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A Descriptive and

Comparative Grammar of
Andalusi Arabic

Handbook of Oriental Studies
Handbuch der Orientalistik
Section 1, The Near and Middle East

Edited by
Maribel Fierro (Madrid)
M. Şükrü-Hanioğlu (Princeton)
Kees Versteegh (Nijmegen)

VOLUME 102

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hdo

A Descriptive and
Comparative Grammar of
Andalusi Arabic

Edited by
Institute of Islamic Studies of
the University of Zaragoza

LEIDEN • BOSTON
2013

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A descriptive and comparative grammar of Andalusi Arabic / edited by Institute of Islamic Studies
of the University of Zaragoza
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-22742-2 (alk. paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-23027-9 (e-book)
1. Arabic language–Grammar, Comparative. 2. Arabic language–Dialects–Spain–Andalusia. 3.
Andalusia (Spain)–Languages. 4. Andalusia (Spain)–Civilization–Islamic influences. 5.
Sociolinguistics–Spain–Andalusia. I. Institute of Islamic Studies of the University of Zaragoza. II.
Title.

PJ6760.A53C67 2012
492.7'709468–dc23
2012009596

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CONTENTS

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Sigla. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi

1. Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1. Vocalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2. Consonantism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1.3. Suprasegmentals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
1.4. Combinatory Phonetics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

2. Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2.1. The Noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2.2. The Verb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
2.3. Functionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96

3. Syntax. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
3.1. Types of Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
3.2. Verbal Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
3.3. Coordination and Subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
3.4. Sentence Modalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
3.5. Deletion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

4. Lexicon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
4.1. Lexical Main Core and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

5. A Panchronistic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
5.1. Sources of Interference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141

TEXT SAMPLES

I. Poetry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
1. Ibn Quzmān’s zaǧal Nº 24 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
2. Aššuštarı̄’s zaǧal Nº 96 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
3. A zaǧal by Ibn Alhatı̄b . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
¯ ˙

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Index of Arabic and Other Grammatical Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Andalusi Romance Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Elegy for Valencia . . . . . Prose . . . . . . 256 Index of Place Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264 . . . 177 Arabic Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 Latin Index . . . . . . . . . . 252 Index of Other Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .vi contents II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 Index of Loanwords in Romance . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Index of Personal Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Some Proverbs Culled from Azzaǧǧālı̄’s Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proverbs from Alonso del Castillo’s Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Personal Letter by Lluís Alġázi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 6. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

redun- dant or simply weak statements and adding new pieces of evidence to this introduction to the descriptive and comparative grammar of a rather pecu- liar mediaeval dialect of Western Arabic. by removing from it mistaken. can presently lay claims to being updated ref- erences for this subject matter. FOREWORD More than thirty years have elapsed since we published the manual enti- tled A grammatical sketch of the Spanish Arabic dialect bundle (Instituto Hispano-Árabe de Cultura. However. As the Sketch has remained the single international comprehensive ref- erence manual of its kind and given relatively good service up to this date. Madrid. The author of the Sketch. 1977) and so much has happened in the meantime. we have thought that the best way to carry out our task would be to just overhaul its contents on a large scale. cannot be an excuse to bur- den the reader with bothersome details. not to mention valuable contributions by our disciples and other colleagues. the first one about which we have an encompassing array of data. 2011 . that one cannot at times avoid the strange feeling of having lived several successive lives. sufficient to draw something more than just a sketch. deems it his duty to issue a last state of this art in his lifetime. Árabe andalusí y lenguas romances (MAPFRE. as reflected in the attached bibliography. having reached the age of academic retirement. but still feeling the urge to contribute to his share of lost love works. old age and the ensuing fatigue. for better and worse. if only because in the meantime we have ourselves authored no less than thirteen books and sixty articles bearing on this issue. as the main fact is that neither that book nor its hurried Spanish sequel. even a sensation of failure in the defence of humanities against an unsympathetic materialistic society. Madrid. 1992). Granada.

.

which offers a new reasonable solution to a most controversial old riddle. Rm. however. necessarily characterized by the cultural and lin- guistic ambivalence of most subjects. 1995). in which Romance language and cul- ture.. This situation was brought about by a process of concentration of Islamic and Arabic cultural features. In the ensuing struggle for survival. by an invading army of a few thousand Arab tribesmen who. išbānı̄. seems to have been the turn- ing point at which the entire native population of Al-Andalus2 had become monolingual in AA. succeeded in establishing Islamic political rule and. still calls Al-Andalus išbāniyā. al. 3 Hereinafter. see Corriente 2008a. After a remarkably quick consolidation of their state under the aegis of the Western Umayyads. accompanied by a much larger number of partially Arabicised Berbers. Arab cultural supremacy for a long period over these Western European lands. see Sezgin et. all of them fighting men. as an understandable reaction against the successful military campaigns of the Northern Christian states. which had 1 Hereinafter AA. without women or children. intermingled with the minority of former invaders and long before having formed a new Andalusi nation in the Southern. AA. . PREFACE Andalusi Arabic1 is a close-knit bundle of dialects resulting from interfer- ence by local stock and interaction of the Arabic dialects brought along to the Iberian Peninsula in the 8th century a. would have preferred to keep Arabic as their by then only spoken language.. a few Christian nuclei who had resisted occupation and acculturation in the northernmost areas of the country started a slow but—in spite of frequent long lulls—steady counter-offensive. as a conse- quence of developments in the Islamic East. which super- seded older Lt. though decreasingly. or Islam as their faith and way of life. i. but for a few individuals who had acquired a relatively shallow acquaintance with Romance. made no lasting concessions to the once Hispanic people who. that Al-Idrı̄sı̄ in his botanical treatise (12th c.3 required for certain crafts. Cen- tral and Eastern areas of these lands. for at least about two centuries. dialects. Hispania from the beginning of Islamic rule. the 13th c. identified with Christianity. when large segments of the local population of the country had been generally. bilingual in AA and Proto-Rm.D. no doubt on account of his Sicilian environment. It is noteworthy. unlike pre- viously.e. and its Arabic dialect. 2 About the Egyptian origin of this innovated geographical designation.

We must surmise that the diverse backgrounds of the tribesmen integrated in the Arab armies and settlements of the first decades. apparently less noticeable than the average in today’s Arabic speaking lands. the common core of AA was pre- dominant. and the local features. inasmuch as interference by the Rm. When the so-called Moriscos were expelled and subsequently absorbed by the North African countries in which most of them took shelter in the early sixteen hundreds. on which see Schoeler 2002. but then gradually minimised.. and few more decades to put an end to the presence of the last Muslims living under Christian rule. particularly in the cities where inter- mingling obviously must have reached much higher levels. See closing text samples. zadjal. the local dialects of Granada and Valencia. and since the political maturity of Al-Andalus was reached only in the days of the first Cordovan Umayyad Caliph #Abdarrahmān III. and underlaid the Arabic and Hebrew works of the most renowned Sephardic authors. minimal. 4 I. However. see Corriente 1976 and Kofler 1940–1942. e.1. was bound to be reflected by dialectal divergences.5 probably much deeper at the begin- ning. it being established that there were certain differences between. country- side. e. we know for sure.g. 5 About this subject.v. some of Southern.4 as well as of the Christian Mozarabs. substratum of the local population was the second ingredient in the process of emergence of an AA koine. ¯ The hypothesis put for- ward by Fück 1950. town. between. of a military koine in the earliest Islamic encampments no longer enjoys the great favour it reached among scholars at the time.. the last hour had sounded for the first Arabic dialect ever to have risen to full-fledged status as a vehicle of a popular and universal culture. that the Hispano-Arabic melting pot produced the standards of this spoken language between the 9th and 10th centuries. authors of azǧāl.x preface reduced the once powerful and feared Andalusi state to the narrow limits of the Nasrı̄ kingdom of Granada.g. that urban idiolects attained a fairly advanced degree of standardisation. some of Northern Arabian stock.. supported by written records. AA was a dialect bundle. among whom some were still speakers of AA. While rural AA has all but escaped our meagre means of detec- tion. say. as is witnessed by our sources.1.2) in their standard registers. s. and mountain dialects.e. not a single dialect. with pervasive effects. It took the Castilians nearly three more cen- ˙ turies to eliminate even this last Islamic foothold on the Iberian Peninsula in 1492. . concerning the acceptance of 2nd degree imālah (see 1. On the other hand. one would consider it an edu- ˙ cated guess. which included the literary production of Ibn Quzmān and other zaǧǧāls (= folk-poets).

9 On the other hand. since the whole corpus of data about it has reached us in written records.e. i. and perhaps because of the late dates of most of our North African documents. but adopted soon and enthusiastically in Al-Andalus. In fact. preface xi AA belongs to the Western group of Neo-Arabic6 dialects. who could or would not use but the only local brand of 6 Hereinafter. This last ingredient is also present in AA. of the connective tanwı̄n. of imperfective verbs. and Arabic being simultaneously spoken until the 13th c. and the low. of reflexes of the negative pseudo-verb laysa. on account of its use of {nv+} and {nv+—+ ū} markers for the 1st persons sg. 8 Hereinafter.). Perhaps the most striking fact in our survey of AA has been the ever present need to take into account that in Al-Andalus the situation was not only one of bilingualism (Rm. OA. NA. there are not so many issoglosses connecting AA with the other Western dialects. syntax and vocabulary are often quite aber- rant to an extent that the present state of source availability does not allow us to gauge with total accuracy. . and pl.7 But otherwise. but also of diglossia (Colloquial Arabic vs. even Egypt. 9 Hereinafter. Furthermore. cannot be understood without reckoning with the fact that. in addition to the high registers requiring CA for formal purposes. MA. and the relative currency of the internal non-agentive voice (with the necessary qualifications) reflect a slow and independent evolution of Old Arabic8 materials with results very close to what is usually known as Middle Arabic. scientific. CA. and among some Bedouins. the preservation of interdental phonemes. there were within the colloquial idiolects at least two main distinguishable regis- ters: the standard or educated idiolect of the well-bred who cared a good deal for the established ideals of correctness. grammatical and lexicographical works in CA were produced).10 the latter imported from the East. as written by those unable to entirely rid themselves of OA habits and traditions. where some of the finest literary. Classical Arabic. because of the ethnic make-up of the speakers. in spite of partial exceptions in Chad. respec- tively. or of velarised and plain phonemes. substandard reg- isters of the masses. as were most authors of azǧāl and proverb collections. or at least half-learned. In the realms of phonology and morphology. many phenom- ena of AA. 7 See Fischer & Jastrow 1980: 31–32 and Vicente 2008:39–41. often produced by the learned. masterly described by Blau 1965. literate. in the case of personal letters. to the exclu- sion of all Eastern dialects.. which is generally held as the main character- istic trait of this group. 10 Hereinafter. Sudan. this is a mere label of convenience for a mixed bag of linguistic features reflecting an already mature NA. like the partial merger of dentals and interdentals.

