants of Mewat,
collected suddenly as white ants spring from the ground, or
locusts descend from the skies. It is afiirmed that these people
considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the reward
promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of
about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of Narnaul, and
were in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered.
Tahir Khan Faujdar, considering himself not strong enough to
oppose them, repaired to the presence. The King resolved to
exterminate the insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zi-l
ka”da, an order was issued that Ra’d-andaz Khan should proceed
with his artillery, Hamid Khan with the guards and 500 of the
horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtazé. Khén, his father, and
Yahyé. Khan Rdmi, Najib Khan, Ri'imi Khan, Kamalu-d din,
son of Diler Khan, Purdil, son of Firoz Khan Mewati, and
Isfandyér, bakhshl to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own
troops, to efi'ect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal
forces marched to the encounter; the insurgents showed a bold
front, and, although totally unprovided with the implements of
war, made good use of what arms they had. They fought with
all the valour of former rebels whose deeds are recorded in
history, and the people of Hind have called this battle Mahd
bharat, on account of the great slaughter of elephants on that
trying day. The heroes of Islam charged with impetuosity, and
crimsoned their sabres with the blood of these desperate men.
The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous above all were Ra’d-andaz
Khan, Hamid Khan, and Yahya Khan. Many of the Moslims
were slain or wounded. At length the enemy broke and fled, but
were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed escaped with
their lives; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the royal
commanders—and those regions were cleansed of the presence of
the foul unbelievers. The triumphant ghdzis, permitted to kiss
the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their King.

The title of Shujé’at Khan was conferred on Ra’d-audaz, with the
rank of 3000 and 2000 horse.
[Text, p. 170.] On the 19th Rabi’u-l ékhir, 1089 A.H., a
report from Shafi’a Khan, diwa'n of Bengal, made known that
the Amtru-l umara had appropriated one kror and thirty-two
lacs of rupees above his yearly salary. A claim against the
amir was accordingly ordered to be entered.


[Text, p. 175.] On the 24th Rabi’u-l akhir, Khan-Jahan
Bahadur arrived from Jodhpi'ir, bringing with him several cart
loads of idols, taken from the Hindu temples that had been
razed. His Majesty gave him great praise. Most of these idols
were adorned with precious stones, or made of gold, silver,
brass, copper or stone; it was ordered that some of them
should be cast away in the out-offices, and the remainder placed
beneath the steps of the grand mosque, there to be trampled
under foot. There they lay a long time, until, at last, not a
vestige of them was left.
[Text, p. 176.] Raja Jaswant Singh had died at Kabul
without male issue ; but, after his decease, several faithful adher
ents—Song, Ragunath Dés Bhati, Ranjhl'ir, Durga Das, and
some others—sent information to the King of two of the wives
of the late Rdja being with child. These ladies, after their
arrival at Lahore, gave each of them birth to a son. This news
was communicated to the King, wit-h a request that the children
should be permitted to succeed to their father’s rank and posses
sions. His Majesty replied that the children should be sent to
him to be brought up at his Court, and that rank and wealth
should be given to them.
[Text, p. 186.] On the 12th Zi-l hijja, 1090 A.H. (6th
January, 1680), Prince Muhammad ’A'zam and Khan-Jahan
Bahadur obtained permission to visit U'dipi'ir. Riihu-llah

Khan and Yakkataz Khan also proceeded thither to effect the
destruction of the temples of the idolatorsf These edifices,
ituated in the vicinity of the Rama’s palace, were among the
wonders of the age, and had been erected by the infidels to the
ruin of their souls and the loss of their wealth. It was here that
some twenty Machator Rajputs had resolved to die for their
faith. One of them slew many of his assailants before receiving
his death-blow. Another followed, and another, until all had
fallen, many of the faithful also being despatched before the last
of these fanatics had gone to hell. The temple was now clear,
and the pioneers destroyed the images.
[Text, p. 188.] On the 2nd of Muharram, 1091 A.H. (24th
January, 1680), the King visited the tank of U'disagar, con
structed by the Rana. His Majesty ordered all three of the
Hindu temples to be levelled with the ground. News was this
day received that Hasan “Ali Khan had emerged from the pass
and attacked the Rana on the 29th of Zi-l hijja. The enemy
had fled, leaving behind them their tents and baggage. The
enormous quantity of grain captured in this afl'air had.created
abundance amongst the troops.
On the 7th Muharram Hasan ’Ali Khan made his appearance
with twenty camels taken from the Rana, and stated that the
temple situated near the palace, and one hundred and twenty-two
more in the neighbouring districts, had been destroyed. This
chieftain was, for his distinguished services, invested with the
title of Bahadur.
His Majesty proceeded to Chitor on the 1st of Safar. Temples
to the number of sixty-three were here demolished.
Abfi Turab, who had been commissioned to efl'ect the destruction
of the idol-temples of Amber, reported in person on the 24th
Rajah, that threescore and six of 'these edifices had been
levelled with the ground.

(1680-81 A.1).).
[Text, p. 207.] The Rand had now been driven forth from his
country and his home. The victorious gkasls had struck many a
blow, and the heroes of Islam had trampled under their chargers“
hoofs the land which this reptile of the jungles and his prede
cessors had possessed for a thousand years. He had been forced
to fly to the very limit of his territories. Unable to resist any
longer, he saw no safety for himself but in seeking pardon. Ac
cordingly he threw himself on the mercy of Prince Muhammad
’Kzam, and implored his intercession with the King, ofi'ering the
parganas of Mandil, Far, and Badhanor in lieu of the jizya.
By this submission he was enabled to retain possession of his
country and his wealth. The Prince, touched with compassion for
the Réna’s forlorn state, used his influence with His Majesty, and
this merciful monarch, anxious to please his son, lent a favourable
ear to these propositions. An interview took place at the Raj
Sambar tank on the 17th of Juméda-l ékhir, between the Prince
and the Rena, to whom Diler Khan and Hasan ’Ali Khan had
been deputed. The Rena made an ofl'ering of 500 ashrafis and
eighteen horses with caparisons of gold and silver, and did homage
to the Prince, who desired him to sit on his left. He received
in return a khil’al, a sabre, dagger, charger and elephant. His
title of Rana was acknowledged, and the rank of commander
of 5000 conferred on him.

(1683-4 A.D.).

Cases of Ellora.
[Text, p. 238.] Muhammad Shah Malik June, son of
Tughlik, selected the fort of Deogir as a central point whereat
to establish the seat of government, and gave it the name of
Daulatabad. He removed the inhabitants of Dehli thither with

their wives and children, and many great and good men removed
thither and were buried there. Ellora is only a short distance ‘
from this place. At some very remote period a race of men, as
if by magic, excavated caves (naklcdb) high up among the defiles
of the mountains. These rooms (khana) extended over a breadth
of one kos. Carvings of various designs and of correct execution
adorned all the walls and ceilings; but the outside of the moun
tain is perfect-1y level, and there is no sign of any dwelling
(khdna). From the long period of time these pagans remained
masters of this territory, it is reasonable to conclude, although
historians difl'er, that to them is to be attributed the construc
tion of these places.

' THIRTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1097—8 A.H. (1686-7 A.D.).

Imprisonment of Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam.
[Text, p. 293.] Muhammad Mu’azzam, although a prince of
great intelligence and penetration, was led by pernicious coun
sellors into opposition to his father’s wishes, and this conduct
became the source of much suffering to himself and displeasure to
the ruler of the State. For a long time His Majesty, loth that
such conduct should become known, closed his eyes to the
Prince’s proceedings. During the siege of Bijapur some persons
were caught carrying secret messages to Sikandar (’A'dil Shah) ;
these men were put to death. Some officers also, suspected of
evil intentions, Mumin Khan, commandant of artillery, ’Aziz
Afghan, Multifat Khan, second bakhshi, and the cunning Bin
draban, were expelled from the army on the 18th of Shawwal.
The Prince’s destiny grew dark, and wisdom and foresight quite
forsook him. During the investment of Haidarabad he allowed
himself to be deluded by some promise of AbI'I-l Hasan, and at
last sundry written communications, which passed between the
trenches and the fort of Golkonda, fell into the hands of Firoz
Jang. Other proofs were also available of the Prince’s treachery.
The Khan, that very night, laid these documents before the

King, who was now well convinced of the Prince’s wilfulness,
whatever doubts he might have entertained before. Hayat
Khan, da'rogha of the Prince’s diwdn-khdna, was sent for and
ordered to direct his master to send his troops to oppose Shaikh
Nizam Haidarabadi, who was about to make a night attack on
the camp. Ihtimam Khan, it was said, would guard the Prince’s
tents during the absence of his own people. This order was
The next morning, according to order, the Prince, Mu’izzu-d
din, and Muhammad ’Azim,1 attended the darba'r. His Majesty,
after taking his seat, told them that Asad Khan and Bahramand
Khan had something to communicate to them in the chapel. No _
sooner had the Princes entered this place than their arms were
taken from them. As soon as a tent could be pitched, they were
removed into it. His Majesty withdrew to the seraglio by the
private entrance, and there, wringing his hands, and with
many symptoms of grief, he exclaimed that the labour of forty
years had fallen to the ground !
Guards were placed round the tent, under. the orders of
Ihtimam Khan. Mulasaddls seized all the Prince‘s property,
which, however, was but as a drop of water in the ocean.
Ihtimam was invested with the title of Sardar Khan, and raised
from the command of 1000 to that of 1500.

THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1102—3 A.H. (1691—2 A.D.).

Release g” Muhammad Mu’azzam from Confinement.
[Text, p. 341.] Neither the Prince nor his sons had been, when
first confined, permitted even to unbind the hair of their heads.
This treatment lasted six months. Khidmat Khan, .Na'zir, em
boldened by his long service under this King and under his father,
remonstrated most vehemently against this severity (no other
dared to speak in the Prince’s favour), and His Majesty relented.
As time Wore on, the King’s wrath grew less, his paternal feel
1 [More commonly called Muhammad ’A'zam.]

ings resumed their sway, and he daily sent his blessing by
Sardar Khan to this second Joseph, imprisoned like Jonas,
desiring him to be satisfied with this much until the Father of '
all Mercies moved his heart to put an end to his sufferings.
Strange to relate, Sardar Khan one day told the King that His
Majesty could order the Prince’s release when he thought fit so
to do. “ True,” replied the King, “ but Providence has made me
ruler of the habitable world. The oppressed appeals to me
against his oppressor, and expects redress. This son of mine
has endured some hardships at my hands, in expiation of certain
worldly offences, but the hour has not yet come for me to release
him; his only hope is in God. Let him therefore be hopeful,
so that he may not lose all hope in me, nor appeal against me to
God, for should he do so, what refuge would be left to me P ”
Fate had decreed that Muhammad Mu'azzam should adorn
the throne; wherefore the King, that personification of ‘all
virtues, resolved to draw the Prince from the state in which he
had been kept, and let his light shine on the people. That his
mind might not bow down under the weight of grief, the rigours
of confinement were gradually made less. On one occasion,
when the King marched from Badri, all the tents were ordered
‘ to be left standing for the Prince’s recreation. He was permitted
to wander from one to the other, enjoying the luxuries each
diiferent place afforded, and refreshing body and mind. The
Prince observed to the officers who had charge of him that he
longed to behold His Majesty, and that the sight of such places
could not satisfy that wish. At length, when the news of the
Prince’s mother having died in the capital was received, His
Majesty caused a tent of communication to be pitched between
the diwa'n-i khas and the Prince’s tent, where the monarch -
repaired in person with the virtuous Princess -.Zinatu-n Nisa
Begam, and offered the usual consolations.
Some time after this, on the 4th of Zi-l ka’da, Mu’azzam
had the honour of paying his respects to the King, who desired
‘ him to perform his mid-day prayers in his presence. When His

Majesty went to the mosque on Fridays, the Prince was to pray
in the private chapel. Permission was also granted him to visit
occasionally the baths in the fort ; at other times he might
wander among the parterres and tanks of the Shahabad gardens.
Thus by degrees was broken the barrier between father and son.
Khwaja Daulat received orders to fetch the Prince’s family from
the capital.1


Death of Aurangzeb.
[Text, p. 519.] After the conclusion of the holy wars which
rescued the countries of the Dakhin from the dominion of the
pagans, the army encamped at Ahmadnagar on the 16th of
Shawwal, in’the 50th year of the reign. A year after this, at
the end of Shawwal, in the 51st year of the reign, the King fell
ill, and consternation spread among people of all ranks; but, by
the blessing of Providence, His Majesty recovered his health
in a short time, and once more resumed the administration of
afi'airs. About this time the noble Shah (’Alam) was appointed
governor of the province of Malwa, and Prince Kam Bakhsh
governor of that of Bijapfir. Only four or five days had elapsed
after the departure of their royal highnesses, when the King was
seized with a burning fever, which continued unabated for three
days. Still His Majesty did not relax in his devotions, every
ordinance of religion was strictly kept. On the evening of
Thursday, His Majesty perused a petition from Hémidu-d din
Khan, who stated that he had devoted the sum of 4000 rupees,
the price of an elephant, as a propitiatory sacrifice, and begged to
be permitted to make over this amount to the Kazi Mulla
Haidar for distribution. The King granted the request, and,
though weak and suffering, wrote with his own hand on the
‘ [From subsequent passages it appears that the Prince was reinstated in his seat
on the Emperor‘s right hand in the thirty-ninth year, and was presented to the
government of Kabul in the forty-second year.]

VOL. WI. 13

petition that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice should
lead to a speedy dissolution of his mortal frame.
On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zi-l ka’da (1118 A.H.
21st February, 1707 A.D.), His Majesty performed the con
secrated prayers, and, at their conclusion, returned to the
sleeping apartments, where he remained absorbed in contem
plation of the Deity. Faintness came on, and the soul of the
aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity. Still, in
this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of
the dying King continued mechanically to tell the beads of the
rosary they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed
his last, and thus was fulfilled his wish to die on a Friday.
Great was the grief among all classes of people for the King's
death. The shafts of adversity had demolished the edifice of
their hopes, and the night of sorrow darkened the joyful noon
day. Holy men prepared to perform the funeral rites, and kept
the corpse in the sleeping apartment pending the arrival of
Prince Muhammad A’zam, who was away a distance of five-and
twenty has from the camp. The Prince arrived'the following
day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was depicted
on his countenance; never had anything like it been beheld.
On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall
of justice, whence the procession went on without him. May
none ever experience the anguish he felt! People sympathized
with the Prince’s sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and
so deeply-felt were the lamentations for a monarch whose genius
only equalled his piety, whose equal the world did not contain,
but whose luminous countenance was now hidden from his loving
According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains
were deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near
the shrine of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d din (on whom God have
mercy l). “ Earth was consigned to earth, but the pure soul sur
vived.” This place of sepulture, known by the name of Khuldébad,
is distant eight has from Khujista-bunyad (Aurangabad), and

three has from Daulatabad. A red stone three yards in length,
two in width, and only a few inches in depth, is placed above
the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in the shape of an
amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds; and odori
ferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around.

Account of the late King’s Family.
[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto ’Alamgir five sons and
five daughters, born of difl'erent mothers, and all learned in
spiritual and worldly matters. Mention has already been made
of them ; it now remains to give a short notice of each.
The first son was Muhammad Sultan, born of the Nawab Béi,
on the 4th of Ramazan, in the year 1049 A.Ii. (14th November,
1639 A.D.). His manners were agreeable, he knew the Kuran
by heart, and was well acquainted with the Arabic, Turkish and
Persian languages. His valour was great. This Prince died in
the 21st year of the reign.
The second son, Muhammad Mu’azzam Shah ’A'lam Bahadur,
was born of the same Nawab Bai, in the end of Rajah, 1053 A.H.
(September, 1643 A.D.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect
knowledge of the Kuran, and of the science of reading. When
so engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his
knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet,
that he is held by all the learned men of the day to be un
equalled in this accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic,
and the fluency and elegance of his diction are the wonder of
the very Kuran-readers of Arabia. He knows many sorts of
writing, is careful of his time, and a protector of the poor.
Prince Muhammad A’zam, the third son, was born of Dilras
Banfi Begam, daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi, on the 12th
of Sha‘ban, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distin
guished for his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many
ways, and his innate virtues and sagacity rendered him the in
dispensable cpmpanion of the late King. His death occurred

on the 18th of Rabi’u-l awwal, only three months and twenty
days after that of his royal parent._ It was marked by deeds
of valour.
The next son, Prince Akbar, was born of Begam,l on the 12th
of Zi-l hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 All). He
fled from his father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the
48th year of the reign, but there are two reasons for supposing
that his end was a happy one. In the first place, the King
remarked that Prince Akbar had always performed his Friday
prayers most devoutly; and secondly, his mortal remains lie in
the area of the tomb of Imam Riza (on whom he blessings and
praise !).
Muhammad Kam Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was born on
the 10th of Ramazan, in the year 1077 (25th February, 1667).
His mother was Bai U'dipi'iri. His father instructed him in the
word of God, and his knowledge of all known works surpassed
that of his brothers. The Turkish language and several modes
of writing were familiar to him. He was brave and generous.
The death of this Prince took place two years after that of his

Account of the Daughters.
Zebu-n Nisé. Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was
born of Begam 1 on the 10th of Shawwal, in the year 1048 (5th
February, 1639). Owing to the King’s teaching, she became
thoroughly proficient in knowledge of theKuran, and received as
a reward the sum of 30,000 askrafis. Her learning extended to
Arabic, Persian, to the various modes of writing, and to prose
and poetry. Many learned men, poets and writers were em
ployed by her, and numerous compilations and original works
are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the Tafsér-i
Kabir, called Zebu-t Tafa'sir, was the work of Mulla Safi’u-d din
Ardbeli, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death
occurred in the year 1113 (1701 mm).
1 The name is not given.

The second daughter was Zinatu-n Nisa Begam. She was
born on the 1st Sha’bén, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643
A.D.). This Princess is remarkable for her great piety and
extreme liberality.
Badru-n Nisa Begam, the third in order, was born of the
Nawéb Bai on the 29th Shawwal, in the year 1057 (17th
November, 1647 A.D.). She knew the Kuran by heart, was
pious and virtuous. Her demise took place on the 27th Zi-l
ka’da in the 13th year of the reign.
The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nisé Begam, was born on the
26th Ramazén, in the year 1061 (lst September, 1651 A.D.).
Her mother was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in
worship, prayer, and pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr
Shukoh, son of Dara Shukoh. She went to Paradise in the
same month as her father, to whom her death was not made
Mihru-n Nisé. Begam, the fifth daughter, was born of
Aurangébédi Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072
(13th September, 1661). She became the spouse of I'zad
Bakhsh, son of Murad Bakhsh, and lived until the year 1116.




[THIS book of “ the Victories of Aurangzeb” would seem also
to be known as Wdki’zit-c' ’A'lamgéré. There is a translation of
the Preface and of the Table of Contents among Sir H. M.
Elliot’s papers. From the Preface it appears that the author
was Muhammad Ma’sfim, son of S6lih. He was employed in
the service of Sultan Shuja’, Aurangzeb’s brother, “ whose
generosity is equal to that of the sun.” Having obtained a few
months” leave of absence, he, with much hesitation and difiidence,
determined, as he says, “to write the events of these two or
three years, which I have witnessed myself or have heard from
others.” The Table of Contents gives 55 Chapters. The first
relates to Shah Jahan‘s conquest of Balkh and Badakhshan.
Chapter 52 “ relates the murder of Déré. Shukoh by the orders
of Aurangzeb in the garden of Khizrabad, by the hands of Shah
Nazar Chcla', and of the burial of his remains in the mausoleum
of Humayi’m, which is the burial-place of all the murdered
princes of this house.” Chapter 55 gives the remaining account
of Shah Shujé.’ and Mu’azzam Khan. The translator adds:
“ The history is not complete, and it is not known whether the
author had written only thus far, or whether the scribe had no
\time to copy further.” As it professes to be only the history of
two or three years, it is probably complete. There is, according
to Dr. Bird, another work hearing this title written by Sri Das,
a Négar Brahman of Gujarat. “The author was a spectator
of the occurrences he details, and was in the service of Shaikhu-l
Islam, the son of ’Abdu-l Wahhab Ahmadébadi. This work is
very rare.”1]
1 Bird’s Gujara'l, p. 89.




[THIS is an account of the expedition to Assam undertaken in
the fourth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, by Mu’azzam Khan
Khan-khanan. The author was Mauléné. Ahmad Shahabu-d
din Télz'ish. It is a small work, and is noticed in Stewart’s
Catalogue.l There are some Extracts of the work among Sir H.
M. Elliot’s papers, and there is a copy in the Library of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal.]

1 See Journ. des Savants, 1845, p. 702.




[THIS is the work of the celebrated wit and satirist, Mirza
Muhammad Ni’amat Khan, whose poetical sobriquet was ’A'li.
His writings are much valued in India for the excellence of the
style, which is highly florid; but it is very obscure, and is
more pregnant with metaphor than meaning. The author was
appointed to the office of news-writer by Aurangzeb, and the
Waka'z" is especially devoted to the history of the siege and con
quest of Golkonda. The Makhsanu-l Gharaz'b states that his
ancestors were physicians of Shiraz, but that he was brought up
in Hindustan. He was appointed by Aurangzeb to the mansab of
bakciwali, with the title of Ni'amat Khan, but he was ungrateful
to his patron and satirized him. At length, from improper
conduct, he fell into disgrace. “ His verses and ghazals are not
excellent, but his satire is pleasant and pungent." It appears
that he had some knowledge of medicine. The Tdrikh-i O'kagka
téi also speaks of his strong powers of satire, and states that
he received the title of Danishmand Khan in the first year of
the reign of Bahadur Shah. He afterwards wrote a Shdh-na'ma,
and died at Dehli in 1122 AJ-I. (1710 A.D.), in the 4th year of
Bahadur Shah, or according to another authority, two years
earlier. The author is the person referred to in the following
passage from “ The Critical Essay ”: “ Mirza Muhammad,
generally called Ni’amat Khan Haji, was an eminent personage,
who obtained the title of Danishmand Khan, and he has recorded
wxxxr. 201

the events of that monarch’s (Aurangzeb’s) reign as far as the
third year. Although his work is written in a very pleasing
style, yet it occasionally offends the reader‘s delicacy by
indecent jests and coarse witticisms, in which the author was
too much accustomed to indulge.” In the Catalogue of
Jonathan Scott’s library, the Walt-dz" is said to be a most
curious work, exhibiting anecdotes of private character in a
humorous and entertaining style; but, says Sir H. M. Elliot,
“ I conceive that allusion must be made to the Muzkakdt, which
has been lithographed at Lucknow in the same volume as the
author’s Ruka’cit.” The Waka'i’ has been printed at Bombay
in a volume of 319 pages. It was also published at Lucknow in
1843. The Editor of this edition, after landing the author in
the Preface, says that “the work contains very diflicult and
complicated passages not suited to the comprehension of common
people; so, with great pains and diligent research in Persian and
Arabic dictionaries, he has supplied marginal notes, turning the
most difficult passages into a smooth and easy style.”
There is an abstract of a portion of this work among the
papers, but it is a short dry summary of no value, either as a
specimen of the work, or as a contribution to hist0ry.1]
‘ [This article has been compiled from Sir H. M. Elliot‘s rough sketch and from
Persian notes and extracts collected by him.]




[THIS “Book of War ” is another production of Ni’amat Khan
or Danishmand Khan, the writer of the last-noticed work. An
abstract of the work prepared for Sir H. M. Elliot shows that it
begins with the war carried on by Aurangzeb against the Rana
0f U'dipi'ir, and ends with the accession of Bahadur Shah. The
struggle which followed the death of Aurangzeb occupies a con
siderable portion of the work. A lithographed edition of the
work was printed at Lucknow in 1261 A.H. (1845 A.D.).]




THESE letters exhibit the private life and sentiments of this
Prince, so they should be allowed a place in his history. The
following account is given of them by Elphinstone in his
History (p. 673).
“ There are three collections of his letters. First, the Kalimdt-i
Taiyiba't, published by one of his chief secretaries, ’Inéyatu-llah;
second, the Raka'z'm-c' Kard’im by the son of another secretary;
and third, the Dastziru-l ’Aml A’gdlzi collected from all quarters ' '
thirty-eight years after his death. The first two collections pro
fess to be merely the rough drafts or notes which he wrote with
his own hand for his secretaries. Most of the third collection
have the same appearance. They are without dates or order,
and are often obscure, from their brevity, and our ignorance of
the subjects alluded to.”
One set was indifl'erently translated many years ago by Mr.
Eales in Calcutta, and a few Extracts have been published in the
Asiatic Annual Register, vol. iii.
Instead of three sets of these letters, there appears to be more
than four.
The first of them has the following passage in the Preface:
“ Be it known to all learned men, that this book named Ruka’dt-z'
’A'lamgtr, and surnamed Kalima't-i Taiyibdt, has been compiled
from the epistles written by Muhiu-d din Muhammad Aurangzeb,
King of Hindiistan. The expression Mukén par klzila’fat wa
Farzand Sa’ddat team»: has been used in this book for the eldest

son of the King, Sultan Muhammad Mu’azzam, surnamed Shzih
’A'lam. Sometimes the expression Sa’cidat tawam, has also been
applied to his second son, Sultan Muhammad A'zam Shah ; but
the term Farzand-i ’Ali Ja'h is only used for the eldest. By the
term Birddar-i nd-mt'hrbrin is meant the King’s elder brother,
Dara Shukoh. The expressions Farzand-zdda-z' ’azéz and Farzand
:a'da bahddur are respectively intended for Muhammad Mu’izzu-d
din, the eldest son of Shah ’Alam, and for Muhammad Bedar
Bakht Bahédur, the son of Sultan Muhammad A’zam Shah
.Muhtn-palr. The words Farzand-zlida ’aztmu-l kadr are used for
Muhammad ’Azimu-d din, the second son of Shah ’Ailam. The
expressions Umdatu-l Mulk Maddru-l Muka'm and dn fidwt are
peculiar to Asad Khan, who was honoured with the title of
Améru-l umard after the death of Shayista Khan. The term
Kin/in Firoz Jung is the abbreviated title of Ghazi”u-d din Khan
Firoz Jang. Nusrat Jung is the title of Zi'i-l Fikar Khan.
Mirzd Bakhshi is intended for Mirza Sadru-d din Muhammad
' Khan Safawi. Mir-dtash for Tarbiyat Khan, and the single word
Hamid for Hamidu-d din Khan.”
The name of the compiler is not mentioned. This Kalimzit-z‘
Taiyibdt has been lithographed at Lucknow in 8vo., and contains
67 pages, 17 lines to a page. It is in extensive demand.
The Raka'z'm-i Kardim is a somewhat smaller collection, and
consists of 48 octavo pages of fifteen lines to a page. It com
prises letters written by the Emperor to Mir ’Abdu-l Karim
Khan, father of the compiler; and out of compliment to him,
the son called the collection by the name of Rakdim-i Ker-dim.
The following is extracted from the Preface: “ I Saiyid Ashraf
> Khan Mir Muhammad Husaini do myself the honour of collect
ing the epistles of the great King ’A'lamgir, which were written to
my father ’Abdu-l Karim Amir Khan, and of arranging them in
the form of a book, which I denominate by the title of Rakdim-i
Kara’z'm, as that expression is in a manner connected with the
name of the late ’Abdu-l Karim. I much regret the loss of
most of the Emperor's epistles, which were either despatched

to their several addresses without being copied in my father’s
ofiice, or were destroyed through the ignorance and carelessness
of his attendants. However, those which have remained un
injured are most dear to me.”
The DastIZru-l ’Aml A'gdht appears from the following passage
in the Introduction to have been compiled under the orders of
Raja Aya Mal. “The dependents of the King ’A'lamgir have
collected the celebrated epistles from that monarch to the different
princes and nobles, into several pamphlets, without arranging
them in the form of a regular book; but at the request of Réja
Aya Mal, one of his learned servants collected the detached
pamphlets into one volume in the Hijra year 1156 (1743 A.D.),
and denominated the work Dastziru-l 'Aml A'ga'kt. As the style .
of these epistles was rather difficult to be understood by every
one, since the King was very fond of figurative language, the
compiler takes the opportunity of giving in this Preface the real
meanings of the peculiar expressions used by the King.” Then
follows the explanation given in the Extract from the Kah'mdt-i
It appears that another. collection had been previously
made under the same direction, and that another name is
given to that collection. The fourth collection is called Rams
wa Iska'rakde ’A'lamgir, and bears the name of the compiler,
of which in the case of the Dastc’wu-Z ’Aml wa A'gdhé we
are left in ignorance. “The correspondence of the Emperor
’A'lamgir appears at first sight to consist of ordinary epistles,
but in reality they convey the best instruction to kings, and
the most useful kind of information to nobles and courtiers.
They may be considered harmless friends to all, whether they
love retirement or take delight in society. Originally they did
not form a regular book, but at the instigation of the celebrated
and learned Raja Aye. Mal, Budh Mal, surnamed Ram, collected
them and formed a book in the year 1151 A.H. (1738 an).
There is another collection bearing the name of A'a'a'b-i
‘A'lamgiri. This is composed of letters written by Aurangzeb

to his father, sons, and officers. They were collected by
Mcmskiu-l Mamcililc Shaikh Abii-l Fath, and were arranged and
formed into a book by Sédik, entitled Nd-tamdm, a resident of
Ambala. The work is noticed in the Catalogue of the Mackenzie
Collection (vol. ii. p. 135). [There are several Extracts of this
work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS., and there is a copy in
the British Museum]




THIS work, which the author himself styles Muntakhabu-l Luba'b
Muhammad Slut/rt, is frequently called Tdrékh-c' Kha'fi Kkdn. It
is a highly esteemed history, commencing with the Invasion of
Babar, A.D.1519, and concluding with the fourteenth year of
the reign of Muhammad Shah. It contains also an Introduction,
giving an outline of the history of the Mughals and Tartars
from Noah to Bébar. It is chiefly valuable for containing an
entire account of the reign of Aurangzeb, of which, in con
sequence of that Emperor’s well-known prohibition, it is very
diflicult to obtain a full and connected history. It is, however,
to that very prohibition we are indebted for one of the best
and most impartial Histories of Modern India.
Muhammad Hashim, also called Hashim ’Ali Khan, is better
known as an author by the designation Khafi Khan. He was a
man of a good family residing at Dehli, and he privately com
piled a minute register of all the events of this reign, which he
published some years after the monarch’s death. His father,
Khwaja Mir, also an historian, was an officer of high rank in
the service of Murad Bakhsh; but after that Prince’s confine
ment and murder, he passed into the employment of Aurangzeb.
Muhammad Hashim Khan was brought up in Aurangzeb‘s
service, and was employed by him in political and military
situations. He himself gives an interesting account of a mission
on which he was sent by the Viceroy of Gujarat to the English
at Bombay; on which occasion, while commending them in

other respects, he accuses them of levity in laughing more than
befitted the solemnity of political intercourse. [He frequently
speaks in his own person, reporting what he had himself seen or
heard. In the reign of Farrukh Siyar, he was made a diwa'n by
Nizamu-l Mulk (the first of the Nizams of Haidarabad), and
writes with interest and favour in all that concerns that chief.
For this reason he is sometimes designated Nizdmu-Z Mulki.]
His work is a complete history of the House of Timur, giving
first aclear and concise account of that dynasty, from the founder
down to the close of Akbar’s reign. This portion of the work is
condensed, the events having been so fully detailed by previous
writers. The great body of the work is occupied with the
hundred and thirty years that succeeded the death of Akbar, of
which period the author states that the last fifty-three years were
written from his own personal observation, and the verbal ac
counts of men who had watched the occurrences of the time. It
is considered probable that he had composed the first half of the
work before he was compelled to stop by Aurangzeb’s orders, but,
being anxious to bring down his history to the close of his own
life, he continued his labours in secret. It is represented that
Muhammad Shah was so pleased with the history that he
ennobled the author with the title of Khéfi Khan, the word kha'fz'
meaning “ concealed.” This origin of the designation is the one
ascribed by all modern writers, and has been fully accredited by
our English historians; but I am disposed to dispute the correct
ness of this story, and to consider Khafi as a gentilitious name
denoting the country whence his family sprung. Khaf, or more
correctly Khwat', is a district of Khurasan near Naishapi'ir, and
Khwa'fz' so applied is by no means unfamiliar to Asiatics. Thus
we have the famOus doctor Shaikh Zainu-d din Khwéfi,I Imam
Khwafi, the Khwafi Saiyids, etc., and what is confirmatory of
this opinion is that not only does Ghulam ’Ali Shah style our
author Muhammad Hashim the son of Khwaja Mir Khwafi, but
he himself gives hislfather’s name as Mir Khwaf'. It is not
1 [See supra, Vol. IV. p. 288.]

impossible that Muhammad Shah may have indulged in a joke
upon the author’s original name, and may have expressed himself
in some such phrase to the effect that the author was now really
Kliwafi. [Mr. Morley, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the
Royal Asiatic Society, adopts the former explanation, and says :
“From the fact of the work having been so long concealed
(kha'fz'), its author received the title of Khafi Khan.” Colonel
Lees, on the other hand, arrived independently at the same
conclusion as Sir H. M. Elliot. He shows that the patronymic
Khwafi was one in very common use, and thinks that the
interpretation “ concealed ” “had its origin in an imperfect and
somewhat ludicrous misrepresentation of what Khafi Khan
himself says, to which has consequently been given a sense the
very opposite of its true meaning. Khaii Khan certainly
says that he kept all these things locked up in a box, but it
was the box of his ‘memory.’1 There might have been some
reason for Khafi Khan concealing his work for a year or two
after the death of Aurangzeb; but there seems no sound or
apparent reason for his concealing his work for nearly thirty years
after that event.” 2:|
The author of the “ Critical Essay,” translated and published
for the Oriental Translation Fund, speaks of this history as con
taining a detailed and particular Statement of various transactions
which the author himself had actually witnessed, regretting at the
same time that he had never seen it. When Colonel Dow wrote
his History of Hindustan, he was obliged to conclude at the end
of the tenth year of Aurangzeb’s reign, because there were.
no documents calculated to throw light upon the subsequent
period. Mill also complains that we have no complete
history of Aurangzeb. This defect has since been remedied by
the Honourable Mountstewart Elphinstone, who has judiciously
availed himself of Khafi Khan’s history, and thus has been

1 [See the passage post, under the Eleventh Year of the Reign]
2 [Journal Royal Asiatic Society, ms. vol. iii. p. 471.]

voL. VII. 14

enabled to give us a complete narrative of the reign of Aurang
zeb and his immediate successors. Elphinstone confesses himself
indebted to Major A. Gordon, of the Madras Army, for a MS.
translation of Khafi Khan’s history down to near the end of
Jahangir’s reign ; and he expresses his regret (Book X. Ch. 1.),
“ that this excellent translation has not been carried on to the
end of the history, which comes down to recent times, and
affords the only full and connected account of the whole period
which it embraces.” Grant Duff acknowledges the same obliga
tion in his History of the Mahrattas (vol. i. p. 118), and states
that Mr. Erskine had translated the portion relating to Shah
Jahan’s transactions with the Dakhin. [Inquiries have been
made for this MS. translation of Major Gordon, but without
[Sir H. M. Elliot had made no provision for the translation of
this work. The lengthy translation which follows is entirely
the work of the Editor. The Text used is that published in
the Bibliotheca Indica ; but two MSS. containing the history of
Aurangzeb’s reign, one belonging to the Library of the East
India Ofiice, and the other to the Royal Asiatic Society,
have been occasionally referred to. A greater number of copies
has not been sought for, because, according to Colonel Lees, the
MSS. differ very much. “Copies (of Khafi Khan’s history)
are very numerous; but, strange to say, no two copies that I have
met with—and I have compared five apparently very good MSS.
——are exactly alike, while some present such dissimilarities as
almost to warrant the supposition that they are distinct works,
some passages being quite accurate, and others again entirely
dissimilar. In the copies to be found of other well-known MSS.,
which have been copied and recopied repeatedly, we find omissions
and a variety of readings, but not such broadcast discrepancies
as I have found in some of the copies of Khafi Khan which I
have consulted.”]

Europeans at Hugli.‘
[Text, vol. i. p. 468.] The E'rz'ngts had formed a commer
cial settlement at Hi'igli, twenty kos from Rajmahal in Bengal.
In former times they had obtained the grant of a parcel of land
for the stowing of their merchandize and for their abode. There
they built a strong fort, with towers and walls, and furnished
it with artillery. They also built a place of worship which
they call “church” (It-(Iliad). In course of time they overstepped
the sufi‘erance they had obtained. They vexed the Musulmans
of the neighbourhood, and they harassed travellers, and they
exerted themselves continually to strengthen their settlement.
Of all their odious practices this was the worst :—In the ports
which they occupied on the sea-coast, they offered no injury
either to the property or person of either Muhammadans or
Hindus who dwelt under their rule; but if one of these in
habitants died, leaving children of tender age, they took both
the children and the property under their charge, and, whether
these young children were sm'g/z'ds, or whether they were brdh
mans, they made them Christians and slaves (mamluk). In
the ports of the Kokan in the Dakhin, and on the sea-coast,
wherever they had forts and exercised authority, this was
the custom of that insolent people. But notwithstanding the
notoriety of this tyrannical practice, Musulméns and Hindi'is of
all tribes went into their settlements in pursuit of a livelihood,
and took up their abode there. They allowed no religious
mendicant (falcér) to come into their bounds. When one found
his way in unawares, if he were a Hindu he was subjected to
such tortures as made his escape with life very doubtful ; and if he
were a Musulman he was imprisoned and worried for some days,
and then set at liberty. When travellers passed in, and their
baggage was examined for the custom-duties, no leniency was
shown if any tobacco was found, because there are regular
1 See supra, p. 31.
212 KHA’FI’ KHA'N.

licensed sellers of tobacco, and a traveller must not carry more
than enough for his own use. Unlike a Hindu temple, their
place of worship was very conspicuous, for tapers of camphor
were kept burning there in the day-time. In accordance with
their vain tenets, they had set up figures of the Lord Jesus and
Mary (on our Prophet and on them be peace I), and other figures
in wood, paint and wax, with great gaudiness. But in the
churches of the English, who are also Christians, there are no
figures set up as idols. The writer of these pages has frequently
gone into that place, and has conversed with their learned men,
and records what he has observed.
Reports of the unseemly practices of these people reached
the Emperor, and when Kasim Khan was sent to Bengal as
Governor, he received secret orders to suppress them, and to
take their fortress. K'ésim Khan accordingly proceeded to
Hiigli and laid siege to it. The detail of his skilful arrange
ments and strenuous exertions would be of great length;
suffice it to say that, by the aid of boats, and by the advance
of his forces both by land and water, he brought down the
pride of those people, and subdued their fortress after a siege
of three months. Nearly 50,000 ruiyats of that place came out
and took refuge with Kasim Khan. Ten thousand persons,
Firingis and ruiyuts perished in the course of the. siege. Four
teen hundred Firingés, and a number of persons who had been
made Christians by force, were taken prisoners. Nearly ten
thousand persons, innocent raz'yats and captives of those people,
were set free. More than a thousand Musnlmans of the Imperial
army fell in the course of the siege.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 2.] The attempt to write an epitome
of the fifty years” reign of this illustrious monarch is like

trying to measure the waters of the sea in a pitcher; the
affairs of the last forty years in particular are a boundless
ocean, which authors have shrunk from committing to the
thread of narrative. But for all this, the writer of these
pages has resolved that to the best of his ability, and with
the most active exertion, after the most exhaustive in
quiry and complete investigation, he will narrate some events
capable of narration which he has heard from the tongues
of men advanced in years, which he has fully verified by
inquiries from men in office and from the writers of official
despatches, and by the evidence of his own eyes during this
period of time. Like plagiarists of no ability, he commits one
fact out of a hundred to his crude relation, and offers his
petition to his intelligent critics and well-informed readers, that
if, from his feeble grasp of the thread of narrative, any discre
pancies should appear between the earlier and later portions of
his work, or if any trifling variations from other histories should
appear, they will hold him excused, because in trustworthy
books even discrepancies are found arising from varying versions
(of the same occurrence). -

Birth of Aurangzeb.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 3.] Aurangzeb was born in the year
1028 A.II. (1619 A.D.) at Dhi'id,I which is on the frontiers of
the saint of Ahmadabad and Malwa, whilst his father was
subada'r of the Dakhin.

Illness of Slut/z Ja/za'n.
[vol. ii. p. 4.] On the 7th Zi-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 8,
1657 A.D.), (the Emperor Shah Jahan, called after his death)
Fe'rduus mukcinz', was attacked with illness, which turned out

1 The “Dohud” of Thornton, “one hundred miles W. of Ujjain, and seventy
seven NE. of Baroda.”

to be strangury. This produced much derangement in the
government of the country, and in the peace of the people.
Dara Shukoh looked upon himself as heir to the throne, and
even in the time of his father‘s health he had held the reins
of government. But he had fallen into ill repute through
having imbibed the heretical tenets of the Sa'cfz's. He had
declared infidelity (kufr) and Islam to be twin brothers, and had
written treatises on this subject; he had also associated himself
with Brdhmans and Gosains. Seizing the opportunity (of his
father’s illness), he took the direction of State affairs into his own
hands, and having exacted from the ministers their pledges not
to publish what passed in council, he closed the roads of Bengal,
Ahmadébad, and the Dakhin against messengers and travellers.
But when the intelligence of his ofiicious meddling had spread
abroad through the provinces by the ddk-chauki (post), a strong
adverse feeling was shown by the amirs, zuménda'rs, and raiyats,
and alsoby the unruly spirits who sought for a field of action.
Turbulent men from every corner and quarter, and men eager
for a fray, in every province and country, raised their heads in
expectation of strife. .
When intelligence of these proceedings reached Muhammad
Shujé.’ in Bengal, and Muhammad Murad Bakhsh in Ahmad
Abad, each of them, vying with the other, had coins struck and
the khutba read in his own name. Shuja’, with a large force,
marched against Bihar and Patna, and the news of his move
ments Was carried to the capital. Shzih Jahan had from the
very first shown great partiality and affection for Dara Shukoh,
and generally, in all matters, had done his best to gratify his
son. Now that he was ill, and no longer master of himself, he
was more than ever inclined to gratify Dara and yield to his
wishes. Dara Shukoh looked with an eye of apprehension upon
the talents of Prince Aurangzeb, and was made uneasy by the
vigour-and wisdom which he displayed. So, by various argu
ments, he induced his father 'to recall to Court the nobles and
generals who were engaged with Aurangzeb in the siege of

Bijapiir. When this evil news became known, the prosecution
and completion of the siege of Bijapi'n' was prevented. Aurang
zeb made an arrangement with Sikandar ’A'dil Shah of Bijapi'ug
and accepted from him a promise to pay a tribute of a kror
of rupees in cash and goods as the price of peace. He then
raised the siege of Bijapi'ir, and proceeded to Khujista-bunyad ,
(Aurangabad). After this he learned that Dara Shukoh, with the
intention of getting possession of the treasure of Shah Jahan,
had left Dehli, and had gone to A'gra.

Defeat of Muhammad S/aujd’.
[VOL ii. p. 5.] On-the 4th Rabi‘u-l awwal, 1068 A.H. (lst
December, 1657), Dara Shukoh sent Raja Jai Singh, and several
other amirs, with an army under the command (of his son) Sulai
man Shukoh against Muhammad Sliujé’. When the Raja with
the vanguard arrived near Benares,l Muhammad Shuja’ prepared
his forces for battle, and having got possession of several boats,
he advanced to give battle to the Raja, and halted a kos and
a half from him. Next day the Raja moved from his ground
early in the morning before sunrise, and while Muhammad
Shuja’ was yet asleep under the influence of wine, the Raja
attacked him. Roused from his slumber, the incautious and
careless Prince found that all was lost. He made a hurried flight
with some of his servants and companions to a boat, and made
his escape. All his camp and treasure, artillery, and materiel,
was plundered, and fell into the hands of the Raja. After this
defeat, Muhammad Shuja’ did not return to Bengal, and that
country fell into the possession of the oflicers of Dara Shukoh. A
number of his servants and companions were taken prisoners,
and were carried off by the Raja t0 A'gra. Dara Shukoh had
them paraded round the city; afterwards he put some of them
to death, and of many others he had a hand amputated.

‘ “ At the village of Bahadurpur, on the side of the Ganges.”—"4'lamgir-ndma.

Marc/a against Murdd Bakhsh.
[voL ii. p. 6.] 1On the same day that Sulaiman Shukoh and
Raja Jai Singh were sent against Muhammad Shuja’, Maharaja
Jaswant Singh and Kasim Khan, with the royal artillery and
with several thousand horse and some guns of their own, and
attended by several amirs of repute, were ordered to march to
Ahmadabad and the Dakhin. Their instructions were that they
were to ascertain the true state of affairs, and if Muhammad
Murad Bakhsh should move from Ahmadabad, Kasim Khan2
was to advance with several (mains and some guns to meet and
receive him. After receiving intelligence of Prince (Murad
Bakhsh’s) departure from the Dakhin, Maharaja Jaswant Singh
was to act according to circumstances. If Prince Aurangzeb
should begin to move from the Dakhin, the Maharaja and Kasim
Khan were to lead all the royal forces across his line of march,
and give him battle when opportunity ofl'ered. Dara Shukoh
made the province of Malwa his own i/ctd’, and devoted the
whole of the revenues to the payment of his officers, so that,
their hopes being excited by the riches of that country, they
might heartily support each other, and strengthen the army in
prosecuting the war.
It also came to hearing that Dara Skuhoh had imprisoned I'sz'i
Beg, the mkil of Aurangzeb, and had sequestered his house.

