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Songs commonly chosen by parents and adults to teach their young ones are those which try to educate children of the common and frequently used terms like songs identifying body parts and the alphabets, personifying animals, and even those songs that animatedly describe people. My Toes, My Knees is one of such versions that help identify body parts. My Toes, My Knees (English VersionOriginal) My toes, my knees, my shoulders, my head (3x) Let’s all clap hands together! (Surigaonon naturalis Versionoriginal) Siki, tuhod, abaga, uyo (3x) Ipalakpak an alima (Cantilangnon Surigaonon Versiontranslated) Siki, tuhod, abaga, uyo (3x) Ipalakpak ta ang alima (Bisliganon Kamayo Version- translated) Kanak siki, tuhod, abaga, o (3x) Ipakpak kanato alima (Cebuano Bisaya Versiontranslated) Tiil, tuhud, abaga, ulu (3x) Ipalakpak ta atung kamut

My Toes, My Knees is a widely sung English, action song that identifies the basic human limb parts. Most of the interviewees have admitted that they have learned the song according to the English version. However, if the speakers would want their own version, they would simply translate the lines according to their language. In fact, for the Surigaonon naturalis, though they use the English version of My Toes, My Knees, they, too, have their own rendition; while the Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo use and observe that of the English version.

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Looking at the table above, there is a major similarity among the Surigaonon naturalis and the Bisliganon Kamayo terms used in the song. In contrast, the Surigaonon naturalis and the Cantilangnon Surigaonon do not have that much difference in their usage and inflection of the terms/words in the song as translated in their respective dialects. On Morphology. Generally, the Surigaonon naturalis and Bisliganon Kamayo only have a slight difference on the way they construct their versions of the song relative to that of the English version. On the other hand, between the Surigaonon naturalis and Surigaonon Cantilangnon, a deletion of a sound and the presence of a pronoun set the difference in both the Surigaonon dialect. Surigaonon dialects—the Cantilangnon Surigaonon version of the song also names “my toes, my knees, my shoulder, head” in the same way as the Surigaonon naturalis calls them “siki, tuhod, abaga, uyo” also without the possessive marker “my.” However on the second line of the song, “Ipalakpak an alima” and “Ipalakpak ta ang alima” show a significant difference that somehow establishes the variation between the two Surigaonon dialects. The Surigaonon naturalis interviewees confirmed their usage of the predicate marker “an” which is an equivalent to the Cebuano Visayan “ang.” “An” though synonymous with “ang” is not used in the Cantilangnon Surigaonon version of My Toes, My Knees. The Cantilangnon Surigaonon version, instead, use “ang” the same way as that of the Cebuano Visayan “ang.” Another point to consider in the second line of the song is that the Surigaon naturalis does not have the nominative

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marker “kita” in its version of My Toes, My Knees while the Cantilangnon Surigaonon includes “kita” in its version. Yet, “kita” is contracted into “ta” which is also understood as “kita.” “Alima” which means “hands” in Surigaonon naturalis is also spelled and meant the same in the Surigaonon Cantilangnon dialect. Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo—Between the Surigaonon naturalis and that of the Bisliganon Kamayo, “siki,” “tuhod,” “abaga” and “alima” are similar, and also, generally use among the speech communities of the two languages. However, the Bisliganon Kamayo has the genitive “kanak” to show possession which means “my,” hence, “kanak siki, tuhod, abaga, o.” Unlike the English version, though, the genitive “kanak” is only used once in the the Bisliganon Kamayo version of My Toes, My Knees. In comparison to the English version that ends with a command/imperative: “Let’s all clap hands together,” both the Surigaonon naturalis and the Bisliganon Kamayo also state a command as presented by the inflectional affix i-. John Wolff in his introduction of his work on A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan (1982) classified this inflectional affix as a passive verb affix expressing future or subjunctive tenses. Surigaonon naturalis, Surigaonon Cantilangnon and also that of the Cebuano Visayan version use “ipalakpak” which is a passive construction that means “have s.o. do the clapping.” In the Bisliganon Kamayo version, on the other hand, “ipakpak” is a competing, passive-subjunctive form of “ipalakpak,” characterized by a deletion of a syllable yet still means “to have s.o do the clapping.” Wolff defined

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competing forms as words with the same etymology or origin and which usually, though not always, have the same meaning (1982). Between the two Surigaonon dialects—Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon—the latter form uses in its version of My Toes, My Knees the nominative marker “kita” or “ta.” This has also been observed in the Bisliganon Kamayo with its usage of the same nominative marker “kita” in its competing form “kanato.” On the other hand, the Cebuano Visayan version has used the short form “ta” to mean “us” or “we.” (It should be noted that the observance of the subjective and objective forms of pronouns in Cebuano, Surigaonon and in Kamayo is not the same as that in English.) On Phonological Processes. A number of morphophonemic alternations are present among the languages in their translations and versions of the song, My Toes, My Knees. “ulu,” “uyo” and “o” are competing forms of the Cebuano Visayan “ulu.” Oftentimes confused as a language which changes all the /l/ phonemes into /y/, hence the name “waya-waya,” Surigaonon language really has the /l/ sound as represented with /i-pa-lak-pak/and /a-li-ma/. Wolff noted (1982) that roots containing /l/ between like vowels, usually, but not all the time, observes: a) /l/ is dropped and the vowel is usually lengthened; b) /l/ becomes /w/; and c) intervocalic /l/in isolated dialects become /y/. Thus, /ulu/ in the Cebuano Visayan version has its competing forms with the Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon /uyo/ and the Bisliganon Kamayo /ó/.

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The nasal /ŋ/ and /n/ phonemes take the forms of the nominative marker “ang.” On the Surigaonon dialects, Surigaonon naturalis has /an/ while the Cantilangnon Surigaonon has /aŋ/. Though /ŋ/ and /n/ are nasal sounds and have the tendency to be assimilated, both cannot be assimilated since only those nasal consonant sounds which are adjacent to another consonant can observe the phonological phenomenon. As a result, like “ulu,” “uyo,” and “o,” /an/ and /aŋ/are then considered as competing forms of the nominative marker “ang” /aŋ/. “Ipalakpak” and “ipakpak” are competing forms of the Cebuano Visayan root “palakpak” which means to applaud. Both the Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon add the suffix i- to set the mood on the subjunctive. Bisliganon Kamayo, in contrast, though also has the suffix i- and the subjunctive mood, drops a syllable, hence a deletion of sound, in its verb conjugation. This phonological process involves the loss of sounds or letters in the middle or interior of a word (Encarta). This process is commonly called as syncope. Thus, /i-pa-lak-pak/ becomes /i-pak-pak/, dropping the middle syllable /la/: Surigaonon naturalis Cantilangnon Surigaonon Cebuano Visayan Bisliganon Kamayo

palakpak /palakpák/ applause + i- = ipalakpak /ipalakpak/ applaud palakpak /palakpák/ applause + i- = ipalakpak /ipalakpak/ applaud ipalakpak /ipakpak/ = ipakpak /ipakpak/ ipakpak /ipakpak/ applaud

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When /ki-ta/ becomes /ta/, there is a phonological process that occurs in the Cantilangnon Surigaonon. Aphesis/aphaeresis is the loss of an unstressed vowel or sounds at the beginning of a word (Encarta) as reflective to that of the word /ki-ta/ or /ta/; while Bisliganon Kamayo takes a different form of /ki-ta/ which is /ka-na-to/. /á-tù/ is a competing form of the root /ki-ta/ and takes on the prefix kan- in the Bisliganon Kamayo context that would then mean the same as /ta/or /ki-ta/. On Semantic. In accordance with the Cebuano Visayan Dictionary, a few of the words and terms found in the versions of the song in Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo are also present in the Cebuano context. However, competing forms of some roots may not have the same meaning as that of the other languages. For instance, when Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo translate “my toes,” the languages shared the common term “siki” or /si-ki/ in contrast with the Cebuano Visayan /tiil/. However, /ti-il/ is a metonymic term that means “foot” or “feet.” To identify toes in Cebuano Visayan is to use the term “tudlu” or /tud-lu/ which refers to both the fingers and the toes. Yet the English song My Toes, My Knees sets a different context compared to Cebuano Visayan version by using metonymy—a figure of speech in which an attribute is used to stand to mean for the thing itself; or a representation of something is used to link for the whole parts—to mean not just the whole but also the

