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Reasons for and consequences of the clustering of creative entrepreneurs in the Wrangel neighbourhood, Berlin
October 2006 B. Heebels – 0162507 Supervisor: Irina van Aalst University of Utrecht
Table of contents
1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 6 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2. 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 3. 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 4. 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 Scientific and social relevance of this thesis .............................................................. 6 The selection of the case study................................................................................... 7 Some Definitions........................................................................................................ 7 Aim, goals and research questions ........................................................................... 10 General background to the rise of creative industries .............................................. 12 Shift from place marketing policies to creative cluster policies .............................. 14 Creative clusters and local redevelopment............................................................... 15 The involved actors in stimulating clustering: motives and power relations........... 18 The individual creative entrepreneur: economic reasons for clustering .................. 23 The individual creative entrepreneur: cultural reasons for clustering...................... 26 Conclusions .............................................................................................................. 27 Hypotheses ............................................................................................................... 29 Conceptual models and research design................................................................... 31 Research methods..................................................................................................... 32 Research design and data gathering ......................................................................... 33 Analysis of the data .................................................................................................. 36 Generalisability, reliability and validity of the results ............................................. 42 Berlin in facts and figures ........................................................................................ 43 A short history of Berlin........................................................................................... 45 Government structure of Berlin................................................................................ 49 Berlin's economy...................................................................................................... 50 Creative industries in Berlin..................................................................................... 52 Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg......................................................................................... 56 A short history of Kreuzberg and Friedrichshain..................................................... 58 Creative industries in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg ..................................................... 60 The Wrangel Neighbourhood................................................................................... 64
Creative industries, clustering and urban redevelopment ................................................ 12
Research design and methods .......................................................................................... 31
Geographical background: Berlin and Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg ................................... 43
The importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of Wrangel.................... 67 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 The key persons and their organisations .................................................................. 67 The role of creative entrepreneurs within the cluster............................................... 69 Policies to stimulate the creative cluster .................................................................. 71 Horizontal and vertical cooperation ......................................................................... 73 Consequences of the creative cluster for Wrangel ................................................... 74 Expectations of local institutions of the creative cluster.......................................... 81 Conclusions .............................................................................................................. 83 Creative entrepreneurs in the Schlesische Straße and their location decision ................ 86 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 Research population ................................................................................................. 86 Delegation of knowledge about the area .................................................................. 87 Location decision creative entrepreneurs ................................................................. 87 Contemporary cooperation between firms in the area ............................................. 92 Conclusions .............................................................................................................. 94
Conclusions ...................................................................................................................... 96 7.1 What is the importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of the Wrangel neighbourhood? ..................................................................................................... 96 7.2 What are the main reasons for creative entrepreneurs to locate on the waterfront of the Schlesische Straße? ........................................................................................................ 99 7.3 Overall conclusions ................................................................................................ 100
List of references .................................................................................................................... 102 Summary/ Zusammenfassung ................................................................................................ 108 Reflection ............................................................................................................................... 111 Appendices ............................................................................................................................. 114
and other facilities in average number of years on this location Figure 1: Figure 2: Figure 3: Figure 4: Figure 5: Figure 6: Figure 7: Figure 8: Figure 9: Figure 10: Figure 11: Figure 12: Figure 13: Figure 14: Figure 15: Figure 16: The river Spree: border between Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg. man on the right walks into one of the Hinterhöfe Diagram of main labels research question I Diagram of main labels research question II The four export windows of Maxqda Berlin situated in Germany Results of the election of the parliament of Berlin in 2001: percentage of the votes per political party Cöln and Berlin in a 18th century map East. On the left creative offices in the Wrangel neighbourhood.List of tables.and other facilities in the importance of creative entrepreneurs in their location decision The difference between cultural. figures and boxes Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Sectors within the definition of creative industries Share Berlin in total employment rate of Germany in 1989. 2001 Headquarter Universal (Left building) 4 . Conceptual Model I Conceptual Model II One of the Hinterhöfe Schlesische Straße. returns and number of employees per sector (absolute and relative) in 2002 (Socio-)economic and population characteristics of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in comparison with Berlin Socio-economic situation in Wrangel (2004) The importance of the presence of creative entrepreneurs in the location decision of facility-owners The difference between cultural. 1992 and 1997 Creative industries in Berlin: number of firms.and West-Berlin and the Berlin Wall Concentration of music firms in Berlin (2004) Situation of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in Berlin in relation to the other districts Division of chairs in the Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Parliament.
Has the amount of customers increased in the last couple of years? Renovated houses in the Oberbaum Straße The difference of renovation The waterfront view from one of the offices at a Hinterhöfe East from the Oberbaum-bridge The waterfront view from the garden at Hinterhöfe West from the Oberbaumbridge An example of a nicely restored Hinterhöfe An example of new architecture Box 1: Box 2: Box 3: Box 4: Box 5: Box 6: Box 7: Box 8: Entrepreneurial urban governance Two Dutch clusters Three main types of qualitative research Maxqda The real estate boom Music capital of Germany History of the Oberbaum area Questionnaire facility owners in the Schlesische and Falckensteinstraße 5 . a design shop and a restaurant Age categorie(s) in which the facility-owners have most customers (the facility-owners were allowed to give multiple (1-3) answers).Figure 17: Figure 18: Figure 19: Figure 20: Figure 21: Figure 22: Figure 23: Figure 24: Figure 25: Figure 26: Figure 27: Figure 28: Figure 29: Figure 30: Headquarter MTV Eastern Europe A sub-cultural “scene” Young people strolling along the “cultural axis” Wrangel as represented by the media: neglect of public space and alcoholics hanging on the streets A new restaurant is about to open in the Schlesische Straße A variety of cultural facilities in the Schlesische Straße: a lunch bar. a café.
culture and creativity are of a growing importance as cultural and symbolic qualities can make a certain place prevail over other places. Creative clustering indicates that local ties remain important despite processes of increasing globalisation. but has also explored the functioning of clusters on the micro level. At the same time. money and information has led to increasing competition between cities and networks of cities. 1999. education and leisure time in Western society have led to a growing demand of products and services with high symbolic value. most authors have focused on the meso or macro level of creative clustering: they have studied the importance of creative clusters for the economy of cities within wider restructuring processes or the importance of creative clusters for urban redevelopment. these new cultural strategies aim to develop and stimulate creative clusters. the stimulation and management of creative clusters is a relatively new policy field. the role of creative clusters in urban development and in cities as a whole cannot be fully understood. the increasing mobility of goods. Crewe and Beaverstock. The clustering of diverse creative industries has already been investigated by a number of authors (Scott. such as arts and literature. traditional cultural domains are also increasingly commercially oriented (O’Connor. For most popular culture. With such place marketing strategies. The increase of disposable incomes. the production. culture increasingly involves economic activities. people. Brown. distribution and consumption of products play a mayor role.1 Scientific and social relevance of this thesis Not only policymakers are aware of the growing importance of creative industries and clusters for the development of cities. Santagata. 2004. These so called ‘place-marketing strategies’ aimed to promote a particular city by means of developing cultural facilities. cities should stay ahead of the rivals by making use of the consumption of culture. At the moment. TNO. such as museums. The growing importance of creative industries and creative clusters is related to the increasing nexus between culture and economy in contemporary society. Already in the 1970s and 1980s. The clustering of creative industries is a very interesting phenomenon for the scientific debate about the relevance of ‘place’ in contemporary sciences. From the 1990s onwards. but also includes ‘low’ or popular culture. This study has focused on the meso level of the role of creative clusters in urban development and the stimulation and management of clusters. there still exists a lack of knowledge on the functioning of creative clusters and the consequences of creative clustering for local development. These production-oriented cultural strategies emphasize on local creative industries. Introduction In today’s globalising world. 1998. In this inter-urban competition. policy-makers in post-industrial cities started to use culture to boost the image of these cities and to redevelop derelict industrial sides and socially disadvantaged areas. 2002. 2002). which increasingly export all over the world. As a result. However. There exists a serious lack of research on the micro-level of the creative entrepreneur. The thesis is one of the first studies that explore the functioning of a creative 6 . cultural policies have shifted from this consumptionoriented approach to a more production-oriented approach. 1996). Without studying this micro-level and the relation between micro and meso/macro level. 2000). such as (pop)music and advertising (Negus. O’Connor & Cohen. In particular. The cultural or design component has become crucial for the economic value of both manufacturing goods and services. 1. At the same time. ‘Culture’ is no longer restricted to traditional ‘high’ culture domains. Especially studies on the stimulation and management of clusters need insights in the functioning of clusters on the micro level.1.
1. After the gentrification of the former East-German neighbourhood Prenzlauerberg. areas in the borderdistrict Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg have become popular locations for creative entrepreneurs (Krätke. is more linked with (industrial) processes and the development of new products. Media and Sport (DCMS) formulated a definition for the creative industries. However. Many definitions exist of what exactly are creative industries. This makes the term 'creative industries’ more suitable for this study. this study will contribute to a better understanding of how creative clusters originate. situated in the Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg district. most studies perceive creative industries as industries that generate output with a high symbolic or cultural value. it will cautiously start to give an answer to how one could possibly stimulate and manage clusters.2 The selection of the case study The empirical study has been conducted in the Wrangel neighbourhood in Berlin. The end of the East-West divide and the demolition of the Berlin Wall have created new opportunity-areas in the inner-city. In this way this study will contribute to a better picture of the impact of stimulating creative clusters. This study has investigated one specific creative cluster in the neighbourhood Wrangel. because of its many cultural scenes and its history as a divided city. The DCMS 7 . These definitions can be placed on a continuum with creative industries narrowly defined as being the arts sector at the one end and creative industries as a generic term for all industries that add creative value at the other. the British government's Department of Culture. Recently. These concepts are: creative industries. Germany. This department had the intention to stimulate the development of the British creative industries to boost economical restructuring and convinced many local governments in the UK to invest in the creative sector. The city of Berlin is very interesting with respect to creative clustering. By doing so. Besides the micro level. 2005). The word 'creative'. Krätke. a short overview of different definitions of creative industries will be provided. These areas consist of a lot of open space and empty buildings and are ideal for (starting) creative entrepreneurs (Lange. more understanding on the origination and development of clusters could also lead to better policymeasures. Apart from its academic relevance. goals and research questions of this thesis will be stated. the most important concepts will be defined. In this thesis. The Wrangel neighbourhood is situated in Kreuzberg. The meaning of the word 'culture' has a strongly historical connotation and is more linked with 'heritage'. 2003. in contrast. creative clusters and creative entrepreneurs. By providing more insight in these reasons. This term emphasises the economic value of products.3 Some Definitions Before the aim. The discussed authors use both the term creative industries and cultural industries to indicate the same phenomenon. the study has explored the meso level of the consequences of creative clustering for local development. This neighbourhood is intriguing because it is one of the poorest areas and one of the most creative areas of Berlin at the same time. 2003). the former East district Friedrichshain and the former West district Kreuzberg have become the new places to be (Bader. In 1998. just on the border with Friedrichshain (Appendix A and B). 2004). concluding with the definition that has been used in this study. 2004). 1. whereas the term 'cultural industries' is more linked with arts and (high) culture (Drake. especially in the Eastern part of the city and on the former border. the term creative industries will be used. In the below.cluster on the micro level by investigating the reasons for creative entrepreneurs to cluster.
in his book about the creative industries.512) However. has distinguished three common features central to creative industries to clarify the boundary with other economic activities. 2003. This is a first step to make a distinction between creative industries and other economic activities. competition stimulates firms to agglomerate together in dense specialize clusters or industrial districts. the economist Richard Caves defines creative industries as “types of activities that generate products and services. Firstly. in principal. production of the outputs always involves the creation of aesthetic and semiotic content. skill and talent. artistic or entertainment value” (Caves. 2004). For example. Secondly. The intention is not to give a general overview of creative industries. In their study of the creative industries in Amsterdam. consumption of the outputs rises disproportional when disposable income increases.1). 8 . academics have also formulated definitions of the creative industries. almost all economic activities could be categorized as activities. Some authors use relatively broad definitions of creative industries. Banks et al. it is also useful to draw on a more specific categorization of creative industries.defines creative industries as those industries which encompass activities which have their origin in individual creativity. The last two definitions are interesting because they stress the importance of symbolic and aesthetic value in the output of creative industries. p. In the same line. which have a cultural. skill and talent. the local is crucial to many creative industries (Scott. Therefore. this definition seems not very useful for academic purposes. TNO has made a categorization of creative industries into three central domains: media/entertainment. and which have the potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property´ (Drake. (2000) suggest that creative industries produce goods and services with high aesthetic values. And thirdly. In the last decennium. creative commercial services and the arts (Table 1). who has done research on the clustering of creative industries. but to focus on particular creative sectors in a small geographical area. which originate from individual creativity. Allen Scott. Although their products are increasingly global. For the purposes of this study. 2000. p.
Therefore.Table 1: Sectors within the definition of creative industries Arts Stage arts Producers of stage arts Media/entertainment Publishers Fotography Creative Comercial Services Architecture. In this study. I will use the following definition: Creative industries are industries that produce products and services with a high symbolic and aesthetic value. Examples are small individual artists. economically orientated domains. Although the domain of the arts increasingly has economic motivations. there is a clear division with the other two domains. The consumption rises disproportional. urban planning design. creative industries are essential in creating and maintaining cultural identities and lifestyles. technical design Technical design/advice urban planning Advertising and advice agencies Fashion designers Other small designer firms Creative/ manufacturing arts Arts related services Galeries. but also museums. This thesis will often use the term creative entrepreneurs rather than creative industries. galleries and theatres belong to this category. 9 . The term creative entrepreneurs differs from creative industries in two aspects: • The term focuses on the individual • The terms only includes small and medium-sized creative industries. and influential institutions or companies such as big museums or movie productions. I will only investigate the first two. Those products and services contribute to consumer demands for creating experiences for individual expression. the last domain is targeted towards businesses clients and consists of architectural design. In this study. In contrast. entrepreneurship is of utmost importance. expositions Film production movie/video/DVD Support of film production Broadcasting companies Radio/television production Support of radio/television production Movie houses Other small entertainment firms Source: TNO. advertising and fashion designers. which are not quoted on the stock-exchange. Although this categorization is very useful. photography. it blurs the distinction between local creative businesses. Two major domains can be distinguished: media/entertainment and creative commercial services. 2004 The domain of media/entertainment is primarily concerned with private consumers and consists of publishers. The domain of the arts is less economically orientated than the other two domains and is more concerned with artistic motives and individual development of creativity. For both domains. radio and television production and press agencies. when disposable income increases.
the study will also initiate some broader conclusions on the functioning of creative clusters and their consequences for local developments. goals and research questions After stating the relevance of this thesis and providing some definitions. goals.4 Aim. Secondly. creative clusters differ in size: some clusters consist of single buildings or building complexes. a city or even a town can have more than one creative cluster. local actors are asked about their expectations of the cluster with regard to local developments.Scott ‘s third characteristics of creative industries. the term ‘creative cluster’ is defined separately. 1. and research questions will now be discussed. My second goal is to clarify the motives of creative entrepreneurs to locate in the Schlesische Straße. the aim.19). Hopefully. 2005). Two points should be added to this definition: firstly. My first goal is to provide some insight in the importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of the Wrangel neighbourhood. In addition. the study will attempt to gain some insight in the relation between the micro level of the creative entrepreneur and the meso level of (stimulating) creative clustering and local development. economical or physical consequences of the creative cluster can be witnessed in the Wrangel neighbourhood? What do local actors expect from the cluster with regard to local developments? What are the main reasons for creative entrepreneurs to locate on the waterfront of the Schlesische Straße? How have creative entrepreneurs been informed about the location beforehand? To what extent does the proximity to other creative entrepreneurs have a role in their location decision? To what extent does the environment have a role in their location decision? To what extent do the creative entrepreneurs cooperate with other creative entrepreneurs in the area (in this moment)? 10 . This has resulted in the following research questions: • • What is the importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of the Wrangel neighbourhood? How important are creative entrepreneurs for the development of the creative cluster? To what extent do local actors stimulate the creative cluster? Which social. The aim of my thesis will be to examine both reasons for and consequences of the clustering of creative entrepreneurs on the waterfront of the Schlesische Straße. the clustering of creative industries is not included in the definition used in this thesis. creative clusters exist in many forms and shapes. while others are whole quarters or neighbourhoods (Van Aalst and Hitters. Rather. For example. Following Wynne (1992) a creative cluster can be defined as “that geographical area that contains the highest concentration of culture and entertainment in a city or town” (p. In order to attain some insight in future consequences of the creative cluster.
In this section. Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg and the research area. In addition. from which hypotheses have been deducted. Figure 1: The river Spree: border between Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg. After this introduction. 2006 11 . This framework contains a review of literature. creative offices in the Wrangel neighbourhood. the second section involves a theoretical framework. the research questions are answered and the empirical findings are linked with theory. This section is followed by a methodological section in which the hypotheses are translated in a research design and conceptual models. Source: Heebels. Before the empirical findings are presented. section four first provides background information about Berlin.This thesis is structured in seven sections. this section discusses the gathering and analysis of the empirical data. the second the results of research question II. Section five and six present the empirical findings: the first discusses the results of research question I. On the left. The last section involves the conclusions of this thesis.
2. Creative industries, clustering and urban redevelopment
The purpose of this section is to provide a theoretical framework for the analysis and interpretation of the empirical findings based on literature. The section will start with a short sketch of the general background to the rise of creative industries and creative clusters. This preliminary paragraph will be followed by a paragraph on the development of cultural policies and the rise of “creative cluster strategies”. Subsequently, creative clusters will be examined more thoroughly. Different typologies and dimensions of creative clusters will be discussed, as well as the (possible) role of creative clusters in local redevelopment. In addition, possible difficulties with creative cluster strategies will be assessed. In relation to these difficulties, attention will be paid to the involved actors in the stimulation of creative clusters and to the motives of and power relations between these actors. After this survey of theories on creative clustering on the macro and meso level, theories on the micro level of the creative entrepreneur will be discussed. Firstly, economic reasons for clustering will be considered. Proximity to other creative entrepreneurs has a main role in these reasons. Secondly, cultural reasons for clustering will be considered. The (cultural) environment has a central role in these reasons. The section ends with a conclusion and the formulation of hypotheses.
General background to the rise of creative industries
Globalisation and information technologies have largely influenced the academic debate about the development of cities and regions over the past decades. Some authors have stressed that the availability of new technologies, especially of internet, are leading to the “death of distance” and the end of geography (Cairncross, 1997; Beck, 1999). Although most academics consider the “death of distance” as a step to far, many authors have written about globalisation and the declining significance of the local (Sassen, 1994, Waters, 1995, Altvater/Mahnkopf, 1996). These authors claim that the hyper mobility of people, goods and capital, the high standards of communication and the increasing availability of information are leading to the disintegration of traditional local/regional ties and contexts. “Footloose” multinational firms are seen as the key players in the globalising world. These firms are organised by constantly changing transnational networks and are no longer bound to a certain place. However, the idea of a dispersed, transnational economy and the disintegration of traditional local ties seem to be inaccurate. Globalisation processes have not led to the annihilation of the local. Local ties are still important both in cultural and economic sense (Läpple, 2001). In the cultural sense, although increasing globalisation also affects processes on the local level, the lives of most individuals still evolve around local ties and their local environment (Landry, 2000, p.23). In the economic sense, the local context remains crucial because it is in this context that – to a large extent – the exchange of knowledge occurs, which is increasingly important in today’s economy (Scott, 2004). In order to understand the importance of the local in the production of knowledge, it seems essential to distinguish between information and knowledge, or in other words, between “codified knowledge” and “tacit knowledge”. The worldwide access to information has certainly increased but most of this information cannot be understood and interpreted without knowing its context. This “knowing of a certain context” is called tacit knowledge. Tacit knowledge is the implicit knowledge in people’s minds. This implicit, non-codified knowledge is strongly related to the person and the
communication of this knowledge largely depends on a common cognitive, cultural and social milieu (Läpple, 2001). The most important ways of transferring this knowledge are face-toface contact and inter-firm mobility of employees. Local proximity is still important since it provides the opportunity to develop a common cognitive, cultural and social milieu and moderates face-to-face contact (Scott, 2004; Storper & Venables, 2004). In addition, the local qualities of places have become crucial, precisely because of globalisation processes. The decrease in spatial barriers to movements of goods, people, money and information as a consequence of globalisation has led to increased rivalry between cities and networks of cities (Brenner, 2005). In this increased competition, it has become more and more important for cities to attract and maintain (multinational) enterprises and to offer them advantageous conditions. Cities have to distinguish themselves with respect to their social, cultural and symbolic qualities, since hard location factors are no longer of vital importance. The qualities of place have thus become crucial. This paradoxical process of globalisation and localisation is often referred to as 'glocalisation'. Box 1: Entrepreneurial urban governance These theories on glocalisation and the actual impact of these processes on society are connected to a general transition from “managerial” approaches of urban government to “entrepreneurial” forms of urban governance. This shift is related to the economic recession of 1973 (Harvey, 1973). Deindustrialisation, widespread (structural) unemployment and fiscal problems both at national and local levels in combination with the growing popularity of neo-conservatism and the increasing believe in market rationality and privatisation can be seen as initiating conditions for the rise of entrepreneurialism. Whereas the managerial approaches of the 1950s and 1960s were focused on redistributive economic policies to improve overall living and working conditions in the city, these new entrepreneurialist approaches since the 1970s focus on the construction or enhancement of certain places in the city to increase competitiveness (Harvey, 1989; Brenner; 2005, p.178). One of the main characteristics of this entrepreneurialist approach to urban governance is the formation of “public-private partnerships”. These partnerships are “entrepreneurial” because their activities are speculative in design and implementation, in opposition to rationally planned and coordinated urban development. In this new economic and political context, cities are increasingly seen as dynamic growth engines, which could promote the national competitiveness (Brenner, 2005, p.203). National, regional and local government institutions have promoted the shift of major socio-economic assets to strategic cities in order to improve national competitiveness. This has also involved the decentralization of governance to the local level (Brenner, 2005, p.213-214). This new strategy of investing in strategic cities has enlarged the economic gap between different cities and city-regions and has reinforced the competition between cities and networks of cities. In the light of increasing competition, symbolic qualities are of growing importance for the economy of cities. Firms increasingly depend on the cultural forms and meanings of their products: they more and more attempt to improve the design and style of their outputs in order to maintain the lead to their competitors (Scott, 2004). Furthermore, growing amounts of leisure time and increasing disposable incomes have increased the demand of unique products and services with a high symbolic value (Lash & Urry, 1994). Culture, creativity, innovation and flexibility have become more important in the economy as a whole. Simultaneously, (the generation of) culture increasingly involves economic activities. Culture and economy have
become intertwined in contemporary society. Creative industries are both cause and consequence of the increasing nexus between culture and economy. Not surprisingly, the importance of creative industries has grown significantly in the last decades. Scott (2004) suggests that the creative industries in the United States encompassed a little more than three million people in 1992, which is about 2.4 percent of the total workforce. The British Department of Culture, Media and Sports (1998) reports that around one million people work in the creative sector in Great Britain. This department stated that in 1995, the creative industries made up for almost four percent of the gross domestic product (Hall, 2000). Example Germany? These shares may not seem very significant, yet the impact on absolute employment and income is unmistakable. Creative industries often cluster together in specific urban areas (Scott, 2004). These specific urban areas of cultural production and creativity are called creative clusters. Creative clusters are crucial for cities, since they have a chief role in the generation of new ideas and innovations and can create a favourable local climate.
Shift from place marketing policies to creative cluster policies
In the 1970s and 1980s, industrial cities in Western Europe witnessed a huge social and economic crisis as a consequence of large-scale deindustrialisation processes. Many manufacturing industries closed or moved to surrounding regions or developing countries (Musterd & Ostendorf, 2004; Krätke, 2004). Cities were increasingly seen as places of anomaly with many unsolved problems and derelict industrial sides (Musterd & Ostendorf, 2004; Läpple, 2001). However, this negative image of cities has gradually changed since the 1990s. Culture has played a considerable role in this change. From the 1980s onwards, many former industrial cities in Europe started to design and implement place marketing strategies to get rid of their 'old industrial' image and to attract new investors, tourists and professional workers (O'Connor, 1997; Scott, 2004; Hall & Hubbard, 1998, p.7-8). The place marketing approach was part of a model of urban redevelopment drawn from North America. Culture was an important part of this approach and was used as a tool to improve the city’s image (Brown, O’Connor & Cohen, 2000). According to Hall (2000), culture was seen as “ the magic substitute for all the lost factories and warehouses, and as a device that will create a new urban image, making the city more attractive to mobile capital and mobile professional workers” (p.2). Next to the economic need for industrial cities to restructure their economy, these cities also had enough space for the development of new cultural infrastructures both in cultural terms and in physical terms. Most industrial cities did not have an established cultural tradition and were open-minded to new cultural initiatives. The deserted industrial infrastructure could be used for such new cultural functions (Mommaas, 2003). Rapidly, almost all cities in the (Western) world started to implement place marketing policies due to the increasing competition between cities (Bianchini, 1993, p.18). Place marketing involves the investment in cultural software such as festivals and events and in cultural hardware such as new museums, theatres or shopping/entertainment complexes (Mommaas, 2003). Place marketing strategies based on providing cultural hardware often involved the development of so called flagship projects: “significant, high-profile and prestigious land and property developments which play an influential and catalytic role in urban redevelopment” (McCarthy & Pollock, 1997, p.254). In general, place marketing strategies have put emphasis on prominent projects for the upmarket consumption and have been implemented in a top down manner (Mommaas, 2003; Scott, 2004).
2000. 2. These dimensions will be discussed in the next paragraph. the institutional cluster. As a reaction to these problems. for example in Bilbao. TNO. 2004). place marketing policies have only been successful in a small amount of cases and even then the economic impact is questionable. Other problems of the development of especially cultural flagships are: the lack of possibilities to create jobs and facilities for local residents. which emphasizes less on place marketing and more on creative production (Scott. these policies can be characterised as collaborative and developmental (Mommaas. Scott. According to numerous authors. 2003). the high percentage of public financing that is needed and the lack of accountability (Mc Carthy & Pollock. Florida. where the Guggenheim Museum (as a flagship project) has made the city famous (Beatriz. 2002. However. 2000. 2004). Mommaas (2004) has made a more detailed classification of cluster characteristics. 1999). The three dimensions. In other words. Hall.3 Creative clusters and local redevelopment In the introduction of this thesis. 1992). 2005. Landry. The first dimension is the level of 'horizontal' connections and the extent of intra-cluster collaboration. cities can greatly profit from effective policies to stimulate creative industries and creative clusters for a number of reasons: • The growth of creative firms provides direct increase in employment • Even more jobs can be gained by growth in auxiliary industries • Strategies to stimulate creative industries and creative clusters can also complement policies to encourage tourism • The development of creative clusters could lead to intra-urban synergies because of intensive transactions between firms • Creative clusters can function as a catalyst for urban redevelopment processes and can improve the image and the actual live and work situation of a place (O’Connor. which will be discussed here. relate to the type and structure of the cluster and to its location. 2004. Mommaas. These clusters differ in degree of government involvement and the emphasis on consumption or production. 2004. 1998.Some strategies based on place marketing had relatively successful outcomes.261). Santagata (2002) has distinguished four types of creative clusters: the industrial cluster. 15 . new cultural strategies have a broader orientation and aspire to create and stimulate new urban spaces for cultural production and creativity: creative clusters (Mommaas. He has distinguished seven core dimensions of clusters. 2004). Whereas the 'old policies' were predominantly aimed at redistribution within the public arts sector and promotion of (mass) consumption. The main focus of this new approach is small and medium-sized creative industries (Scott. This new generation of policies is bottom-up rather than top-down and may have a more positive impact on local economies and employment. their significance for such local redevelopment processes and the difficulties with the implementation of creative cluster policies will be discussed more thoroughly. different types of creative clusters. 2003). since it is crucial to consider the specifics of the local context such as political background and economic structure. 1997. Many cities have tried to copy the marketing strategies of successful cities (Scott. This has nearly always failed. of which three will be discussed here. p. the museum cluster and the metropolitan cluster. 2004. The other four dimensions relate to the degree of government involvement. Wynne. it has been stated that creative clusters exist in many forms and shapes. a new generation of policies has developed. In the next paragraphs. 2002.
and relationships between firms and consumers. pioneering small creative firms can play a crucial role in the origination of clusters (Crewe and Beaverstock. Crewe and Beaverstock (1998) have distinguished three intersecting culturally constructed economies in which creative clusters contribute to local development. presentation and production. The rest of this section will deal with creative clusters in general. the economy of culture and consumption is not just favourable for (established) creative entrepreneurs and high-income residents and visitors. This interaction often takes place outside of working hours in a variety of cultural facilities (Banks. small enterprises have a significant share. studios and other cultural working spaces. 1987. 2002). networks between firms. The locations where creative clustering initiates will gain infrastructural spin-offs and will get a symbolic meaning in the course of time because of the arrival of creative industries. The first economy is that of firm embeddedness. Culture. 2004). and tourism become increasingly mixed in such areas and synergies originate between all kinds of facilities using the created physical and communicative infrastructure (Zukin. In this respect. Mommaas. 1998). cultural shops and also remarkable architecture. this economy is not just important for the creative economy on the citylevel but also for the development of cultural facilities on the local level. These facilities give shape to the second economy of culture and consumption. In this way. the networks through which cooperation occurs can also vary: ranging from heterarchic webs of small creative firms to more hierarchical structures in which the work of groups of small creative firms is coordinated by a dominating central firm. nightclubs. Along the lines of Bourdieu’s (1984) cultural capital. small enterprises interact with these large firms and are the major sources for innovation and creativity (O'Connor. Creative entrepreneurs tend to share tacit knowledge through informal social and cultural interaction. Lovatt. but also for a variety of other consumers. the young avant garde and local workers. Sarah Thornton (1997) uses the concept of sub-cultural capital: this is accumulated 16 . because of a decrease in vacancy and more attention for the area. The development of such an economy is often related to subcultural initiatives. The second dimension is the level of 'vertical' connections within the sectors of the cluster. leisure. In addition. Within such production oriented clusters. 2004). Sub-cultural initiatives can be characterised by their demarcation from mainstream culture. The third dimension is the position of the cluster in the changing spatial and cultural urban field. museums. 1998). with every possible variation between these two extreme cases (Scott. Not only can the extent of horizontal and vertical cooperation differ. Therefore. Clusters can be predominantly consumption or production oriented or can be a multifunctional mix of consumption. This will again lead to the attraction of more creative entrepreneurs (Mommaas. O'Connor & Raffor. such as underground clubs. the economy of culture and consumption will lead to an image boost and will give a considerable impulse to the local economy. while other clusters have integrated many different sectors and experience extensive collaboration between leisure elements and creative businesses. The third economy involves the cultural organisation of the night-time economy (Crewe and Beaverstock. such as restaurants. These positive effects can also initiate physical improvements to the area. whereas alternative (production) clusters are more often situated in more peripheral urban areas. coffee bars. Whereas large firms are important for the image of the cluster. although there will be an emphasis on production oriented clusters. 1995. theatres. 2004). Although the local population may not directly profit from these cultural facilities in terms of employment and a better social situation.Some clusters are narrowly focused on one specific creative sector and have no (inter-sectoral) cooperation. such as students. These processes can have a number of positive effects for the local environment. Conventional consumption clusters are predominantly situated in the inner city. 1998).
the establishment of a critical infrastructure (or in other words: the establishment of a creative cluster with a critical mass of creative producers. According to Santagata (2002) this context implies two constraining consequences. O’Connor and Cohen (2000) state that clusters can be encouraged and supported by a creative cluster strategy. yet it did originate in another street in Sheffield outside the cluster. leisure and tourism and the realisation of a common physical and communicative infrastructure (Mommaas. O’Connor and Cohen (2000) show some of the difficulties of using creative clusters as a tool in urban redevelopment in their study of a creative cluster in Sheffield. clusters should have an image that corresponds with the local culture. a creative cluster is the result of a long incubation process of spontaneous settlement with a high fluctuation of businesses due to hard market conditions. van Aalst and Hitters. This will inevitably lead to failure.sub cultural learning that provides social status in the form of hipness.201. They hoped that these facilities would attract enough creative entrepreneurs to the area to generate a ‘creative buzz’ with a mix of small-scale retail. not just because of their considerable role in the local economy. Firstly. When a vibrant night-time economy develops in combination with creative clustering. In Sheffield. in order to be successful. Ironically. p. is vital for any chance of success in urban development (Zukin. 1991. Brown. consumers and activities). but also because they create new images and identities for a place. The demarcation from mainstream culture and the importance of hipness connects sub culture with creative entrepreneurs: many creative entrepreneurs perceive quality and originality as crucial and keep apart from the mass market by their local exclusive and innovative character (Bader. concept version 2005).202). it is impossible to simply apply a certain “creative model” on a socially and economic deprived area. 2005. A certain amount of creative producers and consumers is required to make a cluster successful and to generate positive externalities. Overall. p. 1982. Firstly. both service and production related • A mix of people with different socio-cultural backgrounds • A dispersal of these people over time (Crewe and Beaverstock. Brown. Crucial aspects to enable such local specific branding are the creation of synergies between culture. p. this significantly contributes to a better local image and to competitiveness. Santagata (2002) states that creative clusters increasingly take the shape of institutionally branded clusters in order to overcome the abovementioned constraints. Secondly. bars. the three intersecting economies can stimulate (further) creative clustering and urban redevelopment. since the origination of creative clusters heavily depends on the local socioeconomic context. As Zukin already wrote in 1982. The branding of such clusters and their products should identify with the local culture to make clusters successful. 17 . However. 2000. three aspects are necessary to create a vivid creative cluster with such externalities: • A mix of functions. Thus. Brown. restaurants and creative businesses. this example illustrates that a top-down approach of applying a “creative model” might not be the best approach for stimulating creative clusters. yet this has to be a low key strategy. wealth creation and cultural redevelopment on a local level of scale. O’Connor & Cohen. Secondly. this example demonstrates that it is crucial for the success of clusters to attract sufficient creative producers and consumers in order to generate a ‘creative buzz’. the local authorities intended to lure creative businesses to the creative cluster by building new facilities. the implementation of such strategies is not without difficulties. It is complicated to use creative clusters as a policy instrument for urban redevelopment. Not surprisingly. the creation or stimulation of creative clusters is increasingly seen as a new way to enhance urban redevelopment. In addition. such a mix of consumption and production did not develop in the aimed ‘regeneration cluster’.108). 2004). 1998.
both public and private sectors should manage clusters and different government scales should be involved. Therefore. This increase in economic value can in the end lead to the out-pricing of these creative pioneers and the displacement of original residents by property markets. ad hoc approaches. According to Zukin. but also by organisational form. After a while. Related to organisational 18 . the authors mentioned above have paid little attention to these aspects.Even when a creative cluster has indeed attracted a critical mass of creative producers. He has not only categorized clusters by cultural and spatial characteristics (p. In addition. She intends to show how culture and cultural mediators have transformed the vernacular of urban downtown. In the initial phase of clustering. 197). Brooks and Kushner remain abstract and do not consider the power relations between public and private actors. Cultural consumption is only used as a justification for that. Mommaas.4 The involved actors in stimulating clustering: motives and power relations The difficulties mentioned above illustrate that the balance between public and private sectors is precarious.15). Their research concludes that effective leadership and intervention is needed to create successful creative clusters. a critical infrastructure of creative firms leads to an improvement of both the image and the appearance of the area. traditional residents and also traditional industrial firms will no longer be able to pay the increasing rent in the area. Except for Zukin (1982. and its branding is successful. 2002). These criticisms can also be applied to creative clusters as cultural tools for urban redevelopment. doom scenarios of clusters that inevitably lead to displacement and increasing powers of real estate agencies should be avoided (Brown. As a consequence. Zukin (1982) takes a critical perspective on culture-based regeneration. whereas Zukin’s theories are based on research in the United States. p. 194). private institutions and market forces increasingly have the upper hand in urban development. 1991). A successful cluster does not necessarily have positive effects on a neighbourhood and its residents. Zukin (1991) further explores the shift from production to consumption. consumers and activities. Mommaas (2004) further explores the management of creative clusters. She sees the restructuring of the city as the imposition of a new perspective on the city. more established firms and higher income residents. and will be displaced by larger. Brooks and Kushner (2001) have concentrated on the management of creativity in their research on creative clusters in major American cities. Private institutions and market forces have much more power in urban development in the United States than in urban development in Europe. 29. according to numerous recent publications on creative clustering. which is based on cultural power (p. However. The original creativity and local character of the regenerated area will then be lost (p. O’Connor. In her book 'Landscapes of Power'. the danger of displacement will be less strong in most European cases. it is important to investigate the motives of the different actors involved and the power relations between them in order to identify in which cases and which ways local governments can stimulate clustering. 2000. However. In her book 'Loft Living: Culture and Capital in Urban Change'. These publications are all based on European case studies. According to Zukin. In case of low intervention. O’Connor & Cohen. 2004. the economic value generated by culture and creativity is likely to fall into the hands of real estate agencies and multinationals. This means that small creative firms. small creative firms and other cultural pioneers move to an area because of its low rent and artistic or cool image. the regeneration of the surrounding area can still be problematic. small creative businesses and other local firms and initiatives can be pushed to the margins by property development and the global creative economy. 2.
