Professional Documents
Culture Documents
It is a native language of the people of Buganda. Its written form is only as recent as the
arrival of the Arabs and the European influence among the Baganda. It was first written
during the second half of the 19th century. The first grammar was published in 1882, and was
soon followed by other publications, many of which were written by missionaries 3,
Chesswass, (1919:2), Namyalo (ibid). It was a period for the introduction of literature and
modern education through Christian Missionary activities. The Luganda orthography and
literature originated from the activities of Christian Missionaries who converted the
scriptures into indigenous languages. The standard orthography of Luganda and its
spellings was first harmonized and standardized in 1947, Walusimbi (1990:1). In the month
of March 1947, the Buganda government with the Protectorate government agreed to set up a
committee to standardize the orthography of Luganda through the All-Baganda Conference4
that took place at Makerere College and Dr. A. N. Turker a linguist from the London School
of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) headed it. Its outcomes were recommended and
accepted by the Buganda government, as well as the Protectorate government, as the
1
www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/luganda
2
http://www.experiencefestival.com/luganda_language_-_history_and_development
3
East African community U K for unity and development (http://www.eastafrica.site90.com/1_11_luganda.html)
4
www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/luganda
1
standard orthography of Luganda and it has governed the written form of Luganda since
then.
Like the grammars of most Bantu languages, Luganda’s grammar can be said to be noun-
centric in the sense that most words in a sentence agree with a noun5. Luganda is a
symmetric-passive language, Marjorie, P. (2008:2, McPherson, 2008:78, Ferrari, (2010), has a
rich system of prefixes and suffixes in its verbal morphology. It is naturally an agglutinative
language, like many other Bantu languages, with a morphological structure of Subject-Verb-
Object (S.V.O) in the unmarked word order.
As in other Bantu languages, Luganda verbs also agree with its subject in gender, persons,
tense, mood, and number (as opposed to number only as in Indo-European languages).
These verbs agree with the verbal subject or qualified noun (not just in gender and number
but also in person), but which are inflected differently. The Luganda derivational
morphology is attested for nominalization, verbalization adjectivisation and applicativation.
Gongwe (2000:73) says, the process of forming new words by using morphological rules is
traditionally referred to as derivation, the resulting new words (or lexemes) after using
morphological rules in forming words from the base forms of other lexemes are called
derivatives. The derived words may also be of a different grammatical class than the
original.
5
. Ssentanda, 11th February 2011 Typological Features Template for Luganda
6
www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/luganda
2
In Luganda, derivational morphology contains many of what are often called ‘verb
extensions’7 Guthrie (1962), Paster (2005). The verb comprises of a verb root to which they
add verb extensions to form the verb stem. These verb extensions affect the argument
structure by determining the number of expressible nominal arguments the stem can support
Ssekiryango, (2006:66). This means that the meaning of a verb can be altered in almost
ultimate number of ways by means of modifications to the verb stem. There are only a
handful of core derivational modifications, but they can be attached to the verb stem in
virtually any combination, resulting in hundreds of possible compound modification 8. These
include the valence-changing morphemes such as causative, passive, applicative, reflexive,
and the reciprical, as well as morphemes that change the basic meaning of a verb, such as the
stative, and the reversive McPherson, (2008).
These verb extensions derive verbs that take two or more objects. Therefore, besides the
traditional ditransitive verbs, many Luganda transitive as well as ditransitive verbs are very
productive in deriving verbs that permit double object construction Ssekiryango, (2006:67).
These verb extensions under the derivational morphology in Luganda are suffixes. In this
study, the derivational morphemes under study are the valence-changing morphemes of
applicative /-il- or –el-/. If these affixes are attached to the transitive verbs, they do not only
select a new order for their arguments but also introduce an extra argument 9 to the verb. In
this, when the applicative is added to the verb to form a new word or even an extra
argument, the process is called applicatisation.
Youngman, (2007:2)argues that, applicative is usually understood as a construction in which
a verb bears a specific morpheme which licenses on oblique, or non-core argument that
would not otherwise be considered a part of the verb’s argument structure. Ssekiryango,
7
‘verb extensions’> these are derivational affixes
8
www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/luganda.
9
Ssekiryango, (2006:67).
3
(2006:67) states that, applicative not only select a new order for their arguments but also
introduce an extra argument to the verb. Markman, (2008:3) shares the same idea about
applicative when he says that they are valence-affecting constructions. While Baker (1988),
Alsina and Mchombo (1993), Mchombo (1993) say, they are constructions which affect the
number of core arguments the verb takes.
Zeenny (2006) says, Productivity is observed in terms of generality. The more general a
word-formation process is, the more productive it will be assumed to be. The productivity of
applicative in Luganda depends on the semantic role it plays in the argument and the
meaning of the verb in that particular language.
4
1.5 Hypothesis
Luganda verbs are derived by suffixation process on the verb root. Most of the Luganda
verbs can be derived by suffixing different applicative on the verb roots in the derivational
verbal morphology.
5
CHAPTER TWO METHODOLOGY
2 Introduction
This chapter presents the methods the researcher used in the course of the study. It includes
research design, area and study population, sources of data, data collection methods, data
collection instruments, data collection procedure, and data analysis, sampling technique,
validity and reliability and the limitations.
6
2.4 Sampling technique
The researcher used a stratified purposive random sampling where respondents were
selected from the three years of study at the school of education. Here the researcher aimed
at avoiding bias in selecting respondents and since the researcher could not obtain
information from all the students of Luganda from different years of school of education.
The few respondents represented others from those different categories.
7
interview and consultation, and the content of the literatures read and analyzed which
suit the category of my study. It is reliable due to its consistency basing on the split-
half reliability results obtained from the interview schedule and a six-question
interview guide administered to the respondents at the School of Education, Makerere
University.
2.9 Limitations
Much of the literature written concerning applicative among the Bantu languages, is
not attributed to Luganda but to other languages which are similar like Luganda for
example; Bukusu of Botswana, Chichewa or known as Kiswahili. In such literatures,
Luganda is not fully explained but just referred to and those addressing Luganda do
not fully point to the applicative.
8
CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW
3 Introduction
In this section, the researcher highlights about the theoretical perspective of the study,
conceptual frame work and reviewing of the related literature of the study.
With the example above, the high applicative maintains the S.V.O structure of the sentence,
hence, only high applicative heads should be able to combine with unergatives13, while low
applicative attaches below the verb, but still c-commands the direct object. Thus in the case
of High applicative, the applied argument relates to the action of the verb (the event).
VP '[VAPPL L [IOAPPL L [APPL L DO]]]
This means that there is a transfer of possession relation between two individuals; the direct
object is to the possession of the indirect object. Low applicative come in two varieties: one
10
McGinniss (2004), Pylkkanen (2002), Majorie Pak (2008).