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parts itself as a representation of the whole; thus, /ti-il/ could also mean /tud-lu/ and consequently could be used in the Cebuano Visayan version of the song. Albeit the different term for “toes” in the Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo languages, “siki” also shares a part in the Cebuano Visayan context. Yet, instead of “toes,” “siki” is a noun which means “fetlock, a thumb-like projection above the foot in the legs of animals (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary). A “siki” for Cebuano Visayan would look like this:

Competing forms, sometimes, do not involve sound change. Like the example with “siki,” though Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo identify it as “toes,” “siki” in Cebuano Visayan—spelled and pronounced the same as that of the former—identifies it otherwise. In addition, similar with “siki,” “alima” is also found within the Cebuano Visayan context. /a-li-ma/ or “alima” is taken from the root “lima” which means the numeral five. Somehow, the Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo languages could look up to this definition relative to their meaning of “alima” as hands.

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However, the numerical meaning of the root is not maintained as the inflection takes place. “alima” or /a-li-ma/ is a verb that means “take care of s.o. by administering to his needs” as exemplified in this sentence: “Alimahi and imung manghud, Take good care of your younger brother (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary).” Since there is a phonological change between “lima” and “alima,” this process then is called as apophony or an alternation of sounds that indicate grammatical inflection. With the inflection from noun to verb, the prefix a- indicates a difference between the verb “alima” and the adjective “lima.” By establishing the semantic alternations of the terms “siki” and “alima,” one could then observe that Surigaonon languages and Bisliganon Kamayo, indeed have a hint of similarity and intelligibility with that of the Cebuano Visayan language. And though the song My Toes, My Knees is an original English song, all four languages—Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan—have kept the same context of the song: to identify in simplest terms the basic human limb parts. With the actions and movements of the song, nothing could be better in singing My Toes, My Knees than watching everyone bending and moving about with the happy tune. Aside from My Toes, My Knees, another song used in this study is the song which does not really have its own title. Instead, the interviewees simply identified it as “Alimango.” With playful notes and some onomatopoeic lines, “Alimango” or “Crab” details out the heroic feat of the singer as he tries to bait and get himself some “elusive and hard to catch” crabs. Choosing to include this song goes back to the

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folklore of Juan Tamad, the cultural icon of Filipino indolence. Of the folklores about this Filipino icon, one of the famous lore is about Juan Tamad being asked to go to the market and buy some crabs for dinner, only to “talk” the crabs into going home themselves because Juan Tamad wants to take a dip into the river. Hence, the line in the song goes “Alimango sa suba/Gibantog nga dili makuha” or “A crab in the river/That is known to be difficult to ensnare” since Juan Tamad’s mother has not cooked nor gotten the crab from her son. Alimango or Crab (English VersionTranslated) Climb up, Climb up Limping up A crab in the river That is known to be difficult to ensnare I am the only one who can catch I am the only one who can eat (Surigaonon naturalis Version- original) Tongtongtongtong pakitongkitong Alimango sa suba Gibantog na dili makuha Ako ray makakuha Ako ray makasuha (Cantilangnon Surigaonon VersionTranslated) Tongtongtongtong pakitongkitong Alimango sa suba Hinbay-an na dili makuha Ako ray makakuha Ako ray makasuha (Bisliganon Kamayo Version-Translated) Tongtongtongtong pakitongkitong Alimango sa suba Ibantong diri makuha Ako ray makakuha Ako ray makasuwa (Cebuano Bisaya Version-original) Tongtongtongtong pakitongkitong Alimango sa suba Gibantug nga dili makuha Aku lang makakuha Aku lang makasud-an

Alimango has its version with the Surigaonon naturalis and the Cebuano Visayan. However, the table above shows that even though Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo versions are translations

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from Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan, there is not much difference with the terms, even the onomatopoeic first and second lines which are generally observed all throughout the different versions. On Morphology. Usually in the original versions of Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan, the morphological difference lies with the usage of grammatical markers and particles. This distinction, however, is also evident within the versions and translations in the Cantilangnon Surigaonon and that of the Bisliganon Kamayo languages. Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan versions of the song do not have that much change when it comes to the words and lyrics of Alimango. Even the rhyming scheme of aa/bbbb for the song has been strictly observe even to the Cantilangnon Surigaonon and the Bisliganon Kamayo languages. Both Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan languages observe the affixation of the passive verb affix expressing the past tense gi-, which is also similar to the previously discussed inflectional affix i-; only that in the latter it is in the subjunctive form. The usage of the inflectional affix i- relative to prefix gi- is evident in the Bisliganon Kamayo version “ibantong,” a contraction of “ibantog” + “nga.” “na,” “nga,” and “ng” are competing forms of the root “nga.” This “nga” is a grammatical marker used in the song as a) particle preceding a clause: that; b) with its short form “ng,” this grammatical marker is then written after the vowels (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary). Since Surigaonon “na” is a

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competing form of the Cebuano Visayan “nga,” it is hence understood that “gibantog na dili makuha” is synonymous with “gibantog nga dili makuha.” Parallel to this structure is the function of the grammatical marker “nga” as the particle in a clause—that clause. Thus, the line “gibantog nga dili makuha” is

translated as “that is known to be difficult to ensnare” with “that” as the English equivalent of “nga” being the introductory word of the clause. The short form “ng,” on the other hand, points out to the Bisliganon Kamayo usage of “nga” in the song Alimango. In the version, “nga” takes on its short form which is “ng.” But then again, “ng” is

contracted with the inflected verb “ibantog” and “ng,” hence the result “ibantong.” “Ibantog” or “ibantong” of the Bisliganon Kamayo version uses the inflectional affix i-. This is classified as a passive verb affix expressing future or subjunctive tense. Thus, between the Surigaonon naturalis, Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo, the latter expresses a different time compared to the two former versions of the song. “dili” in the Cebuano Visayan language is a particle that negates predicates. Both the Surigaonon naturalis and the Cantilangnon Surigaonon use this particle, maintaining the root form of “dili” and its pronunciation. In the case with Bisliganon Kamayo, “dili” takes on the competing form of “diri.” Hence, Bisliganon Kamayo “diri” is a competing form of the particle “dili” that means no or not.

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Ako lang…/Ako ra…/Aku lang—these constructions are in themselves variations of the Cebuano Visayan text on Alimango. Ako/Aku both express the subjective pronoun “I” or the objective form “me.” However, for the contexts provided by the original and translated versions, ako/aku is used as the subjective pronoun “I.” Yet, Cebuano Visayan language appropriates the harder root “aku” in comparison with the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and that of the Bisliganon Kamayo. “Ako” in the three latter languages is a variation or a competing form of the Cebuano Visayan “aku.” Still, a difference should be noted with “aku” without the stress marks and with the stressed “ákù.” While both “aku” of the Cebuano Visayan language points to the speaker in a sentence, the former “aku” functions as a nominative pronoun; the latter “ákù” functions as a genitive or possessive pronoun marker. Hence, for the purposes of the text of Alimango, the nominative pronoun form is generally observed in the lyrics. “ray” and “lang” are variants of the root “lámang.” Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo have used “ray” in their song versions and translations. Cebuano Visayan, on the other hand, takes on the short form of “lamang” which is “lang.” Another instance where competing forms are present is in the usage of “maka-“ plus “kuha/suha/suwa/sud-an.” “Makakuha” is all throughout observed in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and even in the Cebuano Visayan. The inflectional affix maka- is a potential verb affix expressing the future tense (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary). Consequently, “makakuha” shows that a potential future action—to get or

