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by Rick Heizman, Feb 12, 2018 ver.2.12.18

The major problem with this supposed massacre, supposedly stretched over six days of
events, from Aug 25-Aug 30, is that the first accounts of it, by reporter Annie Gowen, writing
for the Washington Post, are at great odds with later accounts, by notoriously one-sided
Human Rights, Fortify Rights and reporter Todd Pitman. Either we have to pick one version,
or another, or another, or neither one to believe.

Annie Gowen, Reporting For The Washington Post - Version 1

Maung Nu, is also called Monu Para, and is a village of roughly 750 households, with about
2000 people, situated 5½ miles (9 km) north of Buthidaung. It was first mentioned,
prominently, in a September 16 Washington Post article. At that time, “nearly a dozen”
witnesses told reporter Annie Gowen of the events there over several days. There was an
attack with some killings and homes burnt early on August 25, starting around 8 am, just
hours after ARSA had attacked a nearby army base.

Now, let us pause and reflect on that. What happened on the morning of August 25, 2017 is
constantly trivialized, example:
• In Annie Gowen’s article: “The latest wave of violence began Aug. 25, when an emerging
group of Rohingya militants, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, attacked 30 police posts
and an army base in Rakhine state, killing 12”.
• Amnesty International says, “Early in the
morning of August 25, 2017, members of a
Rohingya armed groups, Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army (ARSA), attacked
approximately 30 security force outposts in
northern Rakhine State.”
• Fortify Rights: “After renaming itself the
Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in
March 2017, the group waged a second
attack on 30 police outposts and an army base on August 25, 2017, killing 12 officials.”
• Human Rights Watch will dumb it down even further: “Rohingya militants attacked a local
security outpost and military base.”

First: Here is what targets, near Maung Nu, that ARSA attacked in the early AM of Aug 25,
2017. The militants attacked the headquarters of the Burmese Army Western Command’s
Light Infantry Battalion 552 in Taung Bazar, about 6 miles (10 km) north of Maung Nu. An
estimated 300-500 militants took part in this attack.

One of the police outposts that was also attacked early that morning was close to the market
in Hpaung Taw Pyin, just a half mile (less then one kilometer) north of Maung Nu, when ARSA
militants attacked a checkpoint manned by the Border Guard Police (BGP). Residents living
near the market told Human Rights Watch that they were sleeping at home and heard heavy
gunfire coming from the area near the BGP checkpoint. They said gunfire continued until
about 6 a.m. Todd Pitman also says, “A few hours after midnight on Aug. 25, fierce volleys of
gunfire woke the residents of Maung Nu. Rohingya militants had launched a surprise assault
on a Border Guard Police post in Hpaung Taw Pyin, less than a kilometer (½ mile) to the
north.” Over 100 militants took part in that attack using “swords, firearms and bombs.”

Now I would think that any army, police, or country that is attacked like that, will respond, in
fact, it has duty to respond, and to rescue,
protect, and evacuate civilians, and to
eliminate the threat they are under.

And, here is a much more relevant and

sobering description of what really
happened that morning in a much larger
view: In the early morning of August 25,
2017, unprecedented multiple surprise Security Forces killed in the ARSA attacks.

attacks on well over 60 targets, comprised

of 30 police and army outposts, and
dozens of villages populated by
Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic tribal
peoples shocked the whole nation of
It can, and should, be called one of the world’s largest terrorist attacks in history, considering
the high number of targets, and the estimated 4000-6000 assailants carrying out the attacks.
The attackers were Bengali Muslims, under the banner of ARSA - Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army - an Islamic terrorist group with an Islamic agenda, which had widespread village
support1. Upon slaughtering many security forces, stealing many weapons and much ammo,
the squads of Islamic fighters stormed into villages of Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic tribal
people, slashing, killing, and burning - and in some cases, gathering terrified villagers,
marching them out and savagely executing them until all were dead, many of them with
tongues and ears cut off, and limbs and heads hacked off. In one example, this is what
happened in the Hindu villages of Kha Maung Seik - the one massacre which actually has
many bodies found in mass graves, and much more evidence from survivors, relatives,
observers and relief workers. And, interestingly, this is the one massacre that HRW, FR and
AI totally IGNORE, and it seems that the other ‘massacres’ or non-massacres are designed to
cover the Kha Maung Seik Massacre by deflecting attention to it. Oddly, all 3 human rights
groups have ‘special reports’ with photos and maps and glitz and polish and
recommendations and ominous warnings of war crimes on all of the mentioned attacks
EXCEPT Kha Maung Seik, and the huge August 25th attacks that launched this Jihad.