11
William haddican
12
Markman Vita, (2008) introduction to syntax
13
Pylkkänen (2002)
9
describes a recipient-relation between the indirect objects and the other a source relation14 for
example;
a) Mary ya-kwat-il-a John e-n-sawo.
Mary past–HOLD-appl-FV John the bag
Mary held John the bag
b) Mukasa ya-tambul-idd-e15 Katonga
Mukasa past-WALK-appl-past Katonga
Mukasa walked for Katonga.
If Pylkkänen (2002) says that low applicative can only attach to transitive verbs, then this
means Luganda has low applicative since it has transitive verbs like;-kwat-a(hold), -tem-a (cut).
While Pylkkänen (2002) claims that Luganda has only high applicative, McPherson. L.,
(2008:86) shows an example of a low applicative, where the applied object benefits from the
direct object and not from the action itself. In English, this is equivalent to the double object
construction such as;
c) I am giving you the book
Nkugulila ekitabo
Luganda does not often use an explicit applicative morpheme for double object construction
but it is possible that it has some unmarked low applicative like English, for example,
d) Omuwala a-w-a aba-kyala16 en-bwa
The girl is giving the woman a dog
e) Omuwala a-w-il-a aba-kyala en-bwa
However, as we have seen above, this is not always true. Therefore, Luganda has both bare
and marked low applicative, contrary to the claim in Pylkkänen (2002)17
Marjorie, P. (2008) adds on that the symmetric-passive pattern holds across arrange of
double-object structures in Luganda, including both;
14
-ibid-
15
The applicative suffix has an allomorph of /-idd-, -w-,ibb-/ when followed by the passive or the perfect.
16
Abacaala.
17
McPherson 2008
10
Distransitive verb roots e.g. wa-(give), lag-(show),lis-(feed)
Verbs in this latter class do not necessarily indicate a transfer of possession between two
objects.
In other words, Luganda has both low and high applicative by Pylkkänen (2002)
diagnostics,for example;
f) n-a-kwat-il-a omusawo e-li-lagala
I held the medicine for the doctor (V-IO-DO)
g) Omusawo y-a-kwar-il-w-a e-li-lagala (IO-SPVDO the order changes)
The doctor had the medicine held for him
From the above, the use of applicative in Luganda need either transitive verbs or ditransitive
verbs, making McPherson who says applicative are transitivizing morphemes to be wrong
because applicative can be added to ditransitive verbs. There certain cases for example from
Wikipedia, where a transitive verb is converted to a ditransitive verb by applicative for
example;
h) y-a-ki-n-gamb-il-a
y-a-ki-ηηamb-il-a
He told it for me
The applicative suffix –il- converts the (usually monotransitive) verb –gamb-a to ditransitive
verb. This can be ditransitivized with an IO of, mu nnyumba, Kampala and any other
location18. With passivization, Majorie (2008) says that the DO cannot be passivized in a high
applicative if the external argument is overt for example;
i) eddagala lya-kwat-il-w-a (*musoke) omusawo
18
Polypersonal aggreement (www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/polypersonal_aggrement)
11
The results are semantically unacceptable in Luganda. Majorie says the only way to express
the external argument in passive in such examples is to ‘de-applicatize’ the verb and use a
preposition form to introduce the beneficiary for example;
k) eddagala lya-kwat-ib-w-a Musoke ku lw’omusawo
the medicine was held by Musoke for (on behalf of)the doctor
l) ente za-kam-ib-w-a Musoke ku lw’abalimi
the cattle were milked by Musoke for (on behalf of) the farmers
However, here the tense matters because it cannot be applicable to the present continuous
tense.
Applicative in Luganda do not have a single meaning, Lehmann et al (2004), say that the
most widespread applicative is the benefactive applicative. Pylkkänen (2002) says that a
beneficiary is introduced when a high applicative relates with an individual to an event for
example;
m) a-ku-zin-il-a19
he is dancing for you
n) tu-yi-mb-il-agan-a 20
we are singing to each other
19
McPherson (2008)
20
The applied object is a reciprocal because there is a reciprocal morpheme of /-agan-a/ attached to the verb just after the
benefactive applicative.
12
however, McPherson should not say that the applied object –ku- somehow benefites from
the action out by the subject because –a is the subject and –ku- is the direct object enjoying
fully the action of –zin- since –ku- is the one being danced for. She continues to say that a
beneficiary can be passivized, consider the following;
o) emmere y-a-ku-fumb-idd-w-a
the food was cooked
With low applicative, Peterson (2007) says only the beneficiary object is able to occupy the
immediate post-verbal position, for example;
p) Allan ya-gul-il-a o-mu-kazi e-ki-tabo
Allan bought the book to the woman
This means, to say Allan ya-gul-il-a e-ki-tabo o-mu-kazi would be wrong unless it is the e-ki-
tabo(book) to benefit from the o-mu-kazi(woman). However, if it is agreement marked, the
beneficiary comes second for example;
q) y-a-ki-mu—gul-il-a
he bought it to her
in the passivization version, the Idirect Object turns into the subject which makes the
insertion of okuva which is a source morpheme applicable to a lowsource applicative21as in ;
r) o- kazi y-a-gul-il(-b)-w-a e-ki-tabo okuva e wa Allan
the woman was bought a book from Allan
Booij (2004) says, the ranking of template and mirrior (P,A) for benefactive applicative would
be T>>M (P,A) –il- -idw-.
Under benefactive, McPherson (2008) misses the appearance of the beneficiary after the
beneficiary applicative, while Peterson did not talk about an incident when the benefactive
comes first or starts the sentence and the direct object comes last and using object-subject
marker. All these are to be explained in the next chapter.
21
Pylkkänen (2002) introduces transfer possession relation between two individuals; asserts that thedirect object is from the
possession of indirect object.
-Lehmann et al (2004)
13
From McPherson’s locative example of a-zin-il-a mu n-yumba, shows that the applicative
makes the location an argument of the verb. It is true that the locative use of the applicative
makes an internal argument of the verb for example;
s) a-zin-il-a mu-n-yumba
She dances from the house
t) y-a-fumb-idd-e mu n-yumba
she cooked from the house
PK says that some speakers may express location without using the applicative suffixes
though he says that it is considered less correct for example;
a) a-zin-a mu n-yumba
she dances in the house
this is because –zin-a is not a motion verb but motion verbs like –gend-a, it is correct to
express location without using the applicative like;
b) a-gend-a mu n-yumba
he is going in the house
this is true because it suffices to have the destination in noun class expressing destination
like in noun class 23E.