This is the balance between too much openness and the danger of loosing the creative identity and too much closedness and the danger of lock-in and stagnation. in which the government has a significant role. these property and real estate owners join with other stakeholders. The management can be public. Mommaas' analysis can be supplemented with theories on the relation between different actors in urban development and in the creation of urban policies. 2004. The first dimension is the organisation or management of the cluster. Mommaas has identified four different core dimensions. his analysis is based on five Dutch clusters. which are all a product of spatial planning. In addition. top down clusters. Although most clusters will be a mix of both extremes. This small group of property and real estate owners intensifies the use of their property in order to maximise the value. The sociologists Logan and Molotch (1987) have mainly developed this approach. more spontaneous development. The third dimension concerns the level of openness (adaptability) or closedness (solidity) of the involved programmes. In other words: the extent to which the cluster depends on public support. the activism of entrepreneurs is crucial in urban development (p. Mommaas has also distinguished five different motives for local policy makers for creating or stimulating creative clusters: • Strengthening the identity.521-524). In addition to these cluster dimensions. According to Logan and Molotch. the development of consumption-oriented clusters is more frequently top-down and the development of production-oriented clusters more frequently bottom-up. The urbangrowth-machine approach originates from the US in the end of the 1980s. attraction power and market position of places • Stimulating innovation and creativity • Stimulating a more “entrepreneurial” approach to arts and culture • Finding a new use for old buildings and derelict sites • Stimulating cultural diversity and cultural democracy (Mommaas. The establishment of a “good business climate” and the attraction of companies and institutions are crucial for these investors (p. As a result. These coalitions are the so called “growth machines”. The competition between cities for new capital was already at its height in the US. Although Mommaas’ cluster and policy categorisations are profound. the underlying motives. goals and effects of policies are central. planned development and bottom-up.29).52). The clusters can be very different in their management and level of organisation. Mommaas takes other involved actors into account.characteristics. These different motivations will play a vital role in policy-decisions to stimulate or develop a certain cluster. a small group of people is focused on their exchange-value and on financial profits. his analysis predominantly contains illustrations of one side of each dimension. The urban-growth-machine approach is developed against this background and is primarily focused on economic factors. The second dimension is related to the difference in management and contains the financial aspect. p. yet. private or mixed and the organisation can range from no clear management at all to a strong central management. he does not emphasize on different actors and the (power) relations between these actors. His case studies are all more or less “closed”. The fourth and last dimension is the development path of the clusters. which can vary between top-down. These growth machines contain three other 19 . Whereas most people in a city are focused on the use-value of property and real estate. who are also aimed at economic growth and the attraction of businesses. In this approach. like Brooks and Kushner (2001). To accomplish a “good business climate”. The motives for policymakers to create or stimulate creative clusters can be related to the urban-growth-machine approach.
Governmental organisations could be seen as another group.62-85). at all. small retailers and universities. Moreover. To return to Mommaas. Newman has identified a third group of community developers. architects and financers is directly represented in the aim to strengthen the identity. To accomplish this. cannot be explained by the growth-machine-approach. stimulating a more “entrepreneurial” approach to arts and culture and finding a new use for old buildings and derelict sites. the local government has tried to form interactive partnerships or networks with actors from different stakeholder groups. the first motive clearly corresponds to this theory. However. The local government is not specified as a separate group. Despite these disadvantages.main groups of organisations and institutions. Newman distinguished three stakeholder groups: one group that aims at property speculation. for instance. architects and financers. although to a lesser extent. creative industries and the local population. attractive power and market position of places. The outcomes of Newman's analysis are that the different interests of the stakeholder groups are conflicting. In contrast to Logan and Molotch. Logan and Molotch (1987) suggest that local governments also benefit from economic growth and are thus in favour of growth machines (p. In the studied case. one group that aims at local economic development. which joins with property and real estate owners. The fifth motive distinguished by Mommaas for stimulating cultural diversity and cultural democracy. The growth machine approach also provides a background to the motives of stimulating innovation and creativity. who indirectly profit from urban development (p. the lack of attention for other than economic motives makes the approach less valuable. building companies. the first four motives of policy makers could be related to the urbangrowth-machine-approach. The groups of service providers and of local organisations also benefit from this aim. who indirectly profit from urban development • Local organisations with for example cultural facilities. the local government (The Greater London Council) functioned as a networking institution with the aim to attain capital from diverse sources. Newman investigated to what extent clustering at the sub-regional level can be influenced by public strategies in order to stimulate cultural consumption. on the south bank of the Thames. Especially. who directly profit from urban development • Service providers with for example public service companies and the local media. which join with the property and real estate owners: • The business world with for example real estate agents. The investments in cultural attractions and image improvement encourage high-value uses and this works against the establishment of more small creative firms.63). 20 . The first two groups show a striking similarity with the groups involved in urban growth machines. It seems that the stake of property and real estate owners and of real estate agents. The strong focus on property developments of the growthmachine-approach makes this approach less useful as a background to these motives. This can be illustrated by Newman's (2000) study on creative clustering in London. The interests of property and real estate owners and developers to invest in cultural consumption and the image of the quarter clash with those of the groups aiming at local economic or community development to encourage small creative enterprises. which forms part of the growth machine. and one that aims at community development. the approach still gives a more detailed insight in how motives come about and how different groups of stakeholders are involved in urban clustering. which also relates to other than economic motives.
governments join with different actors to form a “regime”: “an informal yet relatively stable group with access to institutional resources that enable it to have a sustained role in making governing decisions” (Stone. the increasing complexity of decision-making processes also demands a different role of governments. Rather than just focusing on economic factors. which discusses a study conducted by Hitters and Richards (2005). The limitations of regime theory are its lack of attention for changing circumstances and for the wider political context (Painter. The formation of regimes depends on social. Regime theory focuses on this changing role of (local) governments and the fragmentation and complexity of decision-making processes. Rather than being agencies of control.3). 1998. private actors and a third group of actors of organised associations. A theory that explores the actors involved in urban policy and the power relations between these actors is the urban regime theory. urban regime theory is a useful approach to interpret governance. The involved organisations and individuals are divided in three groups: public actors. In addition. Urban regime theory can be used to attain more insight in the power relations behind the organisational dimensions of clusters from Mommaas. Cities with different types of urban regime will follow different development paths and will encounter different social and economic effects (Painter. In contrast to the urban-growthmachine-approach. this theory has much attention for the public sector. the openness of the organisation of clusters and the development path of clustering are all influenced by power relations between the different actors involved in the decision making process. p. the relation between public and private finances. this theory grasps the importance of policy making in urban changes and urban development. The power relation between the public and the private sector are central to the urban regime theory.In Newmans study. In addition. Due to the fragmentation of governmental organisations. In the beginning of this section (box 1).264). It was stated that the role of the government has changed as a result of the increasing competition between cities and the decentralisation of socio-economic assets to the local. it became clear that the different groups of actors involved did not have equal power. One of the important authors on urban regime theory is the political scientist Stone (1989). This theory can thus be related to the organisational dimensions of clusters from Mommaas. p. This third group includes for example voluntary organisations. processes in higher echelons of governance influence the formation and the political results of urban regimes. p. 1989. In their coordinating and mobilising role. urban regimes never arise spontaneously. cultural and political processes and is not just the outcome of economic processes. The organisation of clusters. the shift from a managerial approach of government to entrepreneurial forms of governance has been discussed. 1998. With these critics in mind. 1989). 21 . The formation of regimes occurs on the basis of local culture and institutionalised social norms. governments more and more have the function of mobilising and coordinating organs in a complex web of relations between organisations and individuals. The impact of different regimes and different power relations for the organisational dimension of clusters will be illustrated in box 2. The goal of regime theory is to explore the conditions for cooperation between these groups and to come to understanding about decision-making processes (Stone. governments are limited as controlling organs. According to Painter.263).
In the future. Within the local government. but a property development company owns the buildings. governments. The Witte de Wit cluster has witnessed a more spontaneous development. case study: Newman & Hitters. more comprehensive approaches would demand horizontal integration between different departments within the public sector (Brown. should not just focus on private actors and their interests. the departments of Economy and Urban Development and Housing are involved in the development of the cluster rather than the department of culture. 22 . the governance of the area has a very informal nature and power relations are less clear. 2003). The official administrative power is in hands of the local government. Creative entrepreneurs in this cluster are not likely to be out-priced. such as local community development organisations. A good balance between public and private actors should prevent that economic interests will get the upper hand. O’Connor & Cohen. more comprehensive approaches of governance are needed to also meet cultural interests. licensing and policing. but has also instigated the discussion whether it will be possible to maintain current creative institutions because of possible rising rents. The commercial approach of the Westergasfabriek cluster has led to a much clearer image and identity. formed by the property developer and the local government. as controlling organs on different levels of scale. concludes that the public sector should not just focus on large scale. the Westergasfabriek in Amsterdam and the Witte de With Straat in Rotterdam. It is important not just to stress the economic aspects of creative clustering. In the Witte de With Straat cluster. It is important in the stimulation of clusters to both consider economic interests and cultural. housing.Box 2: Two Dutch clusters Richards and Hitters (2005) have studied the creation and management of two Dutch clusters. but also on other actors of the third group. The different power relations and 'regimes' in combination with different contexts and underlying motives have led to different development paths of the clusters. In addition. for example. 2005). The local government functions as project coordinator and guards the project's clear emphasis on cultural and creative functions. but also to integrate the business of culture into a wider cultural policy. Newman (2000) concludes that instead of focusing on local property interests. low-risk projects of property developers. The research of ALICE on creative industries in the region of Eindhoven. O’Connor & Cohen. A coordinated approach should integrate culture and economics. 2000. the lack of horizontal integration between different departments and the focus on urban development rather than creativity and culture makes creative entrepreneurs in this cluster more vulnerable to market pressures. but also on small (starting) firms (ALICE. but also areas such as transport. which could challenge ‘free market’ economics (Brown. the development of the cluster will be led by a public-private partnership. social and physical interests. However. 2000). The local government owns the site of the Westergasfabriek cluster. but close links exist between the local government and voluntary sector organisations such as the tenants association and the local business association. This company is thus responsible for the management of the buildings and the selection of renters. In such comprehensive approaches.
2005. clustering can attract a qualified workforce. further research should emphasise the relationship between macro and micro level. This literature has used the terms ‘cluster’. Marshall suggested that there are three main reasons why firms would localise within the same area. In an attempt to stimulate greater clarity and more critical investigation. it is useful to become aware of the different aspects of clustering. Firms locate in each other’s proximity in order to maximize the exchange of information and ideas. ‘agglomeration’. The first two models fit within classical traditions of economics. the communication of new information and ideas takes place in socially dense economic environments. Policy makers will only be able to stimulate or create creative clusters if there is more understanding of the reasons for creative entrepreneurs to cluster in certain areas. These approaches focus on economical reasons for clustering such as the importance of spatial proximity for cooperation between (creative) entrepreneurs. ‘milieu’ and ‘complex’ to indicate the same phenomenon of spatial clustering. institutions and an extensive infrastructure. In the above it is stipulated how different actors attempt to stimulate creative clustering. According to Marshall. These reasons concern: • The maximum flow of information and ideas. Lagendijk and Oinas. which will make it easier for firms to find specialized employees. but it is not clear how such clusters originate. Economic-geographic approaches partly fill this gap of knowledge.2. • The increased local provision of non-traded input. The existing literature on the development and stimulation of creative clusters has paid insufficient attention to these reasons for clustering. propinquity to other firms and external economies of scale are crucial. 2000. ‘ embeddednes’. Although most creative clusters will have characteristics of all three models. Moreover. Marshall’s three reasons can be an explanatory factor for the clustering of creative industries. Only recently. Why do creative entrepreneurs choose for a certain location? What is the role of cooperation? And how important is the cultural atmosphere of the area? It becomes clear that there is a serious lack of research on the functioning of clusters on the micro level in relation to the development and management of clusters. while the third model has a sociological background. The clustering of firms could also generate local services. which small firms cannot generate on their own. Furthermore. In Marshall’s agglomeration model. Clusters are solely formed because of the significance of geographical proximity to similar firms to gain 'economies of agglomeration'. 1999). • The development of local pools of specialised labour (Gordon. 5). 2000). The model of pure agglomeration can be derived as far as Alfred Marshall's analysis of clustering in 1925 (Gordon. Van Aalst and Hitters (concept version 2005) have stated that existing research should take the micro-level into account. ‘new industrial area’. Creative industries could benefit from inter-firm labour migration or informal 23 . The existing literature on the importance of proximity and clustering has mainly focused on the enhancement of the economies of lagging city-regions (Gordon.5 The individual creative entrepreneur: economic reasons for clustering The studies discussed above have all focused on the meso or macro level in relation to clustering. p. Gordon (1999) has developed a framework in which he distinguishes three basic models or ideal types of spatial industrial clustering: • The model of pure agglomeration • The industrial-complex model • The social network model (Gordon. This awareness will clarify the difference between various reasons for clustering and will thus make it easier to study these reasons. 2000).
because they think that this will minimise their spatial transactions costs. An important author in this revival was Michael Porter.4-6). but is rather concerned with the minimization of distance costs in the formation of crucial. The notion of space in these models is not explicitly urban or related to the potential for new forms of exchange. with the resurgence of and renewed attention for industrial districts and high-tech clusters.7). p. Furthermore. the last two facilities could be essential. Creative clusters could provide efficient search and job-match possibilities. pre-planned (and hence identifiable) linkages” (Gordon. 1990) Porter and other authors have attempted to further specify Marshall's three reasons for agglomeration. The 1980s have seen a revival of agglomeration models. Frenken. 2002). complex combinations of agglomeration economies will occur in cities and regions. Lambooy. the generation of local pools of specialized labour could be a reason for clustering. p. because of lock-in processes. 1998). This can be linked to Mommaas’ (2004) third creative cluster dimension of the level of openness (adaptability) or closeness of creative clusters. According to this model. the only possibility for clustering to occur is that individual firms will choose (deliberately or not) to locate close to other firms within the same production and consumption hierarchy. other authors have also developed theories about these economies of agglomeration (Lagendijk and Oinas. These authors perceive specialized clusters as most creative and innovative.contacts between members of different firms to increase information flow and creativity. Nontraded inputs could also play a significant role in the clustering of creative industries. Jacobs (1969) opposes this way of thinking and states that diversity is the main source of creativity and innovation (Boschma. Specialised clusters can also have negative effects. Frenken. The second model of spatial industrial clustering is that of the industrial-complex. Another critic to Marshall’s agglomeration model is that this model does not include co-operation between entrepreneurs and looks only at rational economic interests in an atomised and competitive environment (Granovetter. 2005. 2002). overhead facilities and cultural facilities (Scott. a flexible workforce with increasing know-how and creativity. The model is a traditional economic model based on Weber’s ideas (1909/1929) and deals with the relation between costs and production processes. 1985). and is primarily concerned with cost-saving in relation to production links. According to Jacobs (1960). Creative firms in clusters could benefit from better local services both regarding availability and efficiency and from better local availability of financial capital. 2005.5. In addition. cluster related externalities (Porter. Lambooy. low labour costs and a high firm productivity. Especially for small creative firms with limited own investment possibilities. Boschma. Examples of such local services are specialized schools. 2000. this criticism applies less to newer Marshallian approaches such as Storper’s (2000) research on localisation and globalisation. workers’ organizations. who wrote on specialised regions and focused on localized. 24 . they recognized that agglomeration economies are more complex and can vary by sector and by area (Lagendijk and Oinas. p. Since Marshall designed his typology. However. Gordon (2000) states that: “this type of model is essentially static and predictable in nature.
2005). This is the social-network model. while many sociologists have an oversocialised perception. Boschma. 2000. 2002.97-99). 2004). Mark Granovetter is an important author on theories of the third model of spatial industrial clustering. In his article 'the problem of embeddedness'. Moreover. Traditional economists tend to have an undersocialised perception. et all) is mainly based on elements of evolutionary economics and the social-network model. because the role of physical and electronic infrastructure and other ‘hard’ agglomeration factors is of minor importance for creative industries (Mommaas. to have social control (to a certain extent) and to attain at least some mutual gains (Gordon. in which competitive advantages to other firms and the exchange of tacit knowledge are increasingly important. studies on spatial industrial clusters in regions have incorporated this social and historical context of clustering. but is also about social integration and embeddedness within social networks. Aydalot and Keeble. 1988. It is important to develop common interests and values. Both social-network studies and evolutionary economics state that social (economic) networks depend on the building of trust. geographical proximity stimulates creativity and innovations and the establishment of new firms (Hertzsch & Mundelius. Thus.485). they are not able to use the information in a rational. This building of trust has become crucial in today’s economy. p. Frenken & Lambooy. The umbrella concept of innovative milieus used by many authors to investigate regional industrial clustering (Aydalot 1986. 1985. Frenken & Lambooy. In the past decades. p. Clustering is not just about agglomeration economics and economic opportunities. GREMI group: Camagni.Granovetter’s criticism on Marshall’s theory also applies to the industrial-complex model. The underlying premise of both models is that entrepreneurs act as rational economists. 2001. More attention for historical processes can be found in evolutionary economics (Boschma. whereas entrepreneurs are constrained in their rationality in two manners. 1995. Granovetter (1985) explains that most academics perceive economic action and social structures either in an 'undersocialised' way or in an 'oversocialised' way. Sociologists disagreed with the institutional perspective of transactions between firms and individuals of this approach and advocated more attention to social relations within economic processes. The industrial-complex model will probably be the least applicable for investigating clusters of creative industries. the 25 . 2002. The social-network model is an attempt to incorporate these processes. by enabling a high communication density and frequent personal meetings. Granovetter's central point is that: “both have in common a conception of action and decision carried out by atomized actors” (Granovetter. which will secure economic growth and innovation in (lagging) regions. Both theories lack attention for bounded rationalities. Particularly social processes are key elements of social-network studies. This innovative milieu concept presumes that crucial interrelations develop among clusters of (small or medium-sized) businesses. This model started as a critique of the neoclassical approach to institutionalise trust within the economic system. there is no attention for the social and historical processes behind economic relations. p. These evelotionary economics stress the path-dependency of cluster formation. Firstly. entrepreneurs do not posses all relevant information to make rational choices and secondly. Fromhold-Eisebith.97). most efficient way. Crevoisier. 1995. The spatial aspect of the social network model and evolutionary economics lies in the importance of geographical proximity for informal personal contacts (face-to-face contact) and the establishment of trust. In addition to the advantages of spatial proximity mentioned above. The only ‘hard’ factor that may have a role in the location choice of creative entrepreneurs seems the availability of cheap space.
socialisation. Examples of studies where milieu effects were indeed significant for creative clustering are Pratt’s analysis of media industries in New York (Pratt. but also to cultural and institutional factors of clustering.6 The individual creative entrepreneur: cultural reasons for clustering Although the approaches discussed above recognize that. Banks. temporary or freelance. these theories are not connected to creative clustering. intracluster transactions could occur between different creative sectors and firms. The area and the available facilities could then be a determinant for clustering. Within clusters. The combination of these ‘institutions’ stimulates the creation of synergy effects and a common identity within clusters. both in the form of traded and un-traded dependencies. and imagined characteristics of the place. Clusters could serve as a context of trust. O’Connor & Raffo. 2002). apart from economic factors. Thus. Most creative entrepreneurs do not have a nine-to-five job and walk in and out of office to meet clients or colleagues. The imagined or constructed images of places can be at least as important as the 'real' or objective characteristics of places (Drake. As local institutions and their interaction are already discussed in paragraph 2. They have distinguished the term institutional thickness to refer not only to social. the geographical proximity to other firms makes it easier for skilled creative workers to switch jobs. Thus. such as available space or the presence of a cultural infrastructure. social and historical factors can also be important explanations for clustering. 2003). the proximity to other creative firms may be a way to survive (Gordon. knowledge of workers spreads in a high speed and this generates learning effects. 2000. because these facilities can function as meeting places. the possibility to easily switch jobs is of primary importance (Scott. As a result. 2001). this concept is also useful for investigating creative clusters in cities. 'Milieu' effects could be a significant factor in the clustering of creative entrepreneurs. This means that employees often change from one job to another. but the emphasis is no longer on cooperation between the entrepreneurs: it is the place itself that counts as a location factor. they miss attention for cultural factors as reasons for clustering. 2000) and Grabher’s study on the embeddedness of economic action in a creative cluster in London (Grabher. 2000). Although there are several theories about the importance of meeting places.high firm density in creative milieus contributes to the mobility of the local labour market. The term involves (local) institutions and the interaction between these institutions on the meso and macro level and creative entrepreneurs. Gordon’s study of patterns of linkages and specialisations in the London region (Gordon. One of the first authors who accepted the importance of 26 . cultural facilities and their visitors on the micro level. Two of the few authors who have paid attention to these cultural factors are Amin and Thrift (1995).4. Especially for small creative firms. Although the innovative milieu concept is mostly used to investigate industrial clustering in regions. Many jobs in the creative industries are part-time. As a consequence. The quality of a certain location will be determined by both real characteristics of the place. the extent of institutional thickness determines how successful a cluster is. this paragraph will focus on the micro level of cultural reasons for clustering. such as a trendy cultural image. The cultural environment could be an important reason for creative firms to cluster together. both the presence of a mix of cultural facilities and a vivid or trendy urban atmosphere may attract all kinds of creative industries. Moreover. knowledge exchange. innovation and inspiration for creative entrepreneurs and should be a safe haven in an uncertain and competitive business climate. This conforms to some extent with the above-mentioned non-traded input factors and some milieu effects. Lovatt. The availability of cultural facilities could be important for creative entrepreneurs. 2. 2004).
since these concentrations of creative firms have a chief role in the generation of new ideas and innovations and can create a favourable local climate. the local level of the creative cluster remains crucial in today’s knowledge economy. In addition. However. The attraction of a third place to the regular visitor lies in the presence of other customers and in the atmosphere of the place. theatres. since face-to-face contact and inter-firm mobility are necessary for this exchange. because such an atmosphere can be a source of inspiration and a brand for their products (Drake. Local governments increasingly design cultural strategies for specific places with the aim to create and stimulate creative clusters.16.meeting places was Ray Oldenburg in his book 'The Great Good Place'. whose core business is to be creative. who drop in and out when they please. p. Third places are not aimed at attracting a high volume of strangers or passing-by customers (Oldenburg. Creative clusters are not just favourable for cities as a whole but can also significantly contribute to neighbourhood development. small enterprises are the major sources for innovation and creativity. the use of creative clusters as a tool for 27 . Many third places are not very explicit places either in their appearance or management. Just as symbolic value increasingly plays a role in the economy as a whole (Lash & Urry. informal and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and work” (Oldenburg. creative industries have become of vital importance for cities. Despite globalization processes. Most customers are local regular visitors. However.16). ateliers and clubs. 2. creativity. Moreover. third places could include cafés. but also by sub cultural scenes. He introduces the term 'the third place' as a description for those places that are the main setting of informal public life (Oldenburg. p. Whereas the first three are especially meeting places. such an atmosphere can be provided by a variety of cultural facilities. After the home as the first place and the work setting as the second place. innovation and sign value. Or as Oldenburg puts it: “the third place is a generic designation for a variety of public places that host the regular. Creative clusters can function as catalysts for urban redevelopment processes and can improve the image and the actual life and work situation of a place. 1989. pioneering small creative firms can play a crucial role in the origination of clusters. a variety of public spaces belong to the third place. 1989.7 Conclusions In an economy increasingly based on culture. an open-minded community or the built environment. voluntary. 1989). bars and restaurants. the last three are more related to the atmosphere of the place. but also museums. creative entrepreneurs will probably relate some similar aspects to a vivid or trendy cultural atmosphere. the local environment remains to be the place where people meet each other. this is even more true for creative entrepreneurs. Creative entrepreneurs will attach relatively high value to a vivid or trendy cultural atmosphere. 1994).36). p. The atmosphere of a place is something rather subjective. Especially creative clusters are crucial for the economy of cities. 2003). Within creative clusters. Whereas large firms are important for the image of the cluster. For creative entrepreneurs. The first economy is that of the interaction between creative entrepreneurs within the cluster. The third place enables conversations and contacts beyond the associations of home and work and makes it possible to get to know colleagues better than in the workplace. Nevertheless. The exchange of (tacit) knowledge can only take place on this level. small enterprises have a significant share. not every place outside the realm of home and work is a third place. These intersecting economies can lead to the improvement of the area’s image and can give a considerable impulse to the local economy and built environment. the second economy is the economy of culture and consumption and the third economy is the night-time and sub cultural economy. For example. The impact of creative clusters on local development can be described by three intersecting culturally constructed economies.
this does not necessarily have positive effects on the local community. governments. In both ways. Additionally. creative firms locate in each other’s vicinity for economic reasons: to maximize the exchange of information and ideas. Both the (power) relations between different actors or institutions on the meso and macro level and the importance of social and cultural factors on the micro level are important in determining the development of clusters. Rather. The different actors involved will have more realistic expectations if there is more understanding of the reasons for creative entrepreneurs to cluster in a specific area. clusters are the result of a long process of spontaneous settlements and cannot be ‘created’ as such. these economic approaches miss attention for cultural factors as reasons for clustering. creative firms could locate in each other’s propinquity for socio-economic reasons: to create common trust and to exchange tacit knowledge. Despite many different approaches. consumers and activities the effects on urban development will be marginal. In line with the creative milieu idea. Even when a cluster is indeed successful and leads to the economic upgrading of a neighbourhood. The creative milieu idea has invigorated Marshall’s economic factor ‘flow of information and ideas’ with the importance of the social aspects face-to-face contact and the building of trust for the exchange of tacit knowledge. there should be a delicate balance between public and private actors. However. without the establishment of a critical mass of creative producers. In line with Marshall's ideas. vertical and horizontal integration between different government scales and departments is needed to effectively stimulate clustering. should not just focus on private actors and their interests.urban redevelopment is complicated. such as local community development organisations. but also on other actors of the third group. In addition to proximity to other firms. Secondly. cultural facilities are particularly important as meeting places. the exchange of knowledge. to increase the local provision of non-traded input and to be able to develop local pools of specialised labour. The social situation of the local population will not directly improve because of new cultural facilities. The combination of these institutions on the 28 . In order to obtain such a balance. In this way. Economic-geographers have conducted research on economic reasons for clustering in respect to the enhancement of the economies of lagging city-regions. since the origination of creative clusters very much depends upon the local socio-economic context. it is still not clear how these actors could stimulate creative clusters in particular situations. the common feature in this economic-geographic literature is the perception that the proximity to other firms (of the same sector) is the main reason for firms to cluster. the environment has symbolic value and can function as a source of inspiration and a brand for creative products. the availability of cultural facilities and a lively or trendy environment could be important reasons for clustering. Property markets and other private interests should not get the upper hand in the development of creative clusters. untraded dependencies and a local pool of (specialised) labour are crucial. For those occasions. Firstly. Creative entrepreneurs tend to share ideas in informal settings outside working hours. theories and nuances. These cultural factors may even be more important than the economic ones. In addition. Although the above gives some idea of how different actors should interact in stimulating creative clusters. but this is unlikely to be successful. as controlling organs. The reason for this is that it remains unclear how clusters function on the micro level and how clusters originate. In addition. increase in economic value will attract new residents and businesses and this could eventually lead to the out pricing of creative pioneers and the displacement of original residents by property markets. insight in the motives for clustering could lead to more effective policies. within the public sector. Many policy-makers still try to apply a certain “creative model” on a socially and economic deprived area.
2.8 Hypotheses The theoretical framework presented above has resulted in the following hypotheses about the research questions: Hypotheses research question I • A mix of small and large creative firms is very important for the development of creative clusters. Local actors expect the creative cluster to contribute to a positive image of the s urrounding neighbourhoods. Local actors often use a top-down approach to stimulate creative clusters. Creative clusters will lead to the physical improvement of the local area due to less vacancy and more attention for the area. Creative clusters will not significantly improve the social conditions of the local residents. Creative clusters will improve the image of the neighbourhood. • • • • • • • • Local actors increasingly invest in creative clusters to stimulate local development. Creative clusters will lead to increasing rents and a changing population composition: more 'wealthy' residents will move to the surrounding area. Creative clusters will boost the local economy due to more clientele for local businesses.meso/macro level and the creative entrepreneurs and cultural facilities on the micro level can be reffered to as the institutional thickness of a cluster. 29 .