Annie, HRW, FR, AI, Todd Pitman - how about interviews and short sweet stories with the
families and friends of the murdered police, army, villagers?

And, how about some nice fancy special reports on the August 25 attacks, and the Kha
Maung Seik massacre of Hindus?

(version #1 continued)
Mohamed Zubair, the owner and captain of a boat told Gowen
that his boat was requisitioned by the army and loaded with
bodies on Aug 26, from the August 25 attacks by Muslims and
the expected repulsion of those attacks. The soldiers warned
him “you will also be killed,” and then he fainted upon seeing
corpses “including those of two 13-year-old boys.” Since he
fainted, he can’t be sure, but Zubair “believes the corpses
were dumped in the river.”

Then, as this story runs, there were several days of tension

as the army remained nearby, but with no noted killings.
On August 27, for example, nothing is noted except a
mother reunites with her son, who had fled to the woods after
being wounded on the 25th - in other words, he was one of
the attackers who was hoping to kill all non-Muslims and
declare the ethnically cleansed land an autonomous Islamic
State. The remaining Bengalis finally decided to flee on August 30, to Bangladesh.

1 as the Dhaka Tribune, in Bangladesh, reported after interviewing many members and supporters.
Now, Lets Examine the Story From Human Rights Watch - Version #2
On October 4, Human Rights Watch issued a report based on 14 alleged survivors they
interviewed – seemingly different from those who spoke to Annie Gowen. These all agree on
the point that some Muslim fighters were killed on the 25th in the clashes, with bodies hauled
away on Mr. Zubair’s boat. Zubair is the only witness known to be interviewed by both the
Post and HRW, with the same story, but taking a different context in each version. Initially, the
bodies on his boat were pretty much the victims of the August 25 attacks by the Muslims upon
the non-Muslims, but to HRW, this is just a grisly prelude to a sudden and total slaughter of
around 100 people on August 27.

HWR, paints this as what happened on Aug 27:

The Burmese military summarily executed several dozen Rohingya Muslims in Maung Nu
village in Burma’s Rakhine State on August 27, 2017, Human Rights Watch said today.
Witnesses said that Burmese soldiers had beaten, sexually assaulted, stabbed, and shot
villagers who had gathered for safety in a residential compound, two days after Rohingya
militants attacked a local security outpost and military base.

“Rasheed Salim,” 48, described how Myanmar Army soldiers surrounded the large house of a
prominent Rohingya family where dozens of residents of Maung Nu village in Buthidaung
Township gathered for protection on the morning of August 27. Soldiers forcibly entered the
house and dragged men and boys outside. ”Rasheed Salim” said: “They were taken out of the
house. They were blindfolded and made to lie down on the ground. Then [the Myanmar Army
soldiers] shot them.” “Flora Begum,” 50, also witnessed the attack: “[The soldiers] shot some
of them dead and kicked the others, screaming and threatening them....They were beating
and shooting the men on the ground.”Her father-in-law—who was a local mullah—brother-in-
law, and his two sons, ages 16 and 18, were among those killed.

Survivors estimate that the soldiers killed at least 150 men and boys, ranging in age from 12
to 90, during the attack on Maung Nu village.
HRW did not decide on a specific death toll, but noted “some witnesses said 100 or more”
bodies were collected by soldiers, who loaded them “into military trucks and took them away.”

Captured militants

Todd Pitman’s Version # 3

An expansive AP report by Todd Pitman in December came back with 37 survivors (including
some and maybe all of HRW’s 14) agreeing on the same story: “At least 82 Rohingya are
believed to have been murdered on August 27.” The story is much the same as HRW’s,
however, being 2 months after the HRW interviews there is more - now. The HRW report did
not report any rapes or disappearances of women. Why? Quite likely it had not happened.

But now, that is added into Pitmans piece. “About 20-25 of the women - mostly attractive and
young - were taken away. They were never seen again.”

But, I’ll bet some of those women are the very ones that Pitman is interviewing! Pitman’s
version also, interestingly, makes no mention of Mohamed Zubair, the man with boat, which
was loaded with bodies, and was warned “you will also be killed,” and then he fainted upon
seeing corpses “including those of two 13-year-old boys.”

Very colorful and detailed. HRW also doesn’t include those ominous quotes. One would think
that HRW would say something about Pitman’s abducted women, and that Pitman and HRW
would definitely use those ominous quotes from the boat captain, as interviewed by Gowen.