Proceedinys qf Mum'd Bakhsh.
[v0]. ii. p. 7.] It was learned from the news-letters (akhba’r) of
Ahmadabad that Prince Muhammad Murad Bakhsh had struck
coin and caused the khutba to be read in his name. He had also
sent Khwaja Shahbaz, a eunuch, with an army and necessary siege
train for the reduction of the fort of Surat, and the occupation of
the port. Khwaja Shahbaz, on reaching Surat, invested the place,
1 This statement begins with the words, “The news arrived,” showing that the
author writes from the side of Aurangzeb. This, or a phrase of lilfe meaning, is
often used. .
2 “ Kasim Khim's special duty was to act against Murad Bakhsh, and remove him
from Gujarat, and to support Jaswant Singh.”—’A'lamgir-ndma, p. 33.

and after driving mines and blowing up bastions and forts, he
reduced the fortress. Then he called together the merchants of
the place, and demanded from them a. contribution of fifteen lacs
of rupees. After much parley, the chiefs of the merchants agreed
to pay six lacs of rupees on behalf of their body, and took a bond
for the money under the seal of Muhammad Muréd Bakhsh,
and the bail of Khwaja Shahbaz. " “ " *

Movements of Aurangzeb.
[vol. ii. p. 9.] About this time Mir Jumla arrived, who had
been sent by Shah Jahan before his illness to support Aurangzeb,
and he acted as a trusted friend and faithful counsellor. But
Aurangzeb deemed it expedient, inorder to avoid reproach, to
leave Mir Jumla as a prisoner at Daulatabad, while he himself
marched against his enemies. As a matter of prudence and expe
diency, Aurangzeb wrote repeatedly and in the most affectionate
terms to Muhammand Murad Bakhsh, and offered him his con
gratulations. In his letters he said, “ I have not the slightest
liking for or wish to take any part in the government of this
deceitful and unstable world, my only desire is that I may make
the pilgrimage to the temple of God. But whatever course you
have resolved upon in opposition to the good-for-nothing and
unjust conduct of our disgraceful brother (birddar-z' be-shukoh),
you may consider me your sincere friend and ally. Our revered
father is still alive, and I think that we two brothers should
devote ourselves to his service, and to the punishment of the
wilfulness of that haughty one and the presumption and conceit
of that apostate. If it be possible, and we are permitted to see
our father again, after exerting ourselves to put down that strife .
and insurrection, we will entreat the King to forgive the faults of
our brother, who has involuntarily been impelled to such a course
of action. After setting the government in order, and punishing
the enemies of the State, our brother must be reclaimed, and he
must go to pay a visit to the holy temple. It is important that
218 KHA’FI' KHA'N.

you should allow of no delay in your movements, but should
march at once to chastise that presumptuous infidel Jaswant
Singh. You must consider me as having arrived on your side of
the Nerbadda, and must look upon my numerous army and power
ful artillery as the means of securing your victory. You must
know that I make the Word of God my bail for this treaty and
compact, and you must by all means banish suspicion from your
Aurangzeb arrived in Burhanpi'ir on the 25th Jumada-l awwal,
(1068 A.H., 19th February, 1658 A.D.), * " and remained there
a month attending to necessary arrangements, and obtaining
accurate intelligence. On the 25th Jumada-l akhir he set out
on his march to the capital. "‘ * Jaswant Singh knew nothing
of the approach of the great army of the two brothers until
they came within seven [cos of Ujjain, when Raja Sheoraj,
commandant of Mandi’i, obtained information of their having
crossedv at the ford of Akbarpi'ir, and wrote the particulars to
the Maharaja. Kasim Khan, on hearing that Prince Murad
Bakhsh had left Ahmadabad, went forth in haste to welcome
him. But when he learnt that the Prince had gone eighteen
lros out of the way to meet Aurangzeb, he turned back dis
appointed. Daré, Shukoh’s men, who were in the fortress of
Dhar, when they beheld the irresistible forces of the two brothers,
took to flight and joined the Maharaja.
Raja Jaswant Singh, with Kasim Khan, on the approach of
Prince Aurangzeb, advanced a march to meet him, and pitched
his camp at the distance of one has and a half. Aurangzeb then
sent a Brahman called Kab, who had a great reputation as a
Hindi poet and master of language, to the Raja with this
message: “ My desire is to visit my father.l I have no desire
for war. It is therefore desirable that you should either
accompany me, or keep away from my route, so that no conflict
may arise, or blood be shed.” The Raja did not acquiesce in
this proposition, and sent an impertinent answer. Next day
1 These few words represent the meaning of a great many.

both sides prepared for battle. *‘ * "’ On the 22nd Rajah,
1068 A.H. (20th April, 1658 A.D.), the battle was joined.l "' "‘ *‘
Every minute the dark ranks of the infidel Rajpiits were dis
persed by the prowess of the followers of Islam. Dismay and
great fear fell upon the heart of Jaswant, their leader, and he,
far from acting like one of the renowned class of rajas, turned
his back upon the battle, and was content to bring upon himself
everlasting infamy. "‘ " Kasim Khan also, with other Imperial
oflicers and the forces of Dara Shukoh, took to flight. Shouts
of victory arose from the men of Aurangzeb, and all the artillery,
elephants, treasure, camels, baggage, animals, and'equipments of
the enemy, after being rifled and plundered, came into the
possession of Aurangzeb. “‘ "‘ On the 27th Rajab the Prince
marched from the borders of Ujjainiand on the 28th pitched his
camp in the territories of Gwalior, * " and on the lst of
Ramazan crossed the Chambal. '

Condition of the Emperor Ska'k Ja/zdn.
[voL ii. p. 20.] The hot climate of A'gra did not agree with
the Emperor, and as he had only slightly improved in health, he
set off for Dehli. Dara Shukoh from the first disapproved of
this removal, and spoke against it. Now when he had heard of
the defeat of Raja Jaswant Singh, he was bewildered, and so
worried his father with complaints and importunities, that he pre
vailed upon him to return. With the greatest urgency he made
preparations for the coming conflict, and began his march with
all the great nobles of his father's suite, with the old and newly
raised followers of his own amounting to about 60,000 men,
and with a strong train of artillery. * * It is said that the
Emperor repeatedly forbad the march of Dara Shukoh, and
said that nothing would come of it but further strife and conten
tion between the brothers. He conceived the idea of setting out
himself to expostulate with the two brothers, and bring about a
1 “ Near Dharmatp(ir.”—~A'lamgir-ndma.
220 ‘ KHKFI’ KHA’N.

peace, and gave orders that preparations should be made for his
journey. But Dara Shukoh was averse to this, and being
supported in his representations by Khan-Jahau Shayista Khan, \

he diverted his father from his purpose. It is also recorded that
before the news arrived of Raja Jaswant‘s defeat, and before the
two armies of the Dakhin and Ahmadabad had united, the
Emperor desired to go towards them, and frequently consulted
Khan-Jahfm about it. Khan-Jahan was maternal uncle of
Aurangzeb, and was well disposed towards him. He did not
approve of the Emperor‘s design, but spoke of the excellent
character and intelligence of Aurangzeb out of the hearty
kindness he felt for him. When the intelligence arrived of
the defeat of Raja Jaswant Singh, the Emperor was very angry
with Khan-JahAn for the part he had taken. He struck him on
the breast with his staff, and refused to see him for some two or
three days. But his old feeling of kindness revived. He again '
consulted him about going forth to meet his sons; but the Khan
gave the same advice as before, so that, notwithstanding the
preparations, the intended journey ended in nothing.

Defeat of Da'rd Shukoh by Aurangzeb.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 22.] On the 16th of Sha’ban, (1068 A.H., 10th
May, 1658 A.D.), Dara Shukoh sent Khalilu-llah Khan, and * *
with some of the Imperial and his own forces, as an advanced
force to Dholpi'ir, to make a stand there, and secure the fords of
the Chambal. He himself remained outside the city (of A'gra)
waiting for the arrival'of Sulaiman Shukoh, who was expected to
return from his operations against Sliuja’. But as Sulaimz’m did
not arrive, he was obliged to start on his march to meet and en
gage his two brothers. On the 6th Ramazan. near Samiigarh,
the two armies encamped about half a kos distant from each
other. The forces which had been sent to guard the fords had
effected nothing at all. Next day Dara Shukoh busied himself in
distributing his forces, putting his guns in position, and arranging

his train of elephants. He advanced a little and took up a position
in a wide plain, presenting a front nearly two [:08 in width. The
day was so hot that many strong men died from the heat of their
armour and want of water. Aurangzeb also rode forth, but as he
saw no advantage in being precipitate and beginning the fight, he
took his stand about a cannon-shot distance, and waited for his
adversary to commence the attack. But, as he made no sign
beyond a parade of his forces, after evening prayer, Aurangzeb
encamped in the same position, but gave orders for a strict
watch being kept until morning. Next morning1 Aurangzeb "' “
distributed his forces (in the following manner). * * Muhammad
Murad Bakhsh, with his famous sarda’rs, took his place with the
left wing. ' * Having made his arrangements, he kept with him
a party of bold and trusty men, of all tribes, and placing Prince
Muhammad A’zam behind, in the howda, he went forth to
battle. “ “
The action began with discharges of rockets and guns, and
thousands of arrows flew from both sides. Sipihr Shukoh, the
leader of Déra‘s advanced force, in concert with Rustam Khan
Dakhini, with ten or twelve thousand horse, made an attack upon
Aurangzeb‘s guns. Driving back all before them, they pressed
forward to Prince Muhammad Sultan, who was with Aurangzeb‘s
advance, and great confusion arose in this part of the army.
Just at this juncture, by luck, a ball from the enemy’s own guns
struck the elephant of the brave Rustam Khan, and stretched
the animal dead upon the ground. This accident intimidated
Rustam Khan, and he withdrew from his attack upon the ad
vanced force, and fell upon the right wing under Bahadur Khan
Koka. This commanding ofiicer made a vigorous resistance; but
forces were continually brought to support Rustam Khan, and
the battle grew warm. Bahadur Khan at length received a
wound which compelled him to retire, and many were killed
1 Or. as the author expresses it, “When the sun, the mighty monarch of the
golden crown, with his world-conquering sword, rose bright and refulgent from his
orient rising-place; and when the king of the starry host put his head out of the
window of the horizon."
222 KHA'FI' KHA'N.

and wounded on both sides. Aurangzeb’s forces wavered,
and seemed about to give way, when Islam Khan and others
brought reinforcements to Bahadur. At the same time Shaikh
Mir and others, with the altamsh, came up to support the
right wing, and to oppose Rustam Khan and the forces under
Sipihr Shukoh. >A desperate contest was maintained, * * but at
length Rustam Khan was defeated, and Sipihr Shukoh also was
hurled back.
Dara Shukoh, being informed of the repulse of Sipihr Shukoh
and Rustam Khan, led the centre of his army, composed of not
less than 20,000 horse, against the victorious wing. He ad
vanced with great bravery and firmness from behind his own
guns against the guns and the advanced force which had won the
victory. He was received with such heavy discharges of rockets,
guns and muskets, and with such fierce charges from his brave
opponents, that he was compelled to retire.
Dara next made an attack upon Prince Murad Bakhsh, and
led a force like the waves of the sea against that lion of the field
of battle. The conflict was raging when Khalilu-llah Khan, the
leader of the enemy’s vanguard, led three or four thousand Uzbek
archers against the elephant of Muréd Bakhsh. The arrows
rained down from both sides, and confusion arose in the ranks of
Murad Bakhsh, so that many were overpowered with fear and
fell back. The elephant of Murad Bakhsh was about to turn
away covered with wounds from arrows, spears, and battle-axes,
but his brave rider ordered a chain to be cast round his legs. At
this moment Raja Ram Singh, a man highly renowned among
the Rajpfits for his bravery, wound a string of costly pearls
round his head, and with his men clothed in yellow, as bent
upon some desperate action, charged upon the elephant of Murad
Bakhsh, and crying out defiantly, “What, do you contest the
throne with Dara Shukoh?” hurled his javelin against Murad
Bakhsh. Then he cried out fiercely to the elephant-driver,
“Make the elephant kneel down!” Murad Bakhsh having
warded 05‘ his assault, shot him in the forehead with an arrow

and killed him. The Rajpiits who followed that daring fellow
mostly fell dead around the feet of the Prince’s elephant, and
made the ground as yellow as a field of saffron.
It is related in the ’A'lamgir-na'ma that at this point of the
battle Aurangzeb came to the support of his brother, and helped
to repulse the enemy. But the author of this work has heard
from his father (who was present in the battle in the suite of the
Prince, and remained with him to the end of the engagement,
although he was severely wounded), and from other trustworthy
informants, that the Prince, after repeatedly making inquiries
and learning of the progress of the enemy, was desirous of going
to the support of his brother. But Shaikh Mir dissuaded him, '
and advised him to remain patient- where he was. Meanwhile
the battle raged fiercely, and deeds of valour and devotion were
displayed on all sides.
The fierce Rajprits, by their energy and desperate fighting,
made their way to the centre (which was under the command of
Aurangzeb himself). One of them, Raja Rup Singh Rathor,
sprang from his horse, and, with the greatest daring, having
washed his hands of life, out his way through the ranks of his
enemies sword in hand, cast himself under the elephant on which
the Prince was riding, and began to cut the girths which secured
the howda. The Prince became aware of this daring attempt,
and in admiration of the man’s bravery, desired his followers to
take the rash and fearless fellow alive, but he was cut to pieces.
While this was going on, Rustam Khan again advanced
against his brave opponents, and the fight grew hotter. Rustam,
who was the mainstay of Dara’s army, Raja Sattar Sél, and
* * were killed in this conflict. Dara, seeing so many of his
noble and heroic followers killed and wounded, was much
affected. He became distracted and irresolute, and knew
not what to do. Just at this time a rocket struck the
howda of his elephant. This alarmed and discouraged him so
much that he dismounted in haste from his elephant, without
even waiting to put on his slippers, and he then without arms

mounted a horse. The sight of this ill-timed alarm, and of the
empty kowda, after he had changed his elephant for a horse,
disheartened the soldiers. The men lost heart in sympathy with
their leader, and began to think of flight. Just at this time, as
one of his attendants was girding him with a quiver, a cannon
ball carried off the man‘s right hand and he fell dead. The
sight of this struck terror into the hearts of those around him;
some of them dispersed, and others fled from the fatal field.
Dara, beholding the dispersion of his followers, and the repulse of
his army, prizing life more than the hope of a crown, turned
away and fled. Sipihr Shukoh also, at this time, joined his
father with some of his followers,1 and they all fled in despair
towards A'gra. A great victory was thus gained. Shouts of
exultation followed, and the young princes offered their con
gratulations. , '
Aurangzeb descended from his elephant to return thanks for
this signal victory, surpassing all expectation, and, after perform
ing his devotions, he proceeded to the tent of Dare Shukoh.
Everything had been ransacked except this tent and the artillery,
so he took possession of the tent, which thus received a new
honour. He bestowed presents and praises upon the princes and
his devoted nobles, delighting them with his commendation and
Prince Murad Bakhsh had received many arrow wounds
in his face and body. Aurangzeb first applied to them the
salve of praise and compliment, and then had them dressed
by skilful surgeons. To the internal wounds of that weak
minded2 Prince he applied the balm of thousands of praises and
congratulations upon (his approaching) sovereignty. Then he
wiped away the tears and blood from his brother’s check with the
sleeve of condolence. It is said that the kowda in which Murad
Bakhsh rode was stuck as thick with arrows as a porcupine with
l The ’Amal-i Su'lih says they were only thirty or forty in number. The same
work gives a long and laboured account of this battle, but it is not so circumstantial
as that of Khafi Khan.
2 Sa'dah-lauh, “tabula rasa.”

quills, so that the ground of it was not visible. This kowa'a
was kept in the store-house in the fort of the capital as a
curiosity, and as a memorial of the bravery of that descendant of
the house of Timur, and there it remained till the time of the
Emperor Farrukh Siyar. "‘ *
Dara Shukoh, with two thousand horse, many of whom were
wounded, and without baggage, arrived at A'gra in the evening
without torches. He proceeded to his own house, and shame and
remorse for his ruined fortune would not allow him to visit his
father. The Emperor sent for him, professing a desire to talk
and take counsel with him, but he excused himself. In the same
night, after the third watch, he went out of the city towards
Dehli, intending to proceed to Lahore. He took with him
Sipihr Shukoh, his wife and daughter and several attendants.
He also carried ofl' on elephants, camels and mules, his jewels,
gold, silver, necessaries, and whatsoever he could. In the third
day’s march he was joined by nearly 5000 horse, and some
nobles and equipments, which were sent after him by his father.
After resting a while from his victory, Aurangzeb addressed a
letter to the Emperor [recounting what hadpassed], and excusing
himself by referring all to the will of God. Soon afterwards,
Muhammad Amin Khan, and Khan-Jahan, son of A'saf Khan,
with many other nobles, who were the props of the State, came
and proffered their services to Aurangzeb, and he honoured them
with gifts of robes and jewels, horses and elephants. On the 10th
Ramazan Aurangzeb marched from Sami'igarh for A'gra, and
encamped outside the city. There he received from his father a
consolatory letter written in his own hand. Next day Kudsiya
Padshah Begam, by command of her father, came out to her
brother, and spake to him some words of kindness and reproach
by way of advice and as a proof of affection. The answer she
received was contrary to what she had wished, and she returned.
The Emperor then wrote another admonitory letter, and with a
sword which bore upon it the auspicious name “A'lamgir”
(world-conqueror), he sent it with kind messages by one of
voL. vn. 15

his personal attendants to Aurangzeb. _ The word “A’lamgir”
immediately attracted notice. It was deemed a good omen,
and called forth congratulations. Aurangzeb then sent Prince
Muhammad Sultan to restore order in the city, to rescue it
from the violence and oppression of" the army and the mob, and
to give peace to the people. To Khan-Jahan, son of Xsaf Khén,
he gave the title of Amiru-l umard, *‘ * and many of the other
nobles who had come to wait upon him were rewarded with
increase of rank and presents of money and jewels. "‘ *

Cmy‘inement g” S/ecik Ja/zdn.
[vol. ii. p. 32.] The authors of the three ’A’Iamgir-mimas
have each described the seclusion of the Emperor Shah Jahan by
the will of Aurangzeb, but ’Kkil Khan Khafi, in his Wa'lci’dt-z'
’A'lamgtré has entered fully and particularly into matters, and
has described the investment of the fort (of A'gra), the confine
ment of Shah Jahan, the closing up of the waters (band-name
dan-i db),1 and the somewhat bitter correspondence which passed.
From this it appears that on the 17th Ramazan, 1068 (8th
June, 1658), Aurangzeb directed Prince Muhammad Sultan to
go into the fort of Agra, and to place some of his trusty followers
in charge of the gates. Afterwards he was directed to wait
upon his grandfather, to deliver to him some agreeable and
disagreeable messages respecting his retirement, and to cut off
from him all means of intercourse with the outside. Accord
ingly Prince Muhammad Sultan went in and acted according
to his instructions. He took from the Emperor all power and
choice in matters of rule and government, and placed himv in
‘ seclusion.
Muhammad Ja’far Khan was sent to secure Mewét, which
formed part of the ja'gir of Dara. Shukoh. Twenty-six lacs of
rupees, with some other requirements of royalty, were presented
to Murad Bakhsh. On the 22nd Ramazan Aurangzeb made
1 Probably figurative. Bringing matters to a crisis.
MUNTAKHABU-L were. 227

his entry into A'gra, and took up his abode in the house of Dara
Shukoh. * *

Flight of Da'ra' Shukoh.
[v0]. ii. p. 33.] When Dara Shukoh reached the vicinity of
Dehli, the close pursuit of Aurangzeb’s forces, and the appre
hension of being shut up in the city, determined him to remain
outside. There he employed himself in gathering money and
supplies. Whatever he found in the royal stores, or in the
houses of the amirs, he laid hands upon. He remained some
days awaiting the arrival of Sulaiman Shukoh, who, after his
defeat of Shuja’, was wandering about in Bihér and Patna in a
state of perplexity—for the news of the success of Aurangzeb
frightened him from going to join his father. Dara, perceiving
that if he remained longer he would fall a prisoner into the
harsh hands of his brother, marched off towards the Panjab
with the new army which had gathered round him, numbering
about 10,000 horse. Every day he wrote letters to Sulaiman
Shukoh, describing his wretched condition and his approach
ing arrival at Sirhind and Lahore. He also wrote conciliatory
letters to the faujddrs and governors of the Panjab, in which he
mingled promises and threats. He repeatedly wrote to his
father, lamenting his inability to wait upon him, through his
adverse fortune and the unhappy dissension between the two
brothers and their respective adherents.
Aurangzeb also frequently resolved to go and see his father,
to make excuses, and to seek forgiveness of the offences of
which he had been guilty, by no choice of his own, but through
the divine decrees of fate, and the unseemly conduct of his
brother. But he knew that his father’s feelings were strongly in
favour of Dara Shukoh, and that under the influence of destiny
he lost all self-control, so he determined that it was better not to
pay the visit. Instead of going himself, he directed Prince
‘Muhammad A’zam to go and wait upon the Emperor with many
apologies. The Prince accordingly presented 500 askrafz's and

4000 rupees; and the Emperor, half in joy, half in anger, took
the Prince to his bosom, and shed tears over him as he embraced
Aurangzeb next turned his attention to the pursuit of Dara
Shukoh. He left Prince Muhammad Sultan with * * "‘ to
attend upon the Emperor, and he appointed Islam Khan to be
the Prince’s director (atdlz'k). 1‘ "‘ On the 22nd Ramazan he
started in pursuit of his brother. On his way he learnt that
Dara had left Dehli on the 21st Ramazan, and had gone towards
Lahore. ’1‘ “‘ ‘1‘ He sent Khan-dauran to supersede Saiyid
Kasim Bar-ha in command of the fortress of Allahabad. If the
Saiyid gave over the fortress, he was to be treated with courtesy
and sent to Aurangzeb; if he refused to yield, Khan-dauran was
directed to invest the fortress, and to call for reinforcements if
Shah Jahan, while in confinement, wrote secretly to Mahabat
Khan, Governor of Kabul [a long letter, in which he said]:
“Déré Shukoh is proceeding to Lahore. There is no want of
money in Lahore, there is abundance of men and horses in
Kabul, and no one equal to Mahabat Khan in valour and
generalship. The Khan ought therefore to hasten with his army
to Lahore, and, having there joined Dara Shukoh, they might
march against the two undutiful sons, to inflict upon them the
due reward of their misconduct, and to release the Emperor, the
Sa'thib Kiran-i sani, from prison.” * *‘

Imprisonment Qf Murcid Bakhsh.
[vol. ii. p. 37.] This simple-minded1 Prince had some good
qualities; but in the honesty of his heart and trustfulness of his
disposition, he had never given heed to the saying of the great
man (Sa’di) that two kings cannot be contained in one kingdom.
He was deluded by flattering promises, and by the presents of,
money, etc., which had been sent to him, but they were deposits
1 The 'A’lamgir-na’ma calls him “ stupid and ignorant."

or loans rather than gifts. " " “ On the 4th Shawwal, while they
were encamped at Mathura, twenty-five has from Agra, Mun/ad
Bakhsh was made prisoner by a clever trick, which was aided by
fortune, and into the particulars of which it is needless to enter.
Chains were placed upon his feet. That same night four elephants
with covered howdas were sent off in four different directions,
each under two or three sarddrs and an escort. The elephant
which was sent to the fort of Salim-garh carried the prisoner
Murad Bakhsh. This precaution was taken lest the partisans of
the Prince should fall upon the howda in which he was confined.
All the treasure and effects of Murad Bakhsh, not one ddm or
diram of which was plundered, was confiscated.

Flight q“ Dairzi Shukoh. Aurangzeb ascends the Throne.
[vol. ii. p. 39.] Dara Shukoh, in his progress through the
Panjab, broke up, burnt or sunk the boats where he crossed the
rivers. 1' * It was reported that upon his arrival at Lahore he
had seized upon nearly a kror of treasure, together with all the
stores belonging to the Government and the royal amirs, and
that he was engaged in enlisting soldiers and collecting munitions
of war. On hearing this, Aurangzeb, not caring to enter the
fortress of Dehli, encamped in the garden of A'ghar-abad, now
called Shalamar, and he sent on an advanced force, under Baha
dur Khan, in pursuit of Dara. On the 1st Zi-l ka’da, 1068 A.H.
(22nd July, 1658 A.D.), after saying his prayers, and at an
auspicious time, he took his seat on the throne of the Empire of
Hindustan, without even troubling himself about placing his name
on the coinage or having it repeated in the khutba. "‘ "‘ Such
matters as titles, the khulba, the coinage, and the sending of
presents to other sovereigns, were all deferred to his second taking
possession of the throne.

Sulaz'main Shu/eoh.
[voL ii. p. 41.] Intelligence now arrived that Sulaimén
Shukoh had crossed the Ganges, and intended to proceed by
230 KHKFI‘ Knxn.

way of Hardwar, to join his father. The Amtru-l umard and "‘
were sent off to intercept him by forced marches. On the 7th
Zi-l ka’da Aurangzeb began his march to Lahore in pursuit of
Dara. '1 "‘ The reporters now sent in the news that when
Sulaiman Shukoh was approaching Hardwar, he heard that a
force had been sent against him, and he had consequently turned
off to the mountains of Srinagar. His expectations of assistance
from the saminddrs of this country had not been fulfilled; so
some of his adherents had parted from him, and were repairing
to Aurangzeb. There remained. with him altogether not more
than five hundred horsemen; so, not deeming it prudent to
stop longer there, he went off in the direction of Alléhabéd.
Before reaching that city his guardian1 (atdltk) fell ill, and
parted from him with more of his followers. Not more than
two hundred now remained with him, so he returned to the
Zamincla'r 0f Srinagar. His road passed through the ja'glr of
the Princess Kudsiya. He extorted two lacs of rupees from her
manager, plundered his house, carried the man off prisoner, and
afterwards put him to death. The remainder of his men now
deserted him, and there remained only Muhammad Shah Koka and
a few attendants and servants. The Zamlnda'r of Srinagar coveted
v the money and jewels that he had with him, and kept him as
a sort of prisoner in his fort. After this had been reported,
Amlru-l umard, who had been sent to intercept Sulaiman Shukoh,
was directed to send him prisoner in charge of a detachment,
and to go himself to A'gra to Prince Muhammad Sultan.

Ddni Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 42.] After leaving Lahore, Dara Shukoh busied
himself in raising forces, and in winning the hearts of the dwellers
in those parts. He made promises and engagements in writing
to the samlncldrs and fazg'ala'rs, to conciliate them and augment
his army. So he collected nearly twenty thousand horsemen.
He wrote to his brother Shuja’, and made the most solemn
1 “ Bahfidur Khan.”—-’A'lamgir-ndma.

promises and oaths, that afier bringing the country into subjec
tion they would divide it between them in a brotherly way.
These deceitful and treacherous letters deceived Shujé’, and
although he had received kind and assuring letters and promises
from Aurangzeb, the foolish fellow busied himself in collecting
forces, and marched from Dacca to the assistance of Dara Shukoh,
with a strong army and a large force of artillery. It was Dare.
Shukoh's desire to celebrate his accession to the throne at Lahore,
and to have his name placed upon the coins and repeated in the
khutba; but the power of the sword of Aurangzeb prevented this.
The zaminddrs and fazg'ddrs of name and station, hearing of the
decline of the fortunes of Dara and the rise of the fortunes of
Aurangzeb, forsook the former.

Ra'ja Jaswant.
[vol. ii. p. 42.] Raja Jaswant, when he fled from the en
counter with Aurangzeb, betook himself to his own country.
Women, especially Réjpi'it women, have often a higher sense of
honour than men; and for this reason will rather bear the tor
ture of fire than suffer disgrace. ‘Raja Jaswant’s chief wife was
a daughter of Réja Chattar Sél. She strongly condemned her
husband’s conduct, and refused to sleep with him. In conversa
tion she would express her censure both by words and hints.
The Raja was stung to the quick by her reproaches, so he sent
a letter by his caktls to Aurangzeb, asking forgiveness of his
offences. After his apology was accepted, he proceeded to Court,
where he was graciously received, presented with many gifts and
confirmed in his mansab.

Da'ra' Ska/colt.
[vol. ii. p. 44.] Dara Shukoh‘s newly-raised army had been
greatly reduced by desertion, and he was alarmed at the approach
of Aurangzeb; so he fled with three or four thousand horse and
a few guns towards Thatta and Multan. He left behind Déi'id
Khan to obstruct as much as possible the passage of the rivers
.232 Kusrr KHKN.

by the army of Aurangzeb, by burning or sinking the boats. * *
After a while the intelligence arrived that Dara Shukoh, after
staying at Multan for a short time, had gone off towards Bhak
kar, and that his followers were daily decreasing. “ “‘ In the
beginning of Muharram, 1069 A.H., Aurangzeb (continuing his
pursuit of Dara) pitched his camp on the banks of the Ravi
near Multan. "‘ *‘

Prince Skujd’.
[voL ii. p. 45.] Intelligence now arrived that Muhammad
Shuja’ had marched from Bengal with 25,000 horse and a strong
force of artillery, with the intention of fighting against Aurang
zeb. This proceeding changed the plans of Aurangzeb, who
deemed it necessary to give up the pursuit of Dara, and to direct
his energies to the repression of this graceless brother. So on the
12th Muharram, 1069 (30th Sept., 1658 A.D.), Aurangzeb fell
back towards Dehli, the capital. "‘ "‘ On the last day of Mu
harram, he started from Lahore, * * and on the 4th Rabi’u-l
awwal he reached Dehli. There he learned that Muhammad
Shuja’ had advanced as far as Benares, and that Ram Dés, the
commandant, who had been appointed by Dara Shukoh, had sur
rendered the fort to Shujé’. The commandants of Chitapi'ir and
Allahabad had also surrendered their fortresses and joined him.
* "‘ After exacting three lacs of rupees under the name of a loan
from the bankers of Benares, Muhammad Shuja’ continued his
march. He sent a force against Jaunpi'ir, and the commander of
that fortress after its investment surrendered and joined Shujé’.

Mir Jumla Mu’azzam Khin.

[voL ii. p. 44.] Instructions were sent to the Dakhin, direct
ing the release of Mu’azzam Khan, alias Mir Jumla, whom
Aurangzeb had deemed it desirable to leave in confinement at
Daulatabéd1 Mu’azzam Khan now arrived from the Dakhin,
‘ These few lines are found four pages earlier in the text.

his zeal having urged him to make a quick journey. He
brought with him his military materiel. Aurangzeb received
him graciously, and acted under his advice in managing the
army. * " He and his son Muhammad Amin Khan, with some
other devoted adherents, were appointed to attend Aurangzeb,
who was with the centre of the army.

Defeat of Prince Skujd’.
[vol. ii. p. 50.] The armies of Aurangzeb and Shuja’l were
within half a 1:08 of each other, and both sides prepared for battle.
* "‘ The guns of Shuja’ were so placed as to have an advantage
over those of his opponents; so Mu‘azzam Khan, who was a good
tactician, removed forty guns during the night to another position.
He took no rest, but busied himself in ordering his army and
encouraging the men. The Emperor Aurangzeb was engaged in
his tent performing his devotions,and praying to God for victory.
Suddenly, about the fourth watch, a great tumult arose. Raja
Jaswant Singh,a the treacherous wretch,3 who marched with the
army, had, through one of his confidants, opened communications
with Shuja' in the early part of the night, undertaking to make
a sudden assault upon the army just before daybreak, and to
desert, doing as much mischief as he could. “When I do this,”
said he, “the King (Aurangzeb) will come in pursuit of me;
you must then charge sharply upon his forces.”
About two hours of the night remained, when Jaswant Singh,
in league with other. Rajpfit leaders, set their numerous
followers in motion, and began to move off, destroying and
plundering as they went, and cutting down all who opposed
them. The forces under Prince Muhammad Sultan sufl'ered
especially from their attacks. No tent, small or great, escaped
their ravages. All his treasure and effects were plundered. *‘ *
1 "At the village of Kora."—’A'lamglr-ndma. “ Shnja's army rested by the tank
of Khajwa or Kachhwa.”—’Amal-i Sa'lih.
2 He had been placed with other Rajas in the right wing.
3 A very faint expression of the abuse heaped upon him.

Then they made towards the royal quarters, ransacking every- .
thing, and not a tent near the royal pavilion remained safe from
them. For some time the cause of all this disorder was unknown.
All kinds of erroneous surmises were made, and a panic was spread
ing through the whole army. Many men were so disheartened
that they joined the plunderers, thinking that the best way of
escaping from the disaster. One party fled to the open country ;
another approached the enemy’s army, and set about ravaging.
* * But for all this confusion in the army, nothing shook the
resolution of Aurangzeb. It was now reported to him that the
traitor had moved off towards his home. Then Aurangzeb
descended from his elephant, and took his seat in a litter that
all the panic-stricken men who beheld him might see that he was
resolute, and had no intention of retreating. He sent orderlies
round to the commanders, directing them to forbid all riders
of elephants or horses to stir from their places.1 * “‘ Without
exaggeration, half the army had gone away to plunder or escape,
and many had joined the enemy. Intelligence was brought of
Jaswant Singh having marched away towards A'gra.
Aurangzeb’s devoted servants now gathered round him from far
and near. He then again mounted his elephant, and without a
cloud upon his brow rode forth to arrange his order of battle.
"‘ “‘ Mu’azzam Khan received authority to make such alterations
in the disposition of the forces as he deemed necessary. * " The
battle began about the fourth or fifth ghari of the day with a
cannonade which made the earth to tremble, and filled the hearts
of both armies with awe and trembling. "‘ * A cannon-ball from
the Emperor’s army reached the elephant on which Sultan
Zainu-l ’abidin2 was riding, and although it did not strike the
Sultan,3 it carried off one leg of the elephant-driver, and one
leg also of the personal attendant who was seated behind the
hamlet. This circumstance greatly discouraged many of Shuja’s

1 More eulogy of the Emperor's firmness and resolution follows here and after
3 “ Son of Shuja'."—'Alamgir-ndma. a “ Or the elephant."-Ib.

army. " “ Saiyid "A'lam Barha, with three elephants, made an
attack upon the left of the royal army, and the vigour of his
assault spread confusion in the ranks of his opponents, and many
of them took to flight. The retreat of the left wing made the
centre waver, and the Emperor was left with only 2000 horse
men to protect him. Greatly encouraged by the sight, the
enemy made a bold and fierce attack upon the centre. The
Emperor mounted upon an elephant, moved about inspiriting
his men and shooting arrows against his enemies. Murtaza
Kiili Khan, of the left wing, with " " several others, made a
bold charge upon the enemy, and the Emperor, seeing how
matters stood, joined in the charge. " * This gave a severe
check to the enemy, who lost many men killed and wounded.
The vigour of the Saiyids of Barha had abated, but their three
elephants, each of them dashing about with his trunk a chain of
two or three mans weight, overthrew and crushed every one who
came in their way. One of them at length charged towards the
elephant of the Emperor. Without moving from his place or
changing countenance, the Emperor made signs for his guards to
shoot the animal’s driver. One of the guards brought the man
to the ground, and then one of the royal elephant-drivers got
upon the elephant’s neck and led him 05'. The other two ele
phants then charged the right wing of the royal army, and other
forces of the enemy coming up, this wing fell into confusion. * *
The Emperor was urged to move to its support, but he was
hotly engaged himself. ‘ ' He sent messages to the officers of
the right wing, urging them to stand fast until he could come to
their assistance. Several of the enemy‘s leading men now fell,
and the efforts of the forces opposed to the Emperor relaxed, so
that he was able to proceed to the succour of his right. This
encouraged the men. Cries of “ Kill ! kill ! " were raised on every
side, and many of the enemy were killed. A general attack was
made on the enemy’s centre, and then several chiefs, who had
thought it expedient to support him, came over and joined
the Emperor. Victory declared in favour of the Emperor,

and when the glad news of Shuja’s flight was brought, shouts of
congratulation and victory arose, and the drums and trumpets
sounded in triumph.
The victors fell upon the camp of the enemy and thoroughly
plundered it ; every man took what he could lay hands on; but
114 guns, 115 elephants, and much treasure, and many jewels,
came into the possession of the Emperor. After descending from
his elephant, and returning thanks to God for his victory, he
praised his nobles for their exertions. Then he sent his son
Muhammad Sultan1 in pursuit of Shuja’, with directions to use
every exertion to cut off his flight. *' 1"

Flight of Ddra' Shukoh.
[voL ii. p. 60.] Intelligence was brought that Dara Shukoh
had arrived at Bhakkar in a wretched condition, with only three
thousand horse. Want of porters, and the desertion of many of
his adherents, compelled him to leave part of his treasure and
baggage under charge of some of his servants at Bhakkar. Dense
thorn-brakes, toilsome marches, and loss of porters, impeded his
progress through the salt desert beside the river of Thatta; this,
with the loss of baggage, which fell into the hands of his pursuers,
allowed him no rest. Through want of water, the hardships
of the march, and various diseases, many of his men died or fell
away from him. Shaikh Mir, his pursuer, kept treading on his
heels, and, after crossing the desert, he had not more than a
thousand horsemen left. After arriving at Siwistan he determined
to proceed to Ahmadabad.
The force of Shaikh Mir, the pursuer, also suffered greatly
from Want of water, and the long and rapid march. Loss of
horses and porters, added to the other hardships, killed and
scattered them. Most of those who remained had to march on
foot. On these facts being reported, Shaikh Mir was ordered to

__ ‘ 1 ‘1 Mu’azzam Khen was sent with him.”—’Amdl-i Sa'lili.

Surrender of Alla'llciba'd.
[voL ii. p. 61.] On the 1st Jumada-l awwal Aurangzeb pro
ceeded towards A'gra, and at the second stage he received a
despatoh from Prince Muhammad Sultan, reporting a second
success over Shuja’. Saiyid Kasim, commandant of the fortress
of Alléhabad, left a deputy in charge of the fortress, and accom
panied Shuja’ to battle. After the defeat, Kasim Khan returned
to the fortress, and busied himself in making it secure. When
Shujé.’ arrived, he made plausible excuses for not giving up the
place. He went out with alacrity to meet the Prince, made
promises of fidelity, and entertained him, after which he was dis
missed to his post. When Prince Muhammad Sultan drew near,
he wrote to him a repentant letter, professing his obedience, and
sending to him the keys of the fortress. On hearing of this,
Aurangzeb ordered Khan-dauran to be placed in command of
Alléhébéd, and Késim Khan to be sent courteously to his

Ra'ja Jaswant.
[vol. ii. p. 61.] Aurangzeb appointed Amir Khan and ‘1‘ ’1‘
with ten thousand horse to punish the traitor Raja Jaswant. He
also joined to this force Raf Singh RAthor, a nephew of Raja
Jaswant, who had a family feud with his uncle. This chief was
honoured with the title of rdja and many presents. Hopes also
were held out to him of a grant of Jodpiir, his native country.

Ddra' Sim/(ole.
[voL ii. p. 62.] Directions were sent to Amir Khan,
Governor of Lahore, that upon the‘return of Shaikh Mir from
the pursuit of Dara, he was to remove Prince Muréd Bakhsh
from Salim-garb, and send him under charge of Shaikh Mir to
On the 18th Juniéda-l awwal Aurangzeb reached A'gra, and on

the 23rd he again set out. He now learnt that Dara Shukoh
had passed through Kachh to the borders of the province of
Ahmadabad. He had collected round him three or four
thousand horse. After the troops of Aurangzeb had given up
the pursuit of him, he proceeded leisurely, endeavouring to gain
bver the faujddrs and zamlnddrs, and to collect soldiers. By pre
sents of money and jewels he won over the Zamtndtir of Kachh,
and aflianced his daughter in marriage to Prince Sipihr Shukoh.
The zaminddr sent him on with an escort through his territory
towards Ahmadabad. Upon his arriving there, Shah Nawaz
Khan, the st'lbaa’dr, one of whose daughters was married to
Aurangzeb, and another was in the house of Murad Bakhsh,
went out to meet him, accompanied by Rahmat Khan diwdn, and
others. They presented to him near ten lacs worth of gold,
silver, and other property belonging to Murad Bakhsh, which
was in Ahmadabad. Dara Shukoh then exerted himself in
collecting money and men, and in winning adherents by presents
of robes and jewels, and by promotions in rank and title. He
appointed officers, who took possession of the ports of Surat,
Kambayat, Broach, and the districts around. In the course
of a month and seven days he collected 20,000 horse, and he
sent requisitions to the governors of Bijapi'lr and Haidarabad
for money and men. He also thought over several plans for
going to the Dakhin, and for joining Réja Jaswant Singh. *1‘ *1‘
On the 1st Jumada-l akhir Dara Shukoh began his march with
a well-appointed army and a large train of artillery, for he had
obtained thirty or forty guns from Surat. Ashe pursued his
march, he every day received false and delusive letters from
Raja Jaswant, befooling him with promises of coming to his
When Aurangzeb received intelligence of these proceedings, he
marched towards Ajmir. Mirza 1 Raja Jai Singh had interceded
with him on behalf of Raja Jaswant; so he pardoned his offences,

1 The same title is given to him in the ’Amal-i Sa'lih.

and wrote to him a conciliatory letter, reinstating him in his
mansab, and restoring to him his title of Mahdraja. He at the
same time directed the Raja to write to him about the state of
affairs, and send the letter by swift messengers. “‘ "‘ Muhammad
Amin Khan, who had been commissioned to punish the Raja,
was recalled. Réja Jaswant, who had advanced twenty has
from Jodpiir to meet Deré. Shukoh, on receiving the Emperor’s
letter, broke off his alliance with Dara, and returned to his own
This defection greatly troubled Dara, who opened a corre
spondence with the Raja, and endeavoured to win him over
by promises and flattery, but without effect. When Dare. came
to a place twenty kos distant from Jodpiir, he sent a Hindu
named De Chand to the Raja; but he artfully replied that he
remained true to his engagement, but that it was not expedient
for him to move just then. Dara Shukoh, he said, should go to
Ajmir, and open communications with other Rajpiits. If two or
three Rajpfits of note joined him, then he, the Raja, would also
come to his support. Dara Shukoh, having no other course
open, proceeded to Ajmir, and again sent De Chand to J aswant;
but all his persuasions and remonstrances were in vain, and
it was evident that all the Raja’s statements were false and
treacherous. The fact of his having received a letter of pardon
from Aurangzeb was also publicly talked about. It has been
said that “Necessity turns lions into foxes,” and so Dara
Shukoh, notwithstanding his knowledge of the Raja’s perfidy,
sent Sipihr Shukoh to him; but although the Prince flattered
and persuaded, and held out great promises, the traitor did not
listen, and the Prince, like De Chand, turned empty away.
Deprived of all hope of assistance from Reja Jaswant, Dara
Shukoh was at a loss what course to pursue. Then he heard of
the near approach of Aurangzeb, and resolved to fight. But not
deeming it expedient to fight a regular battle, be determined to
retire into the hills about Ajmir, and to throw up lines of
defence. Accordingly he moved into the defiles, blocked up the

roads with barriers of stone and earth, and stationed his guns
and musketeers so as to make his position secure. ’1 1' He him
self took his station with the centre. “ "' Aurangzeb directed the
commander of his artillery to advance his guns against Data’s
lines. 1" * For three days most vigorous attacks were made, but
Dara’s position was very strong, and his men fought bravely, so
that the assailants made no impression. Dara’s forces indeed
sallied out, and after causing considerable destruction of men
and beasts, returned to their positions. The artillery practice of
the assailants damaged only the defence works. On the fourth
night Aurangzeb called around him some of his most trusty
servants, and incited them by strong exhortations and promises
to undertake an assault. ‘1‘ 1' Next day Aurangzeb sent Raja
Rajriip, Zamlnddr of .Tamiin, with his infantry, against the rear
of a hill, where an assault was not expected, and where the con
centration of forces was thought to render it impossible. " "
But he forced his way, and planted his banner on the summit of
the hill. * 1‘ The success at the beginning of the battle was due
to Raja Rajriip; but at last the victory was owing to the devo
tion of Shaikh Mir, and the intrepidity of Diler Khan Afghan,
who attacked the lines held by Shah Nawaz Khan. Pride and
shame so worked upon Shah Nawaz, that he gave up all hope of
surviving, and died fighting most courageously.
Dara Shukoh seeing the defeat of his army, and hearing of the
death of Shah Nawaz Khan, seeing also the approach of his
victorious foes, lost all sense and self-control, and fled with
Sipihr Shukoh, Firoz Mewati, and some of the inmates of
his harem, in great consternation and sorrow. Of all his
nobles none accompanied him but the two above named. He
managed to save some jewels and money, and with some
of his women, his daughter, and a few attendants, he went
off towards Ahmadabéd. 1“ 1‘ The fact of his flight was
not known for certain until three hours after dark, and fighting
went on in several parts of the lines until the flight of the
enemy and the abandonment of the lines were ascertained. "‘ "'

Raja Jai Singh and Bahédur were sent in command of a force
in pursuit of Dara Shukoh. " 1" Aurangzeb made a short stay at
Ajmir, and started from thence for the capital on the 4th Rajah,

Prince Skzg'd’.
[vol. ii. p. 75.] Prince Shuja’ fled before the pursuing force
of Prince Muhammad Sultan to Jahangir-nagar (Dacca), and
Mu‘azzam Khan obtained possession of the fort of Mongir. 1" *
Shortly afterwards the fort of Chunar, which Shuja’ had got
into his power, was given up to Aurangzeb.