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“kuha”— will happen at some time in the future. This inflectional affix goes the same with the competing forms “suha,” ”suwa,” and “sud-an.” These forms are variations of the Cebuano Visayan root “sulà” which is a verb, meaning “eat something together with the staple (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary.)” Thus, verbs “makasuha,” makasula,” and “makasud-an” are competing forms in potential future actions—to eat sth— that will happen at a certain time in the future. On Phonological Processes. Since the versions of the song Alimango is almost similar among the Surigaonon languages, Bisliganon Kamayo and the Cebuano Visayan versions, morphophonemic alternations are also minimal. Between the Surigaonon languages and Cebuano Visayan, the grammatical marker “nga” takes on different nasal phonemes that are inherent to the two languages. Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon both have the nasal phoneme /n/ as shown in /na/; while the Cebuano Visayan maintains its sound with the nasal phoneme /ŋ/ as shown in /ŋa/. Bisliganon Kamayo, in another instance, uses a similar nasal phoneme of “nga” or /ŋa/ in its competing form as the grammatical marker is contracted or joined with the verb “ibantog.” Hence, /ŋa/in the Bisliganon Kamayo takes the short form and phoneme /ŋ/ as shown in “ibantong” or /i-ban-toŋ/. With the assimilation of the nasal sound /ŋ/ to the inflection of the verb “ibantog,” also comes the phonological change of the grammatical marker “ng” (/ŋ/) or “nga” (/ŋa/). In

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the verb “ibantog,” the sound /g/ has been deleted and replaced as the grammatical marker assimilates with the remaining morpheme “ibanto:” Bisliganon Kamayo bantog /bantug/ famous + i- = ibantog /ibantug/ made famous Ibantog ng = ibantong /ibantuŋ/

The curve symbol written below the word signifies the assimilation of /ŋ/to the word “ibanto-“or /iban-tu-/. On the other hand, Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan’s /gi-ban-tug/ uses the passive verb affix expressing the past tense gi-: Surigaonon naturalis Cebuano Visayan bantog /bantug/ famous + gi- = gibantog /gibantug/ made famous

Cantilangnon Surigaonon, however, uses “balu,” a synonymous term of “gibantog,” that means know sth. In the Cantilangnon Surigaonon version, “balu” is formed by adding the inflectional affix expressing the future and past tense hi-an. Since “balu” (/balu/) is of Cebuano Visayan term,

Cantilangnon Surigaonon takes on a competing form by changing the intervocalic /l/into /y/. In addition, with the inflectional affixes and the morphophonemic change of /l/ to /y/, Cantilangnon Surigaonon version of Alimango observes a glottal stop as indicated by the hyphen: Cantilangnon Surigaonon balu /balu/ know sth. + hi-an = hibalu-an /hibalu ‫כ‬ an/ to be known

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hibalu-an /hibalu ‫כ‬an/ to be known = hinbay-an /hinbay ‫כ‬an/ to be known

Moving into the succeeding line of the song Alimango, the competing forms “lang” (/laŋ/) and “ray” (/ray/) of “lamang” (/lamaŋ/) follow different phonological processes despite their being both alveolar phonemes. The short form of /lamaŋ/undergoes syncope with the loss of an unstressed sound in the interior of the word; hence, “lang” or /laŋ/: Lámang /lamaŋ/ only = lamang /lamaŋ/= lang /laŋ/ only Lámang /lamaŋ/ only = lang /laŋ/ only The process points out that the short or competing form /laŋ/still observes the same meaning of the root “lamang” or /lamaŋ/. Moreover, as speakers articulate the consonant /l/ in /laŋ/or /lamaŋ/, one could observe that the tip of the tongue is raised towards the soft palate, touching the tooth ridge. This articulation is referred to as velarization of the consonant /l/. The process classifies /l/ as light or dark. With /laŋ/ in Aku lang… in the Cebuano Visayan text, the consonant /l/ before the vowel is dark as one’s tip of the tongue is raised near the soft palate, not necessarily touching the tooth ridge. of /l/ is light if the tip of the tongue touches the tooth ridge. The other velarization

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In the competing form /ray/, a rhotic /r/ is distinct as a Surigaonon naturalis speaker, or a Cantilangnon Surigaonon speaker, or even a Bisliganon Kamayo speaker utters Ako ray makakuha/Ako ray makasuha o makasuwa. Another competing form is the glottal stop indicated by a hyphen in “sud-an” or /sud ‫כ‬an/ (Wolff, 1982). The hyphen (-) or the glottal stop symbol /‫ /כ‬is written after the post-consonantal position of /d/ to indicate a sudden audible release of air as the glottis closes and opens suddenly before a vowel (Encarta). Hence, the Cebuano Visayan language structure follows as: /makasud ‫כ‬an/ or “makasud-an.” On Semantic. The songs are context in themselves as each language provides each of their

translations on the song Alimango. It is notable, too, how even the translations reflect much similarity from the original versions of the song. Since some words have already been established as competing forms of the Cebuano Visayan terms, morphological and phonological processes are predominant in the song Alimango. But then again, it is worth noting that even though Surigaonon languages and Bisliganon Kamayo have their competing forms for some of the Cebuano Visayan terms in the song, the languages still share intelligibility among each other. As the Cantilangnon Surigaonon version of the song is cued among the other languages’ versions, there is a distinctive usage of the word “hinbay-an” among the “gibantug/ibantog” terms. From the root

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“balu,” “hinbay-an” is already the inflected, competing form of the former. However, as the Cebuano Visayan Dictionary has it, “balu” is a root form defined as I don’t know. When affix hi-an is added to the root, the meaning also changes along with the morphological and phonological changes. “balu,” then, becomes “hibalu-an” which is a verb that means know sth. From a statement I don’t know, the inflected form changes into a glottal stop utterance. However, there is another morphophonemic alternation that occurs in the inflected form “hibalu-an.” Wolff stated (1982), “when a suffix is added to a root with a stressed final syllable, the tendency is to drop the vowel of the final syllable of the root.” Hence, “hibaluan” drops the vowel /u/: Cantilangnon Surigaonon balu /balù/ know sth. I don’t know + hi-an = hibal-an /hibal ‫כ‬an/

But since phonological phenomenon like a change of /l/ to /y/ oftentimes occurs in the Cebuano Visayan texts, the change from /l/ to /y/ in “hibal-an” to “hinbay-an” makes the Cantilangnon Surigaonon form a variation of the former while at the same time establishes intelligibility across the languages. Yet, the phonological and morphological processes are not an end to identify intelligibility among the Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan languages. The competing form “hinbay-an” of the

Cantilangnon Surigaonon version of Alimango denotes knowing sth in contrast to the Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan’s “famous.” But the song provides the context where “hinbay-

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an” could be synonymous with “gibantog/ibantog” forms. “Gibantog” means be famous or become famous from just the adjective famous. When one is “gibantog,” one is famous as well as known to a certain social circle. Hence, being known, though not necessarily equate as famous all the time, is also being famous at some point. “Gibantog,” then, as used in the Surigaonon naturalis, is synonymous to the Cantilangnon Surigaonon “hinbay-an.” The context, however, follows that in the song Alimango, the crab is known and famous to be a hard catch among those who want to eat and feast on the crustacean. As the singers feast on the alimango, one by one, a Bisliganon Kamayo speaker might say Aron kanak suwa alimango I have crabs to eat with my rice1.; or, a Cebuano Visayan might say Gasudan kog alimango. Both forms “suwa” and “sud-an” are variations of the Cebuano Visayan “sula,” a verb denoting to eat sth together with the staple. The Bisliganon Kamayo “makasuwa” undergoes a phonological change as the intervocalic /l/ becomes /w/; hence, “makasuwa.” The form “sud-an” comes from the morphological change of the verb “sula” into the noun form “sud-an” which means sth eaten with the staple (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary). But the presence of the potential active verb affix expressing the future maka- turns it into a verb form denoting to eat sth with the staple—a similar meaning to that of the original definition of “sula.”