Ashton et al (1954) says applicative added to a verb implying direction out of something, will
reserve its meaning making the motion into the location for example;
c) a-ba-ana ba-dduk-a mu n-yumba
the children are running from the house(motion from)
d) a-ba-ana ba-dduk-il-a mu n-yumba
the children are running towards the house (motion towards)
However, HN disagrees with the use of the applicative when he says that d can only mean
that the children are running inside of the house, but when you critically analyze the above
arguments, they are all true because sentence d has two arguments, which are all true.
I disagree with McPherson when he says that, from the sentence; ekisenge ba-ki-kumb-il-a-mu
emmele, neither object (location or food) could be passivized with the applicative suffix on the
verb, yet in Luganda we have sentences like mukiibi y-a-fumb-il-w-a Mary or emmele e-fumb-il-
14
(-b)w-a mu ki-senge. So, he should not conclude that without the direct object could not be
passivized, since Booij et al (2004) says that in rankings of template and mirror (P,A), T=M
(P,A) –il-dw-/-idw-il- applicative =locative.
However, the use of prepositional forms to motive verbs and locative expressions are to be
explained in the next chapter.
McPherson (2008) says if an applicative is use to express the reason or motive22 for doing
something, there exist a Motive applicative. However, she says that it appears that both
objects cannot be placed after the verb directly which is wrong because incidences like,
maama a-gul-il-a a-ba-ana be e-n-mele or maama a-gul-il-a a-ba-ana e-n-mele which show that both
objects can be placed after the verb directly.
However, she still leaves out the following sentences for more research whether they are
grammatically allowed in Luganda, and they will be explained in the forth chapter.
a) tu-fumb-il-a o-mu-kolo gwo e-n-mele
b) tu-fumb-a e-n-mele ya o-mu-kolo gwo
c) e-n-mele tu-gi-fumb-il-a o-mu-kolo gwo
McPherson introduces the applicative in tu-mu-gul-il-a e-ki-teetei as an applicative that
licenses the goal. This is the second widespread applicative in the languages of the world,
and it is formally identical to the benefactive applicative23.
However I disagree with him when he says that in Luganda the applicative does not
introduce an instrument as it is in some other bantu languages like Bukusu and Chaga, yet
Pylkkänen (2002:24) says that applicative are also used to add a location or an instrument to
the verb predicate in Luganda for example; mukasa ya-som-e-dd-e mukiibi e-ki-tabo. The
instrument applicative is the third main type of applicative widely spread in the languages
22
Booij et al (2004)
23
-ibid
15
of the world. It exhibits a certain tendency to acquire a casual (reason) and a stimulus
function (like the English preposition through)24.
The goal applicative is what McPherson (2008) uses to convince McPherson (2008) that
Luganda has not only high applicative but also Low applicative like;
n-a-mu-gul-idd-e o-lu-goye though she clearly states it that not all low applicative or goal-
constructions take the applicative suffix.
McPherson (2008), Pylkkänen (2002) failed to recognize the value of an applied applicative
and were left unexplained as Pylkkänen (2002) concludes, “…this points to the restriction on
the co-occurrence of two applicative being morphological and not phonological. There is no
semantic incompatibility of having a locative and benefactive together, so it happens that
Luganda has a rule against multiple instances of the same morpheme. Since they are treated
as single morpheme in the literature, and since they all do function to add an internal
argument to a verb, I will also assume that there is a single applicative suffix with different
uses”.
However having an applied applicative does not mean that Luganda has a locative and a
benefactive together because there verbs derived with the help of an applied applicative and
bears not the two at a go, for example;
Therefore, Pylkkanen (2002) should not conclude that Luganda has a rule against multiple
instances of the same morpheme, and they are not even the same, since one is single and the
latter is repetitive. Pylkkanen (2002) should not assume that there is a single applicative
suffix but should know that Luganda has two applicative suffix and both with different uses.
24
-ibid-
16
Ashton et al (1954) who call it augmentative applied verb say that it has meaning that the
action is carried out for longtime which I agree but they go on to say that it can also carry a
meaning of the action being directed to more than one object the object maker agreement is
to dictate.
However, Wikipedia says that the second applicative (applied argument (augmentative
applied) is used to give an alternative meaning like gul-a – gul-il-a – gul-il-il-a. Much about,
the applied applicative, will be explained fully in the next chapter.
There is no single literature that has come out on the productivity of applicative in Luganda
but the provided information below is trying to show this productivity by suffixing the
different applicative morphemes on the verb roots
17
CHAPTER FOUR
4. THE PRODUCTIVITY OF APPLICATISATION IN LUGANDA.
4.1 Introduction
This chapter presents some of the Luganda verbs on how they are influenced by affixation of
applicative to derive them. Different types of applicative are attached to these verb roots to
find out how productive these applicative are to these verb roots but considering the
meanings of the derived verbs. The applicative are divided into applicative (-il-a/-el-a) and
applied applicative (-ilil-a/-elel-a), with an option of the gross to the verb roots and the
arguments produced after affixation.
VERBS APPLICATIVE APPLIED APPLICATIVE GROSS
-il-a/-el-a -ilil-a/-elel-a
18
-egendelez-a
Watch out
-sitam-a -sitamila -sitaamilila 1Make sure that you
maize!
-fuluut-a -fuluutila -fuluutilila 1They do not snore
Sit e.g. bagenda e.g. nze nakoowa have their seat from
kutuulila wano.1 abantuulilila here.
olw’emmele. 2
2I am tired of people
who………………
-simb-a -simbila -simbilila 1Farmers sow in rain
trees.
-zanny-a -zannyila -zannyilila 1Children are playing
over play.
-lum-a -lumila -lumilila 1 The child is biting for
to me every night.
-sen-a -senela -senelela 1Tell them to fetch
Fetch e.g. bagambe e.g. nebuno obuzzi water for their mother.
basenele maama obusigaddewo
waabwe amazzi.1 mubusenelela?2 2You even over fetch
20
munda1 musango inquiry about the
gw’obutemu.2 murder case.
-loz-a -lozela Taste the source from
Taste e.g. enva zilozeleko the kitchen.
mu ffumbilo.
-tuuk-a -tuukila -tuukilila 1 Cars arrive from
Arrive e.g. emmotoka e.g. Nsaba otuukilile here.
zituukila wano1 omusajja oyo2 2 I beg you to go and
ssatu. 1
maize.
-simul-a -simulila Kick the ball to
Kick e.g. Lutaaya Lutaaya
musimulile
omupiila
-naab-a -naabila Are you bathing form
Bath e.g. onaabila mu the seating room?
ddiilo?
-fumb-a -fumbila -fumbilila 1 Go and cook food for
the bride.