11 In one respect. but are rather the result of the evolution of OA stock in interplay with foreign elements in the given sociolinguistic contour of the early Islamic societies in the High Mid- dle Ages. etc.g. AA was unique in its time and would remain so for cen- turies amidst Arab lands.xii preface Arabic to which the underprivileged inhabitants of Al-Andalus had access. Portugal. e. in an attempt to make living usage match traditional graphemes.. that its speakers were aware. the study of AA is of enormous interest to the Arabic dialectologist. when explaining why his book can- not intend to comprehend all kinds of mistakes: “for if it had to contain them all. to the point that they sometimes preferred it over CA for literary purposes such as folk poetry and proverb collections. Aššuštarı̄ and others. even proud of the zest and personality of their dialect and not a bit ashamed of it. the book would be very bulky: we only mention the mistakes that are expectable from educated people”. at the same time. literature. they went as far as to develop spelling devices. described in the appropriate sections of this monograph. trade. science. depending on whether they were addressed to cor- recting the mistakes of the high or the low classes. and it is also highlighted by statements such as that of Azzubaydı̄. which could not be and were not impervious to the powerful and multifarious impact of Medieval Islamic civilization on language. Without it. by the contemporary grammatical treatises bearing different titles. On the other hand. and not merely resulting from ignorance of CA rules. is quite consistently used in the writ- ings of learned authors. politics. is borne out by the fact that such orthography. like Ibn Quzmān. whom we cannot accuse of any measure of ignorance in such elementary matters. especially of Spain. This situation is reflected. as a whole. That this was intentional. For obvious reasons. AA is also a subject of paramount importance to those who seek a deeper insight into the medieval literatures and cul- tures of Western Europe. Italy and Southern France. in spite of frequent pseudo- corrections by later unaware scribes. being the earliest dialect from which we possess a sizeable body of information and. of any post-Islamic koine. such as the substitution of phone- mic stress for syllable and vowel length. would 11 See Krotkoff 1957:7 and #Abdattawwāb 1964:8. Azzaǧǧālı̄. standing close enough to its OA ingredients to allow us to see how NA dialects are not the direct off- spring of CA nor. the Renaissance as it occurred. namely. Instinctively feeling the main differences between Eastern CA and AA. .

linguists and generalists eventually interested in this realm. except. a few personal letters. Alberto Montaner. must necessarily look somewhat sketchy and insufficient. and some transcribed AA phrases culled from Rm. Cs. transcription. nor to have offered the materials identified as relevant in the most systematic. such as that on syntax. some hundreds of low-yield legal deeds. Juan Pedro Monferrer.e. María José Cervera and Ángeles Vicente. for the benefit of Rm. and we must honestly confess our inability to draw much more than this harvest of data at the present stage of information and elabora- tion of those scarce sources. On the other hand. Jaime Sánchez Ratia. and furthermore enlarge that catalogue with the names of faithful dis- ciples and sincere colleagues who have been of great help to us and and motive of pride in the last decades. both personal and geographical names. a few hundred items in Lt. literatures. While unable to entirely avoid inconsistencies and over- sights when quoting sources. as we have strived not to go beyond the limits of average assimilation and reasonable usage of current theoretical linguistics by most people working on Arabic dialectology and Semitic linguistics. as is otherwise customary among Arabic dialectologists. Ct. Otto Zwartjes.. accessible or scientific of ways. Knowing . to whom this monograph is mainly addressed. Whether or not some in the West are cur- rently ready to acknowledge this fact and live with its implications. Ahmed Salem Ould Mohammed Baba. no trust- worthy assessment of that impact is attainable without something more than a superficial acquaintance with Arabic and Islamic culture. Ignacio Ferrando. Our previous Sketch concluded its preface with a long list of acknowl- edgements to those contributing in one way or another to facilitate that task: there is no reason why we should not restate our gratitude to them here. preface xiii simply have been unthinkable. Some colleagues might also with good reason object to our linguistic approach and terminology. and with AA in particular. even in cases where we have felt uncomfort- able among unsatisfying graphemic transcriptions and dubious phonemic interpretations. and Pt. Carmen Barceló. Ana Labarta. like Hossein Bouzineb. Marina Marugán. Of course. in the case of works endowed with their own indices. we have endeavoured to limit their negative consequences by providing exhaustive references which would allow spot- ting and checking of loci probantes. we cannot. i. the aforementioned poems and proverb collections. for the sake of brevity.. Some chapters of this mono- graph. Gl. we have entirely dispensed with the use of Arabic script.. and do not claim to have collected every retriev- able item in the rather scarce surviving and available sources of this variety of Arabic. eclectic and uncommitted to any par- ticular school.

. or at least understanding for the shortcomings which we shall certainly not have been able to wholly remove from this new and considerably updated version of that book. we must again ask forgiveness.xiv preface that they will carry on this humanistic task and keep the flame alight is indeed the best consolation for one’s own failures and those induced by adverse circumstances and the frailty of human nature. Finally.

Caceres (province of) CD Corriente 1998d Cen. Basque Br. Badajoz (province of) BF Boletim de Filologia Bg. Catalan Cu. Egyptian dialect of Arabic . Cuenca (province of) DC Doctrina christiana (Ayala 1566) DE Dozy & Engelmann 1889 Dz Dozy 1881 EDNA Estudios de dialectología norteafricana y andalusí (Saragossa) Eg. Akkadian Alq Al-Qantara Am. Cordova (province of) Cp. Coptic Cr. Berber BSL Boletim da Sociedade Lingüística de Portugal CA Classical Arabic (with connotation of high register) Ca. Alcalá (quoted after its edition by Lagarde 1883. Castellon (province of) ClC Dozy 1873 Co. Almeria˙ (province of) Alc. Ciudad Real (province of) Cs. Castilian (= Spanish) Ct. González Palencia 1940 Cl. SIGLA A Aragonese AA Andalusi Arabic AB Alarcón 1915 Ab. being an alphabetical arrangement of his materials) And Al-Andalus (journal) ArOr Archiv Orientální Av. Cadiz (province of) Cc. Burgos (province of) BHS Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Bq. Barcelona (province of) Bd. and Corriente 1988. Albacete (province of) AC Alonso del Castillo’s proverb collection (quoted after Bouzineb & Corriente 1994) Ak. Avila (province of) Ax García Gómez 1929 Ba.

by the number of each poem.xvi sigla EI2 Encyclopédie de l’Islam. Ge#ez) EV Corriente 1987b EYG Eguílaz 1886 fem. Hebrew HH Hoenerbach 1956 Hisp. feminine FJ Ferreras 1998 Gk. Galician GL Leiden Glossary (quoted after Corriente 1991. . Iraqi dialects of Arabic IW Banqueri 1802 Ja. 2nd ed ESA Epigraphic South Arabian Et. stanza and line. Hispanic Hl. Gothic Gr. Guadalajara (province of) HB Hoenerbach 1965 Hb. Huelva (province of) HR Hispanic Review Hs. Jaen (province of) JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society JSS Journal of Semitic Studies JT Jewish Tunisian Arabic L Leonese LA Azzubaydı̄’s treatise on linguistic mistakes (quoted after #Abdattaw- wāb 1964) LAT #Abdattawwāb 1967 12 This work must be used with the cautions expressed in Corriente 1991:8–24. Huesca (province of) Hv Harvey 1971 IA Ibn #Āsim’s proverb collection (quoted after Marugán 1994) IH ˙ Ibn Hišām Allahmı̄’s treatise on linguistic mistakes (quoted after Pérez Lázaro 1994)¯ IHAC Instituto Hispano-Árabe de Cultura IHE Índice Histórico Español IM Gómez Moreno 1919 IQ Ibn Quzmān’s Dı̄wān (quoted after Corriente 1995. Granada (province of) Gu. Comptes rendues Goth. attributing zero to other authors’ poems quoted in his own introduction) Ir. Greek Gl. in alphabetical ar- rangement)12 GLECS Groupe linguistique d’Études Chamito-Sémitiques. Ethiopic (usually.

sigla xvii

Ld. Lerida (province of)
Le. Leon (province of)
lit. literally
Lt. Latin
Lo. Logroño (province of)
Lu. Lugo (province of)
Ma. Malaga (province of)
MAS-GELLAS Materiaux Arabes et Sudarabiques—Groupe d’Études de Lingui-
stique et de Littérature Arabes et Sudarabiques
masc. masculine
Md. Madrid (province of)
MEAH Miscelánea de estudios árabes y hebreos (Granada)
Mh. Mehri
MI Barceló 1984
Mj. Majorca (province of)
Ml. Maltese
Mo. Moroccan Arabic
Mod.Yem. Modern Yemenite dialects of Arabic
MT Legal deeds of the Toledan Mozarabs (quoted after González Palen-
cia 1926–1930 and Ferrando 1995)
Mu. Murcia (province of)
Na. Navarre (province of)
Naf. North African dialects
n.un. nomen unitatis
Nv. Navarrese dialect of Cs
NQ Corriente 1994
OA Old Arabic
Or. Orense (province of)
Ov. Oviedo (province of)
P Modern Persian (= Farsi)
PES Aššuštarı̄"s Dı̄wān (quoted after Corriente 1988b, by the number of
each poem, stanza and line, and distinguishing the various degrees
of reliability in their attribution to that author with an asterisk
before or after the poem numbers)
Ph. Pahlavi
pl(s). plural(s)
PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Association of America
pn(s). personal name(s)
PS Proto-Semitic
Pt. Portuguese
Pv. Pontevedra (province of)
RAAB Revue of the Academy of the Arabic Language in Baghdad
RC Römer 1905/6
RF Romanische Forschungen
RFE Revista de Filología Española
RFH Revista de Filología Hispánica
RIEEI Revista del Instituto de Estudios Islámicos (Madrid)