Entrepreneurs with(in) small creative businesses will attach more value to the proximity of other creative entrepreneurs compared to entrepreneurs with(in) mediumsized creative businesses. An important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location is the presence of untraded dependencies. Creative entrepreneurs see the proximity to large (international) companies in their own sector as an important location advantage.Hypotheses research question II • Most creative entrepreneurs have been informed about their location by informal networks of friends. who are informed by informal networks. An important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location is the availability of cultural facilities. An important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location is the urban atmosphere. Creative entrepreneurs. 30 . colleagues. will have more cooperation with other entrepreneurs in the area. An important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location is the presence of a local pool of labour. who are longer on a certain location. • • • • • • • • • • An important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location is the opportunity for face-to-face contact and the building of trust. Creative entrepreneurs. etc. The environment will have a larger influence on the location decision than the proximity to other creative entrepreneurs. attach more value to the proximity of other creative entrepreneurs.
These consequences can be related to the neighbourhood’s physical. The institutional context is also included in the conceptual model: the involved institutions influence the creative cluster and its consequences. as well as the further research design and data gathering. it is assumed that public institutions are the main policy-makers (figure 2). 3. the analysis of the gathered data will be assessed.3. After the discussion of research design and methods. by their interaction and by their policies. the used research methods will be discussed.Economical situation . the methodology used in the empirical study will be discussed. In the other research questions. The section ends with some remarks on the generalisability. In the conceptual model. In the first conceptual model (figure 2). The section starts with a description of the conceptual models and the research design. Creative entrepreneurs are only unit of measurement in the first sub research question: how important are creative entrepreneurs for the development of the creative cluster? These entrepreneurs are represented in the conceptual model as part of the creative cluster.Social situation . 2006 31 . These models show the relevant units of measurement. Figure 2: Conceptual Model I Institutional context (Voluntary) associations Private institutions Public institutions Creative cluster Neighbourhood Policies Creative entrepreneurs Consequences . reliability and validity of the results. one model for each research question.1 Conceptual models and research design The research has been concretised in two conceptual models. the main unit of measurement is the creative cluster. Subsequently.Image Source: Heebels. economical or social situation or to the neighbourhood’s image (right box).Physical situation . the creative cluster is the applied unit of measurement. The consequences of the creative cluster for local redevelopment are central in this model (represented by the bold arrow). Research design and methods In this section. variables and relations and have been used to select appropriate research methods.
Creative urban atmosphere . However.Size of business . p.Face-to-face contact & trust .Informal ways: friends. The theoretical reasons for these creative entrepreneurs to locate in the area (right box) can be divided in environment-reasons and proximity-reasons. The textual methods are limited to the use of policy documents to support the outcomes of the interviews.Untraded dependencies . How important the environment and proximity to other creative entrepreneurs are in the location decision depends on the characteristics of these creative entrepreneurs and on the information these entrepreneurs have about the location. Oral methods range from answering research questions about individual opinions and experiences at the biographical end of the spectrum. The research also involved observational and textual methods. to answering research questions about societal structures at the survey end (box 3). because of its inductive character. its attention for context and the deeper exploration of a small number of cases.Business Type (Media entertainment / Creative commercial services) . This makes qualitative research a very appropriate research method. The two boxes on the left represent these two influencing factors (figure 3).Presence international creative companies Characteristics creative entrepreneurs .Personal characteristics . Figure 3: Conceptual Model II Information on the location .Contemporary cooperation Source: Heebels. The two boxes in the middle represent these two main reasons. local papers Importance of the environment . the textual and the observational (Hay. the observational methods are limited to a small observation study to downscale the research area and personal observations as an inhabitant of the research district.Formal ways: advertisements. This research takes 32 .7) (Box 3). This research is mainly based on oral methods.Customer range Location Decision Importance of proximity to other creative entrepreneurs .In the second conceptual model (figure 3).2 Research methods As stated in section 2.Local pool of labour . Hay (2000) distinguishes three main types of qualitative research: the oral. the main unit of measurement is creative entrepreneurs.Age of business -How long on location . colleagues . 2006 3.Cultural infrastructure . studying creative entrepreneurs and their consequences for local development is a relatively new field of research.
all interviews are semi-structured and have been conducted by using topic lists (Appendices E-J & L). while respondents in an expert-interview do not have high positions but are just experts in a certain field (p. key informants are interviewed.or expert-interview (p. After some personality questions. one 'framework' topic list has been altered for the different respondents. The interviews for research question I are expert-interviews with local actors. semiCreative sources structured and Documentary sources: policy documents unstructured Landscape sources interviewing. Individual choices and social oral history) structures. one standard topic list has been used. p. 2000) interviewing can range from interviews with a topic list and some starting questions to interviews with (closed) questions in a predefined order (Hay. p. De Goede & Van der MeerMiddelburg. 33 . semi-structured. The difference between an elite. In an elite-or expert interview. This makes interviewing the best Interviews (unstructured. De Goede and Van der Meer-Middelburg (1996) have also identified special types of interviews that focus on specific goals. there are at least Questionnaires) General/Structural three kinds of interview methods: Textual methods structured.29-30). For Fieldwork example semistructured (Source: Hay. Baarda.28-31). These informants are selected because of their expertise in fields. which are important for the research. option. For the interviews with creative entrepreneurs. biography. variables and relations from the ‘theoretical’ conceptual models in empirical terms.25-27). 2000. One of these types is the elite. This includes the identification and operational definition of the neighbourhood. For the interviews with experts. the discussion of topics has taken place in a non-predefined order. the creative cluster. Structured) As can be seen in box Surveys (focus groups.and an expert-interview is that respondents in an elite-interview have high positions in a company or organisation. 3.place in the middle of this spectrum: the intention is to reveal Oral methods both individual Biography (autobiography. the local institutions and the creative entrepreneurs and the selection of local institutions and entrepreneurs. Since this research is aimed at studying both personal choices and social structures. Baarda. surveys. This design involves the translation of the units of measurements.61.3 Research design and data gathering The research design is the essential link between the conceptual models and the empirical part of conducting interviews. Box 3: Three main types of qualitative research 3. 1996. the interviews for research question II are interviews with creative entrepreneurs. Within this classification Observational methods various types of Participant observation: passive to pro-active role of the interviews can be researcher distinguished.
The studied neighbourhood is the Wrangel-quarter in Kreuzberg. The creative cluster is defined as the gathered creative businesses in the Hinterhöfe (business courtyards. private. Within these sectors. figures 4 & 5) between the Schlesische Straße. man on the right walks into one of the Hinterhöfe Source: Heebels. The investigated creative cluster is located in the Wrangel neighbourhood and is situated on the waterfront of the river Spree in the Schlesische Straße. the Landwehrkanal. the Görlitzer Straße. economical and cultural dynamics involved. which operate in the city of Berlin. creative businesses with 1-5 employees are considered as small businesses and businesses with 5-50 employees as medium-sized businesses. This administrative quarter is bordered by the Spree. 2006 Source: Heebels. publicprivate or voluntary organisations. The clustered creative entrepreneurs are located in this specific area and are either part of the media/entertainment sector or the creative commercial service sector. 34 . Figure 4: One of the Hinterhöfe Figure 5: Schlesische Straße. the Skalitzer Straße and the Pfuelstraße (Appendices A & B). Local institutions are defined as (semi)public. 2006 The selection of this relatively small geographical area makes it more feasible to unravel the complex social. the Pfuelstraße and the Spree (Appendix A).
The main disadvantage of this method is that the results can be subjective.55). This has resulted in the selection of six key persons. The used selection method is maximum variation sampling. the respondents are selected from as many different Hinterhöfe as possible. One Hinterhöfe does not contain any creative industries. or more specifically the border between Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg. For research question two. In preparing conversations with a professor Geography of the Technical University of Berlin and the local development organisation QuartiersmanagementWrangel. 35 . 1996. Baarda. In section 5. in the Schlesische Straße on the waterfront-side. because one becomes part of a network. creative entrepreneurs have been selected in proportion to the number of creative entrepreneurs present in the particular Hinterhöfe (Appendix A). Within these categories. This selection of local experts has been conducted by means of the snowball method. Especially. which implies selecting a diverse group of respondents (Hay.44). By selecting such a diverse group. it became clear that the most recent creative cluster developments are taking place in Kreuzberg. This method makes it possible to find more experts. 2000. it became clear that most creative firms are situated near the old border between East and West. Not in all of the Hinterhöfe are small or medium-sized creative businesses. different creative entrepreneurs in the research area have been selected as respondents. p.An observation study in the district Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg has been undertaken to downscale the research area and to find information about possible respondents. In this observation study. In other words: the intention has been to select a diverse group of entrepreneurs with regard to business type. p. a number of local key persons has been selected. p. it is possible to investigate if there are common patterns for all creative entrepreneurs and if there are distinctions between media/entertainment entrepreneurs and creative commercial service entrepreneurs. The goal of the selection was to find at least five entrepreneurs in the media/entertainment category and at least five entrepreneurs in the creative commercial services category. the selection of key persons will be discussed in more detail. according to the definition used in this study. who work on three different administrative levels and in a number of different fields. De Goede & Van der Meer-Middelburg. The creative entrepreneurs are selected by means of an internet database on entrepreneurs in the area by Wrangelvision and by making an inventory of all creative entrepreneurs in the Hinterhöfe. This means that new respondents are found and selected via other contacts/respondents (Hay. the objective has also been to contact different types of entrepreneurs. For research question I. This subjectivity is countered by the attempt to attain a mix of different respondents and organisations. which operate on different levels (for example one on the local level and the city level) or in different fields (for example one in the economic and the cultural field) has been a main goal. In the other five Hinterhöfe. acquiring respondents of organisations. business size and location.44. In addition. 2000. Two other Hinterhöfe only contain large sized creative businesses. because all respondents could be part of one and the same network.
The first step has been the selection of information on relevance. In this paragraph. This analysis has been conducted in eight steps. all interviews (divided in fragments) have been exported to Maxqda and all fragments have been provided with codes. Simultaneously with this third step. Subsequently. the interviews with entrepreneurs are further analysed. The programme Maxqda makes it possible to easily classify the labels by means of a diagram. the analysis of the interviews with entrepreneurs did not lead to results above the individual level.4 Analysis of the data The computer programme Maxqda has been used for the analysis of the data (Box 4). the implementation of these eight steps with the computer programme Maxqda will be discussed. For the first research question. the expert interviews and the interviews with entrepreneurs have been analysed. After the selection. For the second research question. For both research questions these steps have been taken separately. However. the fourth step of classifying and reducing the labels has been conducted. The main labels have been selected by their total number of occurrence and with help of the theoretical framework. according to the method of Baarda en de Goede. the second step involved the division of the relevant text into fragments. Each fragment contained one to six labels. For the selection of relevant text. the research questions have been used as starting points. 36 .3.
Figure 6: Diagram of main labels research question I Code System 1 Key persons and their institutions Function key person Structure institution Goals of the institution Finances (Cooperating) actors Importance of small and large creative firms within the cluster Mix of companies is important Creative entrepreneurs important for large companies Large companies important for creative entrepreneurs Policies of the institutions Relation creativity/creative cluster and local development Difficult to stimulate creative cluster in the area No attention for creative cluster in the area Little knowledge about area Consequences for Wrangel Consequences for Wrangel´s image Positive Negative Consequences for Wrangel's local economy Positive Negative Physical consequences for Wrangel Positive Negative Consequences for Wrangel's population Positive Negative Few/no consequences for Wrangel's economy/population Expectations of the institutions Development creative cluster Development image Development local economy Spatial development Future consequences for population Source: Maxqda Master Thesis 1.3, 2006
Figure 7: Diagram of main labels research question II Code System 2 Delegation of Information about the location Via acquaintances Via clubscene Personal knowledge Professional knowledge Via web advertisement Location choice Environment Presence of MTV and Universal Interesting, but not important Not interesting for me
MTV and Universal: larger offer of facilities
Positive for image building Availability of cultural facilities Many possibilities, important Many possibilities, not important Not important Creative urban atmosphere Creative scene Important Not important Experiencing image Important Not important Multicultural atmosphere Important Positive but not important Not important Feeling at home/meeting similar people New alternative to Prenzlauerberg Attractiveness of the architecture/built environment Spree: waterfront location Proximity to other entrepreneurs Shared uses/finances not important Local pool of labour not important Possibilities for knowledge exchange Important Not important Possibilities for cooperation Cooperation not important Vertical cooperation important Horizontal cooperation important Hard location factors Price perspective Negative
Positive Contemporary cooperation Cooperation in the area No or less cooperation Vertical cooperation Horizontal cooperation (within same sector) Informal exchange of knowledge Employees Easy to find employees Exchange employees No exchange of employees (yet) Shared uses Sharing rents No sharing of finances No or little sharing of services
Source: Maxqda, Master Thesis 2.5, 2006
Step five of testing the validity of the labelling is only conducted for the interviews with the creative entrepreneurs. The interviews with local experts were of too small a number to be viable for this method of testing. The labelling of the interviews with creative entrepreneurs has been conducted in two parts. After labelling the first four interviews, the labelling of the fifth interview did not provide any new labels. This initial label system has been further elaborated until the fourth step. After this, the second set of interviews has been used to test this first label system. This check has resulted in the addition of two new labels. The added labels are: ‘new alternative to Prenzlauerberg’ (location choice) and ‘easy to find employees’ (cooperation, location choice). After this testing, the sixth step involved the definition of the main labels, as a start to answering the research questions. For the more complex conceptions of research question 2, these definitions are listed below: Personal knowledge: knowledge about the area that is obtained by own research rather than by information from secondary sources Professional knowledge: knowledge about the area that is obtained by work-related research rather than by information from secondary sources Environment: those location choice factors that principally relate to the (cultural) characteristics of the place Cultural facilities: meeting places for creative entrepreneurs: (lunch/coffee) bars, clubs, restaurants, but also creative entrepreneurs with shops. Creative urban atmosphere: an atmosphere of liveliness, creativity, sub-culture, and multiculturalism Creative scene: the presence of many creative entrepreneurs in the area Image: the perceived quality of the area as a dynamic, creative and lively place Multicultural atmosphere: the presence of many people from other nationalities (especially from Turkey) in the area and the presence of multicultural shops Proximity to other entrepreneurs: those location choice factors that principally relate to the cooperation/exchange possibilities of other creative entrepreneurs in the area
customers. a network analysis has been conducted. The used characteristic variables are: age. The last step involved the actual analysis and finding the answers to the research questions.As a second test to investigate the validity of the analysis. The labelling of this other person largely corresponded to my own labelling. For each main label. After establishing these subgroups for each main label. the seventh step involved the analyses of some parts of the interviews by another researcher. For some labels. returns. In addition. This other researcher has divided the interviews into fragments again and has labelled these fragments according to the established label system. after a describing section on Berlin and FriedrichhainKreuzberg. Hinterhof-location and number of years on this location. the entrepreneurs are divided in a positive and a negative group. number of employees. also a neutral group has been established. business sector. The only unclear label was ‘perceiving the location as beautiful’. kind of business. The relations between the different labels have been investigated to explore and interpret the data. age business. For research question I. several policy documents and a small survey (Appendix K) have been used to complete this analysis. For research question II. The label has thus been divided into two labels: ‘perceiving location as beautiful’ and ‘Spree: interesting location on the waterfront’. The discovered relations will be discussed in section 5 and 6. In addition. the relation between these groups and the characteristics of the entrepreneurs has been investigated. function. This involves the investigation of combinations of the different labels. which included more than just beautifulness. This label also included fragments about the location on the waterfront. For the main labels. the entrepreneurs have been divided in sub groups. the examination of the data has taken place by means of a prototype analysis. the relations between these groups and the ways of finding information about this location have been investigated. 40 .
This interview can now be read through in the text window. a particular interview can be selected by clicking on this interview in the overview window. it is possible to already start to classify and reduce labels in the code system window. During the labeling of fragments. 2005 41 . text search and retrieval and making memos. labels can be classified and ordered by means of a diagram. After importing the interviews into Maxqda.Box 4: Maxqda In this programme. The fragment will be labeled when the selected text has been dragged to a particular code in the code system window. a text window in which the selected interview is shown. For the analysis of the text. a window with the coding of fragments and a selection window in which selected fragments of different selected interviews can be provided (figure 8). Maxqda simplifies the analysis with the functions word count. Figure 8: The four export windows of Maxqda Source: MaxQDA. the retrieved segments window can be used to select and overview fragments of different interviews at the same time. four export windows are shown: a window with an overview of the imported interviews. In this window. In addition. The labeling of fragments occurs by the creation of label codes in the code system window and the selection of (a part of) a particular fragment.
the aim was to establish a great diversity. the researcher’s own personal opinions and characteristics and his or her interaction with respondents influence (the outcomes of) the research (Hay. In this study. Thirdly. for research question I. In addition. a number of measures have been taken to restrict subjectivity and to be able to generate more general statements. The comparison of statements from both groups makes the analysis more reliable. In qualitative research. a small survey and a number of policy documents have been used to check the statements of the interviewees.5 Generalisability. This diversity makes it possible to generate more general statements. the relatively small number of respondents in qualitative research makes it more difficult to generate statements beyond the individual level. p. In addition. Firstly. reliability and validity of the results The main difficulties of this research are its subjectivity and the relatively small amount of cases involved. 42 .3.34). Secondly. 2000. The division of more complex conceptions over several sub-questions and the use of controlling questions have contributed to the validity of the results of the interviews. two groups of respondents have been selected: a group of individual entrepreneurs and a group of local experts. the importance of hard location factors has been added as controlling variable. for research question II. more complex conceptions are made explicit in the interview questions with help of sub-questions. Furthermore. conducting the analysis in a structured manner with several validity checks has enhanced the validity of the analysis of the interviews. in the selection of respondents. In addition.
a paragraph on the government structure. With almost 3. the neighbourhood where most of these creative industries are situated. and finally.205 inhabitants on 01-04-2006) (www. a paragraph on creative industries.1 Berlin in facts and figures Berlin. The description of this general background takes place on three levels of scale. Berlin is the largest city of Germany. a paragraph on the economy.statistik-berlin.4 million inhabitants. Berlin has the largest population of all cities in the 43 . 4. a short historical overview. The section starts with a description of the entire city of Berlin and then gradually concentrates on the studied area. is situated in the North-East of Germany at approximately 70 kilometers from the border with Poland (Figure 9) in the valley of the rivers Havel and Spree. Figure 9: Berlin situated in Germany Source: Heebels.82 km²) and in terms of population (3. 2006 The city is surrounded by the federal state of Brandenburg but forms a federal state on its own. cited on 23-082006). followed by a short historical overview of Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg and their sub cultural movements and a paragraph on creative industries in FriedrichshainKreuzberg. This part on Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg also starts with a general introduction. both in terms of land (891. Geographical background: Berlin and Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg This section will provide a general background to the studied geographical area. the capital of Germany.398.de. The last paragraph of this section will provide a description of Wrangel. After this description of Berlin. The description of Berlin involves an introductory paragraph. the district FriedrichshainKreuzberg will be discussed.4.
eurostat. no coalition has been formed yet. berlin. right after London. The gross domestic product per inhabitant of the region Berlin amounted to 23. cited on 20-09-2006). On September 17th of 2006.berlin. the second largest city of Germany. Figure 10: Results of the election of the parliament of Berlin in 2001: percentage of the votes per political party 35% 30% Percentage of the votes 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% SPD CU PDS FDP Grüne Others Source: www. the political power in the federal state of Berlin has been in hands of a coalition of two left wing parties. has a gross domestic product that amounts to 158 percent of this average (http://epp. has a gross domestic product that amounts to 184 percent of the average in the European Union.European Union. The outcomes of the election will most likely lead to either the continuation of the former coalition or to a new coalition of the SPD with Die Grünen (www. 44 .de. In the cultural field. The Christian democratic party CDU. cited on 23-08-2006). the third largest city. Over the last four years. The city government of Berlin adapts to this and attempts to ‘sell’ Berlin as a cultural and creative city (Senatsverwaltung für Wirtschaft. museums and impressive architecture and cultural software such as festivals and events. In the field of education. the city has a large supply of both cultural hardware such as theaters.205 euros in 2003. In the economic field. new elections have taken place.eu. let alone the European Union. Berlin is not one of the leading cities in Germany. cited on 23-08-2006 Economically. This amounts to 96 percent of the average domestic product per inhabitant in regions of the European Union. education and culture. and Munich. the left wing environmental party Bundnis 90/Die Grünen and the liberal party FDP are also represented in the parliament and form the opposition (figure 10). Despite the relatively low degree of economic development. the city witnesses considerable growth in knowledge. the city harbours three universities and many research institutions.cec. CDU and Die Linke/PDS (in the same order).int. the social democratic SPD and the socialist Die Linke/PDS. The three parties with most votes are again SPD. de. At the moment. Berlin is an important city in Germany with regards to economy. technology and design intensive sectors such as biotechnology and creative industries. In comparison: Hamburg.
Berlin has been incorporated by Pruisen and became a city of importance. Berlin's population further increased by the annexation of several surrounding municipalities and 45 . around the Nikolai Viertel (figure 11). the first democratic republic was founded in February 1919: the Weimar Republic. Figure 11: Cöln and Berlin in a 18th century map Source: Heebels. since the inhabitants of West Berlin were not obliged to participate in military service. With the foundation of the German empire in 1871. 2005). These settlements were situated in the current district Mitte. Berlin had already one million residents. 127). In addition. Berlin had grown into a free Hanse town and a century later. many immigrant workers from Southern Europe and Turkey moved to West-Berlin and immigrant workers mostly from Vietnam moved to EastBerlin. In 1877. p. The German defeat in the First World War and the famine and strikes at the end of this War ultimately led to the fall of the empire in November 1918. The city witnessed a period of industrial growth and its population expanded considerably. After the Second World War. In the seventeenth century. gays and lesbians perceive Berlin as a tolerant refuge. Berlin turned into Reichshauptstadt (Dassen. 2005 In the fourteenth century. 2006. West Berlin (in particular Kreuzberg) also attracted many young men from the political student movement “68er Bewegung” who refused to go into the army. Additionally. Especially. Berlin knows a great cultural variety because the city has always been a migration city (Apraku. 4. Lehmann & Wacker. Berlin's population had increased to two million residents. and in 1905.2 A short history of Berlin The recorded history of Berlin dates back to the 13th century when the trade settlements Cöln and Berlin were founded on the banks of the Spree.Arbeit und Frauen. 1999. After some turbulent months and not without hesitation. Herwarth & Holz. Berlin remained capital city and in 1920. the city became part of the county of Brandenburg. on account of the city’s tolerant political and cultural mentality (West)Berlin has attracted many migrants from other German regions over the years. 2001). 2006 following Bernegg.
In 1940. This effected Berlin just as much as the rest of the republic (Adang and Vercauteren. the economic situation in Berlin profoundly changed. the metropolitan area of Berlin had a size of 878 square kilometres and counted almost four million residents (Omilanowska. Nevertheless.72. Berlin was also an important city in the producing and transport sector. banks. 1980. In January 1933. p. p. After a severe defeat in Stalingrad in 1943. The fascist NSDAP (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) became the largest political party in the elections of 1932. p. Beside Jews. the Nazi-leaders even decided to eliminate all European Jews. When the crisis came to a head in 1932. p. the political centre of the Nazi-regime. the night of 9 November 1938.128. The city hosted many celebrities. 2004. the totalitarian dictatorship of Hitler’s NSDAP was a fact. the Reichspost (the postal service) and Lufthansa were located in Berlin (Dassen. After the capitulation of the German army in may 1945. Hitler committed suicide and Germany capitulated. total unemployment in the Weimar republic amounted to six million people. the German state was abolished and the German population lost their sovereignty (Melching. made way for extreme political ideas. but also murdered in large numbers. p. 2002). Although to a lesser extent. The German army suffered defeat after defeat. p. The essential motivations for Hitler’s dictatorship were anti-Semitism and radical social Darwinism. the discrimination of Jews overturned to persecution with the plundering and burning of thousands of synagogues and Jewish houses and stores. Scheunemann & Tempel. At the conference of Wannsee in 1942. Furthermore. Only when over 1. 27). The city hosted large electrical and machine building companies such as Siemens. the Nazis did not capitulate until two years later. 1999. Berlin was also a real world city in cultural terms. the British air force heavily bombed Berlin. 1999.130). 1999. and publishers. Berlin was left behind in pieces and in disregard. the leader of the NSDAP was appointed as Reichskanzler (head of government) and a month later. After this annexation. During the Nazi-regime. there were many insurance companies. these groups were not only discriminated and disposed of their rights. the chances for the Nazi-regime took a turn for the worse. Adolf Hitler. Hitler’s aggressive foreign politics and the invasion of Poland resulted in the outbreak of the Second World War. the writers Bertolt Brecht and Kurt Tucholski and the actresses Marlene Dietrich and Lillian Harvey (Dassen. Roma and Slavonic peoples. these categories included Sinti. homosexuals. priests and disabled persons. Bombs had destroyed large parts of the historic city and Berlin lost its function as service centre. such as the architects Walter Gropius and Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. Berlin was the economic and administrative centre of the Weimar Republic. as the Hollywood of the 1920s and as the centre of arts and avant-garde. the painters Max Liebermann and Wassili Kandinsky. During the Kristallnacht. A year later. The city was known as lively and tolerant. 26). The economic crisis soon became a danger for the vulnerable German democracy. After the War. The consequences of the Nazi-regime were catastrophic for those groups who were considered by Hitler as “inferior races” or as “undesirable or unworthy to live”. 2005.127. This made Berlin the third largest city of the world after London and New York. Dassen.5 million Soviet soldiers invaded Berlin and the Western allies were standing at the Elbe. In the “golden twenties”. The Allied Control Council became the highest authority and the allied powers divided Germany in four 46 . The dissatisfaction with the ending of the war and the economic situation in combination with the lack of democratic tradition. Berlin was a city where everything was possible.villages. Gornig and Häussermann. In addition to cultural institutions. Although the crisis years in the 1930s did not change Berlin's important position in relation to other German cities. Gornig and Häussermann 2002). AEG and Osram and also headquarters of federal infrastructure companies such as the Reichsbahn (the national railway company). One year later. Hitler started with the mass deportation of Jews and other 'undesirable' groups to concentration camps.
17). The government of the BRD moved to Bonn and West-Berlin lost its function as administrative centre. 2005. West Berlin lost most of its economic importance on the national and international level. The DDR-government disparately needed to do something and on August 13th 1961. the Americans in the South. The political. Policies should be aimed at reuniting Germany into one democratic nation. However. As a consequence.132). West-Berlin became a service city focused on business and financial services. p. the DDR almost collapsed because of the stagnating economy and the declining political credibility as a result of the large stream of refugees to the West. Both the Soviet Union and the Western allies also began to see the advantages of a divided Germany. Nevertheless. media companies moved to Hamburg and Munich and large industrial companies left Berlin in favour of Munich and Stuttgart. p. The intention of the allied powers was to develop a new. whereas the other sectors became a Western enclave in the Eastern bloc (JansenDe Graaf.15. structural economic problems were combined with an oppressive regime. The border between Eastand West-Germany was officially closed for East-Germans. 1999. 47 . Insurance companies moved to Munich. 21) (figure 12). In the DDR. In 1948. This involved a good 17 percent of the total population. banks moved to Frankfurt and Main. p. they gave the order to build a wall through the middle of Berlin (Melching. the city had a marginal economic position resulting from the war and its sudden peripheral location. 2005. the Brits the Northeast. this was nothing compared to the problems in East Berlin. The Soviets controlled the eastern part of Germany. The Soviet sector of the city became the capital of the DDR. West Berlin became the display of and the route to the luxury capitalist west. Berlin was also divided in four sectors: the Soviets were situated in the East. economic and social character of West and East Germany further diverted with every political decision and the decision-making processes in the Control Council completely ended in a deadlock. the widely diverging interests of the occupying forces obstructed collective government and the joint rebuilding of Germany's economy and democracy. the British in the West and the French in the North. For the oppressed people of East Berlin. Berlin was situated in the DDR. but the special position of WestBerlin made it possible to leave the country through Berlin.occupation zones. p. In the late 1950s. Despite the disadvantages of the peripheral location of West Berlin. democratic Germany as soon as possible. almost three million East-Germans fled out of the DDR between 1949 and 1961 (Melching. the Allied Control Council was abolished and a year later. Germany was divided in two states with completely different systems and a hostile attitude towards one another: the communist DDR (Deutsche Demokratische Republik) and the capitalist BRD (Bundesrepublik Deutschland). tourism and retail (Dassen. 1999). the United States controlled the South and the harbour of Bremen and France occupied the area South of Köln and ended by the Swiss border. Germany would not turn into a threatening large nation anymore and the United States and the Soviet Union could each dominate one of the 'Germanies'. Being an enclave. but the Western allies still controlled three of the four sectors in the city. The special Berlin area was situated in the middle of the Soviet zone and was also divided in four sectors.
thousands of people still attempted to flee over the wall. Erich Honecker. 48 . the German Bundestag decided that Berlin would also host the German government and parliament again. Between 1961 and 1989.and West-Berlin and the Berlin Wall Source: Heebels. the DDR was destined to fall apart. Since this date. This led to a true revolution and weeks of massive demonstrations. the abolishment of the DDR had become irretrievable. the economic problems of the DDR severely increased: production declined and the availability of commodities dropped to a minimum. 2005. On Juni 20th 1991. Since the reunion. However. When the borders between Hungary and Austria opened in September 1989 and more than 30. p. 2006 In the course of one night.000 people left the DDR. This resulted in an en masse flight by crossing the Hungarian-Austrian border and by occupying West-German embassies in different Eastern-European countries.23).Figure 12: East. 2005). Just eleven moths later. the reunion of East and West Germany was a fact. Berlin is again the capital of the joint Germany. Without Soviet intervention. closed all borders of the DDR. the inferior economic situation after 1985 led to the discontent of many citizens. From that moment on. On November 9th 1989. The DDR population had tolerated the oppression as long as the economic situation had been reasonably good. However. the Berlin wall was built. Most of these flights were not successful and even extremely dangerous. a total of 254 people died at the wall in their attempt to flee to West Berlin (Melching. on October 3rd 1990. The downfall of the Soviet hegemony in the beginning of the 1980s eventually led to the abolishment of the DDR. the party leader at that time. the riots in Berlin caused the demolition of the Berlin wall. Most DDR-citizens put up with it and retrieved into the Nischengesellschaft (their non-political environment of friends and leisure) (Smits. East Germans could not leave to the West anymore. Without the military support of the Soviet Union. From 1985 onwards.
Berlin is one of these Kreis-free-cities (www. Sixty percent of these representatives is directly chosen in electoral districts. However. A number of large cities in Germany does not participate in a Kreis. the mayor of Berlin. This local level also has a high degree of governmental and financial autonomy. it is first necessary to explain Germany's government system. The local government is divided in two forms of government: Gemeinde (Municipalities) and Kreise (Cooperations between municipalities). The Bundesrat is the Upper House of the federal state and is chosen by the federal states. The Bundestag is the Lower House of the federal state and its members are chosen by direct election.more and more governmental organs have moved to Berlin (Jansen-De Graaf. Germany has a federal government system: the Bundesstaatprinzip. although Berlin is a Kreis-free-city. local politics mainly take place at district level. Thus. This system originates from the period after the Second World War. local governments have the possibility to develop their own policies in all fields. Kreise work by federal state order and are responsible for facilities and tasks that exceed the municipality level.abgeordenetenhaus. Local politics in Berlin take place in 12 districts or StadtBezirken with selfgovernment (www. since they are large enough to look after all local issues (van Aalst. the new parliament elects the regierende Bürgermeister. cited on 23-08-2006). After the election. the other forty percent is indirectly chosen by lists of candidates. p. The prevailing opinion was that political power should be close to the citizens to accomplish this aim. the federal state level of the city-state mostly represents the interests of the city as a whole. Gemeinde are responsible for local issues. the parliament also elects the Senat of Berlin. the federal states (Bundesländer) have most authority and political issues are dealt with on the lowest level possible. p. the federal state level and the local level. 1997.de. 1999. The parliament of Berlin represents both the state and the city of Berlin. 83). The mayor both functions as a Ministerpräsident for Bundesland Berlin and as a `normal` mayor for Berlin.85). the position of the Bundesrat in national rules and regulations is relatively strong. cited on 23-08-2006). The parliament of Berlin is elected every five years by means of direct elections and consists of at least 130 representatives. With the advice of the mayor.berlin. In addition. These states have a large degree of autonomy and are as executive power responsible for urban and regional development and other main political fields. To understand the government structure in Berlin. the aim of the allied powers was to guarantee collective and individual freedom as much as possible and to prevent undemocratic forces to get the upper hand again. 2004. The senate functions as the cabinet of Berlin and consist of the mayor of Berlin and up to eight other senators (www. In comparison with indirectly chosen chambers in a unitary state. which take place at the municipalities’ area.de. the central government should be relatively small and should have relatively little authority (van Aalst. 1997. As long as federal rules are not broken. p. cited on 23-082006). After the totalitarian dictatorship of the NSDAP regime. In this federal system. Therefore.berlin.de. As a consequence. The situation in Berlin is even more special because Berlin is a city-state. the federal states have most authority. the federal states have the task to control the legality of policies that are designed on the local level. The central government in Germany is situated in Berlin nowadays and exists of the Bundesregierung (the cabinet) and two legislative organs: the Bundestag and the Bundesrat. Scheunemann & Tempel. This self-government consists of two organs: a governing body called the Bezirksamt (BA) and a controlling body called the 49 .3 Government structure of Berlin Politics in Berlin take place at three different levels: the federal or national level. 27). 4. Omilanowska. according to the Bundesstaatprinzip.
