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46 Philippine Conditions, 1946-1990

stood the pressures ~of both government control and communist infil- ..
tration. As democratic and moderate reformists, they struggled to 3
broaden workers' trade union and political rights, and advance social
reforms envisioned by the Catholic Church.
In the 1960s, the Christian Churches inspired other progressive el- Emphasis and Perception
ements which were profoundly influential in shaping the character of
various sectoral groups: Christian Social Movement under Raul
of Issues
Manglapus; Young Christian Workers (YFW); Khi Ro, mainly comprised
of Catholic student and youth activists under the guidance of Fr. de Ia
Torre; National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP); Student
Catholic Action (SCA); Lakasdiwa (Strength-Spirit); and Kapulungan ng
mga Sandigang Pilipino (KASAPI); and many others (KDSP 1972).
T he TUCP, KMU, and FFW articulated four types of issues: the
work-related, those focused on the trade union, the sectoral,
and the national. Work-related. issues-wages, job security, and job
Concluding Observations rights-are both economic and noneconomic (e.g., .workers' participa-
tion and industrial democracy). The trade unions discussed these is-
Economic underdevelopment-marked by massive unemployment, sues extensively during collective-bargaining negotiations, but also ar-
widespread poverty, and intense labor repression-gave birth to and ticulated them in public in reaction to such national events as oil-pr~ce
shaped the development of Philippine trade unions. Trade-union ten- hikes, widespread unemployment, and. the widening income gap.
dencies are of five distinct types: (1) the revolutionary, which abhors Issues focused on the trade union are those related to the basic rights
capitalism and works for the establishment of socialism; (2) democratic of workers to. form, structure, and administer unions; bargain collec-
or political, which advances trade-union freedom and workers' partici- tively; and stage concerted activities. Sectoral issues affect sectors other
pation in the affairs of the enterprise and society; (3) the econolnist than labor, but are nonetheless raised by trade unions for varied rea,
and traditional, engrossed in factory-focused and economic-issues; (4) Aons. The issues may concern students (e.g., tuition hike, academic
the moralist, whose religious values give unions a reformist posture; and freedom), the urban poor (e.g., housing, resettlement), peasants and
(5) the defensive and protective, which all labor groups express in vary- farmers (e.g., land reform), and drivers or operators ofjeepneys, taxis,
ing degrees since they are concerned with the protection and defense and buses (e.g. oil-price hike).
of workers against the ill-effects:· of the economic system and the abuses Finally, national issues are those that affect all sectors of society, such
of some employers and labor racketeers. as foreign debt, foreign investments,.. U.S. military bases, dictatorship,
graft and. corruption, and ineffitient. delivery of basic social services.
The issues raised by the TUCP, KMU, and FFW were classified by year
based on Mark Perlman's five categories (cf. appendices A, B, C) and
used as the basis for comparing and analyzing trade•union behavior. A
principal finding of this study is that the three labor groups vary largely
in their emphasis and perception {)f the above issues. These difference$
are mai,lifested in a variety of ways.

TUCP: _Largely Economist I • .
/From its founding in 1975 to 19S3, rle TUCP emphasized economic-
oriented issues, particularly those rela~;d to wages and working condi-
tions (see appendix A). Its actions wete uricontroversial, in the sense
that they generally reflecte~ the basi~ demands of workers and other .

48 Issues Raised lry Trade Unions Issues Raised by Trade Unions 49

trade unions. The TUCP also raised national economic issues during this although it took critical stands against specific issues, such as policies
period, but did not discuss them very much in public. TUCP pronounce- resu·icting public-sector unionism (TUCP 1990, 2).
ments attacked the country's social structure as capitalistic and feudal - The TUCP also began to shift its emphasis back to economic issues;
(1 977k, 39), and pressed for economic reforms that would strictly regu- its 1 May 1990 manifesto emphasized:wage increases, job security, wide-
late private ownership (1 980, 32-33). spread unemployment, improving the social benefits of workers, and
The TUCP also raised democratic and political issues largely reflect- rationalizing the taxation system (TUCP· .1990). At the same time, it
ing the government's views. From the very start, it defended the started to confront controversial national issues, such as the foreign
government's restructuring policy, even when other labor groups de- debt and U.S. military bases. The TUCP (1986g) stood for
nounced it as restrictive of the workers' basic rights. Democrito
Mendoza (1978a, 29)justified the TUCP'sdecision: "IfPhilippine trade equitable renegotiation of debt payments; recommending the limi-
unions opted not to protest against some of the seeming restrictions tation of debt service payments to not more than 10 percent of
that somehow contravene their fundamental rights relative to freedom the country's merchandise exports. ~emoval of all foreign mili-
of association it is because they are convinced that the envisioned end .tary bases, facilities, nuclear weapons, and troops from all co tin-
would give them more of these rights in the future." tries of the world. Honor the present Philippine-US mutual de-
By the mid-1980s, however, there was a systematic shift in the TUCP's fense treaty until its expiration i~ 1991. ~~anwhile, there should
be an immediate nationwide study and discussion of the issues
emphasis and perception of issues; the alliance began to articulate
involved, the results ofwhich shall form a basis of Philippine policy
democratic issues more aggressively by criticizing what it now described
as the restrictive provisions of the Labor Code. The TUCP also became in 1991.
more vocal and aggressive about national and political issues: it attacked The TUCP, however, continued to belie~e in free enterprise and strict
the government for being autocra•ic, stifling individual initiative, pro- regulation of property rights (1987b,- 5); within this framework, it was
moting social injustice and inequity, being graft-ridden and corrupt, all willing to work with the government in instituting structural reforms.
of which it claimed fostered resentment among the workers and farm- The TUCP did not, therefore, advocate dismantling the economic and
ers (1 984a, 2). Later, the TUCP attributed labor's problems to political order, and its criticism of the government remained directed
government's inability to solve the country's economic crisis (TUCP only against specific anomalies or irregularities like graft and corrup-
1985, 5, 12; Mendoza 1985a). It also started to express its concern over tion (TUCP 1990, 2) .
the growing dominance of foreign powers in the country's internal • In the mid-1980s, as its emphasis and perception of issues gradually
affairs; foreign domination, the TUCP said, obstructed the country's I shifted, the TUCP underwent organizational adjustment. One faction,
development and caused the marginalization of the vast majority-the identified with Mendoza and Herrera, both of the Associated Labor
poor (l984a, 1; 1985, 5, 12). Union (ALU), expressed dissatisfaction over the failure of the TUCP
The TUCP continued to emphasize democratic issues, maintaining assemblymen to pursue the interests of organized labor in the National
its critical posture when President Corazon Aquino came to power in Assembly, and decided to stop supporting the ruling party. I
1986. It even demanded "workers' participation in decision-making and
in program implementation at all levels" and the "immediate lifting of
The transformation of the TUCP may have been due to the follow-
ing: the TUCP's growing di~~tisfaction with the performance of the
the restrictions on the right to organization, collective bargaining, and Marcos administration; th';JlSSassination of former Senator Benigno
concerted action" (TUCP 1986a, 11). The TUCP had a chance to repeal Aquino Jr. in 1983; and die challenge posed by the radical groups,
the restrictive provisions of the Labor Code when its secretary-general which were aggressively articulating their opposition to the repressive
Ernesto Herrera was elected to the Senate in 1987. To the consterna- regime of then President Ferdinand Marcos. Once the Marcos admin-
tion of many in the trade-union circles, however, the Herrera-sponsored istration was toP.pled, however, the TUCP reverted to its orilrjl)-al pos-
Senate Bill No. 530, which was consolidated with House Bill 11524 and ture of emphas~ing job-related and factory•oriented issues, and gen-
signed into law as Republic Act 6715 on 2 March 1989, did not eradi- erally supporting government labor policies, .while re~aining critical
cate the offending provisions, particularly B.P. Nos. 130 and 227. With of government on specific issues, such as corruption and inefficient
the law's passage, the TUCP stopped criticizing the new Labor Code, delivery of basic services.

50 Issues Raised fly Trade Unions Issues Raised by Trade Unions 51

While the mid-1980s witnessed the TUCP's general transformation, pression of academic freedom, and what the students described as the
some affiliates chose to maintain the TUCP's original posture. This corrupt system of education; the struggle of media people against what
conservative bloc consolidated its forces and organized in support of they perceived as violation of press freedom; the jeepney drivers'
Marcos's 1986 candidacy. While the center was moving in a new direc- struggle against the plan to create a public-utility-vehicle monopoly
tion, therefore, the TUCP's organizational outlook was hardly uniform. (198le, 5). .·
Some eneral characteristics of the TUCP deserve to be highlighted. The KMU's perception of these. issues had fc;~ur essential features: ~
First~' if the TUCP was pre ominantly economist during 1975-83, it was radical view of social reality; adh~rence to the revolutionary view on
also defe~sive, protecting workers from sodal injustice and abuse by eradicating social conflict; and alih'erence toJ.'farxist principles of class
some employers. From the mid-1980s, the TUCP began to shift from struggle, nationalist industrialization; and ifie ultimate goal of estab-
economism to a greater concern for dem'ocracy and political issues, lishing a socialist state. The KMU's views reflect a comprehensive, clearly
especially those that would strengthen unions as democratic and po- defined ideological orientation, as they possess social analysis, vision,
litical forces. It became vocal about broadening workers' participation and program. Rather than discuss the ideology of the KMU, however, I
at the workplace, and started to criticize the government. Although will show what issues the KMU raised; I will then argue that the trade-
democratic and political issues were not completely absent from the union alliance projected Marxist and revolutionary beliefs;
TUCP's unionism before the mid-1980s, they were much less prominent The KMU used the radical approach as defined by G.o,ldthorpe
than economic issues. (1981): going to the root of the probler.l. It traced the origin of the
Under the Aquino administration, howiver; spedfi.cally after the four main issues directly to the structures of so,ciety. It identified a
passage of the new Labor Code, the TUCP reverted to its original pos- broader issue affecting all other union issues-foreign monopoly con-
ture of emphasizing economic issues at the factory level. This time, it trol over the country's resources, aggravated"by what the KMU perceived
gradually stressed workers' democratic rights at the workplace. The as the connivance and collusion of the country's ruling elites; the big
TUCP also toned down its critidsm of the government's polides, espe- domestic capitalists b" ers, government, military, and what the
cially those relating to union ri§hts and freedom. KMU called th ellow leadershi in the labor movement (1981e, 1).
While these general patterns were developing within the TUCP, an- The KMU's percepuon o social reality is reflected in the handbook
other range of behavior deviating from the overall posture emerged. it uses in its educational drive:
While the TUCP pursued a general direction, therefore, there were a
variety of tendencies within the organization.
t The concentration of the natural resources in the hands of a
Finally, the TUCP had a pra~atic and opportu_nist outlook, in the few is at present the basic problem of the workers in the Philip•
sense that Perlman and Hoxie used the terms. The shift in emphasis pines.
and the openly critical stance of the mid-1980s were significant because These resources are controlled by American monopoly capi-
they diverted the attention of the TUCP affiliates. to the more basic talists. They are the principal owners of the biggest .and most
concern of instituting political reform, and gradually enabled the TUCP important businesses in the country. They are instrumental in the
to give up its predominantly progovernment posture. The TUCP slowly export of raw materials and agricultural products and from the
established a new image in the Philippine labor movement that allowed beginning have opposed land reform. They are controlling the
it to survive the change of government, and even become the main goverpment so that it might serve their interests. For a great part
labor base of the new administration. .......- ¥11-i "'o/""' ~(
they form the view of the citizenry by their hold on education and
mass media. In short, American monopoly capitalism and its lo-
cal cronies are the root cause of the destitution and enslavement
KMU: Highly Revolutionary of the Filipino workers and citizens (EILER 1988, 26-27).

Its documents reveal that the KMU addressed the same issues as the The KMU strongly tended to express and perceive all other issues
TUCP. The KMU, however, focused on, emphasized, and perceived is- within the context of foreign domination. For example, it atu·ibuted
sues much differently (see appendix B.) It supported a number of low wages to the government's cheap-labor strategy to attract and pro-
sectoral struggles: the students' protest against tuition-fee hikes, sup- mote foreign investments (1982b, 5), a policy the KMU claimed wa~


and tended to become incoherent and muddled. the system it rejected. it offered no clear alternative to 4. generally favored revolutionary unionism. National Federation of Labor Unions (NAFLU). for the FFW. According to the were National Union of Workers in the Hotels. In 1953. When faced with specific issues. model. it expressed other equally vital national issues even dom and indefendence. and saw trade unions mainly as 'defen- subservience of both the union leadershi'p and government to the in. and pursued by exploiting the country's resources and bring. multinationals. the FFW shifted its focus to economic issues. the tween the working and the capitalist classes. industry. such 5. Textiles. military bases and all broadening the rights of workers in the workplace. Nationalize strategic and vital industries. 4). Cordage and Allied Industries (GATCORD). included varying shades of unionism. military bases The various issues raised by the FFW revealed some general patterns and multinational corporations). Pagkakaisa ng mga the interests of the capitalist class were centered on amassing huge Samahan ng Tsuper Nationwide (PISTON). and other regional KMU councils struggle to rid the country of foreign capitalist domination. While the general character of the KMU was revolutionary. and nationalism. The FFW's views on union 6. Increase wages and lower prices of basic commodities. Immediate dismantling of the U.S. depending on external conditions. sive or protective. The KMU blamed union repression on the litical (as defined by Flanders).and profits. rather than to the welfare of the exploited working class (CENTRUM 1983. dictatorial. The KMU'S overall organi- tionary view explained the KMU's battle cry: "genuine freedom. and did not possess a comprehensive vision. But the KMU's perception of the democratic struggle of workers was different from that of the democratic and political school of thought. Association of Democratic ing wages down to the barest minimum. unclear.S. some of etary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) in their bid to extract huge its affiliates preferred to focus on the economist. 2. zational spectrum.I i its members. the· FF\V lishment of a nationalist type of industrialization. Genuine Labor Organizations (ANGLO/. however. political issues. fascistic or militaristic re- gimes) and the instruments of foreign domination (U. bases. 1-2). The major affiliates that preferred this orientation terests of American monopoly capitalists (1981c. Fight for the implementation of a genuine and comprehen. At the time.S. Within these federations. and po- profits (KMU 1982b. Alliance of Nationalist. 17). foreign debt. racy. Democracy. It used the term "democratic struggle" to mean eradicating the struc. democratic. and confusing to tionalist Democratic Coalition Government. the FFW tended to be radicaL It rejected capitalism as the 3. Organized Labor Association in Line trade-union struggle to what it claimed was the Filipino people's Industry and Agriculture (OLALlA). On the other hand. First. Southern Philippines Fed- centives in the form of low wages and suppression of trade-union rights eration of Labor (SPFL). especially during national elections. . Restaurants & Allied KMU. Its revolu. and The KMU Founding Manifesto (1980) articulated the four major issues. the KMU alone raised national issues pub. and program of sodety. and U. Government readily extended in- 1 Industries (NUWHRAIN). advance the estab. the FFW's perception of the democratic and political char- asked its regional councils to make the following nontraditional union acter of unions was similar to that of Flanders."3 ranging from the conservative to revolutionary. United Lumber and Gen- eral Workers of the Philippines (ULGWP}.S. Put an end to total war! Dismantle fascism! Third. there were individuals and groups The KMU tended to perceive the workers' struggle as a conflict be. "5 I I . it Second.. the FFW was more vocal about democratic issues. however. In preparation for the 1990 Labor Day celebration. democ. involvement in politics were also ambivalent.e. Ten years later. for example. however. FFW: Primarily Democratic and Political tures of capitalist control (i. more vocally. that followed the KMU's general direction.4 ~ (see appendix C). 2 According to the KMU. (KMU l982b. When it was founded and demanded nationalist industrialization and Filipino ownership of in 1950. framework for development. Union of Workers in the Garments. democratic.-Aquino regime and establish a "Na. when the Industrial Peace Act assured labor of free- licly. as land reform. and foreign installations in the country. demands: included free and ~ndependent unions. sive land reform program. The KMU therefore linked the Labor Organizations (ADLO). multinationals. and National Federation of Labor (NFL). the government used its powers to legislate laws favorable to the interests of foreign investors. economy. the FFW articulated economic. The FFW saw the political role of unions as one of active involvement in the continuous struggle for 1. therefore. 52 Issues Raised l7y Trade Unions Issues Raised by Trade Unions 53 dictated by multinational corporations through the International Mon. Put an end to the U. 4).