xviii sigla

RIMA Revue de l’Institute de Manuscripts de la Ligue Arabe
RL Revue de Linguistique
RM Repartimiento de Mallorca (after Busquets 1954)
Rm. Romance
RP Revista de Portugal
RPh Romance Philology
RRL Revue Roumaine de Linguistique
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali
RTP Revista de Tradiciones Populares
RVF Revista Valenciana de Filología
SA Standard Arabic (roughly = Modern CA)
Sa. Salamanca (province of)
Sb. Sabaic
Se. Seville (province of)
SG Simonet 1888
sg(s). singular(s)
ShA Sharq al-Andalus
SK Corriente 1977
Sk. Sanskrit
SNT Seco 1955a
So. Soria (province of)
SOBI Societat d’Onomàstica Catalana. Butlletí interior
Sr. Syriac
St Steiger 1932
St. Santander (province of)
Sy. Syrian dialects of Arabic
Ta. Tarragona (province of)
Te. Teruel (province of)
Tg. Tallgren 1925
To. Toledo (province of)
Ug. Ugaritic
Urz León Tello 1964
V Valencian dialect of Ct
VA Vocabulista in arabico (quoted after Corriente 1989a)
Va. Valencia (province of)
VEGI Revista del Col·legi Oficial de Veterinaris de Girona
Vl. Valladolid (province of)
VR Vox Romanica
WG Western Gothic
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes
Z Azzaǧālı̄’s proverb collection (quoted after Bencherifa 1971, in Ara-
bic script, and Ould Mohamed Baba 1999, in phonemic transcrip-
tion, with a Cs. translation)
Za. Zamora (province of)
ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie
ZAL Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft

sigla xix

ZfRP Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie
Zg. Saragossa (province of)
ZM Matar 1967
˙

SYMBOLS

+ internal open juncture; addition of a bound morpheme (marked only when
necessary)
=/ opposed to
/ optional with
= equivalent to
~ in alternation with
> becomes; evolved into
< results from; derived from
/x/ phonemic transcription enclosed. However, unless as marked otherwise,
items are usually transcribed phonemically, we have dispensed with slants
when not strictly necessary
[x] phonetic transcription enclosed
›x‹ graphemic transcription enclosed
{x} morpheme or morphological formula enclosed
(x) optional element enclosed
__ any phonemic string
C any consonant
v any vowel
V vowel archiphoneme
Ø phonemic or morphemic zero
123(4) consonants of the root morpheme in sequential arrangement
Arabic is transcribed according to the Continental European system, with
its regular i #rāb, in the case of CA, except in pause, pns. and those of so
transcribed work titles and institutions, without hyphens and with the occa-
sional addition, when needed, of some of the symbols of the I.P.A. Alcalá’s
system of transcription for Granadan Arabic has been preserved, but for his
three-dotted ›c‹ for /t/, replaced by ›ċ‹, and his vowels surmounted with
¯
hamzah, but transcribing #ayn, for which we have substituted â, ê, î, ô and û.13

13 For a detailed description of his primitive and pioneering system of transcription, see

our edition of his materials, Corriente 1988: ii–vi. Briefly, he devised diacritics for interdentals
(›ċ‹ and ›d‹), / #/ and /h/ (his ›k‹), used ›g‹ and ›j‹ indifferently for ›ǧ‹, ›x‹ for /š/ and ›gu‹
˙ did not distinguish
for /w/, but ¯ ˙ ›v‹ and ›u‹, ›y‹ and ›i‹, nor /h/ from /h/, nor velarised from
plain phonemes, nor was he consistent in his transcription of /k/ and ˙ /q/, for which he
indistinctly used ›k‹, ›q‹ and ›c‹, although the effect on the surrounding vowels gives some
cues to the presence or absence of velarisation, pharyngealisation and uvularisation; neither
was he consistent in correctly transcribing gemination and stress. That system appears to
have been known to the author of DC, although he used ›h‹ - for /h/, and ›th‹ and ›dh‹ for both
interdentals: we have also kept its renderings. ¯

in boldface. at any rate. It should be kept in mind. items are given in their customary spellings. In the final indices of words and phrases quoted in chapters 1 to 4. and every other language. alphabetical order. Morphological formulae are in boldface. both the absence of vocalisation and its pseudo-corrections by classicising copyists deprive us of much needed information on their original phonetic realization and phonemic interpretation.xxii symbols Initial hamz has been dispensed with but in a few necessary instances. Ibero-Rm. in italics. which has been inserted immediately after z. and disregarded in other positions. Andalusi Rm. . that in the case of documents in Arabic script. we have introduced AA vocalisation in cases where CA forms were suspect of manipulation. but not the main body of the text samples. we have followed the Lt. and retained “strange” forms. except for absolute initial #ayn in Arabic items. including the notes. in our rendering of those texts. Footnote numbers in the indices are italicised in smaller print than paragraph numbers. Consequently. when they do not appear to reflect tampering and might have been witnesses of dialectal peculiarities. is transcribed in small italic capitals.

Sánchez Ratia in his unpublished M. Cc. alcoveto “pro- curer” < alqawwád. taguáleâ “vantage points”. Aceña Bg. emphaticised /r/.”. < assánya “the noria”. natcaguá ~ atcaguáit “to gain strength”.14 This phe- nomenon15 is consistently reflected by loanwords (e. in the lack of minimal pairs and consistent differentiation. /a/ (Low Intermediate Unround Vowel) 1. as studied by J. Pv.A.. as well as by place names in every area of the Iberian Peninsula (e. while /a/ is represented by fathah.g. DC 9a guígib “necessary”.. . 15 Most perceptible ˙in the case of historically long /ā/ and characteristic of dialects rep- resenting some old layers of Arabic like. e.e. vs.g.e.. / #/ and /h/. alcahuete. and Cs. /ġ/. < midínat sálim “the town of S. The status of labiovelar /w/ appears to have been ¯ ambiguous. Abofageg Na. and Gl. Imālah was dealt with in detail by Cantineau 1960:97 and was the subject of A. /e/. /t/. 1971.. 1984). “inclination”) by native grammarians.1. however. Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Or. caçágua “cru- elty”. extended to whole syllables. perhaps because of suprasegmental velarisation. Pt. chapter one PHONOLOGY 1. This is the reason beyond the selection in Aljamiado script of alif as grapheme of Cs.g. Levin’s unpublished dis- sertation Ha-imalah ba-diyaleqtim ha. Lu. with an unpredictable distribution. /s/. Alc. called imālah (i. almoneda. a phenomenon called tafhı̄m (“empha- sizing”) by native grammarians. St.. Arabic in the West and the qəltu-dialects of Iraq and Anatolia in the East.)./q/. which is ˙ ˙ communicated to the following or preceding vowels. Pt. Vocalism 1.#araviyim.1 The phoneme /a/ in AA had a normal reflex characterised by spontaneous fronting and raising whenever this palatalising tendency. this is insufficient evidence for positing phonemi- cisation of /e/ in AA.g.” and Nagüelas Ma. above all the presence of a velar or pharyngeal contour. ˙ .. was not checked by inhibiting fac- tors. Sicilian and Ml. < abu haǧǧáǧ “pn. Ov. Pt. alvanel “bricklayer” < albanná. Medinaceli So. /h. dissertation (Universidad Complutense de Madrid.1. /l/ and /p/. in this case originated at distance by /q/ and /t/. e. < nawwála ˙ “hut”)..1. /d/.1. occasionally with 14 I. even words. etc. and a likely explanation of the fact that Ibn Quzmān’s azǧāl do not mix front and back˙ consonants in -áC rhymes. immediate contact with /d/.. Cs....1. and ˙even˙ /w/˙ on˙ account¯ of its labio-velar˙ colour. almoeda “auction” < almunáda.

verbal nouns..2 AA imālah may happen in two degrees.2). in 16 E. AC 433 ›mi+mlāh‹ “how beautiful”. mengano “so-and-so” < SA man kān. however. kān.g. its peculiar evolution in Corriente 1983a. and mostly affecting the Granadan kingdom during the Nasrı̄ period. Algimia in Cs. Hv 99r20 ›bı̄b‹ “door”. for SA #ūlà.16 loanwords17 and hesitant spellings18 from other areas and older dates imposes a revision of that notion and compels to admit its spo- radic presence practically everywhere in Al-Andalus at any time. both rhyme-suported. In other instances. Cs.. adoquín “paving stone” < addukkán. mā amlah. also unequivocal spellings. Second degree imālah used to be considered a late devel- opment. Cs. MT 1008v6 ›kÍlū‹ “they measured”. PES 1/0/1 ›bidiyyah‹ “beginning” and ›nihiyyah‹ “end”. yltifét < CA iltifāt “considera- tion”.1. Azaña To. however. somewhat different from that 19 of Pt. and Va... 1. sìnia “noria” < sánya and Cs. s. This is underscored by the fact that. até..5. i. like dis- similation in the vicinity of /i/ or /y/ (e.. and ›kÍn‹ “it was”. . vs. the evidence from place names ˙ of Arabic origin. hasta “until” < SA hattà. Alc.2. high register items borrowed directly from CA merely had first degree imālah (e. atiách = atyáǧ “crowns”) and.e. as reflected by place and pns. Pt. VA ›fā/ı̄kyah‹ “fruit” and ›nisnā/ı̄s‹ “monster”.g. ˙ ¯ See.g. and likewise most masdars. < /alǧámi #/ “the mosque” and Gimileón in Lo.g. even in Granadan AA. quitél < CA qitāl “battle”. ZM 94 ›ibzā/ı̄m‹ “buckle”..3 Some older idiolects of AA appear to have been free from imālah.19 gañán. which abutts upon the neutralisation of the phonemic opposition between both vowels and emergence of the archiphoneme /I/. IM Ablapaz < ab[u]l #abbás. exhibit invariable second degree imālah. Cs. even Alc. 18 E. LA 163 ›ǧumādÍ‹ “month of Ǧ.1. < assánya “he noria”.. unyielding to corrections. CA wālid.1.v.2. like wíld “father”. bāb. like IQ 35/7/4 › #ulı̄‹ “height” (rhyme-supported). while some very common items.1. reflexes in Corriente 2008c: 201. of Arabic origin (e. ǧumādà. see other Rm. alǧāmi # and al" atāfı̄. ata. Ct. already ›wild‹ in VA and IQ. not occurring before the 13th c. possibly as a substandard feature before the Nasrı̄ period. arriaz “handle of a sword” < AA arriyás. Abulfeta < abulfidá. nihāyah. Tg 708 alatifi “the rivet” (cf.g.g. this phenomenon appears to have been inhibited by some phonemic conditioning.2 phonology 1.”. for some unclear reason.. < /ǧámi # al #uyún “mosque of the springs”. kālū. ˙ see 2. bidāyah. Urz 343 ›alǧı̄mah‹ “the community”. and as such repressed and ˙ banned from the higher registers for centuries. and a stronger second one (/a/ > /i/). 17 E.g. a weaker first one (/a/ > [e]). Iscam < hišám) and early loanwords in the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula (e. Cf. etc. ganhão ˙ = alganame “shephard” < ġannám). atifle˙).