The city has not turned into a central node between Eastern and Western Europe. This was a loss of 58 percent in ten years time (Krätke.2 2. the BA is elected. The real estate boom and the small increase in service sector jobs could not compensate for this decline of traditional industries in Berlin (Krätke. The opening of the borders made it possible to move production into outlying areas with lower production costs and many firms used this possibility (Krätke. Table 2: Share Berlin in total employment rate of Germany in 1989. the municipality of Berlin largely invested in new building projects. In East Berlin. The BVV consists of 55 members. Berlin differs from other large German cities in the way that the lack of industries expresses a structural weakness of the whole city-region. the expected economic growth did not occur.0 Service enterprises 5. 2004.8 4. The term of each BVV is equal to the term of the Berlin parliament and amounts to a maximum of five years.6 4. 2004. local parties or occasionally individuals. cited on 23-08-2006).000 jobs between 1991 and 2001.Bezirksverordnetenversammlung (BVV). From the different members of the BVV.8 3. Since Berlin’s reunion in 1989. In total. Yet in Berlin. industries have moved from inner-city areas to the surrounding regions.5 Government and organisations 7.0 5.8 Trade and transport 5. In many German and other European cities. Gornig and Häussermann 2002).9 5. This loss can be explained by two main factors: the closure of industries in former East Berlin and the structural weaknesses of the industries in former West Berlin.7 Total 5. Berlin's economic importance has only declined (Krätke. 2004). many industries have not been able to adapt to the conditions of the market economy. which are elected by all enfranchised citizens of Berlin (www. Berlin's share in the total employment rate of Germany is used to measure its economic importance from 1989 until today. both German and international economists assumed that Berlin would encounter a huge economic revival. The candidates for election represent the established political parties. The reductions in the producing sector and in trade and transport have especially been severe. traditional industries in Berlin lost over 150. As a consequence of these positive economic prognoses.4 Berlin's economy Just after the reunion of Berlin.0 percent in 1989 to 4. 2004. Industries in West Berlin had used special Berlin subsidies to expand their assembly line production and the abolishment of these subsidies after 1990 led to factory closures and relocations.de.1 5. Gornig and Häussermann 2002).3 Source: Gornig and Häussermann. Gornig and Häussermann 2002). The BA consists of six members: five magistrates and one mayor. 50 . It was expected that Berlin would turn into a new service metropolis and employment rates would increase considerably.3 percent in 1997.berlin. Instead of witnessing an increasing employment rate.0 4. 4. The BVV not just works as an instrument of control for the BA but also formulates recommendations and requests. Berlin witnessed a gradual decline in its number of jobs (table 2).6 5.3 4. However. 1992 and 1997 1992 1997 1989 Share in % Producing sector 3. Each member of the BA is responsible for his or her own department. 2002 Berlin's share in total employment in Germany declined from 5. Although industries have decreased in many cities in Germany.
2005). Berlin stocked up the largest quantity of unoccupied office space in absolute figures.4 percent between 1989 and 1997. the city still lacks behind the leading headquarter cities Munich. the share of Berlin in total employment in Germany has also decreased with 1. According to Lenhart (2001). From 1996 to 2004.580. Between 1989 and 1992. Box 5: The real estate boom In the 1990s. The combination of a collapsing industrial sector and a deficiency of corporate headquarters is a threat for the future economic development of Berlin. Stuttgart. 51 . Lots of local governments in East German cities and regions used this subsidy to develop large-scale building projects.530. 2004). Düsseldorf and Hamburg (Krätke. the city does not have many supra-regional service enterprises or international headquarters. the employment in service enterprises in the Western part of the city expanded considerably. the increasing financial problems of the city-state Berlin leaded to further redundancies (box 5). Despite Berlin's new function of government city and the growth in employment in the service sector between 1996 and 2004 (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin. a total of 7 million m² of office space has been built in Berlin. 2001. this quantity is still over 1 million m². The service sector has witnessed a small growth in employment share. the realisation of some real estate projects even involved corruption and criminal activities (Lenhart. This quantity amounted to 1. the employment rate in Berlin has decreased by 3.5 million m² at the peak of the real estate boom in 1998. 2004). The government founded a large public financial corporation called Bankgesellschaft Berlin and through this corporation they actively participated in real estate speculation with public finances. Furthermore. but has led to a tremendous financial crisis for the city of Berlin (Krätke. have much higher concentrations of service functions. which cannot be compensated by the growth in jobs in the service sector. Other large German cities.000 employees) (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin. With regards to government and organisations. since they perceived the realisation of offices as a sign of economic progress (Krätke. this growth has stagnated in West-Berlin and has shifted to upcoming areas in East-Berlin.2 percent (from 1. Between 1990 and 1998. In addition. Krätke. but attempts to overcome the financial crisis by cutting down social expenses on a large scale (Krätke. Although Berlin has attracted some corporate headquarters since 1990.000 to 1. The Berlin government also encouraged speculative office investments because they expected these investments would make the city grow into a major service centre. The government's speculative approach has profited real estate businesses and speculators.2% between 1996 and 2004 (from 235.999 to 297. especially in the eastern part of the city centre.947) (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin.industries have moved away to other cities or regions rather than relocated within the surrounding city-region (Krätke. In the following years. The relocation of the federal government from Bonn back to Berlin has not compensated for these redundancies. Unemployment has increased by 26. Even today. This decrease is the result of the further decline in employment in the producing sector. the German state has subsidised real estate investments in East Germany by favourable tax write-off schemes. Frankfurt. 2004). 2003. 2004). The end of the DDR regime has led to the demolition of the DDR party and state apparatus and this resulted in many redundancies. public democratic control in these real estate developments was very minimal. The current government has still not dissolved the failing Bankgesellschaft Berlin. 2005). Of all East German cities. 2004). 2004). such as Munich and Frankfurt.
2004). the city has some very promising “new” economic sectors. culture and creative industries have turned into special brands for Berlin (Senatsverwaltung Berlin. The sub sectors consultation. 2004). Berlin is considered as the most liberal city of Germany in terms of its culture with many sub and youth cultures and a high ethnic diversity (Apraku. the direct and indirect effects of the creative industries are crucial for Berlin's economic development (Senatsverwaltung Berlin. 2005). architectural bureaus. As a result of the industrial decline and the insufficient development of the service sector in Berlin. In his definition. 2004) also mentions the media and entertainment sector and points out the potential of 'knowledgeintensive' and innovation-driven sectors. Krätke (2002. Creative industries have become important for the image. creative industries are more than just important for the city's economic development. this comprises film production. Together. the most promising sub sectors are financial management.543 firms). clusters have originated in the metropolitan area of Berlin in the 1990s. in terms of marketing for example. In contrast to Berlin's overall weak economy. Kesgin. Fortunately. The attraction and maintenance of creative people is crucial in this respect. Krätke (2004. 2005). creative industries have experienced a positive development over the last ten years (Senatsverwaltung Berlin. 2005. Berlin's potential in both the media and entertainment sector and other knowledge intensive sectors should be sustained and expanded.5 Creative industries in Berlin The relative amount of creative industries in Berlin is still considerably small in comparison with their amount in other European capital cities such as London and Paris. From 1998 to 2002. the creative sector in Berlin is growing rapidly. Krätke states that culture and media industries are the most promising sectors. performing arts. 2005.883 to 14. economy and urban development of many cities all over the world. publishing trade. The city's potential in the field of creative industries is indeed very high. These industries are imperative in the city's competition with other German cities. television and radio. The economic importance of Berlin in comparison with other main German cities seems still to be declining. the number of creative entrepreneurs has increased with 4. Within these sectors. Nevertheless. consultation (such as legal/management consulting firms. in Berlin.8 percent (from 13. software firms and advertising agencies). Although Berlin still lags behind in comparison with other German city-regions in terms of employed persons in the creative sectors (Gornig & Häussermann. 2000). the new media. The city attracts a lot of young people from all over the world and has more education 52 . 2005) perceives Berlin's attractiveness to the creative industries as the result of the city's encouraging sociocultural milieu. These sub sectors within the service sector are functioning on a supra-regional level and contribute to the city's attractiveness and the employment of the whole city-region.2005). 2005). 4. 2001). Next to this direct profit. This includes the “media and entertainment” sector as well as some sub sectors of the “creative commercial service” sector. media and culture can be classified to a large extent within the sectors “creative commercial services” and “media and entertainment” investigated in this study. According to Görnig and Häussermann (2002). Krätke. the media sector and the cultural sector. 2005) states that this potential originates from Berlin's position as leading location for the “creative class”. According to Krätke. which give the city high potential for creative knowledge and innovativity. music production. However. Lehmann & Wacker. the well-developing creative industries are one of the few hopes to improve the city's economic position (Scharenberg & Bader. design agencies and the advertising agency. Following Florida (2002). the creative industries also have indirect profits for the city. The returns of the creative industries and their suppliers and customers amounted to 11 percent of the gross regional product of Berlin in 2002 (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin. Krätke (2004.
the large amount of open spaces gives the opportunity to create heterogeneous spaces in the city with a mix of functions. fashion festivals such as Bread & Butter.0 5101793 100. 2005). Senatsverwaltung Berlin. film and television.2 3470 5. software and telecommunication. its returns and its number of employees. the music festival Popkomm.9 181535 3. Within the creative industries.8 Arts 2855 19. socialist planning.8 6354 10. 2005).6 383070 7. where residential functions are combined with culture.0 369327 7. This has increased culture and creativity in the city in two ways.6 Software 1145226 22. The eight sectors are: publishers.7 9905 15. In addition. 2005). Secondly. Arbeit und Frauen. 53 . until 2004.0 Source: Senatsverwaltung. music. 2005). Firstly. with a share of almost 20 percent (Senatsverwaltung.0 Architecture and cultural heritage 2886 19. 2005). The creative mix in these places attracts other creative entrepreneurs.1 802488 15.8 Music industries 726 5. This table is based on a study on creative industries in Berlin of the Senatsverwaltung.possibilities in creative professions than other German cities. leisure. The study has categorized creative industries in eight sectors. Senatsverwaltung.7 Creative industries (Total) 14543 100.5 2274 3. the cultural carnival and.0 63309 100.6 Film and television industries 1469 10. Table 3 indicates the absolute and relative share of each sector in terms of its number of businesses. creative industries and services in a “creative mix”. could provide Berlin with a high location advantage over other cities (Gornig & Häusserman.6 4258 6.1 development/telecommunication 1569 10.5 Advertising agencies 1843 12. software and telecommunication are also included as creative industries. The definition used in this study correspondents to a large extent to the definition of TNO and the definition used in this thesis (section 1).4 18430 29.0 7318 11. 2005 Architecture and cultural heritage represent the largest share of Berlin's creative industries in terms of number of businesses. Such spaces. such as the International Filmfestival Berlin (Berlinale) the International funk exhibition. film and television and music can be categorized as media/entertainment sectors.1 1055476 20. advertising. 2004.7 11300 17. 2003. architecture (and cultural heritage). arts and stage arts. creates new networks of creativity and is a catalyst for the image and attractiveness of Berlin (Senatsverwaltung. Table 3: Creative industries in Berlin: number of firms. the importance of the different sectors varies considerably. Berlin also hosts many cultural events and festivals. Some of today’s creative industries in Berlin have originated from these (sub) cultural initiatives (Lange. In addition. this open space in combination with unclear planning situations is a breeding ground for (sub) cultural initiatives such as alternative movements and experimental and non-commercial creative scenes. advertising and architecture to creative commercial services and stage arts and arts to the arts-category. Current examples of such spaces are the gallery scene in Mitte and the music scene around the Oberbaum-bridge. Premium and B-in Berlin. deindustrialisation and the demolition of the Berlin-wall have left behind a lot of vacant land.6 Performing arts 419 2.8 510465 10.7 654206 12. 2006. returns and number of employees per sector (absolute and relative) in 2002 Number of Returns Number of firms employees (in % % Euro*1000) % Publishing industries 2776 19. Publishers. the international dance event Love Parade (Senatsverwaltung für Wirtschaft. Hertzsch & Mundelius.
Krätke. The high ranking of the arts sector can be explained by the inclusion of design ateliers and by the high number of artists. 2005). Not surprisingly. architecture is the worst performing sector (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin. film and television take the third place with almost 16 percent (Senatsverwaltung.The arts sector and publishing industries have almost equally large shares. followed by the publishing sector with a share of almost 16 percent (Senatsverwaltung. The publishing sector has the second highest returns. In addition. On the one hand. who work on their own. Film and television comes next with a share of almost 18 percent of the total number. 2002). film and television and advertising are growing as regards to number of firms. film and television and software and telecommunication are again growth sectors. 2005). It is interesting that the music industries have a relative high share in the total returns when one accounts their small amount of businesses and employees. Box 6: Music capital of Germany Despite the relatively small size of the music industries in terms of number of firms. Krätke (2004) perceives Berlin as a global media city: “while Berlin is not an economic centre with global ‘control capacities’. Alternative movements and experimental. 2005).519). Software development and telecommunication has again the highest ranking. subsidised creative businesses often had to reduce their number of employees because of severe cuts in subsidy budgets. it is especially in these areas where music industries are clustered today (Krätke. Software development and telecommunication have the highest returns with a share of 22 percent. it is a first rank media city” (p. non-commercial music scenes have laid the foundation for today’s music industries. the number of independent firms experienced a steady growth (Senatsverwaltung. publishing industries score also score high in terms of yearly returns. The categories of software development and telecommunication. As a result. The labour market of the creative industries has witnessed conflicting developments. 2004). with a share of over 20 percent of the total returns of the creative industries. 2005). 2004. The leading role of Berlin as a media city and even more as a music city has its roots in Berlin’s history. This could be related to the real estate boom in the 1990s and the large surplus of office buildings in Berlin at the moment. The development of the different sectors between 1998 and 2002 shows that especially the sub sectors software and telecommunication. architecture and cultural heritage and especially the arts have considerably lower shares. publishing. On the other hand. The reason for this is that the growth in media and entertainment sector in Berlin mainly emanates from multi media and music industries (Krätke. with a share of no less than 29 percent of the total number of employees (Senatsverwaltung. Expressed in returns. Berlin can also be considered as a global music city. In addition. 54 . total returns and employment. Such alternative movements and experimental music scenes have especially taken place in the downtown districts Prenzlauerberg and Friedrichshain in former East-Berlin and Kreuzberg in former WestBerlin (Hertzsch & Mundelius. Berlin has been important for innovations in music already for a long time. the music industries show a remarkable increase in returns (box 6). 2005). two leading companies of the music industry have relocated to Berlin: Universal Music Europe and MTV Eastern Europe. Berlin is already noted as the ‘music capital’ of Germany (Krätke. film and television and publishing also create most employment. 2005). Both in terms of returns and number of firms. In contrast. both Berlin politicians and academic writers perceive this sector as crucial for Berlin’s economic development. 2005) (figure 13). Measuring by yearly returns.
Lange. such as illegal clubs. Simultaneously.Figure 13: Concentration of music firms in Berlin (2004) Source: Daub. the government of Berlin has started to focus on creative industries as part of their strategy to turn Berlin into a supra-regional service centre. 2005). the city of Berlin has understood the added value of sub and youth cultures and other cultural or creative initiatives for many creative sectors (Interview F. The government of Berlin had a very neo-liberal approach. Although subsidies for starting businesses and incentives for large established firms are a good start. At the end of the 1990s. According to Krätke (2004). An important government report from 2000 on amongst other things the economy of Berlin hardly paid any attention to creative industries (Berlinstudie. Local cultural/creative initiatives have lost most of their public subsidies. which was mainly based on market forces and the active participation of the local state in public-private partnerships (box x. 2005. Only very recently and on a small scale. the government has even seriously hampered the development and the existence of such initiatives. This new strategy has already resulted in the attraction of some large creative firms. 2005). famous German companies. 2005 The interest of the Berlin government in the development of the creative industries is of a recent nature. the government has ignored or silently tolerated many cultural/creative initiatives.x). such as Viva. 2005. the financial cuts in social expenses due to the financial crisis have severely affected cultural and creative initiatives. the government has started stimulating small and mediumsize creative businesses with a special emphasis on starting businesses (Scharenberg. In addition. V2 and Four Music have recently moved to Berlin. Bader.187). Besides the international companies MTV and Universal. However. In the last five years. these severe 55 . Many initiatives have been forced out by investment capital and regeneration activities (Lange. the city still has limited attention for the preconditions of a flourishing creative sector. p. The Berlin government has lured most of these firms to the city by special incentives. Until the mid 1990s. 2000). the stimulation of creative industries is still in its infancy.
economic and population characteristics. 2005) (figure 14). In addition.de. In 2003. Table 4: (Socio-)economic and population characteristics of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in comparison with Berlin Berlin Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Average monthly income per houshold (in Euro's) 1225 1475 Average monthly income per head (in Euro's) 775 875 Inhabitants receiving social security (in %) 13 7.9 Average age (in years) 36. The district has approximately 260.de.cuts in these cultural/creative initiatives threaten the city’s prospects as a leading city for creative industries. the smallest district of Berlin. In table 4. cited on 20-09-2006 This table illustrates that Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is one of the poorest neighbourhoods of Berlin. Figure 14: Situation of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in Berlin in relation to the other districts Source: Heebels.9 41.16 km². the financial problems of Berlin are also an indirect danger for dynamic economic activities and the further development of creative clusters. cited on 20-09-2006). 2006 Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is. with an area of 20.6 Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is one of 12 administrative districts in Berlin and is situated West of the inner-city (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. 4.000 inhabitants.5 13.statistik-berlin. Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg had the lowest average monthly income per 56 . FriedrichshainKreuzberg has been compared to Berlin regarding social.9 Starting businesses (in %) 1 0.7 Foreigners (in %) 22.2 Source: www.berlin. which makes this district the most densely populated area of the city (www.
Bernegg. www.36. These sub cultural activities have largely contributed to the artistic and creative image of these neighbourhoods and of Berlin.household of all districts. In relation to their business structure for example: Friedrichshain has attracted many galleries and designers. 2005). p.9% Grüne. 1.7% PDS. Friedichshain-Kreuzberg is currently turning into Berlin's most young and trendy district with the highest potential for creative clustering (Bader. 30. p. 2004. 12. Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is also one of the districts with the highest numbers of inhabitants who receive social security. many sub cultural places and neighbourhoods within Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg have attracted music companies and other creative companies a few years later (Bader. the social democratic party SPD and the environmentalist party Grüne. Cochrane & Jonas. 2005. p. Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is both the youngest district and the district with the largest foreign population (table 4).3% Source: Bezirksamt Friedrichshain. Although both Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg are young and trendy.8% FDP. Many contemporary clubs and alternative shops have their roots in these activities. cited on 01-10-2006 Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg has been established in 2001 out of two former districts called Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg.friedrichshain-kreuzberg. Figure 15 shows the division of these parties in the Bezirksverordnetenversammlung in Berlin Figure 15: Division of chairs in the Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Parliament.7). while Kreuzberg is the location for media and entertainment 57 . A large part of this foreign population is of Turkish origin.Kreuzberg von Berlin. 34). The economy of the district is still underdeveloped in comparison with most other central districts. Whereas Kreuzberg was famous for its squatters and alternative scene in the 1980s. 27.6% SPD. An indicator for this growth is the relatively high number of starting businesses in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. Regarding population structure. p. Friedrichshain was famous for its illegal warehouse clubs and techno scene in the 1990s (Scharenberg & Bader. Furthermore. 2005. they still have their very own characteristics. 3.6% CDU.de. 2005. 23.103. After the gentrification of the district Prenzlauerberg. whereas only a few percent is of Western European origin (Bernegg. The largest polical parties in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg at the moment are: the socialist party Linke/PDS. p.106). Both Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg have a rich history of sub cultural movements and (semi) illegal clubs. 1999). 2001 "Fraktionslos". 2005. 2005). but witnesses a strong growth (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. 2005. which are located in the streets around Boxhagener Platz.
Subsequently. moved in. residents should be able to participate in an early planning stadium and should be involved by solving problems in the area. The competition also leaded to new political ideas about urban planning in Berlin. Kreuzberg turned into a peninsula.mediaspree. p. In addition. the gay scene and student milieus founded networks of counter-cultural organisations (Bader. 2005). The historical development will be discussed for Kreuzberg and Friedrichshain separately until their merge in 2001. where residents’ movements. The “Kahlslagsanierung” had already been executed in other areas and in those areas it was unambiguous that the newly built offices and houses were unpopular and too expensive. who liked the multicultural and antiauthoritarian sphere.demolishment project) in SO 36 led to the foundation of residents’ movements and squatting movements. Many of these young alternatives were “runaways”. This famous bridge over the Spree is already one of the most important symbols for the new district (www. 2005. At the same time. industrial and Neuer Deutscher Welle) evolved out of a mix of social movements (Bader. cited on 28-08-2006. Shopping streets in the area deteriorated because shopowners lost all of their East-Berlin customers. developed into an alternative “ghetto”. Bader. During the era of the Berlin-wall. Friedrichshain was part of East-Berlin. These negative experiences in combination with all the protests made way for a new urban renewal concept. a new population of ‘young alternatives’. The most important intermediaries of these committees were the “Bürgerinitiative SO 36” (citizens initiative SO 36) and the “ Verein SO 36” (SO 36 association) (Bernegg. In 1977. in which many sub cultural music streams developed.firms. 2005). Many streets became dead-ended. recent developments will be discussed for the district Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. A rebellion sub culture (a combination of punk. The only physical connection between Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg is the Oberbaum-bridge. Especially the South Eastern and most isolated part of Kreuzberg. neglected Kreuzberg turned into the alternative district of Berlin. Turkish guest workers moved to this part of West-Berlin in large numbers (Bernegg. many house owners in Kreuzberg decided to de-rent their decayed 58 . surrounded by the wall and by water. Both the city centre and the biggest leisure area were no longer available for Kreuzberg inhabitants. Friedrichshain is situated North from the river Spree and Kreuzberg South. In the 1970's and 1980's. who had eluded from their Schwabic villages or from threatening military service (Bernegg. This competition resulted in the establishment of several local political committees. Despite this new concept and acute housing shortages. which are mainly situated in business courtyards (Hinterhöfe) (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg.15). whereas Kreuzberg was a neighbourhood in West-Berlin. 2005. This renewal had to be aimed at renovation instead of demolishment of the deteriorated housing stock. Kreuzberg was suddenly a peripheral location in the West-Berlin enclave. These different characteristics have their origin in the extremely dissimilar recent history of the two neighbourhoods and their geographical separation by the Spree.7 A short history of Kreuzberg and Friedrichshain With the realisation of the Berlin wall in 1961.36). 2005. p. 2005). 2005). p. Protests against the “Kahlslagsanierung” (renovation-by. called SO 36. young residents groups joined with the church society Kreuzberg ’77 to write a public competition for urban renewal. The recent developments in the area around the Oberbaum-bridge will be the main topic of discussion. In addition. which ought to take social. 2005). squatting movements. This concept was based on “cautious renewal” in consultation with residents.16). 4. historical and economical circumstances into better account. 2005. Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg.de. Kreuzberg's economy stagnated and many middle and high-class residents moved to wealthier and more central districts in West-Berlin leaving the underprivileged behind (Bader.
Therefore. where a surplus of industrial infrastructure and the newest technologies meet each other to create a surreal. This gave way to the establishment of the second music-industries-cluster of Berlin in Kreuzberg SO 36. In Friedrichshain. With the demolition of the Berlin Wall in 1989. such as the legendary Club SO 36. After the division of Germany and Berlin. some of the squatted buildings have remained centres of alternative culture and different ways of living. Nevertheless. which is nowadays neighbouring MTV and Universal (Bader. 59 . squatters occupied these vacant houses and vacant warehouses and fabrics and used these buildings as clubs. 2005). p. Moreover. With the reunion of Berlin in 1989. Cochrane & Jonas. they founded squatting movements to fight for restorations and repairs and against demolition and new developments (Bader. music companies increasingly moved to the area. Alternative residents. the Hansa studios located in SO 36. 2005.” (Citation Richard/Kruger 1998 in Bader. temporary uses of vacant buildings for sub cultural activities remained possible until the middle of the 1990s or even longer. it took many years before the responsible officers had dealt with all claims. Friedrichshain became part of DDR territory. 2005 & Bernegg. The Friedrichshain Spree front provided a perfect scene for techno clubs and raving with its vacant warehouses and fabrics situated in an empty no-man’s-land: “Raves take increasingly place in post-industrial landscapes. For instance. As a consequence.. East Berlin became the centre of sub cultural activities. In addition. Kreuzberg did not immediately profit from its regained centrality. Prenzlauerberg and Friedichshain. the sub cultural scene had its centre in Prenzlauerberg and the area around the Hackesher Markt in Mitte in those days. which became the new centres of the sub cultural scenes. Although Friedrichshain was the location of many techno clubs in the early 1990s.but still habitable houses. as many of them moved away to suburbs near Berlin or to “new” neighbourhoods in former East Berlin. This scene took place on the exact location where MTV and Universal are located today. but was mainly a grey residence area with lots of apartment blocks. this scene-centre has moved to Friedrichshain in the past 5-10 years as a consequence of gentrification processes in Prenzlauerberg and Mitte. many clubs and bars became famous scene locations. since ownership relations in this area were not clear after the regime change. newfound freedom and massive vacancies in deindustrialised former border areas made room for a new club scene. also moved away in large numbers. However. the techno scene. Iggy Pop and David Bowie produced albums in the 1970s and 1980s. which grew from an illegal activity to an event of international importance in just a few years. A famous example is the Love parade. The less affluent Turkish population remained in Kreuzberg and became further marginalised (Bernegg. Friedrichshain hosted grand avenues such as the Karl Marx Allee. Kreuzberg regained its central location in the city. 2005. 2005). They moved to former Eastern neighbourhoods Mitte. who had actively participated in social and intercultural networks. Although new regulations were set in the 1990s. 1999). almost virtual world – a fun fabric. bars or living spaces. Illegal techno clubs and other sub cultural establishments were able to locate in these vacant buildings. The small amount of wealthier inhabitants further decreased. As a consequence of the area's sub cultural music scenes. However.163). This is a well-known company where world stars such as Nick Cave. They change aggravating warehouses into timeless and placeless spaces without reality. Many contemporary clubs and music related companies have their roots in these temporary uses and have started as illegal businesses.
Creative industries in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg
The district Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg contains many traditional business locations. Kreuzberg is renowned for its “Hinterhöfe” (business courtyards). In these Hinterhöfe, traditional and creative businesses coexist and are often mixed with residences. This Kreuzberger Misschung of Hinterhöfe with a mix of residences and businesses evolved in the 19th century, but is still characteristic for Kreuzberg (Bernegg, 2005, p.14; Senatsverwaltung für Stadsentwicklung, 2005). The most vibrant Hinterhöfe are the Engelbeckenhof at the Leuschnerdamm, the Elisabethhof at the Erkelenzdamm and the Hinterhöfe in the Schlesische and Köpenicker Straße. The Engelbeckenhof at the Leuschnerdamm is almost 150 years old and hosts primarily traditional businesses. However, a smaller number of creative or cultural businesses (music publishers, engineers and ateliers) can be found here, as well. The Elisabethhof accommodates more creative businesses; especially architects, media/entertainment businesses, music agencies, graphic designers and publishers are well represented here (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg, 2005). A number of smaller Hinterhöfe is located at the waterfront between the Schlesische/Köpenicker Straße and the Spree (Krätke, 2005, p.106; Senatsverwaltung für Stadtsentwicklung, 2005). These Hinterhöfe already attracted some creative entrepreneurs before the reunion of Berlin. In the 1990s, the Hinterhöfe and former warehouses have been restored and more and more creative businesses are moving to this location (Bernegg, 2005, p.38). Friedrichshain also has traditional Hinterhöfe, yet many of them have been neglected during the DDR-period when small businesses were considered as of minor importance. As a result, many old Hinterhöfe had started to deteriorate. After the upheaval of the DDR regime, some of these Hinterhöfe have been renovated. One of the renovated Höfe is the Comeniushof near Boxhagener Platz, where a high variety of businesses can be found from (traditional) industrial businesses to publishers, software companies, architects, advertising agencies and artists. The Boxhagener Platz itself and the surrounding streets also accommodate a lot of creative businesses. Besides numerous bars, restaurants and shops, service and design companies are located in this area (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg, 2005). In addition to these traditional business locations, Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is developing a number of new (creative) business areas at the moment. Next to the development of two small new business areas (the Victoria Quarter and the Revaler Viereck), the Bezirksamt is involved in the “Media-Spree” development of Regionalmanagement MediaSpree. Regionalmanagement Media-Spree is a public-private organisation in which the Senatsverwaltung and Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg join with investors, property owners and architects. Under the authority of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg, the Senatsverwaltung of Economics, Employment and Women grants EU and federal state subsidies to the Media-Spree projects. Additionally, the involved investors pay contribution to the Regionalmanagement Media-Spree. In total, twenty-two investors are involved in Regionalmanagement Media-Spree, of which four investors have property in the research area. The aim of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree is to redevelop the waterfront of the Spree, East from the city-centre, into an attractive economic and cultural location. The Media-Spree area involves 3.7 km on both sides of the Spree. Within this area, the Regional Management is principally concerned with new flagship developments and marketing programmes to lure large (international) companies into the area. The Regional Management hopes to turn the name Media-Spree into a brand for the area and for Berlin in order to attract (creative) businesses and investors.
The Media-Spree developments include (creative) business projects such as the development of Wriezener Bahnhof into a new business location, the construction of “Arena am Ostbahnhof'”, an entertainment complex with houses and offices next to subway station Ostbahnhof and the development of the area around the Oberbaum-bridge into “Oberbaum city”: a high-key (creative) businesses location. The last is one of the main projects of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree (Herwarth & Holz, 2005). Box 7: History of the Oberbaum area At the end of the 19th century, the Oberbaum area had an industrial character. One of the major industries in the area was the Lindström AG of Carl Lindström. This firm produced 'Walzen und Platten-Sprechmachinen' and was one of the world's greatest firms in the 'phonowirtschaft' before Word War I. This firm was situated on the waterfront, exactly were the firm Four Music and a number of other creative firms are situated today (Binas-Preisendorfer, 2005). During WWI and WWII, many industries in the area disappeared and the area lost its economic vitality. The Oberbaum-bridge was heavily damaged in WWII and has not been thoroughly repaired until 1990 (www.verkehrswerkstatt.de). After the war, the Oberbaum-bridge was situated on the border between the Russian and the American zone of Berlin and was no longer in use. In 1961, the bridge and its surrounding area became a forbidden no-man’s-land, because of the Berlin Wall. From 1963, pedestrians could use the bridge if they had a special visa. However, only in 1995, six years after the fall of the wall, the bridge has become accessible to all traffic again (www.verkehrswerkstatt.de, cited on 02-04-2006).
The area around the Oberbaum-bridge is well-known for its media/entertainment cluster (Quartiersmanagemement Wrangelkiez, 2004, p.7; Krätke, 2005, p.78) (Appendix A). Since 2002, record company Universal is situated in an old storehouse on the Friedrichhain side of the water, directly next to the bridge (this part of the Oberbaum area is called Osthafen) (www.mediaspree.de, cited on 28-08-2006; Scharenberg & Bader, 2005, p.7) (figure 16). Two years later, the music broadcasting company MTV has also moved into one of the buildings on this side of the water (figure 17). Figure 16: Headquarter Universal (Left building)
Figure 17: Headquarter MTV Eastern Europe
Source: Heebels, 2006
Source: Heebels, 2006
These companies have decided to locate important headquarters in this area for two main reasons. Firstly, they would receive considerable subsidies from the Senatsverwaltung. Secondly, they favoured the creative atmosphere and the sub cultural image of the area (Scharenberg, 2005, p.187; Bader, 2005, p.110). Before MTV moved to Osthafen, the company was located in the Pfuelstraße, a side street of the Köpenicker Straße (Senatsverwaltung für Stadtsentwicklung, 2005, p.42).