Aquino. ventilated these issues mainly at the factory many dramatic instances propelled a progressive development program" level during collective-bargaining negotiations. lute boycott. the FFW praised Marcos's "New Society. the FFW primarily exhibited a democratic pation in the political campaign for the opposition candidates. FFW was never systematically critical· of the martial-law regime and n bor representation in Congress. was the most outspoken critic of Labor Secretary Jose Figueras and his When forced tq make pronouncements. 4). however. During the Quirino administration (1946-53).. especially those requiring confrontation with the gime as authoritarian and dictatorial (FFW 1986p. which the FFW saw as a viola. the FFW Governing revolutionary. 6). 6 12. the majority (56. The FFW waited un- While the FFW was consistent on union matters. It is high time that the FFW should now come out of its shell tion of the right of workers to organize unions. an economist and protective posture. supported government programs. and Alex Boncayao. the FFW The FFW was careful in raising issues directed at the government. political ambitions. to denounce the Marcos re- on broader issues... ThatFFW condemns evil.. however. however. Ill egorically supported Aquino nor attacked Marcos. {FFW 1975h. The rare instances when the pressive provisions. and poor education. 4). the FFW was not. and a negligible 1. David Wurfel noted that during the 1950s. The had "effectively begun the reorientation of political authority and in FFW organizers. or of the Aquino administration. On the contrary. and the FFW shifted its focus to economic issues. The new regime mandated the restructuring of the country's edge that his administration had cheated massively in vote-counting. president of an FFW affili- ate. sup- which manifested itself in the form of inadequate housing. some the FFW affiliates urged partici- . not· the labor movement into line. For example. the issue of external of martial law." and for trying to whip beneficial to the Filipino people . For instance. only ment. the FFW issued a statement on what it thought had marred In the 1970s. it vehemently ·announced before the conference. and work for clean and honest elections" {FFW 1984a. but worded it so that it neither cat- struggle against government interference when martial law was pro. when the delegates were later asked to indicate their individual labor leaders who took advantage of the weakness of the workers. were indecisive and confusing. and secondarily.2 The FFW was most vocal about trade-union freedom and indepen. labor movement along industrial lines. devices.l. Revolution. however. in spite of public knowl- claimed. How- ishment. 8 The FFW's position on the 14 May 1984 elections was even From the beginning. But the union freedom. being addressed had been dislodged from power.2 percent opted for conditional participation. and government attempts to control the entire labor movement.5 percent were for absolute participation. it usually conformed with and attempt to dominate the labor movement (1959. 2 for the full text).. The FFW publicly released its statement a month after Aquinq took Throughout the remaining years of the Marcos regime. When the Aquino government. but what is political base in the country's political processes. Marcos. . there. prior to the During the early years of martial law. the FFW exhibited the conservative and Board vacillated. includ- and political character. 405) . 5). the FFW expressed its views on l the economy at a series of government conferences discussing tlle find· 7 April 1979 national elections. The FFW leaders officially and unani- confronting workers and the labor movement: widespread poverty. the FFW be.. government. grow. the FFW primarily focused on four major issues more muddled and incoherent. and only 30. A few days before the February 1986 People Power fore. FFW attacked the government occurred only after the administration nouncement addressed to Aquino {FFW 1989).. 1989d. the FFW publicly and vehemently objected in a pro. Although the results of the survey were dence. With the pas. Court to inhibit the government from restructuring the labor move- ment. in spite of strong la.1 percent) were for abso- ing dominance of communist-infiltrated unions over the labormove. That the issue is tacked the government officials for using "the labor movement as their not either to support Mr. opinion in a questionnaire. While its view of society was somewhat radical. its positions til Aquino became President. mously agreed at a conference that the ~ should "particip~_te. however. Although the issue of democracy was at stake. there was no attempt to reconcile attacked government officials who used the unions to further their own the divergent results (1984a.. 7 It also filed a case with the Supreme the evildoer {FFW 1986q." claiming that it control subsided. Marcos or Mrs. the FFW had an opportunity to revive its the presidential "snap" elections. 2). active at the national level from the late 1950s to the late 1960s. rampant racketeering by unscrupulous ever. shelved the matter and left the affiliates to their own traditional behavior of economist unions. and openly manifest its stand to the public . percent were noncommittal. undernour- • port. over the reins of government and then published it in its official news- came more vocal in opposing laws·that restricted the free exercise of paper in May that year (See FFW l986p. during the early years sage of the Industrial Peace Act in 1953. 54 Issues Raised lTy Trade Unions Issues Raised lTy Trade Unions 55 On the whole. failed to repeal the Labor Code's re. The FFW publicly at. for example. it was never ' ing· Benigno Aquino Jr.

7). invoking the principle of that proliferated in the labor movement. ban foreign investors and nationalize industries owned and controlled by foreigners. I think we need some kind The FFW's position on the issue of U. 7). the delegates structure. leading to ambivalence and incoherence. The 2. contending that no coherent stand against multinationals also had a propensity for distancing itself from national and political could be adopted as there was no common perception of the problems issues. but proposed ana- During the Aquino administration. again. mained unresolved. 10). management. (FFW 1989b. the basic problems confronting our people today. We another camp defended the retention of the bases. Instead. I975e. 9 the R. After the People Power Revo.-U. mandating the Governing Board "to come up with a position paper on sues-such as foreign investments and multinational corporations-are the U. bases" (FFW 1990b. military bases was just as of collective ownership of major industries.S. re- can do much better if the present highly-capitalistic social struc. Yet the FFW's democratic and political nature appears to be more and no study conducted to assess the impact of multinationals on the dominant than ·its economist and defensive character because of its lives of the workers.· In 1990. the result of its conflicting behavior. The FFW resolutions. the FFW began to speak of the tionwide educational campaign to prepare for a possible referendum need to change the highly capitalistic structures of the ·country: on the fate of the bases (FFW 1987a. the many underground and shadowy revolutionary movements apply to all countries hosting multinationals. Some of its affiliates tried to push the FFW in a more stand remained ambiguous and confused.P. 1979). the FFW suffered from undue delays Board approved a resolution establishing a commission to monitor the and obstruction of the decision-making process. overall tendency to articulatt! issues that concern workers' political and When the FFW discussed the same issue a decade later. 7-8). 61). Still another group argued that the issue should be decided by referendum. however. One camp favored the dismantling of the foreign bases after 1991. I regulate multinational investment in the country (FFW 1987b. which could then "study and propose in more concrete details a definitive stand of the FFW" The above pronouncement would make the FFW seem highly radi. and projecting an image of neutrality by favoring no one. 13). no such commission had been formed. other statements on specific is. frequently hovered between outright conformism and total oppo- and phasing out of multinationals. The issue was not subjected to a vote and.S. the preparatory committee proposed two economic posture into action. our possible weakness was that we thought we could of multinational corporations" (1989b. 6.. 1987b. some kind of economic ambivalent. the FFW followed the government in respecting socialism. 1989c. its trade-union rights. I975c. to elevate the issue ·to the Governing Board. reform capitalism. but on better terms cannot continue to work and formulate plans for programs purely within those discredited economic and political frameworks. and ag·reed tures are radically altered (Tan 1986a. the FFW (1986e. Before the FFW's fourteenth On the whole. and rejected pure capitalism as the country's policymaking framework because of its heavy reliance on the free and unregulated interplay of the market forces. almost total indiffer- effects and performance of multinationals. The Board did not endorse the sition or rejection. I. again arriving at no definite posi- established in the past have become ineffective in solving. Walter Hogan echoed this anticapitalist view: I issue was resolved only two years later when the FFW delegates adopted the third view. however. radical direction. We • and conditions. Its perception of national issues th~re­ resolutions to the Governing Board: Filipinization of basic industries. minimizing. however. As a posed by multinationals in the country (FFW 1979d. I). I doubt this now. A year later. the issue was again deliberated and.the government's policy of attracting foreign investors. 10. therefore. During the FFW's seventeenth national convention in 1989. 16). and the democratic·sociaJist . rather than the active and collective 1 could not decide if they should go along with . fore. The delegates compromised. inconsistent with the FFW's radical posture.e FFW was unsure of how to translate its radical national convention in 1979. and an absence of definitive and timely politi- passed to the convention and later adopted by the delegates (Cristobal cal positions when it did manage to shake off its lethargy. the del- The type and brand of economic and political structures we have egates hotly debated the same issue. The FFW was highly critical of the country's economic try. th. they were usually heavily influenced by the radical lution. 7) issued a position so general that it could Church. military bases agreement until 1991. or allow but strictly intervention of labor. In 1987. the FFW leaders again passed a ·resolution cal and even revolutionary. or even tion. Fr. 56 Issues Raised by Trade Unions Issues Raised by Trade Unions 57 ings of the International Labor Organization (ILO) study headed by noninterference by multinationals in the internal affairs of any coun- Gustav Ranis. More than ten years later.S. The resolution was then ence to broader issues. and enjoined the government "to regulate the activities Looking back. and the government (FFW 1975a.

a democratic and political outlook. with its strong concern for broadening workers' po. Emphasizes the Equal emphasis Raised oriented issues with demo. as in the case of the TUCP. therefore. government's developmental programs. Varying shades of outlook and persuasion may. monopolies and tling of capitalist structures and the establishment of socialism. therefore. also favors free consultation. also wanted the FFW to take issues unions raised and their perception of these issues clear stands on various national and political issues. defensive. problems.cratic and given to the four The TUCP. It left the responsibility of resolving the issue of U. 10 The new breed of young. thru tripartite democratic within a now exist. . back. and effective affairs. The KMU vehemently opposes foreign enterprise but with strict re_gulations on investments and demanded the immediate dismantling of U. Comparative trade-union character as reflected in the expressed radical. . of these issues is radical and revolutionary. an affiliate may deviate from its labor federation or center. At the same time.I inability of government to capitalist domination over the country's political posture. bases in the right to private the country. has a predominantly democratic and 't" T . exhibit significant differences even as they In this context. The FFW is not critical of domestic elites. and the radical and revolutionary groups. national. by the collusion of issues are largely ambivalent and incoherent. Furthermore. socialist perspective. and i:odifference. sectoral and with its focus on work-related issues. that it will swing in the opposite direction and government. it is willing to cooperate with government within the frame- work of a regulated free-enterprise economy. aggressive welfare economy managed nationalist and The TUCP favors foreign investments. that of the TUCP. Stand capitalism and competition. KMU. . on the other hand. it is Still unclear about II> operate within the same socioeconomic and political milieu. It traces political. The FFW's position on major national issues is similar to property. but it also projects a defensive democratic and related issues. The FFW's supportive charac. even revolutionary views. a group may generally tend toward a certain direction. is concealed ·by its tendency to remain silent for long proposes more proposes an economy that is periods of time. II The FFW's spectrum includes varying drientations. on the contrary. the government. it is possible. whether economic labor problems to inappropriate government measures. unionism. mili. Also related. but with tighter controls than reforms by the State. To solve these or political. neutrality. perpetrated mist. The TUCP is predominantly economist the economic aspect. perfect Rejects capitalism. and its survival hinges primarily on the leadership's ability to sustain a delicate and Elements of TUCP FFW KMU precarious balance between two polarized groups: the ultraconserva- comparison tives. proposes an ter. it is econo. aggressive leaders who often strongly Table 5. and FFW differ greatly in their emphasis and per. tary bases to the Filipino people. occasionally.S. union. posture and. but its perception of offshoot of the capitalist of issues to Problems unbridled capitalism structure of the worsening foreign . as it advocates the disman- aggravated by the economy. it strongly tends to support the General Against laissez-faire Rejects free. Trade unions.. however.S. Perception Views issues as an Traces problems to Attributes the origin The KMU equally emphasizes all types of issues. The FFW. strong emphasis on political issues of types of isues: job- ception of issues (see table 5). but also raises articulates job. Yet while I willing to work and its political role in I cooperate with society. institute appropriate resources & internal litical rights and trade-union freedom. and protective. 58 Issues Raised by Trade Unions forces. and project isolationism. -- Comparative Findings Issues Focuses on job. Its positions on national and political economic policies. Continued on next page exist within a particular group.

advertisements in the media. proposes tighter investments. TUCP: Traditional From its founding to the mid-1980s. LACC. 1978s. as well as parliamentary and electoral involvement are traditional and conser- Character Predominantly Predom in an tly Revolutionary and vative forms of action. The TUCP's announcements attracted . and press releases sometimes found their way into the mass media. it used mass media more frequently and aggressively.s. sometimes they also on the issue. and boycotts. position papers. they also have linkages with other groups within and outside the labor sector. Honors US-RP Respects US-RP Total and immediate military bases military bases agreement. demonstrations. tripartism. Traditional and conservative forms of action include discussion to decide Filipino people in a collective bargaining. Confrontational and combative pressure meth- economist. the TUCP favored traditional methods of action. but proposes the government proposes strict nationalization of controls. TUCP 1975. 1986b. and oil-price hikes. 7). however. and despite their divergent tendencies and choice of. but also ods. threatening to wage welga ng bayan (nationwide strikes) against the oil- price hike and for wage increases. but also democratic and conflictual. 29. but for foreign foreign investments. proposes to submit the issue to the dismantling (1985k. and mass-media and pro- referendum. and democratic economist and rallies. defensive. pickets. proposes a nationwide military agreement.l) P hilippine trade unions espouse forms of action ranging from ·the most traditional and conservative to the confrontational and combative. the TUCP became more confrontational. action. The rare mass action was usually in celebration of festivities. although the extent to which they have tapped the energy of other organizations differs. Resolutions. character. tripartism. Labor Day celebrations. regulations. on the other hand. tripartite gatherings. which reinforce their views. 3 7. such as Labor Day and founding anniversaries. industries owned by multinationals. preferring collective bargaining. Cooperativism. and arbitration. 1988b. By the mid- 1980s.Table 5 . paganda campaigns. Under the Aquino regime. and the occasional strike and picket line (Mendoza 1978b.Continued 4 Elemen!S of TUCP FFW KMU comparison Trade Union Action and Foreign Favors foreign Recognizes the need Strongly rejects Organizational Linkages investments investments. usually on the occasion of national conventions.4. projects a defensive political. u. national include strikes. mutual aid and assistance. mass leaves of absence. On occasion. include nationwide strikes. as the TUCP became more vocal about non-union matters.

The "outsiders" made While the TUCP as a whole headed toward the use of nontraditional the KMU strikes more aggressive since they presented other equally methods and allied with prodemocratic forces. The KMU. The KMU radicalized strikes and picket lines by broadening their cialist forces. the TUCP demonstrated the potential to change from a among others. it. the Philippines (NACUSIP). the TUCP distanced itself from the government broader problems (KMU 1981.. staging them outside factory grounds. Philippine Association of Free Labor Unions It cooperated in restructuring and developing a labor-relations system (PAFLU). Fur.maintained that the method could not solve In the mid-1980s. 5 tended to ensure peaceful. various new underground forces. This reassessment was influenced by the democratic-so. scope. Malacaiiang Palace. radical Church. Workers from different ebration. The KMU also resisted when the Associated Labor Union (ALU). US Embassy. some of its affiliates pressing issues not necessarily related to the cause of the strike. the TUCP tried to refurbish its image as a government creation. ---- . Herrera to the Agrava Commission (which investigated the assassina. National Harbor Labor Federation (NHLF). Streamers denouncing US imperialism. pines (GMSU). It picketed the Supreme Court. Perhaps the TUCP was only before the 6 February 1986 presidential "snap" elections to support responding to the challenge of militant labor groups like the KMU. and while it acknowledged the value of col- Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) . The group criticized the TUCP's affiliation with ciated with government. 19). under which many TUCP officers ran for of. 6). led the workers in a strike a month. which Jacinto Tamayo called an opposition party. earlier. started to question the center's ability to pursue workers' inter. military atrocities. k refrained from attend· group besides KBL. group. who were not di- clearly showed its dissatisfaction with the Marcos government. the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL).. 62 Organizational Linkages Organizational Linkages 63 media attention. clean. rectly affected by issues raised at the striking firm.n and military brutalities. Nonetheless. it endorsed the Marcos party. change drastically. and other po• tion of former Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. The pro-Marcos mass actions. Department pushed the TUCP into an·aggressive and confrontational posture.) and his siding with three litical and national issues that other labor groups would not touch were other commission members in contradicting the government position. the TUCP signa!led its dis. organized the National Labor Coalition (NLC) a few. the TUCP industries and individuals from other organizations. 87). the dominant the arbitration. Labor Union (NLU). and National that would offer substitute mechanisms for strikes (ibid. It is too early to say whether such aggressiveness will even. as well as imperialis.2 Participating in The KMU drew into its strikes and picket lines workers from· various this nationwide political exercise through the pro-Aquino body. as well as police headquar- thermore. of tra- tatives in tripartite agencies. 130 and 227. KMU: Confrontational and Combative fice (1978s. believing the government to be biased toward foreign and TUCP. During the Marcos years. Marcos's candidacy. for example. on the other hand. the KMU led a zone-wide strike at the In 1985. The TUCP did notbelong to any nonlabor ditional methods. the threats to go nationwide strike Dinglasan. a private organization that in.! It denounced B. The KMU preferred confrontational and combat• ests in the National Assembly and worried about the deterioration of ive extraparliamentary methods. with the appointment of the TUCP secretary-general Ernesto ters and military camps. has always been highly critical.). the labor center was ence of divergent tendencies shows that while a trade-union center may highly visible in the legislative and executive branches of government.P. although it was affiliated with the International ing tripartite gatherings. Closely asso. fascism. and ventilating nonfactory dent activist groups-which were all involved in the TUCP and which and nontrade~union issues. encouraging it to be more aggressive in threatening continued to collaborate with the Marcos regime. 3. lective bargaining. 1978q. the General Maritime Stevedores' Union of the Philip- traditional organization to one that is confrontational and combative. some of its affiliates may stray in other directions. of Labor. During the martial-law years. the US-Marcos dictatorship. In June 1982. -· ~ ~---··-~--~----~=~=b~-~~. 7). it did not invite Marcos to speak at its Labor Day cel. At the . basic services. National Congress of Unions in the Sugar Industry of From the start. familiar features in the KMU strike areas and picket lines (RP 1985. the TUCP aggressively lobbied for government NAMFREL. 1982f. and joined the National unions stopped working for four days and denounced exploitation. The KMU waged sti:ikes against groups of companies by area (1984b. the TUCP participated in government labor programs. 4 The pres- positions and participated in electoral politics.days are relatively recent and seldom acted out. sociation from the government.!! The NLC founding meeting was attended by. Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL). repression of unions. and the commission chair's official report. and stu. The other TUCP leaders who did not join the electoral competition were appointed by Marcos as labor represen. Bataan Export Processing Zone protesting the arrest of leaders who had For the first time. 15. feudalism. and honest elections. Nos. led by the TUCP vice-presidents Israel Bocobo and Andres tually become a dominant pattern. domestic capitalists.