. induced by the vicinity of /i/ and already described by old native gram- marians. the so-called Umlaut-imālah. vocalism 3 the suffix {+án} or even that mere phonemic string. Biniaraix Mj. cíhil. e. . eventually analyzed as some of the less high and fronted allophones of /i/.. Granadan AA had the expectable fulín. e.. most likely as an ultra-correction triggered by the effects of velar- isation on the usual features of cardinal /a/.e. e. more resistant to imālah than the North Arabian or qaysı̄ type. as a hallmark of Bedouinism. those of Alhiǧāz and Yemen. 279–294).. and pl. contrary to it: this would explain its better fortune in areas free from such pressure.in Eastern Spain (often Bini. and loanwords like Cs. like Malta. foão = fulano “so-and-so” < fulán. one favourable to preserving and˙ fostering it. by the time when AA had become standardised. in Alc. e. e. Benifairó Va. Cs. ˙ ˙ ˙ 1. anádir “threshing floors”. Alc. but only first-degree imālah in cases like zeyét “oil merchant” < zayyát. alcab/vala < SA qabālah. for SA matāmı̄r.. Ct. possibly here in order to preserve a clear morphological distinction thereof between sg. etc.. xéde “fastening” = SA šaddah. as is known. no reason is visible for the lack of imālah. Contrariwise. cherishing the pronunciation of the holy cities of Islam. supported by the clergy and civil authorities (riǧālu ddı̄n and riǧālu ddawlah). hilhál ¯ ¯ “bracelet” vs.g. cafá “neck”. and another. < albunyán “the building”. quiéça “slyness” < kiyása.in the Balearic Islands). or the many place names beginning with Beni.1. At times. xéhgue “appetite” = SA šahwah. for SA sāhil “coast” and matímir = matámir “siloes”.g. Alc. there could have been two tendencies. and Gl. e. < baní haldún. cifrávy “bilious” vs. AA ġílla “harvest” vs. ǧilál “heavy” and cemín pl. SA ġallah. or in pairs like jelíl pl. which produces less low and intermediate allophones.g. often transcribed by ›e‹ in Lt.. and the same applies to the slight palatalisation affecting /a/ in AA and many other Arabic dialects in the vicinity of consonants other than velar or pharyngeal. i. SA safrāwı̄. such ¯ ¯ ˙ instances bear no relation to imālah proper.g. cimén = samín pl.20 the place name Albuñán Gr. nartamá ~ artamáyt ˙ “to throw oneself”. Alc. Jewish and Christian qəltu-dialects in Iraq and Anatolia (see Blanc 1964:42–50).1.g. from AA baní “the sons of …” (former settlements of tribal groups). Z 473 ›ahdā wahu yabdā‹ “(he is told) to stop. Obviously. the initially prevailing majority of “Yemenites” in Al-Andalus gradually faded away under the Cordovan Umayyad dinasty.. Pt. script. An explanation for this behaviour of the ending -ān might be its particular frequency in South Arabian based dialects. SA halhāl.4 In some cases OA /a/ is reflected by AA as /i/ in spite of imālah-inhibiting contours. simán “fat”. but he starts”. gilél = ǧalíl pl. alcabala = Pt. < baní hayrún and ¯ Benifaldó Mj. galá “expensiveness”. since Sı̄bawayhi (II. kalá “desert”.g. fulano. since imālah was characteristic of the OA dialects of Naǧd. From a diachronic perspective. vs. may occur even in cases where the presence of velar or pharyngeal phonemes should prevent it. however. < baní a #ráǧ “sons of the lame ¯ 20 However.

as well as by Rm. e. e. etc. jarabe ˙ 21 It is. and Cs. A acharique. see also fn. Cs.4 phonology one”. Odivarga. and the emergence of allo- phones identifiable by native or foreign ears with the less high and round allophones of cardinal /o/ or even /u/. xarope and Ct. Marrocos < marrākuš.g. enxoval “trousseau”. e. and Gl. ¯ muhammad became Mahoma in Cs. “light pack-saddle”.1. aixarop “syrup” vs. assimilated to a following /š/ in some loan-words. Cs. Pt. eixarich and A exarico “Morisco sharecropper” < AA iš+šarík “partner”.. karínja ˙ “tree heath”.. < baní #umár “sons of the woman”.g. eixea “scout” < AA išší #a “company”. enxarrafa “tassel” < AA iš+šarrába.21 1. IQ 11/8/2 et passim. and Pt. for standard halanǧ. eixaure. *iššabr+ÁR “to span”. Cs. ›armul‹ = Alc. aixovar = Cs.. e. for SA samrā" . Ct. transcriptions in loanwords.´ Ct. ejarbe “a measure of water for irrigation” < ˙ AA iššárb. enxarope “syrup” < AA iš+šaráb. etc. even at distance in this last case. ármula “widow” for SA armal(ah) and Alc. Odiana.2). VA ›diǧāǧah‹ “hen”.. “capacity”. xúfe = IQ 94/5/3 šúffa for SA šafah “lip”. other AA sources and most NA. like /r/. why the SA pn. Binigomar Mj. loanword osga “gecko” < AA wázġa.1. enjalma.g. ajebe. < AA iš+šáh “check (in chess)”. enjebe “alum” < AA iššább. The ˙ Peninsula is confirmed˙by transcription /wa/ as ›o‹ in the Southwest of the Iberian ˙ the river names Pt. . *iš+ SÉRIQA. exea = Ct. from a hybrid AA + Andalusi Rm. noteworthy than some of these loanwords have other reflexes lack- ing that phenomenon. Pt. eixortí “royal guard” < AA iššurtí “policeman”. ´ *iš+SÁLMA < Lt. alcaçova vs. and Gl. the same ¯ is suggested for the reflexes of the Arabic definite article (" )al+ (see 2. enxara “scrub” < AA iš+šá #ra. the presence of a velar or pharyngeal contour usually causes some backing and even rounding of /a/. which explains. cases like LA ›durr‹ for SA darr “damage” and ›hušāš‹ “crawling insect” for ˙ ˙ ¯ SA hašāš or.. VA ›sumrah‹ “lance”. which might suggest that some idiolects did not share it. Cs. enxaravia “kind of headgear” < AA iš+šarabíyya. in the second case. Pt. enxerga “coarse fabric”. Cs. 109 and Granja 1968.. AA could have frankly substituted /i/ for OA /a/. In the vicinity of some strongly palatalising phonemes. Odiel Hl. alcazaba. Ct. through ultra-correction. like Pt. and the Gl. ajuar. from a hybrid AA + Andalusi Rm. from SA qasabah. < AA iš+šuwár. e.g. The same result would be produced by merely velarised consonants. Pt.g. sagma.22 The same result ˙ can be triggered by the presence of a labial contour. nevertheless.1. AC ›ǧizzār‹ “butcher”. ›fumm‹ < SA fam “mouth”. in the first instance.5 By the same token. and Mafoma in Pt. as reflected even by native items. and Alc.6. from a hybrid AA + Andalusi Rm. enjeco “bother”. 22 On this particular item. aixarop.

alfombra. and Alc. caydúç pl.1.10.6 In a significant number of cases. Almo- halla Av. The likeliest explana- tion for this odd feature appears to be a phenomenon of ultra-correction. gífa pl. /i/ (High Front Unround Vowel) 1. etc.. dēmósion “state jail”. 25 See 2. cavídiç “bucket of a water wheel” and caynún pl. .. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ xaguáir “hamper” from Rm.. jeguéif “carrion”. 1. Albacete 23 Vs.1. < almudáwwar “the round (place)”..1 This phoneme had an allophone [e]. azuif “skirt”. speakers readily identified with their phoneme /e/. ›fānı̄d‹ = ›faynı̄d‹. 123. VA ›qaydūs‹ “bucket of a water wheel” and ›kaynūn‹ “oven” for SA qādūs and kānūn. triggered by the wrong assumption of infra-correct monophthongisation of that diphthong (see 1. alfâmbar. A similar alternation is witnessed in Mo.1.24 with the subse- quent innovation of a phonemic alternation between sg. 1. śéra. rwāfa (also ryāfa) of rı̄fi “Riffian”. arambel. in the pl. < súq addawább “animal market”. like SA. AA exhibits /ay/ where SA had /ā/. like those of VA ›tayhāl‹ pl. ›tawāhil‹ “spleen” for OA tihāl. see Corriente 2008c: 100. This trend might also have been fos- tered in order to avoid {Cı̄CūC} strings.1. and albórbola < alwál- ˙ wala “trilling cry of joy”. Old Cs.5.2. indeed not excluding diachronic.1. for IQ 25/1/2 ›aldaymūs‹ “the cellar”. and VA ›zaytūn‹ pl. for SA ǧı̄fah.1. loanword alfeñique. ›zawātı̄n‹ “olive”. Cs. diatopic and diastratic factors..3.g.1. apparent outcome of OA *zā" if “trailing (garment)”.23 from AA alhánbal. has beboníge “camomile”. as reflected by the transcription of place names (e. Almodóvar Cr.25 e. IQ 25/1/2 ›daymūs‹ “cellar” for SA dāmūs.2) and its ensuing restoration. or place names like Zocodover To. which Rm.2.1. with a vocalic sequence particularly frowned upon by Arabic phonaesthetics.4. alfamar and. ˙ Such diversity points to different degrees of intensity in this phenomenon with a presumably idiolectal distribution. xáyra pl. Alc. and pl. reflected in the Cs. occurring in velar or velarised and ˙ pharyngealised contours. Cs. 24 This hypothesis is confirmed by spellings like VA ›bābūnaǧ‹ = baybūnaǧ for which Alc. but it spread later to other cases. and zif pl. and by place names like Ademuz Co. e. more conservative Pt. caguínin “oven”. have only mahálla “encampment”. from Gk. along the lines of some types of broken plurals.g.. for which VA and Alc.g. with some semantic evolution.14. vocalism 5 from SA šarāb. as well as between diminutive and non-diminutive nouns in cases like those mentioned in 2. fn.