Don’t forget, Gowen interviewed in early Sept, HRW interviewed in Oct, and Pitman in Dec.

It seems fair to say - it is a lot of time to forget that which is not true.


The most damning point is this:

In early Sept 2017, Annie Gowen interviewed “nearly a dozen” ‘witnesses' and ‘survivors’ from
Maung Nu who talked about shooting and bodies and death and confusion. Well, naturally, it
was like that for the people that the Bengali Muslims prepared for, and trained for, to kill,
annihilate, and eliminate as well. So, I don’t think they have a monopoly on that point.

But, here is where it gets very interesting - those Bengalis left on Aug 30, but they had
NOTHING to say about the supposed real massacre (or non-massacre) on Aug 27?
Did all of them actually forget that horrible day, as described in detail 3 weeks later?
Or was it not part of the story yet?

I think that Bengalis interviewed by HRW, Fortify Rights, AI and Todd Pitman, did not know
that some of them had given a story, already, to Annie Gowen.

Plans need to be coordinated and agreed upon. Telling the truth does not need a plan.

It is more difficult to remember a false story than to remember real events.

The color of the tarps is what?

Pitman: Shafir Rahman, who lost his father, a brother, a 17-year-old son and two nephews,
also saw soldiers wrapping corpses into orange and blue tarps and hauling them away with
HRW: Witnesses said that after the killings, the soldiers gathered the bodies on green tarps
and loaded them onto pushcarts, then brought the bodies to military vehicles. The removal of
bodies took hours, several witnesses said.
Associated Press: Other troops wrapped corpses in orange and green tarps and transported
them downhill in three-wheeled push-carts to a pair of army trucks parked on the road.
Several witnesses reported seeing soldiers digging pits and dumping bodies into them.

The 3 versions of the color of the tarps that, allegedly, bodies were wrapped in might seem
insignificant - but actually it is significant. Think about it - normally a person would not state a
color for this type of item. Let’s say you told a friend, that yesterday you ‘picked some fruit and
put it in a bag.’ You are not going to say that you put it in a yellow or blue bag. In this case, it
seems like the interviewer said, “those tarps, did you notice the color?” And 3 people
answered in 3 ways because there was no such incident, except in their fabrication.

Survivor discrepancies:
1. Mohammadul Hassan, 18, told HRW he was tied up and shot twice in the back along with
his brothers. They died and he seemed dead, but had just lost consciousness. When he
woke up and stood, soldiers shot him again, in the chest, but he ran away to safety
2. Another version is that he and his brothers were taken to a nearby pond, and were told to
kneel (no mention of being tied up), and shot from behind. The soldiers then rolled them
over to make sure that they were dead, but he unexpectedly opened his eyes and then
was shot one more time in the chest, and, later regained consciousness, stumbled away
and survived.

From this it’s worth wondering if these are militants re-using their battle wounds, and if the
‘massacred’ dead are just re-named fighters who were shot, wounded, or died in the Bengali
attacks on all of the non-Muslims.

More discrepancies:
Pitman’s report also notes “about 20 or 25 of the women – mostly attractive and young – were
taken away. They were never seen again.”
HRW’s version is similar but milder in tone. The men were killed about the same way, but
there’s no mention of women abducted. Why? It certainly should be a major concern, and
HRW would certainly mention that.
Is it conceivable that the Bengalis that HRW interviewed, as well as Annie Gowen’s
interviewees simply forgot about “20 or 25 of the women?”
I don’t really think they were forgotten. The only thing I see that is forgotten about the women
is Pitman and his interviewees ‘forgot’ that previous detailed versions did not mention
abducted women. Annie’s version is based on early Sept interviews at the Bangladesh
refugee camps, HRW’s version is based on their October interviews in the camps, and
Pitman’s version is 2 months later, in Dec, when this allegation that “about 20 or 25 of the
women” disappeared, and it seems like this allegation and others are hoisted onto this
teetering story.