1

Translation provide by Joel Lito Mundiz III

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The other competing form “suha” in the Surigaonon languages mean differently in the Cebuano Visayan text. “súhà” is stressed in the Cebuano Visayan language. This is a verb which means to be in disarray and to go against or to disagree. Though “suha” in both languages spell the same, the meaning and the phonology differ significantly. The sound change involved in this competing form lies with the stressed vowels /u/ and /a/; the meaning, on the other hand, is contrary to sth that is eaten as expressed in the Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo versions. The previous songs have dealt with the human body parts, and the adventures of a boy trying to bait crabs for dinner. Both songs have shown some similarities in the Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo In

languages to that of the Cebuano Visayan in terms of morphology, phonology and semantics.

retrospect, the songs have had original versions of the languages and also translations which have tried as much to appropriate the context and sensibility of the original versions. With My Toes, My Knees and Alimango having identified some linguistic features distinct to the languages by identifying body parts and describing a boy’s confidence of baiting a crab for himself, the next Surigaonon text/song talks about a different thing yet still identifies the linguistic features all the same. Nanayng Garbosa or Proud Mom shows a child’s image of his or her mother haughtily clutching a purse but actually has no money in it. The

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three-lined song takes a mellow tune, almost like that of a lullaby, in contrast to the previous songs with an upbeat, sing-song melody. Nanayng Garbosa or Haughty Mom (English VersionTranslated) My mother is arrogant Who has an almost red wallet But actually she has no money (Surigaonon naturalis Versionoriginal) An akong nanay garbosa Papuya-puya sa iyang pitaka Pag-ando wayay kwarta (Cantilangnon Surigaonon VersionTranslated) An ako nanay garbosa Papuya-puya sa ija pitaka Pag-ando wayay kwarta (Bisliganon Kamayo (Cebuano Bisaya Version- original) Version- original ) Ang kanak inay garbosa Gapaima nang kanaan pitaka Kadi pasa way kwarta Ang aku mama garbusa Papula-pula sa iyang pitaka Pag-andu walay sapi

On Morphology. The three-lined song briefly describes a mother with a red purse in four different yet intelligible languages. Common in the four languages is the usage of a subject marker and a verbforming affix. Competing forms “an” and “ang” open the song in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions. Both the Surigaonon languages use “an” while Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan use “ang.” Previously, the same marker “ang” has been appropriated in the song My Toes, My Knees. But contrary to the definite predicate marker of the former,

31

the song Nanayng Garbosa has used “ang” or “an” not just simply as a predicate marker but a subject marker modifying the noun “nanay” or mother. The “nanay” is further described in the song that it is the speaker’s/singer’s mother as what has been expressed in the genitive “akong,” “ako,” “kanak,” and “aku.” Like “an” and “ang,” “akong,” “ako,” and “kanak” are competing forms of the Cebuano Visayan base “aku.” Surigaonon naturalis’ “akong” is already the inflected form of the genitive marker “ako” and subject marker “ang” in its short form “ng.” On the other hand, Cantilangnon Surigaonon appropriates “ako” in its version of the song; while Bisliganon Kamayo uses an altogether different form of the genitive “aku” which is “kanak.” On the other hand, “nanay” and “mama” are in themselves root forms that means “mother” in much the same way as the word “inahan2” means. “Inay” of the Bisliganon Kamayo is considered as the short form of the Cebuano Visayan term “nanay.” Since the song describes the “mother,” it also follows the usage of the affix –sa indicating gender on the adjective used; hence, “garbusa.” The other form
2

(Please see appendix for some word lists.) “Inahan” is an inflected form where suffix –an is added to the noun “ina” to form into another noun. The presence of /h/ in /inahan/ refers to the phonological process where a root that ends in a vowel adds a /h/ before a suffix. “Inahan,” then, now refers to a place where sth is found, done, held and located (e.g. humayan, tubaan). “Inahan,” then, also means mother but it is more of “inahan nga buhatan” or main office of a firm with branches. But then again, the frequency of the term “inahan” and its usage in conversation Cebuano Visayan make it a convention in the Cebuano Visayan dialect. Hence, “inahan,” “mama” and “nanay” are all acceptable terms.

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“garbosa” from Surigaonon languages and that of the Bisliganon Kamayo is a competing form of the Cebuano Visayan “garbusa,” still observing the gender of the adjective. Another example of competing forms is “Papuya-puya” and “papula-pula” which are both inflected forms of the adjective “pula,” the color red. The derivational verb-forming affix pa- is added to both the Surigaonon languages versions and that of the Cebuano Visayan. With the addition of the affix is also the change in meaning from the adjective form “pula” or red into a verb—have sth become. And despite the inflection, there is no morphophonemic change from the forms “pula” and “puya.” By doubling up the forms such as “papula-pula," or “papuya-puya,” the meaning again changes—instead of saying “a red purse” or “pulang pitaka” or “puyang pitaka,” “papuya-puya” would mean “an almost red hue” but not the same redness as that of a deep red hue. A genitive written before a noun is the inflected word “iyang” or “iya” which is a derivative of the pronoun “siya.” Both Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan versions use the inflection “iyang” or “iya.” Cantilangnon Surigaonon, in another case, uses the competing form “ija.” Bisliganon Kamayo, however, used an altogether different term to mean “iya—” “kanaan.” In addition, the latter also uses the marker “nang” which means “sa”; thus, “nang kanaan” also means the same “sa iya.”

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The usage of the prefix pag- in both the Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon changes the verb into an infinitve, hence, referring to no specific tense or time. Surigaonon languages and Cebuano Visayan observe the same usage with the prefix: the former “pag-ando” is a competing form of the inflected Cebuano Visayan base “pag-andu.” With the affixation, the verb “andu” turns into the adverb “pag-andu” or “pag-ando” which then modifies the adjective “wala” as it also modifies the noun “pitaka.” Cebuano Visayan “wala” is inflected in the song Nanayng Garbosa with the particle “diay.” Surigaonon naturalis and even that of the Cantilangnun Surigaonon “wayay” are inflected competing forms of the Cebuano Visayan roots. For the Bisliganon Kamayo, it takes the short form of the inflected “walay” as “way.” “Sapi” and “kwarta,” as well, are Cebuano root forms that mean “money.” Surigaonon languages and that in Bisliganon Kamayo versions observe the same usage and root in their versions of the song Nanayng Garbosa. On Phonological Processes. The usage of a verb forming affix has not brought about much morphophonemic change as shown in the affixes found in the song Nanayng Garbosa. Eventually, intervocalic sounds have undergone changes as reflected in the different versions. Subjective marker “ang” has its competing form among the Surigaonon languages. However, the form difference is only that with the phonology as both Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon

34

appropriate the phoeneme /n/ as in the case of “an” or /an/ which is contrary to the Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo /ŋ/ as in “ang” or /aŋ/. On the other hand, rhoticization of /r/ has also been observed as with “garbosa” where /r/ is a distinct sound of the whole utterance. Intervocalic /l/ in /pula/ has undergone phonological change in the Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon languages. As the base of Cebuano Visayan /pula/ finds its competing form in the Surigaonon languages, intervocalic /l/ has undergone change from /l/ to /y/— “pula” is also “puya.”
Cebuano Visayan Surigaonon naturalis Cantilangnon Surigaonon pula /pula/ red + pa = papula pula=puya puya /puya/ red + pa = papuya

The genitive “iyang,” along with its competing form in the Cantilangnon Surigaonon language, has had its share of morphophonemic changes since it is the assimilation of the marker “iya” (/iya/) and “ang” (/aŋ/). As the short derivative form of “siya” (/siya/), /iya/is being assimilated with the subjective marker /aŋ/. But then like /iya/, /aŋ/ takes a short from by dropping the initial vowel sound /a/; therefore, /aŋ/ in /iyaŋ/ is only the nasal phoneme /ŋ/ which is then assimilated in the short, derivative pronoun /iya/. Yet, Cantilangnon Surigaonon takes an altogether different phoneme, albeit, a competing form of /iya/ – /ija/.