1.1.3. e. “the Coptic one”. as purported by cases like Cs. Gl.1. Ct. algodão. The ˙ same reflex in Rm.1.. and Aznalcázar Se. . albornoz “burnous” < AA alburnús and Old Cs. alcacer. ˙ ˙ ˙ LA 191 ›sahāb‹ “companions” for SA sihāb.g. buní “building”.g.1. duana “customs”. alcacén “green barley” < alqasíl). as reflected by cases like Cs. and Pt. ˙ alcatrão.2. Gl. metical “currency unit” < AA mitqál and Old Cs. and Pt.6 phonology Ab. Old Cs. alcabtea “a certain sleeveless garment” < AA alqibtíyya. The same outcome in Rm. Almadeque So.. then being lower than otherwise. from SA binā" . and Pt. mozlemo “Muslim” < muslím. Old Cs. Gl. vs. Cs. < AA albasít “the plain”. and Gl. loanword aduana. and Pt. although AA witnesses only diwán.. Gl. from SA ǧiwār.2 At times. alquitrà) ˙ and place names (e. < AA alġúrfa “the storeroom”) and loanwords (e. ˙ < hísn alqásr “fortress of the palace”) but also by inner AA evidence. and Alc. Pt. < wád alhiǧára. Guadalajara Gu. Gl. enter the realm of those of /u/ (e.g.. < AA al #uyún “the springs”. taeiga.. the allophones of /i/ could.g.. this allophone [e] in velar or velarised and pharyngealised con- ˙ tours became sufficiently central and low to enter the realm of the allo- phones of /a/. alcatrán “pitch” < alqitrán.. Rm. Ct. Algorfa Ac. alquitrán and Ct. Cs. VA and GL ›ǧuwār‹ “near”. /u/ (High Back Round Vowel) 1. 1.3 Conversely. which also underlies the Cs. and Pt. Aloyón Te. ˙ albogue “flute” < AA albúq. algodón. transcriptions is often ˙ brought about by AA /u/ in the peak position of a closed syllable. for SA hizb “faction”. so that their phonemic opposition was neutralised in the archiphoneme /A/. as reflected not only by loanwords (e. LA 188 and IH 336 ›habālah‹ “net” ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ (vs. Pt. Cs. in labiovelar contours... GL ›hazb‹ “heresy”.3... from SA ġinā" . Gl. ¯ mozlemo “Muslim” < muslím. VA ›ġunā‹ “song”. speakers readily identified it with their phoneme /o/. talega. cotó “cotton” < AA alqutún). and Cs.g. horro “freeman” < AA húrr. as reflected by the transcription of place names (e. < almadíq “the narrow place”) ˙ ˙ and loanwords (e. transcriptions is often the outcome of AA /i/ in the peak position of a closed syllable. ˙ ˙ 1. t(al)eiga “bag” < ta #líqa.g.. conservative VA ›hibālah‹). and Pt. which occurred in velar or velarised ˙ and pharyngealised contours..2. then being lower than otherwise. and A taleca. and Cs.g..1 This phoneme had an allophone [o]. Ct. by backing and rounding. and ˙ ˙ ˙ the common AA qatá # “money” for SA qitā # “pieces”. lit.

unacceptable in CA.1. As a matter of fact.g. < alqala #atáyn “the two castles”.g.. Diphthongs 1. but there are occasional instances of an additional /iw/ (e. ˙˙ assot “scourge” < assáwt. aljube. and Old Cs. according to their own phonetic evolution. Cs. as reflected by even late works like Alcalá’s on the Granadan dialect. Ct. such a phenomenon is not present in other cases (e. together with its counterpoint. where monophthongisation. Almudena Md. azote. alhaite “trinket”... Alc. aldea. and çonóbra = VA ›sunubrah‹ “pine kernel” ˙ 26See on this Corriente 1989b. an expectable /u/ appears fronted as /i/ in AA. applied upon AA items after their adoption. and Gl.). vs.. algibe vs. Pt.2 However.1. . although SA and AA only witness ǧubb “reservoir”). and Gl. Pt.. VA ›istiwbār‹ “hair- raising” and ›istiwlā‹ “overpowering”). Corriente 1999f.. either by contact assimilation (e. but tolerated in some Western Arabic dialects on account of their partially South Arabian ancestry. Algaida Ca. Aldaya Va. gincén “two kinds” < AA ǧinsáyn.. vocalism 7 1. AA is not entirely free of cases in which the OA diphthongs have become either contracted (i.g. e. < alqusáyba “the little ˙ castle”. rules were not in effect at the time or in the place where the borrowing took place. açou/ite and Gl. Alcocéver Cs. quígua and DC 15a quéhua “strength” vs. aldeia “village” < AA addáy #a. ¯ ˙ string [of pearls]”.g. or Cs. 27But Pt. dissimilation (e.4. Cs. 1.4. < alláwza “the almond tree”) in the Rm. because those inner Rm. < alġáyda “the thicket”.3. the current monophthongisation of loanwords.. or Almudaina Am. Cs.g.4. < addáy #a “the village”. aljibe vs. languages of the Iberian Peninsula is mostly a mere consequence of their own phonetic rules.. e.1. so common in most NA dialects. aceite.e. /aw/ > /ō/ and /ay/ > /ē/. 1. Alc. azeite “oil” < AA azzáyt.1 It has long been known that AA treatment of OA diphthongs is extremely conservative.27 and place names of Arabic origin (e.g. Ct. azouta/e have reflected the diphthong. < almudáy(ya)na “the little ˙ town”.1. Ma. aljup. qúwwa in other AA sources. thus proving this point. and ˙˙ Ml. Pt. Alloza Te. Not only are /aw/ and /ay/ generally preserved. Ct.g.. is extremely rare. Alcalatén ˙ Cl.2 In some instances. in agreement with OA quwwah) or just dialectal hesitation already frequent in OA dialects and eventually reaching their NA offspring. L alfeide < alháyt “thread.26 Therefore.

which Steiger 1932:360 supposed had been more resistant to contraction within Rm. to the point of being described as a “rabid wolf”. VA ›tihāl‹ and ›tayhāl‹ “spleen”. Z 511 ›midatuh‹ “his table”.g. for SA mā" idah and.e. ˙ ˙ ¯ ˙ sawma #ah and qayh). transcriptions. VA ›tawm‹ “garlic” and ›sawf ‹ “wool”. in Cs. from SA assā" ifah. Old Ct. IQ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ›ǧid‹ for SA ǧayyid “good”. aceifa “har- vest”. or even reduced to the vowel homogeneous with their ˙ last element. e.4. Ct.. Cs. monophthongisa- tion was also a license allowed in order to facilitate rhymes. alcaide.g. i...3 Conversely. either ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ because of the aforementioned partial South Arabian ancestry of this dialect bundle. 1. and ¯ 107/8/2 ›lūh‹ “writing tablet”. with a Rm.. e. lawh. in the “Elegy for Valencia” (see Corriente 1987b: . from SA alġā" ib “absent”. there were also cases in which OA /ū/u/ and /ı̄/i/ are reflected in AA as /aw/ and /ay/. VA ›dūlah‹ “turn”. in Rm.28 or as an ultra-correction triggered by reaction to monophthongi- sation in the allophones [o] of /ū/ and [e] of /ı̄/ in velar and pharyngeal ˙ ˙ contours (see 1. and Pt.1. agentive suffix {+áyr}.1. Apparently.. almez “honey-barry”. SA lubān.g.29 The conclusion thereof 28See Corriente 1989b: 95 and fn. with both kinds of evidence. GL ›lawlu" ah‹ and Ml.2.4 There has been some talk of a different treatment of the so-called sec- ondary diphthongs. 1. algueber “runaway owner”.4. from SA alqā" id.g. since apparently /ō/ and /ē/ never acquired phonemic status in AA.1 and 1. from AA alqawwád. IQ 70/6/1 ›bihı̄r‹ “well”. sabá # mas #úr. cf.1. for SA bihayr. vs. But there is plenty of evidence of non-differential ˙˙ treatment of this kind of diphthongs in AA materials. ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ loanword alaules “pearls” vs. LA 93 ›lawbān‹ “olibanum”. for SA bı̄ #ah). ˙ ˙ › #aylah‹ “family” and ›taws‹ “peacock” for SA hā" it. those resulting from the decay of glides in cases like /a" i/ > /ay/ and /awu/ or /awi/ > /aw/. dawlah. lewluwwa. The contracted realizations must have been analyzed ˙ ˙ as allophonic. in IQ 66/1/1 ›hawı̄t‹ for ›hawayt‹ “I loved”. which would rather reflect Arabic sı̄d “wolf. i. unlike the case in other NA dialects.1). and Cs. ˙ and ›sum #ah‹ “belfry”. or Pt. tūm and sūf. on account of his deservedly bad reputation among his Muslim foes. 29There have been some proposals for a quite different interpretation of this surname of the famous medieval Castilian warrior.. lion”. SA lu" lu" ah. vs. respectively (e. alcayd/t “governor”. /aw/ > /ū/ and /ay/ > /ı̄/ (e. 6. Pt alcoveto “procurer”.. e. and ›bay #ah‹ “church”.g. from SA mays.e. thus explaining the different solutions. and the Old Cs. both in rhyme position. and LA 185 ›qı̄h‹ “pus”<. VA ›hayt‹ “wall”.3.1. rhymed with ›ǧı̄t‹ “you came”. #ā" ilah and ›tā" ūs‹.8 phonology < SA sanawbarah). from SA sayyid “lord”. Cid.