-dduk-a -ddukila -dduukilila 1He/she is running for
21
Drink e.g. tonywela ku e.g. mbasaba my cup.
kikopo kyange1 munywelele ku 2 I beg you to steak on
kyemuliko. 2
what you are doing
-pik-a -pikila -pikilila 1Musiitwa is pumping
Read e.g. gyangu e.g. osomelela kuba this book for mother.
tusomele maama ani?2 2 What are you study
ekitabo.1 for?
-lim-a -limila -limilila 1 Mukaabya dug on
2That
woman over
beats the children.
-lumb-a -lumbila -lumbilila 1They told us to attack
22
greetings during
night.
-sek-a -sekela -sekelela 1 Male is secretly
Laugh e.g. Male asekela e.g. Kalungi laughing
mu nkukutu. 1 ansekelela. 2 2 Kalungi is laughing
to me.
-abuk-a -abukila The court adjourned
adjourn e.g. ekkooko ya in just a mean time.
yabukila mu kaseela
mpa wekaaga.
-lek-a -lekela -lekelela 1The children were left
23
-yoz-a -yoleza -yoleleza 1Wash the clothes on
trying to boil.
-li-a -liila -liilila 1I eat my food from
24
want to work.
-tambul-a -tambulila I walk for these exams.
Walk e.g. Ntambulila.
ebibuuzo bino
-ambal-a -ambalila -ambalilila 1Nakanwagi dressed
Dress e.g. Nakanwagi e.g. oluugoye olwo for the occasion.
yayambalila alwambalilila nnyo.2
omukolo.1 2You over dress that
dress.
-lab-a -labila -labilila 1The children watch
the people.
-andiik-a -andiikila -andiikilila 1Write for me.
the food.
-tunul-a -tunuulila -tunuulilila 1Why are you staring
25
Buduuda.2 2The president gave a
hand of help to the
people of Buduuda.
-teleel-a
Get ready
2The cat is playful.
-tt-a -ttila The man was killed
Kill e.g. omusajja from the bush.
baamuttila mu
nsiko.
-zaal-a -zaalila -zaalilila 1The mother gave
give birth e.g. Maama e.g. omukazi oyo birth to Mulongo.
yazaalila azaalilila nnyo.2
Mulongo. 1 2That woman over
produces.
-sasul-a -sasulila Pay for me alcohol
Pay e.g. nsasulila
omwenge.
-lang-a -langila -langilila 1The chairperson
announce e.g. Ssentebe e.g. Omusazi announces on CBS.
alangila ku CBS.1 yalangilila empaka 2The referee
zitandike. 2
announced the
competition to start.
-wuut-a -wuutila -wuutilila 1I do not want you to
little source.
-yuw-a -yuwila Go and pour water
Pour e.g. genda oyuwile from the other side.
eli amazzi.
-kiik-a -kiikila -kiikilila 1That man stole me
that food.
-sekul-a -sekulila Groundnuts are
26
pound e.g. ebinyeebwa pounded from the
babisekulila mu pounding machine.
kinu.
-tem-a -temela -temelela 1They cut the
Cut e.g. kikajjo e.g. temelela ekikajjo sugarcane from its
bakitemela mu ekyo okutuusa lwe joint.
nnyigo yakyo. 1 kinaamenyeka.2
2Be cutting that
sugarcane until it
breaks.
-goy-a -goyela -goyelela 1The woman mingles
rope.
-vumbul-a -vumbulila The computer was
discover e.g. enviisilizo discovered in
baagivumbulila America.
Amelika
25
This can be also ateleekeleza.
27
-el-a -elela Sweep the rubbish
Sweep e.g. eylela wano from here.
kasasilo.
-takul-a -takulila -takulilila 1Scratch for me the air
our house.
-bikk-a -bikkila -bikkilila 1Cover the firewood
28
-sib-a -sibila -sibilila 1tie for me that rope.
slowly.
-sumagil -a -sumaagilila Do not doze from my
Doze e.g. tosumagilila class
mu kibiina kyange
-lond-a -londela -londelela 1They vote from
Vote e.g. balondela mu e.g. lwaki mumala gazeted places.
bifo ebitegeke.1 galondelela bakiise?2
2Why do you just vote
the delegates?
-ug-a -ugila -ugilila 1I swim for my
Swim e.g. mpugila nsi e.g. yawugilila country.
yange.1 okutuusa
lweyatuuka.2 2He swam until he
reached.
-kuηηan-a -kuηηanila - kuηηanilila 1We are going to
Gather e.g. tugenda ku e.g. baatandika ok gather from Mbaale.
kuηηanila Mbaale.1 kuηηanilila awo nga
mu ssaawa nnya.2 2They started trying to
gather at around 10
o’clock.
-yingiz-a -yingiliza We are getting the
Enter e.g. chairs in for father.
tuziyingilizaako
taata entebe.
-agal-a -agalila Mary likes me secretly
Like e.g. Mary
anjagalila
munkukutu.
-al-a -alila -alilila 1Let him lay the bed
29
2He vanishing to his
small house as if it
will not get old.
-yig-a -yigila -yigilila 1Children learn from
to learn to write.
-zuul-a -zuulila River Nile was
Explore e.g. Omugga kiyira explored in the
baaguzuulila mu eighteenth century.
kyasa kya kkumi
namunaana.
- -nyumunguliza Rinse for me the cloth
nyumunguz- e.g.
a nnyumunguliza ku
Rinse lugoye
-wuub-a -wuubila -wuubilila 1The children are
Wave e.g. Abaana e.g. omukono waving to the whites.
bawuubila guwuubilile
abazungu.1 okutuusa lwe 2Just be waving the
gunaawona. 2
arm until it cures.
-ton-a -tonela -tonelela 1I decorated the flower
30
you an accident.
-wel-a -welela -welelela 1The Baganda amuse
behalf of Wasswa
before the Kabaka.
-weweel-a -weweelela The thief was told to
Freeze e.g. Omubbi freeze from where he
baamugambye was.
aweweelele awo
waali.
-vug-a -vugila -vugilila 1Mukasa drives his car
Buganda. 2
Buganda my
colleagues.
-twal-a -twalila -twalilila 1Take that beef in the
31
Take e.g. ennyama eyo e.g. obulwadde basket.
gitwalile mu kaselo. buntwalilila.2
2The sickness is trying
Arrive e.g. Abantu bonna e.g. ekilooto kyange arriving at the landing
batuuukila ku kyatuukilila2 site.
mwalo. 1 2My dream came true.
32
Makindye.1
-boggol-a -boggolela The dog is barking
Bark Embwa eboggolela from the yard.
mu luggya.
-b-a -beela -beelela 1Kanwagi be wise.
Be e.g. Kanwagi abeela e.g. osobola
mugezi. 1 okubeelelawo 2You can leave with
n’olugoye olwo.2 that dress.