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Cantilangnon Surigaonon /iya/ takes a different sound characteristic to the Bohol and Southern Leyte region. Instead of /iya/, /ija/ is the pronoun counterpart being used in the Cantilangnon Surigaonon language. The presence of the phoneme /j/ has originally been a part of the Leyteño migrants who came in the Surigao islands (Pastora Riza Llorca-Salas and Marlyn Mutia, personal communications). This change from /y/ to /j/ or /dy/ is a phonological process that has spread not just in the Bohol-Southern Leyte speech community, but also among the Cebuano Visayan area (Wolff, 1982); as a result, /ija/ or “ija,” /jaton/ or “jaton3,” and even /malipajon/ or “malipajon4” are all acceptable competing forms of “iya,” “tua” and “malipayon.” The prefix pag- is added to the verb “andu” which consequently changes its grammatical function from verb into an infinitive, functioning as an adverb in the song. The assimilation of the affix pag-, in turn, creates a glottal stop out of the inflected word. The hyphen (-) before “ando” in the Surigaonon languages signals a sudden release of air, taking the name glottal stop. Another adverb used in the song Nanayng Garbosa is the adverb “wala” which denotes “no” or “not.” The Cebuano Visayan version of the song has had an inflection with the assimilation of the particle /-y/into the pronominal marker /wala/ or/walay/. Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and the
3

Please see appendix. Jaton is both a Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon term which means “there.” Please see appendix. Malipajon is a Cantilangnon Surigaonon term which means “lively, or gay.”

4

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Bisliganon Kamayo version of Nanayng Garbosa show the same inflection and assimilation of the particle /-y/: “wayay” (/wayay/), or “way” (/way/). For the Surigaonon languages versions, the change of the intervocalic /l/ to /y/has been predominant in the song and that of the other songs previously discussed in the paper. For the Bisliganon Kamayo version, /wala/ takes the short form /wa/ with the assimilated particle /-y/: Cebuano Visayan Surigaonon naturalis Cantilangnon Surigaonon Bisliganon Kamayo wala /wala/ no, not + -y = walay /walay/ there isn’t, wasn’t any waya /waya/ no, not + -y = wayay /wayay/ there isn’t, wasn’t any wa /wâ/ short form, no or not + -y = way /way/ there isn’t, wasn’t any

On Semantic.

The Surigaonon languages and that of the Cebuano Visayan version perceive the

song Nanayng Garbosa in much the same context of a mother haughtily showing off her purse. Altogether, the different versions fondly describe how the purse turned out to be empty. The term “papula-pula or “papuya-puya” already foreshadows that trickery is imminent in connection to the content of the wallet; instead of using “pula,” “puya” or red, the song makes use of the

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repetition of syllables indicated in “pula-pula” or “puya-puya” to signify that it is not really a deep red purse—but, just an almost red purse— in much the same way that the haughtiness of the mother is as much as a façade to her being penniless. Yet, in spite of the phonological change inherent in the Surigaonon language, the base “puya” actually has its place in the Cebuano Visayan vocabulary. “Puya,” however, in the latter means an infant, particularly, a newborn baby—contrary to the former’s red hue. All throughout the Bisliganon Kamayo version, there is that certain distinctiveness not just in the sound processes of the language but also in its word usage, relative to the semantics of the song. When the Surigaonon languages and Cebuano Visayan versions talk about the almost red purse of the mother, Bisliganon Kamayo version openly shows the mother’s haughtiness when she parades her purse—not mentioning whether it is of red or almost red hue—as indicated in this translation: gapaima nang kanaan pitaka. The color does not play any significant symbolisms for the latter’s version. Instead, Bisliganon Kamayo’s version of Nanayng Garbosa simply portray that indeed the mother has that arrogant streak when she literally shows off and parade her purse. But then again, what remains the same in the Surigaon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions is the same anticlimactic effect when all four pronounce that actually, the purse—red or not—has got nothing inside even a single centavo. Thus one could conclude that the haughty attitude is simply an impression the mother

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wants to portray. The same haughtiness runs true in the society today. Whoever boasts or shows off that one has this, or that, usually ends up empty handed. The mention of red emphasizes the gnawing attention which the color has always been associated with. Scientific researches and popular culture have shown how red is used for that sexual tension the color tries to stir among the people. Moreover, red has also been linked in psychology as a sure attention grabber for men on women wearing same hued shirts. When both Surigaonon languages and Cebuano Visayan make use of the inflected forms “pag-ando” or “pag-andu” to present the proposition “but actually,” Bisliganon Kamayo uses a similar context that means the same as “but actually.” “Kadi pasa” or “man diay” is the Bisliganon Kamayo way of saying “it turned out” or “but actually” as the song goes Kadi pasa way kwarta or “but actually she has no money.” The song Nanayng Garbosa is really all about the money which was never there. The mother’s haughtiness is her façade or means to suppress the sad fact that she has had a purse—red or not, but a purse nonetheless—which does not have anything in it at all. And in order to keep on the façade, Nanayng Garbosa proudly flaunts her purse—if only she could re-create a persona of someone affluent in material and wealth. This affluence in wealth has been a lack in the songs portrayed in this paper. However the affluence in line repetition is what makes the songs remarkable in themselves. The repetition, unlike from those

39

lines in Nanayng Garboa, could be understood as simply a song style to heighten the exciting, anticlimactic, effect of the song or simply to fill in the local tune. Line repetitions have been common to songs both in English and the languages being compared in this paper. However, the songs Pato and Pilemon have had more lines being repeated as the songs unfold to talk about how a duck behaves –as the title Pato which means duck—and how the lowly Pilemon catches fish for a living only to spend the money he earned for a coconut wine. It is interesting to note that Alimango, Nanayng Garbosa, Pato and Pilemon are songs which try to portray common scenes and experiences in the Surigao islands. Since the songs have had their versions in the Bisliganon Kamayo and Surigaonon languages, both languages common in the Surigaonon islands also have quite a number of similarities in their linguistic features particularly in the morphology of words, phonology and semantics. Putting these into consideration, one could also see the languages’ intelligibility they share with the Cebuano Visayan texts. Now with the two latter songs, Pato and Pilemon, there are considerable instances where Surigaonon languages, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan share similar linguistic features particularly in the morphology of words. The song Pato, with the most repetition of lines, has minor distinction in its lyrics remarkably on the Bisliganon Kamayo. Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano Visayan languages almost have the same lyrics and linguistic features as each of the languages create their versions and translations.

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Pato (English VersionTranslated) I have a duck that pecks, flaps its wings and wags its tails Quack, quack it pecks Quack, quack it flaps Quack, quack it sways its hips Quack, quack it pecks Quack, quack it flaps (Surigaonon naturalis Versionoriginal) May pato akong motuka-tuka, mukapayká-pay, mukiaykì-ay (2x) Quack, quack motuka-tuka Quack, quack
mukapayká-pay

(Cantilangnon Surigaonon VersionTranslated) May pato akong motuka-tuka, mukapayká-pay, mukiaykì-ay (2x) Quack, quack motuka-tuka Quack, quack
mukapayká-pay

(Bisliganon Kamayo VersionTranslated) A’y kanak pato na motuka-tuka, mukapay-kapay, mukiaykì-ay (2x) Quack, quack motuka-tuka Quack, quack
mukapayká-pay

(Cebuano Bisaya VersionTranslated) May pátu akung mutuka-tuka, mukapaykápay, mukiaykìay (2x) Quack, quack mutuka-tuka Quack, quack mukapaykápay Quack, quack mukiaykìay Quack, quack mutuka-tuka Quack, quack mukapaykápay

Quack, quack mukiaykì-ay Quack, quack motuka-tuka Quack, quack

mukapayká-pay

Quack, quack mukiaykì-ay Quack, quack motuka-tuka Quack, quack mukapay-kapay

Quack, quack mukiaykì-ay Quack, quack motuka-tuka Quack, quack mukapay-kapay

On Morphology. Generally, the different versions observe almost the same morphological features and phonological processes. Inflection and affixation have been an important factor in the construction and structure of the lyrics in the song Pato. The use of the grammatical marker “may” in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano versions pertain to the transitive verb which means “have.” On the other hand, Bisliganon