[vol. ii. p. 77.] The second year of the reign commenced on
the 4th Ramazan, 1069 A.H. "‘ 1" The Emperor’s name and
titles were proclaimed in the pulpit as “ Abii-l Muzaffar Muhiu-d
din Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahédur ’A'lamgir Badshah-i Ghézi.”
In former reigns one side of the coins had been adorned with the
words of the creed and the names of the first four Khalifs; but
as coins pass into many unworthy places, and fall under the feet
of infidels, it was ordered that this superscription should be
changed [for certain couplets containing the Emperor’s name].
[voL ii. p. 79.] Since the reign of the Emperor Akbar the
official year of account and the years of the reign had been
reckoned from the 1st Farwardi, when the Sun enters Aries, to
the end of Isfandiyar, and the year and its months were called
Ilahi ; but as this resembled the system of the fire-worshippers,
the Emperor, in his zeal for upholding Muhammadan rule, directed
that the year of the reign should be reckoned by the Arab lunar
year and months, and that in the revenue accounts also the lunar
year should be preferred to the solar. The festival of the (solar)
new year was entirely abolished. Mathematicians, astronomers,
and men who have studied history, know that 1‘ ’1‘ the recurrence
of the four seasons, summer, winter, the rainy season of Hindu
voL. v11. 16
242 , Knkrr KHAN.

stain, the autumn and spring harvests, the ripening of the corn and
fruit of each season, the tankhwdh of the jciglrs, and the money
of the mansabdars, are all dependent upon the solar reckoning,
and cannot be regulated by the lunar; still his religious Majesty
was unwilling that the nauros and the year and months of the
Magi should gives their names to the anniversary of his ac
cession. '

Da'ra' Slzulcok.
[vol. ii. p. 80.] The sad circumstances of the remainder of
Déré. Shukoh’s career must now be related. On leaving the
mountains of Ajmir, he proceeded with his wife, daughter, some
jewels, a little money, and a few domestic servants, towards
Ahmadébéd. The rest of his treasure, goods, and necessary
baggage, with some female servants, borne by twelve elephants
and horses, he left behind in charge of servants, some of them
old, some new, in the company and under the superintendence of
some trusty eunuchs, with orders to follow as quickly as'possible.
\Vhen this party had marched four or five has, all the servants1
began to plunder the property, and struggling and fighting with
each other, every man seized what he could lay hands on. The
baggage was taken from the backs of the elephants and placed on
camels, and the women were stripped of their jewels and taken
off the camels to be mounted on the elephants; then the plun
derers, with camels and horses laden with money and articles of
great value, made off for the desert. The eunuchs were unable
to prevent the proceedings of their escort. In great distress, and -
in dread of the pursuit of the victorious troops, they were intent
upon preserving their own honour and that of their master; so
they led off the women on the elephants, and pursuing all night
the track of Dara through the desert, after a night and a day
they overtook him.
That forlorn fugitive, in sore distress, without baggage, and
1 The text says simply “all,” but it is clear from the context that this means the

despoiled by plunderers, wandered on through the desert. In
eight days’ time he approached Ahmadébad. But the officials
of the city '1‘ 1" proclaimed Aurangzeb, and took measures to
prevent Dara from entering. The fugitive perceived that ill
fortune everywhere awaited him. He gave up all hope of
getting possession of the city, and went to Kari, two has from
Ahmadabad. There he sought assistance from Kanji Kolf,
one of the most notorious rebels and robbers of that country.
Kanji joined him, and conducted him through Gujarat to the
confines of Kachh. Here he was joined by Gul Muhammad,
whom he had made governor of Surat and Breach, and who
brought with him fifty horse and two hundred matchlockmen.
The zamlnddr of Kachh, when Dara lately passed through
the country, entertained him, treated him with every respect,
and aflianced a daughter in marriage to- his son, all in expecta
tion of future advantage. Dara, in his distress, now looked
to him for assistance; but he heeded not, and did not even show
the courtesy of a visit. After two days spent in fruitless
efforts to soften the zamlnda'r, Dara, with tearful eyes and
burning heart, resolved to proceed to Bhakkar.
On reaching the frontier of Sind, Firoz Mewati, who had
hitherto accompanied the unfortunate Prince, seeing how his
evil fate still clung to him, abandoned the ill-starred fugitive,
and went off to Dehli. Dara, in a bewildered condition, pro
ceeded towards the country of Jawiyan;1 but the dwellers in
the deserts of that country closed the roads with the intention
of making him prisoner. With some fighting and trouble he
escaped from these people, and made his way into the country
of the Makashis. Mirza Makashi, the chief of the tribe, came
forth to meet him, took him home with great kindness, and en
tertained him. After this he proposed to send him towards l’ran,
under an escort which was to conduct him to Kandahar, twelve
marches distant from where he was, and he strongly advised the
adoption of this course. But Dara could not give up his futile
1 “ Crossed the Indus, and proceeded to the country of Chaud Khém (or Jandban).”
’A'lamgir-na'ma, p. 412. The name Jawiyan is confirmed by both MSS. of Khan Khan.
244 ' KHXFI' Kern.

hopes of recovering his throne and crown, and resolved to go
to Malik Jiwan, zamlnddr of Dheindar,1 who had long been
bound to him by acts of generosity, and sent to assure him of
his devotion and fidelity.
When Dara reached the land of this evil samfnda'r, Malik
Jiwan came out like the destroying angel to meet him. As a
guest-murdering host he conducted Dara home, and exerted
himself to entertain him. During the two or three days that
Dara remained here, his wife, Nadine. Begam, daughter of
Parwez, died of dysentery and vexation. Mountain after moun—
tain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart of Dara, grief was
added to grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no longer
retained its equilibrium. Without considering the consequences,
he sent her corpse to Lahore in charge of Gul Muhammad, -to be
buried there.2 He thus parted from one who had been faithful
to him through his darkest troubles. He himself remained,
attended only by a few domestic servants and useless eunuchs.
After performing the ceremonies of mourning, Dara deter
mined to set out the next morning under the escort of Malik
Jiwan for Trim, by way of Kandahar. Jiwan apparently was
ready to accompany him to I'ran; but he had inwardly re
solved to forward his own interests by trampling under foot all
claims of gratitude,3 and of making the wretched fugitive pri
soner. So he formed his plan. He accompanied his guest for
some lcos. Then he represented that it was necessary for him
to return, in order to procure some further provisions for the
journey, which he would collect, and would overtake Dara after
two or three days’ march. Accordingly he went back, leaving his
brother with a party of the ruffians and robbers of the country
1 Elphinstone has mistaken the name of the man for that of his country. He calls
him “the chief of Jun on the eastern frontier of Sind.” The ’A’lamglr-mima calls
him “Malik Jiwan Ayyiib, an Afghan," and the name of his estate is given as
“ Dadar” or “ Dhadhar. In the ’Amal-i Sa'lih it is “ Dhawar.” It is probably
Dadar in Kachh Gandava.
2 “The deceased had left a will desiring to' be buried in Hindnstan."—’A'lam_9ir
‘1 The 'Amal-i Sa'lih says that “the zaminddr Jiwan was bound in gratitude to
Dara by many kindnesses and favours.”

to attend Dara. This man suddenly fell upon his victim and
made him prisoner, without giving him a chance of resistance.
Then he carried him back with Sipihr Shukoh and his companions
to the perfidious host, and kept him under guard in the place ap
pointed. Malik Jiwan wrote an account of this good service to
Raja Jai Singh and Bahadur Khan, who had been sent from
Ajmir in pursuit of Dara, and he also wrote to Bakir Khan,
governor of Bhakkar. Bakir Khan instantly sent off Malik
Jiwan’s letter express to Aurangzeb. Upon the arrival of Bakir
Khan’s despatch, Aurangzeb communicated the fact to his
private councillors, but did not make it public until the arrival
of a letter from Bahadur Khan confirming the news. At the end
of the month of Shawwal it was published by heat of drum. The
public voice spoke with condemnation and abhorrence of Malik
J iwan; but a robe and a mansab of 1000, with 200 horse, were
conferred upon him. .
It was now ascertained that Suleiman Shukoh had sought
refuge with the samtmldr of Srinagar. Raja Rajri'ip was there
fore directed to write to the zamfnddr, and advise him to consult
his own interest and bring Sulainian out of his territory; if not,
he must suffer the consequences of the royal anger.1
In the middle of Zi-l hijja, Bahadur Khan brought Dara Shukoh
and his son Sipihr Shukoh to the Emperor, who gave orders that
both father and son should be carried into the city chained and
seated on an elephant, and thus be exposed to the people in
the C'ha'ndnf chaulc and the ba'sair, after which they were to be
carried to Khizrabad in old Dehli, and there confined. Bahadur
Khan, after giving up his prisoner, received great rewards and
marks of favour.
Two days afterwards Malik Jiwan, who had received the title
of Bakhtiyar Khan, entered the city, and was passing through
the streets of the briza'r. The idlers, the partisans of Dara
Shukoh, the workmen and people of all sorts, inciting each
1 The 'Amal-i Sa’lih is more explicit, and says that Suleiman was to be sent to

other, gathered into a mob, and, assailing J iwan and his com
panions with abuse and imprecations, they pelted them with dirt
and filth, and clods and stones, so that several persons were
knocked down and killed, and many were wounded. Jiwan was
protected by shields held over his head, and he at length made
his way through the crowd to the palace. They say that the
disturbance on this day was so great that it bordered on re
bellion. If the kofwdl had not come forward with his policemen,
not one of Malik Jiwan’s followers would have escaped with
life. Ashes and pots full of urine and ordure were thrown down
from the roofs of the houses upon the heads of the Afghans, and
many of the bystanders were injured. Next day the kotwa'l
made an investigation, and it was ascertained that an ahadé
(guardsman) named Haibat had taken a leading part in the
disturbance. He was condemned by a legal decision, and was
At the end of Zi-l hijja, 10691 (Sept. 1659), the order was
given for Dara Shukoh to be put to death under a legal opinion
of the lawyers, because he had apostatized from the law, had
vilified religion, and had allied himself with heresy and infidelity.
After he was slain, his body was placed on a kowda and carried
round the city.2 So once alive and once dead he was exposed to
the eyes of all men, and many wept over his fate. He was
buried in the tomb of Huméyfin. Sipihr Shukoh was ordered
to be imprisoned in the fortress of Gwalior.

Remission of Taxes.
[VOL ii. p. 87.] The movements of large armies through the
country, especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the
two years past, and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined
to make grain dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their
distress, the Emperor gave orders for the remission of the
1 “ On the 26th day.”—-’Amal-i Sa'lih.
2 The ’A'lamgir-na'ma says nought about the legal opinion, or the exposure of the
corpse. It simply states that Aurangzeb gave the order for the execution, and that
it was promptly carried out by certain officers, whose names are given.

ra'lzddri .(toll) which was collected on every highway (guzar),
frontier and ferry, and brought in a large sum to the revenue.
He also remitted the pdndari, a ground or house cess, which was
paid throughout the Imperial dominions by every tradesman and
dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the greengrocer, to the
draper, jeweller, and banker. Something was paid to the govern
ment according to rule under this name for every bit of ground
in the market, for every stall and shop, and the total revenue
thus derived exceeded lacs (of rupees). Other cesses, lawful and
unlawful, as the sar-shumdrz’, buz-slumza'ri,l bar-gadi,2 the chara'z'
(grazing tax) of the Banja'ras, the tuwa’dnafi the collections
from the fairs held at. the festivals of Muhammadan saints, and
at the ja'tras or fairs of the infidels, held near Hindu temples,
throughout the country far and wide, where lacs of people
assemble once a year, and where buying and selling of all kinds
goes on. The tax on spirits, on gambling-houses, on brothels,
the fines, thank-offerings, and the fourth part of debts recovered
by the help of magistrates from creditors. These and other
imposts, nearly eighty in number, which brought in krors of
rupees to the public treasury, were all abolished throughout
Hindustan. Besides these, the tithe of corn,‘1 which lawfully
brought in twenty-five lacs of rupees, was remit-ted in order to
alleviate the heavy cost of grain. To enforce these remissions,
stringent orders were published everywhere throughout the
provinces by the hands of mace-bearers and soldiers (ahadi).
But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted
these taxes, and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection,
the avaricious propensities of men prevailed, so that, with the
exception of the pdndari, which, being mostly obtained from the
capital and the chief cities, felt the force of the abolition, the
l A tax on goats. The printed text has “ bar-shuma'rz',” but the MSS. agree in
writing buz.
2 This does not appear in either two of the MSS. referred to.
3 “C'kara'i banja’ra wa tuwa‘dna wa Meal 1' ayyrim,” etc. The tuwa a'na ought
etymologically to mean some voluntary contribution.


royal prohibition had no effect, and faujddrs and jeigirddrs in
remote places did not withhold their hands from these exactions.
Firstly, because throughout the Imperial dominions in the reign
of Aurangzeb, no fear and dread of punishment remained in the
hearts of the jdgirda'rs, faujddrs, and zaminola'rs. Secondly,
because the revenue officers, through inattention, or want of
consideration, or with an eye to profit, contrary to what was
intended, made deductions (for these cesses) from the tankhwdh
accounts of the jdgtrddrs. So the ja'gtrddrs, under the pretext
that the amount of the cesses was entered in their fankkwa'h
papers, continued to collect the rdhddri and many other of the
abolished imposts, and even increased them. When reports
reached the government of infractions of these orders, (the
offenders) were punished with a diminution of mansab, and the
delegation of mace-bearers to their districts. The mace-bearers
forbad the collection of the imposts for a few days, and then
retired. After a while, the offenders, through their patrons or
the management of their agents, got their mansab restored to its
original amount. So the regulation for the abolition of most of
the imposts had no effect.
The ra'lm’a'rt in particular is condemned by righteous and
just men as a most vexatious impost, and oppressive to
travellers, but a large sum is raised by it. In most parts of
the Imperial territories the faag'ddrs and ja'gérddrs, by force and
tyranny, now exact more than ever from the traders and poor
and necessitous travellers. The zaminddrs also, seeing that no
inquiries are made, extort more on roads within their bound
aries than is collected on roads under royal ofiicers. By degrees
matters have come to such a pass, that between the time of
leaving the factory or port and reaching their destination, goods
and merchandize pay double their cost price in tolls. Through
the villainy and oppression of the tell-collectors and the samz'n
a'a'rs, the property, the honour, and the lives of thousands of
travellers and peaceful wayfarers are frittered away. The
Mahrattas, those turbulent people of the Dakhin (before the

peace and after the peace which I shall have to write about in
the reign of Farrukh Siyar), and other zamindtirs upon the
frontier, have carried their violence and oppression in the matter
of the ra’hda'ri to such extremes as are beyond description.

The War with Skuja".—Dey’ecti0n of Prince Muhammad Sulldn.

[vol. ii. p. 90.] Prince Muhammad Sultan, with Mu’azzam
Khan as his adviser and commander-in-chief, pursued Shujé.’
until he reached Dacca, where Shujé.’ busied himself in collecting
munitions of war, men and artillery. The command of the Im
perial army and the appointment of the amirs rested in a great
degree with Mu’azzam Khan. This was a great annoyance to
’ the Prince, and Shuja’, having got information of this, conceived
the idea of winning the Prince over to his side. So he opened
communications with the Prince, and by letters and presents,
and the arts which gain the feelings of young, inexperienced
men, he seduced the Prince from the duty he owed to his
father, and brought him over to his own side. Soon he offered
the Prince his daughter in marriage, "‘ "' and at length the
Prince was so deluded as to resolve upon joining Shuja’.
Towards the end of the month Ramazan, at the beginning of
the third year of the reign, he sent a message to Shuja’, inform
ing him of his intention, and in the night he embarked in a
boat on the Ganges with Amir Ki'ili, the commander of the
artillery, Késim ’Ali Mr-tuzak, who were the prime movers
in this business, and with some eunuchs and domestic servants,
taking with him all the treasure and jewels he could. \Vhen
Shuja’ heard of this stop, he referred it to the favour of God,
and sent his son Buland Akhtar with several boats and porters
to conduct the Prince with his treasure and baggage over the
After the Prince had crossed over, and Shuja’s men were
busy in carrying away his treasure and baggage, the fact

of his evasion became known, and was communicated to
Mu’azzam Khén. The desertion caused great uneasiness in
the Imperial army, * "‘ and Mu’azzam Khan himself was much
annoyed and troubled, but he would not allow this to be seen.
He mounted his horse, inspected the lines, encouraged the
troops, and did all he could to counteract the effects of this
untoward proceeding. The rainy season had come, *‘ "‘ so, for
the comfort of his troops, he removed thirty kos from Akbar
nagar,'to a high ground suitable for a camp in the rains. *‘ "‘
Shuja’ passed over to Akbar-nagar by boats, and attacked
Mu’azzam unawares; and although the Imperial forces made a
splendid resistance, some of their allies were indifi'erent or dis
affected, so they were overpowered and compelled to retreat.
Mu’azzam Khém brought up some forces from his centre, and
encouraging the waverers, he renewed the resistance, and charged.
Two or three of Shuja’s chief amérs were killed or wounded,
and his attack was eventually repulsed. There were several
other conflicts with similar results, until the rains and the rising
of the river put an end to all fighting. * " Muhammad Sultan
married Shuja’s daughter, and it was announced that after
spending a few days in nuptial pleasure at Akbar-nagar, the
attack on the Imperial army would be renewed. " "‘ Mu’azzam
Khan received reinforcements after the cessation of the rains,
and it would be a long story to relate all his bold and skilful
movements. Suffice it to say that in the course of fifteen to
twenty days there were some sharp conflicts, in which Shuja’
was defeated, and eventually put to flight, and escaped in the
war-boats, by means of which he had been enabled to make
his attacks on the army of Mu’azzam. “‘ "‘ Many of the war
boats were sunk by the fire of the artillery, and some were
captured. * * Several actions were fought near the streams,
and also between the war-boats on the Ganges in the vicinity
of Tanda, in which many men were killed and wounded.
When Aurangzeb received the intelligence of Muhammad
Sultan’s going over to Shuja’, and of Mu’azzam Khan’s obstinate

fighting, he thought it prudent and necessary to go himself to
the seat of war, and on the 5th Rabi‘u-l awwal he set out for the
East. “‘ *" About the middle of Rabi’u-s sani intelligence
arrived that Prince Muhammad Sultan had left Shuja', and had
again joined Mu’azzam Khan. The Prince repented of the step
he had taken, *' * and communicated to one of the commanders
in the royal army that he desired to return. * *‘ He escaped with
some of his servants and jewels and money on board of four
boats, but he was pursued by the boats of Shuja’. “‘ " The
boats were fired upon, and one was sunk, but the Prince escaped.
His return gave great joy to Mu’azzam Khan, who reported the
fact to the Emperor, under whose orders he was sent to Court1
[and his associates to prison].
When the Prince returned to his father’s army, Shuja’ medi
tated flight, but still some hard fighting went on. At length
Shujé.’ despaired of success, and retired leaving Bengal to the
occupation of Mu’azzam Khan.

Sha'h Jahdn.
[v0]. ii. p. 101.] Many letters passed between the Emperor
Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, full of complaints and reproaches
on one side, and of irritating excuses on the other. There is
no advantage to be gained from recording this correspondence,
and the copies 'of the Emperor’s letters are not in the author’s
possession; but two or three2 letters which Aurangzeb wrote to
his father are here reproduced verbatim, and the contents of
Shah Jahan’s letters may be inferred from them.
[p. 104.] The third letter is in answer to one written by
Shah Jahan to Aurangzeb, pardoning his offences, and sending
some jewels and clothes, belonging to Dara Shukoh, which had
been left in his palace.
1 The ’AmaZ-i Sa'lih says that the Prince was confined in the fort of Mir-garb, or
in Salim-garh according to the ’A'lamgir-na’ma.
2 Three are given, but the last one only has been translated.
252 KHAFr KHA'N.

“After discharging the observances of religion, it is repre
sented to your most august presence. The gracious letter which
you sent in answer to the humble statement of your servantl
conferred great honour upon him at a most auspicious time.
The glad tidings of the pardon of his faults and sins has filled
him with joy and gladness. Through the gracious kindness of
his fault-forgiving and excuse-accepting father and master, he is
filled with hope. Thanks be to God that Your Highness, listen
ing to the suggestions of equity and merit, has preferred mercy
to revenge, and has rescued this wicked and disgraced sinner
from the abyss of sorrow and misery in both worlds! His firm
hope in the mercy of God is that in- future no unworthy action
will proceed from this humble servant! God, who knows the
secrets of the hearts, who, according to the belief of the faithful
and the infidel, and according to" all religions and faiths, takes
note of lies and falsehoods, He knows that this servant is not
and has never been acting in opposition to the will and pleasure
of his august father, as evil-judging men have supposed, but that
he has considered himself the deputy of his father, and continues
firm in this important service and duty! But the due ordering
of the affairs of the State and of the Faith, and the comfort of
the people, are impossible under the rule of one who acts as a
deputy. So, unwillingly, for the safety of the State and the good
of the people, he is acting, for a few days, in the way which his
heart disapproves. God knows how many regrets he has felt in
this course of action! Please God. the moment that peace shall
dawn upon the country, and the clouds of strife shall be dispelled,
all Your Majesty’s wishes shall be gratified to your heart’s desire !
This humble one has devoted the best part of his life entirely
to performing good service and rendering satisfaction (to God);
how then can he be satisfied that, for the fleeting trifles of the
world, the august days of Your Majesty, to whose happiness the
life and wealth of your children are devoted, should be passed in
discomfort, and that the people of your palace should be separated
1 He calls himself murid, “disciple ;" and his father murshid, “spiritual teacher."

from you ! Shuja’, not knowing the value of safety, came to Allah
ab'éd with evil intentions, and stirred up strife. Your Majesty’s
humble servant, though he feels somewhat at ease as regards his
elder brother, has not given up all thought of him ; but, placing
his trust in God, and hoping for the help of the true giver of
victory, he marched against him on the 17th instant. He is
hopeful that, under the guidance of God and the help of the
Prophet, and the good wishes of his old paternal protector,1 he
will soon be free of this business, and do nothing to hurt the
feelings of Your Majesty. It is clear to Your Majesty that God
Almighty bestows his trusts upon one who discharges the duty
of cherishing his subjects and protecting the people. It is mani
fest and clear to wise men that a wolf is not fit for a shepherd,
and that no poor-spirited man can perform the great duty of
governing. Sovereignty signifies protection of the people, not
self-indulgence and libertinism. The Almighty will deliver your
humble servant from all feeling of remorse as regards Your
Majesty. Your servant, after acknowledging your pardon of his
faults and oifences, and the present of the jewels of Dara Shukoh,
returns his thanks for your kindness and forgiveness.”
The author heard from a trustworthy person, who was formerly
superintendent of the jewel-house, that Dara Shukoh left jewels
and pearls worth 27 lacs of rupees, belonging to the inmates of
his harem, in the jewel-room inside the palace, with the
cognizance of the Emperor. After his defeat he found no
opportunity of removing them. Shéh Jahan, after much con
tention, perquisition and demanding, sent them to Aurangzeb,
with the letter of forgiveness which nolens eolens he had written.

THIRD YEAR or THE REIGN, 1070 (A.H., 1660 A.D.).
Disappearance qf Prince S/zzg'a".
[voL ii. p. 107.] The third year of the reign began on the
24th Rainazan. “ * Despatches about this time arrived from
1 “ .Daatgir," the word used, is equivocal, it means both “patron” and “prisoner.”
254 KHA'Fr KHA'N.

Mu’azzam Khan, reporting his successive victories and the flight
of Shuja’ to the country of Rakhang (Arracan), leaving Bengal
undefended. It appeared that there had been several actions in
which Shuja’ was invariably defeated, and that after the last, he
loaded two boats with his personal effects, vessels of gold and
silver, jewels, treasure and other appendages of royalty. * *‘
His son had been in correspondence with the Raja of Rakhang,
(Arracan), *’ * and when Shujé.’ saw that he had no ally or
friend anywhere left, and that those whom he had deemed faithful
had deserted him, he conceived the idea of occupying one of the
fortresses on the frontiers of the Raja of Rakhang, and addressed
the Raja on the subject. * *‘ But he was unable to carry his
design into execution, and at length, in the greatest wretchedness
and distress, he fell into the clutches of the treacherous infidel
ruler of that country, and according to common rumour he was
killed, so that no one ascertained what became of him.1

Beginning of the troubles with Siva/2.2
[voL ii. p. 110.] I now relate what I have heard from trusty
men of the Dakhin and of the Mahratta race about the origin
and race of the reprobate Sivaji. His ancestors owe their origin
to the line of the Ranas of Chitor. In the tribe of the Rajpfits,
and among all Hindus, it is the settled opinion, that to have a
son by a woman of a different caste, or to beget one upon a slave
girl (kantz), is wrong and censurable. But if in youth, when
the passions are strong, a man should have a son by a strange
woman, he should take him into his house and have him brought

1 In the ’Amal-z' Sdlih it is said, “When Shah Shuja' was informed of [Sultan
Muhammad’s evasion] he lost heart, and with some of his Khans and with forty or
fifty faithful servants, he embarked in a boat and proceeded to Makka From
that time to the present year, 1081 A.H., no one knows whether he is alive or dead."
Makka is Mecca, and this was probably what the copyists understood, but it is more
likely that the word used by the author had reference to the “ Mughs " or inhabitants
of Arracan.
2 His name is written

up among his confidential handmaids and slaves. But nothing
descends to such a son on the death (of the father). Even if the
mother of the child is of a better stock than the father, she cannot
marry him unless she be of the same tribe. If, through love, a
man consorts with such a woman, and has a son, the child is
looked upon with great disdain, he is brought up as a bastard,
and can only marry with one like himself. If a woman of the
merchant caste goes into the house of a man of lower caste than
herself, or the daughter of a Brahman consorts with a Khatri,
every child that is born is looked upon as a slave (kaniz 0
It is said that one of the ancestors of Sivaji, from whom he
received the name of Bhoslah, dwelt in the country of the Rana.
He formed a connexion with a woman of inferior caste, and,
according to the custom of his tribe, he took the woman to him
self Without marriage. She bore him a son. Reflecting upon
this disgrace to himself and tribe, he kept the child concealed in
the hills in that position of life which he had determined for him.
There he secretly brought him up. He was very devoted to the
woman ; so that, although his father and mother wished him to
marry a woman of his own tribe, he would not consent. When
the cup of his affect-ion ran over, and the fact of this maintenance
of his child was the common talk of friends and strangers, he
secretly took the boy from the place where he had concealed him,
and carried him off along with his mother to the Dakhin. Al
though he falsely gave out that his son was by a woman of his
own tribe, no Rajpfit of pure race would allow of any matri
monial connexion with the boy. So he was obliged to marry the
lad to a girl of the Mahratta tribe, which also claims to belong to
an obscure class of Rajpl’its. From this good stock, in the
seventh or eighth generation, was born Séhi'i Bhoslah. The
origin of the name Bhoslah, according to the commonly-received
opinion, is from the Hinduwi word “ ghoslah,” meaning “ place,”1
or a very small and narrow place ; and as that man was brought
' The commonly-received meaning is “ bird’s-nest.”
256 KHKFl' KHA’N.

up in such a place, he received the name of Bhoslah. But 1
have heard a different explanation.
After the dominions of the Nizamu-l Mulk dynasty had
passed into the possession of Shah Jahan, and that Emperor had
entered into friendly relations with ’A’dil Khan of Bijépi'ir, the
latter proposed to exchange certain districts in the neighbourhood
of Khujista-bunyad (Aurangabad), and belonging to Bijapur, for
the ports of Jiwal, Babal Danda Rajpl'iri, and Chakna1_in the
Kokan, which had formerly appertained to Nizamu—l Mulk, but
had been taken possession of by ’A'dil Shah, as being in proxi
mity with his territory in the Konkan known by the name of
Tal Kokan. These districts consisted of jungles and hills full
of trees. The proposal was accepted, and both Kokans were
included in the territory of ’A'dil Khan of Bijapi'ir. * *
Mullé. Ahmad, an adherent of the Bijapl'lr dynasty, who was
descended from an Arab immigrant, held three parganas in this
country. * * At this time two parganas, named Pfina and Si'lpa,
became the jdgtr of Séhii Bhoslah. Sivaji became the manager
of these two parganas on the part of his father, and looked care
fully after them. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage
and intelligence; and for craft and trickery he was reckoned a
sharp son of the devil, the father of fraud. In that country,
where all the hills rise to the sky, and the jungles are full of
trees and bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like the zamtn
da'rs of the country, he set about erecting forts on the hills, and
mud forts, which in the Hinduwi dialect of the Dakhin are called
’Adil Khan of Bijapi'n' was attacked by sickness, under which
he suffered for a long time, and great confusion arose in his terri
tory. At this time Mullé. Ahmad went with his followers to wait
upon the Emperor Shah Jahan, and Sivaji, seeing his country

‘ Danda and Rajpfiri are close together, near Jinjira. Jfwal and Babel (or
Pabal) are said in a subsequent passage to be “ 0n the coast near Surat.” Chakna,
a place frequently mentioned, is not a port, but lies a little north of Pfina. See an
account of Ghakna in Grant Dufi’s History of the Mahrattas, vol. i. p. 61.

left without a ruler, boldly and wickedly stepped in and seized it,
with the possessions of some other jagtrddrs. This was the be
ginning of that system of violence which he and his descendants
have spread over the rest of the Kokan and all the territory of
the Dakhin. Whenever he heard of a prosperous town, or of
a district inhabited by thriving cultivators, he plundered it and
took possession of it. Before the jdgirddrs in those troublous
times could appeal to Bijépfir, he had sent in his own account of
the matter, with presents and offerings, charging the ja'girdzirs or
proprietors with some offence which he had felt called upon to
punish, and offering to pay some advanced amount for the lands
on their being attached to his own ja'gir, or to pay their revenues
direct to the Government. He communicated these matters to
the oflicials at Bijapfir, who in those disturbed times took little
heed of what any one did. So when the ja'girda'r’s complaint
arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one took any notice
of it. The country of the Dakhin was never free from com
motions and outbreaks, and so the officials, the raiyats, and
the soldiery, under the influence of surrounding circumstances,
were greedy, stupid, and frivolous; thus they applied the axe
to their feet with their own hands, and throw their wealth and
property to the winds. The greed of the officials increased,
especially in those days when the authority of the rulers was
interrupted, or their attention diverted. In accordance with
the wishes of this disturber, the reins of authority over that
country fell into his hands, and he at length became the most
notorious of all the rebels.
He assembled a large force of Mahratta robbers and plun
derers, and set about reducing fortresses. The first fort he
reduced was that of Chandan.l After that he got possession of
some other fortresses which were short of supplies, or were in
charge of weak and inexperienced commandants. Evil days fell
upon the kingdom of Bijapi'ir in the time of Sikandar ’Ali ’A'dil
1 Also called Chandan-mandan. See Grant Duff (vol. i. p. 130), who says that
Torna was the first fort he obtained.
voL. v11. 17

Khan the Second, whose legitimacy was questioned, and who
ruled when a minor as the locum tenens of his father. The
operation; of Aurangzeb against that country when he was a
prince in the reign of his father, brought great evil upon the
country, and other troubles also arose. Sivaji day by day
increased in strength, and reduced all the forts of the country,
so that in course of time he became a man of power and means.
He had drawn together a large force, and attacked the Kings of
Hind and of Bijapi'ir, and, protected by mountains and jungles
full of trees, he ravaged and plundered in all directions far and
wide. The inaccessible forts of Rajgarhl and Chakna were his
abodes, and he had secured several islands in the sea by means
of a fleet which he had formed. He built several forts also in
those parts, so that altogether he had forty forts, all of which
were well supplied with provisions and munitions of war.
Boldly raising his standard of rebellion, he became the most
noted rebel of the Dakhin.

Sivan murders Afzal K/zan Bg'japztri.
When Sikandar ’Ali 'A'dil Khan came to years of discretion,
and took the government into his own hands, he wrote letters to
Sivaji, but without effect. He then sent Afzal Khan with a
large army to chastise the rebel. Afzal Khan was one of ’Kdil
Khan’s most distinguished and courageous officers, and he pressed
Sivaji hard. The truculent rebel, knowing that he could gain
nothing by regular warfare, artfully sent some of his people to
express his repentance, and to beg forgiveness of his offences.
After some negociation, the deceitful bra'hmans made an agreement
that Sivaji should come to wait upon Afzal Khan at a certain
place under his fortress with only three or four servants and
entirely without arms. Afzal Khan likewise was to proceed
in a pallet, with four or five servants, and without arms, to the
place agreed upon under the fort. After Sivaji had paid his
1 About twenty miles south-west of Puna.

respects, and verbal agreements had been made, he was to receive
a khz'l’at and then be dismissed. When Afzal Khan had taken
the proffered tribute'and peshkash, Sivaji was to entertain him,
and speed him on his way back to Bijapfir, or rather he would
attend him thither in person upon an assurance of reconciliation.
The designing rascal by sending various presents and fruits
of the country, and by his humbleness and submission, concili
ated Afzal Khan, who fell into the snare, believing all his false
deceiving statements, and observing none of that caution which
the wise commend. Without arms he mounted the pa'lkz', and
proceeded to the place appointed under the fortress. He left
all his attendants at the distance of a long arrow-shot. Then
the deceiver came down on foot from the fort, and made his
appearance with manifestations of humility and despair. Upon
reaching the foot of the hill, after every three or four steps, he
made a confession of his offences, and begged forgiveness in
abject terms and with limbs trembling and crouching. He
begged that the armed men and the servants who had ac
companied Afzal Khan’s litter should move farther off. Sivaji
had a weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichz'za',1
on the fingers of his hand hidden under his sleeve, so that it
could not be seen. He had concealed a number of armed men
among the trees and rocks all about the hill, and he had placed
a trumpeter on the steps, to whom he said, “I intend to kill
my enemy with this murderous weapon; the moment you see me
strike, do not think about me, but blow your trumpet and give
the signal to my soldiers.” He had given orders to his troops
also that as soon as they heard the blast of the trumpet, they
should rush out and fall upon the men of Afzal Khan, and do
their best to attain success.
Afzal Khan, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar
to that place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivaji
approach unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon
1 The primary meaning of this Word is “a scorpion.” The weapon is also called
wa'g-nakk, “tiger’s claws." Grant Duff gives a drawing of one.

his person and spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men
who had accompanied his litter to withdraw to a distance. The
treacherous foe then approached and threw himself weeping at
the feet of Afzal Khan, who raised his head, and was about to
place the hand of kindness on his back and embrace him. Sivaji
.then struck
he died the aconcealed
without groan. I weapon so fiercely
According into histhe
to his orders, stomach that

blew a blast of triumph to arouse the concealed troops. Men on
horse and foot then rushed forth in great numbers on all sides,
and fell upon the army of Afzal Khan, killing, plundering, and
destroying. The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in safety
and joined his own men, whom he ordered to ofier quarter to the
defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses, elephants,
treasure, and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to take
the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as
usual, he went on collecting stores and men.
’A'dil Khan of Bijapnr, on hearing of this defeat, sent another
army against Sivaji, under the command of Rustam Khan, one of
his best generals. An action was fought near the fort of Pamela,
and Rustam Khan was defeated. In fine, Fortune so favoured this
treacherous worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew
more powerful every day. He erected new forts, and employed
himself in settling his own territories, and in plundering those of
Bijapur. He attacked the caravans which came from distant
parts, and appropriated to himself the goods and the women. But
he made it a rule that wherever his followers went plundering,
they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the
women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Kuran came
into his hands, he treated it with respect, and gave it to some of
his Musillman followers. When the women of any Hindu or
Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they had no
friend to protect them, he watched over them until their relations
came. with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever he
found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as
being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself.

He laid down the rule that whenever a place was plundered, the
goods of poor people, pul-siya'k (copper money), and vessels of
brass and copper, should belong to the man who found them; but
other articles, gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable
stuffs and jewels, were not to belong to the finder, but were to be
given up without the smallest deduction to the officers, and to be
by them paid over to Sivaji’s government.

Marc/z of Amiru-l umartil to punish Sivaji.

[vol. ii. p. 119.] When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivaji’s
violence, he directed Amz'ru-l amara who was St'tbada'r of the
Dakhin, to punish and put him down. Amira-l umara' marched,
in accordance with these orders, from Aurangabad at the end
of Jumada-l awwal, 1070 (end of January, 1660 A.D.), and
marched towards Puna and Chékna, which in those days were
Sivaji’s places of abode and security. He left Mumtaz Khan
in command at Aurangabad, and on the 1st Rajab arrived at
the village of Seoganw, belonging to Sivaji. At this time
Sivaji was at the town of Si'ipa,2 but upon hearing of Amira-l
ilmard’s movements, he vacated that place, and went off in
another direction. Amiru-l umard took Si'rpa without opposi
tion, and left Jadu Raf there to take charge of it, and to pro~
vide supplies of corn for the army. The daring freebooter Sivaji
ordered his followers to attack and plunder the baggage3 of
Amiru-l amard’s army wherever they met with it. When the
Amir was informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under
experienced ofiicers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and
in every march, Sivaji‘s Dakhinis swarmed round the baggage,
and falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses,
camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became
aware of the approach of the troops. The Imperial forces
1 Shayista Khan.
2 About forty miles south-east of Fans.
3 Kalli, “ forage, provisions.”
262 KnAFr KHAN.

pursued them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and
giving up fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they
reached Puna and Sivapfir, two places built by that dog (Sivaji).
The Imperial forces took both these places and held them.
Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Chakna, and
after examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches,
erected batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own
position, and began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having
invested the place, they used their best efforts to reduce it.
The rains in that country last nearly five months, and fall
night and day, so that people cannot put their heads out of
their houses. The heavy masses of clouds change day into night,
so that lamps are often needed, for without them one man -
cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets
were rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows de
prived of their strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and
the walls of the fortress were breached by the fire of the guns.
The garrison were hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights
they sallied forth into the trenches and fought with surprising
boldness. Sometimes the forces of the freebooter on the outside
combined with those inside in making a simultaneous attack in
broad daylight, and placed the trenches in great danger. After
the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days, a bastion which had been
mined was blown up, and stones, bricks and men flew into the
air like pigeons. The brave soldiers of Islam, trusting in God,
and placing their shields before them, rushed to the assault and
fought with great determination. But the infidels had thrown
up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made intrench
ments and places of defence in many parts. All the day passed
in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed. But the
brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without
food or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun
rose, they renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the
garrison to the sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution
they carried the place. The survivors of the garrison retired into

the citadel. In this assault 300 men of the royal army were slain,
besides sappers and others engaged in the work of the siege. Six or
seven hundred horse and foot were wounded by stones and bullets,
arrows and swords. The men in the citadel being reduced to
extremity, sent R60 Bhéo Singh to make terms, and then sur
rendered. Next day Amiru-l umard entered and inspected the
fortress, and having left Uzbek Khan in command of it, he
marched after Sivaji. Aftera time he gave the name of Islamabad
to Chékna, and called Ja’far Khan from Mélwé, to his assistance.
Amiru-l umard reported that the fort of Parenda had been won
without fighting.l

Sulaimu'n Sim/cob.

[voL ii. p. 123.] Sulaimén Shukoh had for some time found
refuge in the hills with Pirthi Singh, Zaminda'r of Srinagar, and
Tarbiyat Khan had been sent with an army to overrun that
territory. Pirthi Singh now wrote, through the medium of
Réja Jai Singh, begging forgiveness for his offences, and offering
to give up Sulaimén Shukoh. Kunwar Rai Singh, son of Raja
Jai Singh, was sent to fetch Sulaiman Shukoh, * " and he
brought him to Court on the 11th Jumada-l awwal. He was
led into the presence of the Emperor, who graciously took a
lenient course, and ordered him to be ent prisoner to the fort of
Gwalior, along with Muhammad Sultan, who had been confined
in Salim-garb.

Season of Scarcity.
[vol. ii. p. 123.] Unfavourable seasons and want of rain, com
bined with war and movements of armies, had made grain very
scarce and dear. Many districts lay entirely waste, and crowds
of people from all parts made their way to the capital. Every
1 “It was surrendered by its commandant named Ghalib, who had been appointed
by ’Ali Mardan Khan.”—’A'lamgir-na'ma, p. 596.

street and bdza'r of the city was choked with poor 'helpless
people, so that it was difficult for the inhabitants to move about.
An Imperial order was issued, that in addition to the regular
balghar-khanas, where raw and cooked grain was given away,
ten more langar-khanas (free houses of entertainment), should
be opened in the city, and twelve bulghz'cr-kkdnas in the suburbs
and among the tombs, and careful men were appointed to super
intend them. Instructions were also issued for the amirs to
make provision for Zangar distributions, and orders were given
for the remission of taxes on (the transport of) grain, with the
view of favouring the gathering of stores.

FOURTH YEAR. or THE REIGN, 1071 an. (1661 A.D.).

[vol. ii. p. 128.] Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam married (in
1071 A.H.) the daughter of Raja Rup Singh.

Campaign of K/zdn-kleana'n Ma’azzam K/zdn .(MZr Jumla)
against Assam.
[vol. ii. p. 130.] The country of A'sham (Assam) lies to the
east and north of Bengal between long ranges of hills. Its
length is nearly 100 jaribi kos, and its width from the mountains
on the north to those on the south side is eight days’ journey.
It is said to be the native land of Piran Waisiya,1 the wazir of
Afrasiyab, and the Raja of the country traces his descent from
this Piran. In the beginning the Rajas were fire-worshippers,
but in course of time they became identified with the idolators of
Hind. * " It is the established practice in that country that
every individual pays annually one tola of gold-dust to the
government of the Raja. * * When the RAja of that country or
a great zamz’nddr dies, they dig a large tomb or apartment in the
earth, and in it they place his wives and concubines, as also his
horses and equipage, carpets, vessels of gold and silver, grain,
1 See supra, Vol. VI. p. 554.

etc., all such things as are used in that country, the jewels worn
by wives and nobles, perfumes and fruit, sufficient to last for
several days. These they call the provisions for his journey to
the next world, and when they are all collected the door is closed
upon them. It was in consequence of this custom that the
forces of Khan-khanan obtained such large sums of money from
under ground. The country of Kémri'ip borders upon Assam,
and the two countries are friendly. For the last twenty years
the people of this country had been refractory. They were
in the habit of attacking the Imperial territories in the province
of Bengal, and of carrying off the ryots and Musulmans as
prisoners. So great injury was done to life and property, and
great scandal was cast upon the Muhammadan religion.
Islam Khan, Sz'lbada'r of Bengal, led an army against the
country in the reign of Shah Jahan, but he was recalled and
appointed to the office of wasz'r before the work was accomplished.
Afterwards Shujé.’ went to seekrefuge with the Zamtna’ar of Rak
hang, who was one of the zaminddrs of those parts, and his fate
was never ascertained. After Khén-khénén had settled the afl'airs
of Dacca and other parts of Bengal, be resolved upon marching
against Assam, and began to collect men and supplies for the
campaign. When the Raja of Assam and the Zamtnddr of Ki'ich
Bihar, named Bhim Narain, heard of this, they were greatly
alarmed, and wrote penitent letters making submission and seek
ing forgiveness. "' "' “‘ These were forwarded to the Emperor,
but orders were sent to Khan-khanén for the extermination of
both of them. So he marched against that country with artillery,
provisions for sieges, and a number of boats, which are of great im
portance for carrying on war in those parts. [Long details of the
campaign] Khén-khénan had the khutba read and money coined
in the name of the Emperor. He set aside the government of
the Réja, and was desirous of pursuing him; but the rainy
season was coming on, and in that country it lasts five months,
and rains almost incessantly night and day. "' "' Large quantities
of gold and silver were obtained from the places of sepulture.

* * Khén-khanz'm left the commander of his artillery in the
conquered fortress of Ghar-ganw to take charge of it, and to get
his guns in order, for artillery is all-important in that country.
The Khan then retired thirty kos and a half from Ghar-ganw to
Mathura-pi'ir, which is situated at the foot of a hill, and is not
liable to inundation. There he found cantonments in which to
pass the rainy season. For seven or eight kos round he stationed
outposts under experienced officers to guard against surprise by
the Assamese. The infidels repeatedly made attacks on dark
nights, and killed many men and horses.

(1662 A.D.).
[vol. ii. p. 154.] The fifth year of the reign began 1st Shaw
wél. Soon after the celebration of the‘fiith anniversary, the
Emperor was attacked by illness.l In the course of a week the
fact got noised about in the vicinity of the capital, where it
interrupted the ordinary occupations of the people, and excited
the hopes of the disaffected. But His Majesty’s health soon
recovered, 1“ * and on the 7th J umada-l awwal he started from
Dehli for Lahore on his way to Kashmir.

Murder of Prince Mura'd Bale/ash.
[vol. ii. p. 155.] The author of the ’A'lamgér-ndma has given
an account of the killing of Murad Bakhsh as suited his own
pleasure (marst). I now give my version of it as I have ascer
tained it from written records, and as I have heard it from the
evidence of truthful men of the time, and from the mouth of my
own father, who was a confidential servant of M uréd Bakhsh, and
until his services were no longer needed lived at the foot of the
fort (of Gwalior), intent upon raising a rope-ladder (kamand) and

1 See supra, p. 180.

of rescuing his master, without even thinking of taking service
I under Aurangzeb. When Muhammad Bakhsh was sent to the

fortress, a favourite concubine, named Sarsun Bai, was at his
request allowed to accompany him. The unfortunate prisoner
used to give away half what was allowed him for his support in
cooked food to the Mughals and Mughal woman who had followed
him to his place of captivity, and lived in poverty at the foot of
the fortress. After many schemes had been proposed, the Mughals
contrived a plan for fastening a rope-ladder to the ramparts at a
given time and place. Alter the second watch of the night, before
the world was asleep, Muréd Bakhsh communicated his intended
escape to Sarsun Béi, and promised to do his best to return and
rescue her. On hearing this, Sarsun Béi began to weep and cry
out in such a way that the guards heard what she said, and with
lights and torches searched for and discovered the ladder. When
the plot was communicated to Aurangzeb, he felt some alarm for
his throne. At the instigation of some of the Emperor’s friends,
the sons of ’Ali Naki, whom Murad Bakhsh had put to death,
brought a charge of murder against him. The eldest son refused
to demand satisfaction for his father's death, but the second
complied with the expressed wish, and brought a charge of murder
in a court of law against Murad Bakhsh. The case came at
length before the Emperor, and he directed that it should be
submitted to a judge. After it had been decided according to law,
the order was given in Rabi’u-s séni, 1072 A.H., for the judge to
go along with the heir of the slain man to Muréd Bakhsh to
pronounce the sentence of the law, upon the murder being proved.
The date of his death is found in the line At wai ba-har baha'nah
kushtaml, “Alas and alas! on some pretext they killed him.”
His gracious Majesty rewarded the eldest son for not enforcing
his claim of blood.