/b/ (Bilabial Voiced Stop) 1. characteristic of syllable ¯ coda positions. the devoicing may have been caused by inner rules of the Ibero- Rm. nevertheless. ràpita “oratory”.. vs. Rm. the phonetic likeness. Cs. For the ˙ same reason too. side by side with haguéix. Cs. were subjected to some morphological constraints. from SA aššarāb. acebibe and Ct. possibly by contamination of devoicing to the ¯ whole consonantal skeleton. in Alc.. Cs. Rodrigo is again alluded to as alacet “the lion” (< SA al" asad). chupáka = /čuppáha/ “sound produced with the mouth”. in which ›labu" ah = labwah = lawwah‹ “lioness” is rendered by VA as Lt. 16. for hawā" iǧ “things. jarabe. Ct. or meléique “angels”.2. and the linguistic fact that AA does not register that infrequent CA item force us to reject that hypothesis. vs.. from SA bašā" ir. must have offered an easy pun to learned Muslims: in fact. between both words. e.g.g. aixarop “syrup”. baxáir “good news”. like preserving the characteristic mor- phemic pattern {CāCiC} of agentive participles like qā" id or sā" ifah. Cs. ˙ 1. atzebib < OA azzabı̄b “raisins”. in order not to dis- tort the characteristic pattern {CaCāCiC}. 10. and this explains the shapes of some loanwords (e. However. arrop. this phenomenon is likely connected with the tense feature implied by gemination or other circumstances. any speaker of AA would refrain from contracting the secondary diphthongs of broken plurals. needs”. In other instances. e. from SA malā" ikah. In final ˙ position.g. and Ct. Consonantism 1. 335–336 and the text sample Nº 6. mío Cid = AA sídi “milord” by his bilingual henchmen. like Granadan haguéch.1 OA /b/ was generally so tense that it sounded to Hisp. both the historical evidence about his being called in Cs.1. from AA rábita). .. arrope. rábida. from AA arrúbb. except perhaps in a few ones in which the bilingual Mozarabs. Ct. arrobe “grape syrup”. however. ears closer to their /p/ that to their bilabial fricative allophone [b]. in that same text l. of this work). consonantism 9 can only be that secondary diphthongs had been levelled with the primary ones in most instances. spelled in VA ˙ ¯ as ›ǧubbāhah‹ “soap bubble”. except in very rare instances of quite common items. who introduced the bulk of Arabic items in Rm. it being known that wolves and lions were lexically confused in AA. languages in some periods.2. l. vs. leena (sic). Pt. Pt.2. like Alc. acepipe “appetizer”.1. vs. and Pt. even identity in AA. a posteriori. lupa.

2. which could result in ultra-correct /b/ where SA had original /f/. In a first degree. in codas. pise arō “bean coction”. . characteristic ¯ of the local Rm. and Calatorao Zg. from AA zabbúǧ “wild olive tree”.g. and the /b/ is also retained in A çabalaquen. zabazoque and A zabecequia with the same first constituent (see Corriente 2008c: 468). Cs. But this allowed other possibilities too. a parallel evolution of both conjunctions is not altogether unlikely. spirantisation of /b/ was repressed as substandard in AA. VA ›itrāb‹ “being wealthy”. Ct. from AA attabút and Gl..3. algarroba and Pt. and Alc. and ›burǧah‹ 30See Laoust 1939: xiii. < súq addawább “animal market”. furthermore favoured by the weakness of the AA articulation. from AA sáhb almadína)33 and place names (e. by taking one more step.. see 3.10 phonology 1. also under the effect of ˙ Rm. and Ct. amboa “vat”. alfarroba.3.. 32 However. Cs.. that allophone could easily become /w/ in some AA items.. cáucab (= /qáwqab/) “clog”. locative suffix {+ál}.. e. Cs. Almuñécar Gr. languages.g.. Talará ˙ ˙ Gr. from SA harrūbah. this might have led to /f/ through devoicing. Azauchal Bd. in IQ 90/6/1 ›sāhı̄ saw‹ “wicked ˙ ˙ man. vs. and in Mo. like VA ›lawwah‹ “lioness” for AA lábwa.g. who could not avoid this feature.. as bēsāra. e. zalmedina ˙ ˙ “town prefect”. garrof/va “carob”.32 and quite often in loanwords. from AA hárat al #aráb “the Arabs’ quarter”). for SA sāhib. for SA itrāf. devil”.. < qalá #at ayyúb “A.g.30 probably already had that same bilabial spirant allophone [b]. ›a(b)wāb‹ “doors”. ›karaf/bs‹ “celery”. for SA tābūt and unbūbah). ataúd. 33 However. there is a variant zabalmedina. phonetic preferences. 31From Cp. This weakening of /b/ to the point of total disappearance is particularly frequent in word codas.1. Zocodover To.g.g. from AA qalá #at turáb “mudbrick wall castle”). e. Cs.g. and HB 363 ›fı̄š‹ “in 31 order to”. if not the Riffian Berbers. < almunákkab “deviated”.. for SA labu" ah. reflected in Eg. with the Rm.g..2. e. Calatayud Zg. from SA arrikāb “stirrup”. a dish incidentally to which a mistaken Iranian origin is attributed˙ in Premare 1993–1999: ˙ ˙ I 370. and more often in loanwords (e. Arabic as bisāra or busāra. ataúde.’s castle”. abwāb and qabqāb.. Pt. after Corriente 1997d: 77. zabazala. from AA anbúba. arrequife “iron spike of a cotton gin”. 1. and even disappear.3 However. Pt. amidst the consonants tolerated by Rm.g. for AA bá/Íš.2 But several OA dialects used by some of the tribes that invaded the Iberian Peninsula. and place names (e.1. a phenomenon also witnessed by loanwords (e. or even /w/. VA ›b/faysāra‹ “a dish of broad beans”.2. ¯ Eventually. e. ataüt “coffin”. spelled as fix in DC 11b. and Gl.

Old Ct. alfobre “ditch”. Alc. vs. menéf- sig “violet”. ›baydām‹ = ›mindām‹ “while”. albaceia “executor”. from AA al #aqráb.g. through GL 433 ›rutuwāl‹. and alacrán ˙ vs. 1. substratum. “Árabe Yemení”. in VA ›qinnab/m‹ “hemp”. Hispălis > išbílya “Seville”. Pt. in Corriente & Vicente (eds. at least. AA shared the trend to inter- change /b/ and /m/. lacrau and Ct. beża" “he was ˙ ˙ ˙“plane-tree” for SA dulb. AA emerged as one of the few NA dialects in which /p/ rose to the status of an. arraclau “scorpion”. Old Pt.2. azoraba “giraffe”.). after the initial clash between the Rm.1. loanwords (e. cf. from {fz #}. dolf ˙˙ ˙ 35 See Corriente 1996a: 16 and fn. and ˙ Gl. Pt. and Cs. and Lt. also loanwords like Old Cs.4 On account of its partially “Yemenite” ancestry. and equally reflected by some loanwords. absent from the OA consonantal inventory (e. Lt. like Ct. lit. Behnstedt. scared”. in that position. ›mulawlab/m‹ “round”.2. in JT bassās “qui péte souvant” vs. Cs.2. for SA banafsaǧ. for SA mismār.Yem. and OA phonemic systems. consonantism 11 “opening”. 1. batafalua = matafaluga and Cs. albacea. as in the above case of /b/. matalahúva “aniseed”. for SA furǧah. but just a more congenial way to render foreign consonants rejected by Cs. for zurāfah. and place names like Vegalatrave ˙ Za. echoed by Arabic transcriptions with ›f ‹ or ›b‹ of Rm. and Höfner 1943:143–146 about the preposition bn. substitutes /n/ for /m/ in syllable codas.. and albórbola “trilling cry of joy” < SA alwasiyyah and alwalwalah. however.g. rētı̆ŏlu(m). from the name of the Br. for alhufrah. and Ml.. /p/.) 2008: 104.. AC 1621 ›dawlām‹ “water wheel”. 37 See other Rm. from Rm. porrı̄gı̆ne(m) > AA furrín “dandruff”).g. characteristic of ESA35 and still common in Mod. dialects. the outcome of /b/ is /n/ in cases like almotacén vs. from Lt.2. e. respectively).. cf. almudaçaf “market inspector”. /p/ (Bilabial Unvoiced Stop) 1. from AA hábbat halúwwa. 36 See P. for SA dawlāb. . borrowing in some cases. rutfál ˙ “hairnet”. “the sweet ˙ ˙ grain”. AA fassása (fem. suggesting inter-Rm.37 from AA almuhtasáb. abismal “clasp nail”.1 There can be no doubt that. or Jaraba Zg.36 as witnessed.34 and Alc. báyka + AA alatráf “lowland on the borders”. ›m/barham‹ “liniment”.. this is no definite proof of a shift to /m/ in AA. tribe of ǧarāwah. As Cs. reflexes in Corriente 2008c: 160.2. 1. marginal 34 The same hesitation is witnessed in other Western Arabic dialects with a strong Rm.