41

Kamayo uses a similar, inflected term “A’y” which is the the assimilation of the transitive verb “anáa” and the grammatical marker “-y.” On the contrary, “pato” of the Surigaonon languages and Bisliganon Kamayo versions are competing forms of the Cebuano Visayan “patu.” The genitive “aku” takes different forms as it has been inflected accordingly in Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, and that of the Cebuano Visayan versions. With the assimilation of the subject marker “ang” in its short form “ng,” the genitive grammatical “aku” or “ako” then becomes “akung” or “akong.” Contrary to this morphological alteration, Bisliganon Kamayo uses an equivalent term and still with the same meaning. The genitive “kanak” or “aku” is used accordingly in the Bisliganon Kamayo version. Versions of the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, and even the Cebuano Visayan follow the same pattern of grammatical marker-noun-genitive marker-verb: May pato akong motuka-tuka; while Bisliganon Kamayo follows the pattern of grammatical marker-genitive marker-noun-particle-verb: A’y kanak pato na motuka-tuka. The particle “na” in Bisliganon Kamayo functions as an introductory word of a “that” clause: A’y kanak pato na motuka-tuka in English goes: I have a duck that pecks. Generally, the four languages and their versions make use of the active verbal affix expressing the future action which is non-durative mu- and the repetition of the root verb as in “tuka-tuka,” kapay-kapay” and “kiay-kiay.” Verbs with the prefix mu- will have expressed a non-durative action since “mutuka-tuka”

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is an inherent characteristic of the duck in much the same way as “mukapaykapay” and “mukiaykiay.” The inherence of the actions for a duck makes the actions themselves non-continous. Yet, only the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo place a hyphen in between the verb repetition—“tuka-tuka,” kapay-kapay” and “kiay-kiay;”—Cebuano Visayan version observes otherwise. Moreover, the repetition of the verb in “kapaykapay” in Cebuano Visayan version signify a change in the grammatical function; “tukatuka” and “kiaykiay,” on the other hand reflect a different morphological change. A single “kapay” is a noun that means wings or flippers, in the context of Pato, “kapay” is the duck’s wings that continually flaps while floating on the river. “Kapaykapay,” in contrast, is a verb that means flap sth repeatedly. Rather than just “kiay,” “kiaykiay” is a verb that means sway the hips. “Kiaykiay,” hence, has always had two “kiay’s” to mean one thing without changing its morphological formation. On Phonology. The presence of a hyphen in the other languages denotes a phonological process which is also reflective to the Cebuano Visayan text. In addition, competing forms are yet again present in the song Pato. The affixation of verbs with the prefix mu- brings about a change in the vowel form as in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, and Bisliganon Kamayo. Cebuano Visayan’s mu- has its competing form with the affix mo- as it is added up with the verbs “tuka-tuka,” “kapay-kapay,” and “kiay-

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kiay.” However, it should be noted that the Surigaonon language in general only has 3 vowels (a, i, u) yet with 5 consonant sounds (Dumanig and Jubilado, 2005). Hence, the Surigaonon form “motuka-tuka” is similar with Cebuano Visayan “mutuka-tuka.” Bisliganon Kamayo, in another instance, has the vowel /o/ only that it has been pronounced with the /u/ sound: Cebuano Visayan tukà-tukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬peck repeatedly + mu- = mutukà-tukà ‫כ‬ tuká ‫ /כ‬will peck/pecks repeatedly /mutuká /mutuká ‫כ‬tuká /mutuká ‫כ‬tuká

Suriagaonon naturalis tukà-tukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬peck repeatedly + mu- = motukà-tukà ‫כ‬ Cantilangnon / will peck/pecks repeatedly Surigaonon Bisliganon Kamayo tukà-tukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬peck repeatedly + mu- = motukà-tukà ‫כ‬ / will peck/pecks repeatedly

The use of hyphens to express glottal stops is only sometimes indicated in the Cebuano Visayan publication. Wolff summarized when a glottal stop, indicated by /‫ ,/כ‬is usually observed: a) in a word or syllable with “a grave accent written over the vowel which precedes the glottal stop” as in “tukà” or /tuká
‫כ‬

/; b) in post consonantal position as indicated by a hyphen (-) or glottal stop symbol /‫ /כ‬as in “sud-an5”

or /sud ‫כ‬an/; c) “writing of two adjacent vowels or initial vowel serves to indicate a glottal stop” as in “mukiaykìay” or /mukiaykì ‫כ‬ay/ (1982). However, there is no difference between /‫ /כ‬and its absence in the initial position for glottal stop. Moreover, between vowels, a glottal stop as indicated by /‫ /כ‬is only
5

From the song Alimango: Ako lang makakuha/Ako lang maka-sud-an

44

occasionally indicated by a hyphen. Thus, “mukiaykìay” or /mukiaykì ‫כ‬ay/ without the hyphen may also be spelled out as “mukiaykì-ay” or /mukiaykì ‫כ‬ay/ with the hyphen– while the phonetic /‫ /כ‬is still articulated. Since “tukà” or /tuká ‫/כ‬has a glottal stop with the grave accent on the last syllable and is repeated, it could then be written with or without the hyphen but would still mean the same: Cebuano Visayan Suriagaonon tukà /tuká ‫ = /כ‬tukà-tukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬or tukàtukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬peck repeatedly naturalis tukà-tukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬or tukàtukà /tuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬peck repeatedly + mu- = motukàCantilangnon tukà /mutuká ‫כ‬tuká ‫ /כ‬will peck/pecks repeatedly Surigaonon Bisliganon Kamayo “Kapaykápay” or /kapaykà ‫כ‬pay/ may be written as “kapayká-pay;” while “kiaykìay” or /kiaykì ‫כ‬ay/ may be written as “kiaykì-ay:” Cebuano Visayan Suriagaonon naturalis Cantilangnon Surigaonon Bisliganon Kamayo

kapaykápay

flap sth repeatedly kiaykìay /kiaykì ‫כ‬ay/ sway the hips = kiaykì-ay /kiaykì ‫כ‬ay/ sway the hips

/kapaykà ‫כ‬pay/ flap sth repeatedly = kapayká-pay /kapaykà ‫כ‬pay/

On Semantic. The song Pato celebrates the joviality of ducks as they waddle on land and paddles on water. With the recurrence of lines from the songs and the upbeat tune, Pato is a merriment song that accounts how a duck behaves. Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano Visayan

45

versions all have exactly the same lyrics, and except for the predominant spelling with the letter “u” in Cebuano Visayan version, Surigaonon languages and Cebuano Visayan versions of Pato have kept true to the image of a duck on a pond. By keeping the repetition of lines—“tukatuka,” “kapaykapay,” or even “quack quack”—it also tries to put in picture the uniformity and predictability of ducks’ actions. That even with the upbeat tune and the actions fitted with the song, Pato’s repetitious lyrics have as well brought its monotony to the point of tediousness for whoever will sing the song. Hence, the slight variation brought about in the translated version from the Bisliganon Kamayo language put off a little of the monotony. The grammatical inflected marker “A’y kanak” creates a slight variation of the comical Pato lyrics. But then again, the repetition is still similar with the rest of the versions that the effort from the Bisliganon Kamayo version to create distinction is not really an effective one. The absence of vowels /o/ and /e/ from all the versions in the previous lyrics in the Cebuano Visayan texts does not rule out that the vowels are a foreign entity for the language. Generally, Cebuano Visayan vowels as well as that of the Surigaonon identify only 3 vowels, a, i and u. Yet like the latter, Cebuano Visayan vowels may write vowels /i/ or /u/ in forms as /e/ or /o/. The next song, Pilemon has observed this change in vowel forms among the different versions and translations common in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan. The song is about the lowly fisherman

46

Pilemon who catches fish for a living. But for this man to whom the song is a tribute, he catches and fishes for a living only to buy that coconut wine. Pilemon has its original version in the Surigaonon naturalis and in the Cebuano Visayan version. All the rest are written translation provided by the interviewees.