the KMU main. 6 Even in its earlier days. 4). it had the alliances. away from the KMU). the number had more than doubled. the litical parties or participated in any of the elections. by the possibility of legal ·sanctions. the formal structures of the FFW. Third National Congress on 20--21. it fielded candidates under the newly organized Alliance for New exercise. was spontaneous and not organized the traditional unions. and .. when Senigno Aquino Jr. these protest ac. enced demands. The KMU waged aggressive. cluded NUWHRAIN. the KMU changed its strategy: in the 1987 congressional elec. ANGLO. march was intercepted by the military and many Politics (ANP). had joined outside. The protest. it expressed number of their members is uncertain. the KMU forged alliances with other organizations within only during conventions held every three years. the KMU controlled by the revolutionary groups. congruent with those of the CPP. forces nationwide. While the largest number of strikes (RP 1983a. SPFL. FFW: Traditional ganda campaigns. 11). . tions allowed the KMU to expose Marcos's "dictatorial and fascistic rule" NAFLU. 11 During the 18January 1. US imperialism (1984a. It expertly attracted the mass media's attention. work stoppage in 1982. In addition. ex- tains numerous publications with international circulation.Alex Boncayao ran in the opposition. The FFW never succ. At the KMU's (LACC)-usually on the instigation ofthe more militant labor groups. when the official ceremony was occasionally conducted mass actions either on its own or jointly.9 Amelita King (1985) wrote that the alliances within the formal structures of the FFW (Macaraya 1988). usually Meanwhile. other labor groups in the Labor Advisory and Consultative Council Sison and former NPA chief Dante Buscayno were present. PnB formed a tactical ailiance with considered these methods ineffective to realize workers demands (KMU the Liberal Party and fielded several candidates nationwide (1988i. These affiliates in- nized protest marches against "the fake lifting of martial law" and boy. the FFW ner sporting a hammer and sickle. espousing methods other than those advanced by the main group. such as the. In 1985. the KMU never allied with traditional po. The FFW. such as the BEPZ. 20)-unlike the KMU. 4). like the PDSP. method-in 1982. 8 By 1990. radicals within the FFW joined the massive political campaign. NFL. but is more interested in linking up with revolutionary views public.the entire Marcos regime. The marchers. could be raised more freely. · During the Marcos years. the KMU members sang "Internationale. 7 It is not a member of ~y international fully used the mass media despite its numerous attempts to make its organization. and ADLO. the KMU supported the Partido ng Bayan (PnB). 10). only work-related and . the polls.ess- or outside the labor movement.12 1982c. events were celebrated as indoor luncheon meetings. 13-4). The ented affiliates of the FFW. and PANALO (which later broke cotted the "bogus presidential elections" (1981e.influ" a message from the Revolutionary Council of Trade Unions (RCTU). confrontational. guarded however. ULGWP. it dem- The KMU has links with organizations believed to be communist onstrated once in front of Congress for a higher minimum wage. could afford to be highly militant as they had no legal personality. Antonio Zumel read Some of the more radical factions of the FFW. harnessing it to project the KMU positions. Labor Day jointly with the TUCP and FFW. joined other cause-oriented groups in protest demon- the NDF workers' arm (KMU 1986r. a political group whose goals media observed to be FFW members were among the 500 arrested and jailed. The more politically ori- ances do marshal workers and other groups all over the country. and "nonrevolutionary" factions ofmM. pressing its views primarily in resolutions and position papers. led strikes. In 1986. It preferred mass actions where political and national issues While the KMU engaged in confrontational and combative action. with closed. elections. relied greatly on collective ·bargaining and tripartism. Under Aquino. the KMU orga. and later marched against what it considered a fraudulent·· tions. and were not bound action.example. however. Participation of tions. however." CPP founder Jose Ma. poverty. the economic condition of the workers. 12). they brought factory-focused issues into the public eye. 64 Organizational Linkages Organizational Linkages 65 same time. and were more militant and critical of government policies than these local union affiliates. 1).988 local however. often joined the KMU- registered with the Labor Department-engaged primarily in mass ac. the FFW adopted more open and confrontational methods of not operate within the parameters of labor laws. GATCORD. for . some ofits affiliates adopted traditional methods.December 1986. For example. during the 1979 Batasang Pambansa elections. In 1970. 8). and then only to ventilate national issues that directly affected.l 0 At the 1986 Labor Day rally held activity was never repeated during . The KMU has a wide spectrum of unions (1984j. it reported a total of eighteen regional Although the FFW freely used the strike. strations. did Rarely. there is no doubt that the alli. and agitational propa. Aranzamendez and the Auxil- alliances-which government said were loose and informal and not iary Leaders and Action Brigade (ALAB) factions. such fronts or communist-dominated. and unemployment (1985a. military atrocities (1984a. KMU displayed on the stage a red ban. which was Despite the potency of its strikes and picket lines.

At the time. 197 4. When CSM became inactive. They sometimes formed a united front. pines Labor Assembly (KMU 1988c. the FFW joined BANDILA. When Magsaysay won. like many other labor groups during this period. Not all attempts at unity resulted in the formation of organizations.s of national s ver· However. The FFW attempted to link up with other labor groups. such as the Philippine Confederation of Trade Unions lied the workers to support a 25-peso increase. the FFW could not sustain the aggressiveness of the early eignty. the prominent labor leaders: Cipriano Malonzo of the KMU. helped formu. on 9 May Sometimes the labor groups took common stands on specific problems. The FFW sent representatives to the go_v- the radical Church.J. in December that year. it linked with other labor groups when it joined the government-initiated but up with the Christian Social Movement (CSM) of Raul Manglapus. during the 1960s. Pagkakaisa ng Manggagawang Pilipino (PMP). ber 1983. KMU. and government. withdrew a few days before the latter was trans- The FFW recognized the vital role of organizational linkages in pur. the FFW and NAFLU its dealings with political parties and the government. the government brought together major labor fed- political parties. for example. 66 Organizational Linkages Organizational Linkages 67 Shortly after the mass arrest. · -'"·--/' withdrew its support and thereafter remained passive. the TUCP ral~ federations. national patrimony.the issu'e. and other multisectoral groups." and "Fi pino 1950s and kept away from politics. while the KMU and FFW (PHILCONTU). social. In the withdrew because of differences on the issue of representation. Fabros 1983. the Labor Party of the Philippines (LPP) was launched by ported the candidacy of Ramon Magsaysay. prior to the formation of the government-initiated PLCC. international level.. where KMU-dominated Labor Advisory Consultative Council (LACC). members were united on .· military. but sensing that the process was undemocratic. if only for a while. the First Policy. and lost interest in union alliances for a time . logical positions. ernment-dominated PLCC. suing issues in public. the TUCP ecutive board of the National Manpower and Youth Council. 14 tinued to attend tripartite gatherings and its president sat on the ex. ~:. Ramon Jabar FFW. Although they acted in their Carta of Labor (Salazar 1990. however. 15 When the Labor Department offered a Labor Union (NLU). many were eventually arrested and jailed. Through which it has become more confrontational.· also joined the pro-Magsaysay NAMFREL (Wurfel1988. they have grown in number and Center (PLCC). CULMPHIL was intended primarily to unify the labor movement went into hiding and became the target of a massive manhunt by the based on the principles of freedom and democracy. the other FFW members at the march (UOEF). and Antonio Diaz of the former TUCP affiliate. The FFW also maintained close links with the Bishops-Businessmen's Conference The three labor groups attempted several times to act together on (BBC). LACC and the TUCP proposed ad~ Movement of the Philippine (CULMPHIL) which brought together big justments to the minimum wage to offset high inflation. and the Union de Obreros Estivadores de Filipinas wage increase of 15 pesos a day in Metro Manila and 6 pesos in the . the FFW is affiliated with the European World Con. Under the martial-law regime. FFW officials were appointed as labor represen. they brought into LPP a co'ffiplex variety of ideo• . At the issues directly affecting workers. The radicals' mili. it the electoral process. was fleeting. the FFW led the formation of the Council for a United Labor such as the 1989 wage-priee issue. sometimes took a common stand or undertook joint actions. Aquino administration. it was vacillating and inconsistent in erations to form the PLCC. and FFW. In 1986. 104-5). which conducts regular discussions on national issues. of the FFW. lived since . it died quickly after it failed to par~· pate in labor movement. 151). the Labor Department initiated the formation of LACC. when it sup.• formed into the TUCP. For example. Under the Aquino administration. and Christian democrats. &ut it established links primarily With Church. "Philippines for the ·Filipinos. 1974. In 1988. although it con. the FFW revived its links based or Christian-democratic groups. the FFW personal was taken over by the. hastily formed on 30 April1975 to lead the restructur- become stronger and more organized because of their close links with ing of the labor movement. the Philip- late and lobby for the passage of the Industrial Peace Act or Magna pine Social Security Labor Union (PSSLU). federation of Labour (WCL). 4) but failed. CSM. in 1985. On 16 Octo- became active in politics in the 1953 national elections. LACC united. When the new Labor Code was promulgated in Although the FFW criticized control of trade unions by politicians. Today. the·TUCP." 18 As LPP was put up primarily to\field candidates n the FFW cooperated with government efforts to restructure the Philippine 1984 national elections. Unity. however. The FFW first withdrew because of conflicts in principles and interests. the KMU attempted to unite the labor movement under the All Philip- tatives to the legislative and executive branches of government. National wanted a 36-peso wage hike. Thus. a multisectoral Attempts at Trade U~ion Unity movement of liberal. Philippine Labor Coordinating tancy continued in the 1980s. PDSP. under the FFW president juan Tan was an executive-board member. but it was short. the FFW once more struggled to build a Christian society.

politics. the TUCP. protest marches and demonstrations. especially those influenced by PDSP. level. strikes or engage in more open and and compromising. Mass actions are occasional and mainly to Mass actions are rare and mainly to Heavy reliance· and extensive use of pursue economic interests o(members. Links with national democratic forces. tripartism. Limited use of parliamentary politics. . Links with non-labor groups known to Allying with political parties. Generally. cooperativism. and while Congress toyed up with the idea of offering a 20. unity is combative. and FFW refused· the offers varied reasons. which was averted when affiliates resisted and continued supporting the government. Dominant Strategies Collective bargaining. NUWHRAIN. ULGWP. cooperativism.l 7 Then labor unity dis. some KMU affiliates-NAFLU. GATCORD-were more traditional. conservative and ·Highly aggressive.PISTON. but revolutionary groups-were radical and All these events indicate that despite divergent tendencies. their affiliates. confrontational and combative.· adversarial as more willing to compromise than go on conformist. and possible on issues directly related to workers and their trade unions.while the groups prefer particular methods. the TUCP and FFW are tradi. same conditions of economic underdevelopment and political repres- Table 6. Form of Trade Union Great reliance on the traditional forms of Great reliance on the traditional forms of Suspicious and critical of the use of actions. ANGLO. traditional forms of actions. (such as ALAB Table 6 presents comparative union tendencies insofar as forms and and the Aranzamendez wing). 68 Organizational Linkages Organizational Linkages 69 provinces. coercive. The more militant affiliates of the FFW. integrated as quickly as it was formed. Union behavior can therefore vary widely even under exactly the tional and conservative. have strayed in other directions. Strikes are mainly staged'at the factory Strikes are mainly used at the factory. Comparative forms of trade-union action Elements FFW TUCP KMU Methods Extensive use of dialogue and Extensive use of dialogue and Heavy reliance on mass and political negotiations. PANALO. tendency to be collaborative well as combative. Thus. heavy use of extraparliamentary methods. and Comparative Findings those under the new breed of young and idealistic leaders. 16 When their proposal was the TUCP towarda confrontation with the Marcos government. confrontational forms of mass action. others-NFL. tripartism. actions. While the government granted a 25-peso wage hike. Collective bargaining. (such as the MALAYA faction). and Open. espouse Christian democracy. SPFL. negotiations. for peso increase nationwide. were open to confrontational methods. Behavior Marked tendency to be conciliatory. OLALlA. Highly traditional. and the many shadowy. they threatened a nationwide strike. Yet . celebrate annual labor festivities. Heavy involvement in parliamentary Occasional use of parliamentary politics. PISTON. . KMU. while the KMU is revolutionary and combative. Strikes and picketing are used even level. . actions. ADLO. outside factory confines and used to ventilate non-industrial issues. when ALU steered and demanded a 30-peso daily increase. methods of action are concerned.:some rejected.

structure. from the mid-1980s on. as did the predominantly economist TUCP and the democratically inclined 5 FFW. beliefs. it was a brainchild of the government. and degree of participation in oii trade-union activities. turned democratic and political. 2). the members acknowledged the Secretary of Labor as "the moving spirit in the unification of the Philippine trade j union movement" (PLCC 1975b. concerned with broadening workers'job and trade-union rights. Unions that concentrate more on economic and factory-oriented issues tend to adopt traditional methods of trade-union action. Thus. and establishing a society based on social justice. whieh sup- ported it through the American-Asian Free Labor Institute (AAFLI). which wanted th~ active support oflabor for the martial-law regime. Second. On the other hand. as was the revolutionary KMU. Early Beginnings and Ideological Orientations W hy do trade unions that operate under the same conditions emphasize different issues? Why are' some organizations revolutionary an~ combative? Why are others reformist and conciliatory? Four internal vanables may explain. Membership composition. The Philippine Labor Coordinating Center (PLCC) prepared· the government's labor-restructuring policy (TUCP 1977b. and styles of decision- making. then. divergeJ1t . Ideological orientation. and democracy. Third. 2. 30. trade-union behavior: r ' I. TUCP: Government Brainchild and Social Democrat / The TUCP was shaped by three features. PLCC 1975a). unions that view labor problems as rooted in the social structures tend to be more combative and confrontational. Leadership background. it started out as economist. At the first meeting of PLCC. and 4. 70 Organizational Linkages sion. association. it immediately worked with the gov• . when the TUCP was officially established on 15 December 1975. it was also beholden to the US. First. 3. Origin and background. r freedom.

tantly. new orientation: the TUCP departed from econom'ism and emphasized the democratic side of unionism. like wages-hampered its attempts to realize this Jt. revolutionary youth and student activists· who once TUCP immediately agreed and has regularly received US funds ever aggressively defied the Marcos regime. the TUCP (1984a... value-system of consultation. One of these was Nilo Tayag. a former leader of Kabataang Makabayan (National- ceived huge assistance not only from AAFLI. 6). the worsening economic cr· is. 3). . the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL).. A manifesto passed during its founding convention mandated the turmoil brought about by the assassinati of former Senator Benigno TUCP to restructure the labor movement in accordance with the La.. the TUCP welcomed the involvement of former democratic-so- proposed that the TUCP establish a research and education arm.ntributed The goals of its founding constitution were the promotion of social to the federation's radical. decision-making processes from the plant or enterprise level to the '/ and not ofachievipg reyp!ntjpparyrhane· The goal of its 1986 consti- national . Sec. the TUCP accepted the bor and capital relations. However. 1-2). The government donated land and a also deeply involved with the rava Commissio and the activities of building to the federation. since (PLCC 1975h. KM). · · 2. However. Some Endowment for Democracy which is believed to be backed by the US TUCP leaders suggested that Tayag and the socialist groups of ALU Central Intelligence Agency. (h) To foster the role of development unionism in all and capital are partners towards a common goal" and "labor-manage- aspects of overall national economic growth to ensure the continued ment relations in the Philippines are better pursued in the Filipino implementation of development and justice (TUCP 1975. consensus and compromise. the democratic and political role of trade unions. the TUCP's founding (1984a. . These external factors and militant groups' orientation. stating that "labor ment.. however.v. Sison in the late 1960s. 1-2). (f) To promote industry-wide col- free-enterprise system while maintaining that socialju~tice was impera- lective bargaining with employers' association and to assist its tive to regulate the right of property (1987d. controversial issues." TUCP (1984a. and the peoples' intensify- bor Code of the Philippines and in close coordination with the Depart. tution was "to ." But the group's association with the Marcos fE) the country's democratic institutions.. he TUCP justice through mutual assistance and collective bargaining: (19 a. it. but also from the National ist Youth...v partite government agencies... The cialist and even." It also advocated political action as "there are among its affiliates. but can be pushed by broader organizid action on industry.. (d) To help achieve a stable economy for ing. representation in the tripartite gov. however. life" (TUCP 1986d. througli' full participa-J ~. even revolution . More impor- The American-Asian Free Labor Institute (AAFLI). "1. the country through the medium of peaceful and profitable la- sectoral and national levels" (ibid. With the adoption of its new orientation·document." - From the very start. Jl. done through . on the other hand. 5). 1-d. 5) documents admtmstration-an association that pushed the TUCP to focus on less called for freedom and democracy through direct participation in tri." which the TUCP cratic and political elements from 1975 to 1983. responsible and zations purposeful agents of national development and to strengthen democratic trade unions. Aquino Jr.. 6) expressed the objective. 1 formulated TUCP's "working-class ideology. beneficial to all workers in general and to its desirable things which cannot be obtained through collective bargain- members in particular. rather than By the mid-1980s. the TUCP was reported to have re. tion of workers in all aspects of the country's economic and political ~ ordinating bodies of the land.dlieve a dynamic economy . One document (1984a.rled capitalist system which have cor- (c) To promote activities designed to effect mutual assistance rupted free enterprise. 2-3) began to stress the ad\'ersarial and confrontational orientation" (TUCP 1986c. as well as in the highest policy-making and co. In 1986. the TUCP's orientation was highly economist. The shift occurred This is not to say that the TUCP's orientation did not contain demo- when the TUCP adopted its "working-class ideology. constitution aimed to assist "the maintenance of free. began to em an ~dismantling of politicallordism an'd present semi-feudal and tlnJ. ernment agencies. The TUCP believed members in bargaining for better terms and conditions of employ- that labor and capital are partners in production.. now ing attacks against the Marcos a · · · he TUCP leadership was ment of Labor (Gonzales 1975). Art. 1). 72 Ideological Orientation Ideological Orientation 73 1 ernment in unifying the Philippine labor movement along industry The statement came when the country as embroiled in political lines.. . viewed the democratic and political / Vlorkcrs and peasants must be represented and participate in the ] oJJ struggle as a means of improving the economic conditions of society. organized by Jose Ma. 1) called the "basis for the struggle to make workers' organi.