The Campaiyn in Assam.
[vol. ii. p. 157.] I now revert to the campaign of Khan
khanan in Assam. [Long details of the sufiem'ngs of the troops

from the constant attacks of the natives, from the rains and
floods, from want of food, and from sickness and disease] The
men of the army were reduced to such extremity that some of
the officers, after consulting together, were about to move off
and leave Khan-khénan. He got information of this, and took
measures to prevent it. He gave public orders for the army
to move its position towards that held by the RAja, but pri
vately he prepared for a (backward) march, and comforted his
men with prospects of peace and return. When the Assamese
got intelligence of the movement, they assembled in great
numbers, and showed great insolence. Diler Khan resolved
to punish them, and thousands of them were slain and made
prisoners. Khan-khanan ordered that the prisoners should have
the heads of the slain tied round them, and be thus exposed to
the derision of the camp. He then sent them to the outposts
to be again exposed, and afterwards put to death. * * The Raja
at length consented to terms of peace. He agreed to pay 120,000
tolas of silver, and 2000 tolas of gold, and to present fifty
elephants and one of his ugly daughters to the Emperor. He
also agreed to present fifteen elephants and another daughter to
Khan-khanén, together with some cash and goods. It was
further agreed that of the conquered places a few forts and towns
in cultivated districts near the frontier of Bengal should be
attached to the Imperial dominions. 1" 1"
In the middle of Jumada-l awwal, in the fifth year of the
reign, the Khan-khanan began his return march with an army
broken down by disease, and with many of the officers and
nobles at the point of death. The Khan-khanén himself was
seriously ill, but he strove to the last in the service of his
master. Concealing his own suffering, or making light of it,
he exerted himself night and day to direct and comfort his
army, until he was overpowered by disease, and knew that the
time of his departure was near. He appointed certain of his
oflicers to march against the Raja of Kiich Bihar, who had
failed in keeping his engagements and paying tribute. Then

he spoke a few last words of kindly counsel, and died at Khizr
pi'ir, on the frontiers of Kiich Biliar, on the 12th Ramazan, at
the beginning of the sixth year of the reign.

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1073 A.H. (1663 an).

Sivaji surprises Sha'yista Kha'n at Palm.
[vol. ii. p. 171.] The Amiru-l amard (Shayista Khén), after
taking several forts and strong places, proceeded to Film, and
lodged there in a house which had been built by that hell-dog
Sivaji. From thence he sent out detachments to destroy the
power of Sivaji, and to make him prisoner. A regulation had
been made that no person, especially no Mahratta, should-be
allowed to enter the city or the lines of the army without a pass,
whether armed or unarmed, excepting persons in the Imperial
service. No Mahratta horseman was taken into the service.
Sivaji, beaten and dispirited, had retired into mountains difficult
of access, and was continually changing his position. One day a
party of Mahrattas, who were serving as foot-soldiers, went to the
kotwa'l, and applied for a pass to admit 200 Mahrattas, who were
accompanying a marriage party. A‘boy dressed up as a bride
groom, and escorted by a party of Mahrattas with drums and
music, entered the town early in the evening. On the same
day another party was allowed to enter the town on the report
that a number of the enemy had been made prisoners at one
of the outposts, and that another party was bringing them in
pinioned and bare-headed, holding them by ropes and abusing
and reviling them as they went along. They proceeded to the
place agreed upon, where the whole party met and put on arms.
At midnight they went to the cook-house, which was near
the women’s apartments. Between the two there was a small
window stopped up with mud and bricks. They proceeded by a
way well known to them, and got into the kitchen. It was the
month of the fast. Some of the cooks were awake, and busy in
270 KHA'FI Knits.

preparing the vessels for cooking, and others were asleep. The
assailants approached noiselessly, and, as far as they were able,
they attacked and killed unawares those who were awake. Those
who were asleep they butchered as they lay. So no great alarm
was raised. They then quickly set to work about opening the
closed window in the palace. The noise of their pickaxes and
the cries of the slaughtered men awoke a servant who was sleep
ing in a room next to the wall of the cook-house. He went to
the Amira-l amard (Shayista Khan), and. informed him of what
he had heard. The Amir scolded him, and said that it was only
the cooks who had got up to do their work. Some maid-servants
then came, one. after another, to say that a hole was being made
through the wall. The Amir then jumped up in great alarm, and
seized a how, some arrows, and a spear. Just then some Mah
rattas came up in front, and the Amir shot one with an arrow;
but he got up to the Amir, and cut off his thumb. Two Mahrattas
fell into a reservoir of water, and Amira-l amarei brought down
another with his spear. In the midst of the confusion two slave
girls took Shayista Khén, Amiru-l umara, by the hand, and
dragged him from the scene of strife to a place of safety. A
number of Mahrattas got into the guard-house, and killed every
one they found on his pillow, whether sleeping or awake, and
said : “ This is how they keep watch ! ” Some men got into the
nakdr-khdna, and in the name of the Amira-l umara ordered the
drums to be beaten; so such a din was raised that one man could
not hear another speak, and the noise made by the assailants
grew higher. They closed the doors. Abi'i-l Fath Khan, son of
Shayista Khan, a brave young man, rushed forward and killed
two or three men, but was himself wounded and killed. A man
of importance, who had a house behind the palace of the Amira-l
_ amarei, hearing the outcry, and finding the doors shut, endea
voured to escape by a rope-ladder from a window; but he was
old and feeble, and somewhat resembled Shayista Khan. The
Mahrattas mistook him for the Amtra-l mnara', killed him and
cut 03' his head. They also attacked two of the Amir’s women.

One of them was so cut about that her remains were collected
in a basket which served for her coffin. The other recovered,
although she had received thirty or forty wounds. The assail
ants gave no thought to plundering, but made their way out of
the house and went off.
In the morning Raja Jaswant, who was commander of Amtru-l
umarti’s supports, came in to see the Amir, and make his apo
logy; but that high-born noble spoke not a word beyond saying.
“I thought the Maharaja was in His Majesty’s service when
such an evil befell me.” When this occurrence was reported to
the Emperor, he passed censure both upon the Amir and Raja
Jaswant. The Shbadarz' of the Dakhin and the command of the
forces employed against Sivaji was given to Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam. The Amiru-l u-mara' was recalled, but a subsequent
order sent him to be Siibada'r of Bengal. Mahéraja Jaswant
was continued as before among the auxiliary forces under the

SEVENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1074 A.H. (1664 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 177.] Despatches arrived from Prince
Mu‘azzam to the effect that Sivaji was growing more and more
daring, and every day was attacking and plundering the Imperial
territories and caravans. He had seized the ports of Jiwal,
Pabal1 and others near Surat, and attacked the vessels of pil
grims bound to Mecca. He had built several forts by the sea
shore, and had entirely interrupted maritime intercourse. He
had also struck copper coins (sz'lcka-i' pal) and huns in the fort of
Raj-garb. Maharaja Jaswant had endeavoured to suppress him,
but without avail. Raja .Iai Sing [and many other nobles] were
sent to join the armies fighting against him.

1 See supra, p. 256.
272 KHA’Fl' KHAN.

EIGHTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1075 A.H. (1665 A.D.).

War in the Dahhin. Surrender of Sivaji.
R'éja Jai Singh proceeded to his command and paid his respects
to Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam at Aurangabad. He then went
to PI'Ina, and having arranged the aifairs of that district, he
employed himself in distributing the forces under his command
to ravage the country and attack the forts of the enemy. He
himself proceeded to attack the forts of Piirandhar and RI'Idar
Mal,1 two of the most noted fortresses in the country, which
had formerly belonged to Nizému-l Mulk. The two forts were
close to each other. Diler Khan was sent on in command of the
advanced force. ‘1" *' Diler Khan began the siege, and both the
forts Were invested. The garrison made a vigorous defence. "‘ 1"
Jai Singh arrived with his son Kesar Singh. * * After a bastion
had been blown up on one side, a panic seized the defenders of the
foot of the hill. The besiegers then attacked them and succeeded
in making their way to the top of the hill, when the defenders
called for quarter, which was granted to them by the Raja and
Diler Khan. The two commandants waited upon Diler Khan,
and were sent to the Raja, who disarmed the garrison, and took
possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry and
sappers, were lost in the siege, and more than a hundred were
After the conquest of the two forts, Raja Jai Singh sent Dafid
Khan and ‘1‘ * with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay
waste the country which Sivaji had won by force and violence.
Great efforts were made on both sides, and for five months the
Imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting the
enemy. At Sivapi'ir, which was built by Sivaji, and at the forts
of Kandana2 and Kanwari-garh, not one trace of cultivation was
1 The text calls them 1‘ Pfindhar and Bud-mill." Pfirandhar is about twenty
miles south-east of Prime, and Radar Mal was one of its outworks. See Grant Dufi',
vol. i. pp. 204, 207.
1 Now called Singarh, eight miles south of Puna.--Grant Dufl‘, vol. i. p. 62.

left, and cattle out of number were taken. But on the other
hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy, their brilliant successes,
their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of the roads and
difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles full of trees, severely
tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great numbers
perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and took
to flight. The fort of Rajgarh,l which Sivaji himself held, and the
fort of Kandana, in which were his wife and his maternal relations,
were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard.
The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivaji knew that,
however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family
and carry them to a place of safety. He also knew that if these
strongholds were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer
the consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent
some intelligent men to Raja Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of
his offences, promising the surrender of several forts which he
still held, and proposing to pay a visit to the Raja. But the
Raja, knowing well his craft and falsehood, gave directions for
pressing the attack more vigorously, until the intelligence was
brought that Sivaji had come out of the fortress. Some con
fidential Brahmans now came from him, and confirmed his
expressions of submission and repentance with the most stringent
The Réja promised him security for his life and honour, upon
condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to
enter into his service. He also promised him the grant of a
high mansab, and made preparations for suitably receiving him.
Sivaji flien approached with great humility. The Raja sent his
munshi' to receive him, and he also sent some armed Rdjpzits to
provide against treachery. The munsht carried a message to say
that if Sivaji submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented
to show obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted
by the Emperor.. If he did not accept these terms, he had better

1 Three miles 8.11. of Toma, and about fifteen from Puna.—Grant Dufl', vol. i. p. 132.
vOL. v11. 18

return and prepare to renew the war. When Sivaji received the
message, he said with great humility that he knew his life and
honour were safe if he made his submission. The Raja then
sent a person of higher rank to bring him in with honour.
When Sivaji entered, the Raja arose, embraced him, and seated
him near himself. Sivaji then, with a thousand signs of shame,
clasped his hands and said, “ I have come as a guilty slave to seek
forgiveness, and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your
pleasure. I will make over my great forts, with the country of
the Kokan, to the Emperor’s officers, and I will send my son to
enter the Imperial service. As for myself, I hope that after the
interval of one year, when I have paid my respects to the
Emperor, I may be allowed, like other servants of the State, who
exercise authority in their own provinces, to live with my wife
and family in a small fort or two. WVhenever and wherever my
services, are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my
duty loyally.” The Raja cheered him up, and sent him to Diler
Khan. ‘
After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege,
seven thousand persons, men, women and children, came out
of the fort. All that they could not carry away became the
property of the Government, and the fort was taken possession of
by the forces. Diler Khan presented Sivaji with a sword,
and * *. He then took him back to the Raja, who presented
him with a robe, "‘ * and renewed his assurances of safety and
honourable treatment. Sivaji, with ready tact, bound on the
sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful service.
“Then the question about the time Sivaji was to rema'm under
parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Raja
.Tai Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivaji
and the grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. * ‘* A
mace-bearer arrived with the farmdn and a robe, * * and Sivaji
was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour.
A discussion then arose about'the forts, and it was finally
settled that out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the

keys of twenty-three should be given up, with their revenues,
amounting to ten lacs of buns, or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve
small forts, with moderate revenues,X were to remain in the
possession of Sivaji’s people. Sambhé. his son, a boy of eight
years old, in whose name a mansab of 5000 had been granted
at Raja Jai Singh’s suggestion, was to proceed to Court with
the Raja, attended by a suitable retinue. Sivaji himself, with his
family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to restore the
prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was summoned
on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being allowed
to depart, he received a robe, horse, and *' ‘.

Death qf Slut/a Jakdn.
[v0]. ii. p. 186.] It now became known that the Sci/lib
Kira'n-i sdni (Shah Jahan) was very ill, and that his life was
drawing to a close. Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was im
mediately sent off in haste to visit him, but he received the
intelligence of his (grandfather’s) death while on his way. He
died 2 at the end of Rajah 1076 A.H. (22nd Jan. 1666), in the
eighth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, who grieved much over
his death. Shah Jahan reigned thirty-one years, and he was
secluded and under restraint nearly eight years.3

[vol. ii. p. 188.] Among the events of this year was the
subjugation of Sangrém-nagar and Chatgam near Arracan. The
samtnda'rs of these places had shaken off their allegiance, hut
Ummed Khan, eldest son of Shayista Khan, Amiru-Z umara',
defeated them. *' * The name of Sangram-nagar was changed to
’A'lamgir-nagar, and that of Chatgém to Islamabad.
1 See their names in Grant Dufl‘, vol. i. p. 209.
2 “ On the 26th Rajah, in the fort of Agra, having thus entered the seventy-fifth
solar year of his age."—’Amal-i Sa'lih. I
3 “ Seven years five months and eighteen days. The date of his death is found in
the words Sha’h Jaha'n kard wafa't.”-—Shdlz Jaha’n-na'ma of Shdik Khan.
276 KHKFI KHA'N. ‘ \

NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1076 A.H. (1666 an).

Sivaji at the Imperial Court.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 189.] Raja Jai Singh, in the war with
Bijépur, to be described presently, had, with the co-operation of
Sivaji, done splendid service, After giving Sivaji every assurance
of' a kind and gracious reception, he made himself responsible for
his safety, and sent him to Court. News of Sivaji’s arrival was
brought as the festival of the accession was being celebrated. It
was ordered that Kunwar Ram Singh, son of Raja Jai Singh,
with Mukhlis Khan, should go out to meet and conduct that evil
malicious fellow into A'gra. On the 18th Zi-l ka’da, 1076, Sivaji,
and his son of nine years old, had the honour of being introduced
to the Emperor. He made an offering of 500 ashrafis and 6000
rupees, altogether 30,000 rupees. By the royal command he was
placed in the position of a pamlkasdrt. But his son, a boy of eight
years, had privately been made a paai-haza'ré, and Nathuji, one
of his relations, who had rendered great service to Raja Jai
Singh in his campaign against Bijapfir, had been advanced to the
same dignity, so that Sivaji had a claim to nothing less than
the dignity of a haft-hazzirz' (7000). Réja Jai Singh had flattered
Sivaji with promises ; but as the Raja knew the Emperor to have
a strong feeling against Sivaji, he artfully refrained from making
known the promises he had held out. The istt'kbal, or reception
of Sivaji, had not been such as he expected. He was annoyed,1
and so, before the robe and jewels and elephant, which were
ready for presentation to him, could be presented, he complained
to Earn Singh that he was disappointed. The Kunwar tried to
pacify him, but without effect. When his disrespectful bearing
came to the knowledge of the Emperor, he was dismissed with
little ceremony, without receiving any mark of the Imperial
bounty, and was taken to a house outside the city near to the
house of Réja Jai Singh, as had been arranged by Kunwar Rim

1 Three lines of the text are compressed into these three words.

Singh. A letter was sent to Raja Jai Singh, informing him of
what had passed, and Sivaji was forbidden to come to the Royal
presence until the Raja’s answer and advice should arrive. His
son was ordered to attend the presence in the company of Ram

Campaiyn against Bijdpar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 191.] Réja Jai Singh, with Diler Khan and
his other associates, in obedience to orders, marched against Bija
pur. He took with him, as guides and assistants, Mulla Yahyé.
Bijépiiri, Purdil Khan, Sivaji, and Nathuji, one of Sivaji's rela
tions, who was his chief supporter, and for whom also a mansab of
5000 had been proposed. His force amounted on paper (kalami)
to 33,000 horse, but he had with him 25,000. Abl'i-l Majd,
grandson of Bahlol Khan, and one of the bravest of the nobles
of Bijépur, separated from ’Kdil Khan, and joined Raja Jai
Singh, whom he assisted in subduing that country. The Raja
acted in all matters upon his advice, and he wrote to the Emperor
recommending that a mansab of 5000 and 4000 horse should he
settled upon him, which request was graciously acceded to.
Forts belonging to Bijépi'ir were taken by storm, or after a few
days’ siege, in all directions. Sivaji and Nathuji, with two
thousand horse and eight or nine thousand infantry, showed
great skill in taking forts, and won much fame. In the course
of three or four weeks three forts, Mangal-pahra and others, were
taken. [Seeerejightina]
At length, after two months” fighting, the- Imperial forces came
to five kos distance from Bijaplir. On the 2nd Rajah they
began the investment of the city. ’Kdil Khan, being now cldsed
in, directed his generals to enter the Imperial territory and lay
it waste. Others were sent to oppose the Raja and attack his
baggage. The embankments of the tanks were cut, poisonous
matters and carrion were thrown into the wells, the trees and
lofty buildings near the fortress were destroyed, spikes were fixed

in the ground, and the gardens and houses on both sides of the
city were so destroyed that not a trace of culture was left near
the city. * * Khwaja N‘eknam, a eunuch, joined Sharza Khan,
the commander of ’Kdil Khan’s army, with a reinforcement of
6000 horse and 25,000 infantry, from Kutbu-l Mulk. Every
day there was severe fighting, and the men and animals which
went out from the Imperial army to forage were cut off. Diler
Khan was present wherever danger was, but to recount all the
combats which were fought would be long and tedious. * *‘
Sivaji, with Nathuji and several thousand Imperial horse,
had been sent to reduce the fort of Pamela; 1 but after making
some bold movements, he was obliged to relinquish the attempt,
and proceeded to Khelna,2 one of his own forts. Nathiiji, who
had been corrupted by some of the Bijapl'ir chiefs, separated
from Sivaji, and went off along with them. The Raja called
Sivaji to him, and treated him very courteously. At length, by
the active exertions and clever management of Sivaji, several
forts came into the possession of the royal forces. In accordance
with Sivaji’s own desire, and in performance of the promise made
to him, under the Imperial orders he was sent 011' express with
his son at the end of the month of Ramazan to Court. After
the departure of Sivaji, the siege of Bijapi'ir was carried on for
two months and a half longer, and there were many hard fights
under the walls. * "‘
At the end of Zi-l ka’da the siege had gone on for eight months,
during which neither cavalry nor infantry had rested. All
round Bijapl'ir for forty or fifty has not a trace of grass or fodder
was left. No supplies arrived, so the Imperial armies were
reduced to great straits. The Raja and Diler Khan therefore
deemed it advisable to remove to the neighbourhood of Dharur,
to have their wounded tended, to give rest to their troops, and to
1 “ Near Kolapfir.”—Text, vol. i. p. 383. It lies about twelve miles N.W., and is
marked in the maps as “ Panéla.”
2 Khelnais now called Vishalgarh.—Grant Dufl‘, vol. i. p. 177. See also Thornton,
8.0. “Vishalgurh.” It lies in the Ghats, about 60 miles N.W. of Kolapiir. When
the Muhammadans took it, they gave it the name of Sakhralna. See post.

collect lead and powder. They also hoped to obtain there supplies
of fodder and corn. A despatch to this efi'ect was sent off to the
Emperor. The Dakhinis also, inside the fortress, found their
provisions drawing to an end, and their weapons expended or
damaged. Both besiegers and besieged were therefore anxious
for an arrangement. "‘ " When the despatoh reached the
Emperor, he issued an order directing his generals to cease
operations against ’Adil Khan. Raja Jai Singh was directed to
proceed to Aurangébad, and Diler Khan was recalled to Court.

Sz'vaji’s Escape.
[voL ii. p. 198.] After Sivaji returned angry and disappointed
from the royal presence to his house, orders were given to the
kotwal to .place guards round it.1 Sivaji, reflecting upon his
former deeds and his present condition, was sadly troubled by the
state of his affairs. He thought of nothing else but of delivering
himself by some crafty plan from his perilous position. His subtle
mind was not long in contriving a scheme. From the beginning
he kept 'up a show of friendship and intimacy with the amirs, and
with Kunwar Ram Singh. He sent them presents of Dakhin
products, and, by expressing contrition for his past conduct, he
won them over to advocate the acceptance of his shame and
Afterwards he feigned to be ill, and groaned and sighed
aloud. Complaining of pains in the liver and spleen, he took
to his bed, and, as if prostrated with consumption or fever,
he sought remedies from the physicians. For some time he
carried on this artifice. At length he made known his recovery.
He sent presents to his doctors and attendants, food to
the Brahmans, and presents of grain and money to needy
Musulrnz'ms and Hindus. For this purpose he had provided
. 1 The ’A’Zamgir-ndma, p. 970, says that Sambha-ji received a good deal of notice
from the Emperor, and that upon a letter of remonstrauce arriving from Raja Jai
Singh, the guards were removed from Sivaji's dwelling.

large baskets covered with paper. These, being filled with
sweetmeats of all sorts, were sent to the houses of the amirs and
the abodes of faktrs. Two or three swift horses were procured,
and, under the pretence of being presents to Brahmans, they
were sent to a place appointed fourteen kos from the city, in
charge of some of his people, who were privy to his plans. A
devoted companion, who resembled him in height and figure,
took his place upon the couch, and Sivaji’s gold ring was placed
upon his hand. He was directed to throw a piece of fine
muslin over his head, but to display the ring he wore upon
his hand; and when any one came in, to feign to be asleep.
Sivaj i, with his son, got into two baskets, and were carried out,
it being pretended that the baskets contained sweetmeats in
tended for the brahmans and fakirs of Mathura.
Thus, on the last day of Safar, Sivaji got out of ,A'gra, and
proceeded to where his horses were posted. Thence, in the
course of two watches, he reached Mathura. There he shaved
off his beard and whiskers, and smeared his own and his son’s
face with ashes, and, taking with him some jewels and gold, he
went 011' with some of his confederates, who were also disguised as
fakirs. He crossed the J umna at an unfrequented ferry, and
proceeded towards Benares, travelling in the night, and being
guided by some swift Dakhini runners, whose business is to
disguise themselves and travel in all directions. It is said .that
they carried sufficient money and jewels for their wants in hollow
On the following day, at the fifth watch, a Dakhini runner,
employed as a spy, brought information that Sivaji had got free
and was making off. The kotu'cil was directed to make inquiry,
but he replied that the guards were at their posts round the house.
Another spy confidently reported his escape. The kotwal’s men
went to see, and they saw as they thought Sivaji asleep under
his thin covering, and his ring distinctly visible. The kotwdl
reported accordingly. A third spy now strongly asseverated
that Sivaji had escaped, and was forty or fifty kos away. A

closer investigation revealed the fact of his escape. The kotwa'l
and Kunwar Ram Singh were censured, and as Ram Singh was
suspected of having prompted the evasion, he was deprived of his
mansab and forbidden to come to Court. Orders were sent to
the provincial governors, and to the officials in all directions, to
search for Sivaji, and to seize him and send him to the Emperor.
Reja Jai Singh, who just at this time had retired from Bijapur,
and had arrived at Aurangabad, received orders to arrest
Nathuji before the escape of Sivaji became public, and to send
him to Court. After that he was to watch carefully for the
bird escaped from the cage, and not suffer him to re-establish
himself in his old haunts and to gather his followers around
him. * 5' It is said that Sivaji made such expedition in his
flight that no courier could have overtaken him. But his son
Samblia, a boy of tender years, was with him, and he suffered so
much from the rapid motion, that Sivaji left him behind at
Alléhabéd, in charge of a Brahman, a man of high repute in
that place, whose relations in the Dakhin had been closely
connected with Sivaji's father. Sivaji placed a sum of money with
the Brahman and commended the boy to his care. He was not
to part from him until he received a letter in Sivaji’s own hand ;
and if he obtained certain intelligence of Sivaji’s death, he was to
act as be deemed best.

Siege qf Bija'par raised.
Raja Jai Singh, in obedience to orders, raised the siege of
Bijapi'ir. Knowing that the forts which he had taken could not
be held after his departure, through want of provisions on the
inside, against the swarms of Dakhinis outside, he resolved to
abandon them. He took out of them such guns as he could
carry away. Then he gave the forts up to plunder, and afterwards
set fire to them, and blew up the strong towers and walls. Then '
he proceeded to Auraugabad. Information now reached him of
the flight of Sivaji, and, in obedience to the Imperial command,

he arrested Nathuji and his son, and sent them to Court. * "‘
On arriving there, Nathi'iji was ordered to be kept under close
surveillance. Seeing no other chance of escape, he expressed a
wish to become a Musulmén, which greatly pleased the Emperor.
So he was initiated, and received a mansab of three thousand and
two thousand horse, with the title of Muhammad Kuli Khan.
After some time, when he returned to the Dakhin with reinforce
ments for Diler Khan, he recanted, and seized an opportunity to
join Sivaji.

TENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1077 an. (1667 Ab.)
[Text, vol. ii. p. 207.] Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was
appointed Stbaddr of the Dakhin, * “ and intelligence reached
the Court of the death of Raja Jai Singh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 211.] After the expiration of ten years (of the
reign), authors were forbidden to write the events of this just
and righteous Emperor’s reign. Nevertheless some competent
persons (did write), and particularly Musta’idd Khan, who secretly
wrote an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin,
simply detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without
alluding at all to the misfortunes of the campaign; and Bindraban,
who wrote an abridged account of the events of some years of
the second and third decades. But I have neither seen nor
obtained any history that contains a full and detailed account of
the forty remaining years of the reign. Consequently, from the
eleventh to the twenty-first year of the Emperor’s reign, I have
not been able to relate the events in the order in which they
occurred, giving the month and year; but after this year, with
very great labour and pains, I collected information from the
papers in thejpublic offices, and by inquiry made from truthful
persons, the confidential and old servants of the Emperor and

old eunuchs. This, and whatsoever I myself observed, after
attaining years of discretion, for thirty or forty years, I laid up in
the strong box (of my memory), and that I have written. And
since I heard that Bindraban Das Bahadur Shahi, who was long
a mutasaa'di of Shah ’Alam during the time he was a prince, had
compiled a history, and had included in it an account of upwards
of thirty years, being exceedingly anxious to see it, I made great
search for it. Subsequently when, after great trouble, I obtained
a copy, and examined it carefully from beginning to end, in the
hope that I might gather the rich fruits of his labours, I dis
covered that his work did not contain one-half of what I had
collected and included in my own history.1
The King of happy disposition strove earnestly from day to
day to put in force the rules. of the Law, and to maintain the
Divine commands and prohibitions. Orders were also issued
prohibiting the collection of the ra'hddré, the pa'na'art, and other
imposts which brought in lacs of rupees to the State. Pro
hibitions were promulgated against intoxicating drinks, against
taverns and brothels, and against the meetings called jdtras 0r
fairs, at which on certain dates countless numbers of Hindus,
men and women of every tribe, assemble at their idol temples—
when lacs of rupees change hands in buying and selling,
and from which large sums accrue to the provincial treasuries.
The minstrels and singers of reputation in the service of the
Court were made ashamed of their occupation, and were advanced
to the dignities of mansabs. Public proclamations were made
prohibiting singing and dancing. It is said that one day a
number of singers and minstrels gathered together with great
cries, and having fitted up a bier with a good deal of display,
round which were grouped the public wailers, they passed under
the Emperor’s jlzarolrha-i darsan, or interview-window. When
he inquired what was intended by the bier and the show, the
minstrels said that Music was dead, and they were carrying his

1 See 001. Lees, in Jorn. Roy. As. 800, ms. vol. iii. p. 471.

corpse for burial. Aurangzeb then directed them to place it
deep in the ground, that no sound or cry might afterwards arise
from it.
In the reigns of former kings, and up to this year, the
jkarokka-i darsan had been a regular institution. Although
the King might be suffering from bodily indisposition, he went
to the jlearoklza once or twice a day at stated times, and put his
head out of the window to show that he was safe. This window,
at Kgra and at Dehli, was constructed on the side looking
towards the Jumna. Besides the nobles in attendance at the
Court, hundreds of thousands of men and women of all classes
used to collect under the jlzarokha and offer their blessings and
praises. Many Hindl'is were known by the name of darsané, for
until they had seen the person of the King at the window, they
put not a morsel of food into their mouths. His religious
Majesty lboked upon this as among the forbidden and unlawful
practices, so he left 03' sitting in the window, and forbade the
assembling of the crowd beneath it.

Escape of Sivaji.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 217.] Sivaji left Mathura after changing
his clothes and shaving ofl' his beard and whiskers, carrying
with him his youthful son and forty or fifty individuals,
servants and dependents, who all smeared their faces with
ashes, and assumed the appearance of Hindi'i mendicants. The
valuable jewels and the gold mo/mrs and the hams they carried
with them were concealed in walking sticks, which had been
hollowed out for the purpose, and were covered at the top
with knobs. Some was sewed up in old slippers, and the
wearers, pretending to be Hindi'i mendicants of three different
classes, Bairdgis, Gosdins, and Uddsis, proceeded by way ‘of
Allahabad to Benares. One very valuable diamond with some
1 This does not appear in the text.

rubies was encased in wax, and concealed in the dress of 'one
of his followers, and other jewels were placed in the mouths of
other attendants.
So they proceeded until they reached a place of which the
faujda'r, ’Ali Kuli Khan, had received private and public notice of
Sivaji’s escape. The faujddr, knowing of the escape of Sivaji, on
hearing of the arrival of these three parties of Hindi'i devotees,
ordered them all to be placed in confinement, and an inquiry to be
made. All these men and some other travellers remained in con
_ finement a night and a day. On the second night Sivaji, at the
second watch 0f the night, proceeded alone to thefazg'ddr in private,
and acknowledged that he was Sivaji. But, said he, “ I have two
gems, a diamond and a ruby of great value, with more than a lac
of rupees. If you secure me and send me back a prisoner, or if
you cut off my head and forward that, the two priceless jewels
will be lost to you. Here am I, and here is my head ; but still,
keep off thine hand from wretched me in this dangerous strait.”
’Ali Kuli preferred the ready bribe to the hope of the reward
which might afterwards accrue to him. He took the two valuable
jewels, and on the following morning, after making inquiries, he
released all the devotees and travellers from custody.
Sivaji, looking upon his escape as a new lease of life, hastened
to pursue his journey in the direction of Benares. He himself
in rapid travelling and walking beat even the regular runners;
but after reaching Allahabad, his young son Sambha, who ac
companied him, was foot-sore and worn out. Sivaji therefore at
Benares gave a quantity of jewels and money, and placed his
- boy in the charge of a Brahman, named Kabkalas,1 who was the
hereditary family priest of his family, and who happened at that
time to be at Benares. Sivaji promised that if he reached home
alive, he would write to the Brahman, who was then to conduct
the boy to his father by the road and in the manner prescribed
in the letter. He warned him against listening to the wishes of


the boy, or attending to letters from his mother. Having thus
provided for the care of his boy, he continued his flight, "‘ "‘ and
he had hardly entered Benares before the government messengers
brought the news of Sivaji's escape. * "' Sivaji then continued
his flight by way of Bihar, Patna and Chénda, which is a thickly
wooded country and difficult of passage. Every place he came
to, he and his followers changed their disguises, and so passed on
from place to place secretly till he reached Haidarabad, and came
to ’Abdu-llah Kutbu-l Mulk. There he told such stories and
used such arts and wiles to forward his purpose that he deceived
’Abdu-llah Shah.

Conquests of Sivaji.
[vol. ii. p. 220.] ' Sundry forts which had belonged to the
Kutb-Shahi kings had passed into the hands of the ’A'dil-Shahis.
Sivaji had a great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts,
and he swore to ’Abdu-lla Shah, that if he would supply him
with forces and the means for conducting sieges, he would in a
short time wrest these forts from the Bijépuris, and hand them
over to the officers appointed to accompany him; he would not
even accept some forts which had belonged to himself, and were
in the possession of the officers of Aurangzeb, if he recovered
them by the means supplied him. He vowed also that for the
remainder of his life he would remain the devoted servant and
adherent of "Abdu-lla Shah. The ultimate objects of the arch de
ceiver never entered into the consideration of ’Abdu-llah Shah.
He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he
appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations,
whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord
with Sivaji.
Sivaji, with the force placed under his command, marched on
his enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous
skill in the conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell
into his hands after a few days’ investment. He cajoled the
officers who had been sent with him to take charge of the cap

tured forts, with plausible statements, with promises of giving
them the command of more important places, and by using the
money and property he had obtained from the captured strong
holds. So he carried them with him to other forts, and in
a short time he reduced Sattara, Parnala, and ten or twelve
other renowned forts belonging to Bijapi'ir, which it would have
taken years and lacs of expense to conquer. He then marched
against Rajgarh, and other forts which had been captured by
Raja Jai Singh, Diler Khan, and other Imperial generals, the
keys of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered
them all, he placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of
’Abdu-llah Shah.
According to common report, and the oral statements of men
of Haidarabad, Sivaji came to that city in the first or second year
of the reign of Abii-l Hasan, and succeeded in 'wheedling and
satisfying that sovereign. When he had finished his fortress
taking, according to his wont, he took up his abode at Rajgarh,
and there again raised the standard of rebellion. In the days
when the fortifications of the port of Suratwere not yet com
pleted, he attacked and took the place.1 There he obtained
an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and uncoined,
and in the stuffs of Kashmir, Ahmadabad, and other places.
He also made prisoners of some thousand Hindu men and
women of name and station, and Musulmans of honourable
position. Krors in money and goods thus came into the hands
of that evil infidel.
Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of
Surat, ordered that the fortifications of that port should be
completed 5 and he placed Diler Khan and Khan-Jahan in com
mand of an army to punish Sivaji. It is said that Sivaji got
together some ten or twelve thousand Kachh and Arab horses,
so that when he sent out an army most of the horsemen were
bérgérs, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him. He rebuilt the
1 This was in the thirteenth year of the reign, 1081 an. (1671 an), according to
the Ma-a’si'r-i' ’A'lamgiri.

forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and he con
structed also vessels of war, which were kept under the guns of
the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships
which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca.
When Sivaji had satisfied himself of the security of Rajgarh,
his old retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his
thoughts towards finding some other more inaccessible hill as a
place for his abode. After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of
Rahiri,‘ a very high and strong place. The ascent of this place
was three has, and it was situated twenty-four kos from the sea;
but an inlet of the sea was about seven kos from the foot of the
hill. The road to Surat passed near the place, and that port was
ten or twelve stages distant by land. Rajgarh was four or five stages
off. The hills are very lofty and difficult of ascent. Rain falls
there for about five months in the year. The place was a depen
dency of the Kokan, belonging to Nizamu-l Mulk. Having fixed
on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and
bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither
from Rajgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns
were mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads
around, leaving only one leading to his fortress. One day he
called an assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold
bracelet worth a hundred pagoa’as before the people, he ordered
proclamation to be made that this would be given to any one
who would ascend to the fort, and plant a flag, by any other than
the appointed road, without the aid of ladder or rope. A Dher
came forward, and said that with the permission of the Rdja he
would mount to the top of the hill, plant the flag, and return.
He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came down again,
and made his obeisance. Sivaji ordered that the purse of money
and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he should
be set at liberty; and he gave directions for closing the way by
which the Diler had ascended.
‘ The name was afterwards changed to Rafi-garb. It lies due east of Jinjera.
-—See Grant Dufi', v01. i. p. 190.

At the first, Ralliri was attached to the Kokan, and belonged
to Nizamu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of
the dependencies of Bijapdr passed into the possession of the
Emperor Shah Jahan. When the Imperial government became
friendly with Bijépi'ir, the Kokan, which had belonged to
Nizamu-l Mulk, was granted to ’A'dil Shah in exchange for
territory newly acquired by Bijapi'ir. Fath Khan, an Afghan,
was appointed governor of the country on the part of Bijépi'ir,
and he posted himself in the fort of Danda-Rajpi'iri,1 which is
situated half in the sea and half on land. Subsequently he built
the fort of Jaz'ira2 upon an island in the sea, about a cannon-shot
distant from Danda-Rajpi'iri, in a very secure position, so that, if
the governor of the country was hard pressed by an enemy, he
might have a secure retreat in that place.
After Sivaji had fixed his abode at Rahiri, which is twenty
kos from Danda-Rajpfiri, he appointed a commandant of that
fortress. In a short time, he reduced and occupied seven
other forts, small and great, in that neighbourhood, and then
resolved upon the conquest of Danda-Réjpuri. Fath Khén
had observed the triumphant progress of Sivaji, and how fortress
after fortress had fallen into his hands. So Fath Khan lost
courage; he abandoned Danda-Rajpuri, and retired to the island
fortress in the sea. Sivaji then resolved to effect the conquest of
the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath Khan
was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender the
place to Sivaji, upon a pledge of security to himself and the
garrison. .
Fath Khan had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sidi
Sambal, Sidi Yéki'it, and Sidi Khairiyat, each of whom had
ten Abyssinian slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The
management of the island and of many domestic concerns was
in the hands of these Abyssinians. These three men got infor

1 See euprd p. 266.
'1 Jazira, the island; but it is more commonly known under the Marathi form
“ Jinjera.” >
voL. vn. 19v
290 . KHAFI' KHA'N.

mation of the enemy’s power, and of Fath Khan’s intention of
surrendering the island to Sivaji. They took counsel together,
and resolved that no good could come from allowing the island to
pass into the hands of any infidel. So they determined to take
Fath Khan prisoner, and to make Sidi Sambal governor of the
fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these Abyssinians
seized Fath Khan unawares, placed chains upon his legs, and
wrote a statement of the facts to ’A'dil Shah Bijapi'iri. They
also wrote to Khan-Jahan, the St'tbddli?‘ of the Dakhin, begging
the aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his
forces by sea from Surat. Khan-Jahan graciously bestowed
mamabs and presents on each of the three Abyssinians.
Khan-Jahan also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivaji.
He got together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began
the rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some
I ships of war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he
attacked the vessels of Sivaji which lay near the fort of Danda
Rajpi'iri, and captured them with two hundred sailors trained
for warlike work. One hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had
lately been appointed to this duty by Sivaji. Stones were tied
to the feet of these men, and they were thrown into the sea.
From that day forth the animosity between the Abyssinians and
Sivaji grew more violent. Sivaji collected forty or fifty vessels
of war to defend the forts of Kalaba and Gandiri, which were
the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-shore. He
then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of Jazira
(Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians. There were
frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the
Abyssinians were often victorious.
Sidi Sambal was advanced to a mansab of 900, and then he
died. Before he expired he made Sidi Yakiit his successor,
and enjoined all the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and
cheerful obedience. Sidi Yaki'it was distinguished among his
people for courage, benignity and dignity. He now strove
more than ever to collect ships of war, to strengthen the fortress,

and to ward off naval attacks. He was armed and ready
night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy, and
cut 05 the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat.
He used to write reports to Khan-Jahan, and he frequently
received marks of approbation from him. He was constantly
revolving in his mind plans for wresting the fort of Danda
Rajpi'iri from the hands of Sivaji. He got together some
rockets,1 which he fastened to trees, and discharged them at
night against the fort.
Sivaji also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of
Jazira. But he now retired to a dwelling about three [ms to
celebrate the half, leaving in command at Rajpi'iri some officers
experienced in siege work, to prosecute incessantly the opera
tions against Jazira during his absence, and he held out to
them the reward of a man of gold and other presents. One
night, while the garrison of Danda-Rajpuri were celebrating the
huh, and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sidi Yaki'it sent on
shore four or five hundred men under Sidi Khairiyat with ropes,
ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty
boats laden with siege materiel under the walls of Réjpi'iri, and
gave the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival. They
found the garrison off their guard, and Sidi Khairiyat assaulted
the place with loud cries from the land side. When the enemy
took the alarm, and rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sidi
Yaki'it planted his scaling-ladders, which he had brought in his
boats, and by means of these and of ropes, his brave followers
scaled the walls, and quickly made their way up. Some of the
assailants were cast into the sea, and were drowned, others fell
under the swords of the defenders, but the storming party forced
its way into the fort, and raised the cry, “ Strike! kill!” Just
at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a
number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sidi
Yaki'it. The smoke and the noise made it difficult to dis
tinguish friend from foe, but Sidi Yakfit raised his war-cry, and
1 Topha'e-hawa'i, lit. “ aerial-guns."

encouraged his men to slaughter the defenders who had escaped
the fire. Sidi Khairiyat also scaled the walls on his side, and
the place was taken.
I, the author, was in that country some time, and l repeatedly
heard from many men, and from the mouth of Yaki'it Khan
himself, that when the magazine blew up, although Sivaji was
twenty kos off, it awoke him from sleep, and he said that some
misfortune had fallen on Danda-Réjpi'iri, and he sent men to
ascertain what had happened.
At this time Sivaji’s forces had gone to attack the neighbour
hood of Surat. Within the space of four or five has from
Rajpi'iri there were six or seven Nizamu-l Mulki forts which had
fallen into the hands of Sivaji, but he was unable at this time to
render them any assistance. So Sidi Yaki'it seized the oppor
tunity to attack them. Six forts surrendered after two or three
days’ resistance, but the commandant of one fort held out for
a week in the hope of relief from Sivaji. The Abyssinians
pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a fire that he
was obliged to surrender. Sidi Yaki'it granted quarter .to the
garrison, and seven hundred persons came out. But notwith
standing his word, he made the children and pretty women
slaves, and forcibly converted them to Islam. The old and ugly
women he set free, but the men he put to death. This struck
such terror into the hearts of Sivaji and his followers that he was
obliged to confine himself to securing Rahiri. Sidi Yaki'it sent
an account of his victory to Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam,
Stibaddr of the Dakhin, and to Khan-Jahan. His mrmsab was
raised, a robe of honour was sent to him, and he received the
title of Khan. Similar honours were also given to Sidi
[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] A report reached Sivaji that his son
Sambha, whom he had left at Allahabad with the Brahman, was
dead, and Sambhaji’s wife wanted to become a sati, * "‘ but a
few months afterwards the Brahman arrived, bringing Sambhaji
with him.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] An order was promulgated exempting
the commercial goods of Musulméns from tax throughout the
dominions of Hinddstén. But after a short time, upon the
reports of the revenue officers, and by recommendation of good
and experienced persons, an order was issued that every article
belonging to Musulmans, the price of which was not large, should
pass free; but that goods of value should pay duty. Goods
belonging to partners were not to be troubled with duties. The
revenue ofiicers then reported that Mnsnlméns had adopted the
practice of dividing their goods into small parcels in order to
avoid the duty, and that they passed the goods of Hindus in
their names, and thus the payment of the sakat prescribed by the
Law was avoided. So an order was given that, according to the
Law, two and a half per cent. should be taken from Mnsulméns
and five per cent. from Hindi'is.

[Disturbances among the Yasufza'isj
War with B'éja'pzir.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 236.] In the sixteenth year of the reign, cor
responding to 1083 A.H. (1673 A.n.),l Khan-Jahan fought a battle
with Bahlol, the Bij api'ir general, near the town of Malkher,2 about
four stages from Bijapi'ir. Islam Khan Rdmi fought splendidly,
and the Imperial army was worsting the enemy in all directions,
when an explosion of gunpowder took place, which so frightened
the elephant of Islam Khan that the driver lost all control of it,
and the animal carried off his rider to the lines of the enemy,
where Islam Khan was dragged off the elephant and killed. A
good deal of the baggage of the Imperial army was plundered,
and many men were slain in the battle. * *‘ Aurangzeb received
the news of the defeat of Diler Khan and the death of Islam
1 Just before this the dates become confused.
a See Grant Duff, vol. i. p. 78. It lies about thirty miles south-east of Kulbarga.

Khan in the Dakhin, while he was at Hasan Abdel on his march
against the Afghans, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of
his reign, and he' was obliged to defer the punishment of the
Dakhinis for the time. * "‘ The Emperor returned from Hasan
Abdél to the capital at the end of the eighteenth or nineteenth
year of his reign.

Riot of Hindzt Devotees.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 252.] One of the remarkable occurrences
of this year1 was the outburst of the Hindu devotees called Sat
na'més, who are also known by the name of Mundihs. There
were four or five thousand of these, who were householders in
the parganas of Narnaul and Mewét. These men dress like
devotees, but they nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade,
though their trade is on a small scale. In the way of their
religion they have dignified themselves with the title of “Good
name,” this being the meaning of Sat-na'm. They are not
allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If any
one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise
of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have
weapons and arms.
At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abdél,
a strong altercation arose one day near Némaul, between
a man of this sect, who was engaged in agricultural work,
and a man who was keeping watch over the harvest. The
latter broke the Sat-na'mi’s head with his staff. A number of
Sat-mimis then collected and beat the watchman, so that they
left him for dead. When intelligence reached the shikkddr, he
assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sat-na'mis.
~Meantime numbers of the Sai-ndmis assembled. They attacked
the shz'kkda'r’s men, overpowered them, wounded several, and
took away their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and

1 According to the Ma-u'sir, it was the fifteenth year. See auprd, p. 185.

information was carried to Kar-talab Khan, faujddr of Nérnaul.
He sent a large force of horse and foot to the assistance of the
shikkda'r, and to punish and seize the rioters. The Skit-mimic
fought this force also, wounded and killed a great many of them,
and put the rest to flight. Matters grew worse, and the faujdzir
set about collecting more men, both horse and foot, and called to
his assistance the zaminddrs of the neighbourhood. With his
old and new men, and with the levies from the zaminda'rs, he
marched against the rioters, and gave them battle. He killed a
good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to fly.
To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights
the faujda'r was killed, and the town of Narnaul fell into the hands
of the Sat-na'mis. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the
villages, and established posts of their own. When the Em
peror reached Dehli, he was informed of this outbreak, and he
sent force after force to quell it, but they were all defeated and
dispersed. It was said that swords, arrows, and musket-balls
had no effect upon these men, and that every arrow and ball
which they discharged against the royal army brought down two
or three men. Thus they were credited with magic and witch
craft, and stories were currently reported about them which were
utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses
like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard.
Great réjas and veteran amz'rs were sent against them with
powerful armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and
advanced to about sixteen or seventeen has from Dehli. The
royal army went forth boldly to attack them ; but the saminddrs
of the neighbourhood, and some cowardly Rdjprlts, seized the
opportunity to throw off their obedience, and to withhold the
government dues. They even broke out into open violence, and
the flames daily increased. The King ordered his tents to be
brought out. He then wrote some prayers and devices with his
own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the banners and
standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by the
exertions of Raja Bishan Singh, Hamid Khan, and others,
296 Krurrr KHKN.

several thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to
flight, so that the outbreak was quelled. “ "‘

Re-lmpositz'on 0f the flaw.
With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguish
ing the land of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, 0r
poll-tax, was imposed upon the Hindus throughout all the
provinces.l Upon the publication of this order, the Hindus
all round Dehli assembled in vast numbers under the jharoklza
of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to represent
their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict.
But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day,
when he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the '
Sabbath, a vast multitude of Hindus thronged the road from
the palace to the mosque, with the object of seeking relief.
Money-changers and drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the
Urdu bdza'r, mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left off work
and business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding orders
were given to force a way through, it was impossible for the
Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the crowd in
creased, and the Emperor’s equipage was brought to a stand-still.
At length
direct them an orderthe
against wasmob.
to bring out the to
fell trodden elephants and I
death under

the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindus
continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at
length they submitted to pay the jisya.