Pilemon (English VersionTranslated) Philemon, Philemon Caught with a fishing line a mudskipper in the sea Then, sold it to the market For a Japanese (Bisliganon Kamayo (Cebuano Bisaya VersionVersion- Original) Translated) Si Pilemon, Si Si Pilemon, Si Si Pilemon, Si Si Pilemon, Si Pilemon Pilemon Pilemon Pilemon Namasol sa Namingwit sa Namingwit sa Yamingwit sa dagat kadagatan kadagatan kadagatan Yakakamang NakakuhaNakakuha-nakakuha Nakakuha-nakakuha yakakamang nang nakakuha ug ug isdang ug isdang isdang tambasakan isdang tambasakan tambasakan Ibaligya-Ibaligya sa tambasakan (Surigaonon naturalis Versionoriginal) (Cantilangnon Surigaonon VersionTranslated)

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centavo Just enough to buy coconut wine

Gibaligja-gibaligja sa tyanggeng guba An halin puros puya An halin puros puya Igo ra gipanuba

Gibaligja-gibaligja sa tyanggeng guba An halin puros puya An halin puros puya Igo ra gipanuba

tiyanging guba Ang halin saman puya Ang halin saman puya Anda ra gipanuba

Gibaligyagibaligya sa merkadong guba Ang halin puros kura Ang halin puros kura Igo ra gipanuba

On Morphology.

Competing forms are still in existence in the different versions of Pilemon.

Affixations are also common among the languages. All the languages—Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan—make use of the nominative particle “si” written before names or titles of persons. In the song, the nominative “si” introduces the character of the same title, Pilemon. From the previous songs,

vowels /e/ and /o/ have not been a common occurrence. But the absence of the vowels does not signify that there is also the absence of sounds. Vowels /e/ and /o/ may take the place of vowels /i/ and /u/ but with no consistency (Wolff, 1982). Passive verb affix na- expressing the past tense is used together with the roots “bingwit” and “pasol” or “pasul” in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano Visayan versions repectively. Bisliganon Kamayo version uses a different verb affix, yet a competing form, that functions similarly as that of na-. Affix ya- of the Bisliganon Kamayo version is added to the root “bingwit.”

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A particle “sa” has also been used in the different versions of Pilemon. The particle “sa” precedes a phrase referring to a place: “sa kadagatan.” Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions all use the particle “sa.” “Kadagatan” in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, and Cebuano Visayan versions is an inflected form of the root “dagat” and affix forming nouns ka-an. The affix now refers to a group of sea water. Yet the meaning of the affix form does not mean the same with that of the root “dagat” which is “sea” into “kadagatan” which is ocean. Bisliganon Kamayo observes otherwise. Instead of following the other versions of Pilemon, the latter

language does not make use of the affix ka-an; what the Bisliganon Kamayo has is simply maintained the root “dagat.” It may not mean the same as an ocean or “kadagatan,” but it is still a viable place to fish. Another verb affix expressing past form is the active verb affix naka-. The affix refers to an action which one had managed to do; as it is added to the verb “kuha,” “nakakuha” in the context of Pilemon would then mean as Pilemon managed to catch fish. Like na- and naka-, Bisliganon Kamayo still uses the competing form yaka- to mean the same as that of the affix naka- which is managed to do. The root “kamang” in the Bisliganon Kamayo is not the same as crawl of the Cebuano Visayan context. “Kamang” is the Bisliganon Kamayo equivalent of “kuha.” Thus, affix yaka- and the root “kamang” would be “yakakamang” that means Pilemon managed to catch and get some fish.

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The fish “tambasakan” or mudskipper is further emphasized with the particle “ug” in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano Visayan versions. “Ug” shows a grammatical relation as it precedes a noun referring to sth specific—“isda”— but referring to it as sth general on any and all occasions (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary). Bisliganon Kamayo uses a different particle which still means the same as the particle “ug.” “Nang” is common in the Bisliganon Kamayo text of Pilemon instead of “ug.” Indeed, Pilemon is a fisherman; Pilemon fishes for a living; but he fishes no particular species or type of fish, but that still makes him a fisherman nonetheless—Surigaonon or Bisliganon Kamayo versions. The fish which Pilemon caught has been put on sale as conveyed by the passive verb affix expressing the past form gi-. This same affix has been uniformly used in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano Visayan version. The Bisliganon Kamayo text of Pilemon uses the future form of the passive verb affix gi- which is i-. The root “baligya” common to the Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo versions of the song is a verb that means sell similar to the competing forms “baligja” of Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangon Surigaonon ; the affixed forms “gibaligya,” “ibaligya” and “gibaligja” are verbs that mean put, bring, convey sth—put the fish on sale; bring the fish on sale; and convey the fish on sale whether in the past of future forms. Where the “tambasakan” is to be out on sale is somewhere where only Japanese coins are acceptable. By adding the short form of the grammatical marker “nga” or “ng” between a noun and

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adjective construction, the nouns “tyangge,” “tiyangi” and “merkado” are then identified as “guba” with the assimilation of the short form marker “ng.” Surigaonon languages’ “tyangge,” and Bisliganon Kamayo’s “tiyangi” are synonyms of Cebuano Visayan “merkado.” Thus when all the versions of the song identify that Pilemon sold his fish in the “tyanggeng”/“tiyanging”/“merkadong” “guba,” they are really just talking about the same venue—a rundown market. Subject marker “ang” has its competing form “an” in the two Surigaonon languages’ versions. Both Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo use “ang” to introduce the next line Ang halin puros kura or Ang halin saman puya. “Puros” of the Cebuano Visayan version is similarly written in the versions of Surigaonon naturalis and Cantilangnon Surigaonon. The adjective “puros” could be spelled as “purus” which is a competing form of “pulos” or “pulus” denoting be all sth. An equivalent term is found in the Bisliganon Kamayo text of Pilemon. The latter uses “saman” instead of the common “puros.” The vowel /o/ is found common in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, and Cebuano Visayan versions of the song Pilemon. “Igo” is just a differently spelled form of “igu,” an adjective that means enough. Bisliganon Kamayo version uses “anda” to mean the same as “igo” or “igu.” The usage of the particle “ra” following the first word of the predicate emphasized further the adjective “igo” or “igu” or “anda.” Enough as denoted by the adjective takes on a negative connotation that mean only enough and there is nothing else—Igo/anda ra gipanuba signifies that what Pilemon has earned is just enough for the

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“tuba” and nothing more. He could not buy anything than just the coconut wine since it is all he could afford from what he has fished. “Gipanuba” is an affixed form using the affix gi-. But unlike the previous meaning of the affix gi- as a passve verb affix expressing the past tense, gi- in “gipanuba” is used in verbs containing another affix which is pa-. Affix “gipa-” means have s.o [do] to; “gipanuba” then would mean have Pilemon use the “puya” or “kura” to buy “tuba” or coconut wine. On Phonological Processes. The inconsistency of the vowels /i/, /e/, /u/ and /o/ has brought about phonological processes and changes in the song Pilemon. Along with this, sounds are also assimilated and changes in intervocalic consonants are commonly found in the different versions of Pilemon. When affixation occurs in the verbs “bingwit” (/biŋwit/) and “pasol” (/pasul/), assimilation of the

nasal sounds from the grammatical marker /ŋ/ has also occurred. The affix used in the Surigaonon languages and Cebuano Visayan versions is the passive verb affix na- with the grammatical marker /ŋ/attached after the vowel. The Bisliganon Kamayo text uses an equivalent affix ya- with the same short form grammatical marker /ŋ/. The tendency for nasal phonemes like /ŋ/ to be assimilated is common when the same nasal phoneme touches or is adjacent to a consonant (Wolff, 1982): Cebuano Visayan pasol /pasol/ catch with fishing line + nang- = nangpasol /naŋpasol/ nangpasol /naŋpasol/ = namasol /namasol/ namasol /namasol/ caught with a fishing line