ocratic arrested by the military as the government cracked down on militant army. lutionary role. under the leadership of Felixberto Olalia Sr. and democracy. · · I he KMU was born of the efforts of national-democratic forces to As a labor center. the KMU carries a political belief which is ori- forge a core group within the trade-union movement. replaced with nationalist industrialization and genuine agrarian reform. program as follows: eration-KMU-on 1 May 1980. especially US imperialism. Because of this political orientation. The program contains both· destructive and constructive compromisingly for the interest of labor but also for the advancement components. which ex. poverty and exploitation could be attained through the unity not While the TUCP exhibited a predominantly economist orientation. 1). We believe that the labor force is decisive in the basic trans- plains its generally progovernment stance. 74 Ideological Orientation Ideological Orientation 75 /The TUCP owed its existence to the martial-law regime.MU to mold the class . 1986k.con- martial-law regime attracted huge membership in Metro Manila. and methods all reflected a distinctly Marxist and revolution- ary ideology. Like its short-lived predecessors. KAP leaders were coalition government and defended by a nationalist and dem. perception of social reality. social beliefs. give rise to a nationalist and democratic unionism. expressed some radical and revolutionary views. cipation" (Yu 1987. Beltran spelled out the seven-point alternative The national democrats finally established a revolutionary labor fed. ented towards effecting radical change in the socioeconomic and/ the national democrats formed Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino political structures of society. Cavite. 3 Then. of drastically dismantling the colonial structures of Kapatirang Anakpawis ng Pilipinas (Brotherhood of Filipino Working. Foreign control of the country is to be dismantled and of the Filipino people's struggle for national liberation and social eman. its founding constitution: political and social affairs. freedom. and Laguna. whieh is summarized in a seven-point program of creation of a true worker's organization that shall not only fight un. . culture and education.. BMP} whose aggressive defiance of the it is the long-range program of the K. The group vowed to fight for "the cratic" program.. (Solidarity of Filipino Workers. government. the continued presence of US military installations and multinational We further believe that the liberation of the labor force from corporations in the country. KAP}. Some labor federations formation and development of society.. The new society will. it essentially believed in free enterprise founded on social justice. "2 The TUCP's close ties with AAFLI partly explain why it favored free from exploitation. and 1986z. Its goals. and the organization died. While it 1980a. On 1 May 1975. only of Filipino workers but also of all workers of the world (KMU it occasionally projected a democratic and political outlook. 49. The sciousness of all the Filipino workers and to unite them under one highly militant group was declared illegal in 1977. social programs. over the country's economic. the national democrats formed another nationalist trade union. the KMU believed in the (1) Opposition to all forms of external control and domina- revolutionary potential of the workers as reflected in the preamble of tion. which brought together eighteen local union leaders from The KMU saw its anti-imperialist struggle as part of a "national demo- Metro Manila. maintained that the TUCP was merely an adjunct of the government We also believe that the labor force can only develop and bureaucracy. KAP and other militant mass organizations Economic reconstruction is to be overseen by a national-democratic' became deeply involved in the 1979 national elections. / KMU: Socialist and National Democrat The KMU emerged in its early days after several attempts by revolu- tionary groups to establish a national-democratic united front in the labor sector. 167-68). 1. society. on 1 May trade union center so that they can effectively exercise their revo- 1978. while others regarded it as the government's "company perform its role in changing and developing society if it is totally union. 5 men.

( 4) That the KMU stands against any form of exploitation by ist control and exploitation of the Filipino people . 76 Ideological Orientation Ideological Orientation 77 (2) Dismantling of all the military instruments of US imperi. who adapted Military Defense Pact. by the FFW and TUCP. but showed little interest in details or dismantle all . The fleshing out of many concepts and principles-as well alism in the country as well as abrogation of the US-Philippine as· program details-were left to the ordinary workers. discussions with the leaders and members fruitless. genu. However. nationalist and democratic in form ship and control of economic power and full control by the people Qf and content and the formation of a 'National Democratic Coali. and (7) that trade unions should organize towards (7) Promotion and advancement of a culture and education movementism. but (it) is man against man or by one country against another (KMU 1980a. I found it (3) Adoption of a comprehensive agrarian reform program.6 The KMU's programs closely resemble those espoused by the national- I attempted to uncover detailed d~finitions of the KMU's jargon and democrati.comparison of programs.· factory or whatever other form it takes...S. and cratic character. (2) that workers and capitalists have inherently conflict- tion Government' vested with the power to implement the entire ing and mutually antagonistic interests. imperiali~m. 1-2).. a commitment to were masters of generalities. the KMU documents were of little help and a "nationalist and democratic" government. and enrich a few. establishing a national 1. unions is to eradicate the structures of imperialist domination. however. · Leninism-Mao-Tse-tung thought and other revolutionary ideologies. but merely part of a s·trategy to free the country from imperialist given enough strength in order to see to it that what they produce control. Hatred of "fascist dictatorial regimes. difficult to analyze the K. ( 4) Implementation of a genuine. a5 (5) Advancement of the political struggle to establish a form can be seen in the following beliefs: (1) that socialism is State owner- of government that is genuine. Thereafter. (6) that trade unions should be revolutionary. State power. As a result. seminars. modern technology are but tools of labor in creating goods However.c forces and other revolutionary groups. socialism. As Beltran put it: is equally distributed among the Filipino masses in order to achieve genuine equality. regional meetings. . workers . should-be goal.~. and a precondition for socialism. backed Marcos and Aquino governments. meetings modern machinery. (4) that the political and revolutionary role of trade (6) Radical transformation of the Armed Forces of the Philip. (See table 7 for a terminology (e. while the KMU's constitu- tion stipulated others: These points expanded on the KMU's 1980 program. and pines so that it truly serves the genuine interests of the Filipino establish socialism.. people's control)." including U. issues. a national democratic army.structures of "U.MU's orientation. freedom and democracy. Leaders expressed some of these beliefs. and other public gatherings. for instance. The KMU emphasized that national democracy is not the ultimate (3) That as creators of surplus value. is no single document that contains all the points. ism in the country. and combative. 1986z. the KMU more often and openly (2) That in developing such wealth. Beltran publicly Filipino masses and the use and development of such wealth is the presented the program ori 1 May 1986 at a Labor Day rally also attended sole right of the Filipino masses for their own benefit. (3) that industry should be program of national democracy.. 2. It is safe to say. The KMU leaders 2. A bias against foreign domination and control. and find . nationalist and democratic. The national democratic agenda is necessary in view of imperial.) They share the following: · alization.g. that the KMU is influenced by Marxism- alist industrialization. national democracy. mass-based. while at the same time projecting a nationalist and demo." a mission to dismantle the US- democratic coalition government.g. substance. only an interim arrangement prior to the ·establishment of social. mili· . 7 that is scientific. comprehensive and nation. capital in the form of articulated its program at.. conflictual. and with other labor organizations. (5) that trade unions should emphasize non-factory people. although there (1) That the natural wealth of the Philippines is owned by the. them to their respective localities' conditions. nationalized. nationalist industri. the program said nothing about how to achieve the program's needed by society and not as a means to exploit the labor force objectives.out how the federation hopes to achieve its broad goals (e. State ownership. and the desire to establish ine land reform).

nationalist and On the basis of allow the free interplay democratic constitution. To push forward the people's for national freedom the total victory in the democratic and struggle to attain the full and democracy in revolutionary struggle nationalistic unionism by realization of national freedom and politics. class ( 1980a. 6. and individuals sectors in the mass basis of specific issues such as anti- for the purpose of struggle for national imperialism.. progressive classes. nationalist and pro- and oppose continued US people army. for national liberation representing both the democracy (1986a. 1984a. Continued on next page I' ·t·· . imperialism and fascist democracy (1981e.. 4).. 198le. 29). principles. abrogation of all forces into a single to implement the defense that will ensure unequal treaties. domination and intervention in the citizens' armed Formation of a Philippines. democratic republic to government that is Struggle for a nationalist and genuine. KMU Elements BAYAN PnB . establish military bases and other military a system of national revolutionary armed Coalition Government~ installations. Objectives To advance the struggle To complete and win To promote a genuine. including of patriotic and mobilize workers political forces struggling for electoral (1986a.~:·''. effective sovereignty. together with other national freedom democracy on the groups.NDF KMU Nature Multi-sectoral ma~s/people's Political party Umbrella organization Trade-union movement of various groups organization Beliefs/Principles National liberation and National democracy National democracy Nationalist and democratic democracy (1986a. 6. aspirations of the working (1986a. :·: . 2). 1). Establish a nationalist Establish a democratic Push forward the Program (Government) Establish a nationalist and popular and democratic coalition government political struggle to democratic government and a people's establish a form of government (1986b. (1980a. ' } "t . 1). 9. and overthrowing US independence and an tifeudalism ( 1986a. . 3. national revolutionary army under the program of national democracy. . 28). . Mar. 1). ~ . 6). 3). in the economy. dictatonhip of the 1987f. in culture and in and genuine democracy economic and political international relations (1985. 1987b.Table 7.. 1985). :~:l. 1982a. representative of the people. PnB. Removal of the US · Integrate the "National Democratic organizations. Comparative views: BAYAN. 1). To wage all forms of To build a broad unity To organize and Strategy To unite with all democratic legal struggle. (1973.cos regime (1973. police and · democratic f01:ces. 1 . antifascism. 3). To strengthen ties and relations w/ all other oppressed sectors in society (1982a. Expose of national and democratic in content. 2). NDF.

· and popular and education that are people democratic. (Economy) Development of a self-reliant Develop a self-reliant Carry out national Implementation of economy thru national .. Adoption of a raise cooperation and comprehensive and Carry out a genuine and modernize agriculture. enterprises under state Complete the process of ownership and control. entities. and democratic (1986a.:li Table 7 . culture) That which promotes nationalist Promote and instill a Promote a patriotic. Elements BAYAN PnB NDF KMU · Program (Government) Remove all US military democratic coalition Radical transformation bases and facilities. economy based on industrialization as the genuine. government to safeguard of the armed forces to abrogate all one-sided national soveriegnty and establish a genuine treaties with foreign territorial integrity. reform. instruments of US imperialism and abrogation of the Philippine-US Military Defense Pact. (Education. Dismantle all military . 17). (1985)..Continued ~ . :t:: . by placing all strategic economic development. Armed Forces of the ~ Philippines that t~ly entities. science. public education. Promotion of a culture and democratic aspirations of the truly national and scientific. Opposition to all forms Terminate all unequal of external control relations with the US especially US and other foreign imperialism. comprehensi\'e. culture. industrialization and monopolistic program. popular culture. Genuine land reform. and ensure free scientific. genuine agrarian reform comprehensive agrarian program. mass-based. Unite the Filipino serves the interests of people to overthrow the the Filipino people tyrannical rule of US while projecting a imperialism and the nationalist and local reactionaries democratic character. industrialization and modern national industrialization leading faCtor in and nationalist agriculture. / . nationalist. genuine land reform.

in 1988. bases. Herrera accused the KMU ernment and Holland-based groups meant for Philippine labor unions of being a CPP front and planning to destabilize the Aquino govern. Projects (ICCO). For Villar replied. the Kabataan Para sa Demokrasya at Nasyonalismo (Youth funding partly through the aid received by the KMU from Europe: for Democracy and Nationalism.And for this.IO..52 million pesos in current value. tion: (1) the KMU emerged as a result of the national-democratic forces' However. we made it very clear that we have ist and revolutionary." He explained that ULGWP's "principles and ob- Kilusan ng Magsasakang Pilipino (Movement of Filipino Fanners. These features (NUWHRAIN) to abide by the organizational views . a Protestant-Catholic aid group that dispenses a large cratic movement'. one of the KMU's founding members. suggested that the TUCP was local "legal left" groups like the the KMU (Lawson 1990. NUWHRAIN left the KMU in 1985 wh_en'"\ve of the lectures delivered by former CPP chairman jose Maria Sison and felt we were being gradually directed to other issues and act}Yitl. BAYAN). while acknowledging the KMU's militancy. former affiliates also attacked the KMU. very close to that of CPP's.:IU since 1982 to- bor movement. its president. our reservations and that we could . workers· ·even if this meant confronting 3. also split from (People's Party. "13 Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT). however.not commit the organization lar to the orientation of the national-democratic forces. or 42. Leonardo the establishment and implementation of a genuine and compre- /Desierto. and social the government and military authorities. military efforts to establish a labor arm. no longer directly affect the workers and their trade un(ons" (ibid. was diverted to tl1e CPP-NPA for arms purchases through the NDF and ment. ofaid from the Dutch gov- having a communist agenda.. of the 'national demo. League of Filipino Students Then intelligence reports indicated that the CPP received regular (LFS). leader of ULG\.). the military revealed video tapes According to Desierto. none too convincingly. to the accusations: example. PnB). hensive· land reform program and works for the immediate dis- vealed that the KMU imposed several conditions on NUWHRAIN: mantling of US military bases in the country.5 million guilders. An earlier trying to gain the government's favor and influence the country's la. Godofredo Paceno. president of PANALO. 10 taled 3." 9 amount of the Dutch government aid grants to the Third World. related and trade union issues were concerned . General Assembly Binding Women (GABRIELA). I.and stand of lend credence to military accusations that the KMU is the legal labor the KMU on these matters. and "hidden. "deceiving and utilizing legitimate labor groups to advance is due to the similarity of the . 12 front of the CPP.:IU's alternative.s which his wife Juliet. (2) the KMU's social beliefs are Marx. imperialism. These political vie. 8 In 1988. {eonardo Agting. The Sisons reportedly Between 1982 and 1989. and other political issues. report stated that ICCO financial suppo~·t for the IO.S.s are. At least The TUCP also accused the KMU of being communist-dominated or 20 pe~cent. to abrogate all unequal treaties between the Phil- ippines and the US. For example. another KMU founding member. the KMU strongly pursues·· NUWHRAIN. in consultation with the executive board (of NUWHRAIN).Y. 4). decided to leave the KMU on 6 September 1982. From the very start. and implement nationalist industrialization and We joined the KMU because of its militancy in raising and pursu- genuine agrarian reform. we made it clear that our sympathy was only insofar as worker- tary/legal or extraparliamentary struggle for national democracy.o'ther hand. Maybe this federation. or around 47. 82 Ideological Orientation Ideological Orientation 83 tary installations. KADENA). . among otllers. U. "11 oftheCPP. ever.4 million pesos.S. A belief that they should organize individuals. U. the KMU had already been branded as a legal because he believed communist elements were infiltrating his labor front of the Comt1iunist Party of the Philippines (CPP). how- classes into a broad alliance or movement that will wage parliamen. and (3) the KMU's ideological orientation is simi. was even I concluded the following about the KMU's beginnings and orienta. agreed..rnational Church Coordination Commission for Development these existing organizations which are part . re. KMP). objectives. who admitted the linkages between the CPP and the KMU. willing to speak on these issues during rallies and demonstrations.l 4 On the _. Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (New Nationalist the KMU because of the federation's "increasing political nianeuverings" Alliance. and. groups. For example. and ing the demands of the.YP. which also advances the national-democratic orienta- tion that the KMU espouses. for all other issues like. jectives have become incompatible with the KMU's political agenda. as well as with other cause-oriented groups such as Partido ng Bayan Finally. the timing of the attack. At the same time.program with that their cause of sowing violence and unrest. the KMU reportedly received funding from the claimed that the CPP "shares common objectives and approaches with lnte.