Death of Rdja Jaswant Sing/a.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] 2 Intelligence now arrived of the death
of Raja Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kabul with reinforce
‘ According to the Ma-a'sir, the jizya was imposed in Safar, 1090, in the 22nd
' year of the reign (1680 A.D.), and it is not associated with the outbreak of the
Sat-ndmis, which, according to that work, occurred five years before.
3 See the account of this given by the Ma-a‘sz'r-i Li’lamgiri, suprti p. 187.

ments. After the death of the Réja, his foolish servants took
away the Raja’s two sons, named Ajit Singh and Dalathaman,l
who were of tender years, and the Ranis also. Without waiting
for permission from Aurangzeb, and without even obtaining a
pass from the Slibada'r of the province, they set off towards the
capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they were unable
to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats refused to
let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and wounded
some of his men, and by force made good their way over the
river and went onwards towards Dehli.
There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor’s heart re
specting Raja Jaswant’s tribute, which was aggravated by these
presumptuous proceedings of the Rajpzkts. He ordered the
kotwril to take his own men, with an additional force obtained
from the mansabddrs, as well as some artillery, and to surround
the camp of the Rajpdls, and keep guard over them. After some
days, a-party of Raypitts sought permission to go home._ Their
request was made known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right
and proper, it was granted.
Meanwhile the Rrijlvdts had obtained two boys of the same
age as the Raja’s children. They dressed some of the female
attendants in the garments of the minis, and taking every pre
caution that their stratagem should not be discovered, they left
these women and the boys under guard in their camp. The
(real) ra'nis, disguised as men, went off at night in charge of
two trusty servants and a party of devoted Rdjpllts, and made
their way with all speed to their own country. The brave and
active chiefs, who might have stopped or overtaken them,
were keeping guard over the tents in which the pretended
children of the Raja were. After two or three watches, when
a report of the fact was made, some oflicials were sent to make
inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the ra'nis and the
children were still there. Orders were then given for taking
all the Ra'ja’s followers into the fortress. The Rdfln'tts and the
1 Ni.)
298 ' KHA'FI KHAN.

disguised women, who were ready to fight like men for the honour
of their Rdja, made a determined resistance. Many were killed,
but a party escaped.
The flight of the ra'm's was not clearly proved. Some men,
who wished to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence
in the matter, asserted that the boys had escaped, and that
the wasér had sent out a force to secure them. The royal
forces went in pursuit twenty has from Dehli, but they could
not overtake the Rdjpu'ts, and returned unsuccessful. The two
(substituted) boys were given into the charge of the women of the
royal harem, and were there brought up. The two boys which
the Rdjpz'tts carried off were for a long time rejected by Aurang
zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of
Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Rana of Chitor,
who married Ajit Singh to a girl of his family.

The Ram and other Rdjpz'rts. passion of Prince Ahbar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zi-l hijja of the
twenty-second year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmir,
with the intention of bringing the refractory Rdlpz'tts to punish
ment. "‘ * A strict farmdn was sent to the Rana of Chitor,
calling upon him to assent to 'the payment of the jisya, and
directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpi'ir the two
alleged sons of Raja Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at
Ajmir, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpi'ir,
and other Rdjpi’tt districts. The Rdnd, feeling himself incapable
of resistance, sent his while with tribute and a letter declaring his
obedience in the matter of the jisya, but offering to give over
two or three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared
that he was not supporting the sons of- Jaswant, and finally
begged forgiveness for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khan-Jahan
Bahadur to complete the arrangements in this quarter, and re
turned to Dehli. His journey to Ajmir and back occupied seven
months and twenty days.

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Rana had
again broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so
that Khan-Jahan could bring him to no final settlement. This
kindled the flames of the Emperor’s wrath, and towards the end
of the same year, he set off again to Ajmir, with the intention of
punishing the Band and the other evil-disposed Rajjphts. He
wrote to Prince Mu'azzam, directing him to come from the
Dakhin to Ujjain, and Prince Muhammad A’zam was ordered to
march with all speed from Bengal. When the King's tents were
pitched near Ajmir, Prince Muhammad Akbar was sent with a
large force to attack and chastise the Rand. Shah Kuli Khén,
who was promoted and received the title of Tahawwur Khan,
was placed in command of his advanced guard.
\Vhen the Rana heard of these preparations, he laid Udip1'1r,his
capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of
himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult
passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with
a strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare. Another
force was sent to ravage the country of the Rena, and destroy the
crops. When Prince Muhammad Mu‘azzam arrived at Ujjain,
he was directed to march against the lake of Ana-sagar, which
belonged to the Rana, and was about eighty has from Ajmir. His
orders were to station his army about that neighbourhood, and to
trample every scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses.
It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A'zam had
shown such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him,
that he had compressed four months“ march into less than one, and
came up with his army. He was ordered to march through the
mountains and central fastnesses of the Rana, into the territories
of the Ra'htors, and there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among
the Rajpzits. He was also ordered to employ a force in preventing
the transport of supplies to the Rana, and in stopping cultiva
tion. Nearly twenty-five thousand horse, Ra'htors, belonging to
the territories of Jaswant, and other Raj/puts, assembled to support
the Rana, and had the boldness to attack the royal forces, and to

fall upon their supplies. They a'llured several thousand of the
royal forces into the heart of the Rana's fastnesses. ' There they
attacked them, and killed many, both horse and foot; but the
royal forces at length prevailed and beat them. Notwithstand
ing that the Rajpz'its held all the roads through the hills, and
came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince’s
forces by surprise, the Prince’s army fought bravely, and
Tahawwur Khan and others rendered distinguished service in
chastising the enemy. They employed themselves in laying
waste the country, destroying temples and buildings, cutting
down fruit-trees, and making prisoners of the women and children
of the infidels who had taken refuge in holes and ruined places.
Orders were also issued to Muhammad Amin Khan, Shbaddr
of Ahmadabad, directing him to take up a position with his forces
between Ahmadébéd and the territories of the Rajpi'its, and to
march against them wherever he heard of them. Khan-Jahan
Bahadur Kokaltash was re-appointedShbada'r of the Dakhin, and
sent to lay siege to the fort of St'ilir,l which had fallen into the
possession of the enemy.
When the Rana was hard pressed, and his allies were crippled,
when not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was
to be found, the Rana and the Ra'htor Rdjpz'tts had recourse again
to lies and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince
Muhammad Mu’azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor
for their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them.
The Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Nawab Bai,
the mother of the Prince, being informed of what was passing,
gave good counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from
yieldingan assent; and from giving any aid, assistance, or inter
cession on behalf of the Rdfloz'tts. She even persuaded him not
to allow the oakils of the Rana to approach him. When they
despaired of success in this quarter, the Rajphts betook them
selves to Prince Muhammad Akbar, taking advantage of his

1 Or “ Silhir " in the Ghfits of Baglana, see supra“ p. 66.

youth, and the favour of some of his friends. Durgé. Das was
their spokesman. He was noted among them for his plausibility,
and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince that
they would supply him with forty thousand .Ra'jpi’tt horse, and
with abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he
was deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their
persuasions. So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from
the path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he
fell into the snares of the RaI/Lvhts.
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, when he heard of these doings,
wrote a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince, to whom
he was much attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb,
informing him that the false and deceitful infidels were using all
their wiles to mislead the Prince, and that he must watch against
being taken unawares. Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of
Muhammad Akbar; but report had cast an evil aspersion on the
name of Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam at the time when Aurangzeb
was at Hasan'Abdél. The infidels had addressed themselves to
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam in the first instance, and Aurang
zeb had received information about it, so he now thought that
Mu’azzam’s letter about his brother Akbar was sheer calumny.
Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of making a false
charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him in the
right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil sugges
tions of designing people.
Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand
Rdjphts under Durgé. Dés joined the Prince. The news
spread from tent to tent, and was the talk of young and old.
It was reported that he had ascended the throne, and that
coins had been struck in his name; that Tahawwur Khan had -
been made a haft-hasdrt, and had received the title of Amtru-l
umard; that Mujéhid Khan, and other great servants of the
State, who were with the Prince, had received distinguished
honours, which some of them had felt themselves constrained to
accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the affections
of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb.

On the forces being sent ofi', under the command of Prince
Akbar, against the infidels, only Asad Khan and a limited
number of oflicers and men were left in attendance upon the
Emperor. All his retinue, counting the eunuchs and writers,
did not exceed seven or eight hundred horsemen. A great
panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild confusion followed.
A letter under the royal signature was sent off in haste to
7 Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, urging him to come with all his
army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the
Prince received it, he marched without a moment’s delay to
join his father. Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under
protection, he set off with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten
days’ journey into the space of two or three, he joined his father,
bringing with him Prince Mu‘izzu-d din and Muhammad ’Azim.
When Muhammad Mu’azzam arrived with his nine or ten
thousand horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty
force of seventy thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad
Akbar was approaching to the attack, no man of the army had
any hope of escape. The expressions of some of Prince Mu
hammad Mu’azzam’s thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb’s
caution and prudence. Suspicion arose in his heart, and he
thought it advisable to order that his guns should be pointed
against the Prince’s army, and he sent a message desiring the
Prince to leave his army, and to, come to him in all speed with
his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and hastened to
wait upon his father.
The precautions taken by the Rajpl’tts prevented intelli
gence being obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad
Akbar. Shahébu-d din, son of Kalich Khan, a brave and
intelligent man, was sent out with a force to reconnoitre. On
coming in sight of the Prince’s army, Shahabu-d din’s brother,
Mujahid Khan, who was with the Prince, and had found it
necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity to escape,
went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he would
go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince's side.

Permission being given, Mujahid Khan took all the money and
valuables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two
brothers then went together to the Emperor.
Aurangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news
which reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the
two brothers, he recovered his spirits. He directed that
Shahabu-d din should be addressed with the title of Khan,
and he also conferred great favours on Mujahid Khan. From
the latter he learnt the state of the Prince's army, and
about those who were acting with him from choice or from
necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it
was ascertained that after the departure of Mujahid Khan,
dissensions had arisen in the Prince’s army.
Khwéja Makarim, a confidential adherent of Prince Mu
hammad Mu’azzam, led an advanced force towards the army
of Prince Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The
Khwéja was wounded, and so were two or three men on
the other side; but he ascertained that Tahawwur Khan had
advanced from the Prince’s army with a small escort, intend
ing to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb. On this being
reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Khan
should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence.
The Khan demurred to putting ofl' his arms, so Prince Mu
hammad Mu’azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man. It
was now stated to the Emperor that Tahawwur Khan had come,
under the orders of Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make~known
his pretensions and demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb’s anger
blazed forth, and he placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered
that the Khan should be allowed to enter with his arms. But
one of the attendants, in an insulting way, placed his hand upon
the Khan’s breast to stop him. The Khan struck him a blow on
the face and retreated, but his foot caught in\ a rope, and he fell
down. Cries of “ Strike ! slay I ” arose on all sides. Numbers fell
upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head was cut off.
After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under his

clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real
intentions were.
The author of this work heard from Khwaja Makarim,
afterwards Jan-nisar Khan, and from several of his contem
poraries, in their old age, that Tahawwur Khan returned in
good faith, in consequence of a letter he had received from
’Inayat Khan, his father-in-law, who was a private secretary of
Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off his arms was an
insult to his position, his services, and his chai'acter. However it
may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince’s army,
and among his Ra'jpzits, and they were much dispirited.
It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a
letter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should
fall into the hands of the Raj/pats. In it he praised the Prince for
having won over the Rdjpdfs as he had been instructed, and that
now he should crown his service by bringing them into a position
where they would be under the fire of both armies. This letter
was the cause of great divisions among them. Such is the story I
have heard, but not from any trustworthy person. For all the
mighty force which Prince Akbar brought against his father, the
sword was not drawn, and no battle was fought, but his army was
completely broken. The Prince was soon informed that the
Rlijpr'lts had abandoned him. There remained with him only
Durgé. Des, two or three confidential officers of the Rana, and a
small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old
servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage,
self-reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took
to flight. * *' Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was ordered to
pursue him.


Afaz'rs of the Dakhin. Death of Sivaji.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 270.] Khan-Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash,
after arriving at the Kkw'ista-bunyéd Aurangabéd, according to

order, laid siege to the fort of Sélir. Many Rdjpz'tts were killed, and
. many Musulméns also fell. He pressed the siege for four or five
months, but making no impression, he withdrew to Aurangébad.
The hell-dog Sivaji went forth with an army on a plundering
expedition, and while Khén-Zaman, the Sz’lbaa’a'r, was at
Burhanpi'ir, he entered Khandesh, and plundered the town of
Dharan-ganw,l one of the most flourishing places in that
country. “ "‘ * Afterwards he ravaged and burnt Chopra1
and other parganas. He then marched against Jélna, a rich
mercantile place in the Balaghét2 ' * In the course of the
same year he was attacked with illness and died.3 The date of
his death is found in the words, “Ka'fir ba-jahannam raft,”
“ The infidel went to hell,” which was. discovered by the writer
of these pages. Sivaji left two sons, Sambha and Ram Raja.
The former succeeded him. He made Kabkalas,4 the Brahman
who brought him from Allahabad, his minister.
Sivaji had always striven to maintain the honour of the
people in his territories. He persevered in a course of rebel
lion, in plundering caravans, and troubling mankind; but he
entirely abstained from other disgraceful acts, and was careful to
maintain the honour of the women and children of Muhammadans -
when they fell into his hands. His injunctions upon this point
were very strict, and any one who disobeyed them received
punishment. But the son, unlike his father, obtained an evil
name by collecting round him women of all tribes, and by assail
ing the honour of the women of the places in which he dwelt.
His father never showed any backwardness in attacking and
plundering prosperous places, but he never made any attack
upon Aurangabad and Burhanpfir, the provincial capitals of the
1 These places lie about 70 miles west of Burhémpfir. Chopra is the most
northerly. See suprd, p. 16. a See suprd, p. 17.
a “On the 24th Rabi’u--l akhir, Siva returned from riding; he was overcome by
the heat, vomited blood, and expired."—-Ma-dsiru-l ’A’lamgiri.
‘ Both the MSS. used agree with the printed text in this spelling of the name
(see supra, p. 285); but Grant Dufi', who refers to our author, writes the name
“ Kuloosha,” and is followed by Elphinstone with “ Calusha."
von. vn. - 20

Imperial dynasty. If any of his counsellors advised an attack
upon these places, he very wisely and prudently forbade it; “for,”
said he, “if we attack these places, the honour of Aurangzeb will
be wounded, and he will march hither himself, and then, God
knows how the strife will end!”
When Sivaji was dead, his wretched son Sambhé. desired to
surpass his father. He raised the standard of rebellion, and
on the 20th Muharram, in the twenty-third year of the
.reign, corresponding with 1091 A.H. (15th February, 1680), he
attacked Kakar Khan Afghan, who acted as collector of the
jt'sya, under Khan-Zaman, the Sz’tbada'r of the Dakhin. Sambhé.
was returning with nearly twenty thousand men from a plundering
expedition in Birar. He made a forced march of three or four
has, as was the practice in those days, and early in the morning
made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant of his
approach. Thus he fell upon Bahadur-pi'ir, one has and a half
from Burhanpiir. This place was rich, and there were many
bankers and merchants in it. Jewels, money, and goods from all
parts of the world were found there in vast abundance. He
surrounded and attacked this place, and also another town called
Hafda-pl'ira, which was outside of the fortifications, and his
attack was so sudden and unexpected, especially upon Bahadur
pur, that no one was able to save a ddm or a tit-ram of his
property, or a single one of his wives and children.
Kakar Khan, with his men in the city, saw the smoke of these
towns rising to the sky, but he had not a force sufficient to go out
and attack the plunderers, so he shu't himself up within the walls
and looked after the security of his gates and defences. Seven
teen'other places of note, such as Hasan-piira, etc., in the
neighbourhood of the city, all wealthy and flourishing places,
were plundered and burnt. Many honourable men girded on
their swords, and, joining in the fight, attained martyrdom.
Others submitted themselves humbly to the will of God. Some
who were near the fortress took their wives and children by the
hand, and fled in distress within the walls. For three days the

plunderers ravaged these towns at their will. Large sums of
money fell into their hands, much of which had been buried for
long periods, and sometimes in places unknown even to the
householders. They then repeatedly attempted to carry the
fortress by assault. But the officers took their stations at the
gates and other points of attack, and with great bravery beat oil“
the assailants. Being unable to enter the city, the plunderers
carried off with them the gold, silver, jewels, and other articles
of value which were portable; but many other things which they
had taken they were obliged to leave behind, because they could
not carry them. The property which was thrown into the streets
of the bdzdrs and burnt exceeded all computation.
Intelligence of this raid upon the neighbourhood of Burhanpur
was carried by runners to Aurangabad, to Khéu-Jallan Bahadur
Kokaltésh. He immdiately took horse, and accomplished three
or four days’ march in one day and night, and reached the pass of
Fardapfir, thirty-two kos distant. There it became necessary to
wait three or four watches to rest the animals, and to provide
means for crossing the river. According to the current reports
of some men who took a worldly view of things, and had a bad
opinion of Khan-Jahan, some-emissaries of Sambhaji came to
him with an immense sum of money, and prevailed upon him to
halt there for four or five watches. One thing is certain. After
the enemy were repulsed from Burhanpiir, the burden of their
plunder, and the knowledge of Khan-Jahén’s pursuit, prevented
them from reaching their renowned but distant fortresses. They
were obliged to go to the fort of Sélir, in Baglana, which was the
nearest of their strongholds. They went by way of Mustafa
abad or Chopra. Under these circumstances the proper course
for Khan-Jahan was to leave Fardapur without delay, and,
bearing towards his left hand, to pass through Dharan-ganw and
Chopra, to intercept the marauders. But, through the represen
tations of Sambhéji‘s emissaries, he went towards his right hand,
contrary to what was desirable, and proceeded to ’I'dal-abad.
When the enemy heard this, he made the most of his opportu

nity, and carried off all the plunder he could transport, and all
his prisoners, by a rapid march, through Chopra, to the fort of
Sélir, which he reached in four or five days. The principal
inhabitants of Burhanpiir wrote a statement to Aurangzeb,
describing the success of the enemy, the loss inflicted on the
property and honour of Muhammadans, and the discontinuance
of the public prayers on Fridays. Aurangzeb then wrote a
letter strongly censuring Khan-Jahan, and announcing his own
intention of proceeding to the Dakhin. In his anger he took
away from Khan-Jahan all the increased honours and emolu
ments he had conferred upon him in that year. Considering the
disorders in the Dakhin, and the flight of Prince Muhammad
Akbar, he gave orders for his travelling equipage to move
towards Burhénpiir.


Prince Akbar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 275.] When Prince Muhammad Akbar
took to flight, not more than three or four hundred men remained
with him. Some of them were his own old followers, and others
were Rdjjn’tts. * * All his property and treasure and guns fell
into the hands of the royal army, as well as one son, a boy of
tender years, named Nekii Siyar, and two daughters. One son,
who had arrived at years of discretion, remained with the Rajpzits.
The Prince himself was distracted, and knew not whither to go.
At one time he thought of going to Dehli and Lahore by way of
Ajmir. Then he proposed to go to Persia. Whichever way he
turned, the faujddrs and saminda'rs, under orders from the Em
peror, blocked his way. Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam received
orders to pursue him; but the common report is that he only
made a feint of doing so, and marched leisurely.
Akbar proceeded by way of Lahore and Multan, and, under
the guidance of the saménddrs he then passed by diflicult roads
through the hills towards the Dakhin. "‘ * Orders had been

repeatedly sent to Khén-Jahén Bahadur, Sltbaddr of the
Dakhin, and to all the fazg'dérs, directing them to stop him
wherever he might come, to take him_ prisoner alive if possible,
if not, to kill him. Under these orders Khén-Jahan pursued
the Prince with the intention of making him prisoner. He
came within fourteen or fifteen kos of him, but on approaching
nearer he made only a feint of arresting him. The fact was
reported to the Emperor by Mir Niiru-llah, who was very
unceremonious in these matters. A strong letter of censure
was written upon the matter, and strict directions were sent
to all the news-writers.
Prince Akbar then proceeded to Baglana, to the territory
of Raja Debi Singh, the commandant and faujddr of Malir.
Raja Debi sent out a force to take him prisoner; but when
the force followed, the Prince escaped from Baglana. A few
of his Rdjjmlts remained behind, and these were taken to
the Raja. Whilst the Raja was making inquiries of these
men, another party of his horsemen overtook one of the
Prince’s followers, who had upon his back a blood-stained
jacket belonging to the Prince, but which he had thrown
off in consequence of the heat. They attacked and wounded
this man, and carried him off to the Réja, under the impression
that he was the Prince. The Raja did not believe it, and abused
his men for their stupidity. Prince Akbar, after passing through
the territories of the Firingis, found unquiet refuge for a while in
the hills of Bagléna. By means of a bribe of money, he induced
the hill-men to guide him to Rahiri, belonging to Sambha.
This chieflaain came forth to receive him, gave him a house of
his own to dwell in, about three has from the fort of Rahiri, and
fixed an allowance for his support.

TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1092 A.H. (1681 A.D.).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 278.] After the ’I’d-ifitr, Aurangzeb started
for the Dakhin, to punish the infidels, and to pursue Prince
310 Knsrr KHAN.

Muhammad Akbar. * * On the 14th Zi-l ka’da he reached
Burhanpi’ir, the Ddru-s sz’mtr (abode of joy). Khan-Jahan
Bahadur, the Sz'tbaddr, and Amin Khz'm, the Déwdn of the four
sztbas of the Dakhin, with the faujda'rs and the officials and
nobles there, waited upon him. Many great men of Bij apiir, of
the Kutb-Shahi dynasty, and of the Mahrattas, also came to pay
their respects. _
The infidel inhabitants of the city and the country round
made great opposition to the payment of the jisya. There
was not a district where the people, with the help of the
faujddrs and mukaddams, did not make disturbances and re
sistance. Mir ’Abdu-l Karim, an excellent and honest man,
now received orders to collect the jisya in Burhanpfir. A
suitable force of horse and foot was appointed to support him, and
the kotwdl was directed to punish every one who resisted payment.
A fire broke out in a house near the citadel and the chauk.
There were several sacks1 of powder in the house, the roof was
blown off, and many men were burnt. It came to Aurangzeb’s
knowledge that there were thirty sacks of gunpowder in a cellar
under his sleeping apartment. An investigation was made, and it
appeared that at the very commencement of the reign, when
Aurangzeb left Burhanpiir to proceed to Dehli, the gunners left
this powder there, and during all that time it had never been
taken out. The Emperor severely censured the officials who
were answerable for this neglect, and degraded some of them.
He told them that if this had happened in the reign of Jahangir,
that King would have blown them all up with the powder.
Aurangzeb’s humanity and kindness was such that the severest
punishment was reduction of dignity, and this even was soon
restored through the intercession and kind ofices of men high in
Aurangzeb passed three or four months very pleasantly at
Burhanpiir; .he then left for Aurangabad. Before he departed,
Mir ’Abdu-l Karim, the Amin-i jizya, reported that the jz'zya
1,35 ‘ '

of the city of Burlianpiir for the past year, amounting to 26,000
rupees, had been paid into the public treasury. During the
three months that he had been in oliice, he had settled the sum
of one lac and 80,000 rupees as the amount payable by half the
towns connected with Burhénpiir. He now hoped that he might
be allowed to leave with His Majesty, and that the collection of
the jizya might be deputed to some one else. He was applauded
and promoted. He was allowed to accompany the Emperor, and
his deputies were to collect the tax. " "‘
' After Aurangzeb reached Aurangabad, Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam was sent to take the forts and punish the infidels
of Rém-darra in the Kokan ; and Prince Muhammad A’zam
was directed to reduce the fort of Sélir, near the fort of
Malir in Bagléna, which had been held for some time by
the Mahrattas. Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam penetrated into
the Kokan, and passing through its inmost recesses, passes
and thick woods, he laid the country waste in all directions,
and put many infidels to the sword. Khwaja AbIi-l Makarim,
afterwards Jan-nisér Khén, and others, greatly distinguished
themselves in this campaign; but the grain and millet and
vetches of that country were injurious to strangers, and the
climate was very uncongenial to camels and horses. Men
in ‘great numbers and quadrupeds beyond compute perished.
Horses were so scarce that there was not one left in the stable of
the Prince which was fit to carry him. Most men were obliged to
walk, and no provisions arrived, for the enemy closed the roads
on every side. Life became insupportable, and it was impossible
for the Prince to remain there. On the facts being reported to
the Emperor, he gave orders for the recall of the army.

TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1093 A.H. (1682 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 281.] The fort of Sz'rlir, against which
Prince Muhammad A’zam had been sent, is not one capable of
investment. It is near the sea, and there are so many ravines

near, that hundreds of thousands of horsemen could not invest
that lofty fortress. "‘ *‘ Neknam Khan was commandant of
Malir and faujda'r of Baglana. When the Prince was ordered
to conquer it, Neknam opened negociations with the commandant
of Sélir, and by promises and presents, " "‘ induced him to sur
render the fortress.
' [Three ofiicers in succession, Skakdbu-d din, Khan-Jahcin, and
Kdsim Khan, fail to take the fortress of Rdm

Prince Akbar.

[vol ii. p. 284.] When Prince Akbar went to Rahiri, and
became the guest of the accursed Sambha, he was at first treated
very kindly and respectfully, and provision was made for the
necessary expenses of his followers. One day a kdzz' in the
presence of Muhammad Akbar, in a stupid flattering way, said to
Sanibha, “May all the Maharaja’s enemies be trodden under
foot.” The Prince heard this, and being angry, reprimanded the
Met for his folly. He also told Sambha that such vain words
ought not to be spoken in his (the Prince’s) presence, and that it
was also unbecoming in Sambhé. to listen to them. The report
also came that an army had been sent under the command of
I’tikad Khan to effect the conquest of Rahiri. Prince Muhammad
Akbar therefore thought it advisable to make his way as best he
vcould to Persia. He bought two small ships, furnished them with
provisions for forty days, and was about to start. Sidi YAklit
Khan Habshi, who scoured the seas in those parts, was at first
desirous of stopping the progress of the Prince, but he at last
connived at it. The Prince, with Ziéu-d din Muhammad Shuja'i
and forty or fifty persons, put his trust in God and embarked on
his voyage. His ships were separated and endured great distress,
the account of which would be too long for admission here.
Through stress of weather, the Prince’s ship fell upon an
island belonging to the Imam of. Maskat. The people of the
island made him prisoner and sent him to the Imam. This ruler

is one of 'the great zaména'tirs or rulers who are dependent on
Persia. He affected to treat the Prince with hospitality and
respect; but in reality he kept him under surveillance, and wrote
to Aurangzeb offering to surrender the Prince for the sum of two
lacs of rupees and for a charter exempting goods carried in the I
ships of Maskat from the payment of duty in the port of Surat.
If Aurangzeb would send one of his officers, the Imam promised
to give up the Prince. ‘
Upon receiving this letter, Aurangzeb wrote to the officials of
the port of Surat, directing them to act in accord with the propo
sition of the Imam. So the people at Surat sent Haji Fazil, an
old sailor in the royal service, to take Prince Akbar in charge.
When intelligence of Prince Akbar’s arrival in _Maskat, and the
evil designs of the Imam, became known to the King of Persia,
he issued peremptory commands to the Imam, directing him to
send the Prince (his guest) to him without delay, or an army
would be appointed to deliver him and punish the Imam. So
preforce the Imam delivered up the Prince to the Shah’s oflicers.
* “ When the Prince approached Isfahan, Shah Sulaiman went
forth to meet him. " " On the death of Shah Sulaiman, his
successor showed the Prince even greater hospitality and at
tention, so that the Prince asked for an army and money to assist
him in Hindlist-z’m. Shah Husain excused himself, * "‘ and the
Prince then asked permission to go to Garmsir in Khurésan. "‘ *
This was granted, and provision was made for his maintenance.
’* * He retired thither, and died there towards the close of the
reign of Aurangzeb.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] The author of this work has not been able
to obtain such satisfactory accounts of these two or three years
(in do sih sa'l), as to be worthy of being committed to writing.
* * But he has here recorded what he has heard from the mouths
of trustworthy witnesses; also what he heard from his late
314 KHA’FI' KHA’N.

brother, Muhammad Murad Khan, who was a servant of the
Court, and on whose statements he places implicit trust; and
lastly, what the author himself witnessed in his travels and at
Haidarabad. He has compared and considered the information
derived from these various sources, and has reduced it to writing._
If there should appear to be any excess or deficiency, the pardon
of the reader is solicited.

Siege (3’ Raim-a'arra.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] In the beginning of the twenty
seventh year Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam marched from
Ahmadnagar to lay siege to the forts of Ram-darra, belonging
to Sambha, which were in a part of the country never before
penetrated by an Imperial army. "‘ * The roll of his army
numbered 20,000 horse. *‘ "‘ On the march through the narrow
passes, there were many sharp fights with the enemy, in which
numbers of the royal soldiers fell; but the enemy were put
to flight. On reaching the village of Sémpganw, the fort of
that place was invested. The besiegers showed great bravery,
and took the fort in two days. They then entered the country
of Ram-darra. It was in a very strong position, and the air
of the place did not suit the invaders. The enemy swarmed
around on every side, and cut off the supplies. On one side
was the sea, and on two other sides were mountains full of
poisonous trees and serpents. The enemy cut down the grass,
which was a cause of great distress to man and beast, and they
had no food but cocoa-nuts, and the grain called linden, which
acted like poison upon them. Great numbers of men and horses
died. Grain was so scarce and dear that wheat flour sometimes
could not be obtained for less than three or four rupees. Those
men who escaped death dragged on a half existence, and with
crying and groaning felt as if every breath they drew was their
last. There was not a noble who had a horse in his stable fit
for use. When the wretched state of the royal army became

known to Aurangzeb, he sent an order to the officers of the port
of Surat, directing them to put as much grain as possible on
board of ships, and send it to the Prince’s succour by sea. The
enemy got intelligence of this, and as the ships had to pass by
their newly-erected fortresses, they stopped them on their way,
and took most of them. A few ships escaped the enemy, and
reached their destination; but no amtr got more than two or three
palas of corn. The order at length came for the retreat of the
army, and it fell back fighting all the way to Ahmadnagar, where
Aurangzeb then was.

Kutbu-Z Mulk.
[voL ii. p. 292.] It now became known to the Emperor that
AbI'I-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, Sovereign of Haidarabéd, had en
trusted the government of his kingdom to Madana and A'kané.,
two infidels, who were bitter enemies to the Musulmans, and
brought great and increased troubles upon them. The King
himself was given up to luxury, drinking and debauchery. “‘ *
Aurangzeb having turned his attention to the conquest of Haidar
fibad, and the subjugation of Abii-l Hasan, he first sent Khan
Jahan Kokaltésh with his sons and * *‘ with a detachment against
certain adherents of AbI'I-l Hasan, who had taken possession of
some districts dependent upon Zafar-nagar, on the pretence that
they had formerly formed part of the country of Telingana.
Their instructions were to chastise these men, and to recover the
districts. After this, Prince Muhammad Mu‘azzam with * “
were sent to effect the conquest of the country of Telingana.
Aurangzeb now sent Mirzé. Muhammad, the superintendent of
his ghusl-khdna, to Abii-l Hasan Kutburl Mulk, with a message
to this effect: “It has come to our hearing that you have two
very fine diamonds of 150 surkhs in weight, with sundry other
rarities. We wish you to ascertain the value of these gems, and
to send them to us for the balance of tribute due.” But he told
his envoy confidentially that he did not send him to obtain the

two diamonds, which he did not at all want, but-rather to
ascertain the truth of the evil reports which had reached him. *‘ *
Upon the arrival of Mirzé Muhammad, he demanded the'
diamonds, according to his instructions. Abii-l Hasan swore
that he had no such gems, and that if he had, he would have
been happy to send them without any demand being made for
them. * * Such stones as his predecessors possessed had been
sent to the late Emperor. * *
Mirzé. Muhammad returned, and Abu-l Hasan learnt that
armies had been sent against him under the command of Khan
Jahan and Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam. He then sent
Ibrahim Khan, otherwise called Husaini, who had received the
title of Khalilu-llah Khan, and was commander-in-chiet', and one
of the chief nobles of Haidarabad, with * *, and a force of thirty
or forty thousand horse, to oppose the armies sent against him.
When the two armies approached each other, between the
territories of Bijapi'ir and Haidarabéd, Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam was desirous of avoiding actual war by all means in
his power. He sent a message to Khalilu-llah Khan, ofl'ering
peace, on the following terms. Abfi-l Hasan must express
regret for his ofl'ences, and ask forgiveness. He must remove
MAdana and A'kana from the management of aifairs, and
place them in confinement. The parganas of Siram, Ramgir,
etc., which had been taken by force, upon unjust grounds, from
the possession of servants of the Imperial throne, must be
restored. The balance of tribute due must be forwarded without
delay. The foolish amirs of the Dakhin, in their pride, sent
improper answers, regardless of the Imperial anger. So prepara
tions for battle were made on both sides.
The limits of this brief history will not admit of a detailed
account of all the actions fought by Khan-Jahén Bahadur
Kokaltash ; but a short account of one engagement is given. In
this action Khén-Jahan had not more than ten or eleven
thousand horse, and Khalilu-llah Khan had more than thirty
thousand. * “‘ Khén-Jahan’s army was so outnumbered and

overpowered that all chance of escape seemed difficult, and the
enemy’s forces came on every moment with greater strength. * *
One of the enemy’s chiefs pressed forward, with a loud cry, to
the elephant of Kllan-Jahén, with the intention of hurling a
javelin at him. Khan-Jahan encountered him, shouting out,
“I am a nobleman,” and, allowing him no time to throw his
javelin, Khén-Jahan drew his bow to his ear, and pierced his
assailant with an arrow, so that he fell headlong from his horse.
The royal army was still very hard pressed, intelligence con
stantly came in from the front and rear that the enemy were in
overwhelming force, and the only course left for the army of
Khan-Jahan was to retreat. At this juncture the driver of an
elephant belonging to Raja Ram Singh placed a heavy chain
in its mouth, and made it charge upon the enemy’s advanced
force. "‘ "‘ Wherever the elephant charged, the noise of the
chain and the blows of his trunk struck terror into the enemy.
The horses of two or three oflicers took fright, and threw their
riders. Thus the army of the enemy was put toflight, and
Khan-Jahan celebrated his victory, and pitched his camp on the
field of battle. Many horses, elephants, and guns fell into his
hands. "‘ *‘ He then sent an otlicer who wrested the fort of
Siram from the hands of the enemy, and placed a garrison
therein. " * .
The enemy advanced also against Prince Mu’azzam, and for
some days kept up a deceptive correspondence. Fighting began
and went on for three days, with great loss to both sides.
On the fourth day the action was continued with increased
violence, and the enemy were at length compelled to retreat.
The Prince, Khan-Jahan, and the other Imperial officers, did not
deem it expedient to pursue them. They determined to remain
where they were, and sent a despatch of the victory to Aurangzeb.
The Emperor had for some time felt a little dissatisfied with the
Prince, and he was displeased with Khan-Jahan for the licence
and debauchery which prevailed in his camp, and which he
had repeatedly censured without effect. He was also annoyed

with him for not having pursued and secured Prince Akbar '
when that Prince was near his territory. * "‘ \Vhenever he
wrote to him, he got a saucy answer. For these and other
reasons Aurangzeb was quite offended with Khan-Jahén.


The War with Kutbu-l Mulk 0f Haidardbcid.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 300.] The despatch of victory and the in
telligence of the retreat of the enemy reached Aurangzeb; but
his satisfaction was turned into displeasure when he learnt that
the enemy had not been pursued. He wrote an angry letter to
the Prince Shah ’A'lam,‘ and to Khan-Jahan, and was much
dissatisfied. The generals of Abu-l Hasan did not after this
dare to venture upon an engagement, but from time to time
roving parties of them annoyed the Imperial forces at night with
rockets. They sometimes showed themselves in reconnoissances
by day, and fell back upon their camp. The Prince and Khan
Jahan were offended, and made no attack upon them, and re
mained for four or five months inactive without moving. This
aggrieved Aurangzeb still more, and he wrote a strong letter of
censure with his own hand to the Prince and Khan-Jahan. This
letter greatly incensed the Prince.
The morning after the receipt of the letter, he held a council
of war with Khan-Jahan, and the other nobles. * * Khan
Jahén was opposed to fighting, and some amérs agreed with
him. Saiyid ’Abdu-llah Khan and two or three rajas advised
active operations. Nothing was decided that day, and next
day Saiyid ’Abdu-llah Khan in private [urged an attack upon
the enemy]. Prince Shah ’A'lam wrote to Muhammad Ibrahim,
the commander of the enemy’s army, offering terms of peace on
condition of the parganas of Siram, Kir (or Khir), etc., being
restored to the Imperial oflicers. "‘ * Muhammad Ibrahim con
1 Prince Mu’azzam had received this title, by which he is hereafter called.

sulted with his officers as to the answer to be given, * * and the
answer given was that they had taken the parganas at the point
of the sword and spear, and were ready to fight for them. *' *
[fighting recommenced] and the enemy were at length defeated
and put to flight. The Prince pursued them into their camp,
and great consternation fell upon them.
One of the enemy’s generals then sent two officers to the royal
army to represent that the combatants on both sides were Musul
mans, and therefore the honour and safety of the women should
be regarded. They asked for a truce of three or four hours to
removethe women to a place of safety, and after that they would
be ready to fight again. * * So the fighting and plundering was
stayed. The enemy sent their women to a fort which was near,
and at the end of three pahars the fighting recommenced on every
side. "‘ "‘ The enemy kept up the fight till evening, but then they
.The Prince sent a message to the enemy, to the effect that
in battles numbers of Musulmans on both sides are killed; it
would therefore be better if two or three chiefs from both sides
should meet and fight it out. This would be a real trial of
strength, skill and courage, and it would be seen which side had
the favour of God. " " Next day messengers brought the news
that the enemy’s horse had fled towards Haidarabad. The
Prince marched in pursuit, and came near to Haidarabad.
Madana Pant and his friends had raised suspicions in the mind
of Abi'i-l Hasan, that Muhammad Ibrahim had been the means
of bringing the Prince thither. Abu-l Hasan was very angry,
and was intent upon seizing Ibrahim, and putting him to death.
Muhammad Ibrahim got intelligence of this, and went to ofi'er
' his services to the Prince, who received him with great favour.
When intelligence of this desertion became known in Haidarébad,
Abi'i-l Hasan was greatly alarmed, and without consulting with
any of his nobles, or even caring anything for his property or the
honour of his own women and family, or of others, he fled with a
few servants by night, with boxes full of such valuables as he
i hi"? “i “f "‘r ‘~rss“.:;<
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could carry, to the fort of Golkonda. When this fact became
public, the stores of Abi'l-l Hasan were plundered, as also was the
property of the merchants, worth four or five krors of rupees.
The women of the soldiers, and of the inhabitants of the city,
were subjected to dishonour, and great disorder and destruction
prevailed. Many thousand gentlemen being unable to take horse,
and carry off their property, in the greatest distress took the
hands of their children and wives, many of whom could not even
seize a veil or sheet to cover them, and fled to the fortress.
Before Prince Shah ’A’lam got intelligence of what was passing,
the ruflians and plunderers of the city began their work of pillage
and devastation. Nobles, merchants, and poorer men, vied with
each other as to who, by strength of arm, and by expenditure
of money, should get their families and property into the
fortress. Before break of day, the Imperial forces attacked the
city, and a frightful scene of plunder and destruction followed,
for in every part and road and market there were lacs upon lacs
‘ of money, stuffs, carpets, horses, and elephants, belonging to
Abu-l Hasan and his nobles. Words cannot express how many
women and children of Musulmans and Hindus were made
prisoners, or how many women of high and low degree were
dishonoured. Carpets of great value, which were too heavy
to carry, were cut to pieces with swords and daggers, and every
bit was struggled for. Prince Shah ’A'lam appointed officers
(saza'wal) to prevent the plunder, and they did their best to
restrain it, but in vain. The hatred! of the army received orders
to go with the Imperial diwdn, with an escort of four or five hun
dred horse, to take possession of what was left of the property of
Abu-l Hasan.
Some persons now camefrom Abu-l Hasan to the Prince,
most humbly and earnestly begging forgiveness of the sins
vvhich he had and had not committed. The Prince thereon
strictly enjoined his officers to repress the plundering, and to
punish those who were setting places on fire. The disorder was
in some measure diminished; but the plunderers were not really

stopped in their work. After a good deal of negociation, the
Prince took pity upon Abii-l Hasan and the inhabitants of the
place. He accepted his proposals, upon certain conditions. A
tribute of one kror and twenty lacs of rupees was to be paid, in
addition to the usual annual tribute. Madané and Kkana, the
two brothers, and the chief causes of the war, were to be
imprisoned and deprived of all authority. The fort of Siram
and the pargana of Khir, and other districts which had been
conquered, were to remain in the hands of the Imperialists, and
Abii-l Hasan was to ask forgiveness of his offences from
While the negociations were pending, “' “‘ "‘ some women
of great influence in the harem, without the knowledge of -
Abd-l Hasan, laid a plot for the murder of Madame. and A'kana.
* " Whilst the two doomed wretches were proceeding from the
darbdr to their own houses, a party of slaves attacked them and
killed them. Rustam Ras also, who had reached the house, was
killed. Many bnihmans lost their lives and property on that
day. The heads of the two brothers were cut off, and were sent
to Prince Shéh ’A'lam by the hands of a discreet person. "' "
When the Prince’s despatoh reached Aurangzeb, he in public
approved of the terms of peace, and sent "' “ an officer to receive
the tribute. Privately, however, he censured the Prince and
Khén-Jahén, and summoned the latter to his presence.

War with Bijdpalr.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb determined that he would
march in person to effect the conquest of Bijapur, and he started
with that intention on the 4th Sha’bén. "‘ "‘ Prince A’zam, with
some experienced nobles and a suitable force, was sent to reduce -
Bijépi'ir. On approaching the place, he found that the forces of
the Dakhin, under the command of ’Abdu-r Ri'if and Sharza
Khan, hovered round him in all directions. In that year calamity
had fallen on the crops, and grain was very dear. The Dakhini
VOL. VII. 21

forces occupied the country all around, and prevented all supplies
of corn from reaching Bijépxir, so that grain became very scarce
and dear in the (Imperial) army, and it was difficult to get a
loaf. "' * At length, after many severe actions, * * the forces of
the enemy were driven back, and convoys of provisions were
brought safely into the camp of Prince Muhammad A’zam, and
he was relieved from the difliculties which had beset him. * “
Great favours and honours were bestowed on Ghaziu-d din Khan
for the service he had rendered in bringing in the convoy.
The protracted duration of the siege of Bijapi'ir, and the infor
mation he had received of the disaffection of the allies who
accompanied Prince Muhammad A’zam, made Aurangzeb deter
‘ mine to proceed thither in person. At the beginning of Sha’ban,
in the twenty-eighth year of the reign, he set out from Sholapiir,
and on the 21st of the month he arrived before the fortress, to
the great dismay of the besieged. He appointed “‘ * several of
his best officers to assist the Prince in carrying on the siege, and
addressed to them some soul-stirring words. They set heartily
to work constructing lines of approach, driving mines and filling
up the ditch. "‘ *
Some mischief-making people reported to Aurangzeb that
on a day when an attack was made Shah Kuli was inside the
fortress along with Sikandar; also that a person named Saiyid
’A'lam used to come out of the city by night, and have
interviews in secret with the Prince. This was confirmed by
the report of Ri’ihu-llah Khan kclwdl. Orders were accord
ingly given for the arrest of Saiyid ’A'lam when he came out to
see Prince Shah ’A'lam, and also for the apprehension of Shah
Kuli. Shah Kuli was at length seized and brought before
Aurangzeb, who examined him and endeavoured to extract from
him the truth about his visits to the city. Nothing but denial
was obtained from the prisoner, so the order was given for
binding him and submitting him to the torture. After receiving
a few blows, his spirit gave way; he divulged the whole secret,
and named several others who had been concerned with him.

Aurangzeb sent for Prince Shah ’A'lam, and in a private inter
view reproached him with these secret negociations. The Prince
denied them, and said that Shah Kuli was no servant of his.
Orders were given for the confinement of Saiyid ’Abdu-llah
Khan, and for the expulsion of several other persons from the
army. Aurangzeb’s feelings had been estranged from Prince
Shah ’A'lam since the transactions at Haidarabad, and he was
now still more ofl'ended with him. He made no outward change
in the Prince’s rank and allowances, or in the honours due to
him as heir apparent, but his estrangement daily increased.

AND 1097 A.H. (1685-6 A.D.).