cappăris. stock (e. one would expect that the addition of a new phoneme /p/ would have occurred precisely in an empty slot of that frame. 39 A common phenomenon in loanwords. with ultra-correct /p/). Cs. ˙ Subsequently.12 phonology phoneme. capápin. vs. parġát. el abad). zuppít. lapápit. see Corriente 1978b. but also by loanwords transmitted through AA with preservation of a /p/ in the source language (e. Alc. and Central Asian. This situation surfaces in cases 38 On this. we have more than hints that AA /p/ behaved most of the time as a “emphaticised” phoneme. vs.g. Alc. caparazón. as a result of interference by Italian.. from the AA pl. like quibáb “chapels” vs. infra-correct cabarçón “saddle cover”.40 Actually. i.2. 1. The same is noticeable in other peripheral NA dialects. and pseudo- correct solutions (e. lapát “priest” pl. “hemp (sandal) shod”.. *taucia for other Rm. AA táwča in several sources.. 1. cáppa “cloak” pl.. The common habit of wearing hemp sandals in the Iberian Peninsula is underscored by the substitution of Hisp.e. and cappón “capon” pl.g. by a number of hesitations (e.. as the initial etymon is a Rm. abarka. bəlġa “slipper”.. quipáp. Cs.g. Cypriot. for Granadan items of Lt. the ultra-correct lapát “priest”. transcriptions like those of Alc.g. Persian and Turkic. presumable witnesses to some diachronic. in which the emir Alhakam I reviles the mutinous populace as eśpartéños in Rm. however. in the late borrowings of Alc. . atocha). at times even implying the presence of minimal pairs. that word became better assimilated as bulġa (sic in VA) and has survived in Mo. quipáp “cloaks”. diastratic or diatopic hesitation. possibly triggered by weakening or faulty reception of phonemic emphasis).2. patánē “dish”.39 The less than full-fledged status of /p/ in AA is given away. which happened to exist in the “emphatic” position corresponding to the incomplete triad /b/—/f/— Ø. bérchele = párchele “garret”). alcaparra “caper” < AA qapár < Lt.. and by the anecdote of Almuqtabis II-1 (see ˙Corriente & Makki 2001:57 and fn..38 This assumption is borne out not only by Rm. < Cs. word akin to Bq. 93). the less frequent cases of the Rm. Greek. whence Cs. and alpargata.g.2.2 In view of the symmetrical and compact structure of Arabic consonantism. 40 See Cantineau 1960:27 and 294.3 The fact that all the emphatic phonemes of Arabic are tense has generated a mental connection with gemination in AA. alpatana “utensil” < AA alpatána < ˙ Gk. loanword cappót “cloak” pl.2. Ir. Lt. such as Ml. apríl “April”. resistant to imālah or palatalisation (e. capípit and the genuine OA zubb “penis” pl. and píx “penis”). < Cs. or Arabic names of this plant in Al-Andalus (cf.

However.. the decay of this phoneme in some loanwords (e. in VA ›ibzı̄n‹ “buckle” (accepted as SA by LA 16. That connection is also evidenced by the choice in Aljamiado script of geminated ›b‹ as grapheme of Rm.4.g. for instance. In the case of some place names. like those reported in the preceding paragraph. i.1 By inhibition of its labial occlusion.2. and its rejection of either phoneme in syllable codas.e. which is Alc. 1. less likely. also reflected in Ml. bizím). from AA ġannám) and place names (e. /m/ (Bilabial Nasal) 1. ›abzinah‹ and singulative cotána. a similar shift in loanwords (e. Cs. has evolved into AA /p/.4. zaquizamí ˙ “shack”. from SA habbata.. etc. ˙ e. as it is not used merely as a complement. 1. this phoneme may occasionally become /n/ at the end of words in AA.g.. from SA al #usfur “bastard saffron”. Its evolution was: huwa bi+nafsihı̄ > *huwa+bnafsuh > *huwa+mnafsuh > *huwa+annafsuh > *hu annafsu. in Alc. alaçor. IQ and Alc.1 The assimilation of this consonant to a next /s/ in SA nu/isf “half” is com- ˙ ˙ monplace in several NA dialects. Almansa Ab.2. from AA [búrǧ] alhamám “dovecote”) is a mere conse- ˙ quence of the abhorrence of Cs. apparently having lost a final /m/. and then propagate to other positions within paradigms.2..2.g.41 plus the inverse case of Alc.3.. even of Arabic stock..g. alazor. unlike ›bazı̄m‹. from SA ibzı̄m and qatām. gañán “shepherd”. not shared by Pt. happát “to put down”.. from SA bi+nafsi+hı̄. witnessed in VA. However.3. items with preservation. Colin 1960 suggested for this item the etymon *li+nafsi+hı̄. /p/. /f/ (Labiodental Unvoiced Spirant) 1. and Almanza Le. like annássu “himself”. but AA has other additional cases of its assimilation before a sibilant. from AA sáqf fi ssamí “a roof in the sky”) and place names of Ara- bic origin (e. their pl. icél. e. and Cs. and Alc. from SA asfal “below”. innifsu.. direct or indirect. with no other structural motivation.g. but as a reinforcement of the personal pronoun. Pt. and ˙ ˙ the abovementioned zuppít “penises”.. both from AA almánsaf “the ˙ middle of the journey”) is likelier to reflect the early evolution of /f/ into /h/ in Cs. for final /m/. equivalent of OA bi+nafsi+hı̄. happát.. Cs. not to speak of adopted Rm. In his pioneering article.. consonantism 13 in which a geminated /b/.g. and Ct. this seems 41 See Corriente 1997d: 30 about this item. Alfamén Zg. . cotán “lanners”. but also with spontaneous gemination of /p/.

/w/ > /y/. as just another witness to this genetic affinity of AA.6.6. /t/ (Dental Unvoiced Stop) 1. and not directly from {qwm}. VA ›faw/yhah‹ “smell”.. 1. morpheme {+at}. like Alc. it is customary to main- tain an ›h‹ surmounted by two dots (as if it were a ›t‹. . ǧiyā #.. for SA wirātah. /w/ (Bilabial Semi-Consonant) 1. e. for SA wizārah “ministry”. also likely in the case of ›ǧay #ān‹ “hungry” and VA ›ǧayya #‹ next to regular ›ǧawwa #‹ “to make hungry”. /w/ and /y/.. included AA. from AA (a)ban mukárram). but midína “a town”). in some Rm.g.g.5. spontaneous interchange of both phonemes. can readily interchange in the appropriate contours.g..e.42 1. in IQ 130/5/3 and 146/4/1 ›izārah‹. through loss of glottal tone. nicayám ~ cayámt = niqayyám ~ qayyámt “to get goose ˙ flesh”. and not directly from its root {ǧw #}. it is yet noticeable that some of these shifts in AA are unprece- dented in OA. however.5.2. by a mor- phophonemic alternation with Ø in the fem. nidáy ~ dayéit = nidayyí ~ dayyáyt “to lighten”.1 This phoneme is characterised in every NA dialect. ˙ ˙ etc. In Arabic script. it is unlikely that the phenomena listed by him would have originated among the Arabic speakers of Andalusia.14 phonology attributable to the weak articulation of most final consonants. The latter phenomenon may bear relation to the so-called “South Ara- bian lability”..1 Though it is well-known that the three Arabic. but having substituted /y/ for it on account of some morphophonemic rules of OA. unless the noun so marked is head of a syntagm of annexation (e.. as well as Semitic semi- consonants /" /. 43 See Höfner 1943:26–27. ›ǧay #ān‹ “hungry”. Benamocarra Ma. chances are that the /y/ has just been propagated from very common items of a stem originally containing /w/. AA midínat almalík “the king’s town”. the so-called tā" un 42 This weakness was pointed out by Pocklington 1986.2. ¯ e. being dropped without leaving any phonetic trace. iráċa “heritage”.g. however. for SA fawhah and ǧaw #ān. initial /w/ > /" /.43 i.2. backformed on SA diyā" “light” and not ˙ ˙ ˙ directly from {dw" }. and Alc. in some instances. dialects (e. backformed on SA qiyāmah “rising”.2. from its pl. however.

as evidenced by their frequent confusions. madı̄nah).. IA 286 ›al+sahfā‹ “the dish”. Alc. LA 281 ›taht‹ ˙˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ “wardrobe” for the SA Iranism taht). substratum appears to have crept into the lower registers of AA and made that opposition precarious. consonantism 15 marbūtah).. for ˙ ˙ 44 The absence of any phonetic equivalence of this grapheme in AA is given away by occasional substitutions of /ā/ for it (e.g.¯ conversely. .6. even /d/. 201 › #azbā‹ “maiden”. IQ 18/2/4 ›ast‹ = Z 499 and 580 ›a/ist/d‹ “arse” for SA ist. as it rhymes in CA˙ poetry with any other kind of final /h/..2. VA ›daybarān‹ and Alc. 1. ¯ ›ǧadwal‹ “creek”.]”. VA ›untà = untah‹ “female”.]” for OA ¯ " and.e... in GL ›muǧādalah‹ “dispute”. as˙ well ˙ as by ungrammatical ¯ interchange. as for voicing. all from ˙ ˙ { #rbd}. {wqd}.2 We also come across AA spellings with indifferent /d/ or /d/. {hfd}. e. /d/ (Dental Voiced Stop) 1. HB 154.2. 90/14/2 › #arbadah‹ “quarrel”. in the case of the coarse ist “arse”. Z 1016 ›daybarān‹ “wasps” vs. markers ›+à‹ and ›+ā" ‹ (e. VA ›hafı̄d‹ “nephew”. /t/ is very stable in AA. Alc. and more often of velarisation (e.. ˙ from the viewpoint of CA rules. rhyme-supported waqd+ak “your time” in Z 1423. ˙ IQ 96/12/2 ›yi #arbad‹ “he quarrels”. from OA ˙ ¯¯ ¯ {ǧdl}. ˙ .g. etc.g. d/dabór. ˙ ˙ 1. - ¯ ˙ ˙ instead of the expectable /d/ (e... for SA iltafata “he looked [in]”). ›sawdah‹ “black [fem.. supported by minimal pairs like VA ›badalt‹ “I changed” vs. elteféd “he visited”. However. {" hd} and {swd}.1 Although OA had and AA has preserved a phonemic opposition between /d/ and /d/. ¯ ›badált‹ “I spent”.2 Otherwise. 202 › #afrı̄t‹ “demon” ˙ ˙ ˙ for OA #ifrı̄t.g. LA 267 ›hulbā‹ “fenugreek”.44 1. for {wqd}.g. dí “sickness” and dí “this”.g. VA › #arrādah‹ “catapult” from OA { #rd}. etc. {ǧdwl}. IQ 95/4/3 ›astahá‹ “he was ashamed” for SA istahà. The explanation for the latter case may ¯ be ultra-correction. which was pronounced in the ˙ matching pausal forms of OA (i. that /h/ must have for been a phonemic reality. ›uhrà = uhrah‹ “another [fem.15 ¯ ˙ ¯ ¯ ›diyah d+alhadd‹ “(day of) Sunday”. it may be due to euphemism. ›mawqūdah‹ “holocaust”. ›nasārah‹ sawdā ¯ ¯ SA ›nasārà‹ “Christians”).. and has ˙ occasionally survived in NA.7. in pausal forms of the dialect of San"a (see Naïm 2009:24).7.2.2. reminiscent of the phoneme /h/. the fact remains that ¯ ¯ their mere allophonic distribution in the Rm. but for very rare cases of voicing (e. but this would not be applicable to the remaining items.). etc. e. with the two other fem.7. Hv 99r1 ›sı̄di‹ “milord”. 319 ›hālā‹ “aunt”.g. as velarisation has not been easily maintained in the peripheral dialects of Arabic.