2005. The Schlesische Straße and the Falckensteinstraße (a side street) have developed into a sub cultural axis. in and around the Schlesische Straße. most creative firms can be found on the Kreuzberg side of the Spree. which starts at the U-bahn station Schlesiche Tor and ends with the main club destinations.71). Bader 2005 p. many media/entertainment firms and other creative businesses have moved to the area (Krätke. are located in and nearby the Schlesische Straße (Binas Preisendorfer. the area around the Schlesische Straße hosts manifold creative industries from large companies to one-man-businesses in a wide array of sectors. the entertainment centre “ARENA Treptow” and the “Club der Visionaire” (Senatsverwaltung für Stadtsentwicklung. Meixner. 2005. p. p. Although the Friedrichshain side has also attracted some small and medium-sized creative firms. p.42. In relation to the arrival of creative firms. Figure 18: A sub-cultural “scene” Figure 19: Young people strolling along the “cultural axis” Source: Bernegg. 2005). Considerable media and entertainment companies. Many of these creative companies are located in one of the traditional Hinterhöfe in the Schlesische and Köpernicker Straße. 2005 63 . Bader. for example Four Music and ARENA Treptow. 2005 Source: Bernegg.Since the arrival of MTV and Universal.7.105-106). Besides these companies. it can be witnessed that the sub cultural scene has shifted from Friedrichshain back to Kreuzberg again and has recently moved to the area around the Schlesische Straße (Scharenberg. 2005) (Figure 18 & 19).
2005. the neighbourhood developed into a densely built working class area with a “Kreuzberger Misschung.5 64 . Whereas the Schlesische Straße is the creative centre of the area. A lot of people were no longer able to afford their rent and moved to neglected old buildings in Wrangel. Table 5 shows Wrangel's unemployment rates and the percentage of social security receivers of the total population and of the migrant population. After several decades. Nowadays. restaurants and snack bars.” This means that the area contained a mix of housing and commercial functions. The rest of the neighbourhood has mainly a living function and contains many social facilities such as crèches. After the demolition of the wall.9 The Wrangel Neighbourhood The Schlesische Straße is situated in Wrangel. The quarter Wrangel is 4. even within Kreuzberg. Wrangel is a multicultural quarter has many small shops and an active street life. At that time.” During the period of the wall. Wrangel attracted a lot of low-income groups from surrounding areas. cited on 28-08-2006 % 19. www. deindustrialisation processes have resulted in high unemployment rates in old working class areas such as Wrangel. Wrangel did not immediately profit from its new centrality and more affluent residents moved away. The population of the Silesian Quarter mainly consisted of migrants from the province Silesia and other Eastern provinces of the German Empire. Turkish guest workers and their families.4.de. The large business and leisure locations in the surroundings contrast with Wrangel's mix of houses and small businesses.7 22. To make matters worse. the Wrangelstraße is the spine of this neighbourhood. Table 5: Socio-economic situation in Wrangel (2004) Unemployment rate Social security receivers Migrants with social security Sources: Senatsverwaltung für Stadtsentwicklung. In these areas. an old working class neighbourhood (Appendix A & B). since the neighbourhood bordered East Berlin on three wind directions.58 km² and has a population of approximately 12. renovations had made housing much more expensive. Wrangel had an extremely peripheral location. the renovation program of the Kahlslagsanierung did not indicate Wrangel as a priority area.3 17. just as in the rest of Kreuzberg. p. 2005.8 percent is of Turkish origin. most of which have Turkish owners.19). This street has many retail stores. Additionally. the area’s population consisted of working class people with a Silesian or Pomeranian background. a large part of Wrangel's population is poorly educated and has a low income (Bernegg. youth clubs and residents platforms.quartiersmanagement-Wrangelkiez. The neighbourhood is strictly separated from the surrounding urban areas both by its function and by its geographical location. Wrangel used to be a Silesian quarter (Schlesisches Viertel) on the border of the city. of which 35. and students and alternatives from West Germany.400 inhabitants. The realisation of Görlitzer Bahnhof and the rapid population growth at the end of the 19th century had elicited the building of this quarter. As a consequence. often combined in “Hinterhöfe.
many of Wrangel's socially deprived inhabitants are of Turkish origin (www. Figure 20: Wrangel as represented by the media: neglect of public space and alcoholics hanging on the streets Source: Bernegg. In all 17 quarters with special development requirements. the department of urban development of the Senatsverwaltung officially indicated Wrangel as a quarter with special development requirements. In 2004. Furthermore. the percentage of children of non-German speaking origin amounted to 86 percent.As can also be illustrated from table 5. The high number of disadvantaged children at schools in Wrangel has led to degenerated education possibilities and has aggravated the flight of wealthier residents to other neighbourhoods. the Quartiersmanagements 65 . The aim of the Quartiersmanagements is to establish cooperation between different departments. The high unemployment rates and high dependence on social security have resulted in very low purchasing power in the area. a positive result of the study is the foundation of the Quartiermanagement Wrangel.” The study portrayed Wrangel very negatively with examples such as neglect of public space. children threatened by alcoholics and camp dogs and fights between family clans and youth gangs. large parts of the population are of foreign origin. the participation of these groups of foreign origin and the question of integration are also important subjects. 2005 However.de. the quality of schools in Wrangel has suffered from the decline in wealthier residents. These Quartiersmanagements are semi-public foundations and are part of the State-federal statesprogramme: “Urban areas with special development requirements – the social city”. cited on 28-08-2006). This department wrote a study on social problems in neighbourhoods and pointed out 17 neighbourhoods as “problem areas. especially in the Quartiersmanagement-areas in former West Berlin. The media copied these examples and this has resulted in a very negative image of the neighbourhood (figure 20). to redevelop the appointed “problem areas” and to activate the local population. For the Quartiersmanagements in these areas. the Senatverwaltung founded Quartiersmanagements (neighbourhood managers) to accomplish structural improvements in the situation in these areas and to contribute to stabilization in these areas. In 1999. In most Quartiersmanagement-areas. Many of these children are socially and economically disadvantaged and have language arrears.quartiersmanagement-Wrangelkiez. Initially.
the project “Geschäftsstraßenmanagement” (shopping streets management) is founded with EU-subsidies to help stabilising the local economy and to create a more diverse retail offer (Herwarth & Holz. p. QuartiersmanagementWrangel is one of the three Quartiersmanagements in Friedrichshain Kreuzberg.The improvement of education (possibilities) in the area . subsidised by the European Union and by Soziale Stadt. 2005). the foundation receives 15. yet this period has been extended to the end of 2006 (www. For example. because people will feel more proud and more responsible for their neighbourhood.000 Euro a year to support projects initiated by residents. 2005). QuartiersmanagementWrangel intends to improve the image of the area. aims to culturally revitalise vacant shops and to stimulate the establishment of new firms in the area. 66 .19). Most important goals of this foundation are: . Moreover. Nowadays.30. A better image will probably lead to higher residents’ participation.The revaluation of their living environment for a broad part of the population . The efforts of Quartiermanagement Wrangel have contributed to this improvement (Herwarth & Holz. Wrangel's socio-economic situation has slightly improved in the past few years.were supposed to remain in office until spring 2004. Quartiermanagement Wrangel intends to stimulate integration and to improve integration possibilities for migrants (Bernegg. 2005) Between 2001 and 2003. the Quartiermanagement has limited access to EU-subsidies such as the European Social Foundation and the LOS-program (local capital for social deficits). In addition.quartiersmanagement-berlin.Stabilising and subsidizing the local economy (Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung.Improving and coordinating self help potential in the area . the Quartiermanagement received 1 million DM a year to achieve these goals. cited on 22-06-2006). p. Another project.de. 2004.
Hausotter of Quartiersmanagement Wrangel. the Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg (the secondary administrative level: Bezirke) and the semi-public Quartiersmanagement Wrangel (a local foundation initiated by a Bund-Länder-programme). who all work for the organisation since 2002. socio-economic development and job qualification and the improvement of Wrangel's image (section 4). a public-private institution and a voluntary institution. the role of creative entrepreneurs in the development of the creative cluster will be examined. The Quartiersmanagement has also developed some initiatives to stimulate creative businesses. The economic development department consists of three persons. The second interviewee is Mrs.5. The design project takes place in Friedrichhain around the Boxhagener Platz and has few connections with the research area. property developers and investors. In the second paragraph. Klisch is the manager ad interim and leads the department's creative projects: a design project.1 The key persons and their organisations The selected experts are from (semi) public institutions on different administrative scales. Mrs. property owners. The first interview is conducted with Mrs. The aim of Quartiersmanagement Wrangel is to stimulate local actors and to build networks between these actors. Finances and Civil services and is occupied with the consultation of starting businesses and with the maintenance of existing businesses in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. followed by a paragraph on the cooperation between the different institutions in stimulating creative businesses. The first paragraph is about (the selection of) the key persons and the organisations they represent. In addition. 5. Within the department of 67 . The importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of Wrangel In this section. these actors and networks of local institutions should be able to function on their own. an interest organisation for local businesses in Wrangel (Appendix C). the importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of the Wrangel neighbourhood will be discussed on the basis of the results of expert interviews. Mrs. this department has recently initiated many small-scale projects to stimulate the economy of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. The third paragraph deals with the policy measures of the local actors to stimulate the creative cluster. a concluding paragraph will summarize the main outcomes of this part of the empirical study. she is selected as a key person. The team of Quartiersmanagement Wrangel consist of three persons. The next paragraph deals with the consequences of the creative cluster for Wrangel. This sub department belongs to the department of Economics. After the management’s departure in 2006. The main issues of Quartiersmanagement Wrangel are education. a tourism project and the Oberbaum-city project (see section 4). The public-private institution is the Regionalmanagement Media-Spree: a public-private partnership of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. Klisch of the economic development department of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. The represented public institutions are the Senatsverwaltung (the primary administrative level: city and Bundesland). Finally. Hausotter is the manager of the organisation. The fifth paragraph takes the expectations of local institutions about the creative cluster into account in order to be able to do some predictions about future consequences. As a local expert on Wrangel's social and economic situation and as a promoter of creative entrepreneurs. The voluntary organisation is Wrangelvision. but the Oberbaum-city project and the tourism project deal with the area around the Oberbaum-bridge amongst other areas.
In addition. Mühlhans is responsible for the stimulation of the sectors music. after reading the internet site of the culture department and several policy-documents and having a conversation with one of the employees. Mr. The association cooperates with the Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg and looks after the interests of the businesses involved. Mrs. she also provides information about for example subsidy possibilities for starters. Mr. Mühlhans is selected as a key person. Rutsatz of Wrangelvision. Rutsatz as a key person is his knowledge on businesses and (changes in) business structure in Wrangel. the intention was to also include an interview with a key person of the culture department of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. The voluntary association “Wrangelvision Ideeen rund um das Schlesische Tor” has been founded in 1999. it became appartent that this culture department is not involved in any projects with creative entrepreneurs. Within the urban development and planning department.economics. The involved entrepreneurs vary between local shop owners to creative businesses. The focus of this powerful organisation on the area around the Oberbaumbridge and on media/entertainment businesses makes Regionalmanagement Media-Spree into an important actor in the development of the creative cluster in the Schlesische Straße. The sixth interview is conducted with Mrs. publishers and IT. Mühlhans is responsible for the stimulation of most creative sectors on her own. Mr. Klisch is most concerned with creative businesses. The reason for selecting Mr. The third key person is Mr. As manager and spokesperson of this organisation. Other board members are responsible for other sectors such as software. design. she distributes EU-subsidies and (co-)finances projects. fashion. Meyer is chosen as a key person. In addition. In addition to guiding Stadtumbau West. East from the city-centre (section 4). Mrs. The Senatsverwaltung of Economics and the Senatsverwaltung of Culture have recently initiated this special position for stimulating creative industries. The Senatsverwaltung of urban development has legally demarcated the Stadtumbau area and the Bezirksamt is responsible for the implementation of the project. Initially. She organises congresses and establishes networks between institutions. Wrangelvision consist of 18 members. Employment and Women. Within the Senatsverwaltung of Economics. This makes Mr. Meyer is head of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree and functions as spokesperson for the organisation. Mrs. Mühlhans is in charge of the consultation and the maintenance of businesses. Mrs. 68 . Mr. for call centres or for government initiatives. Mühlhans of the Senatsverwaltung of Economics. The fourth interview is held with Mr. a publicprivate organisation to redevelop the waterfront of the Spree. Mühlhans is active in the Media and Communication Board. Rudolph of the urban development and planning department of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is the fifth respondent. However. she functions as spokesperson for the press. Although it is not her task to attract new businesses. architecture and advertisement in Berlin. Mrs. film. but mainly focuses on art in the tradional sense of the word. Rudoph is responsible for building permits in Wrangel and the Spree area and he is involved in all current projects in this area. all of which are entrepreneurs in Wrangel. Mr. Employment and Women. Rutsatz owns a record-store in Wrangel and is the manager of Wrangelvision. In order to attain more knowledge on the development of creative clusters on the scale of Berlin and the government initiatives on different levels. This board consists of ten people. Mr. The goal of the association is preserving Wrangel's businesses. she is selected as a key person. For this reason. Rudolph is the solicitor and spokesperson of the “Stadtumbau West” project. Rudolph a suitable candidate for an expert interview on the changes in the built environment in Wrangel and the role of creative entrepreneurs herein. Meyer of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree. This project involves the restructuring of Wrangel and the Spree area and aims to make the Spree side accessible to the public.
The urban planning department of the Bezirksamt is also more informed about large companies than about small companies. In addition. signs contracts with them and takes them into the studios. a spokesperson of one of the property owners in the Schlesische Straße (the owner of a Hinterhöfe) was also selected as a key person. of course. Remarkable is that especially the experts of the Bezirksamt and of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree put emphasis on the importance of large companies and projects. some projects in this area with an initiating incentive. Universal and also MTV work like a vitamin pill for this area. Mr. MTV specifically searches for small [firms] in the music business. Therefore. Although most respondents perceive creative entrepreneurs as important in the development of the cluster. MTV and Universal are often considered as the pivot of the cluster. This department especially negotiates with property owners and large companies in the area. Smaller companies are either considered to work for MTV and Universal or to profit from the available infrastructure provided by these large companies. 69 . the economic development department of the Bezirksamt has traditionally emphasized on large and medium-sized companies. Universal and the Media-Spree developments in the origination and stimulation of the creative cluster. Further in the interview. and these projects continue to have a stimulating function. 2005. In total. Adler. I think that. The main results of these interviews will be discussed in the next paragraphs. I believe. six expert interviews have been conducted. MTV is an established company. The respondent of Media-Spree represents large investors and property owners. Already. Mr. 5. which passes on federal state and European subsidies to the MediaSpree projects (Interview C). but a very differentiated heterogeneous structure with a variety of sizes and branches” (Interview C). The Bezirksamt’s focus on large developments within Media-Spree and on MTV and Universal is also not surprising. The Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is a partner of the Media-Spree group and functions as a financial intermediary. As a result. Unfortunately. she canceled the interview for unknown reasons. Smaller companies are only addressed individually in certain occasions (Herwarth & Holz. this has worked out very well for the area: because of their presence. Interview E). these respondents could overestimate the actual importance of large companies for the development of the cluster. Meyer of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree states for example: “There are. Mrs. Klisch of the economic development department of the Bezirksamt also recognizes that attracting large companies is not sufficient for the development of a cluster: “It is important for the dynamics of an area that both small and large [firms] are present. small creative service companies have moved to the surrounding Hinterhöfe” (Interview C). Meyer of Media-Spree acknowledges that small companies are crucial for the development of the cluster: “What is needed to form a cluster is not a group of large companies of one sector. these firms also profit from each other. it seems logical that he sees a large role for MTV. the economic development department has recognized the importance of small and mediumsized (creative) businesses and has started to stimulate these businesses (Interview B).Mrs. for instance.2 The role of creative entrepreneurs within the cluster The opinions of the respondents are divided on the role of creative entrepreneurs in the cluster. Universal has moved here in 2002 and MTV in 2004.” (Interview B). Only recently. Although.
and can therefore provide a critical infrastructure for these large companies. with a special focus on media businesses. actually) larger firms will come as well” (Interview F). The reason for this is that small and medium-sized creative businesses have on average relatively more employees and trainees than large creative businesses. Property owners in the Schlesische Straße use this new. large creative businesses function as highlights and are important for the image of a cluster. In this mix. Mühlhans of the Senatsverwaltung of Economics states that a mix of small and large creative businesses is vital for the development of a well-functioning cluster. for example. For this particular cluster. In the cluster around the Schlesische Straße. the presence of both small and large creative firms provides the cluster with high development potential. Small and medium-sized creative businesses are also very important for the cluster. Mrs. Mrs. the presence of MTV and Universal in combination with the Media-Spree developments has led to the improvement of the image of the area and functions as a brand (Interview E).In the end. small creative firms generate a critical infrastructure and new ideas. this already seems to happen. the owner of a Hinterhöfe here in the Schlesische Straße has joined this development and has given a trendy name to his Hinterhöfe in order to lure young entrepreneurs” (Interview E). 70 . Mühlhans states that small and medium-sized creative businesses can also attract larger creative businesses: “When a good structure of small and medium-sized businesses exists and all links of the production chain are occupied with businesses (that is what a cluster is. Only a mix of firms of different sizes will lead to an innovative and successful cluster. Whereas large creative firms function as ‘brands’. Their emphasis has shifted from attracting traditional industrial businesses to attracting new creative businesses.71). the respondents of the Bezirksamt and of Media-Spree (district level) acknowledge the importance of a mix of small and large creative businesses for the development of the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße. Mr. The respondents from the other administrative levels (neighbourhood level and city-level) immediately refer to this mix of small and large companies as a crucial element in the clustering of creative firms around the Schlesische Straße. yet it could also have been the other way around. Many respondents thought that MTV and Universal have attracted smaller creative businesses. creative image in the promotion of their Hinterhöfe. states: “ Amongst others. since especially these businesses generate new ideas and innovations ( Interview F). Or it could be a more complex process: a critical mass of small creative firms has attracted MTV and Universal and the presence of these large firms leads to the attraction of other small creative firms. MTV and Universal can provide the cluster with a good image. 2005. while smaller creative firms can provide a critical mass and innovations. Rudolph of the urban planning department of the Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. Many small creative firms were already located in the Schlesische Straße before MTV and Universal moved to the area (Binas-Preisendörfer. A critical mass of small creative businesses could have attracted MTV and Universal. For the music firms in the area. p.
Since approximately three years. Mühlhans of the Senatsverwaltung. According to the dated Bebauungsplan. the stimulation of the creative cluster by the two different sub departments will be examined. Encouragement of existing clusters or spontaneously developing clusters by stimulating networking does not seem to occur.5. The emphasis of the economic development department is on the top-down development of new clusters within thematic projects. the department hopes to develop more contacts with small and medium-sized firms. the role of the Bezirksamt in the development of the whole MediaSpree area will be assessed. is not directly involved in the stimulation of the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße. but are not encouraged to meet with amongst themselves. yet she has meetings with the economic departments of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg and with Regionalmanagement Media-Spree several times a year. These entrepreneurs can attend meetings of the business association Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg a few times a year. The Senatverwaltung does not stimulate particular creative clusters. offices are prohibited in the area between Spree and Schlesische Straße. networking is crucial since networks generate a flow of information and ideas and lead to synergy effects. which is designed on the city-level 71 . 2005 II.3 Policies to stimulate the creative cluster The design and implementation of policies to stimulate creative clustering occurs on three administrative levels. but has a supervising role on the Bezirksämter. Network building is one of the main items. this department works on the basis of small scale. In addition. The economic development department of FriedrichshainKreuzberg increasingly invests in creative industries in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg (Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. Firstly. which focuses on the area around the Schlesische Straße. As a result. However. This projects aims to redevelop Kreuzberg’s waterfront area and to make the Spree waterfront accessible as public space. followed by the initiatives of the planning department. According to Mrs. However. who is responsible for most creative sectors. which is still legitimate. These three levels will be discussed separately. With these projects. The Senatsverwaltung of economics has started to stimulate and coordinate network-building and cluster formation between creative firms and to mediate the interaction between creative firms and other actors. On the district level of the Bezirksamt. One of the most important projects of the planning department of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg is the Stadsumbau West-project. all current projects are situated in Friedrichshain. such as the fashion cluster in Friedrichshain around Boxhagener Platz. The role of small creative businesses in the development of this area is unclear. thematic projects. she sees the importance of networking more in general terms than particularly related to creative industries (Interview B). although the planning department realizes that these businesses are important for the development of the area. Networking between creative entrepreneurs in the Schlesische Straße or in other parts of Kreuzberg is not stimulated. Klisch of the economic development department. creative businesses are not explicitly mentioned in the report of the Stadsumbau West-project. According to the Bebauungplan1 from the 1960s. which the economic development department attends to stimulate in these projects. The Bezirksamt only stimulates networking between creative firms that are part of thematic projects. starting with the highest administrative level of the Senatsverwaltung and ending with the lowest administrative level of the Quartiersmanagement. the Senatsverwaltung seems still to have insufficient employees to fulfil this role with respect to creative industries and creative clustering. Mrs. 2005 III). the initiatives of the economic development department will be discussed. However. the area between 1 This is a legally binding development plan. Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg.
Quartiersmanagement Wrangel acknowledges the importance of creative businesses for the image and liveliness of Wrangel. the Quartiersmanagement perceives that subsidies to lure new creative businesses into the area are no longer necessary. Klisch from the Bezirksamt states for instance: “Socio-economic improvements are important. when many shops were vacant here and ground floors were not used. the Bebauungplan has not been adapted to the contemporary situation yet. Although the area only hosts a small number of small manufacturing firms nowadays. We have stimulated these businesses with certain subsidies over two years. Mrs. the Quartiersmanagement has cautiously started to stimulate connections between creative businesses and neighbourhood activities: “We already try to make this connection.mediaspree. the Quartiersmanagement has not started with new subsidies.] I believe. but to a decreasing extent. As long as the Bebauungplan for the area remains unchanged. Therefore. After subsidising eight creative businesses in 2003 (Quartiersmanagement Wrangelkiez. [. Instead of giving more subsidies. Instead of being aware of possible negative consequences of large-scale developments for the local population and local business. 2004). If the social environment is favourable. Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg does not seem to pay attention to the effects of this large-scale property development on neighbourhoods such as Wrangel. The organisation has subsidised a number of creative firms: “In the beginning.Schlesische Straße and Spree should have an industrial function. the attraction of businesses in the creative industries has been part of our job. The Quartiersmanagement is primarily focused on social and cultural policies and Wrangel’s residents are at the centre of their policies. to use these businesses for the overall development of the quarter. 2001).. Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg also has a role in the development of the Media-Spree area. It seems that the Bezirksamt only focuses on economic development.de. it is impossible to openly stimulate creative businesses on this location. The Schlesische Straße has autonomously developed into a vibrant street and many creative businesses have moved and are moving to the area. cited on 07-07-2006. for the social environment. the local social situation is seen as a possible negative effect on the attraction of businesses. since they are not responsible for the economic development of Wrangel. which occurs outside of our sphere of influence as neighbourhood managers” (Interview A). The idea was that small manufacturing firms would provide local employment. Nonetheless. Nevertheless. As the public partner in Regionalmanagement Media-Spree. Meyer & Abeler. we have subsidised eight businesses at that time” (Interview A) The stimulation of creative businesses has only occurred on a small scale. Quartiersmanagement Wrangel has ideas to stimulate starting entrepreneurs in the nearby future.. the stimulation of businesses and creativity is not one of the foundation’s main goals (Herwarth & Holz. since the social environment is crucial in the attraction of businesses. but basically it is an economic development. The development of the Media-Spree area is mainly focused on large projects in the hands of real estate agencies (www. it will be easier for creative businesses to establish themselves” (Interview B) For Quartiersmanagement Wrangel. We try to do that. Quartiersmanagement Wrangel does not perceive the (further) stimulation of creative businesses as an important goal. 2005. Honold. 2005). This stimulation would be in the form of offering special 72 .
The vertical knowledge-transfer from these abstract ideas of the Senatsverwaltung to the executive level of the Bezirksamt FriedrichshainKreuzberg is limited to meetings in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg once in a while. integration and employment. As 73 . but the link between creative businesses and culture has not been made. but their knowledge is not sufficiently communicated to the Bezirksamt. the actual cooperation between these actors is rather low. yet could be helpful for many ‘creative starters’ in the area. government and organisation and with the department of culture. As a consequence. However. The Senatsverwaltung develops ideas on an abstract level on how to stimulate creative industries and creative clusters in Berlin. The cooperation between Quartiersmanagement and Bezirksamt is well developed. This horizontal cooperation has not reached Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg yet. According to Mrs. Bezirksamt FriedrichshainKreuzberg is one of the forerunners in stimulating creative businesses. Both vertical cooperation between Senatsverwaltung and Bezirksamt and between Bezirksamt and Quartiersmanagement. horizontal cooperation between the economic sub department and the cultural sub department has been developed and initiatives have been undertaken to link creative businesses with cultural facilities such as museums. Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg still seems not very informed about what happens in the field of creative industries and about how to stimulate these industries. the Quartiersmanagement is primarily focused on projects in the fields of education. Mrs. 5. cooperation with the Bezirksamt mainly takes place with the department of education. This can be related to the deficiency in employees at the Senatsverwaltung in regard to stimulating creative industries. The only truly successful cooperation involving the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße is the Regionalmanagement Media-Spree. the Senatsverwaltung is aware of the importance of club scenes for the development of creative clusters and attempts to be open to new ideas and initiatives (also in the semi-illegal spheres). For example. The Senatsverwaltung seems to have more insight in this respect. This strategy would aim at recently started entrepreneurs in all sectors. This public private partnership both involves cooperation between private parties and the Bezirksamt and consultation between Bezirksamt and Senatsverwaltung. but does not perceive creative businesses as a priority in its policies. The cooperation between different (sub) departments of the Bezirksamt could still be improved. Mühlhans. The Bezirksamt perceives the stimulation of creative businesses in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg as a main priority. The Quartiersmanagement discusses projects with the Bezirksamt departments and exchanges information with these departments. The departments of economics and culture work together in the field of tourism. and horizontal cooperation between the different departments of the Bezirksamt and between Quartiersmanagement and Wrangelvision seem underdeveloped in relation to stimulating creative industries. Mühlhans of the Senatsverwaltung thinks that most Bezirksämter are not completely informed on the importance of creative clusters and often do not know how to stimulate creative industries.4 Horizontal and vertical cooperation Although the different actors are all connected to each other. The Bezirksamt seems less open to such initiatives at the moment.consultations for starters. but seems to have a blind spot for the existing cluster in the Schlesische Straße. employees and equality. Within the Senatsverwaltung. The Quartiersmanagement seems to be more aware of the creative cluster and its possible effects on Wrangel than Bezirksamt Friedichshain-Kreuzberg. However. Quartiersmanagement Wrangel has a more bottom-up approach than Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg.
this perception could be based on too little knowledge about the situation in Wrangel. Hausotter of Quartiermanagement Wrangel. These organizations are hardly aware of each other’s work and qualities. The Quartiersmanagement does not emphasize on stimulating creative businesses in Wrangel. 5. this cooperation will take place with the sub department of economics and employment rather than with the sub department of economic development. although it will become clear that most consequences are intertwined. Wrangel’s economic development. The economic development department does not emphasize on stimulating creative businesses in Wrangel. the media has characterised Wrangel as a problem area. since it is not one of its main goals as a social organisation. In the case of stimulating creative businesses. Wrangel's image of problems and criminality has gradually begun to change into an image of creativity and possibilities. it would be helpful if the economic development department is more informed about the situation in Quartiersmanagement areas. instead of always harping on the negative aspects and the problems of the neighbourhood. the Quartiersmanagement has too little attention for. Since their foundation in 1999. the relation between Wrangelvision and Quartiersmanagement is problematic.5 Consequences of the creative cluster for Wrangel The consequences of the creative cluster have been divided in consequences for Wrangel’s image. Therefore.far as cooperation occurs with the department of economics. and know-how on. In the last few years. 22-07-2003 74 . According to Mrs. However. this non-cooperation seems to have negative effects. businesses and their potential. On the neighbourhood-level. Quartiersmanagement Wrangel has attempted to focus on positive aspects of the neighbourhood. because it sees other areas as more in need for stimulation. This can be illustrated by some newspaper headlines: Für das Kreuzberger Viertel um die Oberbaumbrücke wirkte die „Universal“-Ansiedlung in Friedrichshain wie eine Vitaminspritze – auch für alte Gewerbehöfe │ (The arrival of Universal in Friedrichshain has worked like a vitamin pill for Kreuzberg's quarter around the Oberbaumbridge – also for the old business courtyards) Source: Tagespiegel. According to Wrangelvision. The image of Wrangel in the media has witnessed mayor changes (Quartiersmanagement Wrangelkiez. this image of problems and criminality had a negative impact on the confidence of the residents. One of the most noticeable impacts of the creative cluster is the improvement of the neighbourhood’s image. The consequences will be discussed separately in this order. Wrangel’s built environment and Wrangel’s population. For a long time. 2004). almost as a ghetto even. due to their different focus on respectively Wrangel’s businesses and the social and cultural situation of Wrangel’s residents.
more and more restaurants. deprived quarter. because stress does not exist in this place) Source: Berliner Morgenpost. Cafés. All respondents speak of an enlivening of Wrangel or about an increase in bars. Berlin has a new quarter for going-out: the Oberbaumbridge attracts more and more clubs) │ Source: Berliner Zeitung. cocktails – a tour around the Schlesiche Straße is fun. These things were already there in the past. cafés. (lunch) bars. those poor people… yet suddenly something happens! Music. A related consequence of the creative cluster is the impulse this cluster gives to the neighbourhood’s bars. but suddenly people notice them. at least to some extent. restaurants and shops. 09-04-2005 Kreuzberger Nächte Berlin hat ein neues Ausgehviertel: Immer mehr Clubs zieht es an die Oberbaumbrücke (Nights in Kreuzberg. Especially in the Schlesische Straße. 2006 75 . bakeries and creative/fancy shops open up and existing bars and shops are renovated (figures 21 & 22). clubs and shops.ein Gang rund um die Schlesische Straße macht Spaß.(…) That is indeed important” (Interview A). Cocktails . 26-02-2005 The Quartiersmanagment sees particularly small creative businesses as important stimulators of the creation of a new image for the neighbourhood. clubs. restaurants. The establishment of a sub cultural scene around the Schlesische Straße has also been crucial: “That terrible. and something goes on at night. Also. weil Hektik hier keinen Platz hat │ (Kreuzberg catches the eye again: culture. Auch. Figure 21: A new restaurant is about to open in the Schlesische Straße Source: Heebels.Die Szene kehrt zurück Kreuzberg ist wieder angesagt: Kultur.
Figure 22: A variety of cultural facilities in the Schlesische Straße: a lunch bar. when suddenly a certain interest in Wrangel came into being. and is now coming back again. the arrival of creative industries is also an effect of the presence of this scene: “It began last year or the year before. that a variety of shops. Every time. Every respondent relates the increase in bars. for example. However. a café. Mr. 2006 The question is to what degree this economic upgrade is related to the creative cluster. Rudolph of the planning department of the Bezirksamt states. restaurants and shops to the development of the cluster and especially to the arrival of small creative firms. Rutsatz of Wrangelvision believes the increase in bars is the result of the returning sub cultural scene. opinions differ about the extent to which these creative entrepreneurs have influenced these local developments. that something is changing. young entrepreneurs come to this area” (Interview D) Most other respondents agree that this sub cultural scene has attracted new facilities. and a Biergarten. bars and other cultural facilities has opened in the Schlesische Straße as a result of the arrival of creative businesses. Many of 76 . then to Prenzlauerberg. Mr. As a consequence. shifted to Mitte after the fall of the Wall. this is a sign that some scene is emerging. which used to be deeply rooted here in the eighties. to Friedichshain. a design shop and a restaurant Source: Heebels. but also believe that the presence of creative entrepreneurs has led to an increase or an upgrade in the shops and bars in the Schlesische Straße. According to this respondent. Several bars opened. The scene.