-elekel-a -elekelela Escort for me my wife
Escort e.g. mpelekelelaako
mukyala wange
-sunsul-a -sunsulila Documents are edited
Edit e.g. ebiwandiiko for money.
babisunsulila
nsimbi.
-sumulul-a -sumululila Unleash your mascot
Unleash e.g. sumulullila from here
wano ekisoddekyo.
-sonsek-a -sonsekela -sonsekelela 1Insert that piece from
Insert e.g. akatundu ako e.g. lwaki inside.
kasonsekele osonsekelela akaseke
munda. 1 mu kituli ekyo?2 2Why do you over
insert the straw in that
hole.
-songol-a -songolela -songolela 1Sharpen the pencil
sharpen e.g. ekkalaamu e.g. ekkalaamu nga from the class.
gisongolele mu ogisongolelela
kibiina. 1 nnyo!2 2As you are over
sharpening the pencil.
-sogol-a -sogolela Bell is brewed from
brew e.g. Bell Jinja.
bamusogolela Jinja.
-sig-a -sigila Help me to sow my
Sow e.g. nyambaako seeds.
onsigileko ensigo
zange.
-situl-a -situlila -situlilila 1Lift the language
Lift e.g.ekisawo e.g. ositulilila nnyo from the middle.
kisitulile mu omwana oyo.2
makkati.1 2You over lift that
baby.
-siig-a -siigila Smear yourself the
Smear e.g. ebizigo jerry from the house.
33
byesigile mu
nnyumba
-layil-a -layilila I request you to swear in
Swear e.g. nkusaba the name of God.
olayilile mu linnya
lya katonda.
-siik-a -siikila -siikilila 1Fly the chicken on the
beaten up is always
lamenting to me the
sticks he was beaten.
-peeluuk-a -peeluukila -peeluukilila 1Nankya got pale from
34
-bajjagal-a -bajjagalila They do not belch in
Belch e.g. tebebajjagalila public.
mu bantu.
-kunkutul-a -kunkutulila Clip the base from
Clip e.g. ekikolo here.
kikunkutulile
wano.
-zing-a -zingila -zingilila 1Wrap the food form
Wrap e.g. emmele eyo e.g. zingilila olugoye the saucepan.
gizingile mu olwo kumutwe.2
sseppiki.1 2Over wrap that cloth
around the head.
-nunul-a -nunulila The people were
Rescue e.g. Abantu rescued from the car.
babanunulidde mu
mmotoka
-salaw-o -salilawo Decide for me on what
Decide e.g. nsalilaawo to do.
eky’okukola.
-azik-a -azikila Lend for me my
Lend e.g. njazikilaako brother two hundred
mugandawannge shillings.
oyo ennusu bibili
-ebaz-a -ebaliza Give thanks to our
Thank e.g. mutwebalize ku guests.
bagenyi.
-eyam-a -eyamila Why do you pledge in
Pledge e.g. lwaki secrecy?
mweyamila mu
nkukuta?
-saanukul-a -saanukulila Open for me that pot
Open e.g. nsaanukullaako
ensuwa eyo.
-ewuss-a -ewussiliza Why do you pretend
Pretend e.g. lwaki From the class
wewussiliza mu
kibiina?
-sun-a -sunila -sunilila 1He is pinching me for
Pinch e.g. ansunila e.g. Mukaabya nothing.
bweleele. 1 ansunilila.2
2Mukaabya is over
pinching me.
35
-ziyiz-a -ziyiliza Control it from here
Control e.g. kiziyilize wano
-teleez-a -teleeleza Make him/her to
improve e.g. omwana improve from sports.
muteleeleze mu
byamizannyo.
-kool-a -koolela Weed for her/him
Weed e.g. mukooleleko
-kaz-a -kaliza -kaliliza 1dry for me my clothes
me.
-sabik-a -sabikila -sabiikilila 1Cover for me that
cover it.
26
It can also be onsabiliza.
36
-kuum-a -kuumila Keep for me my book.
Keep e.g. nkuumilako
ekitabo kyange
-tendek-a -tendekela Bobby coaches from
Coach e.g. Bobby Uganda.
atendekela mu
Uganda.
-tandik-a -tandikila Footballers start from
Start e.g. Abasambi the center.
b’omupiila
batandikila wakati.
-kum-a -kumila -kumilila 1Go and set fire from
set fire e.g. genda okumile e.g. kumilila ekyoto the other side.
eli omulilo.1 ekyo.2
2Try to set fire in that
fireplace.
-kuηηunt-a -kuηηuntila - kuηηuntilila 1Groundnuts are
Sieve e.g. ebinyeebwa e.g. kuηηuntilila sieved from Bwayise.
babikuηηuntila ebinyeebwa ebyo.2
Bwayise.1 2Try to be sieving
those groundnuts.
-kuηηany-a - kuηηanyiliza 1Collect the rubbish
for money.
-gaban-a -gabanila The passengers share
share Abasaabaze money from here.
bagabanila wano
ssente.
-wummul-a -wummulila Come we rest from
rest e.g. gyangu home.
tuwummulile e ka
-teleez-a -teleeleza -------------------- Sort the documents by
37
Sort e.g. ebiwandiiko their size.
biteleeleze mu
bunene bwabyo.
-zibilil-a
close the eyes
-ggal-a -ggalila The door is closed
Close e.g. oluggi from this side.
baluggalila eno
-ggul-a -ggulila
Open e.g. Ŋηenda ku Am going to open for
kuggulilawo. you.
-gyem-a -gyemela Disobey
Disobey e.g. omwana
yagyemela Taatawe The child disobeyed
his father.
-bembek-a -bembekela Lule attached his
Attach e.g. Lule papers from the sitting
yabembekela room.
empapulaze mu
ddiiro
-fuk-a -fukila -fukilila 1Mukasa is pissing in
piss e.g. Mukasa afukila e.g. Mukasa the middle of the road.
mu kkubo wakati.1 afukilila ebimuli.2
2Mukasa is watering
the flowers.
-yel-a -yelela Nakimuli swept from
Sweep e.g. Nakimuli ya here.
yelela(dde) wano
-yoles-a -yoleseza The girls exhibited
Exhibit e.g. Abawala from the hall.
booleseza mu
kizimbe
From the above information, almost all verbs in Luganda allow the suffixation of applicative
in deriving words only that there are a few, which do not allow it and them take 2%. This is
because verb roots with an element of applicative in them like; -teleela,(be steady) -
ejjeelela,(vindicate) –guminkiliza (be patient), cannot be attached to any applicative for example,
you cannot say; -teleelel-a or –teleelelel-a because they carry no semantic role in the language.