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Surigaonon naturalis Surigaonon Cantilangnon

Bisliganon Kamayo

bingwit /biŋwit/ catch fish with a hook and line + nang- = nangbingwit /naŋbiŋwit/ nangbingwit / naŋbiŋwit/ = namingwit /namiŋwit/ namingwit /namiŋwit/ caught fish with a hook and a line bingwit /biŋwit/ catch fish with a hook and line + yang- = yangbingwit /yaŋbiŋwit/ yangbingwit / yaŋbiŋwit/ = yamingwit /yamiŋwit/ yamingwit /yamiŋwit/ caught fish with a hook and a line

The glottal stop after the last syllable of the affixed form “nakakúhà” (/nakakúhá ‫ )/כ‬in the Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon and Cebuano Visayan versions is indicated with the hyphen as the same affixed form is repeated. For the Bisliganon Kamayo, an equivalent term is used to mean as “kuha” or get. “Kamang” (/kamaŋ/), like “kúhà” (/kúhá ‫ ,)/כ‬is repeated but without the hyphen since it does not observe a glottal stop: kúhà /kúhá ‫ /כ‬get, obtain, caught + naka- = nakakúhà /nakakúhá ‫/כ‬ nakakúhà-nakakúhà /nakakúhá ‫כ‬nakakúhá ‫/כ‬ Surigaonon naturalis kúhà /kúhá ‫ /כ‬get, obtain, caught + naka- = nakakúhà /nakakúhá ‫/כ‬ Surigaonon Cantilangnon nakakúhà-nakakúhà /nakakúhá ‫כ‬nakakúhá ‫/כ‬ kamang /kamaŋ/ get, obtain, caught + yaka- = yakakamang Bisliganon Kamayo /yakakamaŋ/ yakakamang yakakamang /yakakamaŋ yakakamaŋ/ Assimilation as well as sound deletion has been a common occurrence among the nasal phonemes Cebuano Visayan used in the different versions of the Pilemon in Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions. The noun “isda” (/isda/) is found to have assimilated with it the

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short form of the grammatical marker /ŋa/ which is /ŋ/ consequently assimilating the short form after the vowel. The same assimilation has also been found among the Surigaonon naturalis’ and Cantilangnon Bisliganon Kamayo’s “tiyanging” (/tiyaŋgiŋ/), and Cebuano

Surigaonon’s “tyanggeng” (/tyaŋgeŋ/),

Visayan’s “merkadong” (/merkaduŋ/). This morphophonemic alteration is also represented in the line that concludes everything about Pilemon’s effort as a fisherman: Igo ra gipanuba. /gipanuba/ observes the same affix in the verb /baligya/; but, its function is for verbs containing the affix pa-. This has been observed and common in the versions of Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan where /panuba/ from /gipanuba/ has undergone assimilation of the nasal phoneme /n/ only that instead of affix pa-, the derived affix paN- has been used. With /n/ placed adjacent to the first letter of the word /tuba/, /tuba/ is being assimilated with the affix paN-, dropping the phoneme /t/ and altogether changing its phonology: Cebuano Visayan Surigaonon naturalis Surigaonon Cantilangnon Bisliganon Kamayo tubà /tubà/ fermented and processed toddy from coconut palms + paN= pantubà /pantubà/ pantubà /pantubà/ = panubà /panubà/ panubà /panubà/ go out to get toddy panubà /panubà/ go out to get toddy + gi- = gipanubà /gipanubà/ have s.o get toddy

Yet another distinctive phonological process among the versions is the change of the /y/ sound into /j/ or /dy/. This change is common with the Surigaonon languages “gibaligja” (/gibaligja/ or /gibalidya/)

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from Bisliganon Kamayo’s “ibaligya” (/ibaligya/) which is similar to Cebuano Visayan’s “gibaligya” (/gibaligya/). This is a similar occurrence in the Nanayng Garbosa where instead of the usual /iya/ or “iya,” those from the Surigaonon versions has used /ija/ or “ija” to signify the Southern Leyte and Bohol influence found in the language. /gibaligja/ or /gibaligdya/ is another example where the change from /y/ to /j/ or /dy/ is found common in languages with Southern Leyte and Bohol influence. Wolff cited that the same change from /y/ to /j/ or /dy/ has also spread even among the Cebuano speech community; hence, the concept of competing forms among the languages has been a factor to establish a certain similarity in their linguistic features (1982). Another instance where competing forms become equivalent terms is the usage of the subject marker “an” (/an/) or “ang” (/aŋ/) and grammatical marker “puros” (/puros/) from “pulos” (/pulos/). With the subject marker, the observance of the Surigaonon languages of the nasal phoneme /n/ in the subject marker “an” (/an/) is the same with that of the Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan “ang” (/aŋ/). “Puros” or “pulos” are competing forms with the change of intervocalic /l/ from /pulos/ into /r/ in /puros/. All the languages—Surigaonon naturalis, Cantilangnon Surigaonon, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan —observe the same forms, after all they are also equivalent terms of the Cebuano Visayan “pulus” (/pulus/).

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On Semantic. Equivalent terms, yet again, find its occurrence in the song. The repetition of a few of the lines in the song Pilemon does not really contribute much to the meaning making of the song. However, what the repetition tries to convey is the playfulness and comical disposition of the song and the character it tries to portray. Equivalent terms “puya” and “kurà” are notable since both denote currency. Yet, “puya” in the Cebuano Visayan means infant, particularly a new born baby. Once “kurà” is differently accented, the meaning will also change that is a parish priest. “Saman” in the Bisliganon Kamayo means “puros” despite its absence in the Cebuano Visayan dictionary. The song Pilemon is an allusion to one of the disciples of Jesus who was originally a fisherman. Yet, the song takes on a satirical note when it portrays Pilemon as a good-for-nothing fisherman, not earning enough to buy himself something other than the fermented toddy or “tuba.” With “tuba,” the Filipino-ness of Pilemon is taken into another level albeit the cultural bias that Filipinos are drunkard. On a positive note, the good humored take on the tune of the song reflects that of the Filipino trait as a people who take on problems happily by its reigns. The “tuba” drinking signifies the sociability of the Filipino people with a shot glass. The downside however is that because of these sunny disposition and sociability, Filipinos are oftentimes looked upon as less serious type of people who noses at other people’s business—a loose term

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would be pakialamero. And with the scene of Pilemon re-created in the rural area, the backwardness of the life in the rural is further highlighted though it is not really the main focus of the song. With popular culture advertising drinks like Gold Eagle Beer in a rural setting, the same notion remains that not only Filipinos live a backward life but also Filipinos are real drunkard with all the advertisements showing groups of rural folks going home after a day’s work with several cases of alcoholic beverages. However, one could also see Pilemon here as a metaphorical term that downplays the roles and identities of Filipinos during the Japanese occupation. The use of “kura” or “puya” to mean the Japanese coins connotes the downgrading of the Filipinos during the period. With the hypes and vibes of some of the Japanese products during their occupation, Filipino money had also lost its worth. And using the Japanese coins to buy what is considered as an endemic Filipino drink is an upfront on how Filipinos have been relegated to the lowest possible caste—that of being a slave. Historically, the same money’s worth issue have arisen many times in the coming up of the Philippines. History books and archives would never let a Filipino forget how the country was sold for a mere P 20,000.00. And with the years to come, despite the so called “independence,” Filipino has ranked topped among the most corrupt country not just in Asia but worldwide. This goes to say how low life has become for a Filipino—especially for Pilemon who could only afford to buy “tuba” because what he earns is just enough for the coconut wine. And at the least, Pilemon could still put something in his stomach if not something edible.

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(Click here for conclusion or open file: mam rice_conclusion.doc.)

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