25 entrepreneurs have participated in this questionnaire.6% 9 36.0% 14 100. this questionnaire is limited to those two streets. 2005. Creative industries seem to attract high value facilities.0% 5 45. It also appeared that. Table 6: The importance of the presence of creative entrepreneurs in the location decision of facility-owners Number of years the facility is situated in the area . rather than that these facilities attract creative entrepreneurs. < 5 years 5 . the owners of the cultural facilities moved to the area more recently than the other owners.5 % indicates that the presence of creative entrepreneurs has played a role in their location decision. Considering the relatively large research population. whereas other facility owners are in the area for almost nine years (table 8). Of the approximately forty entrepreneurs with a shop or bar/restaurant.0% To investigate if the presence of creative entrepreneurs was especially of influence in the location decision of respondents who own a cultural facility. even 45. upgraded shops and bars have opened in the streets lying behind the Schlesische and Falckensteinstraße.20 years Total Source: Heebels. could have played an initiating role in the development of both the night-time economy and of the sub-cultural scene. This is also the result of a small questionnaire. this is a significant difference (90% reliability). bar and restaurant owners in the Schlesische Straße and Falckensteinstraße.4% 16 64. Box 8: Questionnaire facility owners in the Schlesische and Falckensteinstraße Of the total research population. which is held among shop. a binomial test has been conducted. For those respondents that have moved to the area in the last five years. on average. Rudolph. 2006 The presence of creative entrepreneurs important for location choice? No Yes Count % Count % Count % 6 54.these new cultural facilities are part of the area’s night-time economy and the area’s sub cultural scene. The most remarkable results of this questionnaire will be discussed in box 8. According to Mr. most respondents think that the presence of creative entrepreneurs has increased the amount of cultural facilities.5% 10 71. These 25 respondents included a wide range of entrepreneurs with both cultural facilities and other facilities. The cultural facility owners are on average just over six years in the area. a club in the adjacent area. Table 7 shows the result of this binominal test.0% 25 100. 77 . 36% responded that the presence of creative entrepreneurs had played a role in their decision to locate in the Schlesische or Falckensteinstraße (table 6). Rudolph.0% Total 11 100. Since hardly any new. (Bernegg. The ‘Arena ‘. interview E).5% 4 28. the development of this scene originates from a combination of the nightly presence of young people and creative firm activity (Interview E). In line with Mr. From the group of “cultural facility owners” 57% of the respondents indicated that the presence of creative entrepreneurs had played a role in their location decision. interview A.
and other facilities in the importance of creative entrepreneurs in their location decision The presence of creative entrepreneurs important for location choice? Source: Heebels.00 Test Prop. . (1-tailed) . Figure 23: Age categorie(s) in which the facility-owners have most customers (the facilityowners were allowed to give multiple (1-3) answers). . 16 Number of times mentioned by facility-owners 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 .Table 7: The difference between cultural.36 The importance of the creative entrepreneurs in combination with the sub-cultural scene and the night-time economy is also reflected in the results of the questionnaire.088(a) Table 8: The difference between cultural.911 6. In addition.30 30 .50 50 . 2006 N 14 11 25 Std.886 6. Deviation 5.20 20 .and other facilities in average number of years on this location Mean Cultural Non-cultural Total Source: Heebels. 2006 Group 1 Group 2 Total Category No Yes N 6 8 14 Observed Prop.357 6.21 8.82 7. Most respondents indicate that their largest group of customers are in the age categories of 30-40 and 20-30 years old (Figure 23).43 .60 60 + Age in years 78 .64 Exact Sig. 16 of the 25 respondents stated that their number of customers has increased in the last few years (Figure 24).57 1.40 40 .
Secondly. restaurants and clubs (Bernegg. a small increase No Don't know Three things catch the eye in the accounts of the respondents concerning the impact of the creative cluster on local economic development. In addition. 2005. the increase in new facilities is not just stimulated by these entrepreneurs but also by the presence of a sub cultural or creative scene and a flourishing night-time economy. Buying a house in the area has become popular and as a consequence many houses are being renovated (Bernegg. Interview E) (Figure 25 and 26).Figure 24: Has the amount of customers increased in the last couple of years? 12 10 Number of facility-owners 8 6 4 2 0 Yes. The development of the creative cluster (especially the arrival of small creative firms) and the sub cultural scene have led to the opening of many new (coffee) bars. shops. It rather seems the other way around: the presence of (a critical mass of) creative entrepreneurs has attracted new facilities. Firstly. since the neighbourhood’s image improvement has caused a renewed attention for its built environment. Interview A. The Schlesische Straße has witnessed considerable physical improvements over the last years. property owners and developers have a renewed attention for the Hinterhöfe as a result of the new creative image of the Schlesische Straße. 79 . Wrangel as a whole has also witnessed a physical upgrading. 2005. the effects of these developments in terms of local economic growth are largely restricted to the Schlesische Straße. Many Hinterhöfe are currently being renovated (Interview D). the available facilities in the area have not attracted creative entrepreneurs. a large increase Yes. Interview E). Just a few years ago. Although the amount of traffic has not changed. the Schlesische Straße has turned into a lively shopping street. the Schlesische Straße was a noisy traffic street with the highest vacancy level of Wrangel. Thirdly.
is the connection between creative entrepreneurs and social projects in the field of education. Most residents do not participate in the activities of the creative or sub cultural scene and do not visit the new facilities. that there are people. In addition. Mrs. The arrival of creative businesses and of new shops and bars has put an end to shop vacancy in the area and has thus improved the environment of Wrangel's residents: “It is definitely important for the residents that something happens again in ground floor shop space areas. that something is going on again. 2006 The social effects of the creative cluster are more ambiguous than the above-mentioned effects. The improvement of the neighbourhood’s image makes the residents think more positive about themselves. led to a lower quality of people's daily environment. because they are not interested in them. However. that there is light and something is done. but also by Mrs. with just darkness and fear. Another positive effect. The high shop vacancy in the area a few years ago. which is not just reported by Mrs. But that something happens.Figure 25: Renovated houses in the Oberbaum Straße Figure 26: The difference of renovation Source: Heebels. Hausotter also perceives the image improvement of the area as a positive effect for everyone. Most people do not visit the new shops. According to this respondent. without light. without life. Klisch of the Bezirksamt. life still takes place on the streets in Wrangel. Hausotter of the Quartiersmanagement perceives the enlivening of the area as one of the mayor social consequences of the area. Mrs. The first is the social exclusion of local residents. this effect is more a consequence of social engagement of individual entrepreneurs than a general effect of the creative cluster. In contrast to the newly opened cultural facilities. the diversity of daily shops for the local population is very low. Hausotter as local neighbourhood manager. that is positive for everyone” (Interview A) Mrs. because they cannot afford this or are not interested due to cultural differences. as well. some newly opened shops take away (more affluent) customers of the older businesses in the area 80 . Nothing is worse than a vacant ground floor. Hausotter also mentions two important negative consequences related to the creative cluster. 2006 Source: Heebels.
In addition. 2005). Mr. 81 . It is definitely an ongoing process. 16-17) The area is increasingly popular with wealthier people and increasing rents will make the area too costly for new residents with less money. since the cluster and the revival of Wrangel are only in the first developmental stage. However. apart from their ability to generate a service structure for large companies in the surroundings. There is no vacancy in this quarter.” (Interview A. Mrs. Although there is no hard evidence. Meyer of Media-Spree does not have expectations on the future effects of the creative cluster. that lives here. Mr. As a result someone who does not have this economic potential cannot buy these houses any more. the real impact of the creative cluster cannot be measured yet. According to Mr. wealthier residents and a more mixed population could also create a more socially stable area. Rudolph sees the increased building of penthouses as an indicator for the arrival of more affluent people and for an upward development of the neighbourhood. It could lead to displacement processes. Rudolph. and these houses are popular. On the other hand. That it already happens is not noticeable for us. The interview with Mr. Those respondents who represented a (semi)public institution have more (positive) expectations of the future effects of the creative cluster on local developments than the other respondents. displacement processes could be occurring at the moment. Mr. the presence of shops. This process does not work like: I come. these people intend to stay in the area for a longer time. Rudolph of the district’s planning department also shows the increasing popularity of the area with more affluent people. The respondents of the Bezirksamt and Quartiersmanagement Wrangel expect that the creative cluster will further contribute to local economic development. However. bars and restaurants leads to a more pleasant and safer environment. 2004. but he perceives this increasing popularity as a mainly positive development. When a person with more economic potential moves somewhere. They want to move here because it is lively here. Bernegg. the creative cluster and the increase in shops and other facilities cause a enlivening and a revival of Wrangel. The second negative consequence is a less visible consequence of the creative cluster and the whole upgrading process.(QuartiersmanagementWrangelkiez. In the past few years. which increasingly occur here. will be. the expectations of the respondents of future effects have been investigated. but as a gradual process: “The question is what the influence on the population. Although residents may not visit these new facilities. He thinks that this will lead to a more mixed population and a more socially stable area. we see that in the last year many people want to move to this area again.6 Expectations of local institutions of the creative cluster In order to be able to draw at least some conclusions on the impact of the creative cluster. the creative cluster and the positive economic developments may lead to the displacement of less affluent people. 5. Mr Rudolph believes that the creative cluster plays a role in the increased popularity of the area. so you have to go. those affluent people have started to buy houses here and have built penthouses for their own use. so they search for houses in the quarter. On the one hand. Hausotter sees this displacement not so much as forced migration of the current population. Many residents are not able to visit the new luxurious shops and restaurants or have no interest in visiting them. the creative cluster and the economical upgrading of the area lead to tensions with the population of Wrangel. since they have invested in their own property. money comes with him. The arrival of new.
However. since they directly attract this new public. She emphasizes on the fact that Wrangel also has wealthier residents. Mrs. The positive effects of the cluster for the population will remain restricted to the improvement of the neighbourhood’s image. As a consequence. rather. the creative cluster will further develop autonomously. Hausotter of the Quartiersmanagement believes that the creative cluster and the growing popularity of Wrangel will lead to the displacement of parts of the present population. Rudolph of the planning department of the Bezirksamt similarly states that the positive economic and physical development of the Schlesische Straße will continue and will lead to more liveliness in the area. the mix of residents has remained. The local neighbourhood manager focuses on possible negative effects of attracting a more affluent population. will not change to such an extent that it will be completely different. Klisch of the economic development department of the Bezirksamt does not consider displacement as a possible danger. Mrs. Hausotter of the Quartiersmanagement. revolutionary as it has been for decades. However. because young people decide to stay in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. she is primarily concerned with the development of creative industries on the district level. Wrangel will further develop into a lively and dynamic place. Hausotter of the Quartiermanagement. West Berlin was a small [contained] city. Changes will occur on a smaller scale. Wrangel or Kreuzberg as a whole will not change so much that they will be unrecognisable. she also expects that Wrangel will witness a revival. This mainly applies to creative entrepreneurs with a shop. since her daily work deals with a higher level of scaling. Mr. Mrs. Mr. She foresees that the whole district Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg will further develop as a creative district and will attain a better image. she states that Kreuzberg is turning into 'the place to be' again. [the displacement] is on the level of streets. at all. her expectation is that especially the presence of MTV and Universal will be profitable. […]. he 82 . Kreuzberg is now the upcoming quarter again. Mrs. Klisch of the economic development department of the Bezirksamt also thinks that the further improvement of the area's image will be the main effect of the creative cluster. However. She refers to an important difference in the development of the city’s population structure and to the character of Kreuzberg (see also section 4): “I think that Kreuzberg. just as it was in the 1980s.Rutsatz of Wrangelvision only sees a small role for creative businesses in local development in the sense of attracting a new public. and she seems to underestimate the existing social problems in the area. though. Berlin’s quality is that. For Wrangel. With respect to the future effects of the creative cluster for Wrangel’s population. Rudolph of the planning department of the Bezirksamt thinks that creative businesses could contribute to the stabilisation of Wrangel’s socio-economic situation. She hopes that purchasing power will increase. Just as Mrs. According to Mrs. as already happened with the Schlesische Straße. Hausotter states that after Prenzlauerberg and Friedrichshain. whereas the respondents working on the district level emphasize on possible positive effects. the respondents are more divided. basically. Mrs. she expects that these processes will probably not have such impact in Wrangel as they have in many neighbourhoods in other cities. Mühlhans of the Senatsverwaltung of Economics had less detailed expectations of the creative cluster. This is related to the situation in West Berlin. there is still a mix of residents. the city could not expand and as a result of this. He expects that the Wrangelstrasse (the nearest parallel street) may also turn into a lively shopping street. However. I do not think that this will change in the coming decades” (Interview A) In contrast. such as fashion designers. She admits that she does not know the neighbourhood very well. It will not be the case that the entirety of Kreuzberg moves away and others will move in.
are not encouraged. 5. In the end. In the future. due to an insufficiency of employees. Regionalmanagement Mediaspree. thematic projects. it seems impossible to openly stimulate creative businesses. The department of economics of the Senatsverwaltung has started with the stimulation and coordination of network-building and cluster formation between creative firms and with the mediation of the interaction between creative firms and other actors. Within these projects. the Bezirksamt has joined several private partners in the public-private partnership. MTV and Universal function as ‘brands’ for the cluster and the mass of small creative firms generates a critical infrastructure and new ideas. The foundation has subsidized a number of starting creative firms. for example. The promotion of creative entrepreneurs and the building of networks mainly happen within small scale. have a positive influence on the problems of schools. For the development of the Media-Spree area. However. The Regionalmanagement mainly stimulates grand projects and focuses on the interests of property owners and real estate agencies. the emphasis is on the top-down development of new clusters. The respondent of the Senatsverwaltung of Economics has more attention for the significance of small creative firms. In Germany. this could. Outside of the Media-Spree area. but has a supervising role on the Bezirksämter. opinions differ about the degree of their importance. Existing or autonomously developing clusters. If these creative entrepreneurs and other more affluent people will stay in the area with their families. Within the public-private partnership. However. all respondents agree on the importance of a good mix of creative firms of different sizes for the development of the creative cluster. Quartiersmanagement Wrangel is primarily focused on the local social and cultural environment and does not perceive the stimulation of creative businesses as a policy-priority. such as the cluster around the Schlesische Straße in Kreuzberg. Remarkably. At the moment. The Senatsverwaltung does not stimulate particular creative clusters. the economic development department aims to develop more contacts with small and medium-sized creative businesses and to stimulate network building between these businesses. the organization aims at developing connections between creative entrepreneurs and the local population. it may provide consultation for 83 . all these projects take place in Friedrichshain. The lack of attention for creative entrepreneurs in the Schlesische Straße may also be caused by the official prohibition of offices in this area in the Bebauungsplan for the area. The respondents from Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg and from Regionalmanagement Media-Spree put emphasis on the importance of large companies and especially perceive the presence of MTV and Universal as crucial for the cluster. As long as this Bebauungsplan remains unchanged. the Bezirksamt is primarily concerned with economic interests and has little attention for small businesses and the local environment.7 Conclusions All respondents perceive creative entrepreneurs as vital for the development of the creative cluster. This will lead to more mixed school populations in both ethnic and socio-economic sense (Interview E).thinks that creative entrepreneurs will only have a substantial effect if they are also going to live in the area. It seems that the private actors in this partnership have the upper hand in the development of the Media-Spree. The economic development department of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg also increasingly invests in creative clusters. the Senatsverwaltung seems not able to fulfil this role sufficiently yet with regards to creative industries and creative clustering. parents have to send their children to the nearest public school. the Quartiersmanagement recognizes the importance of small creative firms for the image and liveliness of Wrangel. Nevertheless.
However. The potential of the area around the Schlesische Straße is recognized by the Quartiersmanagement. Although the amount of traffic has not changed. These cultural facilities are not just stimulated by the presence of the creative cluster but also by the presence of a vibrant nightlife and a sub-cultural scene. However. which is shifting to Kreuzberg. The Schlesische Straße has turned into a lively shopping street. the expectations concerning the local population are less positive. In addition.or semi-public institution. mainly limited to the Schlesische Straße. The importance of sub cultural capital and the night-time economy for creative clustering is recognized by the Senatsverwaltung. Horizontally. bars and restaurants and the attraction of a new population group also lead to processes of exclusion or even of displacement by increasing rents. but has not reached the Bezirkamt. Wrangel’s image of problems and criminality begins to make place for a positive image of creativity and possibilities. The effects of the creative cluster are. The creative cluster gives an impulse to local cultural facilities such as (coffee/lunch) bars. cooperation between different actors only occurs at a minor level. Besides the attraction of new public and the further increase in shops and restaurants in especially the Schlesische Straße. Vertically. The Quartiersmanagement uses a bottom-up approach to stimulate creative industries and seems more aware of (the effects of) the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße than the Bezirksamt. In general. the respondents have no high 84 . cooperation between the departments of culture and economy occurs on the level of the Senatsverwaltung but is absent on the level of the Bezirksamt. The social consequences of the creative cluster are twofold. Those respondents who represented a public institution had more (positive) expectations of the effects of the creative cluster on local development than those respondents who represented a non. One of the most frequently mentioned consequences of the creative cluster is the improvement of the neighbourhood’s image. the increased popularity of the area by more affluent people could stabilize the area. but to a lesser extent.starting (creative) businesses. The rest of Wrangel has also witnessed physical improvements. The expectations of local institutions regarding the creative cluster mainly concern the further enhancement of the neighbourhood’s image. This image improvement also has positive effects on the self-respect of the local population and on the (economic) revival of the area. The further development of the creative cluster and the image improvement are seen in the light of the (sub) cultural scene. As a result. The image improvement gives locals more confidence and the enlivening of the Schlesische Straße makes their environment more pleasant and safe. the appearance of the street has altered. The new. by providing more clientele and by contributing to a better image. vacancy and heavy traffic characterized this street. both vertically and horizontally. Most physical improvements have also taken place in the Schlesische Straße. The lack of communication between Quartiersmanagement Wrangel and the economic development department of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg seems to hamper the stimulation of the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße. The creative cluster has also attracted new cultural facilities. however. the Bezirksamt as main executor of creative cluster policies is not enough informed on the process of creative clustering. but has not get through to the Bezirksamt. the presence of a creative cluster with luxury or scene related shops. shops and restaurants. This scene in combination with the creative cluster will lead to a better image for Wrangel and to an economic and physical revival of the neighbourhood. the general ideas of the highest administrative level of the Senatsverwaltung are not passed on to the lower levels and the local insights of the Quartiersmanagement are not passed on to higher levels. Just a few years ago. more positive image of the neighbourhood has led to the renovation of some houses and Hinterhöfe.
Despite the insights of these expectations. that the creative cluster has an important role in the local economic development of the Schlesische Straße and in the image improvement of Wrangel. Presumably. displacement could occur at the level of streets or building blocks. Although West Berlin has a less segregated population structure than most other West European cities. the presence of creative entrepreneurs both contributes to this image improvement and to local socio-economic and cultural development.expectations of the effects of the cluster on local economic development. caused by creative clustering amongst other developments. the young nature of the creative cluster and its related developments makes it impossible to grasp the actual consequences of the cluster for Wrangel. both creative entrepreneurs in the Schlesische Straße and MTV and Universal contribute to these developments. Whereas the presence of MTV and Universal leads to the improvement of the image of the area. The paragraphs above illustrate. however. 85 . The interviewed local neighbourhood manager is even concerned that Wrangel’s growing popularity. will lead to displacement processes.
It will be interesting to see if these entrepreneurs had other reasons for choosing the Schlesische Straße as their business location. There are two exceptions: one business already moved to the area in 1986 and another moved to the area in 1995. To what extent do the creative entrepreneurs cooperate with other creative entrepreneurs in the area? And is the degree of cooperation of entrepreneurs related to the role of proximity to other entrepreneurs in their location decision? Finally. as well? The next paragraph will deal with contemporary cooperation patterns of these entrepreneurs. The average number of employees is seven. For many businesses. primary outcomes will be rehearsed in a concluding paragraph. 86 . The businesses are located in five different Hinterhöfe (Appendix A). The youngest is 24 years old and the oldest 51 years old. The first paragraph will consider the research population: which creative entrepreneurs have been selected and what are their main characteristics? The second paragraph examines in which ways the interviewed creative entrepreneurs have found their location in the Schlesische Straße. 6. a third of the businesses has all or most of their contracters/customers in Berlin.6. Two interviewees are employees and have no managerial function. The average age of the selected businesses is eight years. Creative entrepreneurs in the Schlesische Straße and their location decision In this section. How have these entrepreneurs been informed about this location beforehand? And is the way they found this location related to their location decision? Subsequently. a third has customers or contractors in whole Germany and a third has costumers or contractors all over the world. or do hard location factors still have a crucial role. one entrepreneur is manager ad interim and studio manager. the location decision of these creative entrepreneurs will be considered. Most interviewed entrepreneurs are managers of the businesses: six entrepreneurs are the head manager.1 Research population The research population consists of five entrepreneurs from the creative commercial service sector and five entrepreneurs from the media and entertainment sector (Appendix C). the annual sales also fluctuate highly per year. The customer range also varies between businesses. To what extent does the environment have a role in their location decision? And to what extent does the proximity to other creative entrepreneurs have a role in their location decision? Are only soft location factors important. one other is label manager. Most businesses have moved to the Schlesische Straße after 2000. The average age of the respondents is 36 years. creative entrepreneurs and their location decision will be examined in order to attain more insight in the functioning of the cluster on the micro-level. The annual sales of the selected businesses highly differ.
Proximity to other creative entrepreneurs has a remarkably small role in the location choice of the respondents. Entrepreneur 2 tells for example: “ I believe the people here are more 'einzelkämpfer'. 6. Subsequently. There is always competition. but further in the interview this respondent said he still found it important 87 . It is interesting that the two youngest entrepreneurs with their own business know the area through the nightlife economy around the Schlesische Straße. Entrepreneur 5 knew the area from its nightlife and the club scene around the Schlesische Straße.” 2 The fifth media/entertainment entrepreneur initially denied that it was important for his location choice. we actually have got this from an acquaintance of mine.” Entrepreneur 2's colleagues have searched for a location together with acquaintances and have found this location. for three others it had a small role in their location decision. via friends. but there is no important cooperation. Remarkable is that almost all respondents used informal ways to attain information about the area. knew that there were free offices here to sub rent. Entrepreneur 1 found his location via a friend: “We have heard about this precise location from a friend. (…) So. More formal ways of finding an office such as advertising or searching in papers or on the Internet are not generally used. the role of proximity to other creative entrepreneurs and the role of the environment will be examined. who stated that possibilities for face-to-face contact and the building of trust had a role in their location decision were media and entertainment entrepreneurs2. but it is not one of the main reasons why he moved to the Schlesische Straße. A possible explanation for this difference is that creative commercial service entrepreneurs are more on their own and less dependent on face-to-face contact and the building of trust. A friend. The possibility to share uses or financial capital with other creative entrepreneurs in the vicinity neither played a role in the location decision of the entrepreneurs. It is noteworthy that all entrepreneurs.2 Delegation of knowledge about the area Most entrepreneurs have found the area themselves. whose friend's friend used to work here. but he didn’t consider it as a factor for his location choice. Entrepreneur 4 for example states that the presence of other creative entrepreneurs in the vicinity has potential in this respect. who was already located in this Hinterhöfe. That is my impression. He thinks that the presence of many creative firms may be rewarding in the long run. Just one of the entrepreneurs perceives this opportunity as decisive. the role of hard location factors will be discussed briefly. None of the creative commercial service entrepreneurs found these possibilities important.6. colleagues or other acquaintances or via the club scene. The opportunity for face-to-face contact and the building of trust had a minor role in the location decision. None of the entrepreneurs perceived the local presence of specialized workers as important in their location decision. but has found out about the Hinterhöfe location via his contractor.3 Location decision creative entrepreneurs For the location decision of creative entrepreneurs. Five of ten entrepreneurs have found their office in one of the Hinterhöfe between the Spree and the Schlesische Straße via acquaintances. Only one entrepreneur has found his office via an advertisement and one other entrepreneur found its location via the municipality.
since they can do part of this exchange within their own firm. However. In comparison with proximity to other creative entrepreneurs. the availability of cultural facilities. Entrepreneur 10 states. at all. the availability of cultural facilities. of course. […] Or we can meet each other to lunch together.Creative commercial service entrepreneurs see each other primarily as competitors. For example. face-to-face contact and the building of trust within local clusters are much more important for these entrepreneurs. none of the entrepreneurs perceives these large companies as important for themselves. which are related to the positive environment of the location. Two entrepreneurs (both from the media and entertainment sector) hope to cooperate with MTV or Universal in the future. All entrepreneurs have mentioned some factors. when we offer a video. has played a moderate role in the location decision of the respondents. In both the media and entertainment sector and the creative commercial services. it actually does not matter because there are always possibilities. yet their immediate proximity is not really essential since appointments can be arranged via Internet. Entrepreneurs with(in) medium-sized creative businesses attached less value to proximity to other creative entrepreneurs than entrepreneurs with(in) small creative businesses. others have not played a role. face-to-face contact and the building of trust are not very important for these entrepreneurs. They design their products on their own for a certain contractor and have little desire for horizontal cooperation and the exchange of knowledge and ideas. but even for them it is only comfortable and not necessary to have these companies in their direct surroundings. The assessed factors are: the proximity to MTV and Universal. The proximity to MTV and Universal could be interesting for creative entrepreneurs in the light of possible cooperation or in the light of their positive influence on (the image of) the environment. Surprisingly. since we are already in the same city. the environment has played a significantly larger role in the location choice of the respondents. media/entertainment entrepreneurs stand in the middle of a production chain and are dependent on the exchange of knowledge for innovation in a world of fast-changing hypes. Not all of these factors have turned out to be important in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. the proximity to MTV and Universal has not played a role in the location choice of any of the entrepreneurs. As a consequence. Therefore. for example for the image or the development of services. Three of five entrepreneurs with(in) medium-sized businesses did not perceive proximity to other creative entrepreneurs as important3. The proximity to MTV and Universal can both be related to the proximity to other creative firms and to the symbolic or actual value of the environment. Five of ten entrepreneurs mention this location factor 3 One from the media/entertainment sector and two from the creative commercial service sector 88 . because of its proximity to MTV and Universal. The location in the same city as MTV and Universal may be an advantage. for instance: „It is quite good [that MTV is near] because you can make an appointment much quicker. In contrast. Although most entrepreneurs think that MTV and Universal have a positive influence on the development of the area. You can say: I will pay a short visit.” The next location factor. A reason for this could be that medium-sized businesses are less dependent on the exchange of knowledge with other businesses. the entrepreneurs have not chosen this location. Whereas some of the factors have played a very crucial role in the location decision. the presence of a creative urban atmosphere and the attractiveness of the architecture and the waterfront location.
It is remarkable that these seven entrepreneurs have all found their location by informal ways. €1. entrepreneur 4 finds the opportunity to go to a club or bar after work as attractive. Seven of ten entrepreneurs mention the presence of a creative urban atmosphere as of influence in their location decision. If these entrepreneurs would have perceived the availability of facilities as important in his location choice. he thinks that the availability of bars and other facilities are also important for working: “We have of course a quite interesting bar culture here. they probably had chosen a different location back then.000. Those entrepreneurs that perceive the presence of a creative urban atmosphere as important are all under 45. the presence of a creative urban atmosphere evolves around the symbolic value rather than the use value of place. From the entrepreneurs that did not perceive a creative urban atmosphere as important.” Whereas the two medium-sized companies do not perceive availability of facilities as important. However. Media and entertainment entrepreneurs find face-to-face contact and the exchange of knowledge significantly more important than creative service sector entrepreneurs. for none of the entrepreneurs the availability of cultural facilities was a main reason for choosing this location. However. So. cafés and things like that everywhere. All entrepreneurs from the media and entertainment sector perceive the availability of facilities as important.000 turn-over and 4 Two other entrepreneurs do not know if the availability of metropolitan/cultural facilities was of influence. the presence of a creative urban environment is one of the main reasons for choosing this location. In the location decision of the respondents. Although entrepreneur 5 did not choose his location because of its cultural facilities. in contrast to these other factors. for the other four it had just a small positive influence on their decision. At the moment. but has not moved to this location for this reason. two are older than 45 and have been in the area for longer than ten years and two are head of a medium-sized business (15 employees. As a result. Another result is that all of the entrepreneurs that perceive the availability of facilities as important are in their thirties. around the corner. while small firms from the creative service sector do not find it important. The presence of a creative urban atmosphere is both related to the availability of cultural facilities and to the proximity to other creative entrepreneurs. media and entertainment entrepreneurs may have more need for cultural facilities as informal meeting places. It seems that small media and entertainment companies find availability of services important. only one entrepreneur from the creative commercial service sector perceives the availability of facilities as important. An explanation for this could be the value that these entrepreneurs attach to cooperation and the exchange of knowledge. I find it important to work at a location where I have the feeling that I can drink a beer in the direct surroundings at night. have a small business and are in the area for less than five years. Before 2000. He believes that the availability of such facilities is more important for living than for working. these bars grow like mushrooms out of the ground in this area. For example. the presence of a creative urban atmosphere in the Schlesische Straße and Wrangel has a larger role than the proximity to other creative entrepreneurs and the availability of cultural facilities. For three entrepreneurs. […] New bars. facilities in the area were much less developed than nowadays.as an influencing factor4. These two entrepreneurs have not been included in this part of the analysis 89 . We just need to go out and we are immediately in the next bar. most of the smaller companies perceive it as important. In contrast. The two older respondents already moved to the Schlesische Straße over ten years ago and have chosen this location for its available office space. that is really cool.
However. Entrepreneur 2 states for example that he feels attracted to the area. which have come to Wrangel recently. Three of them state that the presence of a sub-cultural scene has contributed to this image. this outcome could also be a mere coincidence. because there are a lot of creative people working in the surroundings. The image of the area had a role in the location choice of four entrepreneurs. All of the entrepreneurs.is mostly mentioned. 90 . €2-3. perceive creative urban atmosphere as important. the presence of a creative scene . who perceive creative urban environment as of influence.or in other words: the mere presence of other creative entrepreneurs. It seems logical that only those businesses.000. The fact that the two oldest entrepreneurs and the two largest companies do not perceive a creative urban atmosphere as important could mean that such an atmosphere is mainly important for young 'creatives' and small creative businesses. In relation with a creative urban atmosphere. good people” These entrepreneurs believe that the area’s positive image functions as a brand for their business and for their products. We just say in our brochure: good location.000 turn-over). Entrepreneur 1 says: “'One can really show this location. He believes that this also contributes to an attractive working atmosphere in the Hinterhöfe.30 employees. One entrepreneur also mentions the tolerant image of the multicultural area. It is not like you have to hide it. say that the presence of a creative scene has played a role in their location choice. since for two of those three entrepreneurs the irrelevancy of a creative urban atmosphere can be explained by their early move to the area. For two entrepreneurs the open-minded multicultural atmosphere had a role in their location decision. since this atmosphere has developed in the last five years. They perceive the image of the area as dynamic and creative and as lively or even trendy.
Although nine entrepreneurs have chosen this location for its good price. 2006 Source: Heebels. Nine of ten entrepreneurs state that the water had a positive influence on their decision to locate in the Schlesische Straße. as well as the restorations and good care of the buildings by the real estate agency (figure 29 &30). This [waterfront location] in combination with the quality of this area and the architectonical construction” (Entrepreneur 1) Figure 27: The waterfront view from one of the offices at a Hinterhöfe East from the Oberbaumbridge Figure 28: The waterfront view from the garden at Hinterhöfe West from the Oberbaum-bridge Source: Heebels. five entrepreneurs have also chosen the area for its architecture. In addition to the attractiveness of the waterfront. two entrepreneurs stated that the rents also had a negative influence on their location decision. Just as in other urban areas. waterfront development seems to attract creativity (figure 27 &28): “I am interested in the water: the waterfront location and the ambience. This makes rent prices the most mentioned location factor. They perceived the price as actually too high for them. the nicely restored Hinterhöfe and new architectural projects are mentioned in this respect. Although most of these developments are now part of the large Media-Spree project. The brick stone buildings.The most mentioned location factor is the attractiveness of the Hinterhöfe because of the location on the waterfront and architecture. 2006 Special in this respect is the small scale of both the creative businesses and the waterfront development. Although most entrepreneurs perceive an attractive and vibrant environment as crucial. they perceive rent prices as an important factor in their decision. together with the attractiveness of the (waterfront) location. 27 and 29/30 have initiated the restorations of the old factories and warehouses. since all entrepreneurs are part of small or medium-sized businesses and many of these businesses only exist since a few years. Nine of ten entrepreneurs have chosen the Schlesische Straße as their location because of good rent prices. the architectonical ambience. This is not very astonishing. Although soft location factors have been decisive in the respondents' location choice for the Schlesische Straße. the real estate agencies of Schlesische Straße 26. hard location factors have also played a considerable role. The tenth entrepreneur did not know if rent prices had played a role in the location decision. but considered the price as in a good proportion to the 91 . It is most likely that these companies have to consider price aspects as important factors in their location decision.