38
The degree of productivity of applicative
(-il-a or -el-a).
98%
Verbs that do not allow the
suffixation of applicative(-il-a
or -el-a)
Verbs that do allow the
suffixation of applicative (-il-
a or -el-a)
2%
Figure 1
Zenny (2006) says that productivity is a matter of degree in relation with other morphemes.
No process is general that it affects, without exception, all the bases to which it could
potentially apply. The reality is that some processes are relatively more general than the
others are. In this case /-el-a or –il-a/ are more productive than /-ilil-a or –elel-a/
Figure 2
This is evident with data in figure 2 above, whereby 60% of the Luganda verbs allow the
suffixation of the applied applicative. It could be because of the prior existence of another
word with the meaning that the putative word would have brings in blocking for example,
39
sunaasuna (over pinch), exists, sunilila is blocked. This introduces constraints (blocking) on
productivity. Therefore, where there exist two semantically similar morphemes, one of
which is more productive than the other, the more productive morpheme is less susceptible
(in risk) to blocking than the less productive counterpart. The 40% constitute the verbs that
are blocked when added to the applied applicative.
Some verb roots are forced to change their meaning if the applied applicative added to them
which makes the productivity to not be accountable to that default verb root meaning, for
example; gul-a (buy) – gul-il-a (buy for, with, from) –gul-il-il-a (over buy yet it can also mean
corrupt, bribe). For not to confuse in meaning, -gulaagula is the most used than -gul-il-il-a.
She continues to say that if we forget about the total number of words, the result will be that
some affixes appearing may depend on the characteristics of the base to which they are
attached. For example, /-el-a or –il-a/ is more common than /-elel-a or –ilil-a/ yet with bases
ending with /-s/ like in -yoles-a it is preferred to be yolesesza and also, from the above
information, a verb root that ends with /-z/ with a /-a-, -i-, and –u-/ like in –yuz-a, -yaz-a, and
-nyiz-a, they are instead infixed an applicative of /-il-a/ to be, yuliza, yaliza, and nyiliza.
However, verb roots ending with /-z-/ and are having a vowel /-o-/ like in –koz-a,-yoz-a apart
from the incidences of -loz-a, applicative /-el-a/ is infixed in them to be –koleza, -yoleza. Verb
roots of –loz-a case are suffixed with the same applicative to be -lozela. This is because that
verb roots starting with laterals like /l-/ in Luganda cannot be derived by suffixation of
applicative and such verb roots cannot be attached to the applied applicative because the
result will not be carrying any grammatical meaning in the language. This is the only
incident where applicative are infixed.
40
CHAPTER FIVE
5. TYPES AND SEMANTIC ROLES OF LUGANDA APPLICATIVE.
5.1 Introduction:
The applicative suffix announces that the new element is licensed; the semantic role of the
new element depends on the limited number of possibilities for applicative semantics
available in the particular language and the meaning of the verb.
5.2 Types of Luganda applicative.
Luganda has two types of applicative, which have the following morphemes, /-il-a or –el-a/
called applicative, that allow the verb to take an extra object and gives it the meaning ‘to do
for like,
nkolela Muyindi (I work for an Indian)
nsimila kato ekinnya (I dig a pit for kato)
This applicative licenses benefactive, locative, motive, goal and instrument as talked about
in 5.1. /-ilil-a or –elel-a/, called applied applicative (augmentative applied) allow the verb to
take an alternative applied sense, usually further removed from the original sense than the
simple applied modification, e.g. okukolelela -to totalize or working/employing. The applied
applicative can also be carrying a meaning of doing the verb more than once for example;
Mukasa ankubilila (Mukasa over beats me)
Kasumba atemelela ekitooke (Kasumba over cuts the banana tree)
It could also be licensing a motive role when added to the verb for example;
Nsiibilila mpeera
I fast for a reward
However, the same applicative licenses an independent meaning from the meaning of the
verb for example;
Senga afumbilila muwalawe (aunt is preparing her daughter for marriage)
Kawuma atemelelako awo nga agenda eka (Kawuma bypasses from there when heading home.)
Nsiibilila muwogo (I last on cassava)
41
5.3. The semantic roles of Luganda applicative.
McPherson (2008) says that Luganda applicative carry a benefactive, locative, motive, or goal
semantic roles, though Booij, G.E., et al, (2004) has them as types of applicative. In
benefactive applicative, the applied object somehow benefits from the action carried out by
the subject like;
tu-yimb-il-a katonda
we are singing for God.
The locative use of applicative makes a location an internal argument of the verb like;
a-zin-il-a mu-n-yumb-a.
he is dancing in the house.
The motive use of applicative is used to express the reason or motive for doing something
like;
n-fumb-il-a pate yo.
I cook for your party.
The goal applicative, the applied object benefits from the direct object and not from the
action itself.
Tumugulila ekiteeteeyi
We are buying her a dress.
Markman, V., (2008) on top of the above i.e. benefactive, locative, motive, and goal, he adds
an instrument role that applicative in Luganda add to the verb predicate.
Mukasa yasomedde Mukiibi ekitabo.
Mukasa read the book to Mukiibi.
42
CHAPTER SIX
6.1 Introduction
It is a response from the interview conducted to the thirty respondents of Luganda
students of Makerere University, School of Education and also analyzing data or
content obtained from different literatures I came across. I have used pie charts in
percentages, and tables to analyze and present data using a descriptive manner. A
number of subtitles have been used depending on the research objectives to present
the findings of this study as shown below.
This shows that each year was evenly and equally represented when carrying out this
study hence data is not biased and should be trusted.
43
For the content analyzed, in found out that most of the literatures written on Luganda
are not straight to the derivational verbal morphology of Luganda and specifically on
applicative. This shows that data obtained in this study is not so much shared by
different literatures since most of the literatures used just refer to the language but not
using it as a case study as they do to languages like Chaga, Bukusu, and Chechwa
which fall under the same category with Luganda.
However if you want to show that such verbs are over done, it needs to apply an
emphatic form of nnyo for example;
44
Kamya yeegendeleza nnyo abantu abo. (Kamya should seriously watch out)
Apart from -wad-a, which needs to be repeated first for example, -wadaawad-a, which
makes the emphatic form to be deleted like in, Kamya yawadaawadako nga bwasobola
naye ne bigaaana (Kamya tried his level best but things did not work out). So, the
semantics of those verb roots do not allow any kind of applicative for them to be
derived unless other derivational suffixes like causatives for example; -lwisa, -
sekeeteleza.
There verb roots whose semantic roles can be derived by both applied applicatisation
or repetition, but in this case, the prior existence of another verb with the meaning
that the putative verb has, introduces constraints (blocking) on productivity.