Conquest of Bg'jciphr and Haidara'bacl.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 322.] By the exertions of Ghéziu-d din
Khan Firoz Jang, and other renowned warriors, and through
want of supplies, the garrison of Bijapi'ir was in great distress,
and many men and horses had perished. Sharza Khan and
other nobles asked for terms on behalf of Sikandar, and at the
beginning of the thirtieth year of the reign, in Zi-l ka’da, 1097
(October, 1686), the keys of the fortress were surrendered to
Aurangzeb. The conquest was celebrated with great display,
and Sikandar was placed in confinement in the fort of Daulat
abad, a suitable provision being made for his support.
At the end of Muharram Aurangzeb notified his intention of
going to pay a visit to the tomb of Hazrat Banda-nawaz Saiyid
Muhammad (Med, and marched towards Kulbarga. He sent a
kindfarma'n to Abi'i-l Hasan, and another to Sa'adat Khan, his
own hdjib at Haidarz'abad, asking for payment of the tribute. He
also wrote privately to Sa'adat Khan, to the effect that it was
his intention shortly to march against Haidarabad and conquer
it; but Sa’adat Khan was meanwhile to do his utmost to obtain
money from Abi'i-l Hasan. scam Khan flattered Abu-l

Hasan with hopes of favours from Aurangzeb, and exerted him
self to obtain payment of the tribute. Abd-l Hasan, in the
hope of finding safety, told Saladat Khan that he was unable to
find the money; but he offered instead the jewels and valuables
belonging to his wives and others. He therefore asked him to
send his young eunuch to select and take away the jewels and other
things. Sa’édat Khan refused to send the eunuch, and negocia
tions went on for some days, until the intelligence was brought
that Aurangzeb was at Kulbarga.
Abu-l Hasan, in the extremes of fear and hope, sent for
Sa’adat Khan, and delivered into his charge several trays
of jewels and valuables, without even settling the‘value of
' them. These were sealed up, and it was arranged that Sa’adat
Khan should carry them to his house. In the course of
the next two or three days Abl'i-l Hasan would do his best
to obtain the tribute money, and would send it to the house
of Sa’adat Khan. ' The value of the jewels was then to be
settled, and the whole was to be sent to Aurangzeb, with a letter
from Sa’adat Khan commending Abu-l Hasan’s willingness and
obedience, and praying for merciful consideration. Abd-l Hasan
sent some loads of fruit for Aurangzeb, and Sa’t'tdat Khan also
sent some baskets with them.
Two or three days later intelligence was brought that
Aurangzeb had left Kulbarga and had arrived at Golkonda.
Everybody now said that his object was to conquer Gol
konda. Abi'i-l Hasan sent to Sa’adat Khan, saying * * that
he had no longer hope of any consideration from Aurangzeb,
and demanded back the jewels which he had placed in his
charge. Sa’édat Khan replied that "‘ ’l‘ he had sent the jewels
to Aurangzeb in the baskets which accompanied Abli-l Hasan’s
present of fruit. A great scene followed. Abu-l Hasan placed
a guard over Sa’adat Khan’s house. * * The latter said that he
had only obeyed the orders, and acted in accordance with his
wishes in sending the jewels. “For this,” said he, “you are
now about to kill me. My master has long desired some pretext

for destroying you, he cannot have a better one than the murder
of his hdjib. If I am spared, I can do something to obtain
forgiveness for you, and I will exert myself to the utmost.” * *
In some matters Sa’adat Khén had befriended Abi'i-l Hasan
against the designs of his own master. So Abl'i-l Hasan, think
ing of what might follow, refrained from injuring him, and made
him presents. * *
When Aurangzeb drew near to Haidarabad, Abi'i-l Hasan.
felt that the time of his fall was near; but he sent a letter
to Aurangzeb, renewing his protestations of obedience, and
reiterating his claims to forgiveness. *‘ * Aurangzeb wrote
a reply, the gist of which was as follows: “The evil deeds
of this wicked man pass beyond the bounds of writing; but
by mentioning one out of a hundred, and a little out of
much, some conception of them may be formed. First,
placing the reins of authority and government in the hands of
vile tyrannical infidels; oppressing and afflicting the saiyz'ds,
shaikhs, and other holy men ; openly giving himself up to exces
sive debauchery and depravity; indulging in drunkenness and
wickedness night and day; making no distinction between
infidelity_and Islam, tyranny and justice, depravity and devo
tion; waging obstinate war in defence of infidels; want of
obedience to the Divine commands and prohibitions, especially
to that command which forbids assistance to an enemy’s country,
the disregarding of which had cast a censure upon the Holy
Book in the sight both of God and man. Letters full of friendly
advice and warning upon these points had been repeatedly
written, and had been sent by the hands of discreet men. No
attention had been paid to them; moreover it had lately become
known that avlac ofpagodas had been sent to the wicked Sambha.
That in this insolence and intoxication and worthlessness, no
regard had been paid to the infamy of his deeds, and no hope
shown of deliverance in this world or in the next”,
Abi'i-l Hasan, seeing that there was no longer any\hope for
him, sent forth his forces, under the command of his best officers,
326 KHA’FI' KHA’N.

to meet Aurangzeb, urging them to fight valiantly, and to
endeavour to make Aurangzeb prisoner. * * On the 24th
Rabi’u-l awwal the royal army took ground at gun-shot distance
from Golkonda, and the. work of the siege began. "‘ *‘ Abl'i-l
Hasan had forty or fifty thousand horse outside the walls, with
whom the royal army had frequent encounters, and a sharp fire
of guns and rockets was kept up from the fortifications. Some
distinguished oflicers of the royal army and many men were
lost on both sides. After the arrival of Firoz Jang, the whole
management of the siege was placed in his hands.
\ Prince Shah ’A'lam had fallen under the displeasure of his
father at the siege of Bijapl’ir; still, at the siege of Golkonda,
the lines on the right side were under his command. But the
'days of his fortune and prosperity had been overshadowed by
' some years of trouble and misconduct. He now secretly received
messages and presents from Abii-l Hasan, to secure his services
and the services of his associates, in obtaining forgiveness of past
ofl'ences. The Prince’s objects were that peace and war should
be dependent upon his approval as heir apparent, and that as far
as possible he should bind Abu-l Hasan to his interests. He
never reflected that this course must eventually end in his fall
and disgrace. Some meddling mischief-making people got infor
mation of what was going on, and informed Aurangzeb. “‘ t“
The manager of the Prince’s equipages now reported to him that
the carriages belonging to his zana'na were far away from his
tents, and were open to attacks from the garrison. He accord
ingly ordered that they should be brought nearer to his tent.
Some of Prince Muhammad A’zam’s companions informed
Aurangzeb that Shah ’A'lam was about to make his way into the
city. On hearing this, Aurangzeb was greatly enraged. He
called Hayat Khan, and another of Shah ’A'lam’s confidential
servants, to his presence; and questioned them in private as to
the Prince’s intention. They replied that the Prince’s ,object
was to obtain, by his influence, a pardon for Abu-l Hasan, and,
failing in that, to do his best for the reduction of the fortress.

Of evil intentions he had none. ‘ " But for all their pleas and
protestations they could not remove the suspicious which
Aurangzeb had of his son. ‘ " Orders were given for a force
to be sent to bring the Prince before him. Hayat Khan said
there was no necessity for that. If the Emperor sent an officer
to call the Prince, he would come at once, for he had no thought
but of obedience. So on .the 18th Rabi’u-s sz'mi, in the twenty
ninth year of the reign, an officer was sent to bring the Prince,
with Muhammad ‘Azim, his second son, to the royal presence.
The Prince obeyed immediately, and waited on his august
father. “ “ The Emperor ordered that all the establishments of
the Prince should be seized, and his mansabs and ja'girs confis
cated. [Harsh treatment ofNlira-l Nissa, the Prince‘s talk, and of
her eunuchs.] But here we will refrain from entering upon the
unhappy details of the Prince’s imprisonment, and his liberation,
and will proceed with the account of the conquest of Golkonda.
Day by day, and week by week, the approaches were pushed
forward under the direction of Ghaziu-d din Firoz Jang, but
they were encountered with great daring by the besieged under
the command of Shaikh Nizam,'Mustafa Khan Léri, otherwise
called ’Abdu-r Razzak, and others. The fighting was desperate,
and many were killed on both sides. “‘ * After one sharp
encounter, in which a sally of the garrison was driven back with
loss, Shaikh Minhéj, Shaikh Nizam, and others, deserted Abfi-l
Hasan, and came over. to the besiegers, when Aurangzeb granted
to them suitable mansabs and titles. Muhammad Ibrahim, who
was the first to quit the way of error, and to enter upon the
royal road of rectitude, received a mansab of 7000 and 6000
horse, with the title of Mahébat Khan. He exerted himself
above all others in endeavouring to reduce the fortress. Shaikh
Nizam received a mansab of 6000 and 5000 horse, with the title
of Takarrub Khan. Of all the nobles of Abu-l Hasan, the one
who never forsook him until the fall of the place, and who
throughout exerted himself in an inconceivable manner, was
Mustafa Khan Leri, or, as he was also called, YAbdu-r Razzak.

The siege was protracted for a long time, and from the
immense stores of ammunition in the fortress, an unintermitting
discharge was kept up night and day from the gates, and towers,
and walls, of cannon-balls, bullets, rockets and other fiery mis
siles. The smoke arising from the constant firing removed the
distinction of day and night, and no day passed without the
besiegers suffering a loss in killed and wounded. The assailants
exerted themselves vigorously, especially * *, and so in the
course of a month and some days the lines were carried up to
the very edge of the ditch, and orders were issued for filling it
up. It is said that Aurangzeb himself, after observing the rite
of purification, sewed the seams of the first cotton bag to be
filled with earth and thrown into the moat. High mounds were
raised, and heavy guns were placed upon " them and pointed
against the fortress. Their heavy five greatly harassed the
defenders. The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder (within
the city) was extreme, so that many men of wealth were dis
heartened; who then can describe the position of the poor and
needy? Throughout the Dakhin in the early part of this year
there was a scarcity of rain when the jowdr and ba'jrd came into
ear, so they dried up and perished. These productions of the
autumn harvest are the main support of the people of the
Dakhin. Rice is the principal food of the people of Haidar
abad, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and by
scarcity of rain. The Dakhinis and the forces of the hell-dog
Sambha had come to the assistance of Haidarabad, and hovering
round the Imperial forces, they cut off the supplies of grain.
Pestilence (wabci) broke out, and carried off many men. Thus
great numbers of men were lost. Others, unable to bear the
pangs of hunger and wretchedness, went over to Abfi-l Hasan,
and some treacherously rendered aid to the besieged.
When the siege had been carried on for some time, Aurangzeb
recalled Prince Muhammad A’zam, whom, in consequence of the
unfaithfulness of Prince Shah ’A'lam, he had sent to settle the
country round Ujjain and Akbarébad, and who had got as far as

Burhanpfir. He also summoned Ruhu-llah Khan, an experienced
and highly-trusted nobleman, from Bijapi'ir. Soon after the
Prince’s arrival, the dearness of grain passed all bounds. * " In
the middle of Rajab, when the siege had lasted three months,
“‘ * it was resolved to make an attempt to take the place by
surprise at night, by means of' scaling-ladders and ropes. "‘ *
,A few brave men succeeded in ascending the ramparts, " * but
the barking of a dog gave the alarm, and the defenders rushed
to the walls and soon despatched those who had gained the top.
They also threw down the ladders, and so made an end of those
who were mounting. Others opened fire. When the leaders of
the storming party gained the summit of the ramparts, one of
Aurangzeb’s servants ran off to report their success, without
waiting to see the result of the enterprise. Aurangzeb, on
receiving his report, ordered the drums of victory to be beaten, and
ordered out his royal equipage and state dress. Next day spies
reported that Abi'i-l Hasan gave the dog a gold collar, a plated
chain, etc., and directed that the dog should be kept chained
near to himself. _
In the middle of Sha’bén a heavy rain fell for three days, “ "‘
which was the cause of very great distress to the besiegers, "‘ *
and destroyed many of their works. * * The enemy also took
courage, and made a sally in great force, in which they did great
damage, " * and killed many men and took some prisoners.
Abfi-l Hasan treated his prisoners with hospitality and honour.
* " He took Sarbaréh Khan to his granaries and magazines
and showed him his stores of corn and heaps of treasure. He
then wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, reciting * * and offering to
present a kror of rupees, and also to pay a kror of' rupees for each
time that Aurangzeb had besieged the place; so that any further
slaughter of Musulméns might be prevented. If his proposals
were not accepted, he offered to supply five or six hundred
thousand mans of grain for the troops. When these proposals
were reported to Aurangzeb, he said, “ If Abu-l Hasan does not
repudiate my authority, he mut come to me with clasped hands,

or he must be brought bound before me. I will then consider
what consideration I can show him.” He then issued orders to
the officials of Birér for the preparation of 50,000 bags of cotton,
and for other materials for carrying on the siege and filling up
the moat. “‘ *
On the 19th Sha’ban it was reported that a triple mine had
been driven under the bastions of the fortress, and charged with
gunpowder. Orders were then given that a force should he
collected in the lines as if about to make an attack upon the
undermined work, so that the enemy might observe this, and
assemble his men there. The mines were then to be fired.
fAbdu-r Razzak Lari and others of the besieged, having observed
these proceedings, commenced countermining. They pushed their
work with such skill and activity, * "‘ that they drew the
powder and match from one mine, and poured water into the
other two. The Imperial troops collected for the assault, and
raised their cries ; and the gunners watched the ramparts for the
proper moment for firing the mine. When the signal was given,
one mine exploded, but as part of the powder had been extracted,
and of the remaining part that which lay nearest to the fortress
was wet, the blowing up of the bastion did more injury to the
besiegers than the besieged. *“ *‘ The garrison then sallied forth,
and occupied the trenches, killing all whom they found alive in
them. After a severe struggle, in which many men fell on both
sides, the trenches were recovered. The second mine was ex
ploded, and thousands of stones, great and small, were hurled
into the air; but, as in the former case, they fell upon the
heads of the besiegers, * *‘ and great numbers were killed and
wounded. * *
Great wailings and complaints arose from the troops engaged
in the siege. * * The cannonade recommenced on both sides, and
many more of the besiegers fell. * ‘ Although Firoz Jang
exerted himself most strenuously, he made no impression upon
the place. The long delay kindled the anger of Aurangzeb.
He called his chiefs and officers together, "‘ "‘ and placing him~

self at about a gun-shot distance from the walls, he ordered an
assault to be made under his own eyes. Prodigies of valour
were exhibited. * * But a storm of wind and rain arose, and
obstructed the progress of the assailants, * * and they were
forced'to fall back drenched with rain. The garrison again made
a sally, took possession of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns,
on the mounting of which immense money and labour had been
expended, and carried away all that was portable. They pulled
out of the moat the logs of wood, and the many thousands
of bags which had been used to fill it up, and used them to repair
the breaches made by the mines. "' * It was afterwards deter
mined that the third mine should be sprung in the presence of
Aurangzeb. But although fire was applied, nothing resulted.
An examination as to the cause was instituted, but nothing was
discovered until it was learnt from spies that the enemy had
cleared out the powder and cut the match. “" * Firoz Jang had
received two arrow wounds. The command of the army was then
given to Prince Muhammad A’zam.
Several of the officers of Abi'i-l Hasan had come over to the
side of Aurangzeb, and had received suitable titles, mansabs, and
presents. Shaikh Minhaj, having heard of this, was about to
desert, but Abi'i-l Hasan placed him in confinement, and seized
his house. Of all his nobles, none remained faithful to Abi'i-l
Hasan but ’Abdu-r Razzék Lari, who had received the title
Mustafé. Khan, and ’Abdu-llah Khan Pani Afghan. At the
end of Sha’ban, the siege had lasted eight months, and Abi'i-l
Hasan’s men still worked indefatigably. At length, ’Abdu-llah
Khan made secret overtures to Aurangzeb, and agreed to open
one of the gates of the city for the admission of his troops.
Aurangzeb frequently communicated with ’Abdu-r Razzak
Lari, and promised him a mansab of six thousand, with six
thousand horse, and other regal favours. But that .ungracious
faithful fellow, taking no heed of his own interest and life, in the
most insolent manner exhibited the Emperor’s letter to the men
in his bastion, and tore it to pieces in their presence, and he

sent- a message by the spy who had brought it to say that he
would fight to the death like the horsemen who fought with
Imam Husain at Karbala. “ "
The besiegers continued to show great resolution in pushing
on the siege. They cast into the ditches thousands of bags
filled with dirt and rubbish, and thousands of carcases of animals
and men who had perished during the operations. Several
times the valour 0f the assailants carried them to the top
of the walls; but the watchfulness of the besieged frustrated
their efforts; so they threw away their lives in vain, and the
fortress remained untaken. But the fortune' of ’Klamgir at
length prevailed, and after a siege of eight months and ten days,
the place fell into his hands ; but by good fortune, not by force of
sword and spear.

THIRTY-FIRST YEAR or THE REIGN, 1098 A.H. (1687 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 361.] At the beginning of the month Zi-l
ka’da, at the commencement of the thirty-first year of the reign,
agreeing with 1098 A.H. (Sept. 1687), by the efforts of Riihu
llah Khan, a negociation was concluded, through Ranmast Khén
Afghan Pani, with ’Abdu-llah Khan, who was one of the confi
dential officers of Abfi-l Hasan, and had charge of the gate called
the klu'rlré (wicket). In the last watch of the night Ri'ihn-llah
Khan and ‘t *, at a sign from ’Abdu-llah, entered the fortress by
means of ladders. Prince Muhammad A’zam, mounted on an
elephant, had a large force ready to enter by the gate. Those
who had got in went to the gate, posted their men, opened the
gate, and raised the cry of victory.
’Abdu-r Razzak Lari heard this, and, springing on a horse
without any saddle, with a sword in one hand and a shield
in the other, and accompanied by ten or twelve followers, be
rushed to the open gate, through which the Imperial forces
were pouring in. Although his ‘followers were dispersed,
he alone, like a drop of water falling into the sea, or an

atom of dust struggling in the rays of the sun, threw him
self upon the advancing foe, and fought with inconceivable
fury and desperation, shouting that he would fight to the death
for Abu-l Hasan. Every step he advanced, thousands of swords
were aimed at him, and he received so many wounds from swords
and spears that he was covered with wounds from the crown of'
his head to the nails of his feet. But his time was not yet come,
and he fought his way to the gate of the citadel without being
brought down. He received twelve wounds upon his face alone,
and the skin of his forehead hung down over his eyes and nose.
One eye was severely wounded, and the cuts upon his body
seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse also was covered
with wounds, and reeled under his weight, so he gave the reins
to the beast, and by great exertion kept his seat. The horse
carried him to a garden called Nagina, near the citadel, to the
foot of an old cocoa-nut tree, where, by the help of the tree, he
threw himself off. On the morning of the second day a party of
men belonging to Husaini Beg passed, and recognizing him by
his horse and other signs, they took compassion upon him, and
carried him upon a bedstead to a house. When his own men
heard of this, they came and dressed his wounds. The re
mainder of the story of this brave devoted warrior shall be told
The shouts and cries, and the groans and lamentations, within
and without, made Abi'i-l Hasan aware that all was over. He
went into his harem to comfort his women, to ask pardon of
them, and take leave of them. Then, though his heart was sad,
he controlled himself, and went to his reception room, and took
his seat upon the masnad, and watched for the coming of his
unbidden guests. When the time for taking his meal arrived, he
ordered the food to be served up. As Riihu-llah Khan and
others arrived, he saluted them all, and never for a moment lost
his dignity. With perfect self-control he received them with
courtesy,.and spoke to them with warmth and elegance. *‘ "‘
Abu-l Hasan called for his horse and accompanied the amérs,
334 Knxrr KHKN.

carrying a great wealth of pearls upon his neck. When he was
introduced into the presence of Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah,
he took off his necklace of pearls and presented it to the Prince
in a most graceful way. The Prince took it, and placing his
hand upon his back, he did what he could to console and
encourage him. He then conducted him to the presence of
Aurangzeb, who also received him very courteously. After a few
days the Emperor sent him to the fortress of Daulatabad, and
’ settled a suitable allowance for providing him with food, raiment,
and other necessaries. Officers were appointed to take possession
of the effects of Abi'i-l Hasan and his nobles.
’Abdu-r Razzak,1 senseless, but with a spark of life remaining,
was carried to the house of Ruhu-llah Khan. As soon as the
eyes of Saf-shikan Khan fell upon him, he cried out, “ This is
that vile Lari! cut off his head and hang it over the gate.”
Ruhu-llah replied that to cut off the head of a dying man
without orders, when there was no hope of his surviving, was far
from being humane. A little bird made the matter known to
Aurangzeb ,who had heard of ’Abdu-r Razzak’s daring and
courage and loyalty, and he graciously ordered that two sur
geons, one a European, the other a Hindu, should be sent to
attend the wounded man, who were to make daily reports of his
condition to Aurangzeb.
The Emperor sent for Ruhu-llah Khan, and told him that
if Abi'i-l Hasan had possessed only one more servant devoted
like ’Abdu-r Razzak, it would have taken much longer to
subdue the fortress. The surgeons reported that they had
counted nearly seventy wounds, besides the many wounds
upon wounds which could not be counted. Although one eye
was not injured, it was probable that he would lose the sight of
both. They were directed carefully to attend to his cure. At
the end of sixteen days, the doctors reported that he had opened

1 In a subsequent page (390) the author says that he lived for some time with
’Abdu-r Razzak near Rahiri. This accounts for the long notice he has given of that
brave soldier.

one eye, and spoken a few faltering words expressing a hope of
recovery. Aurangzeb sent a message to him, forgiving him his
offences, and desiring him to send his eldest son ’Abdu-l Kadir
with his other sons, that they might receive suitable mansabs and
honours, and return thanks for the pardon granted to their father,
and for the mansabs and other favours. When this gracious
message reached that devoted and peerless hero, he gasped out a
few words of reverence and gratitude, but he said that there was
little hope of his recovery. If, however, it pleased the Almighty
to spare him and give him a second life, it was not likely that he
would be fit for service; but should he ever be capable of service,
he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of Abd-l Hasan, and
had thriveu on his bounty, could enter the service of King
’A'lamgir (Aurangzeb). On hearing these words, a cloud was seen
to pass over the face of His Majesty; but he kindly said, “ When
he is quite well, let me know.” Most of ’Abdu-r Razzak’s
property had been plundered, but such as was left was given over
to him.
1 Some time afterwards it was reported that ’Abdu-r Razzék
had got quite well, and an order was issued to the Sicbaa'dr
v to send him to the royal presence. ’Abdu-r Razzak tried to
excuse himself, and expressed a wish to go with his children
on the pilgrimage to Mecca,‘ on returning from which blessed
journeyhe would devote himself to prayer for the long life of
His Majesty. Orders were then given for arresting him and
sending him to Court. Firoz Jang got information of this,
and with great sympathy invited ’Abdn-r Razzék to come and
stay with him. He kept him for some time with marked kind
ness, and after the lapse of a year ’Abdu-r Razzak entered the
Imperial service with a mansab of 4000 and 3000 horse.
The property of Abi'i-l Hasan which was recovered after its
dispersion amounted to eight lacs and fifty-one thousand buns,
and two krors and fifty-three thousand rupees, altogether six
I In the text ten pages intervene before this finish of ’Abdu-r Razzak’s story is
brought in. It appears in the thirty-second year of the reign.
336 - xnxrr KHAN.

krors eighty lacs and ten thousand rupees, besides jewels, inlaid
articles and vessels of gold and silver. The total in ddms was
one arb fifteen krors sixteen lacs and a fraction, which was the
sum entered on the records.
The mud fort of Golkonda was built by the ancestors of Raja
Deo Rai, and it was acquired by the Bahmani Sultans after a
good deal of resistance. Upon the fall of the Bahmani dynasty,
their territories fell into the hands of a number of petty chiefs;
but Sultan Muhammad Kuli, entitled Kutbu-l Mulk, who had
been one of the nobles of Sultan Muhammad Shah Bahmani,
brought some of the provinces of the Dakhin under his rule.
For the old mud fort of Raja Deo 'Rai, which stood upon the
summit of a hill, be substituted one of stone. After some
descents, the kingdom came to Muhammad Kutbu-l Mulk, for
all the descendants bore the name of Kutbu-l Mulk. He took
great pains in repairing the fort of Golkonda. He had a wife
named Bhagmati, of whom he was very fond. At her request,
he built a city two lros distant from the fortress, to which he
gave the name of Bhagnagar. Some time after the death of
Bhagmati, the name was changed to Haidarabad; but in the
vernacular language of the people it is still called Bhagnagar.
That woman1 had established many brothels and drinking shops
in that place, and the rulers had always been addicted to pleasure
and to all sorts of debauchery. Abi'i-l Hasan exceeded all his
predecessors in his devotion to pleasure. So the city got an evil
name for licentiousness. After the conquest by Aurangzeb, it
was called the hostile country (clliru-l jllza'cl). [Surrender of the
fort of Sakar between Haldardba'cl and Bljdpéri]


[Surrender of the fort of Ad/wni to Prince Muhammad
A’zam Std/a]
1 The words are explicit.

THIRTY-THIRD YEAR or THE REIGN, 1100 A.H. (1689 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 372.] .The plague (td’z’m) and pestilence
(wabd), which had for several years been in the Dakhin as far as
the port of Surat and the city of Ahmadabad, now broke out with
violence in Bijapi'ir, and in the royal camp. It was so virulent
that when an individual was attacked with it, he gave up all hope,
and thought only about his nursing and mourning. The black—
pated guest-slayer of the sky sought to pick out the seed of the
human race from the field of the world, and the cold blast of
destruction tried to cut down the tree of life in every living being,
and to remove every shoot and sign of life from the surface of the
world. The visible marks of the plague were swellings as big as
a grape or banana under the arms, behind the ears, and in the
groin, and a redness Was perceptible round the pupils of the eyes,
as in fever or pestilence (wabci). It was the business of heirs to
provide for the interment of the dead, but thousands of obscure
and friendless persons of no property died in the towns and
markets, and very few of them had the means of burial. * "‘ It
began in the twenty-seventh year of the reign, and lasted for
seven or eight years.


Operations against the Mahrattas. Capture and Execution
qf Samb/ui.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 383.] Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah was
sent with an army and some experienced amtrs to punish the
infidels about Bahadur-garh and (.a‘rulshanabéd.1 Firoz Jang,
with another army, was sent to reduce the forts in the neigh
bourhood of Rajgarh. Mukarrab Khan, otherwise called Shaikh
Nizam Haidarabadi, was sent against the infidel Sambha. Each
of them endeavoured to distinguish himself in the performance of
the service on which he had been sent. Mukarrab Khan was
' In Baglana, near Junir. See post, p. 345.
VOL. VII. 22

distinguished above all the nobles of the Dakhin for his military
knowledge and enterprise. He laid siege to the fort of Pamela,
near Kolapi'ir, and sent out his spies in all directions to gather
intelligence, and especially to get information about Sambha,
who in his vile and evil course of life was ten times Worse than
his father Sivaji. * *
This ill-bred fellow left his old home at Rahiri, and went
to the fort of Khelna. After satisfying himself of the state
of its stores, and the settlement of the country round, under
the guidance of adverse fortune, which kept him ignorant
of the approach of the Imperial forces, he went to bathe in the
waters of the Ban-Ganga, on the borders of the district of
Sangamnir,1 one day’s journey from the sea-shore. The place
was situated in a valley, surrounded by high mountains of
diflicult passage. Here Kabkalas, the filthy dog, had built
a house, embellished with paintings, and surrounded with a
garden full of fruit-trees and flowers. Sambha, with Kab
kalas, and his wives, and his son Séhi'i, went there, accom
panied with a force of two or three thousand horse, entirely
unaware of the approach of the falcon of destiny. After
bathing, he lingered there, viewing the lofty hills, the arduous
roads full of ascents and descents, and the thick woods of thorny
trees. Unlike his father, he was addicted to wine, and fond of
the society of handsome women, and gave himself up to pleasure.
Messengers brought 'him intelligence of the active movements of
Mukarrab Khan; but he was absorbed in the pleasures which
bring so many men of might to their ruin.
Mukarrab Khan started boldly from his base at Kolapi'ir, which
was forty-five kos distant from the retreat to which Sambha had
resorted. He took with him two thousand horse and one thousand
foot, selected men. The reports brought to him represented that
the road was steep and arduous, over high hills, and that thirty
or forty men without arms might hold the road against a large
army by throwing down stones. But that brave leader heeded
1 Sangameshwar, in the Ghats. See Grant Dufi', vol. i. p. 359.

none of these objections. * " He set out and made a rapid
march, and in the most difficult places they came to he himself
went first on foot. ‘ " They pressed on, and approached near
the place where the doomed one was staying.
_It is said that Sambha‘s scouts informed him of the approach
of the royal army, or the “Mughal army,” as it was called in
the language of the Mahrattas. But the heedless fellow scouted
the idea of any Mughal army penetrating to that place. He
ordered the tongues of the reporters to be cut out, and did not
even take care to have his horses ready, or to prepare any
Mukarrab Khan, with his sons and nephews, ten or twelve brave
personal attendants, and two or three hundred horsemen, fell
sword in hand upon the heedless Sambha, who too late thought of
defending himself. Kabkalas, his waztr, was well known for his
courage and daring. He did his best to save him, and, with‘
a party of Mahrattas, advanced to meet the assailants. At the
commencement of the fight he received an arrow in the right
arm, which rendered the limb useless. He fell from his horse,
exclaiming that he would remain there. Sambha, who was about
to take to flight, sprang from his horse, and said that he would
stay with him. Four or five Mahrattas were cut down, but
all the rest of Sambha‘s men fled. Kabkalas was taken pri
soner; Sambhfi. went for refuge into' an idol temple, and there
hid himself. The place was surrounded, and he was discovered.
Several of his followers, of no importance, were killed; but he
and his family, including his son Se'thl'i, a boy of seven or eight
years of age, were all made prisoners. All his men and women,
twenty-six individuals in number, were taken, and also two
women belonging to Ram Raja, his younger brother, whom he
kept confined in one of his forts. The hands of all of them were
bound, and they were brought to the feet of the elephant on
which Mukarrab Khan was riding. Although Sambha, in the
brief interval, had shaved off his beard, smeared his face with
ashes, and changed his clothes, he was discovered by a necklace

of pearls under his garments, and by the gold rings upon the legs
of his horse. Mukarrab Khan made him ride behind him on the
same elephant, and the other captives were chained and carried
off, some on elephants, some on horses.
A despatoh was sent to His Majesty, but news of the exploit
reached him first through the news-reporters, and was a cause of
great rejoicing. When the intelligence came that Mukarrab
Khan was approaching with his prisoners, His Majesty ordered
* * a large party to go out two has from Akll'ij,1 where he was
staying, to give the victor a ceremonious reception. It is said
that during the four or five days when Mukarrab Khan was
known to be coming with his prisoners, the rejoicings were so
great among all classes, from chaste matrons to miserable men,
that they could not sleep at night, and they went out two [cos to
meet the prisoners, and give expression to their satisfaction. In
every town and village on the road or near it, wherever the news
reached, there was great delight; and wherever they passed, the
doors and roofs were full of men and women, who looked on
rejoicing. * *
After their arrival, Aurangzeb held a darba'r, and the pri
soners were brought in. On seeing them, he descended from
his throne, and made two ruk’ats as a mark of his gratitude
to the Almighty. It is said that Kabkalas observed this. He
was well versed in Hindi poetry, and although his head and neck
and every limb was firmly secured so that he could use only his
eyes and tongue, when he saw Aurangzeb make these signs of
devotion, he looked at Sambha, and repeated some Hindi lines to
this effect, “0 Raja, at the sight of thee the King ’A'lamgir
(Aurangzeb), for all his pomp and dignity, cannot keep his seat
upon his throne, but has perforce descended from it to do thee
After they had been sent to their places of confinement,
some of the councillors of the State advised that their lives
‘ On the south of the river Nira, about half way between Bijapfir and Pfina. It
is the “ Aldus ” of Elphinstone’s map. ,
‘4'.- w


should be spared, and that they should be kept in perpetual
confinement, on condition of surrendering the keys of the
fortresses held by the adherents of Sambha. But the doomed
wretches knew that, after all, their heads would fall upon the
scaffold, or that, if by abject submission and baseness, they escaped
death, they would be kept in confinement deprived of all the
pleasures of life, and every day of life would be a new death.
So both Sambhé. and Kabkalas indulged in abusive language, and
uttered the most offensive remarks in the hearing of the
Emperor’s servants. But it was the will of God that the stock of
this turbulent family should not be rooted out of the Dakhin,
and that King Aurangzeb should spend the rest of his life in, the
work of repressing them and taking their fortresses. The
Emperor was in favour of seizing the opportunity of getting rid
of these prime movers of the strife, and hoped that with a little
exertion their fortresses would be reduced. He therefore rejected
the advice, and would not consent to spare them on condition of
receiving the keys of the fortresses. He gave orders that the
tongues of both should be cut out, so that they might no longer
speak disrespectfully. After that, their eyes were to be torn out.
Then, with ten or eleven other persons, they were to be put to
death with a variety of tortures, and lastly he ordered that the
skins of the heads of Sambha and'Kabkalas should be stuffed with
straw, and exposed in all the cities and towns of the Dakhin, with
beat of drum and sound of trumpet. Such is the retribution for
rebellious, violent, oppressive evil-doers.
Séhi'i, the son of Sambha, a boy of seven years of age, was
spared, and orders were given for his being kept within the limits
of the palace. Suitable teachers were appointed to educate him,
and a mansab of 700 was granted to him. ‘ * Some women, in
cluding the mother and daughters of Sambha, were sent to the
fortress of Daulatébéd. -
When the author was staying along with ’Abdu-r Razzak
Lari near the fort of Rahiri, which Sivaji built, he heard from
the people of the neighbourhood that Sivaji, although an infidel

and a rebel, was a wise man. The country round may be called
a specimen of hell, for it is hilly and stony, and in the hot
season water is very scarce, which is a great trouble to the
inhabitants. Sivaji had a well dug near his abode. A pavement
was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was erected.
Upon this bench Sivaji would take his seat, and when the women
of the traders' and poor people came to draw water, he would give
their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother
and sisters. When the rdj descended to Sambhé, he also used
to sit upon this bench; and when the wives and daughters of the
miyals came to draw water, the vile dog would lay one hand
upon their pitcher, and another upon their waist, and drag them
to the seat. There he would handle them roughly and indecently,
and detain them for a while. The poor woman, unable to help
herself, would dash the pitcher from her head, but she could not
escape without gross insult. At length the mtg/ate of the country
settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to the territory of the
Firingis, which was not far off. He received the reward of his

THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1102 A.H. (1691 A.D.).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 391.] Aurangzeb was desirous of rewarding
Mukarrab Khan for his splendid and unparalleled success. * * *
He granted to him an increase of 1000 horse, gave him the title
of Khan-Zaman Fath-Jang, a present of 50,000 rupees, and of
a horse, elephant, etc., etc. His son, Ikhlas Khan, who held a
mansab of 4000 personal and 4000 horse, had it increased a
thousand, and received the title of Khan-i ’A'lam. His four or
five sons and nephews also received titles and marks of favour.
About this time it was reported that Réjgarh, one of the forts
of Sivaji and Sambha, had been taken. Abfi-l Khair Khan was
appointed its commandant. * * Before the news of the capture
of Sambhé. reached that neighbourhood, the enemy invested the
place, and summoned Abi'i-l Khair to surrender. Although the

force under Firoz Jang was near at hand, Abd-l Khair was
frightened, and was so craven as to surrender on a promise of
safety to his life, his family, and his property. He left the place
at night with some of his women in dttlz's and the rest on foot,'
and he had with him several baskets and boxes of clothing,
money, jewels, etc. The Mahrattas had gathered round, waiting
for him, and although they had promised security to life and
property, they stripped him of all he had, and left him in
miserable plight. In the middle of the night he reached the
army of Firoz Jang, full of complaints and remorse. He was
deprived of his mansab and ja'gtr, and was sent on the pilgrimage.

Turbulence of the Jdts.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Agra that
when A'ghar Khan came there under orders from Kabul, a party
of J{its attacked the caravan near Kgra. They seized the cattle
and plundered the. carts which were in the rear, and carried ofl'
some women as prisoners. A'ghar Khan pursued them to the
neighbourhood of a fort, where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued
the women. He then boldly invested the fort, but he was killed
by a musket-ball. His son-in-law was also killed. Khan-Jahan
Kokaltash had formerly failed in executing a commission to re
strain the Jfats, and for this and some displeasing actions he was
recalled, and Prince Bedar Bakht was appointed on the duty.
An order was issued that no Hindu should ride in a pa'lké or
on an Arab horse without permission.

Tnmrv-srxrn YEAR or THE REIGN, 1103 an. (1692 A.D.).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 397.] In the beginning or towards the
middle of this year, Aurangzeb moved from Gri'1rga0nl and
Shikarpfir to Bidr, and after a while from thence to Gulka, one
day’s march from Bijépur, where the camp was pitched. The
l The previous march was from Akluj to Gfirgaon (Text, p. 393).

evil days of Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam now drew to a close,
and it pleased the Emperor to show him kindness. * "' "‘ He
directed that the shaving of the head and other rigours of prison
discipline should be forbidden, and he held out to the Prince '
hopes of release.
The Hindi names of many places end with the letter h, which
there was a tendency to pronounce like ah'f in such names as
Malwah, Bangalah, Baglanah, and Parnalah. * * Orders were
given that such names should be written with an alt' , as Malwa,
Bangala, Baglana, etc.
Mukhlis Khan, darogha of the artillery, reported that some of
the Mahratta chiefs had taken Ram Raja, brother of the late
Sambha, out of confinement, and had raised him to the rdj in
succession to his father and brother. They had assembled large
forces with the vain intention of besieging fortresses. He sent
robes and presents to the oflicers in command of his own forts,
and, like his father and brother, he appointed different leaders to
plunder the country, and to get possession of forts.

The Portuguese.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 400.] It was mentioned in the history of the
reign of Shah Jahan that Christian traders had come to India
to the ports on the sea-shore. The officers of the King of
Portugal occupied several neighbouring ports, and had erected
forts in strong positions and under the protection of hills. They
built villages, and in all matters acted very kindly towards the
people, and did not vex them with oppressive taxes. They
allotted a separate quarter for the Musulmans who dwelt with
them, and appointed a Mad over them to settle all matters of
taxes and marriage. But the call to prayer and public devotion
were not permitted in their settlements. If a poor traveller hadv
to pass through their possessions, he would meet with no other
trouble ; but he would not be able to say his prayers at his case.
On the sea, they are not like the English, and do not attack
other ships, except those ships which have not received their pass

according to rule, or the ships of Arabia or Maskat, with which
two countries they have a long-standing enmity, and they attack
each other whenever opportunity offers. If a ship from a distant
port is wrecked and falls into their hands, they look upon it as
their prize. But their greatest act of tyranny is this. If a
subject of these misbelievers dies, leaving young children, and no
grown-up son, the children are considered wards of the State.
They take them to their places of worship, their churches, which
they have built in many places, and the pddris, that is to say the
priests, instruct the children in the Christian religion, and bring
them up in their own faith, whether the child be a Musulman
saiyid or a Hindu bra'hman. They also make them serve as
slaves. In the ’A'dil-Shéhi Kokan, close to the sea, in the fine
and famous fort of Goa, their governor resides; and there is a
captain there who exercises full powers on the part of Portugal,
They have also established some other ports and flourishing
villages. Besides this, the Portuguese occupy the country from
fourteen or fifteen kos south of Surat to the boundaries of the
fort of Bombay, which belongs to the English, and to the borders
of the territories of the Habshis, which is called the Nizam
Shahi Kokan. In the rear of the hills of Baglana, and in strong
positions, difficult of access, near the fort of Gulshanébad, they
have built seven or eight other forts, small and great. Two of
these, by name Daman and Basi, which they obtained by fraud
from Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, they have made very strong,
and the villages around are flourishing. Their possessions
measure in length about forty or fifty kos ; but they are not
more than a kos or a has and a half in width. They cultivate the _
skirts of the hills, and grow the best products, such as sugar
cane, pine-apples, and rice; and cocoa-nut trees, and betel-nut
vines, in vast numbers, from which they derive a very large
revenue. They have made for use in their districts a silver coin
called aehrafl, worth nine a'na's. They also use bits of copper
which they call busurg, and four of these buzurgs pass for a fuhls.
The orders of the King (of India) are not current there. When

the people there marry, the girl is given as the dowry, and they
leave the management of all affairs, in the house and out of it,
to their wives. They have only one wife, and concubinage is not
permitted by their religion. * *‘ *

Ra'm Ra’ja.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 413.] Messengers now brought to the know
ledge of the Emperor that the forces of Ram Raja had marched
in various directions to ravage the territories and reduce the
forts belonging to the Imperial throne. The fort of Parnala was
one of the highest and most celebrated of the forts belonging to
Bijapi'ir, and had been captured by the royal forces with a good
deal of difficulty. It was now taken with little exertion by
Ram Raja’s oflicers, and its commandant was wounded and made
prisoner. It was also reported that Ram Raja had gone to the
assistance of the chiefs of Jinji, and was busy collecting men.
* * This information greatly troubled His Majesty. * * He was
about to send Bahramand Khan to lay siege to Parnala, when
intelligence came that Prince Mu’izzu-d din had sat down before
it. So he resolved to proceed in person to Bairampliri.

The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 414.] This year Aurangzeb stayed at Bairam
pi'lri,1 the name of which was ordered to be changed to Islampfiri.
- * * Forces were sent against the fort of Pamela and’other forts
in various places. *’ *' After the execution of Sambha, many of
the Mahratta chieftains received instructions from Ram Raja to
ravage the country. They hovered round the Imperial armies,
and were exceedingly daring. * “’ Among them was Santa Ghor
1 Elphinstone calls it “ Birmapnri near Pauderpfir (Piindharpur) on the Bhima.”
The Survey Map has “ Brumhapooree,” lower down the river than Pfindharpur, and
south-west of Sholfipur.

pfira and Dahina Jede, two experienced warriors and leaders of
from fifteen to twenty thousand horse. Other Mahratta chiefs
submitted to their leadership, and great losses were inflicted on
the Imperial forces.
Santa more especially distinguished himself in ravaging the
cultivated districts, and in attacking the royal leaders. Every
onewho encountered him was either killed or wounded and
made prisoner; or if any one did escape, it was with his mere
life, with the loss of his army and baggage. Nothing could
be done, for wherever the accursed dog went and threatened
an attack, there was no Imperial amir bold enough to resist
him, and every loss he inflicted on their forces made the
boldest warriors quake. Ism ’il Khan was accounted one of the
bravest and most skilful warriors of the Dakhin, but he was
defeated in the first action, his army was plundered, and he him
self was wounded and made prisoner. After some months he
obtained his release, on the payment of a large sum of money.
So also Rustam Khan, otherwise called Sharza Khan, the Bus
tam of the time and as brave as a lion, was defeated by him
in the district of Sattara, and after losing his baggage and all
that he had with him, he was taken prisoner, and had to pay a
large sum for his ransom. ’Ali Mardan Khan, otherwise called
Husaini Beg Haidarébadi, " * was defeated and made prisoner
with several others. After a detention of some days, they ob
tained their release on paying a ransom of two lacs of rupees.
These evil tidings greatly troubled Aurangzeb. “ " Further,
news camethat Sautfa had fought with J au-nisar Khén and
Tahawwur Khan, on the borders of the Karnatik, and had
inflicted upon them a severe defeat and the loss of their artillery
and baggage. Jan-nisér Khan was wounded, and escaped with
difliculty. Tahawwur Khan was also wounded, and lay among
the dead, but was restored to life. Many other renowned amirs
met with similar defeats. Aurangzeb was greatly distressed, but
in public be said that the creature could do nothing, for every
thing was in the hands of God.

THIRTY-EIGHTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1105 A.H. (1694 A.n.).

Siege of Arrest (J Prince Kdm Bakhsh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 418.] Prince Muhammad Kain Bakhsh,
with Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khan and Zi'll-fikar Khan Nusrat
Jang, approached Jinji,l and encamping about a cannon-shot off
the fortress, began to prepare for the siege. The fortress of
Jinji occupies several adjacent hills, on each of which stands a
fort bearing a distinct name. Two of these hills are very high,
and the forts were well furnished with artillery, provisions, and
all necessary stores. It was impossible to invest all the forts,
but the lines were allotted to difl'erent commanders, and every
exertion was made for digging mines and erecting batteries. *‘ “
The garrison also did their best to put the place in order, and
make a stout defence. From time to time they fired a gun or
two. The samindcirs far and near of the country round, and the
Mahratta forces, surrounded the royal army on all sides, and
showed great audacity in cutting of supplies. Sometimes they
burst unexpectedly into an intrenchment, doing great damage to
the works, and causing great confusion in the besieging force. *‘ *
The siege had gone on for a long time, and many men fell;
but although the enemy’s relieving force day by day increased,
Zfil-fikar Khan Nusrat Jang and the other generals so pressed
the siege that it went hard with the garrison. The command of
the army and the general management of civil and revenue affairs
in that part of the country were in the hands of Jamdatu-l Mulk
and Nusrat Jang. This gave great offence to Prince Muhammad
Kain Bakhsh, and Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang had to
admonish him, and speak to him sharply about some youthful
follies. The Prince was greatly ofl'ended. The Prince wished
that the siege should be carried on in his name ; but the generals
acted on their own authority. Day by day the dissensions
increased. The besieged were aware of these differences, and
contrived to open communications with the Prince, and to fan the
1 Eighty miles south-west of Madras.
MUNTAKHABU-L mean. 349

flames of his discontent, so that great danger threatened the
Intelligence now came of the approach of Santa, and the
enemy’s forces so closed round the royal army and shut up
the roads, that for some days there were no communications
whatever between the army and His Majesty. Messages still
came to the Prince from the garrison, exciting his apprehensions,
and holding out allurements. He was vexed with Jamdatu-l
Mulk’s opposition, and no communications arrived from the
Emperor: so he was on the point of going over to the enemy.
Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang were informed of this, and
they surrounded his tents, and made the Prince prisoner.
When these troubles and discords were at their height, Santa
came down upon the royal army with twenty-five thousand
horse, and reduced it to such straits, that the commanders
deemed it expedient to leave their baggage and some of their
materiel to be plundered by Santa, and to retire into the hills
for refuge. Every one was to carry off what he could, and the
idea was that Santa would stop to plunder what was left, and
not follow the retreating force. Accordingly the two generals
retired fighting for some kcs, till they reached the shelter of the
hills, when they beat 011' Santa. A few days afterwards they
renewed the siege, and the garrison was hard pressed. According
to report, a sum of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated
the fortress and retired.
When intelligence of the arrest of Prince Muhammad Kam
Bakhsh reached Aurangzeb, he apparently acquiesced in it as a
matter of necessity. The news of the reduction of the fortress
came soon afterwards, and be applauded the services performed
by the two generals. In reality, he was offended, and summoned
the Prince with the two generals to his presence. The Prince
was brought up under arrest. After waiting upon Aurangzeb,
he addressed a few words of admonition to Jamdatu-l Mulk; but
afterwards the marks of his displeasure became more apparent.
Orders were given to set the Prince at liberty.
350 KHA'Fr KHAN.