In addition. Four entrepreneurs cooperate with businesses within their own sector and all six entrepreneurs cooperate vertically. five entrepreneurs cooperate with printers or other facilitating companies and two entrepreneurs are facilitators for another company.” 6. Entrepreneur 10 is one of those four entrepreneurs. The businesses that deliver a whole product correspond to a large extent with the businesses of the creative commercial service sector.4 Contemporary cooperation between firms in the area Six entrepreneurs have some form of cooperation with other entrepreneurs in the area. who cooperate both vertically and horizontally. Those businesses that deliver a whole product cooperate less than those that are in the middle of a production chain. Of these six entrepreneurs who cooperate vertically. Most of the other entrepreneurs agree that rents in the area are not low but in a good proportion to the quality. performances take place at that other firm and in exchange entrepreneur 10’s firm tries to promote this firm. Only three of these entrepreneurs also perceived proximity to other entrepreneurs as important in their location decision. 2006 Source: Heebels. Her firm exchanges knowledge with another firm in the media/entertainment sector in the same building complex. entrepreneur 10 also vertically cooperates with equipment and fashion firms and occasionally with printers. Only two of five entrepreneurs in the creative commercial service sector cooperate with other businesses in the surroundings. In addition. which is fairly close to the centre. 92 . the only possible place is this location or < a location> a little bit further down stream. Most entrepreneurs state that it is important for vertical cooperation that the businesses to cooperate with are not too far away. In addition.Figure 29: An example of a nicely restored Hinterhöfe Figure 30: An example of new architecture Source: Heebels. some entrepreneurs mentioned the centrality of the location and the availability of adequate office space. 2006 quality of the location. Entrepreneur 5 states for instance: “Since we have searched for something at the waterfront.
entrepreneur 8 exchanges ideas with customers. because they do not know how we make such things. In the Hinterhöfe at Schlesische straße 27. giving advice and asking each other workrelated questions. Interesting in this respect is that these entrepreneurs all have a relatively small turnover and share a floor and split up rents with other creative businesses. This could stimulate the building of trust and simplifies making social (economic) contacts. I would say. We meet here in the Schlesische to have lunch. both at work and in bars or restaurants. Six of ten entrepreneurs do exchange some information and ideas with other entrepreneurs in their vicinity. These exchanges are more crucial: “Jager and SCK are customers and they have certain ideas about what they want to make. A few others said they might do this in the future. Remarkably. One entrepreneur tells he meets with befriended entrepreneurs from surrounding areas and they exchange information and ideas in bars in the area: “This happens automatically here <within the shared office>. who has a creative commercial service company.” In the field of employment. who are situated in the surrounding area. However. acquiring employees generally takes place on a higher 93 . This exchange is not financially fruitful. just talks about work with the other business within his office. This leads to some tumultuous effects. you have to find a solution together or we offer them a new idea. The intensity and the use of exchanges differ a lot between the entrepreneurs. only one of five entrepreneurs cooperates. So. Two businesses have exchanged employees with other businesses. Another relation is that the two businesses that are longer than five years in the area both cooperate with other businesses in the area. for instance. who cross the river to come and lunch here” (Entrepreneur 4).” The businesses that operate in the middle of a production chain largely correspond with the media entertainment sector. However. but contributes to a positive working atmosphere. little cooperation takes place between entrepreneurs in the area. also when they are from different sectors. In contrast. Often these <ideas> are difficult to convert or in some other way problematic. says: “We just develop those ideas within [our organisation]. Another explanation for the differences in contemporary cooperation could be that cooperation is more developed in some Hinterhöfe than in others. That we learn from them what they want and they want something from us. who work as architects etcetera somewhere in this area. It also happens often that I meet with friends. In the Hinterhöfe at Schlesische Straße 29/30. We have enough creative people within the firm… Or usually I develop ideas with my business partner. Entrepreneur 1. these more established businesses do not exchange information and ideas with entrepreneurs in their direct surroundings. four entrepreneurs cooperate with other businesses in the surroundings. I also meet people from Friedrichshain. Exchange mostly happens with neighbouring companies. four of these six creative entrepreneurs are located in Hinterhöfe 29/30. that people come together once in a while and that ideas…. That is in any case quite pleasant.Entrepreneur 6. In the media/entertainment sector. all entrepreneurs cooperate with other entrepreneurs in the area. to have lunch together or something. Exchange of information and ideas includes talking about plans or work. It always is a sort of ping pong effect. That is happening automatically here when people are together.
These differences could be related to the value attached to possibilities for face-to-face contact and the building of trust. Neither the presence of a local pool of specialized labour.5 Conclusions Most creative entrepreneurs have been informed about the area by informal networks of friends and colleagues. the possibility for face-toface contact and the building of trust had some influence on their location decision. since all of them search for employees in Berlin or even (inter)nationally. Especially the younger respondents with smaller businesses perceived the area’s creative urban atmosphere and the presence of a creative scene as important in their location choice. dynamic and creative and believe that this image works as a brand for their business and their products. who are informed by informal networks. This indicates that social networks are more important than economic factors as a reason for clustering. The two youngest entrepreneurs with their own business know the area through the club scene around the Schlesische Straße. Media and entertainment firms attach more value to this factor than creative commercial service firms. Possibilities for face-to-face contact and the building of trust played a small role in the location decision of the entrepreneurs. since they can do part of this exchange within their own firm. These entrepreneurs perceive the image of the area as lively. Both companies from the media and entertainment sector and companies from the creative commercial services are indifferent to the proximity of MTV and Universal. Remarkable is that the presence of MTV and Universal has not played a role in the location choice of any of the entrepreneurs. The availability of cultural facilities has played a moderate role in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. Although nine entrepreneurs state that it is easy to find employees in the surroundings. did not attach more value to the proximity of other creative entrepreneurs. An explanation for this could be that medium-sized businesses are less dependent on the exchange of knowledge with other businesses. they do not perceive their presence as directly important for themselves. small firms attach more value to this factor than medium-sized firms.scale and is not of influence on the entrepreneurs’ location decision. mostly by internet. In contrast. All of these respondents were informed about the area by informal ways. Although most entrepreneurs perceive the presence of MTV and Universal as good for the area’s image. An explanation for this difference could be that creative commercial services more often operate alone and design their own product for a certain contractor. none of them finds this particularly interesting. 6. 94 . nor the possibility of untraded dependencies such as shared uses or shared financial capital played a role in their decision for the Schlesische Straße as location. Small firms and media/entertainment firms attach more value to these possibilities and could therefore have more need for cultural facilities as informal meeting places. while media/entertainment firms operate in the middle of a production chain and need to exchange knowledge to be innovative in a world of fast-changing hypes. In the location decision of the entrepreneurs. For most media and entertainment firms. This indicates that cultural factors have played a larger role in the clustering of the creative entrepreneurs than (socio-) economic factors. for creative commercial service firms. Furthermore. There has not developed a local pool of specialized labour. The environment played a larger role in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs than proximity to other entrepreneurs. The symbolic value of the area appeared more important than the presence of cultural facilities in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs with(in) medium-sized creative businesses attached less value to proximity to other creative entrepreneurs than entrepreneurs within small creative businesses. Those entrepreneurs. this possibility had no influence at all. The symbolic value played a crucial role in the location decision for the Schlesische Straße. the proximity to other entrepreneurs only played a minor role.
who labour in the middle of a production chain. who are longer in the area. In addition. it seems logical that rent prices have to be kept in mind when choosing a location. who did not perceive these possibilities as important for their location decision. the entrepreneurs perceive rent prices as in a good proportion to the quality of the location. cooperates with other firms in the area. creative entrepreneurs. three entrepreneurs. cooperate more than those entrepreneurs. Informal exchange of information and ideas was also much more developed in one of the Hinterhöfe. All entrepreneurs are of small or medium-sized businesses and most businesses only exist for a few years. more often cooperate with other entrepreneurs in the area. it is remarkable that those entrepreneurs. The entrepreneurs hardly exchange employees and hardly share uses with other businesses in the area. In addition. also cooperate with other firms in the area. This largely corresponds with the difference between media and entertainment businesses and creative commercial services. who deliver a whole product. Next to soft location factors. 95 . This reflects the unimportance of the possibilities of a local pool of specialised labour and of sharing uses in the entrepreneurs’ location decisions. The majority of respondents. Regarding contemporary cooperation.All respondents mentioned the propinquity to the water and/or the attractiveness of the built environment as an important factor in their location choice. These results can be related to the historical pathdependent process of building trust and developing cooperation. It appeared that cooperation was more developed in some Hinterhöfe than in others. Although rents in the area are not particularly low. Therefore. who perceived proximity to other entrepreneurs as important in their location decision. The redevelopment of the waterfront seems to have an important role in attracting creative businesses. rent prices also had a considerable role in the location decision.
7. this discussion leads to the answers to research question II. On the city-level. Within this partnership. this section ends with an overall conclusion generated from both research questions.1 What is the importance of creative entrepreneurs for the development of the Wrangel neighbourhood? The hypothesis that a mix of small and large creative firms is very important for the development of creative clusters has appeared to be correct. the outcomes of the testing of the hypotheses will be discussed and the research questions will be answered. small creative firms provide new ideas and innovations. Small creative firms also seem to have been important as pioneers in the process of clustering. The district government is also involved in the development of a large-scale (creative) project for the waterfront area. Conclusions In this concluding section. These different governments all stimulate creative clustering in their own way. the economic development department has started to stimulate creative industries and networking on the basis of small-scale. the public sector in Berlin has started to give creative clusters a lot of attention. For the development of the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße. the district government is primarily focused on economic interests and has no 96 . this is especially the case for media/entertainment businesses. The lack of attention for the creative cluster in the Schlesische Straße could also be related to the legitimate Bebauungplan. the municipality of Berlin has started to present Berlin as a city for creative industries. The examination of the hypotheses will provide the answers to the sub research questions and to research question I. The government has joined several private partners in a public-private partnership. The economic development department seems unaware that most clusters are the result of a long process of spontaneous settlement. In the same way as with research question 1. The section will start with the discussion of the hypotheses formulated for research question I. On the district level. The stimulation of existing clusters or spontaneously developing clusters. thematic projects. In the last five years. Although a local development plan recognizes the importance of creative industries. After this. but is not particularly concerned with the cluster in the Schlesische Straße. All hypotheses will be attended successively. This is related to the government structure of Berlin: the lower levels of government have a large degree of autonomy and can establish their own policies. A critical mass of small creative firms has contributed to the attraction of large international firms. a mix of small and large creative companies is indeed crucial. which prohibits offices in this area. the economic department has started with the stimulation of clusters. The hypothesis that local actors increasingly invest in creative clusters to stimulate local development has turned out to be correct. especially as public institutions are concerned. 7. Whereas large creative firms function as ‘brands’. the hypotheses formulated for research question II will be discussed. The emphasis of this department is on the topdown stimulation of new clusters within these thematic projects. On the city level and the district level. it seems impossible to openly stimulate creative businesses as long as this official Bebauungplan does not change. After discussing both research questions. such as the cluster around the Schlesische Straße does not seem to occur. In the cluster in the Schlesische Straße. This indicates both a lack of agreement between official planning documents on different scales and a lack of cooperation between the economic and the planning department on the district level.
As illustrated above. whereas the district government does not. This image improvement has also contributed to more self-respect of the local population and to the (economic) redevelopment of the area. to some extent. The other way around. Just as the private actors. Rather than having a mobilising and coordinating role between actors of different interest. The public-private partnership revolves around the interests of property owners and real estate agencies. As a consequence. but cooperation is absent between these departments and the department of planning. The district government has no attention for possible negative consequences of the large-scale developments for the local population or for small local businesses. The hypothesis that an important consequence of creative clustering for neighbourhoods will be the improvement of their image has appeared to be correct. the district government is not very informed on what happens in the field of creative clustering and does not have sufficient knowledge on how to stimulate this clustering. The city government has established cooperation between the departments of culture and of economy. These cultural facilities can be seen as the second culturally constructed economy of culture and consumption. Remarkable in this respect is that the local neighbourhood managers are aware of the developing creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße and its possible effects on Wrangel. the district government has used a topdown approach to stimulate creative clustering. The impact of the creative cluster on local economic development corresponds with the three intersecting culturally constructed economies of Crewe and Beaverstock. Nevertheless. However. the local insight of the neighbourhood manager are not passed on to higher levels. Local community actors are not even involved. have used a bottom-up approach to stimulate creative clustering. who work for the district government. This economy of culture and consumption is not just stimulated by the presence of the creative cluster but also by the presence of a vibrant nightlife and a sub cultural scene. 97 . This can be interpreted as Crewe and Beaverstock's third culturally constructed economy. they have recognized the importance of the creative cluster for the image and liveliness of the neighbourhood and have subsidized a number of starting creative firms. These neighbourhood managers are primarily focused on the local population of Wrangel and their social and cultural environment. Horizontal cooperation between different departments does occur. In general. The first economy of creative cluster cooperation and informal meetings between creative entrepreneurs seems to have attracted new cultural facilities. the local neighbourhood managers. the government seems to have a subordinate role and seems to follow the lines of the main private actors. The hypothesis that local actors often use a top-down approach to stimulate creative clusters has partially come true.attention for social and cultural interests. Vertical knowledge transfer from the abstract ideas of the highest administrate level of the city to the lower levels does hardly occur. both vertical and horizontal cooperation between different actors has appeared to be minimal. The lack of communication between the economic department of the district government and the neighbourhood managers seems to frustrate the stimulation of the creative cluster around the Schlesische Straße. The improvement of Wrangel's image has been one of the most noticeable impacts of the creative cluster. The city government recognizes the importance of sub cultural initiatives and the night-time economy in relation to creative clustering. at the administrative level of the city but is mainly absent on the administrative level of the district. The hypothesis that creative clusters will boost the local economy due to more clientele for local businesses also appeared to be correct. the government emphasizes on the attraction of large (international) firms.
However. This image improvement and the further development of the creative cluster are related to the sub cultural scene. Firstly. the presence of luxury or scene-related facilities leads to processes of social exclusion or segregation. However. although property owners and real estate agents are powerful actors in the Media-Spree developments. Secondly. built environment and local economy. The main expectation of local actors regarding the creative cluster is further improvement of Wrangel's image. most neighbourhoods in this part of Berlin are less segregated. In comparison with other West European cities. creative entrepreneurs could become even more important for the development of Wrangel. both horizontally and vertically. Former West-Berlin still has a mix of residents on the neighbourhood level. The hypothesis that local actors expect the creative cluster to contribute to a positive image of the surrounding neighbourhoods appeared to be true. The hypothesis that creative clusters will lead to increasing rents and a changing population composition will probably turn out to be true. Thirdly. the social consequences of the creative cluster are ambiguous. 98 . In conclusion. Moreover. Stimulating creative entrepreneurs in combination with sub cultural initiatives and the night-time economy could have positive effects on local employment. The local population cannot afford to visit these new facilities or has no interest in visiting them. Wrangel as a whole and the Hinterhöfe have been renovated as a result of increased attention for the area. The main importance of creative entrepreneurs is their contribution to the attraction of cultural facilities and to the improvement of the neighbourhood’s image.The hypothesis that creative clusters will lead to the physical improvement of the local area due to less vacancy and more attention for the area appeared correct. For the future development of Wrangel. caused by creative clustering amongst other developments. as a crucial part of the creative cluster. which is shifting to Kreuzberg. a slight change in population composition could also have positive effects. When better cooperation between the involved actors would exist. The image improvement gives locals more confidence and the physical improvements of the area make Wrangel a safer and better place to live in. it is expected that creative entrepreneurs will especially contribute to the further improvement of the neighbourhood’s image. The built environment of the Schlesische Straße has especially improved by a decrease in vacancy. A more bottom-up approach and more attention to the developing cluster around the Schlesische Straße would help to attract and maintain small and medium-sized creative firms in the area and would contribute to the positive development of Wrangel. important for the improvement of Wrangel's image. they do not have the upper hand in the development of the Schlesische Straße. At the same time. the increased popularity of the area by more affluent people. such as a more socially stable area. Zukin’s doom scenario that property markets will get the upper hand and that this will lead to the displacement of creative pioneers and local residents will not apply here. The role of creative entrepreneurs in the social conditions of Wrangel's residents is ambiguous. the scale of displacement will probably be restricted to the level of streets or building blocks. is starting to cause displacement processes because of increasing rents. The hypothesis that creative clusters will not significantly improve the social conditions of the local residents is at least partially true. creative entrepreneurs are.
The hypothesis that the presence of untraded dependencies is an important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location has proved to be incorrect. Social (economic) reasons. The hypothesis that entrepreneurs with(in) small creative businesses attach more value to the proximity of other creative entrepreneurs compared to entrepreneurs with(in) mediumsized creative businesses comes true. Both in terms of possibilities for cooperation and in terms of the symbolic and actual value for the area. The hypothesis that the environment has a larger influence on the location decision than the proximity to other creative entrepreneurs has appeared to be correct. have not been important for the creative entrepreneurs. as distinguished in the ideas of the creative milieu. This opportunity did not play a role in the location decision of creative commercial service entrepreneurs. this has played a role in their location decision. they did not attach more value to the proximity of other creative entrepreneurs in the sense of cooperation possibilities. none of the entrepreneurs perceived this as important in their location choice. such as distinguished by Marshall. The hypothesis that creative entrepreneurs see the proximity to large (international) companies in their own sector as an important location advantage has appeared to be invalid. attached more value to the presence of a creative urban atmosphere. The hypothesis that those creative entrepreneurs. face-to-face contact and the building of trust had a small influence on their location decision. at all.2 What are the main reasons for creative entrepreneurs to locate on the waterfront of the Schlesische Straße? The hypothesis that most creative entrepreneurs have been informed about their location by informal networks of friends. This difference can be explained by the fact that media/entertainment entrepreneurs are more dependent on faceto-face contact and the building of trust since they operate from the middle of a production chain and have to be innovative in a world of fast-changing hypes. Small firms also attach more value to cultural facilities than medium-sized firms. The hypothesis that the availability of cultural facilities is an important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location did not come true. Again. colleagues and other acquaintances turned out to be valid. media and entertainment entrepreneurs attach more value to this location factor than creative commercial service entrepreneurs. Small firms and media/entertainment 99 . The availability of cultural facilities has only played a moderate role in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. The above illustrates that the economic reasons for clustering. The acquiring of employees generally take place on the scale of Berlin or even on an (inter)national scale. The hypothesis that the presence of a local pool of labour was an important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location also turned out to be incorrect. attach more value to the proximity of other creative entrepreneurs appeared to be ambiguous.7. Creative entrepreneurs with small businesses sometimes share offices and are more dependent on face-to-face contact. who are informed by informal networks. the presence of two large media/entertainment firms in the direct vicinity did not have any (direct) influence on the location choice of any of the entrepreneurs. Although the entrepreneurs. For none of the entrepreneurs. For media and entertainment entrepreneurs. play a small part in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. Although some entrepreneurs share an office floor. The hypothesis that the opportunity for face-to-face contact and the building of trust is an important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location appeared to be incorrect. who were informed by informal networks.
However. most studies on clusters have emphasized on (socio-)economic reasons for clustering. Especially younger respondents with smaller businesses perceived this as important. Thus. This thesis shows that the real and symbolic value of the 100 . The hypothesis that a creative urban atmosphere is an important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose for a particular location has appeared to be correct. It is remarkable that three entrepreneurs who did not perceive proximity to other entrepreneurs as important in their location choice still cooperate with other entrepreneurs in the area at the moment. because this proximity makes face-to-face contact and the building of trust possible and can provide untraded dependencies and local pools of specialised labour. the reason mentioned most often for choosing this location appeared to be the attractiveness of the waterfront location and the built environment. the entrepreneurs particularly appreciated the presence of a creative scene. The proximity to other creative entrepreneurs was only a moderate reason for media/entertainment firms to locate on the waterfront of the Schlesische Straße. These outcomes can be linked to the historical and path dependent process of building trust and developing cooperation.firms perceive face-to-face contact and the exchange of knowledge as important. All entrepreneurs perceived this as of decisive importance.3 Overall conclusions Until recently. the creative urban atmosphere and the relatively low rent level. Another important reason for creative entrepreneurs to choose this location is the rent level. will have more cooperation with other entrepreneurs in the area has become true. still have started to cooperate with other entrepreneurs in the area. cooperate more than entrepreneurs. it appeared that entrepreneurs. In these studies. The proximity to large creative companies was not important in the location decision of the entrepreneurs. In addition. The relatively low rent prices are attractive for entrepreneurs with (recently started) small or medium-sized businesses. they could have more need for cultural facilities as informal meeting places. This corresponds to a large extent with the difference between media/entertainment entrepreneurs and creative commercial service entrepreneurs. the proximity to other entrepreneurs is perceived as crucial. In conclusion. especially the symbolic value of the area and the price factor have played a role in the entrepreneur's location decision for the Schlesische Straße. who stand in the middle of a production chain. The real and symbolic value of the environment is probably more important than the proximity to other entrepreneurs. who are longer on a certain location. However. The hypothesis that creative entrepreneurs. who did not see proximity to other entrepreneurs as important. both the presence of cultural facilities and of these large companies have indirectly played a role because of their contribution to the creative urban atmosphere. The exchange of information and ideas was also more developed in one of the Hinterhöfe. colleagues and other acquaintances. Some recent studies indicate that for creative clustering cultural values are more important than economic ones. The creative urban atmosphere appeared especially important for those entrepreneurs that have been informed about the location by informal networks of friends. It appeared that cooperation was more developed in some of the Hinterhöfe. it is remarkable that some entrepreneurs. The availability of cultural facilities only played a moderate role in the entrepreneur's location decision. the main reasons for creative entrepreneurs to locate on the waterfront of the Schlesische Straße are the propinquity to the water and the attractiveness of the built environment. However. 7. Within a creative urban atmosphere. The redevelopment of the waterfront seems to have played an important role in the attraction of creative firms. For this reason. who deliver a whole product.
It appeared that especially the symbolic value of the environment has been crucial in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. creative entrepreneurs seem to attract cultural facilities rather than the other way around. did not have attention for the symbolic value of the place (or for other cultural aspects) in spite of their importance. More cooperation and a more bottom-up approach to stimulate clustering would probably lead to a better understanding of the origination of creative clusters and the role of the symbolic value of a place. local actors will better know how to stimulate clustering. In the case of the Schlesische Straße. Rather than developing creative clusters with a topdown approach. they do not realise the importance of subculture and the night-time economy. further research is needed on this micro level. but also for the development of the neighbourhood. especially regarding the institutional thickness of clusters. As this thesis is one of the first studies on the micro level of the individual creative entrepreneurs. it appeared that the institutional thickness of the cluster in terms of creative entrepreneurs and cultural facilities is well developed but that the institutional thickness in terms of the interaction between different local institutions is highly underdeveloped. In addition to the symbolic value. the interaction and cooperation between these institutions is minimal. It would be interesting to see if this also applies for creative clustering in other cases. because it provides insights in the development of clusters. The neighbourhood managers recognize that the presence of creative entrepreneurs and a sub-cultural scene boosts the image of the neighbourhood and positively influences local development. the district government. Furthermore. longitudinal research on clustering should be undertaken to gain more understanding in how clusters originate and develop. the real value of the environment in terms of the presence of cultural facilities has not played a large role in the location decision. How do such clusters originate and how do they develop? What can be done to stimulate this development? Thus. Although different local institutions are involved in stimulating clustering. This government has a strong emphasis on economic factors and mainly stimulates networking between (creative) firms in a top-down manner. the main executor of creative cluster policies in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. the rent level has also played a decisive role in the location decision of the creative entrepreneurs. However. the presence of other creative entrepreneurs and the presence of cultural facilities. In contrast. The symbolic value of the place is not only important for creative entrepreneurs. research on the micro-level of clustering is important. This symbolic value emanates from the combination of a subcultural scene and a vivid night-time economy. The relation of the micro level of the creative entrepreneur with the meso and macro level of creative clustering should also be further investigated. The arrival of a subcultural scene and the establishment of a critical mass of creative entrepreneurs and cultural facilities have led to the improvement of the area's image and to the attraction of more creative firms and cultural facilities. Additional research will show if the results of this thesis are explicitly valid for this particular case or are more generally valid. They have a blind spot for spontaneously developing clusters.(cultural) environment is indeed more important than (socio-)economic factors in the location decision of creative entrepreneurs. governments should stimulate spontaneously developing clusters with a bottom-up approach. 101 . Moreover. If more insight exists in this development. In this thesis.
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die sich in dem Cluster in der Schlesischen Straße befinden 108 . zu verdeutlichen. gleichzeitig mehr Einsicht in die individuellen Beweggründe der kreativen Unternehmen für das Clustering und in die Auswirkungen dieses Clusterprozesses für den umliegenden Kiez zu bekommen. • Die Beweggründe der kreativen Unternehmen. sich in der Schlesischen Straße niederzulassen. sich an der Spreeseite der Schlesischen Straße niederzulassen? Wie haben kreative Unternehmen von diesem Gebiet erfahren? Inwiefern hat die Nachbarschaft der anderen kreativen Unternehmen eine Rolle bei der Standortwahl gespielt? Inwiefern hat die (kulturelle) Umgebung eine Rolle bei der Standortwahl gespielt? Inwiefern kann man zur Zeit von Zusammenarbeit zwischen kreativen Unternehmen im Gebiet sprechen? Um diese Fragen zu beantworten. Meine Zielsetzungen sind: • Mehr Einsicht in die Bedeutung der kreativen Unternehmen im Rahmen der Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez zu verschaffen. die Gründe für Clustering und die Auswirkungen des Clusterings für das kreative Cluster an der Spreeseite der Schlesischen Straße zu untersuchen. kreative Unternehmen. Zusätzlich habe ich Verwaltungsdokumente analysiert.Summary/ Zusammenfassung “Creative clustering and the neighbourhood” Gründe für Clustering und Auswirkungen des Clusterings kreativer Unternehmer im Wrangelkiez. Ich hoffe. Mit dieser Methode habe ich versucht. dass diese Arbeit auch zu allgemeineren Aussagen bezüglich des Funktionierens kreativer Cluster und der Auswirkungen für die Stadtentwicklung führen können. habe ich die Methode “semi-structured interviewing” angewandt.und Betriebsdaten erstellt. • Mehr Einsicht in den Zusammenhang zwischen der Ebene der individuellen Unternehmer einerseits und der Ebene des kreativen Clusterings und der Stadtentwicklung andererseits zu verschaffen Diese Zielsetzungen haben zu den folgenden Hauptfragen geführt: • • Wie wichtig sind kreative Unternehmer für die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez? Wie wichtig sind kreative Unternehmer für die Entwicklung des kreativen Clusters? Inwiefern wird das kreative Cluster durch lokale Akteure gefördert? Welche sozialen. Berlin Das Ziel der Diplomarbeit “Creative clustering and the neighbourhood” ist es. ökonomischen und physischen Auswirkungen hat das kreative Cluster im Wrangelkiez? Was erwarten lokale Akteure in Bezug auf die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez? Was sind die wichtigsten Beweggründe für kreative Unternehmen. sowie eine Beobachtungsuntersuchung und eine kleine Umfrage durchgeführt. Diese Interviews wurden mit Hilfe einer Themenliste und einiger Anfangsfragen über Personen. Bei der Untersuchung wurden zwei verschieden Gruppen befragt: 1.
Ein „bottom-up“ Ansatz und eine größere Aufmerksamheit für die Clusterentwicklung in der Schlesischen Straße würde dafür sorgen. Was sind die wichtigste Beweggründe kreativer Unternehmen. dass kreative Unternehmer hauptsächlich an einer weiteren Verbesserung des Image des Wrangelkiez beitragen. Kreative Unternehmer haben vor allem eine positive Auswirkung auf die kulturelle Wirtschaft des Kiez. Kollegen oder anderen Bekannten erfahren hatten. c) die kreative städtische Atmosphäre und d) die relativ niedrigen Mieten. Die kreative Atmosphäre war vor allem für die Unternehmen wichtig. Die Nähe der anderen kreativen Unternehmen hat nur für Medien. dass kreative Unternehmen in dem Gebiet bleiben und ausserdem zu einem Zuzug weiterer kreativer Unternehmen führen. Die Anwesenheit der kreativen Unternehmen und der subkulturellen Szene im Gebiet der Schlesischen Straße haben dort zu einer Zunahme der kulturellen Einrichtungen geführt. Ausserdem haben 25 kleine Unternehmen in der Schlesischen Straße an einer Umfrage teilgenommen. die sich mit dem kreativen Cluster/den kreativen Clustern und/oder mit der Förderung dieses Clusters und der Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez beschäftigen Insgesamt wurden in dem Zeitraum zwischen November 2005 und Februar 2006 Interviews mit zehn kreativen Unternehmen und sechs lokalen Akteuren durchgeführt. dass manche Unternehmer. b) die Attraktivität der Umgebung. sich an der Spreeseite der Schlesischen Straße niederzulassen? Die wichtigsten Gründe für kreative Unternehmen. sich an der Spreeseite der Schlesischen Straße niederzulassen. Die Ausarbeitung der Interviews und der Vergleich mit der theoretischen Hintergrund hat zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen geführt: Wie wichtig sind kreative Unternehmen für die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez? Kreative Unternehmen sind ein wichtiger Faktor in der Aufwertung des Image des Wrangelkiez.2. Ausserdem haben kreative Unternehmen einen günstigen Effekt auf die physische Umgebung und die lokale Wirtschaft des Wrangelkiez. lokale Akteure. (Nichtsdestotrotz leisten MTV. entscheidend. doch angefangen haben mit diesen Unternehmen zusammenzuarbeiten. Diese Förderung von Kreativität dürfte auch eine positive Auswirkung auf die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez haben. Für die Zukunft wird erwartet. Die Anwesenheit der kulturellen Einrichtungen hat nur eine kleine Rolle bei der Standortwahl der Unternehmer gespielt.und Unterhaltungsunternehmen eine kleine Rolle bei ihrer Standortsentscheidung gespielt. 109 . Für die meisten Unternehmer waren die Kosten und der symbolische Wert des Standorts für die Wahl. Die Förderung kreativer Unternehmen in Verbindung mit subkulturellen Initiativen dürfte einen sehr positiven Effekt auf den örtlichen Arbeitsmarkt haben. Allerdings fällt auf. Die Nachbarschaft von MTV und Universal war für die Unternehmer nicht wichtig. falls die verschiedenen lokale Akteure (horizontal und vertikal) besser zusammenarbeiten. Die Bedeutung kreativer Unternehmer für die soziale Situation im Wrangelkiez kann nicht eindeutig bestimmt werden. sind: a) die Nähe des Wassers. Universal und die Anwesenheit der kulturellen Einrichtungen durch ihre Nachbarschaft einen indirekten Beitrag zur kreativen städtischen Atmosphäre). Die Bedeutung kreativer Unternehmer für die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez könnte noch steigen. sich in der Schlesischen Straße niederzulassen. die von dem Standort über informelle Netzwerke von Freunden. für die die Nähe zu den anderen Unternehmen nicht wichtig war.
Abgesehen von dem symbolischen Wert hat der Mietpreis auch eine ausschlaggebende Rolle bei der Standortwahl der Unternehmer gespielt. kultureller Einrichtungen und anderer kreativer Unternehmen. In diesen Studien wird die Nähe anderer Unternehmen als sehr wichtig angesehen. obwohl diese Abteilung einer der wichtigsten Akteure bei der Förderung kreativer Unternehmen in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg ist. statt kreative Cluster aus dem Nichts selbst zu enwickeln. Diese Förderungen sind Ausdruck eines top-down Ansatzes. dass zu wenig Zusammenarbeit zwischen verschiedenen lokalen Akteuren besteht. Verschiedene lokale Einrichtungen sind bei der Förderung des kreativen Clusterings beteiligt.Schlussfolgerungen Die meisten Studien über das Clustering (kreativer) Unternehmen unterstreichen (sozial)ökonomische Gründe für das Clustering. aber die Verbindungen und die Zusammenarbeit zwischen diesen Einrichtungen ist gering. Vor allem der symbolische Wert der Umgebung war bei der Standortwahl der Kreativen entscheidend. sondern auch für die Stadtentwicklung als Ganzes sehr wichtig. Dieser symbolische Wert beinhaltet die Anwesenheit einer subkulturellen Szene. Diese Nachbarschaft sollte face-to-face Kontakte ermöglichen. Das Quartiersmanagement Wrangel ist sich der Bedeutung der Anwesenheit kreativer Unternehmer und der subkulturellen Szene für das Image und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung des Kiez bewusst. dass der wirkliche und symbolische Wert der Umgebung für kreative Unternehmer und ihre Standortwahl tatsächlich wesentlicher ist als ökonomische Faktoren. eines lebendigen Nachtlebens. dass kulturelle Faktoren wichtiger sind als ökonomische Faktoren. Der symbolische Wert ist allerdings nicht nur für kreative Unternehmer. Manche neuere Studien zeigen. das gegenseitige Vertrauen fördern und zu wichtigen Fühlungsvorteilen führen. Das Erscheinen einer subkulturellen Szene und das Erreichen einer kritischen Masse kreativer Unternehmer und kultureller Einrichtungen haben zu der Verbesserung des Image des Gebiets und zu der Niederlassung neuer kreativer Firmen und kultureller Einrichtungen geführt. Eine andere wichtige Schlussfolgerung dieser Diplomarbeit ist. Der wirkliche und symbolische Wert der (kulturellen) Umgebung ist wahrscheinlich wichtiger als die Nähe zu den anderen kreativen Unternehmen. Der Schwerpunkt des Bezirksamts sind Netzwerkbildung und andere wirtschaftliche Förderungsmassnahmen. Mehr Zusammenarbeit und ein bottom-up Ansatz würde zu mehr Verständnis für das Entstehen der kreativen Cluster und die Rolle der symbolischen Standortbedeutung führen. Diese Diplomarbeit zeigt. 110 . Der Wirtschaftsförderungsabteilung des Bezirksamts FriedrichshainKreuzberg hat im Gegensatz dazu keine Aufmerksamkeit für den symbolischen Wert (oder für andere kulturelle Aspekte) des Standorts. Die Behörde sollte spontan entwickelte Clusters mit bottom-up Methoden fördern.