Therefore, where there exist two semantically similar morphemes, one of which is
more productive than the other, the more productive morpheme is less susceptible (in
risk) to blocking than the less productive counterpart. For example; to show a
repetitive meaning of sun-a, one do so by applying an applied applicative of –lil-a to
be –sunilil-a and the same meaning can be shown by repeating the same verb root for
example; -sunaasuna. Since sunaasuna exists, sunilila is blocked. This means –sunaasuna
is more productive –sunilila.
45
I also found out that voicing on verb roots with single syllable that start with a long
consonant also influence whether the verb to allow the applicative or not. For
example;
-ttâ (leave/hands off) allows the suffixation of –ela and –elela for example;
-tteela and –teelela
-ttà (kill) allows the suffixation of –ila and –ilila for example; -ttila and –
ttilila(over kill) as in; omusajja oyo attilila nnyo abantu (that man over kill the
people)
Verb roots ending with alveolar fricatives of /-s-, -z-/ have a special treatment on
applicative, for example; those ending with a voiced alveolar fricative of /-z-/ are
infixed with all applicative for example; -buz-a (-buliz-a/-buliliz-a), -daaz-a (-daaliz-
a/-daaliliz-a), -funz-a (-fundiz27-a/-fundiliz-a) which is a different case with the verb
roots ending with the voice less alveolar fricative of /-s-/ because they are suffixed
like any other verbs but cannot allow the suffixation of applied applicative for
example; in kis-a ̶ -kisiz-a, -nuus-a ̶ -nuusiz-a, -fuus-a ̶ -fuusiz-a, one cannot say
–kisiliz-a, -nuusiliz-a, -fuusiliz-a. However though –loz-a is ending with a voiced
alveolar fricative, is suffixed because it starts with a lateral /l/ but it cannot be
attached to an applied applicative for example; -loz-a - -lozel-a but you cannot say –
lozelel-a.
The degree of productivity of each individual applicative that is (–il-a), (-ilil-a), (-el-a),
(-elel-a) depend on the degree of verb roots that have vowels that would allow the
productivity of such individual applicative.
27
Due to phonological processes which am to discuss in this study, /l/ turns to /d/ when /l/ is next to /n/
46
6.4 The types and semantic roles of applicative in Luganda.
6.4.1 Types of Luganda applicative
Luganda has two types of one being /-il-a or -el-a/ and the other -ilil-a or –elel-a/
(applied applicative). These applicative can be categorized into high and low whereby
Luganda has both high and low applicative28 where the high applicative relates an
individual to the event for example, when it introduces a beneficiary like abayimbi
bayimbila Katamba, and should be combined with unergative verbs. The low
applicative which the researcher found out in Luganda attach to transitive verbs,
where the applied argument relates to the action of the verb and here there is a
possession relation between two or more individuals where one describes a recipient
and the other as a source for example;
Mary yakwatila John ensawo
Mary held John the bag
Mukasa yatambulidde Katonga
Mukasa walked for Katonga
Though when attached to ditransitive verb roots, there happen no transfer of
possession between two objects like; Mpeela omusajja oyo ensawo
28
See chapter three in 3.1
47
the following vowels, /o,e/ allow the suffixation of the /-el-a/ applicative. If these
applicative are added to these verb roots the license the following meanings on the
verb roots;
a) Beneficiary.
This is the most spread semantic role of applicative. Here an individual is related to
the event and is the one enjoying from what the subject is doing for example
tu-yimb-il-a katonda
we are singing for God.
The beneficiary object can occupy the immediate post-verbal position with low
applicative for example;
Allan agulila omukazi ekitabo
Allan is buying the woman a book
The beneficiary can start the argument and is followed by the direct object making the
beneficiary applicative to end the argument; this requires the introduction of ‘an inter-
relational direct object agreement marker’ of gw-e for example;
Allan ensawo gwe29 bagigulila
Allan is being bought a bag
29
The last vowel depends on the existence of the subject. If the subject is revealed, it consumes /-a/ while when the subject is not
shown, it is /-e/
48
However, Allan gwe bagigulila ensawo happens when there is an agreement marking on
the direct object and the beneficiary is set at the start of argument and the indirect
object comes last.
Still there is another variation where the beneficiary starts the argument and the direct
object is placed at end of the argument. This make the beneficiary to be passivized for
example; agulilwa ensawo
With passivization, I found out that the direct object cannot be passivized in a high
applicative if the external argument is overt for example;
This can happen only when they de-applicatize the argument and use a prepositional
form to introduce the beneficiary for example;
b) Locative
If the applicative applied on the verbs creates a need of showing a destiny of a
location, the applicative is locative. This applicative makes the location an argument
of the verb. It is true that the locative use of the applicative makes an internal
argument of the verb for example;
a-zin-il-a mu-n-yumba
She dances from the house
a-fumb-il-a mu n-yumba
49
she cooks from the house
However, the can be licensed when the locative applicative is not attached to the verb
for example; agenda mu nnyumba (he/she is going in the house) and this is because –
gend-a is a motion verb. Motion verbs do not require a locative applicative because
they suffice to have the destination which is a location in a noun classes of a location
like; 23E, 18Mu, 16Wa
However, these motion verbs can acquire an applicative form if the verb requires a
locative of not noun class 23E, 18Mu, 16Wa for example; Agendela mu ndeku30 (he/she
is travelling in the Goad). But if the same motion verb allows the suffixation of the
locative applicative but not given a locative preposition then this will be licensing a
motive however much the object is a location for example; ηηendela Kampala (am going
for Kampala)
You can use the applicative without overtly expressing a locative but introducing it
externally in a copula for example; azinilako(mu,yo), or azinili eyo (omwo), here with the
help of the agreement marker of the location (e, o)
A locative can be shown without a locative preposition form for example; ntambulila
Kampala (I walk within Kampala) even though the verb root is not a motion verb for
example; ndiila Kampala (I eat from Kampala)
30
Ndeku belongs to the nounclass of 9n(if it is in singular) and 10n (if it is in plural).
50
Abeela mu bulili
Unless when the beneficiary is introduced in azinila, the argument can bear a meaning
for example; anzinila or azinila Allan
The locative does not only refer to where an action is taking place statically but also
implying direction out of something, and also motion into the location for example;
a-ba-ana ba-dduk-a mu n-yumba
the children are running from the house(motion from)
the children are running towards the house (motion towards)
the children are running in the house(motion within)
a-ba-ana ba-dduk-il-a mu n-yumba
the children are running towards the house (motion towards)
the children are running in the house (motion within)
This means when a verb allows a locative applicative, it is limited to only two motion
arguments of motion towards and motion within.