work for the radical transformation of the The FFW's concept of social justice included tlle right of tlle worker feudal and colonial structures at work in Philippine society today. and honest la. a~d politicians. The mission recommended measures tllat would free trade FFW: Church-inspired and Christian Democrat unions from the control of communists. the Free Workers acknowledge God as the Fatller of all But we cannot just abandon our political position on agrarian men and each man as their brother. was ries. decent clothing. 37-38)..). politicians. much less remain silent on these or owner." 17 It speaks of the brotherhood of . (d) a fund for sickness. Ill) shows: given by God for the use of all men. and even courtrooms.. labor movement and crusaded "to reduce ti1e papal social encyclicals This mission significantly influenced not only tlle country's labor to practice. closely parallel to those espoused by the national-democratic forces. This pattern is repeated today. free from politics and According to Hogan. our discussion thus far indicates the following: (a) decent food. 15June 1950. employer or employee. And are responsible for the problems of society today. domination by tlle Govern- would guide the labor movement along the lines of Christian social ment. and Institute of Social Order (ISO) on 30 July 1946 to apply the Church's a new type of industrial-relatio. Work is man's privilege as well as his duty.. emergency and old age. as well as train trade-union leaders. Hogan to tlle Bell Mission's recommendation to·establish trade unionism that and Tan soon realized that they had to organize a labor federation that would be ''free from Communist influence. semi. · . pressed in its founding slogan: "Free from racketeers. munist influence. the CPP which was then operating as men. responsible. Bell studied tlle country's economic conditions as well as the labor movement. 15 to receive in exchange for his labor at least the following: In summary. The worker finds special comfort and inspiration in tllis: duty and responsibility to fight against all forms of imperialism THAT HE SHARES HIS TOIL WITH CHRIST. THE CARPENTER. and to fight for the adoption of a genuine land reform program.S. The FFW started out as predominantly democratic and political. The Jesuits then founded the to build a new kind of unionism. free from com- nars." Their work started with discussions witll workers at facto.employers. manual as well as mental. Juan Tan.. just so we may not be branded as communists. The FFW's goal. The KMU espoused Marxist and revolutionary social beliefs that are able him to become an owner of property (ibid. of free and democratic unionism (Bell Mission Report. whether worker reform. and more importantly. movement. Hogan and his former student. etc. (b) means to secure proper education for his chil· 1. born on (Bell Mission Report 1950. free from company domination. a legal organization was founded by militant labor leaders and social justice. It is thus our tlley see in all work. the moral imperative to show concern for the less privileged.l 6 At first. The attempts of the national-democratic forces to establish a formal dren. they see not poverty or wealth vital issues. This but the dignity. U. May 1950). In each man. free from government control. as The FFW's founding constitution states that "the earth is a storehouse its constitution (Al·t. In 1946. but the FFW's orientation. interference by management. a US mission headed by Daniel why some of its affiliates withdrew their membership. That federation was the FF\\1. Finally. the only genuine. picket lines. The union's vision was ex- doctrines to Philippine conditions. and the dignity of labor: during the war it organized an arm component which fought against the Japanese. military bases. and (e) a pool of savings which will en- 2. . tlle sacredness . a great dignity and firm conviction that the workers and their trade unions have the nobility. 84 Ideological Orientation Ideological Orientation 85 In addition. a new form of labor movement. The colonial and feudal structures human person. and racketeering by labor le!lders" doctrine (Fa bros 1988. historically. The mission suggested "instituting a The FFW was born of the Jesuits' concern for building a just social labor-relations system patterned after that of the US and sending of US order based on the social teachings of the Church. (c) wholesome family recreation. unity within the labor movement found their expression in the KMU. ISO offered lectures.and the eternal destiny of the would be undemocratic. and 3. and a good home for himself and his family. American labor leaders to train Filipino trade unionists in tlle pril)ciples and me- Jesuit Fr.ns system. This revolutionary orientation of the KMU was the primary reason Shortly before tlle FFW's founding. Walter B." It was remarkably similar bor organization at the time was the communist-influenced CLO. joined the chanics. and night classes to both workers and management. 71). for example.

traditional methods of conflict resolution. In the mid-1980s. Sec. and thus perpetuate the cherished traditions of true democracy. as well the FHV as "a powerful federation that would actively champion th'e cause as the groups' social beliefs. For ultimately. The TUCP's defensive char- Section 3. government domination. The FFW was only set:ondarily economist and defensive. BATU. assuring workers of their freedom and independence. the Philippines and to use all other reasonable means to protect Section 4. and why their perceptions differ.. 17)." 18 The economist as well as protectionist phasize certain issues over others.. troduction and passage were well-known to be supported by the US In the 1970s. The FFW's character was thus largely influenced by the following: (1) of which Mr.. World Labour Confederation. The US association presumably continued in the 1970s and 1980s. distribution laborated with the US plan in the early 1950s to free the labor move- ment of communism." established The events that led to the founding of the three labor groups. and labor rack- the Philippines and has some small but active liaison groups in eteering. VII. Tan is also president.>' strike which gives the litical as it was most concerned with trade-union freedom and democ- workers equality with the employer in collective stance. partly explain why the trade unions em- of social justice for the workers. Art. concerns.!J'_:_:- .inspiration. "the living wage for the Filipino workers. It is immoral for employers Section 5. continued into the 1960s through the FFW's regional federation. it is the right t<. 35).. of goods. Mutually profitable relations between workers and employers are best achieved through agreements freely entered into after free collective bargaining.e unio~ now stood for industrial and economic democ- less because Hogan helped found it than because the federation col.ta of Labor. Tll.) The TUCP's beginnings and its AAFLI connection largely account for its generally progovernment and Section 2. and economic planning (FFW 1976a. workers' economic rights. It is the natural right of all men to enter into asso. To unite the working men and women of the Phil" . This collaboration . and arbitration. free men must be free to strike for • and extend our democratic institutions and civil rights and liberties. one of its missions was to .'' ' I' :~ Ideological Orientation 87 86 Ideological Orientation Section 3. whether actual or potential. of Catholic. Once the Magna Carta of Labor was passed. is based in ~ management interference. In a democracy. the FFW of the 1950s was mainly democratic and po- a just cause. workers' participation in production decision-making. racy. (See objectives of the FHV are pronounced in the constitution (Art. 1-6). the US labor attache was sometimes present at major FFW gatherings. ing. II): table 8 for a comparative presentation. martial law revived the FFW's democratic government. Its 1988 Constitu- tion mentioned political democracy (FFW 1988. Through collective bargaining. Nevertheless. The FFW was thus Catholic-inspired and US-influenced. elect their officers to represent them. To secure legislation which will promote and safe- or the State to interfere with or attempt to 'control legitimate guard the economic security and social welfare of the workers of association of workers. ciations of their own choosing for good purposes· and f1·eely to opportunities to own property. while its highly economist orientation accounts ippines into an organization for effective common action for their for its strong interest in factory-oriented issues and its preference for mutual aid and protection. Its constitution focused on the living wage and its battle cry. racy. Section 5. T Section 4. whose in. to secure the family acter can also be explained by its commiunent to protect and promote living wage for all heads of families. It of unionism. racketeering. for trade-union freedom and independence. and politics. which Thailand and Hongkong (Cox 1972. especially as the new law encouraged collective bargain- lobbied for the passage of the 1953 Magna Carta of Labor. like the AAFLI. and ( 4) the passage of the Magna Car. An observer noted: '/i the Jesuits' concern' to apply the papal social encyclicals to Philippine society. an affiliate ofthe the desire of the US to free trade unions from communist influence. . however. which. the FFW shifted to the economic side The FFW crusaded.::onomist and defensive mold. (3) Trade Unionists (BATU). agricultural and urban. To secure for all ·workers. pressed trade-union orientation into an e. (2) the Christian democratic orientation which eventually The AFL-CIO is also influential with the Brotherhood of' Asian emerged and developed within the consciousness of the federation. grievance handling.. This is not to say that the FFW neglected the economic aspect of Comparative Findings unionism during the 1950s. .

power. social. state control of the and political systems and processes. Church-initiated but exhibiting Strong support from the American democratic forces. Comparative ideological orientation of Philippine trade unions Social beliefs TUCP KMU FFW Beginnings Government-initiated and supp9rted. of plans at all levels of society. rights of the minority. parallel interests with the US ICITU and AFFLI. to ensure total human development. fruits of production and exchange. and control by the people of Supreme authority resides in the pluralism in society achieved through state power. and implementation capitalists. Trade union To strive for the establishment and To establish and defend national To liberate the workers and the promotion of a humanist. subject to the principle of majority rule and respect for the majority rule. US peoples' exclusive right to shape·and resources are heavily utilized and MNCs. whose objective is serving the needs of people of economic and political the domestic market. Table 8. socialism by struggling against foreign and free the labor movement from monopoly capitalism and its domestic external control. and of a progressive rise in standard basic and vital industries. industries now controlled by foreign participation in determining economic decision-making. especially in social. Nationalism Viewed as patriotism and love of Viewed as total dismantling of the Expressed in the principle of n. and use of the means and of living. Socialism Viewed as social justice or that which Understood· as state ownership and Expressed as social justice which is assures everyone of a just and control of the factors and means of viewed as equality of opportunities. 'T . government and labor movement. and responsible ownership. shared by all. Closely associated with the national. Democracy Viewed as workers' /peasants' Viewed as nationalization of the Viewed as workers' and peoples' participation in the formulation. total control by the Filipino structure their future and destiny. democracy within the perspective of people from economic exploitation democratic society.ational country. Ideological orientation Social democracy National democracy with a socialist Christian democracy perspective. people. within the context of allies. also as economy. also as nationalist-oriented structures of foreign control and sovereignty and defined as the Filipino industrialization where indigenous exploitation-US military bases. distribution. equitable share of society's income production and services. Human nature Stresses the free exercise of civil Stresses that social equality will be Stresses the spiritual and material liberties and equality of opportunities achieved if society's wealth is equally content of human development. a Christian democratic outlook.

' Mendoza ascribed to leadership a role interests. and aggressively pursued fore the TUCP was founded. As partly explain its moral and ethical stance. of their own group but also of the general public. the KMU was held by lawyers working as government b. the TUCP once more became the govern- ment's bastion of labor. the TUCP leadership aggressively espoused its belief provided the FFW a model for its democratic and political orientation. The FFW was protective as it defended and promoted both similar . While they ductivity for the sake of national development. and. From the start. KMU. explaining its involvement with government and in political affairs. Perhaps it was part of the TUCP's strategy to maintain its influence over the legislative and executive branches of the govern- ment. many TUCP leaders were in the executive and legisla- political character. as well as its democratic and of this writing. In the early days. while the US labor movement . The work of free enterprise. and the like. They must not only have in view the erations are significantly different from the KMU. can be explained by the revolutionary federation's links with national-democratic forces and its belief that workers and their trade unions must dismantle the structures L eadership significantly shaped the trade unions' views and emphasis of issues. Democrito Mendoza (1978c. Within the con- tive bargaining and arbitration as primary means for pursuing their text·of 'responsible unionism. advantage. Although no major differences exist between the TUCP and FFW-save Trade unions cannot be one-sided. others captured government positions by Finally.FFW differed in their social beliefs. 13. to fulfill the national goal.workers within and outside the fac. 11-13). a re- the Magna Carta of Labor. 90 Ideological Orientation broaden the democratic rights of.ureaucrats or politicians be- also economist. In such that described by Michael Shanks: to discourage union mem- the economic and trade-union rights of the workers. and protective. Its avowed mission was to institute moral reforms tive branches of government . The KMU therefore TUCP: Largely Economist aligned with other socialist forces in preparation for the seizure of political power and the establishment of a Marxist socialist State. By demanding too high a share of employ- . must play a role. sponsible role. social of foreign domination and control. 1978a. Leadership Profile sue of trade-union freedom. the inherently antagonistic interests of labor and capital. the FFW fought for a living wage. the FFW's Church-inspired and US-influenced beginnings virtue of their TUCP connection (TUCP 1977b. they have to considerthe investment and growth (of) the whole economy. bers•from demanding high wages and persuade them to increase pro- The TUCP. The conflictual and combative beliefs. on the other hand. character of the KMU was also influenced by Marxist tenets: the primacy of labor over capital. federation's economist orientation was strengthened by the passage of in order to become a relevant force in society. . 6 tory. and.. 1 Some officers were still in government workers' economic and democratic interests. The KMU's character. But its failure to repeal the restrictive Labor Code and criticize the government put in doubt the TUCP's ability to pursue the democratic and trade-union rights of workers. it is difficult to explain why during both the early Marcos re- gime and the Aquino government the TUCP was indifferent to the is. links with other organizations. 17) said.. soon enough. Although the mid-1 ~80s witnessed a more critical TUCP. But the impact and direction of leader- ship traits-career background. which encouraged unions to adopt collec. their perceptions of the issues varied. that unions should promote growth and development within the frame- On the other hand. They have certain obligations for their concepts of man and the role of trade unions-the two fed. nationalist industrialization. often raised the same issues. the federation reverted to acquiescence under the Aquino administration. in national development" (italics mine). when the TUCP was born. based on the papal social encyclicals. democratic. "Labor. key positions in the TUCP's Executive Council were Yet while it was mainly revolutionary and combative. and styles of decision-making-vary widely. Still.

merely handed down organizational vicing with their members. NCM decisions were then adopted as the organiza- Herrera. They were ing for the passage of favorable policies. "The employers whose making body . such as wages. 21) saw trade unions as workers' defenders ership normally initiated discussions ·in the Executive Board. "'! "~-~·~ ·~-~. in keeping with its economist view. trade unions being democratic institutions I observed that individuals from the TUCP's lower echelons shaped have the role of promoting the interests of the workers by lobby. especially in the mid-1980s. however. "Responsible" labor leaders would pursue labor's dates under the ruling party. former student activists influenced by the radical Church and demo- Thus. (2) a strong belief in tution which operates within the present constitutional framework capitalism. Herrera elaborated: however. such ership met with local union leaders through the National Consulta. 17. ( 4) a preference for cooperation with the even in participating in electoral competition . 17). therefore." rectly·affecting workers' economic interests. government through participation in tripartite agencies.2 erly protected." He also thought of trade unions as instruments for the TUCP's official position and handed down to affiliates for compli- ensuring a maximum e~oyment of the benefits of capitalism or help. Cooperative membership. In the field of politics. ance. health clinics. active presence and participation of trade unions in these govern. 21). The lead- also a TUCP leader. government positions as labor representatives. Marcos's political sible unionism" was to attain "a considerable degree of sophistication party (Mendoza 1978c. which could be achieved "by engaging in direct ser.). a policy- against the abuses of some employers. support for a . the TUCP's founding president. . 31). Marcos government. preferred collective that "there had been no cases in the past that the decision of the Ex- bargaining.way into the TUCP's orientation. ecutive Board was questioned. In summary. and docile workers son. competent government and supported Aquino's political party for the same rea- labor executives and highly motivated. although Mendoza claimed leadership. emphasized both the economic and political roles tional position of the TUCP.held cratic processes in the country.-·~~-~---·--·_. In elections during both administrations. The radical views found thei:o. who simultaneously . 92 Leadership Profile Leadership Profile 93 ers' profits or of the national product. the TUCP is characterized by the following:. some organizational positions. free legal counseling to unorganized Meeting (NCM) at least once a year. In this respect. (3) a tendency to concentrate on e. he said. of trade unions. such as land re- the needed economic foundations for our people-especially for those form and the US military bases. (1) the mental functions likewise makes credible the operation of demo. interests through collective negotiation and by "motivating the mem.tive as "family planning. trade unions must actively participate in the activities of cratic-socialist forces. they might in fact eventually Mendoza reaffirmed the political function of unions when he said destroy any possible general growth. 30-1). much less overruled by the general ing in cooperativism and various types of mutual services." 3 every three years. In case the general membership dissented.-~=-==--=-=~=~~~. They may even further offer to that the "TUCP is willing to work together with any administration so raise the productivity standards of the workers by persuading and that through its intervention the interests of the workingman are . The TUCP leadership aggressively spoke out on national issues di· bership to increase their capacity to produce. the leadership used the TUCP~s vari- who are residing in the rural areas (Oca 1977.4 The TUCP's views partly explain why the TUCP supported the early For Roberto Oca."5 . The board's decision was automatically adopted as of the workers. laws. are likely to be distant and deaf to the needs met every month. the TUCP fielded candi- (TUCP 1977. political processes" (ibid. the role of "respon. the leadership solicited the participation of local leaders to arrive at a consensus.. notably lawyers. He said. TUCP as an insti. and legislations.that decided by a consensus or simple majority vote and preoccupation is profit. but Oca tried to transcend collective bargaining by engag. movements. represented a "chance to establish for ourselves On national issues that were not purely economic. On other n~tional issues. and why it endorsed the KBL. While their influence has not been sustained. Ernesto Herrera. ous consultative structures to gather the membership's views. the issue was brought ing "ameliorate the social standards of the workers" (ibid. National conventions were held workers and the community and basic livelihood projects. The top leadership. dominance of professionals. The lead-_ Mendoza (1978c. The TUCP back to the board for further deliberation.). The TUCP cooperated with the Aquino and professionalism" in order to produce well-educated.prop- encouraging the workers to produce more (Mendoza 1978c. productive. their both the executive and legislative branches of government. and by actively participating in society's positions onjob-related economic issues.conomic issues and adopt is indeed aggressive in lobbying for governmental positions and factory-focused ·methods.~~··-----~---·--------- . advocated other forms of mutual assistance.