The third phase of the thesis included finding respondents and conducting the interviews with creative entrepreneurs and key persons and the survey amongst local facility owners. the topics were not always discussed in the best order possible. I learned German very quickly and I am still content with my topic lists. I visited some Berlin libraries to find information on my research area and to extent the theoretical literature. Unfortunately. In the second month a started with designing topic lists and thinking about how to find interviewees. A preparatory interview with this interviewee led to the precise definition of my research area. two interviews were cancelled just before I moved back to the Netherlands. this was still the beginning phase. I had not even visited Berlin yet and did not precisely know what I wanted to study. with the German language and with my research area. To get more feeling with the subject and find the exact location for my case study. However. goal and research questions were well developed in the research design. the amount of 10 interviewed creative entrepreneurs is rather low in my opinion. A small observation study of two days through Friedrichshain and Kreuzberg in combination with an interview with a PhD student from the Technische Universität Berlin. I concentrated on learning the German language and on finding my way in the city. I will critically assess this master thesis. 111 . I came in touch with the interviewee from the Quartiersmanagement. This research design has been very helpful. goals. who was an expert on creative clustering and knew the city of Berlin very well. Both the collection of creative entrepreneurs by the internet and my own inventory and the collection of key persons by the “snowball method” has worked out well. This research design has been a separate course in the master programme. In the same period. helped me to downscale my exact research area. I moved to Berlin. The next time I would start a month or a few weeks earlier with conducting the interviews to have some spare time in case people cancel. fourth. I decided to quickly visit Berlin for a preliminary investigation. because it helped me to start with writing the theoretical section and to focus directly from the beginning. However. The intention was to explore the theoretical context of your thesis subject and to formulate a first design of your aim. The collection of respondents has taken place from the second month until the fifth month of my time in Berlin. This short visit proved to be very useful. I did not exactly know what I wanted to accomplish with my thesis yet. The second phase of the thesis included getting acquainted with Berlin. fifth and sixth month of my time in Berlin. In the first interviews. In addition. In this way. In addition. I altered and sharpened my research design. the conceptual models were too complicated and did not include the whole research. In this phase. After the summer holidays.Reflection In this final section. Although the aim. With this new information. Via the PhD student from the TU Berlin. The interviews with both entrepreneurs and key persons have taken place in the third. the theoretical framework was more a summary of existing literature and still lacked a clear conclusion. This second phase of the thesis went very well in my opinion. After a few interviews. research questions and to write down some first ideas on the methodology and time path of your thesis. this conversation helped me in finding new respondents. The first phase of this thesis included the writing of a research design. I will focus on the process of writing this thesis and comment on both this process and the results. I found it still difficult to discuss the topics in a non-predefined order. In the first one and a half month.
In general. I am very contended about how I have conducted the interviews. Yet the content of this section could have been better if I would have had a clearer aim from the start. Although the interviews still contain interesting information that I have not used. I have conducted a small survey amongst facility owners in the Schlesische Straβe. the actual use for finding answers to the research questions may not have been worth the effort. this information was not relevant for the aim of this thesis. the empirical and theoretical part of the research have a clearer link from the beginning. I could have used the time that I needed to rewrite the theoretical section to broaden and deepen this section. I have analysed the interviews in a structured manner. Subsequently I have written the second part of the section of Berlin. Most of the more complicated expert interviews have been conducted in the fifth and sixth month. This section needed structural improvements and still lacked parts when I first handed it in. I would revise the theoretical part also while doing the empirical study. which has positively contributed to the quality of these interviews. After writing the first part of the section on Berlin. almost all the sentences of the interviews were reproducible in text. Finally. The fourth phase of the thesis included typing out and analysing the interviews and starting to write the section on Berlin. The fifth phase of the thesis included the actual writing. I have written this part in one go and this resulted in a too broad story on Berlin with information that is not always as relevant for the purpose of this thesis. In future research. The introduction 112 . With her comments. Fortunately. The analysis of the interviews with help of the computer programme Maxqda has worked out well. I am content about the conclusion of the thesis. In addition. Nevertheless. I realised that the conceptual models and the sequence of the research questions could still be improved. I found the empirical sections and the methodology section relatively easy to write. Despite the language barrier. These sections did not need major improvements. Although this survey did provide some more insight in the relation between creative entrepreneurs and other entrepreneurs in the research area and was interesting to do. I will pay more attention to the structure and the aim of the theoretical framework from the beginning. In general. While writing the conclusion.my German and interview techniques improved and this improvement gradually continued until the last three or four interviews. In this way. which has contributed to the reliability of the analysis and has simplified answering the research questions. I have written the introduction and conclusion of the thesis. the theoretical section has turned into a structured section with a clear conclusion. Recording the interviews with a professional recorder has contributed to the quality of the interview texts. In the sixth and last month in Berlin. I perceived the theoretical section as by far the hardest section to write. I have improved these other sections. this survey did not cost much time. the methodology section and the theoretical section. Nevertheless. this time could have been better used by expending and fine-tuning the theoretical section and by visiting Berlin libraries. I have written the two empirical sections. I should have spent more time on the theoretical part of the thesis in this phase. Fortunately. my supervisor has examined all the other sections. In the end.
In future studies. I think that the empirical study and the accompanying sections (including the conclusion) are strong aspects of this master thesis. The section on Berlin gives a profound overview of Berlin and Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. 113 .After critically assessing my thesis. In addition. The theoretical part. but lacks in-depth insights. I will therefore pay more attention to the fine-tuning of the theoretical framework and the research design during the whole research process. if this conclusion were found earlier during the study. the conclusion of the theoretical section could have led to a sharper research design. The topic lists are a good representation of the research questions. The theoretical section gives a decent overview of the literature. the interviews are of a decent quality and the use of maxqda has made the analysis more structured. the research design and the Berlin section are weaker aspects of this thesis. but the information in this section is not always relevant for the aim of this thesis.
Appendices Appendix A: The research area: visual map Source: Google Earth. 2006 .
cited on 28-08-2006 115 .de.quartiersmanagement-wrangelkiez.Appendix B: The research area: planning map Source: www.
employment and women and member of the Media and Communication board • • • . manager and spokesperson of Regionalmanagement Media-Spree Mrs. Ruthsatz. Hausotter. manager of Wrangelvision Mrs. manager ad interim of the sub department of economic development of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Mr. manager of Quartiersmanagement Wrangel Mr. Meyer. Rudolph. Mühlhans employee of the Senatsverwaltung of economics. Klish.Appendix C: Overview of interviewed experts • • • Mrs. employee of the sub department of urban planning of Bezirksamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Mr.
000 550.000-3.000 2.000 70. 2006 Size of business (number of employees) 2 3 5 30 15 1 2 1 6 6 Age of business (in years) 13 9 6 22 6 3 0 19 9 2 Anual Sales (in Euros) 30.000.000 300.000.000-80.000 Year of moving to the Schlesischer Strasse 2004 2000 2002 1995 2001 2005 2005 1986 2002 2004 Media and entertainment sector .000.Appendix D: Overview of interviewed enterpreneurs Sector Creative commercial service sector Type of business Urban planning and graphic design agency Architect Web design company Landscape architect Research and marketing agency Film producing company Developer of electronic devices Press agency Record label Game and animation studio Source: Heebels.000 1.000 200.
In wieweit ist das Gebiet unterschiedlich von anderer Gebieten im FriedrichshainKreuzberg und von andere Gebieten in Berlin? Wichtigste Stärken und Schwächen des Wrangelkiez Im Internet habe ich eine Stärken-Schwächen Analyse gefunden für den Wrangelkiez.Schwächen/Problemen Initiatieven um den Kiez zu stärken Welche Initiativen gibt es um den Kiez zu stärken? Wer ist Verantwortlich für diese Initiativen? Akteuren? . Schlesiche .Bezirkambt .Bevölkerung .Wichtigkeit Cluster auf die andere Seite von der Spree: MTV.Betrieben .Stärken .Wichtigkeit Kreative Unternehmen auf diese Seite.Andere actoren? Wichtigkeit des Image.Berlijn .Kreavität und viele Geschäften und Unternehmen Wichtigkeit Kreatives Cluster um die Oberbaumbrücke Es gibt viele Kreative Unternehmen um die Oberbaumbrücke herum. Kulturelle Einrichtungen . image building .Image: neues Logo. . Wie wichtig finden Sie dieses Kreativen Cluster/ diese Kreative Unternehmen für den Kiez? . der Kultur und der Kreativität für den Kiez Wie wichtig finden Sie Image.Kultur: Multikulturelle Sphere.Bundesland . Was finden Sie jetzt die Stärken und Schwächen des Wrangelkiez? . Diese war im 2004 hergestelt.Wichtigkeit Kreative Unternehmen im Wrangelkiez .Quartiersmanagement .Appendix E: Topic list Quartiersmanagement Organisation und Stellung • Name (m) Was ist Ihren Name? • Einrichtung Was sind die wichtigsten Zielen des Quartiersmanagements? • Stellung (w) Welche Stellung haben Sie im Quartiersmanagement? • Wie ist das Quartiersmanagement an den Betrieben im kiez beteiligt? Und seit wann? • Wie ist das Quartiersmanagement an den kreativen Unternehmen beteiligt? Und seit wann? Karakteriserung Wrangel Können Sie kurz etwas über den Wrangelkiez erzählen? .EU . Kultur und Kreativität für die Entwichlung dieses Kiez? .
Jetzt . denken Sie? Finden Sie es wichtig das das Quartiersmanagement diese Kreative Unternehmen stimuliert? 119 .Im Soziallen Bereich .Im Kulturellen Bereich .In der Zukunft .Initiativen Quartiersmanagement um kreative Unternehmen zu stimulieren Welche Initiativen unternehmt das Quartiersmanagement um Kreative Unternehmen zu stimulieren? .Gibt es Initiativen um Unternehmen im Algemeinen zu stimulieren? Konsequenzen des Kreatives Cluster Welche/ Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster/ haben diese kreative Unternehmen bis jetzt? .Im Kulturellen Bereich .Im Bereich der Wirtschaft .Im Bereich der Wirtschaft .In der Vergangenheit .Für die Räumlichen Situation Erwartungen des kreativen Cluster Was sind Ihre Erwartungen bezüglich diese kreative Unternehmen? .Für die Räumlichen Situation Zukunfterwartung für den Kiez Was sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für den Kiez? Rolle der kreativen Unternehmen in der Zukunft Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen im Kiez in dieser Zukunft.Im Soziallen Bereich .
Wichtigkeit Kreative Unternehmen auf diese Seite.Kultur: Multikulturelle Sphere.Stärken . Wie wichtig finden Sie dieses Kreativen Cluster/ diese Kreative Unternehmen für den Kiez? Spielen diese Unternehmen eine Rolle in den Änderungen im Kiez? Hat das Cluster positive effekten für die Geschäften und Kneipen hier? . Kultur und Kreativität eine Rolle in den Änderungen im Kiez? .Appendix F: topic list Wrangelvision Organisation und Stellung • Name (m) Was ist Ihren Name? • Einrichtung Was sind die wichtigsten Zielen des Wrangelvisions? • Stellung (w) Welche Stellung haben Sie im Wrangelvision? • Wie ist der Wrangelvision an Betrieben im kiez beteiligt? An welchen Betrieben? Und seit wann? Karakteriserung Wrangel Können Sie kurz etwas über den Wrangelkiez erzählen? . image building .Wichtigkeit Kreative Unternehmen im Wrangelkiez . der Kultur und der Kreativität für den Kiez Wie wichtig finden Sie Image.Schwächen/Problemen Wichtigkeit des Image.Betrieben . Kultur und Kreativität für die Entwichlung dieses Kiez? Spielen Image. . Schlesiche .Image: neues Logo. Kulturelle Einrichtungen . Was finden Sie die Stärken und Schwächen des Wrangelkiez? .Wichtigkeit Cluster auf die andere Seite von der Spree: MTV.Kreavität und viele Geschäften und Unternehmen Wichtigkeit Kreatives Cluster um die Oberbaumbrücke Es gibt viele Kreative Unternehmen um die Oberbaumbrücke herum.Bevölkerung .In wieweit ist das Gebiet unterschiedlich von anderer Gebieten im FriedrichshainKreuzberg und von andere Gebieten in Berlin? Hat das Gebiet sich geändert in den letzten Jahren? Wie hat das Gebiet sich geändert? Wichtigste Stärken und Schwächen des Wrangelkiez Das Quartiersmanagenemt hat eine Stärken-Schwächen Analyse hergestellt für den Wrangelkiez.
Konsequenzen des Kreatives Cluster Welche/ Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster/ haben diese kreative Unternehmen bis jetzt? . denken Sie? 121 .Im Bereich der Wirtschaft .Im Kulturellen Bereich .Für die Räumlichen Situation Zukunfterwartung für den Kiez Was sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für den Kiez? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen im Kiez in dieser Zukunft.Im Soziallen Bereich .
wo am schlechsten? Wichtigkeit des Image.Appendix G: topic list Bezirksamt (economic development subdepartment) Organisation und Stellung Name Wie ist Ihren Name? Stellung Welche Stellung haben Sie im Bezirksamt? Abteilung des Bezirksamts Könnten Sie kurz erzählen in welchen Bereichen Sie arbeiten? Ökonomische Entwicklung Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Können Sie kurz etwas über die Ökonomische Entwicklung von Kreuzberg-Friedrichshain erzählen? Was Groß ist die Arbeitslosenzahl. Kreativität und kreative Unternehmen zu fördern In wieweit unternimmt das Bezirksamt Initiativen um Kultur und Kreativität zu fördern? Was beinhalten diese Initiativen? Welche Projekte gibt es? Welche Projekte gab es? Gibt es Pläne um Kultur und Kreativität in der Zukunft zu fördern? Wie sind Sie selbst daran beteiligt? Ist das Bezirksamt an kreative Unternehmen in dem Bezirk beteiligt? JA: Wie? Und seit wann? NEIN: Gibt es oder gab es Pläne in dieser Richtung? Warum nicht? Ist das Bezirkamt an kreative Unternehmen in der Schlesiche Straße beteiligt? JA: Wie? Und seit wann? NEIN: Gibt es.Kreative Unternehmen Initiativen des Bezirksamt um Kultur. Kulturelles Angebot. wie MTV und Universal? . oder gab es Pläne in die Richtung? Warum nicht? Wichtigste Akteure und Projekte im Bereich Kultur und Kreativität Was sind die wichtigsten Projekten im Bereich Kultur und Kreativität im Bezirk? Wer sind dabei die wichtigste Akteure? Wichtigkeit Kreatives Cluster um die Oberbaumbrücke für den Bezirk Es gibt viele kreative Unternehmen um die Oberbaumbrücke herum. Kulturelle Einrichtungen . waterfront development wie in London. Kultur und Kreativität für die Entwicklung dieses Bezirks? . wie ist die Arbeitslosenzahl im bundesweiten Vergleich. im Vergleich zu gesamt Berlin? Wie entwickelt sich die Beschäftigung/ entwickeln sich die Betrieben in diesem Bezirk? Wo entwickelt sich der Bezirk am besten.Image . der Kultur und der Kreativität für den Bezirk Wie wichtig finden Sie Image.Kultur: Multi-kulti. Wie wichtig finden Sie dieses Kreativen Cluster für den Kiez? In Bezug auf Wirtschaft? In Bezug auf Tourismus? (Verbindung Eastside Galerie. Multi-Kulti Kreuzberg) Sind vornehmlich die kleinere Betrieben in der Schlesische Straße wichtig oder die größere Betrieben an die andere Seite von der Spree.
welche Rolle kreative Unternehmen in dieser Zukunft spielen werden? Finden Sie es wichtig.Konsequenzen des kreatives Cluster für die Entwicklung des Spree Raums Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt im Bereich Wirtschaft? Welche Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jezt für die räumliche Situation? Was sind Ihre Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Entwicklungen des Spree Raums? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen in dieser Entwicklung? Konsequenzen des kreatives Kluster für die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt im Bereich Wirtschaft? Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt im sozialen und kulturellen Bereich? Welche Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt für die räumliche Situation? Was sind Ihre Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Entwicklungen des Wrangelkiez? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen in dieser Entwicklung? Zukunfterwartungen für den Bezirk Was sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für den Bezirk? Was denken Sie. dass das Bezirksamt kreative Unternehmen (auch) in Zukunft fördert? 123 .
Appendix H: Topic list Bezirksamt (planning department) Organisation und Stellung Name Wie ist Ihren Name? Stellung Welche Stellung haben Sie im Bezirksamt? Abteilung des Bezirksamts Könnten Sie kurz erzählen in welchen Bereichen Sie arbeiten? Und an welchem Projekten Sie beteiligt sind? Projekt Stadtumbau West. Verbindung Eastside Galerie. Wie wichtig finden Sie dieses Kreativen Cluster in Bezug auf die Städtische Entwicklung? (waterfront development wie in London. Voruntersuchung Kreuzberg-Spreeufer Sind Sie selber an diesem Projekt beteiligt? Welche Akteuren beteiligen sich an diesem Projekt? Welche Rolle hat das Bezirkamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg im Projekt? Was sind die wichtigste Zielen des Projekts? Wie wichtig ist das Image des Gebiets für das Projekt? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Firmen im Projekt und wie wichtig ist diese Rolle? Andere genannte Projekten Welche akteuren beteiligen sich an diesem Projekt? Welche Rolle hat das Bezirkamt Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg im Projekt? Was sind die wichtigste Zielen des Projekts? Wie wichtig ist das Image des Gebiets für das Projekt? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Firmen im Projekt und wie wichtig ist diese Rolle? Wichtigkeit Kreatives Cluster um die Oberbaumbrücke für den Bezirk Es gibt viele kreative Unternehmen um die Oberbaumbrücke herum. Kreuzberger Misschung) Sind vornehmlich die kleinere Betrieben in der Schlesische Straße wichtig oder die größere Betrieben an die andere Seite von der Spree. wie MTV und Universal? Konsequenzen des kreatives Cluster für die Entwicklung des Spree Raums Wie wichtig ist das kreative Kluser für die Entwicklung des Spree Raums? Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt für die räumliche Situation? Was sind Ihre Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Entwicklungen des Spree Raums? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen in dieser Entwicklung? 124 .
Konsequenzen des kreatives Kluster für die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster für die Entwicklung des Wrangelkiez? Welche Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt für die räumliche Situation im Kiez? Was sind Ihre Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Entwicklungen des Wrangelkiez? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen in dieser Entwicklung? Zukunfterwartungen für den Bezirk Was sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für den Bezirk? Was denken Sie. welche Rolle kreative Unternehmen in dieser Zukunft spielen werden? 125 .
dass es das Ziel ist das Spreeraum weiter zu entwicklen als Media Cluster. oder andere Investierungen 126 .di. sondern auch viel kleinere kreative firmen sich hier niedergelassen. zum Beispiel für Räumen für diese Unternehmen. In wieweit ist es wichtig speziell Medienbetrieben anzuziehen? Wie wichtig sind MTV und Universal für das Gebiet? Werden nächstens noch neue große Medienbetrieben sich hier ansiedeln? Kreative Unternehmer In den letzten Jahren haben nicht nur großbetrieben. Wie wichtig finden Sie diese kleine kreative Firmen für die Entwicklung des Spreeraums? Und welche Rolle spielen diese kleine Firmen im kreative Cluster? Warum sind diese Firmen wichtig?/ Warum sind diese Firmen nicht wichtig? Sind dann speziell die kleine Firmen in der Medienbereich wichtig oder geht es um kreative Firmen im algemeinen? In wieweit fördert Media Spree diese Firmen? Welche Förderinitiativen gibt es? Geld für Existenzgründer. wie Deutsche Post und Ver. Trotzdem werden auch andere großbetrieben angezogen. oder andere Gelder Werbung für das Gebiet Investierungen.Appendix I: Topic list Regionalmanagement Media-Spree Organisation und Stellung Was ist Ihren Nahme? Können Sie mir kurz erzählen was das Media Spree Projekt beinhaltet? Was ist die Organisationsstruktur der Media Spree? Was sind die wichtigste Projekten der Media Spree? Was ist Ihre Stellung in Media Spree? Was sind Ihre Aufgaben bei Media Spree? Seit wann sind Sie an Media Spree beteiligt? Geschichte Media Spree Wann ist Media Spree gegründet? Und wer/welche Akteuren waren daran beteiligt? Was sind die wichtigste Entwicklungen und Realisierungen seit die Gründung? Akteuren Wer sind die wichtigste Geldgeber der Media Spree? Welche Firmen sind an Media Spree beteiligt? In welchen Bereichen? Bei welchen Projekten? Gibt es zusammenarbiet mit Staatliche (Behörden/Einrichtungen?) JA: Mit welchem? In welchen Bereichen? NEIN: Warum nicht? Würden Sie gern mit dem Staat zusammenarbeiten? Kreatives Cluster Der Nahme Media Spree sagt eigentlich schon.
Kreative Unternehmer in der Schlesische Straße Es gibt drei Objekte der Medien Spree in der Nähe von der Schlesische Straße: Wasserschloß Schlesische Straße 26 GSG-Hof Schlesische Straße 27 Spreehöfe Pfuelstraße 5 Können Sie kurz etwas erzählen über diese Objekte? Was hat mann vor mit diese Objekte? Wofür sind diese Projekten wichtig? Wichtigkeit in der Entwicklung des Spree Raums? Zukunfterwartungen für das Spree Raum Was sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für das Spree Raum? Welche Rolle spielen kleine kreative Unternehmen in dieser Zukunft? Wollen Sie diese kleine kreative Unternehmen (auch) in der Zukunft fördern? 127 .
b. Warum gibt es in Berlin erst seit einige Jahren diese Entwicklung. z. meinen Sie? Wichtigkeit Kreatives Cluster um die Oberbaumbrücke für Berlin und Fr-Kr. Wie ist die Senatsverwaltung an dieses Projekt beteiligt? Viele Großstädten haben schon in den neunziger Jahren solche ´Waterfront development´ Projekten realisiert. wo am schlechsten? Finden Sie vor allem die kreativen Großunternehmer wichtig oder vor allem die kleinen kreativen Unternehmer? Politik und Kultur Wirtschaft Wie fördert die Senatsverwaltung kreative Unternehmer? Was sind die wichtigsten Projekten im Bereich Kulturwirtschaft und Kreativität in Berlin? Wer sind dabei die wichtigste Akteure? Finden Sie die Berliner Politik genug beteiligt an Kulturwirtschaft? Finden Sie die Berliner Politik genug beteiligt an den kleinen kreativen Unternehmer? Finden Sie es auch wichtig subkulturelle Initiativen. semi-legale Clubs zu fördern? Ich war letzte Woche beim Stadtforum der Senatsverwaltung für Stadtenwicklung. Die wichtigste Konklusion war das man nicht nur kreative Milieus fördern soll. sondern auch die Soziale Entwicklung der Berliner Bevolkerung. Multi-Kulti Kreuzberg) Sind vornehmlich die kleinere Betrieben in der Schlesische Straße wichtig oder die größere Betrieben an die andere Seite von der Spree. denken Sie? 128 .Appendix J Topic List Senatsverwaltung Organisation und Stellung Stellung Welche Stellung haben Sie in der Senatsverwaltung? Seit wann haben Sie diese Stellung? Abteilung der Senatverwaltung Könnten Sie kurz erzählen in welchen Bereichen Sie arbeiten? Und an welchem Projekten Sie beteiligt sind? Aufgaben Was sind Ihre Aufgaben hinsichtlich Kulturwirtschaft? Kultur Wirtschaft in Berlin Wie wichtig finden Sie die Kulturwirtschaft für die Ökonomische Entwicklung von Berlin? Welche Bereichen der Kulturwirtschaft finden Sie am wichtigsten für Berlin? Wo in Berlin entwickelt sich der Kulturwirtschaft am besten. Wie wichtig finden Sie dieses Kreativen Cluster für Berlin? Unf für Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg? In Bezug auf Wirtschaft? In Bezug auf Tourismus? (Verbindung Eastside Galerie. wie MTV und Universal? Das kreative Cluster ist Teil von das Media-Spree projekt für die Entwicklung des Spreeraums. Es gibt viele kreative Unternehmen um die Oberbaumbrücke herum. In wieweit kann man kreativät verbinden mit soziale Entwicklung. waterfront development wie in London.
Konsequenzen des kreatives Cluster für die lokale Entwicklung des Spree Raums und des Wrangelkiez Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt im Bereich Wirtschaft? Welche Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jezt für die räumliche Situation? Was für Konsequenzen hat das kreative Kluster bis jetzt im sozialen und kulturellen Bereich? Was sind Ihre Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Entwicklungen des Spree Raums? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen in dieser Entwicklung? Was sind Ihre Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Entwicklungen des Wrangelkiez? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmen in dieser Entwicklung? Zukunfterwartungen Was sind ökonomische Chancen für Berlin in der Zukunft? Welche Rolle spielen kreative Unternehmer bei diesen Chancen? 129 .
130 . Mein Name ist Barbara Heebels. nämlich: Andere Grunden. Sie sind Bereit diesen kurzen Fragenbogen auszufüllen. 4. Durch meine Feldstudie im Wrangelkiez habe ich von Ihrem Unternehmen erfahren. Name des Unternehmes: Um was für ein Unternehmen handelt es sich? Seit wann befinden Sie sich im Wrangelkiez? Auf was für Publikum richten Sie sich? 1. starke Zunahme Ja. 3. Ich hoffe. Ich untersuche warum kreative Unternehmen sich hier niedergelassen haben und wie sich diese Unternehmen auf den Kiez auswirken. nämlich: Hat die Anzahl Kunden in den Letzten Jahren zugenommen? Ja. In Rahmen der Untersuchung dieser Konzequenzen. geringe Zunahme Nein Weiß nicht In welcher Alterskategorie/ in welchen Alterskategorien haben Sie die meisten Kunden? -20 20-30 30-40 40-50 50-60 60+ Haben Sie vor allem Wrangelkiez-bewohner als Ihre Kunden oder vor allem Leute die irgendwo anders wohnen? Vor allem Wrangelkiez-bewohner Vor allem Leute die irgendwo anders wohnen 2. Ich bin eine Geographie Studentin aus Holland und schreibe meine Abschlussarbeit über kreative Unternehmen im Wrangelkiez.Appendix K Questionnaire Fragebogen Sehr geehrter Herr/sehr geehrte Frau. Welche Gründe haben eine Rolle gespielt hier einen Laden zu eröffnen? Billige Mieten Ich wohne auch hier im Kiez Die multi-kulturelle Atmosphäre Die kreative Atmosphäre Möglicherweise viel Publikum wegen Clubs und andere ´Ausgeh-Orte´ in der Nähe Möglicherweise viel Publikum wegen viele kleine Unternehmen in der Nähe Möglicherweise viel Publikum aus anderen Gründen. möchte ich Ihnen gern einige Fragen stellen.
131 . Haben Sie viele kreative Unternehmen hier aus der Nähe als Ihre Kunden? Ja Nein Weiß nicht Wenn ja.5. sind einige von den Stammkunden? Ja Nein Weiß nicht 6.
.und Betriebsdaten • • • • • • • • • • • Name (m) Wie heißen Sie? Alter (n) Wie alt sind Sie? Stellung (w) Welche Stellung haben Sie im Betrieb? Ausbildung (w) Welche Ausbildung haben Sie? Name des Betriebs Wie heißt der Betrieb? Art (w) des Betriebs/ Bereich Um was für einen Betrieb handelt es sich? Zu welchem Bereich gehört der Betrieb? Anzahl (w) Mitarbeiter Wie viele Mitarbeiter hat der Betrieb? Kunden Wo befinden sich Ihre Kunden? Seit wann sitzen Sie an der Schlesischen Straße? Geschichte des Betriebs Können Sie mir kurz etwas über die Geschichte des Betriebs erzählen? Eigener Hintergrund in diesem Bereich/beim Betrieb Was ist Ihrer Eigener Hintergrund in Bereich des . Restaurants.? Können Sie mir erzahlen warum Sie (oder Ihre Kollegen) sich für diesen Standort entschieden haben? Wichtigkeit des Standortes Schlesische Strasse Hat das Image dieser Umgebung eine Rolle gespielt? Wenn ja. Galerien. Bars. können Sie das Image umschreiben? Hat der Höhe der Miete eine Rolle gespielt? Haben die anwesenden Leistungen eine Rolle gespielt? Wenn ja.. welche Leistungen? Clubs.Appendix L: Topic list entrepreneurs Persönliche. Geschäfte Hat der Schönheit/die Aussicht des Standorts eine Rolle gespielt? Hat die multikulturelle Sphäre in diesem Gebiet eine Rolle gespielt? Wie wichtig finden Sie die Nachbarschaft von MTV und Universal? Hat die Anwesenheit der anderen Betrieben in der Nähe eine Rolle gespielt bei der Entscheidung für diesem Standort? Selber Bereich/kreativer Bereich/ Geschäftlichkeit im Allgemeinen Wichtigkeit der Nachbarschaft der anderen Betrieben Hat die Möglichkeit um Knowledge oder Informationen und Ideen mit andere Unternehmer auszutauschen eine Rolle gespielt bei der Entscheidung für diesen Standort? Tauschen Sie Informationen und Ideen mit andere Betrieben oder Personen aus? Mit wem? Wo befinden sich diese Betrieben? Hat die Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Betrieben eine Rolle gespielt bei der Entscheidung für diesen Standort? Arbeiten Sie mit anderen Betrieben zusammen? Mit welchen Betrieben? Wo befinden sich diese Betriebe? In welchen Bereichen wird zusammengearbeit? Hat die Möglickkeit für gemeinsame Nutzungen mit andere Unternehmen eine Rolle gespielt bei der Entscheidung für diesen Standort? Benutzen Sie gemeinsame Finanzierung? 132 .
..und Nachteilen dieses Standort? Hat das Gebiet sich geändert. wie hoch ihr jährlicher Umsatz ungefähr ist? Bekommt Ihr Betrieb oder hat Ihr Betrieb Förderung oder andere staatliche Unterstützung bekommen? Von welchen Stiftungen? Danke für das Ìnterview. Kulturelle Angebote Ist es leicht hier in der Nähe Arbeitnehmer zu finden? Wenn ja.Benutzen Sie gemeinsame Dienstleistungen? Arbeitsgeberverein. Könnte ich Sie noch mal kontaktieren wenn ich noch Fragen habe? 133 . seit der Betrieb sich hier niedergelassen hat? Sind diese Veränderungen positiv oder negativ? Haben die Mieten sich geändert seit Sie hier sitzen? Umsatz (m) und Unterstützung Könnten Sie mir sagen. warum nicht? Wohin wollen Sie umziehen? Zufriedenheit mit dem Standort Entspricht der Standort den Erwartungen? Was sind die Vor. gemeinsame Nutzung von Geräte. Hat das eine Rolle gespielt bei der Entscheidung fúr diesen Standort? Gibt es Austausch von Arbeitnehmern\den Freelancers zwischen den Firmen? Wie wichtig sind Netzwerke für Sie ? In welcher Hinsicht nützt das Netzwerk Ihnen und wie nützen Sie dem Netzwerk? Andere Gründe für die Entscheidung für diesen Standort Hatten Sie noch andere Gründe um sich für diesen Standort zu entscheiden? Informationen über das Gebiet Wie haben Sie von diesem Gebiet erfahren? Was haben Sie vorher über dieses Gebiet gewusst? In wieweit waren diese Informationen richtig? In wieweit kennen Sie den Wrangelkiez? Zukunfterwartungen Wie sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für das Gebiet? Was sind Ihre Zukunfterwartungen für den Betrieb? Wollen Sie mit dem Betrieb in diesem Gebiet bleiben? Wenn nicht.
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