Capture of a Royal Ship by the English. The English
at Bombay.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 421.] The royal ship called the Ganj-i
sawdt, than which there was no larger in the port of Surat, used
to sail every year for the House of God (at Mecca). It was now
bringing back to Surat fifty-two lacs of rupees in silver and gold,
the produce of the-sale of Indian goods at Mocha and Jedda.
The captain of this ship was Ibrahim Khan. "‘ " There were
eighty guns and four hundred muskets on board, besides other
implements of war. It had come within eight or nine days of
Siirat, when an English ship came in sight, of much smaller size,
and not having a third or fourth part of the armament of the
Ganj-t' sawa'é. When it came within gun-shot, a gun was fired at
it from the royal ship. By ill-luck, the gun burst, and three or
four men were killed by its fragments. About the same time,
a shot from the enemy struck and damaged the mainmast, on
which the safety of the vessel depends. The Englishmen
perceived this, and being encouraged by it, bore down to attack,
and drawing their swords, jumped on board of their opponent.
The Christians are not hold in the use of the sword, and there
were so many weapons on board the royal vessel that if the
captain had made any resistance, they must have been defeated.
But as soon as the English began to board, Ibrahim Khan ran
down into the hold. There were some Turki girls whom he had
bought in Mocha as concubines for himself. He put turbans on
their heads and swords into their hands, and incited them to
fight. These fell into the hands of the enemy, who soon became
perfect masters of the ship. They transferred the treasure and
many prisoners to their own ship. When they had laden their
ship, they brought the royal ship to shore near one of their settle
ments, and busied themselves for a week searching for plunder,
stripping the men, and dishonouring the women, both old and
young. They then left the ship, carrying off the men. Several
honourable women, when they found an opportunity, threw them

selves into the sea, to preserve their chastity, and some others
killed themselves with knives and daggers.
This loss was reported to Aurangzeb, and the news-writers of
the port of Surat sent some rupees which the English had coined
at Bombay, with a superscription containing the name of their
impure King. Aurangzeb then ordered that the English factors
who were residing at Surat for commerce should be seized.
Orders were also given to Ptimad Khan, superintendent of the
port of Surat, and Sidi Yéki'it Khan, to make preparations for
besieging the fort‘of Bombay. The evils arising from the
English occupation of Bombay were of long standing. The
English were not at all alarmed at the threatenings. They knew
that Sidi Yaki'it was offended at some slights he had received.
But they were more active than usual in building bastions and
walls, and in blocking up the roads, so that in the end they made
the place quite impregnable. I’timad Khan saw all these pre
parations, and came to the conclusion that there was no remedy,
and that a struggle with the English would result only in a
heavy loss to the customs revenue.- He made no serious prepara
tions for carrying the royal order into execution, and was not
willing that one rupee should be lost to the revenue. To save
_ appearances, he kept the English factors in confinement, but
privately he endeavoured to effect an arrangement. After the
confinement of their factors, the English, by way of reprisal,
seized upon every Imperial officer, wherever they found one, on
sea or on shore, and kept them all in confinement. So matters
went on for a long time.
During these troubles I, the writer of this work, had the mis
fortune of seeing the English of Bombay, when I was acting as
agent for ’Abdu-r Razzak Khan at the port of Surat. I had
purchased goods to the value of nearly two lacs of rupees,
and had to convey them from Surat to ’Abdu-r Razzék, the
fauja’zir of Rahiri. My route was along the sea-shore through
the possessions of the Portuguese and English. On arriving
near Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory,

in consequence of a letter from ’Abdu-r Razzak, I waited ten or
twelve days for the escort of Sidi Yékl'it Khan. ’Abdu-r
Razzak had been on friendly terms with an Englishman in his
old Haidarébad days, and he had now written to him about
giving assistance to the convoy. The Englishman sent out the
brother of his diwa'n, very kindly inviting me to visit him. The
Portuguese captain and my companions were averse to my going
there with such valuable property. I, however, put my trust in
God, and went to the Englishman. I told the déwa'n’s brother,
that if the conversation turned upon the capture of the ship, I
might have to say unpleasant things, for I would speak the
truth. The Englishman’s cahél advised me to say freely what I
deemed right, and to speak nothing but the truth.
When I entered the fortress, I observed that from the gate
there was on each side of the road a line of youths, of twelve or
fourteen years of age, well dressed, and having excellent muskets
on their shoulders. Every step I advanced, young men with
sprouting beards, handsome and well clothed, with fine muskets
in their hands, were visible on every side. As I went onwards,
I found Englishmen standing, with long beards, of similar age,
and with the same accoutrements and dress. After that I saw
musketeers (bark-andds), young men well dressed and arranged,
drawn up in ranks. Further on, I saw Englishmen with white
beards, clothed in brocade, with muskets on their shoulders,
drawn up in two ranks, and in perfect array. Next I saw some
English children, handsome, and wearing pearls on the borders
of their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as far as the door
of the house where he abode, I found drawn up in ranks on both
sides nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and accoutred as
for a review.
I then went straight up to the place where he was seated
on a chair. He wished me Good-day, his usual form of saluta
tion; then he rose from his chair, embraced me, and signed for
me to sit down on a chair in front of him. After a few kind
inquiries, our discourse turned upon different things, pleasant

and unpleasant, bitter and sweet; but all he said was in a kind
and friendly spirit towards ’Abdu-r Razzak. He inquired why
his factors had been placed in confinement. Knowing that
God and the Prophet of God would protect me, I answered,
“ Although you do not acknowledge that shameful action, worthy
of the reprobation of all sensible men, which was perpetrated by
your wicked men, this question you have put to me is as if a wise
man should ask where the sun is when all the world is filled with
its rays.” He replied, “ Those who have an ill-feeling against
me cast upon me the blame for the fault of others. How do you
know that this deed was the work of my men? by what satis
factory proof will you establish this ?” I replied, “In that ship I
had a number of wealthy acquaintances, and two or three poor
ones, destitute of all worldly wealth. I heard from them that
when the ship was plundered, and they were taken prisoners,
some men, in the dress and with the looks of Englishmen, and on
whose hands and bodies there were marks, wounds, and scars,
said in their own language, ‘ We got these scars at the time of
the siege of Sidi Yaki'it, but to-day the scars have been removed
from our hearts.’ A person who was with them knew Hindi and
Persian, and he translated their words to my friends.”
On hearing this, he laughed loudly, and said, “ It is true they
may have said so. They are a party of Englishmen, who, having
received wounds in the siege of Yakfit Khan, were taken pri
soners by him. Some of them parted from me, joined the Habshi,
and became Musulméns. They stayed with Yakl'it Khan some
time, and then ran away from him. But they had not the face
to come back'to me. Now they have gone and taken part with
the dingma'rs, or sahanas, who lay violent hands on ships upon
the sea; and with them they are serving as pirates. Your
sovereign‘s officers do not understand how they are acting, but
cast the blame upon me.”
I smiling replied, “What I have heard about your readiness of
reply and your wisdom, I have (now) seen. All praise to your
ability for giving off-hand, and without consideration, such an
von. vn. i 23
M\—vv\\£\ M/


exonlpatory and sensible answer! ‘But you must recall to mind
that the hereditary Kings of Bijapi'ir and Haidarabad and the
good-for-nothing Sambha have not escaped the hands of King
Aurangzeb. Is the island of Bombay a sure refuge? ” I added,
“ What a manifest declaration of rebellion you have shown in
coining rupees l”
He replied, “We have to send every year a large sum of
money, the profits of our commerce, to our country, and the
coins of the. King of Hindustan are taken at a loss. Besides,
the coins of Hindustan are of short weight, and much debased;
and in this island, in the course of buying and selling them,
great disputes arise. Consequently we have placed our own
names on the coins, and have made them current in our own
jurisdiction.” A good deal more conversation passed between
us, and part of it seemed to vex him; but he showed himself
throughout very thoughtful of ’Abdu-r Razzak Khan, and mind
ful of his obligation to protect him. When the interview was
over, he proffered me entertainment in their fashion; but as I
had resolved from the first that I would not depart from the
usual course in the present interview, I accepted only atr and
pa'n, and was glad to escape.
The total revenue of Bombay, which is chiefly derived from
betel-nuts and cocoa-nuts, does not reach to two or three lacs
of rupees. The profits of the commerce of these misbelievers,
according to report, does not exceed twenty lacs of rupees. The
balance of the money required for the maintenance of the English
settlement is obtained by plundering the ships voyaging to the
House of God, of which they take one or two every year. When
the ships are proceeding to the ports of Mocha and Jedda laden
with the goods of Hindustan, they do not interfere with them ;
but when they return bringing gold and silver and Ibrdhimé and
rédl} their spies have found out which ship bears the richest
burden, and they attack it.

1 “ Rix-dollars.”—-Shakespeare’s Dictionary.

The Mahrattas also possess the newly-built forts of Khanderi,
Kalaba, Késa, and Katora,l in the sea opposite the island fortress
belonging to the Habskts. Their war-ships cruise about these
forts, and attack vessels whenever they get the opportunity. The
sakanas also, who are sometimes called bawa’rét, a lawless set of
men belonging to Surat, in the province of Ahmadabad, are
notorious for their piracies, and they attack from time to time the
small ships which come from Bandar 'Abbasi and Maskat. They
do not venture to attack the large ships which carry the pilgrims.
The reprobate English act in the same way as the sakanas.

Destruction of a Royal Army by the Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 428.] Among the events of this year was
the defeat of Kasim Khén and *‘ *' *, who were sent to Danderi2
against Santa Ghorpi'ira. *‘ * One day intelligence was brought
that Kasim Khan’s advanced force had been attacked by a division
of the enemy, that all their portable goods had been plundered,
and the standing camp set on fire. ' "‘ Kasim Khan, on hearing
this, endeavoured to push forward to their assistance; but he was
surrounded by the enemy, and fighting went on till sunset. *‘ *
They had no food for man or animal. The nobles. passed the
night upon their elephants, and the men with their bridles in
their hands. "' "' *‘ At daybreak, the enemy became more
daring, and the fighting more severe, for the Mahrattas
swarmed on all sides. *‘ * For three days the royal forces, over
matched and surrounded, did their best to repulse the enemy;
but Kasim Khan was at length compelled to give ground and to
l The islands of Khanderi or Kenery, Kolaba, and Kensa near Jinjera. Katom
has not been identified.
2 The Tazkira-i OhayhaIa'i calls it “the little fort of Diindheri ” ; but the
Ma-dair-t' 'A'tamgz'n' says “the little fort of Dirandi," and gives “Dfidheri ” as the
place of Himmat Khan’s death (post, p. 357). Scott (vol. ii. p. 95) calls it “ Dun
doore," and Grant Dufl‘ (vol. i. p. 388) “ Dodairee." There is a fort of Dodairee in
the Survey Map, about 25 miles NE. of Chitaldrfig, which is the locality fixed upon
by Elphinstone. It is wrongly written “ Bodéri” in Elphinstone’s map. Accord
ing to the T. Uhaghata’i, Himmat Khan was in a place called Biswfipatan before he
marched to his death. ‘

retire fighting, to the shelter of the fort of Danderi. The chief
men got some hay and corn from the fort, but the soldiers got no
food. Movement in any direction was scarcely possible. Thus
they remained for three or four days under the shelter of the
walls of the fort, and of the lines they threw up to protect
themselves from the assaults of the enemy. Their camels and
cattle fell into the hands of the Mahrattas. While the fighting
went on, the gates of the fort were kept closed, and the traders
and inhabitants within let down food from the walls and sold it.
On the fourth or fifth day the enemy got intelligence that
Himmat Khan was coming with a force to the rescue. Santa
left half his force to keep Kasim Khan’s army invested, and
with the other marched against Himmat Khan. On learning
that another force belonging to Ram Raja would act against
Himmat Khan, he returned to his former position.
Meanwhile matters went ill with the royal forces, and Kasim
Khan, with a few other officers, resolved upon taking refuge in
the fort secretly, without the knowledge of their brethren in
arms. * "‘ Kasim Khan went out at night with the ostensible
purpose of making the rounds. Several reasons made it inex
pedient to enter the gate, near which so many men and officers
were gathered; so he ascended the walls by a rope-ladder.
Elihu-llah Khan, Saf-shikan Khan, and a crowd of soldiers in
great tumult made their way in by the gate. Muhammad
Murad Khan and others, hearing of this, followed the
example. * "‘ *' In fine, for a month they were besieged within
the four walls, and every day affairs grew worse with them.
They were compelled to kill and eat their baggage and riding
horses, which were themselves nearly starved. For all the
greatest care and economy, the stores of grain in the fort were
exhausted. "‘ * To escape from starvation many men threw
themselves from the walls and trusted to the enemy’s mercy. "' “
People brought fruit and sweetmeats from the enemy’s bdsa'r to
the foot of the walls, and sold them at extravagant prices. "‘ "‘
Reverses, disease, deficiency of water, and want of grain, reduced
._.,_ _ _ . _ 7 _.
H'vb -/,-——


the garrison to the verge of death. Késim Khan, according to
report, poisoned himself, or else died from want of the usual potion _
of opium, for he was overcome with disappointment and rage.
Ri'ihu-llah Khan and the other officers were compelled to
make overtures for a capitulation. *‘ * Some oflicers went out
to settle the terms of the ransom. Santa said, “Besides the
elephants and horses, and money and property, which you have
with you, I will not take less than a lac of buns,” equivalent to
three lace and 50,000 rupees. A Dakhini officer said, “ What
are you thinking of! this is a mere trifle. This is a ransom
which I would fix for Ruhu-llah Khan alone.” Finally, seven
lacs of rupees was settled as the ransom, the payment of which
was to be distributed among the oflicers. Each one’s share was
settled, and he made an engagement to pay it as ransom, and to
leave a relation or officer of rank with Santa as bail for payment.
Santa’s officers sat down at the gate of the fort, and allowed each
officer to take out his horse and his personal clothing, the others
were allowed to carry out as much as they could bear in their
arms. Everything else, money and jewels, horses and elephants,
etc., were confiscated by Santa. * " The government and
personal property lost during this war and siege exceeded fifty
or sixty lacs of rupees. "' *
Santa was delighted with the terms he had made with the
defeated army. Soon afterwards he heard that Himmat Khan
was approaching by forced marches to the relief of the besieged
army. Santa divided his forces into two divisions, and marched
to meet him. At the distance of sixteen kos the force under
command of Santa fell in with Himmat Khan, and a great battle
followed. Himmat Khan fought with great spirit and bravery.
Numberless Mahrattas were slain, and many of his own army
perished. Santa’s forces retreated, and the royal forces were led
against the second army. Himmat Khan made arrangements
for the pursuit. By orders of Santa. many musketeers had taken
positions in the thick jungle and among the trees, to impede the
advance of Himmat Khan. Some of the best marksmen had

climbed the trees, and concealed themselves among the thick
branches. When Himmat Khan approached, a ball entered his
forehead and killed him immediately. All the baggage and
elephants and munitions of war belonging to Himmat Khan then
fell bodily into the hands of Santa. '

THIRTY-NINTH YEAR on THE REIGN, 1106 A.H. (1694—5 an).

The Royal Princes.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 434.] Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah had
gone to Kharpa (Kaddapa), to punish the rebels and to settle
affairs. The insalubrity of the climate affected his health, and
dropsy supervened. He returned to Court, and experienced
physicians were appointed to attend him. "‘ "‘ His illness
became so serious that his couch was placed near the chamber of
the Emperor, who showed his paternal solicitnde by administer
ing his medicine, by partaking of food with him, and doing
everything he could to restore him to health. God at length
gave him a perfect cure. _
Directions were now given for the release of Prince Shah
’A'lam, who had been kept under restraint for seven years. * *
His release [with the precision made for was very annoying
to Prince Muhammad A’zam and his partisans.
While Prince Shah ’Klam was in confinement, the Emperor
had shown great favour to Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah, who
considered himself to be the heir apparent. But now that the
elder Prince was restored to full liberty, and to a greater share
of attention than before, Prince Muhammad A’zam was much
aggrieved. * * One day the King took the hand of Prince
Shah ’A'lam, and placed him on his right hand. * “ Then he
took the hand of Prince Muhammad A’zam, and made signs for
him to sit down on his left. This greatly annoyed Prince Mu
hammad A’zam, and an open quarrel was imminent. * *‘ After
a time Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, who had been entitled
Shah ’A'lam, was honoured with the title Bahadur Shah, and

was sent to settle the affairs of A'gra, and to punish the rebels in
that quarter. “‘ " Soon afterwards Prince Muhammad A’zam
was ordered with his sons to Kabul, and Prince Mu’izzu-d din
to Multan.

Death qf Santa Ghorpara.

[p. 445.] The death of Santa at this time was a great
piece of good fortune for Aurangzeb. The exact particulars of
his death are not known; but I will relate what I have heard
from men of credit who were with the army. Ghaziu-d din
Khah Firoz Jang, who had been sent to chastise Santa and
other robbers, was four or five marches from Bijapi'ir. "‘ * In
telligence was brought that Santa Ghorpi'ira, with an army of
25,000 horse, was at a distance of eight or nine hos. *‘ " Firoz
Jang marched towards Bijapfir, and when he was eight or nine
has distant from the city his scouts brought him word that there
was a quarrel between Santa and Dahina Jédi'i, both of whom
were sena'patis, or generals, ‘ * and they were constantly trying
i to get the better of each other. Santa was very severe in the
punishments he inflicted on his followers. For a trifling ofl'ence
he would cast a man under the feet of an elephant. Many of
the Mahratta chiefs had ill-blood against him, and they had
conspired with Dahina Jadi'i, by letters_and by messengers, to
get rid of him. Hannmant Rai, a sarddr of distinction, at the
instigation of Dahiné. Jadi'i, made an attack in concert with
Jédii’s army upon Santa. Dahina had also won over the great
officers who were in company with Santa. They plundered
Santa’s baggage, and several of the principal rdwats of his army
went over to Hannmant. 'Many of his men were killed and
wounded, and he himself, being deprived of his power, fled to the
hills and his own mdwals. “ "‘
On receipt of orders from Aurangzeb, Firoz Jang went in
pursuit of Santa. Dahina J adi'i’s army pursued him on the
other side. Santa’s forces were entirely separated from him and

dispersed. Nagoji Manai,1 a Mahratta sarddr, had served for
some time in the Imperial army, but subsequently joined his
own people. This part of the country was his native land.
Several years before, Santa had thrown a brother of Nagoji
under the feet of an elephant, and this -had produced a mortal
hatred. Under the guidance of his wife, he led a party in
pursuit of Santa. He reached a place where Santa, worn and
weary, and without attendants, was bathing in a stream. He
approached him suddenly, and killed him unawares. He then
cut off his head, and, placing it in a bag, fastened it behind him
on his horse, and carried it off to Dahina Jadd. On the road
0 the bag fell off, and was picked up by some runners and horse
men belonging to the army of Firoz Jang, who were in pursuit
of Santa. The head was recognized, and was carried to 'Lutfu
llah Khan, commander of Firoz Jang’s advanced guard. * * It
was finally sent to Aurangzeb, who gave the bearer of it the
title of Khush-khabar Khan. The drums of joy were beaten,
and the head was ordered to be exposed with ignominy before
the army and in several places of the Dakhin.

’Ahdu-r Razza'h La'r'l.

[p. 448.] ’Abdu-r Razzak Lari, from the day of entering the
royal service, had sought for an excuse for going to his native
country. * "' He was now deprived of the faajda'rl of Rahiri, and
summoned to Court. He did not go, but wrote desiring to be
relieved from his mansab, and to be allowed to go to Mecca.
The leave was given, * * but every means was taken to satisfy
him, and to avert him from his design. But he would not
consent, so he received written leave to depart wit-h his family
and property, and with marks of favour. His three sons did not
accompany him, but remained at Court.

‘ The text has Nakona Miyan, Nakoma Mina, etc. Grant Duff’s version of the
name has been adopted.

Fon'rnz'rn YEAR or THE REIGN, 1107 an. (1695-6 A.D.).

Rdm Raja. Prince Akbar. Flood.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 450.] Ram Raja, brother of Sambha, having
left the fort'of Jat, in the district of Réjgarh, went to Jinji and
other strong places. He then proceeded to the fort of Sattara,
where he remained seven months. When he was informed of the
murder of Santa, he sent for Dahina J adii, to consult with him
about getting together an army, and recommencing the war.
Prince Muhammad Akbar, after the accession of Sultan
Husain to the throne of Persia, repeatedly asked for the help
of an army to reinstate him in Hindustan. The new Shah,
like his predecessor, excused himself. " " The Prince then com
plained that the climate of» Isfahan did not agree with him, and
asked permission to reside for a while in Garmsir. The request
was granted, and assignments were made of the revenues of that
province for his support. So the Prince proceeded thither, with
an appointed escort of 10,000 kazilbdshee.
In the month of Muharram of this year the river Bhanra,l
near which the royal camp was pitched, rose to a great height,
and overflowed, causing enormous destruction. The amirs had
built many houses there. The waters began to overflow at mid
night, when all the world was asleep. “ “ The floods carried off
about ten or twelve thousand men, with the establishments of
the King, and the princes and the amtrs, horses, bullocks and
cattle in countless numbers, tents and furniture beyond all count.
Numberless houses were destroyed, and some were so completely
carried away that not a trace of them was left. Great fear fell
on all the army. * " The King wrote out prayers with his own
hand, and ordered them to be thrown into the water, for the
purpose of causing it to subside. " “
l The Bhima. The name is written here “Bhanra,” but the Index makes it
" Bhanbara." In the Ba'dsha'h-na'ma it was “ Bhfinra" (supra, p. 54).

FORTY-FlRST YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1108 A.H. (1696—7 A.D.).

[Attempt to murder Sidi Ya'hat Khan of JaziraJ

FORTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1109 mu. (1697—8 A.D.).
The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 457.] Nibé. Sindhié and other officers of
Ram Raja, with an army of eight thousand horse, came to the
district of Nandurbér, and attacked and burnt several villages.
When he heard that Husain ’Ali Khan was approaching from
Thalir,1 he suspended his operations against Nandurbar, and went
to meet him. Husain Khan had only seven or eight hundred
horse and two or three thousand provincial musketeers and
archers; but he went forth to meet the enemy.' They en
countered each other at two kos from the town of Thalir, and a
fierce action ensued. "‘ “‘ The number of Sindhia‘s forces
enabled him to surround Husain ’Ali Khan, about three hundred
of whose men were killed. The day went against Husain ’Ali,
and he had received two or three wounds. Dripping with blood,
he threw himself from his elephant ; but he had no strength left
for fighting, so he was surrounded and made prisoner. All his
baggage, his men, and elephants were captured.
In addition to the cash and property which they had got by
plunder, the enemy fixed two lacs of rupees as the price of the
ransom of the prisoners. After much exertion, nearly one lac and
80,000 rupees was raised from the jdgérs, and from the property
which had been left in the town of Thalir. To make up the
balance, the sarrdfs and merchants of Nandurbar were importuned
to raise a sum, small or great, by way of loan. But they would
not consent. The inhabitants of the town of Nandurbar had
not paid the chauth to the Mahrattas, and being supported by the
faajddr, they had closed their gates, which greatly annoyed the
enemy (Mahrattas). Husain ’Ali Khan also was greatly incensed
l “ Talner,” east of Nandurbér.

by their refusal to assist him; so he took counsel with the enemy,
and agreed that after a siege of a day or two, and some exhibition
of force, he would open the gates to them. He made it a condition
that the 'raiyats should not be plundered, but that the great and
wealthy men, the sarrafs, the merchants, and the mukaddams,
might be put to the rack and tortured until the balance of the
ransom due to the Mahrattas was discharged. The result was
that a sum of one lac and forty thousand rupees was paid to
the Mahrattas instead of eighty thousand, and that Husain ’Ali
Khan himself realized nearly thirty thousand rupees. When
(the result of the action) was reported to Aurangzeb, he was very
angry, and said that there was no use in fighting when too weak
to win.

FORTY-THIRD YEAR or THE REIGN, 1110 Lu. (1698-9 A.D.).

Campaign against the Mahrattas. Siege of Sattoira.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 459.] The daring inroads of the Mahrattas
brought Aurangzeb to the resolution of waging a holy war
against them, and of reducing the fortresses which were their
homes and defences. His camp had now remained at Islampuri
four years, and fine mansions and houses had been built there, so
that a new city had sprung up, and men thought they would
never move far away. Orders were given for throwing up earth
works round the place, and the oflicers and men worked so well
that in fifteen or twenty days a defence was raised which might
have occupied six or seven months. The Nawab Kudsiya
Zinatu-n Nissa, sister of Prince Muhammad A”zam Shah, and
mother of Muhammad Kém Bakhsh, with other ladies of the
royal household, were left there under the charge of Jamdatu-l
Mulk Asad Khan. Orders were also given that all amirs and
officers should leave their wives and families and property
behind. The people belonging to the royal establishments were
also to remain. Strict orders were also given that no ahaoli
should take his wife or children with him. Great stress was laid

upon this order, but in the marches and campaigns of Hindustan
such orders could not be enforced without resorting to such
punishments as the Princes of the House of Timur held to be
inconsistent with their sense of justice. So the order was not
obeyed .as it ought to have been. On the 5th Juméda-l
awwal the army marched towards the fort of Basant-garh,l and
in twenty days it arrived at Mnrtaza-abad, or Mirich. There
Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah came, in obedience to summons,
from Bir-gz'mw.
Rani Raja, brother of the deceased Sambha. had, under the
pressure of the royal armies, abandoned his fortresses and fled,
taking refuge in the hills and places of difficult access. When
he heard of the royal design upon the fortresses, he went off
towards Birar, ravaging the towns and inhabited places. The
Zamina’dr of Deogarh, in consequence of disturbances in his
country, and the superior force of those who disputed the inheri
tance, had fled to the Court of Aurangzeb, and had received the
title of Buland-bakht upon his becoming a Musulman. Upon
hearing of the death of his competitor, he hastened back to
Deogarh without leave, and opposed the officers who were
appointed to collect the tribute. He now joined Ram Raja in
plundering the country. His Majesty ordered that his name
should be changed to Nigi'm-bakht, and that Prince Bedar
Bakht should march against him with a suitable force. * *
Ri'ihu-llah Khan Bakhshi, with Hamidu-d din Khan, were sent
to plunder the environs of the forts of Pamela and Sattara.
When the royal army came near to Basant-garh, Tarbiyat Khén,
the commander of artillery, was Ordered to take steps for invest
ing the place and throwing up lines. *‘ * The word was given for
an assault, but the besieged were frightened and surrendered.
Aurangzeb gave to the place the name Kilid-i futdh, Key of
At the end of Juméda-s séni the royal army arrived opposite
Sattara, and the camp was pitched at the distance of a kos and
1 Between the Kistna and Koeena, about thirty miles south of steam.

a half. Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah encamped on another
side, and the amirs and ofiicers were posted according to the
judgment of Tarbiyat Khan. They all vied with each other in
throwing up li'nes, digging mines, and in carrying on other siege
operations. * ‘ On both sides a heavy fire was kept up, "‘ * and
the garrison rolled down great stones, which came bounding down
and crushed many men and animals. The rain obstructed the
arrival of com; the enemy were very daring in attacking the
convoys, and the country for twenty kos round the fortress had
been burnt, so that grain and hay became very scarce and dear.
A battery twenty-four yards (dar’a) high was thrown up in face
of the hill, and on the Prince’s side also the batteries were
carried to the foot of the hill. A hundred and sixty thousand
rupees were paid for the services of the troops and mdwalz's of
that country, who are very eflicient in sieges. "' “ Matters went
hard with the garrison, and the chance of firing a gun or a
musket was no longer in their power; all they could do was to
roll down stones from the walls. * "
Stone-masons were employed by the besiegers to out two vaults
in the side of the rock four yards long and ten yards broad,
which were to be used as stations for sentinels. But when they
were found not to answer for this purpose, they were filled with
powder. “ " On the morning of the 5th Zi-l ka’da, in the fourth
month of the siege, one of these was fired. The rock and the
wall above it were blown into the air and fell inside the fortress.
Many of the garrison were blown up and burnt. The besiegers,
on beholding this, pushed boldly forwards. At that time the
second mine was fired. A portion of the rock above was blown
up, but instead of falling into the fortress, as was expected, it
came down upon the heads of the besiegers like a mountain of
destruction, and several thousands1 were buried under it. "‘ *
The garrison then set about repairing the walls, and they again
opened fire and ‘rolled down the life-destroying stones.
When Aurangzeb was informed of the disaster, and of the
1 “Nearly two thousand.”—Ma-a'sir-i ’A'lamyin'.

despondency of his men, he mounted his horse, and went to the
scene of action as if in search of death. He gave orders that the
bodies of the dead should be piled upon each other, and made to
serve as shields against the arrows of calamity; then with the
ladderof resolution, and the scaling-ropes of boldness. the men
should rush to the assault. When he perceived that his words
made no impression on the men, he was desirous to lead the way
himself, accompanied by Muhammad A’zam Shah. But the
nobles objected to this rash proposition. Afterwards he addressed
his soldiers in encouraging words * *" [and gave fresh orders for
the conduct of the siege].
An extraordinary incident now occurred. A great number of
Hindu infantry soldiers had been killed all at once (in the explo
sion), and their friends were unable to seek and bring out their
bodies. The violence of the shock had entirely disfigured them,
and it was not possible to distinguish between Musulman and
Hindu, friend and stranger. The flames of animosity burst forth
among all the gunners against the commander of the artillery,
So at night they secretly set fire to the defences (marhala),l
which had been raised at great trouble and expense against
the fire from above, in the hope and with the design that the
fire might reach the corpses of the slaughtered Hindiis. A great
conflagration followed, and for the space of a week served as a.
bright lamp both for besiegers and besieged. A number of Hindus
and Musulméns who were alive in the huts were unable to escape,
and were burnt, the living with the dead.

Death of Rdm Rdja.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 468.] The news-writers now reported that
Ram Raja, after meeting with some reverses in his raid upon
Birar, was returning to the hills of his own territory. On his
way he died, leaving three sons of tender years, and two wives.

1 “ Which were constructed entirely of wood.”—Ma-dsir-i ’A'lamgiri, p. 419.

Soon afterwards it was announced that the eldest son, a boy
of five years of age, had died of small~pox. The chiefs then
made Tara Bai, the chief wife, and mother of one son, regent.
She was a clever intelligent woman, and had obtained a repuJ
tation during her husband’s lifetime for her knowledge of civil
and military matters. Tara Bai proceeded to the hills of difficult
On receiving this intelligence, the Emperor ordered the drums
of rejoicing to be beaten, “ " and the soldiers congratulated
each other, * "' saying that another prime mover in the strife
was removed, "' “ and that it would not be difficult to overcome
two young children and a helpless woman. They thought their
enemy weak, contemptible and helpless; but Tara Bai, as the
wife of Ram Réja was called, showed great powers of com
mand and government, and from day to day the war spread and
the power of the Mahrattas increased.

Surrender qf Satta'ra and Capture qf Parli.
[Text, p. 470.] At the death of Ram Raja, a chief named
Parsa Ram was in the fort of Parli,1 acting in that country as
diwdn in revenue matters for Ram Raja. On hearing of his
decease, without consulting with the commandant of the fort, he
came and made his submission to Aurangzeb. The commandant
also, being dismayed, sent a proposal of surrender upon terms. At
the same time Sobhan, the commander of Sattara, was troubled
by the blowing up of the wall on one side of the fortress and the
burning of a great number of his men. The death of Ram
Raja added to his perplexity. He was at feud with the com
mandant of fort Parli, and he sent a message to Aurangzeb,
through Prince Muhammad A’zam, offering to capitulate on
honourable terms, if the proposal of the commandant of Parli
were rejected. He was willing to give up the keys of Sattara at
once, and would undertake to place Parli in Aurangzeb’s hands
‘ Six miles south-west of Setters.

unconditionally in a short time, without any promise of security.
On the 16th Zi-l ka’da he surrendered the keys, and more than
three thousand persons, male and female, came out of the fort
upon promise of safety. Great rejoicings followed. Sobhan was
brought, bound hand and neck, to the foot of the throne; but
orders were given for the forgiveness of his offences, and for
loosening his bonds. He was appointed to a mansab of five
thousand and two thousand horse, and a horse, an elephant, etc.,
were presented to him.
After the surrender of Sattara, Aurangzeb marched against
Parli, the commandant of that fort having been diverted by his
advisers from his intention of surrendering. Parli is a more lofty
fort than Sattara, and it had been put into a state of preparation.
" ‘* On the 10th Zi-l hijja many men were killed in an attempted
assault, but in a short time the garrison was pressed very hard.
The besiegers were greatly incommoded by the heavy rain, which
in this part of the country falls for five months without an hour‘s
interval by night or day, and by lack of supplies, the convoys
being cut off by the enemy who swarmed around. * *‘ The
garrison showed great daring in coming suddenly down the hill
and attacking the besiegers; but the repeated attacks and the
daring of Fathu-llah Khan at length prevailed, and a proposition
of capitulation was made. At the beginning of Muharram,
after a siege of a month and a half, the fortress was taken, and
the men of the garrison marched out with their families and their
old clothes. "‘ “‘ The name of Sattara was changed to A’zam
tara, and of Parli to Nauras-tara.
Aurangzeb then determined to return, but there was little
means of carriage, for the rains and the bad climate * “‘ had
affected the animals, so that those that were alive were nothing
but skin and bone. Some of the baggage and materiel was carried
away, some was left in the forts, and some was burnt. *‘ * On
reaching the river Kistna, there was great difficulty in crossing
it. * * Some men attempted to swim over, but nine out of ten
were drowned, * * and thousands remained behind and died.

In the middle of Safar the army reached an obscure fort, which
offered sufiicient protection for a few days, and an order was
issued for a month’s rest there. The rains, which had continued
so far, now ceased, and the men of the army found a little
Some proceedings of Prince Muhammad A’zam were dis
pleasing to His Majesty, and his division of the army was in a
bad state; so that, although he had shown great diligence and
enterprise in the reduction of the fort of Parnéla and other forts,
he was sent, in order to appease the troops, to be Governor of
the province of Ujjain. In the same way, several oflicers of the
army were sent to their ja'girs at ten or twelve days” distance,
to Bijépiir, and to other places in the vicinity. Prince Bedar
Bakht was directed to lay siege to the fort of Parnéla, and Zii-l
fikér Khan and Tarbiyat Khan received orders to follow him
with the artillery.
As many men had been lost in the reduction of the fortresses,
strict orders were sent to the Shbaddrs of Burhanpiir, Bijaplir,
Haidarabad, Ahmadabad, and other provinces far and near, to
raise (each) a thousand men, well horsed, to advance them
six months” pay out of the State revenues, and to send
them to the royal camp. Aurangzeb, with the intention of
giving his men rest, went to Khawétspur,1 a place well supplied
with grass and hay, and fruit-trees and water. At the end of
Rabi’u-l awwal the royal camp was pitched at that place, and the
abundance of provisions soon restored the spirits of the army.
* * But here also the army was to suffer hardship. The camp
was pitched by the side of a mile containing only a little water,
and, as the rainy season was over, there was no expectation of
a heavy fall of rain. But rain which fell out of season in the hills
and distant places sent down a flood of water, which inun
dated the camp, * * causing confusion and distress which defy
The fort of Parnala had been (formerly) taken by Prince
1 “ On the banks of the Man river."—Grant Dufl', vol. i. p. 395.
von. v11. 24

Muhammad A‘zam, and had remained for some time in the
royal possession. But in the thirty-fifth year 'of the reign the
enemy regained possession of it. * " On the 10th Shawwal the
(royal) army reached Pun-garb, a fort connected with Parnala.

FORTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1111 an. (1699—1700 4.1).).
[Siege of Parna'la.]

FORTY-FIFTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1112 A.H. (1700-1 an).
Sieyes 0f Forts.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 489.] The siege (of Pamela) had endured for
two months, and repeated attemptskhad been made to carry the
place by escalade. * ““ At length, when the garrison was'hard
pressed, the commandant surrendered the fort, having secretly
received a sum of money from Prince Muhammad Kam Bakhsh
and Tarbiyat Khan, with whom he had been in correspondence.
At the end of Zi-l hijja the keys were given up, and both the
forts were evacuated.
The army was about to march, when a violent storm came
on [and did great damage]. In the beginning of Muharram, 1113,
it was determined to march towards Kahawan, where there was
plenty of grass and grain. Fathu-llah Khan was sent with a
force to chastise the plundering Mahrattas, and to subdue their
forts. * * He killed many of the enemy near the four forts in
that neighbourhood, "‘ * and, on hearing of his approach, the
enemy abandoned the fort of Paras-garb.1 Bahramand Khan
was sent along with Fathu-llah Khan against the fort of
Chandan-mandan,’ "‘ "‘ and by the middle of Jumada-l awwal all
the four forts were subdued. '
On the 16th Juméda-l akhir the royal army moved from
Panch-ganw, to effect the conquest of the fort of Khelna.3 The

1 Also called Shdik-garh.—Indez to the Text.
1 Chandan and Wandan are sister forts a little north of Sattara.
3 See mpra‘,p. 278.

difficulties of the road were great. "' "‘ Amba-ghét,1 at a
distance of two days’ march, took twelve days to reach. * *
Prince Bedar Bakht was ordered to fall back on Bani Shah'
Darak (as Pamela was now called), to punish the enemy, who
were closing the roads in that direction, " “‘ and to prevent any
supplies being thrown into Khelna from that quarter. Mu
hammad Amin Khan was likewise ordered to the Amba-ghat,
to cut off any supplies intended for the fort, and to succour the
convoys of Banja'ras bearing grain for the royal army. He
showed no lack of zeal in these duties; and was so active in
ravaging and burning the inhabited places, in killing and making
prisoners the people, and in seizing and carrying off the cattle,
that any sign of cultivation, or the name or trace of a Mahratta,
was not to be found. *" "'
The siege works were pushed on until a mine was carried near
to the gate. In the raising of the earthworks,2 camel saddles
and baskets innumerable were used, full of earth and rubbish and
litter, heads of men and feet of quadrupeds; and these were
advanced so far that the garrison were intimidated.

Fonrr-srxru YEAR on THE REIGN, 1113 A.H. (1701-2 an).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 499.] Fathu-llah Khan Bahadur showed
extraordinary zeal and bravery in pushing forward the siege
works (of Khelna), and never rested from his labours. "‘ * Paras
Ram, the commandant of the fort, being much discouraged, held
communications with Prince Bedar Bakht as to his personal
safety, and the acceptance of his proposals. But his demands
were not acceded to. Ruhu-llah Khén, etc., went several times
into the fort to arrange terms, but without result. At length,
according to common rumour, the Prince and some of the amz'rs
sent him secretly a sum of money, and a promise of security for
himself and family, on condition of his surrendering. So, after
‘ In the Ghats just below Lat. 17.
a damdama, lit. “ batteries."

six months” siege, on the 19th Muharram, 1113 (16 June, 1701),
the flags of the Prince and of Elihu-llah Khan were hoisted over
the fortress by Paras Ram, the commandant, himself, who had
stipulated that no man of the royal army should go in with the
flag. He solicited a night’s grace, and through shame he and
his family went out during the darkness of the night, with all the
property they could carry. A large number of the garrison
remained in the fort, but the Emperor in his mercy ordered
that no one of them should be molested; so they came out and
departed to their native wilds. * "‘ The name of the fort was
altered to Sakhkharalana.
The clemency and long suffering and care of the Emperor
were such that, when he ascertained that several fortresses had
been long and vigorously besieged by the forces appointed to the
duty, and that the garrisons were in difliculty, he paid sums of
money to the commandants, and so got the forts into his posses
sion. It often happened also that he gave the same sum of
money, neither more nor.less, to the officer conducting the siege.
The heavy rains, and the overflow of the rivers and streams, had
induced Aurangzeb to defer his march until the end of the rainy
season. But he was moved by the irresolution and the advice
of some of his amirs, who pined for ease, and complained of the
dearness of grain and the insalubrity of the climate, and by the
grumbling of the inexperienced and hard~tried soldiers. So at
the end of Muharram he marched for Pair-ganw.1 [Great di ~
eulties, dangers and losses from rains and floods.] In the course
of one month and seventeen days the fourteen hos between the
forts of Khelna and Pamela were traversed, and on the 12th
Rabi’n-l awwal the camp was pitched under the latter. [Further
hardships of the march and great dq'fiicalty tn crossing the Kistnd]
Seventeen days were occupied in the transit of the river, *‘ * *
but Bahadur-garhl was at length reached, and there the army
halted for a month. "‘ * At the end of Rajab, though only half
a life remained in the bodies of the men, the army marched to
1 See note, post, p. 383.

effect the conquest of Kandana. On the 16th it reached that
fortress [and the siege was at o'nce begun].

FORTY-SEVENTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1114 A.H. (1702-3 A.D.).