they exercised tremendous influence in shaping and advancing KMU positions. a coherent position of organizational ties with the conservative blocs in the labor movement. and run in elections. however. Trinidad 1970. 18-19). 11 support a political party.g Michels defined it: complex differentiation of functions which. 10 KMU leaders were often seen in the company egy for pursuing the workers' interests is to cooperate with the' government. Philippines. The leadership instead of the Social Security System {SSS). a nationalist group founded by Jose Ma. Cipriano encouraging the general membership to discuss them. During the Marcos years. the KMU leadership maintained no formal and politicians. the leadership. Those who know them claimed that during the Marcos years. makes the TUCP look like just ing no official position and not representing any union. The leadership also tries to BAYAN. while manyof alist groups. In 1989. (5) aggres- . but the tendency to some of its members..) On the other hand. national-democratic groups during his short term with the KMU (Muang The dominance of professionals in the TUCP leadership suggests a 1970. the KMU's first national vice-chairman and president of NFL. dominated CLO in 1945. but also in running the organization. TUCP." stopping members from demanding higher wages or engag. whose policy on parliamentary methods continues to such as the TUCP and HW. however. · • 1 . nonetheless. tion.. tionary and socialist. The leadership's penchant There were also "shadowy" individuals in the KMU leadership hold- for working with the government. ground" activities. however. from which the CPP drew siveness in deciding on national economic issues. highly motivated. Crispin Beltran ran for a famous human-rights lawyer and a vocal critic of the Marcos r"egime. . the KMU never allied with the revolutionary activities of the KMU. began in the 1930s when he orga. tries to create a skilled. joined the electoral struggle under the PnB. NDF. 8 Olalia was also an organizer of the communist- consult membership and build consensus on sensitive political issues. Malonzo. a lawyer. of such personalities as Sison and former NPA chief. with respect to precursor of today's NDF (Abaya 1991. was a cialized technical skills and roles in unions as well as an increasingly member of the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN). a multisectoral movement for national democracy organized in May capture political power to ensure trade-union participation in legislation 1985 (KMU 1986v. Beltran. took his place. which led to the cratic forces were strong. I observed that they also exercised con- siderable power and influence not only in formulating and advocating When it was founded. PnB. productive. however. and responsible The KMU leadership became closely associated with such groups as membership. Bernabe Buscayno. the leadership of the KMU became more visible. Sison in 1966 and said to be a ing to wages and prices. 'I nized the Union de Chineleros y Sapb6s. formation of the Labor Advisory Consultative Committee {LACC).'s involvement in the "shadowy" individuals began to surface and engage in "above- the labor movement. executive vice-president. 6 The TUCP is highly centralized on issues relat. another government agency to the other trade unions.-----~oo=~==---=~o. BAYAN. Beltran's views were revolu- non-economic issues. the KMU had only two lawyers. 94 Leadership Profile /'' Lea-~ership Profile 95 I ' political party. because the latter groups refused to join be indeterminate. MASAKA in 1964.u~~-=~~t·=~~-·'-~---~. 31) and chaired PnB in 1986. 1983). particularly land reform and US military bases. in the Mter his death in 1983.labor movement. President Aquino appointed him commissioner ing in strikes and other "antisocial" behavior. who succeeded him. however. in the sense that Weber and socialist basically fighting against the exploitation of man by man. these individuals were working "underground" and deeply involved in KMU: Highly Revolutionary extraparliamentary struggles. and even with some personalities of the CPP and NPA. and many other and (6) the presence of "outsiders" who introduced radical ideas. initiated a move for unity of the . Unlike the issues. For the 1987 national elections.. he reportedly joined Pedro Abad Santos police force "to keep the chaps in order and the wheels of industry who organized in 1929 the Socialist Party of the Philippines (Abad turning. senator. The TUCP leadership seeins to think that the best strat.-=~•""=~-~~-~-----~-·-·---. 7 It is decentralized. Founding president. (See chapter six. the Labor Department. The leadership plays the role of what Flanders and Shanks called a was also an avowed socialist. Since The majority of leaders have close links with revolutionary or nation. however. the TUCP leadership aggressively pursues what Crouch called The younger Olalia had earlier served as the national vice-president of the substantive or money goals of unionism. Under the Aquino administra- any political party. Finally.. the KMU leadership refrained from associating with government During the Marcos years. 4). then headed by Augusto Sanchez. was brought about by the growing demand for more spe. He admitted to being "a Marxian high degree of organizational bureaucracy. He was brutally murdered in 1986. -- . then. industrialized society. Its aloofness was not. Felixberto Olalia Sr. but lost even in areas where the KMU and the national-demo. SPP in 1963. his son Rolando. the KMU lilf:. and even participation in electoral politics. while Beltran was national affecting workers. 14-16. for example.

Leto Villar sponsored the with national-democratic and revolution~ry forces show that the KMU resolution before the floor. however. eventually. Superior-General Fr. He requested encyclicals into practice. views the trade-union str~ggle as part of the broader struggle for na- The early interventions tried to clarify certain points or regarded tional democracy and. Leo Cullum instructed Fr. the leadership presented it to the· general mem. concept of "outsiders" advanced by Lenin. Its orientation attracted a lot allowed it to dominate LACC discussions and activities. Even as the KMU leadership militantly advocates organizational po- stitution be rejected by the Filipino people. In most The presence of non-members behind the KMU scene brings to mind cases. from which the FFW eventually emerged.Janssens in- the national officers to send a delegation to Negros to persuade his structed Philippine Vice-Provincial Fr. As Meliton Salazar said: influences the KMU. citing two major arguments: con. 96 Leadership Profile Leadership Profile ''97 The KMU leaders aggressively took positions on a wide range of is. I observed similar procedures at other meetings. Galensonidentified them as "middle-class professionals and intellectu- tution for several reasons: (1) the Constitution's inability to reflect the als (who) have gone into the labor movement out ofpolitical idealism. The commitment of Fr. adherence to revolutionary and arriving at a position. Another delegate suggested that it was more vital for the KMU to press for po. and (3) its inability to eradicate widespread poverty. were constantly dominance of individuals directly linked with revolutionary and na. tactics. and Galenson. and aggressiveness in using organizational structures ough discussion failed to persuade dissenters to appreciate the merits to mold its members' consciousness. socialism. socialist beliefs. the leadership had decided to reject the Consti. presidential elections. Many students. The aggressiveness with which the KMU leadership pursued its goals FFW was our expression of activism. the presence of highly influential individuals sues. it also aggressively tries to create a revolutionary working-class KMU would blunder the way it did when it boycotted the February 1986 consciousness. Blanqui. the body ployers. A large number of unionists veered social action center.". po. em- for a decision. litical repression. in touch with the right people who were prominent individuals· . of students from Ateneo and sensitized many of us. of a set position. the unjust order. the. Fr. he proposed that the KMU vote "yes" and later work for constitutional amendments. bent on applying the social doctrines of the Church to Philippine soci- A representative from Negros. declared that the majority ety. tional-democratic forces.I3 many idealistic students was Juan Tan. the leadership's decision prevailed. After over two hours of deliberation. Hogan's pioneering work that inspired students. Another feared that the sitions. basic interests of the people. One delegate thought the KMU should postpone its rejection of the Constitution as the federation was FFW: Predominantly Democratic and Political demanding the reinstatement of the recently relieved Sanchez. aggressiveness in initiating and advancing organiza- bership through the Regional Councils or National Congress. and workers to work for society's less fortunate. Before the congress. and social injustice. IS All these men's efforts led to the formation of the ISO revived should the constitution be rejected. membership voted on the issue (Beltran 1990). as had been done by the NDF. the issue was thrown to the body But it was Fr. Several people oversaw the birth of the FFW. push the revolution "on behalf of the ignorant and impotent masses". (2) its tendency to preserve the existing seeking to bring about a radical transformation of society through. Blanqui described them as "a highly conspiratorial clique" who against the ratification of the proposed Constitution of the Philippines. Vincent Kennally to e_stablish a union to reject the Constitution. The KMU leadership's socialist and revolutionary beliefs and links tion for adoption in the National Congress. Upon without positions in the organization.Joannes B. This instruction might have been taken lightly had toward support for the government. tional positions. One delegate asked about possible scenarios should the Con. Horacio de Ia Costa not stressed the urgency of establishing such stitutional amendments could be made later. 12 The issue was whether to vote in favor or ies". most of them Jesuits litical settlements with the government. Jesuit superior Fr. mass organizations of workers. Hogan to put the papal of his union's members took the "critical yes" position. A committee prepared a resolu.l 4 The KMU's December 1986 National Congress illustrates the group's Lenin referred to them as "an elite party of professional revolutionar- decision-making process. They deliberated the issues at the National Council level. and dictatorship could be an institution. If a thor. Among the adopted the original resolution.quite known. who were also The KMU leadership is characterized by the following features: the . Since less than ten delegates opposed rejection. Hogan and The above account demonstrates the extent to which the leadership the Ateneo de Manila students molded the FFW. being high-profiled.

Later.. voluntary arbitration. as it was done on the premise of or BATU. try in 1961. FfW became From then on. which maintained its siderably influenced the FFW. Board of the FFW. newspapers . as well as free trade unions from government and The top leadership of the FFW from 1970 to 1986 was composed of the communist controL The leadership also supported Ramon Magsaysay president (Tan) and the executive vice-president (alternately Raman for President. They founded the Philippine Democratic Fr. Romeo Intengan. 16 forbade the priest to speak publicly on social questions (Fabros 1988. the last of or assist labor organizations of their own choosing as provided for which occasioned the People Power Revolution of February 1986. possessing only their militancy Socialist Party (PDSP). jectives of trade unionism. and labor-dispute settle.. prepared the messages and Labor Department representatives conducted background checks on speeches of the FFW president. but his involvement with Most of the early FFW leaders were Christian idealists and student the union slowed down and completely stopped when he left the coun- activists· from the Jesuit-run and elitist Ateneo de Manila. movement would be compromised. believing that he was committed to democracy and against Jabar or Aranzamendez). which George Meany of the AFL-CIO also In the 1970s. ~I 98 Leadership Profile Leadership Profile 99 and national leaders. the new leadership was greatly divided on the issue sity of freedom for the workers. Fr. the democratic and political goals of unionism In the 1970s. . by the democratic-socialist bloc and young Executive Board members. tions of workers: only Salazar continued to be involved with the FFW. fame of FFW during that period. introduced democratic socialism. 74). For certainly. the leadership stayed out of politics and kept away from known in the higher strata of society which at that time was not politicians and political parties. NACTU. Some joi~ed as staff of from the group became a mem- and knowledge of Christian social doctrines. Tan gaged in union organizing. remained.. 18 It was the last time the FFW joined the electoral fray. All these factors contributed to the dynamism and Hogan's work created intense conflicts and friction among Catholics. and even. that the president·ulti- communism. Fr. join Under martial law. Hogan and the other students created ment. 53). if the organiza. composed mostly of unions influenced not be fulfilled. What we do and say gets into the Shortly thereafter. leadership was consistently divided on Jhe issue of partisan politics tion is not controlled and run by the workers themselves but despite the clamor by its membership to participate in the elections and dominated by outside influences or pressures. the fac- working conditions of the workers-cannot materialize and can. Today. I observed. during the national elections of 7 April1979. the purpose for campaign for the opposition. that is.of Labor. in the pursuit of the ob. 19 But the top leadership aimed to establish an industrial-relations system that would promote the thought otherwise.I7 They en..FFW was led by an entirely new crop of leaders were viewed in the context of improving the working and living condi. When martial law was It would be superfluous to underline and emphasize the neces. really interested in labor issues. however. democratic and political struggle. Most Ateneo students also eventually left the FFW. This and subsequent labor training gave the FFW its organi. mostly from the ranks of FFW affiliates. mately decided on national and political i~~ues. the . With the students' presence. Tan accepted the Americans' invitation to take a workers' a temporary lull in the activities of the FFW. imposed in 1972. arguing that the FFW's moral conviction to dissoci- free exercise of trade-union organization. government denied ers {YFW) and formed trade federations. For Tan (1966. as an occasional lecturer at FFW and BATU leadership seminars. Hogan and the Ateneo students. collective bargaining. of political participation. administration. registration certificates to unions that refused to affiliate with NACTU. tion led by Efren Aranzamendez. The· in Section Three of our labor law. the democratic socialists con- movement from the control of the government. They reactivated the Young Free Work- own labor federation. training course in the US. Hogan continued to advise the FFW. which argued that· Fr. they are largely responsible for sustaining the FFW's suspicion. priest. sought to wrest the labor ber of the Executive. the FFW saw the involvement of another youngJesuit attended. but the absence of Fr. there were three national elections. and ate p. and a new batch of Ateneo students espous- zational expertise. the. which and openly cap1paign for the opposition. ing a democratic socialism. Of the original Ateneo batch.olitics from the trade~union. lectured at 'FFW seminars. the workers must be free to form. According to Tan. the Catholic hierarchy. recommended that the FFW actively participate in the national elections The FFW leadership thus supported the Magna Carta . which the labor union was organized-to improve the living and For example. FFW unions-a process greatly abused. While no .

" the FFW remained highly ambivalent and non-committal. while another councilmen or barangay chairs. (See table 9 for a comparison of trade union leadership. The KMU joins in electoral competition only for board of NAMFREL. 2° both the revolutionary and democratic-socialist groups in the mid~l980s. their are established to facilitate decision making. while maintaining their government programs and accepts membership in tripartite agencies of independence. . In 1987. of independent trade unions.. "Outsiders" in the TUCP and the FFW drew the groups' attention to sion-making. silent or was insensitive to members' decisions.. beliefs.) or to avoid organizational positions since in most cases delibera. lntengan from the 1970s to the however. individual members and their local even on matters as important as democracy.Fr. sion. these structures . In the TUCP. they were... "should be visible in the electoral processes and political party or candidate.. But they participated in the elections as official was appointed labor representative in a government agency. Then. accepts membership in fielded candidates in the 1984 national elections." In 1984. when the FFW fails to reach a consensus. The FFW's leadership is characterized by the following: (1) the strong The FFW leadership also expressed no public position . But it does not publicly support any society. -~·-«~··~ ·-~-. although it does not lobby for jections of Tan.. Unanimous deci. (3) adherence to political methods sup- the leadership does not take charge.. "Outsiders" were common to all groups. and of the favor any political party or politician. much less participette in electoral politics.-~ ·=------. In the KMU. . in electoral politics. The FFW's democratic Blanqui. they insofar as national issues are concerned. while independently participating in that allows a decision to be made through a simple-majority vote. Aranzamendez noted: I have yet to recall during my entire stay with FFW that the Gov- erning Board arrived at definite positions on national and politi- Comparative Assessment cal issues. and styles of deci- are utilized precisely in order not to arrive at definitive positions sion-making. cal character. Not all the FFW officers. however.T . .Jabar justified his and joins elections. "2 1 kept the organization on the revolutionary path. Members thus simply followed their consciences and many sentative. as the group also supports political involvement. sions were reached only after years. Tan accepted an appointment as labor repre- candidates lost.. All these groups have government links. which nurtured the FFW's ethico-moral and democratic-politi- elections.! T)le KMU leadership. "FFW. should actively participate in the political affairs of government and posts in Congress. in the KMU. such as used by any political party or politician. Jabar joined the Labor Party of the Philippines (LPP) which the· federation supports government programs. When compelled to take a stand. 100 Leadership Profile Leadership Profile 101 Jabar contended that Tan was playing safe in case the FFW's party or During Marcos regime. over the strong ob. Malonzo. the professional revolutionaries of Lenin. individuals and made no mention of the FFW during their campaigns. structures did not function as a forum for consensus-shaping and deci. but Yet while the FFW's leadership shied away from politics and political it has never viewed electoral participation as the best strategy to insti- parties. eschewed politics.~·==-===-=·~-==·~·=-~-~----·---~~-----------. saying that trade unions. a position he still holds. and Galenson. Aranzamendez became a member of the executive government posts. they came from tions never reached any consensus. (4) the inability to adopt a coherent political stand. Hogan in the 1950s. however. The FFW's links are strong. (2) a strong belief in the democratic and political role Unlike the KMU or TUCP. democratic-socialist groups through Fr. influence varied according to background. Issues were endlessly tabled for future discussion. they were democratic socialists. lets its officers. 22 tactical purposes.that would influence of the Jesuits through . Jabar admitted that "there is no clear-cut position of FFW structural problems and advocated peaceful change. board meetings were a cacophony of inconclusive discussions with essarily supporting political parties or candidates or even participating the president unable to bring the deliberations to a successful conclu. In. even decades. as it was shortly after the February 1986 presidential "snap present. governmc:nt tripartite bodies or taking political positions without nec- stead. on the other hand. supports the ruling political party. tripartite agencies and posts in Congress. was not officially endorsed by the president. While it is true that democratic structures and processes While leadership significantly shaped the three labor groups. it did not stop members from accepting government posts. his participation. The TUCP's are very strong: in 1983. In the FFW. For example. - .. according to Jabar. be involved in the political affairs of society as long as it is not being .." he said. when the group believes the candidate will win. take government positions. Jabar was appointed labor union officers campaigned in local elections or even ran (and won) as representative in Congress (with Tan's grudging support). despite a Constitutional provision portive of government programs. tute revolutionary change._. and (5) the president's unions resolved matters on their own while the leadership remained disproportion~tely great control over decision-making.