From the sentence; ekisenge ba-ki-kumb-il-a-mu emmele, object (location or food) can be
passivized with the applicative suffix on the verb for example; mukiibi y-a-fumb-il-w-a
Mary or emmele e-fumb-il-(-b)w-a mu ki-senge.
c) Motive.
If an applicative is used to express the reason or motive for doing something, there
exist a Motive applicative. However, here both objects (direct and indirect objects) can
be placed after the verb directly like, maama a-gul-il-a a-ba-ana be e-n-mele or maama a-
gul-il-a a-ba-ana e-n-mele. The results from the motive applicative should be
grammatically acceptable in the language for example; one cannot mean that he/she
is cooking food to be eaten by the party in emmele nfumbila ppate yo, butit should be,
I am cooking food to be eaten on (during) your party.
51
d) Goal
The applicative in tu-mu-gul-il-a e-ki-teetei as an applicative that licenses the goal.
This is the second widespread applicative in the languages of the world, and it is
formally identical to the benefactive applicative.
e) Instrument
Just like in other Bantu languages like Bukusu and Chaga, applicative are also used to
add an instrument in Luganda for example; mukasa ya-som-e-dd-e mukiibi e-ki-tabo. The
instrument applicative is the third main type of applicative widely spread in the
languages of the world. It exhibits a certain tendency to acquire a casual (reason) and
a stimulus function (like the English preposition through).
I also found out that any prior existence of another word with the meaning that the
putative word has for example, sunaasuna (over pinch), brings in blocking to the
applied applicatized verb of –sunilila (over pinch). This means that where there exist
two semantically similar morphemes, one of which is more productive than the other,
52
the more productive morpheme is less susceptible (in risk) to blocking than the less
productive counterpart.
Verb roots ending with a voiceless alveolar fricative of /s/ do not allow the
suffixation of an applied applicative in derivation. For example; one cannot say, -
fuusililiza, (from –fuus-a (to make magic) or nuusililiza (from -nuus-a (to smoke fuel).
The applied applicative force some of the verb roots mainly which initially have no
long vowels in them, to acquire a long vowel for example; -sitam-a(squat) - -sitaamilil-
a(over squat), -telek-a(keep) - -teleekelel-a(over keep).
53
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
7.1 RECOMMENDATIONS
These are the recommendations made by the researcher basing on the information
collected.
Researchers in linguistics should research more on how the number of syllables in the
verb root attracts different types of applicative in deriving such verb roots.
7.2 Conclusions
According to the study, evidence shows that Luganda has both high and low
applicative and it is within these applicative that Luganda bears the applicative(-il-a/-
el-a) and the applied applicative (–ilil-a/-elel-a) which both have beneficiary, locative,
motive, goal, and instrument as their semantic roles on the Luganda verbs. The
applicative are more productive than the applied applicative since they take 44.18% of
the verbs they can derive while the applied applicative derive 32.84% of the Luganda
54
verbs
55
Appendix
TIME TABLE
PERIOD ACTIVITY
22ND November -3RD December 2011 Receiving and studying of the research topic.
First week
3RD January- 21ST January 2011 Making internet research about the topic
Second week
56
Appendix
BUGDET
ITEMS QUATITY RATE PRICES
REAMS OF PAPERS 2 15,000/ 30,000/
TRANSPORT 2500/ 70,000/
INTERNET @hr-1,000/= 50,000/
PENS 3 200 600/
INTERVIEW PAPERS 30 50/ 1500/
TYPING OF THE INTERVIEW
Per page 500/ 15,000/
QUESTIONS
TYPING AND PRINTING OF THE 1000/ 30,000/
FINDINGS
BINDING 3 20,000/ 60,000/
TOTAL 257,100/
57
REFERENCES
Chesswass, J.D. (1919). Orthography of Luganda, literacy and language in Buganda,
Kampala.
Ferrari, F. (2010). A syntactic Analysis of the Nominal Systems of Italian and Luganda: How Nouns
can be formed in the Syntax Department of Linguistics.
Booij, G.E., Lehmann, C., Mugdan, J. (2004). Morphologie: Internationales Handbuch Zur
Flexion Und Wortbuldung. Berlin. Die Deineutsche Bibliothek Verzeichnel Diesc Publikation
In Der Deutschen.
Hyman, L.M., (2007). Niger-Congo Verb Extensions: Overview and Discussion, University Of
California, Berkeley.
Figuero, C.M. (2006). Studies in Contrastive Linguistics: Proceedings of the 4th International Contrastive
Linguistics Conference, Santiago de Compostela University.
Lornashvili, L. (2011). Complex Predicates: The Syntax Morphology Interference. John Benjamins
Publishing Co.
58
Pylkkänen, L. (2002). Introducing Arguments: An Unpublished Dissertation Submitted To the
Department Of Languages and Philosophy, In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree
of PhD in Linguistics. University of Pittsburgh.
Peterson, D.A. (2007). Applicative Constructive: Oxford Studies iin Typology and Linguistic Theory.
Oxford University Press. U.K.
Ssentanda, M.E. Typological of Luganda verbs and Nominal affixes: Type Craft. The Natural
language Database.
(www.typecraft.org/tc2wiki/typology_of_luganda_verbal_and_nominal_affixes.)
Ssentanda, M.E. (11th February 2011) Typological Features Template for Luganda
Youngmi, J. (2007). Applicative: Structure and Interpretation from a Minimal Perspective. John
Benjamins Publishing Co.
Zeenny, R.M., (2006). Morphology and Syntax: English Department, Lebanese University.
www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/luganda
www.buganda.com/luganda.html
www.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/derivation-(linguistics)
http://www.experiencefestival.com/luganda_language_-_history_and_development
East African community U K for unity and development
(http://www.eastafrica.site90.com/1_11_luganda.html)
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Appendix
STUDENTS’ INTERVIEW GUIDE
This interview is aimed at collecting data about the typology and derivational nature of Luganda
applicative in my research project as a partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor
of Arts with education Makerere University.
Data about the study
1. Do you have any knowledge about verb extensions of Luganda?
2. If your answer in 1 is yes, what are those verb extensions of Luganda?
3. What are the different types of applicative?
4. From the different types of applicative given in 3, what are their semantically roles?
5. Among the verb extensions of Luganda, we have applicative, these are represented by
morphemes; -ir-a or –er-a and –irir-a or –erer-a. Do all Luganda verbs comply with these
applicative in forming new words/ lexemes?
Yes… No… Some comply and some do not comply…
6. Basing on the answer provided in 5 above, provide, five examples for each applicative.
Yes No Some comply and some do not comply
-ir-a -ir-a -ir-a
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
-er-a -er-a -er-a
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
-irir-a -irir-a -irir-a
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……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. …………………………….
-erer-a -erer-a -erer-a
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
……………….. ………………. ……………………………
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