77w Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 510.] After the siege (of Kandanal) had
gone on for three months and a half, and many men had been
killed, and the directors of the siege were in difficulty, the fort2
was bought from the commandant for a sum of money. The
army then marched and remained for a month at Pdna, and the
neighbouring villages} * * In the middle of Rajah the army
marched against Réjgarh, the earliest fortress and retreat of the
restless infidels of this country. ’ * At the beginning of Sha‘bén
the army sat down before the fort. The circuit of the fort was
so great, twelve kos in measurement, that a complete investment
sufficient to prevent the throwing in of supplies was impossible.
* “ On the 15th Shawwal the royal flag was planted on the first
gate of the fortress, and many of the garrison were slain or put
to flight. " “' But Hainaji, the commander, kept up an ineffec
tual resistance for twelve days longer, when he asked for terms.
They were conceded on condition that the commander himself
should come to the first gate, carry the royal flag into the
fortress, and evacuate the place on the next day. "‘ “ Next day
the garrison marched out with their families, and all the property
they could carry. * * The fort received the name of Bani-Shah
When Ram Raja died, leaving only widows and infants, men
thought that the power of the Mahrattas over the Dakhin was
at an end. But Tara Bai, the elder wife, made her son of three
years old successor to his father, and took the reins of govern
! Now Singarh, eight miles south of Him. \
2 “ The name Bakhshinda-bakhsh was given to it " (see post, p. 382).
3 Prince Muhfu-l Mulk, son of Prince KAm Bakhsh, died here, so the name of
Puma was changed to Muhifibfid.
i 74-. ‘ KHKFI KHKN.

ment into her own hands. She took vigorous measures for
ravaging the Imperial territory, and sent armies to plunder the
six si’tbas of the Dakhin as far as Sironj, Mandisor, and the st'zba
of Malwé. She won the hearts of her oflicers, and for all the
struggles and schemes, the campaigns and sieges of Aurangzeb
up to the end of his reign, the power of the Mahrattas increased
day by day. By hard fighting, by the expenditure of the vast
treasures accumulated by Shah Jahan, and by the sacrifice of
many thousands of men, he had penetrated into their wretched
country, had subdued their lofty forts, and had driven them
from house and home; still the daring of the Mahrattas in
creased, and they penetrated into the old territories of the
Imperial throne, plundering and destroying wherever they went.
In imitation of the Emperor, who with his army and enterprising
amérs was staying in those distant mountains, the commanders
of Tara Bai cast the anchor of permanence wherever‘they pene
trated, and having appointed kama'z'sh-da'rs (revenue collectors),
they passed the years and months to their satisfaction, with
their wives and children, tents and elephants. Their daring went
beyond all bounds. They divided all the districts (pargmzas)
among themselves, and following the practice of the Imperial rule,
’ they appointed their sabaddrs (provincial governors), kama'ish
ddrs (revenue collectors), and réhda'rs (toll-collectors).
Their principal sztbada'r is commander of the army. When
ever he hears of a large caravan, he takes six or seven thousand
horse and goes to plunder it. He appoints kama'tsh-da'rs every
where to collect the chauth, and whenever, from the resistance of
the zaminddrs and faujddrs, the kamdisk-ddr is unable to levy the
cbauth, he hastens to support him, and besieges and destroys his
towns. And the ra'kda'r of these evil-doers takes from small
parties of merchants, who are anxious to obtain security from
plunder, a toll upon every cart and bullock, three or four times
greater than the amount imposed by the faujddrs of the govern
ment. This excess he shares with the corrupt ja'girddrs and
vfqujddrs, and then leaves the road open. In every su’ba (province)

he builds one or two f0rts,'which he makes his strongholds, and
ravages the country round. The mukaddams, or head men of
the villages, with the countenance and co-operation of the infidel
szibada’rs, have built forts, and with the aid and assistance of the
Mahrattas they make terms with the royal oflicers as to the
payment of their revenues. They attack and destroy the country
as far as the borders of Ahlnadabad and the districts of Malwa,
and spread their devastations through the provinces of the
Dakhin to the environs of Ujjain. They fall upon and plunder
large caravans within ten or twelve kos of the Imperial camp, and
have even had the hardihood to attack the royal treasure. It'
would be a troublesome and useless task to commit to writing all
their misdeeds; but it must suffice to record some few of the
events which occurred in those days of sieges, which, after all,
had no effect in suppressing the daring of the Mahrattas.
A force of the enemy, numbering fifteen or sixteen thousand
horse, proceeded towards the port of Surat, and, after ravaging
several districts, they went to cross the Nerbadda, which runs
between Ahmadabad and Surat. The Imperial officers in charge
of Ahmarlabéd took counsel together, and sent a suitable force
against them, under Muhammad Beg Khan, and * "‘ ten or twelve
sarddrs, with thirteen or fourteen thousand horse, and seven or
eight thousand trained kolis of that country. They crossed the
Nerbadda, and encamped upon its bank. Next morning the
Mahratta army approached within seven or eight kos. Two or
three well-mounted light horsemen appeared on one side, and the
Ahmadabad army made ready to receive them. After a conflict,
the infidels took flight, and were pursued by the Imperial officers
for two or three kos, who captured several mares, spears, and
umbrellas, and returned rejoicing.
The men of the army, delighted at having put the enemy
to flight, had nngirded themselves and taken the saddles from
their horses. Some went to sleep, and some were engaged
in cooking or eating, when a picked force of seven or eight
thousand of the enemy’s horse came suddenly upon them
376 Knsrr KHKN.

like a flood. These men had been concealed among the trees
and rocks near the river, and had sent out their spies to watch
for an opportunity. The untried men of Ahmadébéd lost their
wits. and found no means of saddling their horses or girding
on their arms. They had no experienced officers among them,
and when the Dakhinis made their attack, a panic fell upon
the army. On one side was the river, which the tide from the
sea made unfordable, and on the other the advancing tide of
the enemy. Many men were killed and wounded, and a great
many threw themselves into the water, and were drowned. “ "‘
The enemy effected a complete overthrow of the Imperial army.
Dahina Jadu, according to the general report of the sarda'rs,
was a man of the highest influence. He now proposed terms of
peace. His proposal was that conciliatory letters should be
addressed to all the principal oflicers of the Rani, inviting them
to wait upon Aurangzeb. When they had arrived in the
vicinity of the royal camp, Raja Séhi'i (son of Sambhaji) was
to be placed in charge of Prince Muhammad Kain Bakhsh, and
to he sent some four or five kos from the camp, so that the
Mahratta sarda'rs might have an interview with him first. With
the approval of Raja Séhi'l, the chiefs were then to .pay their
respects to Prince Kém Bakhsh, and to return in his custody
to the royal camp, where they were to receive the honour of
admission into the royal service. Orders were accordingly given
for the sending nearly seventy letters to various Mahratta chiefs.
But, after all, the plan did not please Aurangzeb, who prudently
felt misgivings as to the craftiness of the Mahrattas, and was
apprehensive that if they assembled forty or fifty thousand
horse near the royal camp, they might by this pretence carry off
Raja Séhi'i and Prince Kain Bakhsh to their hills of difficult
access. I
Sultan Husain was summoned to Court; “' “ but his visit was
countermanded, and he was ordered to go and lay siege to the
fort of Torna.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 521.] After the reduction of the fort of
Rajgarh, the royal army rested for a few days, and at the end
of Shawwal it moved to the fort of Torna, four lcos distant from
byiassault,"‘ not
" like
On the
the 13th
other Zi-l
fortska’da this fort was
by negociations withtaken

commandants and promises of material advancement. * *

Siege of Wdkinkera.
[p. 524.] Pem Naik, a saminda'r of low origin, belonging to
the tribe of Bedar, which is the Hindi for “fearless,” sprang
from the caste of Dhers, the most impure caste of the Dakhin.
He was noted for his turbulent habits. At the time of the war
with Haidarabéd, he sent his forces to the aid of Abu-l Hasan,
and Pédshah Khanzada Khan, son of Ruhu-llah Khan, was sent
to subdue his fort of Sagar,‘ and to occupy his fastnesses and
retreats. He submitted to the royal army, and came to wait on
the Emperor, but soon hastened back to his home.
Pem Naik had a nephew named Parya Naik.2 In the thirty
second year of the reign, when Elihu-llah Khan senior was sent
to reduce Raichor, and when the royal court was at Ahmadabad,
before the Bijapi'ir affair, this Parya Naik, having seen the great
power of Aurangzeb, came to his Court, and received a mansab.
Ruhu-llah thought he might be of service at Raichor, and took
him there. There the good-for-nothing knave took part in the
fighting, and rendered good service. After the reduction of
Raichor,l he asked leave to go to Wa'tkinkera,l his ancestral abode,
promising to levy all his powers there, and to present himself
with a proper army wherever he was summoned.
Upon receiving permission, he went to Wékinkera, which is
1 Raichor lies between the Kistné. and Tumbhadra. Sagar and Whkinkera are
north-west of Raichor between the Kistna and the Bhima, Sager being fifteen miles
north-east of Whkinkera.
2 The Ma-ésir-i 'A’Zamgiri gives as the names Pam Naik and Pidiya. Naiks 3 a'H 11‘ 3 ,\
'\ ’1a .,
~a #11 ‘

a village on the top of a hill, and one of the dependencies of
Sagar. The place is inhabited by many Barkanda'zes, which
name signifies “black-faced infantry,”1 and these people are
famed for their skill in archery and missiles. After Sagar
had been taken from the hands of Pem Naik, the worthless
Parya Naik, by craft and wiles, made it the abode of his
family and children. Having taken up his residence at Wékin
kera, he showed no signs of moving, but set about strengthen
ing and adding to the defences, and laying in warlike stores.
Favoured by fortune, he in time collected nearly fourteen or
fifteen thousand infantry of vigour and audacity. He made
his hill a strong fortress, and, collecting in a short time four
or five thousand horse, he ravaged flourishing places far and
near, and plundered caravans. Whenever an army was sent
against him, the strong force which he had collected around him,
the strength of his retreat, the influence of money spent in
bribery, a practice which he well understood, his knowledge of
darbdr proceedings, and his own audacity, carried him through;
and bags of money and a variety of presents covered all dis
crepancies in his statements. In his letters he made all sorts of
artful excuses, and represented himself as one of the most obedient
of saminddrs and punctual of revenue-payers. Every month and
year he exerted himself in increasing his buildings, strengthening
his towers and walls, in gathering forces, and acquiring guns,
great and small. At last his place became well known as the
fort of Wékinkera, and he became a fast ally of the Mahrattas,
the disturbers of the Dakhin.
Jagna, son of Peru Naik, who was the heir to his property,2
came to Court, was honoured with a mansab, and received a
same! for the zaminddri as its rightful heir. He went thither

1 why A?“ at]. All the copies
agree in this reading. The Ma-a'sir-i ’A'lamgiri calls them “ Ka'lah piydda
banditlcchi " (p. 376), and they occur frequently.
a “ Parya Naik expelled Jikiya, son of Pem N aik, from the lands he had inherited.”
. ‘ —Ma -a'air-i ’A'lamgirz', vol. ii. p. 492.

with an army, but could not get in, and after some fighting he
sufl'ered a defeat. Prince Muhammad A’zam was afterwards _
sent to punish Paryé. Neik, and the royal forces ravaged the
outskirts of his territory. But he seized his Opportunity, and
went to wait upon the Prince. He expressed his humility and
repentance, and with subtle artifice promised a tribute of seven
lacs of rupees to the Emperor, and to make a present of two laws
to the Prince. Besides these, he dispensed gratifications to the
officials. By these means he rescued himself from the clutches of
the royal anger.
As soon as the Prince had returned to Court, he went on
in his old way, and fanned the fires of rebellion more violently
than before. Firoz Jang was afterwards sent with a large
army to repress him, and pressed him very hard. But he
resumed his old artifices, sent deceptive and alluring messages,
and by a promise of obedience and nine lacs of rupees as tribute,
he saved his life and honour. \Vhen the royal army marched
against Pi'ma, and lay encamped for seven months and a half
near Junir, two or three unimportant forts were taken. Every
day fresh news was brought of the insolence and turbulence of
Parya Naik, and in consequence Aurangzeb resolved to march
in person against Wékinkera.

FORTY-NINTH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1116 A.H. (1704-5 A.n.).

Siege .y Wd/cinkera.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 527.] At the beginning of the forty-ninth
year of the reign, Aurangzeb moved with his army towards
Wékinkera. "‘ " At the end of Shawwal he reached the vicinity
of the fort. His tent was pitched about a kos from the fort, and
his oflicers were ordered to commence operations. Paryé. Naik
had strengthened his defences and called in his scattered forces.
He applied to Tara Bai for assistance, and had collected several
thousand horsemen of all classes, especially Musulmans of bad
character. The “ black-faced infantry ” with rage and clamour,

and the artillery with a shower of fire, boldly resisted the advance
. of the Imperial forces. Cannon-balls from large and small guns
were accompanied by thousands of blazing rockets, which rained
night and day, and allowed not a moment’s rest. A fierce
struggle was commenced, and large numbers were killed on both
sides. * * .
The reduction of the fort was nearly accomplished, and the
valour of the brave besiegers was about to reap its reward.
The approaching fall of the fort was on every one’s tongue,
when intelligence came in that a large army of Mahrattas was
approaching to succour the place. Next day Dahiné. Jadfi
and Hindu Rao, with two or three sardrirs, whose wives and
families were in Wékinkera, approached with eight or nine thou
sand horse and an innumerable force of infantry. Dahina Jadd
had been occupied for a short time in ravaging the country and
opposing the royal forces. His present object was to get his
wives and children and property out of WAkinkera, which he
had deemed the safest of all the forts, and at the same time to
render assistance to the garrison. On one side his strong force
pressed severely on the royal army.
At this juncture, when misfortunes poured like hail upon the
besiegers, one body drew the royal generals into a conflict on one
side, while on another two or three thousand horse dashed up to
the fort, mounted the women on swift mares, and with the aid
of the infantry in the fort they succeeded in carrying them off.
*‘ "‘ Paryé. Naik sent money and goods, food and drink, to the
Mahrattas, and settled allowances to their sarddrs, to induce them
to remain and protract the siege. The Mahrattas were quite
willing to get money easily, so they remained and harassed
the besiegers by daily attacks on both sides. Every day their
forces increased. Many men of the royal army were killed, and
a great panic spread amongst them. [Private negociations.]
Sfim Sankar, brother of Parya Néik, came out of the fort (as
a hostage), presented his offering, and paid homage. He re
ceived the honour of a robe, horse, jewels, and a mansab, and


then asked humbly forgiveness for his brother, and for a truce of
a week. Muhtasham Khan then entered the fortress (to take
formal possession as kila’ddr). He was entertained that night,
and messages were sent to him assuring him that Paryé. Nail:
would see him next day, and then under his protection would
proceed to pay homage. \Vhen he went into the fort, the drums
of the royal army were beaten joyfully. * " The people in the
fort, in order to satisfy the kila‘a’rir, busied themselves in sending
out their useless goods, their women and the old men whose lives
were precarious. The statement was still maintained that Parya
Naik intended to visit the kila’da'r, but towards night the excuse
was made that he was ill with fever. On the third it was
stated that the fever had increased, and that he was delirious
and talking wildly. Next day it was said that he was quite
insane, and that he had gone out of the fort, and no one knew
whether he had cast himself down from the fort to kill himself,
or whether he had gone to join the Mahratta army.
The mother of that crafty one artfully made great cries and
lamentations, and pretended to be in great distress. She sent a
message to Aurangzeb, saying that when she was a little consoled
for the disappearance of her son, she would leave the fort; but
she hoped that her younger son, Si'im Sankar, would receive in
vestiture as the new zamtnddr, and that he would be sent into the
fort to Muhtasham Khan, because he would be able to show the
kila’da'r the various places in which the treasure was buried. She
would then leave the fort with her remaining property and
children. Aurangzeb, not suspecting deception, allowed Slim
Sankar to go into the fort. “ * Then no one from the royal
army was allowed to enter. Muhtasham Khan with some other
persons were kept under restraint in the fort, and it became clear
to the Emperor and his associates that they had been made the
victims of deception; but the Emperor was patient, and acted
cautiously, as the circumstances of the case required.
Intelligence was now brought that Zi'i-l fikar Khan Nusrat
Jang and others were approaching with the force under his com
382 KHKFI xnxu.

mand, and the Emperor issued an 'order directing him to join as
soon as possible. * * Zu-l fikar Khan seized several wells from
which the enemy drew their supplies of water; and the enemy now
felt the deprivation which the Imperial forces had suffered. "‘ *
The approaches were pushed forward to the fort, and on the day
appointed for the assault the Emperor mounted his horse to take
part therein, * * and took his position at a cannon-shot distance
from the fort. " * The enemy were overpowered, and some
positions were captured. "' ' Being greatly dispirited, they placed
two or three thousand musketeers to hold one of the gates to the
last. They then took their wives and children, their jewels, and
whatever they could carry, and after setting fire to their temple
and other build-ings, they went out at another gate, and by some
outlets which had been prepared for such an occasion, they made
their way to the Mahratta army in parties. They thenfled with
_'the army. The conflagration in the fort and the cessation of
the firing made the besiegers aware of their flight. A party
of men entered, and found only disabled and wounded persons
who were unable to fly. On the 14th Muharram the Imperial
forces took possession of the place. "‘ * The name Wékinkera
was changed to Rahman-bakhsh. The Imperial army then
retired to pass the rainy season at Deo-ganw, three or four kos
from the Kistna. * * News arrived that the fort of Bakhshinda
bakhsh or Kandana had been lost through the carelessness of the
commander and the strategy of the Mahrattas. On the same
day Hamidu-d din Khan was sent to retake it.

Illness of the Emperor.
The Emperor was seized with illness, and had severe pains in
his limbs, which caused grave apprehension. But be exerted
himself, took his seat in the public hall, and engaged in business,
thus giving consolation to the people. But his illness increased,
he had fainting fits and lost his senses, so that very alarming
rumours spread abroad, and for ten or twelve days the army and
camp were in great distress. But by the mercy of God he grew

better, and occasionally showed himself to the people in the
public hall. The army was in an enemy’s country, without house
or home; and if the sad calamity (of the Emperor’s death) were
to happen, not one soul would escape from that land of mountains
and raging infidels. Under the advice of his physician, he took
China root.1 Three or four times a week he took medicine, and
every day he distributed charity. After his recovery, he richly
rewarded his physician, and returned thanks to God. In the
middle of Rajah, be commenced his march for Bahadur-garh,
otherwise called Bir-gémw,2 leaving Kalich Khan behind as 8126a
da'r. Slowly, and with difficulty, he pursued his march, and
reached Bir-ganw at the end of Sha’ban, and ordered a halt of
forty days for giving rest to the army during the time of the fast.

FIFTIETH YEAR or THE REIGN, 1117 A.H. (1705-6 A.1).).
Illness of the Emperor.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 540.] After the conclusion of the fast of
Ramazén, the Emperor again turned his attention to business.
He then proceeded to Ahmadnagar. In the month of Zi-l hijja
the intelligence was brought of Zu-l fikar Khan having reduced
the fort of Bakhshinda-bakhsh (Kandana). Prince Muhammad
A’zam Shah was in the province of Ahmadabad. When he
heard of his father’s illness, he wrote for leave to visit his father,
stating as an excuse that the climate of Ahmadébad was very
unfavourable to him. This displeased the Emperor, who replied
that he had written a letter of exactly the same effect to his
father Shah Jahén when he was ill, and that he was told in
answer, that every air (kawd) was suitable to a man except the
fumes (hau-a') of ambition. But the Prince wrote repeatedly to
1 Chob-i Oln'm', “ Smilax China."
7 Bir-ganw and Bahadur-garh have not been found in the maps. A passage
(Text, vol. ii. p. 452) states that a woman was carried by a flood “ from Bahadur
garh to Islampuri (on the Bhima) in five or six watches,” and another passage
(p. 508) says Bahadur-garh was nine has from the Kistna; so perhaps the place was
on the Man river, although that is more than nine koe from the Kistna. The route
of Aurangzeb from Khelna to Bahadur-garh (Ma-dalr, p. 464) was Malkapur,
Parnala, Bar-ganw (War-ganw), the Kistna, As’ad-nagar, Bahadur-garh; so he
must have crossed the river near Mirich.

the same efl'ect, and was then appointed to the slum of Mélwa.
He did not, however, go to Ujjain, but wrote for leave to visit
his father. A grudging permission was given, and the Prince
made the best of his way, so that he arrived at the end of the
month. The sziba of Ahmadabad, which was taken from him,
was given to Muhammad Ibrahim Khén. * *
When Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah reached his father’s
Court, his confidence in his own courage and boldness, and his
pride in the army and treasure he had got together at Ahmad
ébad, made him aspire to the royal state and treasure. He
thought nothing about his elder brother, but considered himself
the chief in every way. Prince Muhammad Kain Bakhsh he
looked upon as removed from rivalry by incompetence. But he
had observed the altered temper of his father, whose feelings
were not always in their natural state. His first thoughts fell
upon Prince Muhammad ’Azim,‘ who was at ’Azimabéd, or
Patna, in Bihar, where he had been some time Sa'tbada'r, and had
obtained a repute for amassing treasures. Therefore he wished
to remove him by getting him recalled to Court; and by various
representations, some false, some true, he so worked upon the
mind of the Emperor that orders were issued for his recall, * *
and the Prince proceeded to wait upon his grandfather.
Confirmation was received, through the Governor of Multan,
of the death of Prince Muhammad Akbar in Garmsir, the report
of which had been current for a year past.

FIFTY-FIRST YEAR on THE REIGN, 1118 A.H. (1706-7 A.D.).
Death qf the Emperor.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 547.] Prince A’zam Shah was proud of his
own courage, and of his army and soldiers. He had, moreover,
won over to his side Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khan and several
other amirs. He now sought a pretext for a quarrel with Prince
Kam Bakhsh. The Emperor slightly improved in health;
but although for some days he went into the public hall of
1 Or 'Azimu-sh Shfin,_son of Mu’azzam.

audience and the Court of Justice, he was very weak, 'and death
was clearly stamped upon his face. Prince A’zam’s feelings
towards Prince Kém Bakhsh, who was a poet and learned man,
now displayed themselves in various slights and improper actions
whenever an opportunity offered. Kain Bakhsh was dear to his
father, for it often happens that men have the greatest affection for
their youngest sons. So the Emperor appointed a nobleman to act
as the bakkski of Kain Bakhsh, and to him he entrusted the Prince,
with instructions to take care of him. This bakksht was Sultan
Hasan, otherwise called Mir Malang. He was a courageous and
faithful servant, and upon his appointment, the Emperor gave
him the title of Hasan Khan. In faithful discharge of his duty,
Hasan Khan deemed it necessary to place his ward under the
protection of special guards, in addition to his own servants, and
these accompanied the Prince armed and accoutred whenever he
went to Court. For some days and nights they watched over
the Prince with great vigilance. Prince A’zam Shah complained
of this to the Emperor, but got no answer. He then wrote to
Nawéb Zinatu-n Nissa Begam, his eldest sister, complaining of
the insolence of Hasan Khén, who had exceeded his powers.
He added that there would be no difficulty in chastising him,
but that it had been forbidden by the Emperor. This letter
was shown to the Emperor, who wrote a letter with his own
hand, saying that he had heard of the suspicious and appre
hensions shown by Hasan Khan, and would therefore send Kam
Bakhsh to some other place. Prince A’zam winced under the
censure implied in the letter; but he knew that submission was
_his only resource, and he felt great satisfaction at the removal of
his younger brother. ' '
The foresight of the Emperor told him that his health was
failing, and he saw that Prince (A’zam’s) pretensions increased
daily. He knew that if two unchained lions were left together,
after his decease there would be divisions in the army, and great
disturbances among the people. His affection for Kam Bakhsh
also worked upon him. He sent Kém Bakhsh with all the signs
VOL. VII. 25
386 Kmrr KHAN.

and honours of royalty to Bijapiir, and the drums of the royal
naubat-kha'na were ordered to play as he departed. The sight of
all this made Prince A’zam writhe like a poisonous serpent, but
he could not say a word. In two or three days he also received
orders to proceed to Malwé. in charge of strict oflicers.
After the departure of the two Princes, the Emperor grew
much worse, and fever increased. But for the next four or five
days, notwithstanding the severity of the disease, he attended
carefully to the regular prayers. In this tate of things
Hamidu-d din Khan presented a letter containing the advice of
astrologers, recommending the giving away of an elephant and
of a valuable diamond in charity. To that the Emperor wrote
in reply that the giving away of an elephant was the practice of
the Hindus and of star-worshippers; but he sent four thousand
rupees to the chief Ica'zi, for him to distribute among the de
serving. On -the same letter he wrote, saying, “Carry this
creature of dust quickly to the first (burial) place, and consign
him to the earth without any useless cofin.” It is said that he
wrote a will dividing his kingdom among his sons, and entrusted
it to Hamidu-d din Khan.
On Friday, the 28th Zi-l ka’da, in the fifty-first year of the
reign, corresponding with 1118 A.H. (Feb. 21, 1707 A.D.), after
performing morning prayers and repeating the creed, at about
one watch of the day, the Emperor departed this life. He was
ninety years and some months old, and had reigned fifty years
two months and a half. He was buried near Daulatabad by
the tombs of Shaikh Burhanu-d din and other religious worthies,
and of Shah Zari Zar-bakhsh, and some districts of Burhénpi'ir
were assigned for the maintenance of his tomb. I
Of all the sovereigns of the House of Timur—nay, of all the
sovereigns of Dehli—n0 one, since Sikandar Lodi, has ever been
apparently so distinguished for devotion, austerity, and justice.
In courage, long-sufl'ering, and sound judgment, he was unri
valled. But from reverence for the injunctions of the Law he
did not make use of punishment, and without punishment the

administration of a country cannot be maintained. Dissensions
had arisen among his nobles through rivalry. So every plan and
project that he formed came to little good; and every enterprise
which he undertook was long in execution, and failed of its
object. Although he lived for ninety years, his five senses were
not at all impaired, except his hearing, and that to only so slight
an extent that it was not perceptible to others. He often passed
his nights in vigils and devotion, and he denied himself many
pleasures naturally belonging to humanity.


Prince Muhammad A'zam Shah claims the Crown.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 566.] Prince Muhammad A’zam Shah,
having taken leave of his father, was proceeding to his governor
ship of Malwa. He had travelled about twenty has from the
army, when one evening the intelligence of the Emperor’s death
reached him. On the same day he left his baggage and equip
ments, and with some of the chief nobles and an escort, he set
off with all speed for the army. On arriving there, he entered the
great tent. All the nobles came forth to meet him, and to console
and sympathize with him, except Asad Khan and Hamid Khan,
who were attending to the business of mourning and watching
inside. After the burial was over, Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khan
and other nobles and officers offered their condolences. An in
spection was made of the amount of treasure, jewels, artillery, and
effects. What was capable of being removed was separated and
placed under the charge of vigilant officers, to provide the means
of carriage and the supplies necessary for a journey. Hindi and
Persian astrologers fixed on the 10th Zi-l hijjal as the day for
ascending the throne.
Prince Bedar Bakht, who had been left at Ahmadabad in
l 1118 Hijra, 5th March, 1707.

charge of his government, arrived. Ibrahim Khan Sabadar
also thought of coming, but an order was issued for his going to
the frontier of Malwa, there to await further orders. He was
directed not to be precipitate, but to await the arrival of the new
monarch. The author of this work was at that time in the
company of Muhammad Murad Khan, who was Wa'ki’-nigdr
and Sawdm'h-nigdr of all the province of Ahmadabéd, and was
faujda'r of the sarha'r of Thanesar and Kfidra. On the 9th Zi-l
hijja Muréd Khén received a robe, on taking leave of Prince
Bedar Bakht, and went home. Just then some servants of
Ibrahim Khan Ndzim came to summon him. When he waited
on Ibrahim Khan, and the latter became aware of his having
received a robe from Bedar Bakht, he asked if the Prince had
received any intelligence from his father, and in what condition
the Prince was. Murad Khan replied that he did not know of
any fresh news, and the Prince‘s health appeared to be as usual.
Ibrahim Khan then placed in the hands of Murad Khan a
letter, which he had received at Ahmadabad on the 10th from
his cakél at Ahmadnagar, informing him of the sad event which
had occurred, and said, “ You must this very moment go to the
Prince with the letter and offer our condolence.”
Murad Khan went home, changed his robe, and went to wait
upon the Prince. He found that the Prince was asleep; but
considering the pressing nature of his mission, he told the eunuch
on duty that he must awake the Prince as cautiously as he could.
As soon as the Prince was aroused, he was told that Murad Khan
was anxious to see him, and had caused him to be awoke. The
Prince had received information of the Emperor’s illness, and he
asked if Murad Khan still wore the'robe which had been pre
sented to him, and the eunuch replied that he was dressed in a
fresh robe of white. The Prince’s eyes filled with tears, and he
sent for Murad Khan into a private room. The Khan placed in
his hand the letter which had arrived, and offered his own and
Ibrahim Khan’s condolences. After that the Prince said to
Murad Khan, “You know full well that the realm of Hinddstan

will now fall into anarchy. People did not know the value of
the Emperor. I only hope that Heaven will direct matters as I
wish, and that the Empire will be given to my father.”
Ibrahim Khan afterwards was in doubt as to what Prince’s
name was to be recited in the khutba on the day of the ’I'du-z
zuha, and it was decided that after the rising of the sun, and
before the news of Aurangzeb’s death was spread abroad, the
khatba should be read in Aurangzeb’s name in the ’I'dga'h.
Ibréhim Khan ranged himself among the partisans of A‘zam
Shah, and he resolved that if, as he expected, instructions
should come for him to accompany Prince Bedar Bakht, he
would assemble his forces and would hasten with the Prince
to A'gra. In fact, if Muhammad A’zam Shah had not been
rnistrustful1 and forbidden it, he (Ibrahim Khan) would have
-helped Prince Bedar Bakht on his way.2 Mukhtar Khan,
father-in-law of Bedar Bakht, was Shbada'r of A'gra. He had
nine krors of rupees, besides ashrafls and presentation money
(rapiya-i ghartb nawaz), amounting to as much as five hundred
tolac in weight; and he had uncoined gold and silver in the
shape of vessels. Baki Khan, the commander of the fortress,
who had the treasure in his charge, designed to surrender the
treasure and the keys of the fortress to whichever of the heirs
of the kingdom should present himself. (Ibrahim Khan’s plan)
was the right and advisable course to pursue ; but what God had
ordained came to pass. ‘

Prince Kdm Bakhsh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 569.] A few words now about Prince Kain
Bakhsh. After leaving his venerable father, he went to the fort
- of Parenda, forty or fifty kos distant. There he received the sad
l “ The insinuations of envious people had turned the mind of A'zam Shah against
Bedar Bakht. and afzp-ma'n was sent desiring him to go from Ahmadabéd to Melwa,
and to wait at Ujjain for further instructions. The same ill-feeling also prompted
the refusal of permission for him to go to A'gra."—-Tazkira-i ChaghaIn'i.
2 This is a somewhat doubtful sentence.

news of his father’s decease. Muhammad Amin Khan, with
a number of persons, went off to wait upon A’zam Shah, with
out the leave or knowledge of Kam Bakhsh. Great division and
contention arose in his army in consequence of this defection.
Ahsan Khén, otherwise called Mir Sultan Hasan, supported by
the sympathy and good feeling of many who remained, exerted
himself and set off with the intention of taking possession of
the fort of Bijapl'ir. On arriving near the place, he sent a kind
and flattering message to Niyéz Khan, the commandant, to in
duce him to deliver up the fortress. Niyaz Khan refused, and
set about putting the fortifications in order. Intrenchments were
then thrown up opposite the gate. Rumours of the death of
Aurangzeb had been floating in the air before the arrival of Kain
Bakhsh, and were now confirmed. Negociations were opened,
and through the exertions and skilful management of Ahsan ‘
Khan, the keys of the fortress were given up by Saiyid Niyéz
Khén, who waited on the Prince and made submission. At the
end of two months the city and environs were brought into a state
of order. Ahsan Khan was made bakhshi, and the portfolio
of wazir was given to Hakim Muhsin, with the title Takarrub
I Khan. * * Other adherents were rewarded with jewels and
titles. The Prince then assumed the throne. He was mentioned
in the khatba under the title
this title.(Asylum of the
Faith), and coins also were I

Prince Kam Bakhsh then assembled some seven or eight thou
sand horse, and marched to subdue the fort of wakinkera. After a
march or two, Saiyid Niyaz Khan left his tent standing, and fled
in the night to Muhammad A’zam Khan. On reaching Kulbarga,
the Prince took possession of the fort, and, on the recommen
dation of Ahsan Khan, placed it under the command of Saiyid
Ja‘far, one of the Saiyids of Barha. He then marched on to
WAkinkera, which, since the death of Aurangzeb, had again fallen
into the hands of Parya Naik. On arriving there, lines were
formed, and the siege commenced under the direction of Ahsan
Khan. Parya Naik defended the place for fifteen or twenty

days, when it surrendered, through the mediation of Ahsan
Khan. An officer was placed in command, and the army marched
on to further conquests. There was a great rivalry between
Takarrub Khan and Ahsan Khan. The former removed Saiyid
Ja’far from the command of Kulbarga, and appointed another
person to the charge. When Kam Bakhsh returned to Kul
barga, he restored Saiyid Ja’far. “ " After pacifying Ahsan
Khan, the Prince sent him to lay siege to Karniil, and directed
his youngest son to accompany him as a check (tora). The
commandant was unwilling to surrender, and, after some negocia
tions and siege work, he presented three lacs of rupees to Ahsan
Khan for the use of the government, and so induced him to move
away. " *

Prince A’zam Shah.

[vol. ii. p. 571.] On the 10th Zi-l hijja A'zam Shah, having
ascended the throne, made his accession public in the Dakhin by
coins struck in the name of-A“zam Shah. Having gratified the
old nobles of the State with robes and jewels, augmentations of
mansabs and promises, he set off, about the middle of Zi-l hijja,
to encounter Shah ’A'lam, accompanied by Jamdatu-l Mulk
Amiru-l umard Asad Khan,iZi'1-l fikar Khan Bahadur Nusrat

Jang and [many other nobles]. He marched to Khm'ista-bunydd
(Aurangabad), " " and from thence arrived at Burhanpnr.
After leaving that place, he was abandoned by Muhammad
Amin Khan, and Chin Kalich- Khan, who had received the
title of Khdn-daura'n. They were offended by the treatment
they received from A’zam Shah, and went off to Aurangabad,
where they took possession of several districts.

Sha'h ’A'lam (Baha'dur Shah).

[vol. ii. p. 573.] An-account must now be given of the pro
ceedings of Shah ‘Alam Bahadur Shah. The late Emperor
had appointed Mun’im Khan, a very able man of business, to
392 KHXFI links.

the management of Kabul. He had shown great devotion and
fidelity to Shah ’A'lam, so that the Prince placed in his hands
the management of his jdglrs in the province of Lahore, and had
recommended him for the (Medal of the province to the Emperor,
who appointed him to that office. When Mun’im Khan received
intelligence of the continued illness of the Emperor, in his faith
fulness to Shhh ’Klam, he busied himself in making preparations
in the countries lying between Lahore and Peshawar, finding
means of transport, collecting camels and bullocks, and providing '
things necessary for carrying on a campaign, so as to be ready
at the time of need.
On the 7th Zi-l hijja the news of Aurangzeb’s death reached
Peshawar, and the Prince immediately prepared to set out.
Next day a letter came from Mun’im Khan, offering congratula
tions upon the Prince’s accession to royalty, and urging him to
come quickly. Orders were given for the. march, and next
day the Prince started, making no delay, accompanied by his
nobles, except Fathu-llah Khan, a man of great bravery lately
appointed to Kabul, who declined to accompany him. Orders
were given that Jén-nisar Khan, who was only second in courage
to Fathu-llah Khan, should go with five or six thousand
horse to the neighbourhood of A'gra, to join Prince ’Azimu-sh
Shan. Orders also were sent calling Prince Mu’izzu-d din from
his government of Thatta, and A’azzu-d din from Multan, where
he was acting as the deputy of his father. Other presumed
adherents were also sent for.
Shah ’Alam proceeded by regular marches to Lahore. Mun’im
Khan came forth to meet him, paid his homage, offered forty
lacs of rupees, and presented the soldiers, artillery and equip
ments that he had busied himself in collecting directly be had
heard of the death of Aurangzeb. Shah ’A'lam appointed him
waslr. At the end of Muharram, 1119 (April, 1707), the Prince
encamped at Lahore._ There he remained over the new moon of
Safar, and gave orders for the coining of money and reading the
khutba in his name. The nobles in his retinue presented their

offerings and paid their homage. "‘ "‘ Directions were given that
the new rupee should be increased half a ma'sha' in weight, and
lace were accordingly coined of that weight; but as in the pay
ment of tankhwdh, and in commercial transactions, it was received
at only the old rate, the new rule was discontinued.
Prince Muhammad Mu‘izzu-d din and his son A’azzu-d din
now arrived. [Great distribution of honours and mansabs] A
letter was received from Prince Muhammad ’Azim, stating that
“’ * he had raised more than twenty thousand horse, and was
hastening to reach Agra before Prince Bedér Bakht. News
also arrived that Agra had been secured, that Mukhtar Khan
had been placed in confinement, and that Béki Khan, the com
mandant of the fort, put off surrendering the treasure with the
excuse that he would wait till His Majesty arrived. Spies and
news-writers reported that Baki Khan had written with great
humility to Prince Muhammad A’zam, that although the fort
and the treasures belonged to both the heirs to the crown, he
would surrender them to whichever arrived first. There was
not a single person Who doubted that, comparing the distance of
Peshéwar with the difficulties in the way of A’zam Shah, Shah
’Alam would arrive before him.
On Shah ’Alam arriving at Dehli, "‘ ' the commandant sent
the keys of the fortress with his offering, and many others made
their allegiance. At the beginning of Rabi’u-l awwal he started
for A'gra, and reached the environs of that city about the middle
of the month, where he was met by his son, Muhammad ’Azim,
and by Muhammad Karim, the son of Prince ’Azim. Baki
Khan gave up the keys of the fortress, with the treasure, for
which he received great favour and rewards. According to
one account, there were nine krors of rupees, in rupees and
ashrafls, besides vessels of gold and silver, which was what was
left remaining of the twenty-four hrors of rupees amassed by
Shah Jahan, after what had been expended by Aurangzeb during
his reign, principally in his wars in the Dakhin. According to
another account, including the presentation money, which con

sisted of askrafz's and rupees of 100 to 300 tolas’ weight, specially
coined for presents,l and the ashrafts of twelve mdshds and thirteen
mdshas of the reign of Akbar, the whole amounted to thirteen
krors. An order was given for bringing outdirectly four krors
of rupees. Three lacs were to be given to each of the royal
Princes, altogether nine lacs, three lacs to Khan-zaman and his
sons, one lac to the Saiyids of Bérha, one lac to A'ghar Khan
and his Mughals. In the same way the officers in his retinue,
and the old servants, soldiers, [and others, received gratuitous
additions of pay and donations]. Altogether two krors were dis
tributed. "' “‘

Marc/z of Prince A’zam.
[VOL ii. p. 581.] Prince A’zam Shah, with his artillery, and a
a force of nearly thirty-five thousand horse actually present
(maujadé), which according to military reckoning means an army
of more than eighty or ninety thousand men, and with his amtrs
and adherents, marched forth for war. * * He endeavoured, by
augmentations of mamabs and promotions in rank, to secure the
good will of the nobles; but in providing for advances and pay to
the army, and in giving assistance and presents of money, he,
through want of treasure, was very sparing. If any of his most
attached nobles spoke to him on this subject, he, in his proud
and haughty way, gave sharp answers that there was no real
necessity in his army, but fear of the opposite party.2 In fact,
he had not money to be liberal with; but his bitter words, and
the ill temper which he occasionally showed, pained and disgusted
many of his followers. After he departed from Burhanpi'n', Chin
Kalich Khan, who had been created Khdn-daurdn, went off with
several noted men and returned to Aurangabad. Muhammad
Amin also, with many Mughals, plundered the baajdras of the
army, and fell back to Aurangébad. When the Prince was told
‘ See Thomas’s “ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings,” p. 423.
2 The Tazkira-i Uhaghata'i adds that the army sufiered greatly on the march from
the heat of the weather and want of water. ‘

of such matters, he paid no attention to them, and made no
change in his conduct. After crossing the river (Nerbadda) at
Handiya, he arrived at Doréha.

Release of Sa'ha. ‘
[vol. ii. p. 582.] Zl'i-l fikér Khan Nusrat Jang was very
intimate with Séhr'i, grandson of Sivaji, and had long been
interested in his affairs. He now persuaded A’zam Shah to set
this Séhii at liberty, along with several persons who were his
friends and companions. Séhfi, with fifty or sixty men, who were
able to accompany him, went off to Mohan Singh, a noted re
bellious zamtnda'r, in the difficult mountain country of Bijagarh,
Sulténpfir, and Nandurbér. He supplied Sélni with some
necessary equipments, and Séhfi then went on to a Mahratta
named Kmbfi, but more famous under the name of Pand, who
was an active rebel. This man held the fort of Kokarmandal in
Sulténpiir, and ravaged the whole country from Surat to Burban
piir. He furnished Séhi'i with a body of men, and sent him to
his native country and to the lofty fortresses, of which several
that had been reduced by Aurangzeb had again fallen into the
hands of the rebels during the days of contention for the Empire.
Many Mahratta sarddrs, who through necessity had deceitfully
joined themselves to the party of Rani Téré, Béi, widow of Ram
Raja, now came and joined Rfija Séhl'i.
Having collected a large army, Séhi'i proceeded to the neigh
bourhood of Ahmadnagar, and then, according to a report at
the time, he put ofi' his journey, and went to the place where
Aurangzeb died. He paid a mourning visit to the place, and
distributed money and food to the poor. Then, with his large
army, which numbered nearly 20,000 Mahratta horse, he marched
with the intention of showing his respect to the tomb of Aurang
zeb, near Daulatabad, at a place now called Kliuldébéd.’ When
‘ On the north bank of the Tapti.
1 Aurangzeb had treated Sthu, his boy prisoner, with great familiarity and kind
ness. It was he who gave the child the name of Sahfi, which he afterwards preferred
and retained. Aurangzeb was called “ Khuld-makfin,” hence the name Khuldabad.


his advance party approached Aurangabad, although Séhi'i and
his brothers in his company had no intention of ravaging, the old
habit prevailed, and some of his men began plundering in the
vicinity of Aurangabad. Mansfir Khan and the other officers in
the city bestirred themselves, put the fortifications in order, and
endeavoured to repress these outrages. Raja Séhi'r also forbade
his men to plunder, and after visiting the tombs of the great
men, and of Aurangzeb, he went his way to his forts.

Defeat and Death zy‘ A’zam Slat/z.
[voL ii. p. 583.] A’zam Shah passed the Nerbadda, and
arrived at Gwélior. There he heard of the arrival at A'gra of
Shah ’Klam, and of Prince ’Azim, with his powerful army. " *
He left Amiru-l umard Asad Khan at Gwalior with the ladies
and unnecessary equipments and jewels and treasure, * * and
having distributed a little money among the soldiers, he sent
Prince Bedar Bakht forward in command of the advanced guard,
and he sent with him Zu-l fikar Khan and [many others], * *
and the march to Kgra began, his force amounting to nearly
twenty-five thousand horse. It is said that although he had
collected an army of nearly fifty thousand horse, want of money
had stinted the pay of the men; and they having heard of the
profuse liberality of the opposing party, many men of name
and reputation parted from him and went over to Prince
Muhammad ’Azim and Shah’ Klam.
It is related that when intelligence of Prince A’zam’s arrival
at Gwélior reached Shah ’A'lam, he wrote him a letter of expos
tulation, rehearsing the particulars of the will written by their
father with his own hand respecting the division of the kingdom,
and said, “ Of all the six su'bas of the Dakhin, I will surrender
to you four sabas, as well as the MM of Ahmadabéd, and besides
these I will present you with one or two other sabas, for I do not
wish that the blood of Musulmans should be shed. “ “‘ You
ought therefore to be content with the will of your father, accept

what is offered, and endeavour to prevent strife.”1 It is also said
that he sent a message to the following effect: “ If you will not
desist from unjustly making a greater demand, and will not abide
by the will of our father, but desire that the sword should be
drawn, and that the matter should be submitted to the arbitra
ment of courage and valour, what is the necessity that we should
doom a multitude to the edge of the sword in our quarrel? It
is better that you and I should stake our single lives and contend
with each other on the field of combat.” " " “‘ When this
letter and message of the elder brother reached the younger,
the latter said, “I suppose the stupid fellow has never read
the lines of Sa’di, which say that ‘Two kings cannot be con
tained in one country, though ten darwcekes can sleep under one
blanket.’ “’
The spies of Shéh ’A'lam Bahadur Shah brought intelligence
that the advanced guard of A’zam Shah had marched with the
intention of taking possession of the river Chambal, which is
eighteen kos from Kgra. So he gave directions that Khana-zad
Khan, Saf-shikan Khan the commander of the artillery, with an
advanced guard, should go and take possession of the passage,
and not allow the enemy to cross. It was next reported to be
A‘zam Shah‘s intention to cross the river at Samfi-garh, and
leaving A'gra in his rear, to turn and give battle. Orders were
then given for moving Shéh ’A'lam’s tents to Jejl'i Sarai.3 [Di8.
position made for action]
A’zam Shéh also prepared for battle, and, without heeding
the superior force of his brother, or settling any plan of action,
went boldly forward like a fierce lion dashes upon a flock of
sheep. "‘ * His leading forces made a sudden attack upon the
most advanced camp of Shah ’Klam. The officers and men
in charge resisted for a time, and killed some of the assailants,
1 Iradat Khhn says that Bahadur Shah proposed an equal division of the Empire.
—Scott’s History of the Deccan, vol. ii. p. 19.
I The Prince has reversed the order of the clauses of this proverb from the
Guliata'n. .
’ About half way on the road from Agra to Dholpfir.

but were put to flight. All their baggage was plundered, their
camp was set on fire, and the commander of the artillery was
made prisoner, and carried before Prince A’zam Shah. The
Prince asked him who he was. He said, “ I was commander of
the artillery; I am a Saiyid.” The Prince ordered his release.
Prince Muhammad 1Azim, who had ridden forward rashly to
explore, got intelligence of what was passing, and with a strong
force hastened into action, and fell upon the advanced forces of
A’zam Shah.
The check which had been received caused great discourage
ment to the forces of Slléh ’Klam. Zfi-l fikar Khan and other
nobles in attendance upon A'zam Shah advised him that he
should proclaim the success he had achieved, order his camp
to be pitched upon the spot, and to put ofl' the general action
to the morrow, because the victory that had been gained and
the superior prowess of his men would strike terror into the
enemy’s army, and bring over many of the leading men from
his opponent’s ranks. Many also of the half-hearted would
certainly desert, and the probability was that Shah ’A'lam would
be so much- discouraged that he would retreat. A’zam Shéh got
angry, and said with warmth and bitterness, “ This is the
counsel of women.” In short, although a great portion of A’zam
Shéh’s army was busy in destroying and plundering, strict
and precise orders were issued to the leading forces, and on the
18th Rabi’u-l awwal, 1119 A31. (10th June, 1707 4.1).), the two
armies joined battle at Jaju, seven or eight has from A'gra.
[Long details of the action.]
Prince Bedar Bakht, after rendering splendid service, which
shed a halo round him, was killed by a cannon-ball, and many
of his followers also fell. * “' His younger brother Wéléjéh was
killed by a ball from a sambzimk. *‘ * A strong wind arose,
which blew straight from the side of Shah ’A'lam against the
army of A’zam Shah, so that every arrow, with the help of the
wind of fate, reached the army of A'zam Shah, and pierced
through armour; "‘ "' but the rockets and the arrows and the

balls from his side, being resisted by the contrary wind, failed
to reach the ranks of the enemy, and fell upon the ground. It
is said that Tarbiyat Khén twice discharged a musket from the
army of A‘zam Shah against Prince ’Azimu-sh Shén. Both
shots failed; but a musket-ball from the other side reached the
Khan’s breast, and at the same moment an arrow pierced him
and he died. .
Matters now looked ill in every way for A’zam Shah. “ " On
the side of Shah ’A'lam fourteen or fifteen nobles of distinction
were killed, "' “ and a great number on the side of A’zam Shah
were slain. Zii-l fikar Khan received a slight wound upon the
lip. \Vhen he saw that the day was lost, that many of his
valiant companions in arms were slain, and that A’zam Shah’s.
army was pressed so hard that there was no hope of deliverance,
he went to the Prince and said, “Your ancestors have had to
endure the same kind of reverse, and have been deprived of
their armies; but they did not refuse to do what the necessities
of the case required. The best course for you now is to leave
the field of battle, and to remove to a distance, when fortune may
perhaps assist you, and you may retrieve your reverse.” A'zam
Shah flew into a rage, and said, “ Go with your bravery, and save
your life wherever you can ; it is impossible for me to leave this
field: for princes there is (only the choice of) a throne or a bier "
(takkt ya' takhta). Zi'I-l fikar Khan, accompanied by Hémidu-d
din Khan, then went off to Gwalior.
The ill-fated Prince now found himself left with only two or
three hundred horsemen among thousands of enemies, and amid
a rain of arrows and balls. In this extremity he exclaimed, “ It
is not Shah ’A'lam who fights against me; God has abandoned
me, and fortune has turned against me.” He had an infant son
with him in his howda, whom he endeavoured to shield from the
balls and arrows. That brave young Prince desired to show the
valour of his race, but his father forbade him, and tried still more
to protect him. Two or three drivers fell wounded from the
elephant, and the animal itself was pierced with many wounds,

and became impatient. Death was threatening, and A’zam Shah
felt that his foot was in the stirrup for his last journey; but he
bravely got out of the kowda, and endeavoured to control the
elephant and drive him forward, but he was unable. The sun of
his life was near its setting—an arrow struck him in the fore
head and ended his existence. Rustam ’Ali Khan, who had got
near to the elephant, hearing what had happened, mounted the
animal, and cut off the head of the Prince with his pitiless
sword. He carried it to the army of Shah ’Aflam, and the
shouts of victory rose high. "' * When Shéh ’A'lam saw the
gory head of his brother, he looked fiercely at that dog Rustam