notably lawyers Tra'de unionists Professionals Association Strongly associated with government Strongly associated with the national. the KMU is also anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist and prefers con. incoherent. tem.1:. active in Aggressive and decisive. ' economic issues like US bases and agrarian reform. i~V is clearly Marxist socialist. In the KMU. notably with the Jesuits Strong association with government Relations w/ government Many are holders of government Only one official holding a Top key officers hold appointive posts positions. . strong monarchic tendencies tendencies to decentralize on political making with strong oligarchic issues tendencies :[{·· .: Finally. positions Styles High degree of centralization on non. · frontational.· Thus. but does competition movements not prohibit its officers from running for office or campaigning Active and direct participation in Tactical and dependent on objective parliamentary politics conditions Non-partisan.Table 9. deci- sions regarding all types of issues are centralized and dictated largely j. High degree of centralization but High degree of centralization but with purely economic issues.Congress elective or appointive posts in Congress Political stand Favors supporting a political party and Alliance with revolutionary political Refrains from officially supporting a candidates. The TUCP leaders believe in the principles of capitalism and that national economic issues.'. combative mass action to factory-focused methods. active in Passive and indecisive shaping and initiating organizational r initiating organizational positions. but decentralized when dealing with lion- trade unions must achieve maximum benefits from the capitalist sys- . confusing government positions the national-democratic forces Character Aggressive and decisive. Strong association with the Catholic and politics democratic forces Church. although it emphasizes . participates in electoral parties and national-democratic political party or candidate. ~ li: the democratic and political role of trade unions in winning higher wages and better working and living conditions. a few officials are holding government post in government and . the TUCP leadership is highly centralized when it decides on ]~Til. The FFW leadership shares these beliefs.. The KMU leadership . with utilizes the structure for consensus..:!IV. iilsue-oriented Stand on non-economic issues Tendency to support and follow Marked tendency to toe the line of Ambivalent.~f The majority of the KMU leaders have close links with several national- democratic and socialist groups whose political lines the KMU also espouses. Comparison of trade-union leadership Profiles TUCP KMU FFW Composition Professionals.

it gives a good idea as to how trade-union members make their views known to their leaders. The three groups represent close to 90 percent of the country's total unionized labor force. while industrial workers.- th~. 104 Leadership Profile by the group's revolutionary beliefs and radical analyses. There is nothing at all on the number of white-collar and blue-collar trade-union members. however. reported a total of 400. with discrepancies. If the TUCP and KMU have oligarchic incli. Does.474 million. how? These questions guided my study of the labor movement:. D o the trade unions have significantly different memberships? Do members mold their trade unions? If so. the non-working youth. J. u. the Labor Department based its figures on unverified . Moreover. However. The figures make no sense. the ~elf·· .6 percencof the employed. how- ever. Membership Profile nations. No one h~s yet classified unionized workers according to income bracket. The total employed labor force that year was around 18. FFW.rban poor. on the industrial and regional distribution of membership. as well as on organizational structures and processes. infer with any degree of accuracy the in- fluence of workers' income status on the behavior of trade unions. it refer to dues-pafing members only? Or only those who enjoy the ben- efits of collective bargaining? Does it include non-industrial workers-. Table 10 presents 1983 Labor Department statistics on TUCP. accounted for 11.5 percent. includ- ing organized farmers. there is little data on union membership.just as fraught. since most members are in the marginal and non-labor-intensive enterprises em- ploying less than 500 workers. comprised 25. women. 3tudenu. the FFW is vacillating. however. The FFW leadership is so highly centralized that the president decides all political issues. Then there is the problem of defining union membership. or an average membership per local union of around 2. although 7 consultation and discussion sometimes take place in the regional coun- cils. TUCP is the biggest of the three groups.00(). its ambivalence and indifference is sometimes interpreted as independence. the FFW has strong monarchic tendencies. and non-partisanship.000 members and 230 affiliates. Scanty as the information is. and at times confusing. for example. TUCP and KMU figures are. and FFW membership. unionized wQrkers. ports submitted by labor unions. therefore. There are data.Jnfortunately. I cannot. The leadership's position is handed down to the membership. incoherent. labor force. KMU.

The FFF was organized on 25 . 106 Membership Profile MembershipProfile 107 Table 10. II. Federation TUCP: Low Degree of Membership Participation 1. tenants. The FFF-led NCFO still shapes TUCP's views NOTE: The TUCP includes the 2. joined labor groups? Does it include the workers' family mem. . The non-ALU group. but the marchers did not exc.5 percent of TUCP's total membership. in 1977.. The three labor groups.000 (RP 1983a).oberto Oca died. small landowners. C/D 0. m~mbers to take part in decision-making. Hector Mauri to be full-time chaplain ofFFF.S . Trade Union Directory of the Philippines.eed 1. The TUCP started to employ the mass leave. KMU. "1 ment in union activities influence organizational positions.6 million National Congress of on agrarian issues. Only the KMU aggressively conducted mass actions dur.. FFF has formulated TUCP's position on land reform Farmers' Organization (NCFO). While there is no data about A. giv- official and can indicate trends in trade-union membership. and the power balan~e Day or annual founding-anniversary banquet.U. Its unions 4. vited Marcos (but only until the mid-1980s) to speak at Labor Day cel. Meanwhile. an analysis of the organizational 1. The KMU recorded FFF. But E. 1987a). however. 198!1. ALU prevailed.000. 44-50). and one faction of PAFLU all supported Oca's bid for executive vice- its activities and estimates of the number of participants (see table 13). ALU will probably continue to dominate since FFF has left the TUCP. mainly the faction of Roberto Ocajr. his place as TUCP president. PTGWO members who were representatives to the Batasang Pambansa. a graduate of the Ateneo d¢ Manila Law School and lecturer then at the ISO. for one reason or ALU .6 million in 1983 (table 10) or 70. !l. D. Democrito Mendoza took bers? The trade unions themselves are unsure. held regular meetings that allowed. TUCP 22 !1. ebrations. or ALU (appendix 4.000 pation in· discussions and decision-making. A typical FFW mass action then was a Labor for secretary-general. FFW led one march to Liwasang Bonifacio and another to the Senate to press for higher wages. In 1982. which reported BASIC SOURCES: DOLE. FFF and seven other Central Luzon peasant organizations formed the National Congress of Farmers' Organizations (NCFO). ~~mi~istration. peasants-who. the Labor Department figures are while ALU officer Ernesto Herrera was elected secretary-general. although FFW (1983) tlle. The FFW and TUCP changed their styles during the Aquino Moreover.294 D lists affiliates of TUCP). Mendoza was reelected president Despite the obvious inaccuracies. 7 March 1986. AI. however.7!10. As one trade membership participation by observing how members' direct involve. Facilities in the Philippines (FFCEA) ing during the Marcos years. when R. FFW 400. 5. Members' The ALU and non-ALU factions had a showdown at the 1983 TUCP involvement may be in the form of. the FFW and TUCP refrained from demonstrat. the ALU bas a total of thirteen industrial federations. B. Comparative trade-union membership: TUCP. and Fr. ian Employees Associations in U. p. Total industrial an offshoot of the Jesuits' social activism (Fabros 1988.89 ISO assigned Fr.000 founders included Jeremias Montemayor. and other peasant issues (TUCP 1975k. within TUCP shifted.687. Center /Federation Mfiliates Membership --. Center hpw many members attended meetings.294 structures and my own observations allow insights on member partici- 2. Total industrial.207. and headed by Democrito Mendoza.October 1953. I measured ing ALU control over the two highest positions of tUCP. Hogan. ing both the Marcos and Aquino administrations. organized on 2July 1954. and meetings. In 1983. 39. now .scanty data make it imJ1ossible to measure membership participa- tion. KMU 8 270. a total membership of 2.and Cebu-based Associated Labor Union. participation in mass actions elections. employed. ing meeting.000 Two big federations dominate the TUCP: the peasant-based FFF and C.. the TUCP in. dominates TUCP with its reported membership of 300. 1984a. president and Ruben de Ocampo of the Federation of Filipino Civil- On the other hand. some are also cited in Business Day.won four of the National Executive Board seats at TUCP's found- another. unionist remarked: "The TUCP is the ALU.

which accounted for around half the Filipino The NCM. NTUWUSBAP and FFCEA won the sympathy of other affiliates on the however. the rank and file express their views to the Executive Board. 1983a.3 bring all these small. VII. tors: (1) the complexity of government or bureaucracy. Since 1986.level. effort. convenes only once a year. and ( 4) degree of autonomy and self- even conglomerate line. they (1983a). influenced TUCP to push for the retention of the and the National Council-the National Consultative Meeting (NCM). the vance. . which meets every month (TUCP 1986d. radio station. but financially stable unions under one industrial 1990 8 33 41 14. Al- Type General Industrial Total %Inc. from AAFLI. RP ments train members in collective bargaining.ship participation in the center's national sources. which meets every three months. meets every month and is composed only of federation presidents who FFF. The affiliates function well on their own: they maintain pools of lawyers and paralegal aides. TUCP federation affiliates by type of membership ter activities. 1). the process can take up tremeqdous time. Federations schedule board meetings quarterly. whose memberships are negligible com. Most locals schedule membership meetings every three -months activities is coursed through the organizational structures: the Conven. In- in the 1970s may yet achieve industrial unionism. Art. of meetings. however. respective Local Unions and the General Membership. and their education and research depart- BASIC SOURCES: TUCP (1978n. are either elected or appointed by the president (TUCP 1986d. which curity issues. which affiliates can address. 1978s. and they articulated wage and job-se. the matter is finally endorsed to the center level. (Dec. the local can. VIII. Arts. there has been an intermediary body between the National Convention pared to ALU or FFF. Below these three echelons are the Federation Affiliates. Members are gen·erally most interested in economic issues. (3) type of issues. get by on assistance from its mother federation without having to ask for the services of TUCP. I observed. since reliance enjoyed by the national federation or local union. From General unionism decreased by more than half and industrial union. and FFCEA strongly influenced TUCP's views. Nonetheless. FFF shaped TUCP's positions on land reform. 18. member. few depend on TUCP for their survival. VIII). ALU is also rich: in 1983. the membership-except for ALU's industrial affiliates-cuts across ·Ordinarily. that members seldom use these channels due to several fac- issue of US bases. 1978o. NTUWUSBAP. and board meetings monthly. which acts as the supreme authority and meets every three years. In between meetings. The long months between meetings dampen the enthusiasm of the general membership. the local . which wielded Sec. the letter. The distinctions are superficial. many of its affiliates were founded as early as the 1950s and have long histories of autonomy and self-re- 1974 15 8 23 liance. be- participation continues to be determined by membership to ALU. ALU. 1990. VI.) though TUCP was formed in 197 4. All TUCP had to do was 1982 19 16 35 34. while local presidents meet once a year. and the from its hospital. If followed to NTUWUSBAP. (2) frequency TUCP's membership can be classified by industry. then brings the matter to the executive officers of the local union. Still. base workers. 19-20. 4 The type of issues affects membership involvement in national-cen- Table 11. 3 combined membership. FFF. the national leadership consults in the US Bases of the Philippines (NTUWUSBAP) and FFCEA. 108 Membership Profile Membership Profile 109 emerging as a powerful bloc. collected 8 million pesos in annual dues and another 3 million pesos and the General Council. Mo~t important. it reportedly tion. who of how enthusiastically TUCP pursued organizing along industry lines. therefore.6 umbrella. 2). Bagtas. occupation. was well-organized. US military bases in the country: the National Trade Union of Workers Although not a constitutional body. the issues are then elevated to the federations where ism increased by more than 50 percent over the past few years. the executive officers or Governing Board members act on them. interview with C. Table 11 gives an idea dividual members express their views directly to the shop steward. region. rank-and-file members' first level of contact is the shop these boundaries. Two other labor groups. 1986f. Only ALU can pay TUCP membership dues months in ad.2 It receives funding Executive Board. Ordinary members must. the restructuring efforts TUCP began steward who serves as the "little president" at the shop-floor level. 3-4. Their local union leaders through it in order to decide on national issues. and cooperatives. however. and re- Theoretically. levels of bureaucracy before reaching the Executive Board. go through the various its considerable financial and political power to control TUCP. fore. as did ALU. and FFCEA.

power to respond to their members' needs. They do. articulate issues and lead mass actions (decrease) where they are based. ULGWP. that many of his union's groups . NUWHRAIN. The Congress. KMU organized along geographi. and the General Membership. and women. be their respective areas of jurisdiction with the resources. National Council. their respective Lo- trade-union activities may be members. bilizing them. (2) the pres- Although tiny when it started in 1980. Under it are the KMU organized several regional associations nationwide. lowed closer contact. PISTON. and members' direct in. Although the executive It is possible. Industrial 4 5 6 Regional/Area KMU: Very High Degree of Membership Participation alliances 2 17 !14 Luzon 8 25 There are four dominant organizations under KMU: NAFLU. 5 (1) the level of government and degree of bureaucracy. apparently uninterested in the industrial side of unionism. the. and include non-unionized workers and Board. (3) strong FFF and Type 1980 1985 1990 NTUWUSBAP/FFCEA influence over TUCP's positions on . . respectively. it al. therefore. The figures. (2) ALU dominance over the running and management of the national center. in the history of the Philippine labor movement. which meets every three 'months. Non. 1990 TUCP membership is characterized by the followin_g: (1) the presence of both industrial workers and reform and US bases. SPFL. Other sectoral groups. were given by KMU leaders and are probably inaccurate. KMU mass actions are fueled largely by the leading jeepney driv- ers' association. formerly the Mindanao Federation Mindanao 7 7 of Labor). and NFL seldom partici- pate in KMU's national activities as most of their members are in %increase 176. Membership participation in KMU mass actions is phenomenal members chose to remain with KMU under the Genuine Labor Orga. KMU had more than doubled ence of regional associations and alliances. and sus- cal lines. ULGWP. easier communication. and SPFL. taining the revolutionary class consciousness of members. are involved in regional cils take over the leadership and functions of the Executive Board in KMU activities. 110 Membership Profile Membership Profile 111 have a secure income as their collective-bargaining contracts stipulate Table 12. such as cal Union affiliates. They provide the main base ofjeepney strikes against oil-price members. of which NAFLU and NFL are considered Conglomerate 2 2 the most militant because of their leadership's socialist and revolution- Totals 10 !15 52 ary leanings (see appendix E). admitted. KMU affiliates by type of membership: 1980. The exact number of members cannot. In Metro Ma- nila.·to estimate KMU membership participation officers are based in Manila. however. instigating. the structure ofKMU is straightforward. a system of remitting dues both to the local and national federation. Leonardo KMU's member participation was much greater than other labor Desierto of NUWHRAIN. which include non-KMU membership's continuous participation. the Visayas 2 2 National Federation of Labor (NFL. nization of Workers in Hotel. The asso. Unlike TUCP.6 Mindanao. Restaurants and Allied Industries Some factors explain the high degree of membership participation: (GLOWHRAIN). and ( 4) financial resources. and the national-democratic ADLO and ANGLO. the regional officers ensure general in mass actions (see table 13). volvement in national activities without having to go to Manila. increases.national and regional leadership in molding. and NSU-the conservative and Nevertheless. the highest governing body. and ( 4) a low degree of participation in the General 4 11 10 activities of the national center. however. however. students. even assuming that 50 percent of the estimates are true.workers who are actively involved in ou~ National Federations and Regional· Councils. arid ascertained. which meets every month. GATCORD. (3) the militancy of both its membership by 1985 (see table 12). autonomy. meets every three years. as does the Negros-based NFSW.9 48. and the Executive ciations are loosely organized. Below these structures are the vari- members of other unions. 1985. economist bloc within KMU-left KMU in the mid-1980s. The Regional Coun- those of the urban poor. and in mo- Regional organizing generated active membership participation.