No photos, no videos:
One of the most puzzling things of all with these claims by the Bengali Muslims of atrocities,
massacres, village burnings, rapes, abusive soldiers, etc., is the absolute dearth of photos or
videos, or even just audio files. These days, almost everyone even poor villagers, has some
kind of mobile phone that has a camera.
It may be a cheap phone with a cheap camera, but nonetheless, it can take pictures and
videos. So, isn’t it astounding that with more than a million, or so, Bengali Muslims, ⅔ of them
in Bangladesh, crying and reciting how they had to run for their lives, everybody was tortured
and shot in front of them, their babies where tossed this way and that way into fires, they were
chased and shot at, and blah blah blah - that no one took any photos or video of anything
resembling what they were lying about - excuse me, belying about? 1,000,000 people might
own perhaps 250,000 phones - did they all forget them? Probably not. Let’s say 1 of every
1000 phone owners took 4 photos or video, of abusive acts of the Burmese army and police
forces - so, 250 phones took 1,000 photos. Apparently not. OK, let’s try 1 phone owner of
every 10,000 phone users took just 2 photos or video of abuse - that would be 50 photos, of
which a few should show something, right?

Of course, some readers of this will say something silly like, ‘How can a woman take a
photo of herself being raped!’ or ‘How does a woman take a photo of her baby being tossed
into a convenient fire!’ Well, nobody expects that kind of camera skill.

However, why are there no photos of dead or wounded victims, and burnt bodies of
babies tossed in fires, or videos taking by just one person (of 1,000,000) who had a good
hiding place to film from? We have heard from many ‘eye-witnesses’ who watched the
‘horror’ for hours, from a hill, or across the river, or through the slats of their home. Even if the
video is shaky and jumping around, the audio could easily identify screaming women being
abducted or raped. The audio can also identify the aggressors. At some point the army and
police are gone, and then it might be time to take photos and videos of the ‘horrific aftermath,’
to validate one’s claims.
Death estimates: From 36 to 150, other estimates say 200 or more.

• Fortify Rights estimates the death toll in Maung Nu and 3 nearby villages to be 150.

• Human Rights Watch says it has not been able to verify estimates of the number of
villagers killed, although in the same article by them is noted “some witnesses said a
hundred or more”, and at the beginning of the very same report said, “The Burmese
military summarily executed several dozen Rohingya Muslims in Maung Nu village in
Burma’s Rakhine State on August 27, 2017.” I believe several dozen equals about 36.

• Pitman claims, “At least 82 Rohingya are believed to have been murdered on Aug 27.”

And there it is -
the Maung Nu non-massacre -
faked by the fake fakirs of all time.

Two curious statements from Human Rights Watch:

1) “There are numerous reports of serious abuses committed by ARSA militants, though
Human Rights Watch has not been able to independently verify those accounts, in part
because of the lack of access to northern Rakhine State.”

What a ridiculously lame excuse that is - from an organization that is notoriously on-sided
(doing the bidding of the OIC and the Muslim World arena) and puts out reports based on
very unverified data, misinterprets (or intentionally falsely interprets satellite photos, and most

2) “Burmese military commanders cannot use the excuse of militant attacks to avoid justice
and punishment,” Robertson said. “The UN fact-finding mission needs to investigate these
atrocities, including commanders who ordered the attack or failed to punish those

Does that include commanders of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, and all other terrorist
groups, Islamic militants, and the Mawlawis (Imams) of the Bengali Muslim mosques?

From the interrogation of a captured ARSA affiliated militant named Eili Yard,
from Kyaung Daung, Buthidaung:
Recruiting in the Mosques:
There is a mosque in my village and the name of the Mawlawis [Imams] are Mawlawi Saw
Ling (son of Marmod Copi) about 30 years old, and Mawlawi Abu Saw Yord, about 40 (son of
Ma Chaw Bi). People in my village are required to go to the mosque and worship five times a
day and every time we go to the mosque, Mawlawis Saw Ling and Abu Saw Yord always told
us, “One of these days the cities and townships of Buthidaung, Maungdaw, and Rathedaung
must be an Islamic controlled State, so we all will have to attack any non-Muslims. When the
time comes, we will attack all the police outposts in these regions. We are making progress,
with members of RSO [Rohingya Solidarity Organization], and ARSA [Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army] secretly coming in from Bangladesh and secretly giving militant training in
some villages. One day these members of RSO and ARSA will be leading us to attack all the
police outposts, and seize all the weapons to wage Jihad against all the non-Muslims at the
same time in these three townships. We Muslims must be united to achieve our goals.”
Also, the head of our village, Ar Lee, (about 45 years old) called for meetings once a week, for
all villagers, and told us “We are about to make attacks on all of the police outposts soon, so
be ready.”

The U.N. High Commissioner

for Human Rights,
Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein,
is requested to call this
"a textbook example of
Islamic Terrorism”

by Rick Heizman
San Francisco
Feb 12, 2018


youtube channel = burma friend