000 1982f. 11 ·l Mendiola bridge 1986g.000 1984a.~ ·~·. 1 1!1 Feb Protest rally 1982f. !I.~.•.) 1982f.4 31 Aug Picket at the !10 Nov March-rally in Supreme Court !1.. 19 L Burial march of Felixberto Olalia.:: Date/Year Mass action Participation Source(s) 1980 May Demonstration 25. !I front of the US Embassy 1985a..' ·:. Sr.Table 13..000 1984a.· 14 (Araneta Col. 10 t 1 May 1986 Demonstration Barricade ·at 50. 2 1983 Feb 24Jan March-rally at 1984a.000 1981e. 1984a. 11 1981 17 Jan Protest rally 1981e.000 l981e.000 19. Continued on next page . 19 27 Nov Demonstration 1984a. 12 31 May Demonstration 12. 12 1 Feb Protest rally 1981f. 19 11 Nov Protest rally 1984a. (Liwasang 1982f.. 3 1 May Demonstration !10. 10 1985 21 Oct March-rally at Ermita 1984a.000 1984a. 1984£ 22 Aug March-rally 2. Table 13 -Continued Date/Year Mass action Participation Source(s) [ . !I. !I Makati ') . 12 Bonifacio) June 12July Demonstration Protest-rally 20.000 1981e.4 21 Sep March-rally 1984a.000 1986g. 19 12 Aug Picket in front of 19 Feb Protest rally the Labor Ministry 1984a. ' . Continued on next page ' . 15-14 at the Araneta 1982d Coliseum 1-7 Mar People's March 1984j Women's march-rally June Four-day Zone-wide · strike 13. Mass actions launched or participated in by KMU: 1980-87 t.ii. 12 1 May Demonstration 40. Liwasang Bonifacio 15.. : 9 Feb 3 .) 1982f. 18 17 Protest rallies at Liwasang Bonifacio 1984a.000 1982f I 8 Mar at Mendiola Bridge .000 1985a.: . (Araneta Col. 20 1984 of Camp Aguinaldo f jan Nationwide boycott ~ 1982 5 Feb March-rally at 1 May Demonstration 20.000 1982c. IS 11 Dec Picket in front 2.000 1984a. 4.000 1982f. 3 1 May Demonstration 280.

public.000 The very high degree of participation by members in mass. iri mining and quarrying. arid_translate their collec- 1 May Demonstration tive strength into coordinated and sustained mass actions. the KMU membership's enthusiasm. and local leaders in the National Capital Region On the other hand. KMU's activities are numerous.lead- ership was enthusiastic about two national issues: gen·uine agrarian reform and US military bases. Table 13 . The KMU .Continued I attended ALF meetings. broke\ away over the years. FFW is a national federation.000 1986r. including hospitals and schools. . Support from other national-democratic groups partly accounts for 17-20 Nov Nationwide strike 2. I 3-4Jan Protest-rally 1. insurance companies. there was . drug stores. For example. 30.od/ tobacco industries. twenty- 1987 five to fifty centavos monthly per member. KMU's "summer offensives. able resources. As the KMU collects a mere. and nationwide. as didtl_lOse bodies composed of local presidents within a given area. Beltran spoke at length about KMU's Date/Year Mass action Participation Source(s) seven-point alternative program of government and six basic demands. on the average they do meet at least once a month. and not even very strictly. the . FFW had a sizable following. federation.actions Ministry then and regional meetings of KMU can be accounted for by the following: to Mendiola (1) the aggressiveness of the leadership in instilling and sustaining a bridge revolutionary class consciousness among members.. (See table 14 for the industrial dis- general/industry tribution of FFW affiliates. 1987h. 2 at the Labor 10. The service sector.000 1986v. 3 centrated in the metals/ electricityI equipments industries. There was also a big leap in membership in the larly. as do the organization's consider- (death of Rolando 12. 3-4 and although workers derived no benefits from attending these meet- 14 Nov March-rally at Camp 1986u. ing of goods or services. 2 Unlike TUCP and KMU. and its. (2) the presence of dynamic rec Mendiola bridge 1986c. ates are composed of local unions. 17 Aug Jeepney strike at Metro Manila with BAYAN 1986c. which are freely offered by Aguinaldo 2. ~ffili­ 12-l60ct Refusal to go to work. . 13 requiring huge financial outlays. however. 2 FFW: Very Low Degree of Membership Participation 26 Aug Nationwide strike 1986c.000 1986g. The meetings awakened and heightened the revolutionary class con- 1 May Participated in the sciousness and combativeness of KMU members. while they do not meet regu.. and (S) the availability of financial resources. supermarkets. lost time pay. ings-meals.000 1986r.first quarter of 1990. Membership Profile 115. ALF is especially active before Labor Day and the commercial sector-department stores. regional. 13 other labor groups-membership participation was high.) Over. chemicals/petroleum/gas and forestry/logging/pulp/paper sectors.a dramatic rise in membership from (NCR) make up ALF-NCR. 7. The nationwide simul- demonstration at taneous regional meetings were conducted on weekends or after work Luneta 1986g. and in inspiring its members to 22 Jan March-rally at participate directly in these activities. in leading ·mass actions and other regional activities. allowances.500 do not believe that KMU finances its activities on its own. 1 gional structures which mobilize members. in the la- bor-intensive textile/garment and fo. non-constitutional affilia_~es in the seCtor. 24. 22 percent of FFW members are con- strike 1988c. and other enterprises engaged in the trad- National Council and the Congress and. In the 1970s.Most of its KMU also maintains All Leaders' Forums (ALF). employs the next largest group of FFW members." ALF are intervening bodies between the banks. Olalia) 600.

Compared with TUCP and KMU. the commercial sector. Membership of FFW.Mining/Quarrying 2 1. II. Regional distribution of FFW membership 06 .Forestry/Logging Year Luzon Visayas Mindanao Total Lumber /Construction Wood/Pulp/Paper 11 7. In Mindanao. In Manila.Metals/Electricity Equipments 32 22. Thus. FFW's membership list for this Trade Union Directory of the Philippines ing elections of national officers.Transport/Storage BASIC SOURCES: FFW (1978.7 24 13. As of today. only one full-time lawyer based in Cagayan takes care of the legal needs of the 05 -Chemicals/ affiliates in Cagayan. how- 01 -Agriculture 4 2. particularly in Metro Manila. Surigao.Food/Beverage/ concentrated in Luzon. Surigao. FFW (1989e). % ing self-reliant. The highest goveniing body is the National Convention. several area alliances emerged in the mid-1980s on the initia~ tive of the democratic socialists. which meets every three years.7 locals are remitted directly to the national headquarters.8 21 12.Textile/Footwear/ across Bohol. FFW (1973). Manila. Petroleum/Gas 4 2. and even Cebu. however. The Visayan affiliates are sparsely spread 04. and Davao. 1989 Attempts to formally federate local unions by industry started in the early 1970s. Membership Profile 117 Table 14. members ar'e concentrated Leather /Rubber in Cagayan. Cebu.4 Table 15 gives the regional distribution of FFW's affiliates: they are 03. supportive and even viewed the moves with suspicion. and thinly distrib- Tobacco 19 13. the conservative bloc mis- period has a different industry classification.0 175 100.5 39 22. and aJull-time staff in Iligan. regional efforts to become self-reliant were a source of conflict and rivalry.4 31 17.8 3 1. Davao.4 12 6. 1985b. However. straining national-regional relationships. Union dues from the 10 .lt FFW's structure is still pre- dominantly patterned along non-industrial lines. remain unorganized. and Iloilo. by industry: 1974. Communication 14 9.9 1989 150 8 31 175 09 .1 The regional branches are not self-sustaining. These two trade federations are slowly becom- % No..Commercial 12 8. the structure of FFW is simple. Totals 142 100. Negros.7 1978 199 18 37 254 1985 189 6 18 203 08 . The rest of the affiliates. which meeu every quar· . in- stead of promoting unity.9 uted in Visayas and Mindanao. FFW had a total of 230 local union affiliates as reported by DOLE.0 Table 15.Services 19 13. only two industrial federations are Industry formally organized: the petroleum/ chemicals/ drugs industry group and 1974 1989 No.6 15 8.0 Some affiliates have tried to minimize their dependence on the national office: Iligan and· Davao organized a council of leaders. They can perform basic trade-union functions without depending on the national federation. 1989e). lligan. in BASIC SOURCES: LCC (1974).6 in Davao and Cagayan.5 33 18. especially dur- (1983). lligan.3 07. 02. The national leadership was less than NOTE: In 1983. indicating th. Vol.9 9 5. but FFW maintains offices only Products/Plastics 25 17. A full-time staff member in Wearing Apparel/ Cebu coordinates activities. then the branches receive monthly financial assistance from the national office.7 ever. followed by the Governing Board. trusts local unions identified with the democratic socialists.

__ flow of authority and relationships among these bodies are vague and confusing. which meets at least once a year. or the various commissions may work on certain issues. it has also dam- cially weak unions and those on remote-islands. consultation and decision-making can become responsibilities and au~orities already defined and dictated by the highly confusing. operation of FFW. The structures and processes of decentralization are ineffec. Slowly. can lie about their membership. As with TUCP and KMU. Many locals. If consultation begins from the rank and file. new structures. the union. such as the 1986 split-when sev:eral officers representing sixty-four locals. paternalistic. Several local affiliates confirmed my observations however. fused to remit their dues unless the national office provided them with ing. Many cannot even af. weak and small. of its locals pay monthly dues of 2 pesos per member. external funding keeps FFW going. the order of authority aild flow of communications the historical development of FFW's structure. officers and staff had to develop new exper- meetings are more often than not indecisive. cut policies to guide decisions on national and political issues. 6 Meet. r education. tures and responsibilities became more complex. although its missions only serve to heighten factional rivalries. For some time. etc..and the locals are relatively difficult and at times impossible. struc- warded to the Governing Board which. staff.. FFW dues are not exorbitant. FFW can barely maintain its three-storey building. However. Yet while outside funding has helped FFW affiliates. it is even more tedious. new unions came into the federation. The results of the multiple discussions are then for" highest echelons and pow~r-holders. These bureaucratic and. ficers and subordinate officials. a member can only hope ~ locals. and . which had Further complicating matters. Sec. the ship . FFW started as a small organization with less than 10 locals. with the president constitution stipulates one-half percent of an individual's gross income. while the locals are highly autonomous in administer. he personally inducted their officers and backed new officials. union affiliates ful not to take sides. continue to nourish the ~mion's paternalism. of- sometimes conducted in order to consult the views of provincial affili.. dependent tendencies are deeply rooted in In all these cases. which demands unwavering loyalty and unshakable obedi- ence. and clientelist membership. Unlike TUCP and KMU. FFW has less than 200 dues-paying local officers or regional branches and the various constitutional bod- ies. It is difficult to imagine how FFW:can In addition. As the organization grew. l local presidents. FFW became strong and stable. led by Aranzamendez. This strenuous process is out of the National Convention-could spell disaster (FFW 1986q). tise and skills. basic union functions and services. and unionsjoined FFW. Sometimes all the local presidents may be called to a meet. because there are no checks and balances. indifferent. according to the constitution. and fosters a passive.. sometimes trade-federation officers convene separately or with the . by the rank-and-file members. Under his leadership. XII. 118 Membership Profile ': Jij. national or regional conferences are no history of self-government or autonomy. ~ Membership Profile 119 ter (FFW 1988c: Art. finance its operations or pay its regular staff. )' . Art. relations are extremely strained between the national leadership and Financially. The views of individual members are normally channeled through the iji Smaller than TUCP and KMU. Thus. requiring a greater decides on the issue through a majority vote. As Salazar pointed out: ford to hire lawyers and are inexperienced in research. and com. but with ates. 31). the various structures have not promoted active participation which are awarded every now and then to loyal officers and members. ~-- precariously walking the tightrope between opposing groups and care. Below Closer coordination and direct contact between the national leader- these are the local affiliates and the general membership. But Governing Board degree of specialization.. Meetings of local presidents. but also highly central- li ized. since there are_ no clear. This dependency is cemented by the highly paternalistic leadership. . negotiation. trade-federation officers. This is especially true of the finan. 'since these ben-. scholarships. they are also dependent on the national federation for however. cussions. and the various commissions. travel abroad. the Davao locals re- 1:1_1. Moreover. 31). even authoritarian. ~. On the whole. stormed that his views will eventually reach the top. VIII. Sec. Another major breakaway. much less facilitated the democratic More important. es- l pecially for the far-flung unions. bureaucratic. While the hierarchical order may be clear. aged the unity of the leadership. l'i t ing themselves. Below these two echelons are sev- eral consultative bodies: the trade federations. from long exposure to and participation in meetings and conferences: efits are doled out for personal reasons rather than merit. Tan guided all these developments as co-founder and president of J ings degenerate into a confusion of unresolved issues and endless dis.)! a full-time organizer and lawyer.. which meet every two months (FFW 1988c. are unclear. numerous amenities it offers: seminars. the local-presidents meeting. Formerly tive as consensus-builders. further aggravated by the equally complex and intricate bureaucracies Yet many unions join or continue to stay with FFW because of the and red tape that have become deeply entrenched over the years. These same attractions.

type of unionism. the aggressiveness with which the leadership uses these struc- dues. services sector. KMU. annually. oi Moreover.and non-wage-earners in the Purely comprised. Structure Marked tendency toward industrial r Marked tendency towards regional Marked tendency towards the general type of unionism. and (d) highly dependent locals. 120 Membership Profile Membership Profile 121 The external funding which partly explained the dynamism of FFW Comparative Assessment during the 1950s has also become the source of gripes and quar- rels. of wage-earners. cal will created an aggressive and adversarial membership . the structures' ability to draw out the rank-and-file is mini- ral leader as he was also willing to devote his full time in the la. Meetings are so infrequent that members leave most decisions to bor movement. presence of individuals belonging to other sectoral groups. ting most of the assistance. Continued on next page . while the National Convention meets only every three years. The regional structures al- FFW exhibits the following features: (1) a general type of member. KMU. organization. they also want to the national leadership and are satisfied.. ness in consolidating the rank and file's collective strength and politi- ism. Membership Membership link to the national Membership link to the national Membership link to the fe. Comparative trade-union membership: TUCP. and FFW. archipelago. and the ability of the needs of the federation. which explains why rank-and-file members do not feel com- Aranzamendez claimed that only the president knew where the pelled to express their views through organizational structures. . The become president. Partly because of the presence of the young students. . type as well as towards movementism. and (2) a low degree of membership participation due to four revolutionary class consciousness and combativeness. money came from and where it was going. archipelago. TUCP's multilevel structures have created a passive member- tance which came in more because of Tan himself than because ship indifferent to the national center. exter. finally to TUCP level. But other people don't agree. Meetings of the NCM are held of the Federation. But there was also financial assis. FFW Profiles TUCP ~u Frn Composition Wage-earners and agrarian/peasant Wage. Some alleged that the president has been personally subsidizing tures and mobilizes the members for mass actions. Even the Governing Board KMU's militancy was primarily shaped by the organization's regional seldom discussed finances except to complain about non-payment of structures. Because he was personally instrumental in get. workers.8 the organization to finance mass actions. he was the best natu. lowed direct contact among members. to a large extent. mal. Membership is sparsely distributed in Membership is evenly distributed in Membership is largely concentrated in all the industries all over the many key cities and islands of the Metro Manila. 7 majority of affiliates were autonomous and self-reliant long before TUCP emerged. with periodic reports. nal assistance began to pour in. Table 16. including the salaries of its staf£. (b) the national leadership's lack of in- terest in local initiatives. igniting and sustaining their ship. Table 16 compares the structures and memberships of TUCP. (c) a high degree of centralism and paternal.deration is !~: participation center proceeds along three stages !' ! center is coursed through the regional· through the local union presiden't and starting from the local union level alliances and then directly to the the regional offices of the then to the national federation and national center. factors: (a) the presence of several committees whose authorities and + The ability to finance large and frequent mass actions both at the national and regional levels coupled with the leadership's aggressive- responsibilities are not clear.

High degree of bureaucracy and some degree of cc. Members have no concern for the activities of the national pendent on the leadership. center. and indifferent mem.Continued Profiles TUCP KMU FFW Low degree of participation by the Very high degree of membership Very low degree of participation by' rank and file members to the activities participation to /the activities of the the members to the activities of the of the center.s. industrial and general unionism-and their in- disregard their basic responsibilities. labor. failed to forced by the leadership and the union's capacity to fund activities. 122 Membership Profile Table 16 . assertive and Passive and indifferent to federation militant. High degree of bureaucracy. such inspire membership participation in the affairs of the federation. especially payment of union dues. it created a highly dependent. a structure helps develop the class consciousness of members. More important are three internal factors that influence the industrial level. and the ability of the organization to finance its activities. existing industrial-relations structures favor Conclusions unions' regional and national participation: tripartite bargaining over Union membership plays a minor role in molding the views of trade wages and other employment terms is done on the national rather than unions. communication. professional. In. tendency towards oligarchy and . is highly de- bership. and personal convenience.ntralism. and government. research. herently limiting physical and geographical conditions~are less en- attending meetings. . clientelist. services as ·lawyering. considerations. however. Leader-member Business-like. client-patron Largely based on ideological Largely based on personal loyalties relationship relationship. but capability to program and finance exercised within the framework of the also high degree of dependence by their own activities even without any plan prepared by the national center. couraging to active involvement and direct participation by the general membership. centralism. which allows close contact. non-traditional trade-union action even if they are confrontational and conflictive. the regional tripartite economic councils require trade- character of trade-unions: type of structures. regional minimum wages. Character Highly submissive and supportive. and participating in mass actions.. Highly aggressive. Marked by occasional factional disaffiliations. federation. re- structures. on the other hand. In addition. education. g.. and ing trend. membership character that ultimately prevail. and On the other hand. The stead. the weak unions relative to basic support from the national center. depend on the national leadership for their basic needs. Stability Marked by periodic disaffiliations. but autonomy is relative to internal management. and tendenty towards ·oligarchy. willing to undertake and join activities. encourages an active general membership. The FFW's relatively simple structure. ·. how leadership uses these union representation along regional rather than industrial lines. centralism. as well as familial and paternalistic.ionallabor-management consultative councils (LMCCs) are the emerg· The KMU's structure. Absence of bureaucracy but possessing negotiation. Rein. and business ·sectors are promoting easy mobilization. federation. Degree of automony High degree of autonomy enjoyed by High degree of autonomy enjoyed by High degree of local autonomy federation affiliates because of federation affiliates. Marked by occasional disaffiJiations.