alcahuete. eventually /d/. from AA alqawwád) and in place names (e. /d/ and /d/. ¯ . Pt. from {ġrd} ¯ ˙ ˙ ›qunfud/t‹ “hedgehog”. < baní hammúd).g.. both in loanwords (e. e.g. VA ›d/tunbuqah‹ “boss”. also quite seldom extant in other NA dialects. from {qnfd}. alcoveto “procurer”. ˙ on account of phonaesthetic preferences.. from AA albaríd “the relay”). as ¯ unvoiced in final positions. 46 Like Mo.2. the same final consonant may be reflected in Rm..7.2. through a dissimilated *{zdǧ}. Cs..) which. if”. being invariably traceable to the lower registers. and the generalized NA illı̄ for the relative alladı̄.. in ¯ VA ›mulūliyyah‹ “shanty” (a loanword from Gk. ¯ ˙ ˙ and Rápita Ta. Benamor Mu. due to a taxemic rule of Ibero-Rm.8. 1.3 Leaving aside frequent cases of transcription of AA /d/. alveitar ˙ < AA albáytar “blacksmith”. ›dābid/t‹ “compasses”.8. ı̄la for SA idā “when.. azulejo). more prone to inhibit than to extend velarisation. 1. would possibly point to phonemic and mere graphemic indifferentiation at some times and in some places and registers between all /d/. or simply disappear (e. etc. Ct. matched by Alc. commoner alladí. from AA albalád “the town”. Corriente¯ 1997d: 232 and fn. languages.7. alfayate from AA ˙ alhayyát) and place names (e.g.g.g. and Gl..2. of each language. and Zg. < baní mawdúd).- ¯ ˙ ˙ 1..2. from SA {mrd}). in the optional but rare shape of the relative pronoun AA /allí/ vs.. and perhaps in VA ›zullayǧ(ah)‹ “glazed tile” (whence Cs.46 and witnessed. transcriptions of /t/ in most loanwords (e.g. < AA rábita “outpost”) are sufficient proof of its received ˙ unvoiced articulation in AA too. Benimodó Va. inter- vocalic voicing (e. alfaiate. albéitar. other instances of transcriptions with ›d‹ which cannot be attributed to intra-Rm.. from {tbq}. melōdía). However. and Pt. Albalat Va. at times peculiar.4 There are traces in AA of a very low register trend /d/ > /l/.1. alcavot and Pt. Ultra-correction triggered by sub- ˙ standard loss of emphasis would be the likeliest explanation for such cases. /d/.45 there is some evidence in AA materials pointing to switches between /d/ (or eventually an interchangeable /d/) and /t/ (e. < alqántara “the bridge”... from {dbt} and ˙ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Z 1890 ›murt‹ “ephebes”. ˙ ˙ 45 Otherwise.47 1. if indeed it derives from {zǧǧ}.3.16 phonology OA {dbr}. Cs. Alcántara Cc.g. 47 See 2. Cs. by a sonorant (e.2. VA ›ġarrad/t‹ “he shouted”. as mostly in NA.g. Alberite Lo.1 Rm.g.. /t/ (Velarised Unvoiced Dental Stop) ˙ 1.

In ˙ view of 1. substratum during the processes of gradual acquisition or loss of Arabic. . alcotín) would point to the survival of some idiolects continuing OA dialects which had a voiced variety of /t/. and MI 171– ˙ 172 ›yhtwh‹ “they give him”. whence Old Cs. from SA in kān. etc. and ›yhbtw‹ “they go down”. 1.2 There are some hints of occasional develarisation of /t/ in very low or late ˙ registers of AA.urban dwellers unable to articulate interdentals began to pronounce it as ˙ a voiced velarised dental stop. Masalcoreig Ld. for ˙ ˙ AA yahbátu. Mazaleón Te.. These exceptions to the rule of generally good preservation ˙ of the distinctive features of this phoneme can be due to the effect of the Rm.8. < mánzal al #uyún “inn of the springs”.2. e. when the old lateral pronunciation of dād disappeared.9. 49 Which was uncommon in North Arabian. for standard qubbayt “a certain ¯ ˙ sweetmeat”. 1. This is ˙ incidentally the realization described by no other than Sı̄bawayhi (II: 465) as received pronunciation.4. yquín “if” = ikkÍn. < mánzal qurayš “the inn of Qurayš”.g. as it was very convenient for Qur"ānic readers to keep every phoneme apart and free from ˙ mergers. for AA ya #túh. unlike the case in North and East Semitic. Alc.1.2 This phoneme had a certain tendency in AA towards assimilation and absorption when followed by a sibilant.9. or even in ESA. either to inner AA or Rm. this can be attributed to ultra-corrections eventually becom- ing established usage in some instances.g. phonetic trends upon borrowing (e. alma[n]xar = Cs.g. Alc.g. and several other “inns”. consonantism 17 nidenbéq “I emboss”. and in turn. ˙ .2. preserved in some other NA dialects. almijar “drying shed” < AA almanšár.9.48 1. transcription).. nileyém/n = nilayyám/n “I soften”). VA ›hammam/n‹ “he ¯ thought”.. Pt.49 e. /n/ (Dental Nasal) 1.2. It appears that. plus a host of similar instances in loanwords and place names of uncertain attribution. in which that /n/ is systematically omitted in their Rm. 48 E.2.g. this favoured the unvoiced articulation of /t/. LA 118 ›qubbayd‹. IQ 2/1/1 and 68/8/3 ›at(ta)‹ “you” for SA anta. ›halazūm/n‹ “snails”. êerquecí “sciatica”. Alc. replaced among Bedouins by /d/.2. for NA #irq annasā. LA 297 ›mantaqah‹ “girdle” for SA mintaqah.. in Yemen. alveolar or velar consonant.1 There are some cases of final /n/ turning into /m/ (e.. see Rossi 1937:236 and Behnstedt (in Corriente & Vicente 2008:99).

g.. Pt. from Low Lt.9.2. 1.. for NA haddayn. 1. e. pecciolus.18 phonology 1. .2.2. as in the case of parallel Cs. or even in OA and other linguistic families (e.4 ›tarafay‹ “two sides”. this is also frequent in duals.9. and çumí “quails”. and IH 321 ›buǧǧūl‹ “fig stalk”.5 At times /n/ and /l/ interchange in AA. which instead tends to drop an original final /n/. Alc. through loss of the nasal formant and relaxation of mouth articulation. However. VA ›summān‹.. Alc.g. vs. albardín. contrasting with Ct. MT 315.. IA 749 ›funqa #‹ “mushrooms”. 1.. VA ›isbaranǧ‹ “asparagus”. most likely through metanalysis of the Rm.. literally “cow eyes”.g. IA 315 ›husay‹.. Chances are that this ten- ¯ ˙ dency started with an inherited South Arabian invariable dual morpheme {+ay}. where dual endings without nunation are registered for Minaean.4 Sometimes /n/ may develop as a result of dissimilation of geminated conso- nants. augmentative suffix {+ÓN}. e. in many Rm. loanwords. Höfner 1943:124. /n/ could become /y/ (e. mesquinho. which alternated with the former on account of widespread monophthongisation. aspára- gos.50 then spread to other instances of final -ayn. for the pn. (e. < AA bardí “papyrus”) is a mere consequence of Rm. Cs. called repercussive by some linguists. diachronically descended from duals. VA ›lay‹ “to what place”. as is common in NA dialects. mesquí “poor man” < AA miskín.2 ¯ ›šaqı̄qay‹ “two brothers”. for SA ǧulǧulān. matched by -a in Ge#ez.g. vs. spelled as ›m‹ in Pt. VA ›ziwān/l‹ “darnel”.9.g..9. jonjolí “sesame”.. GL › #ay+baqar‹ “prunes”. IH 292 ›kanbūš‹ “veil”.. albardim. and finally of -ı̄n. Pt.3 There was also a low register tendency in AA to drop /n/ in coda posi- tions (e. for Minaean. šaqı̄qayn and tarafayn). above all in the segment ˙ ˙ ayn in final position (e.2. Ge#ez and Mh.. or of a nasalised vowel. in fact.g. the addition of a final /n/. such as IQ 42/1/4 ›hadday‹ “cheeks”. VA ›hayš‹ “snake”. and regularly in ˙ Alc. pezón “nipple”). Husayn). from Low Lt. vs.g. from NA #ayn baqar. IQ 1/7/3 and 7/5/4 ›ay‹ “where”. from SA fuqqā #. and 689. or just as a parasitical sound.6 In a few instances also. Alc. mezquino. cap[p]uciu(m). there is no parallel in cases of final ān or ūn. ˙ 50 See Belova 1996:94. phonaesthetic preferences. who reports the invari- able ending -hy for the tens in the latter. from Gk. Cs. and Bauer 1966:55–56. pochón = pučún.

for SA zarı̄ #ah. Pt.. and Zg. ataharre.. and the diminutive huáyax “little snake”.. ›zurzāl/r‹ “throstle”. consonantism 19 hayxía “common dragon”. kánjel “fang”. not to mention other cases of lambdacism in loanwords. like Alc..g. in the case of codas in place names.. alfolí “barn”. e. through Sr. IH 301 ›fitliyya‹ for fitríyya.1 The number of trills inherent to this phoneme may differ not only from one language to another. and Ct... in which the Rm. but even within the same.4.. from SA annafı̄r. 1.. charis- ˙ tíon. transcriptions have ›l‹ for an expectable ›r‹ in loanwords (e. for SA minǧam. Benaguacil Va. and Gl. from AA baní alwazír “the ministers’ sons”. or place names (e.. Cs. ›dirdāl/rah‹ “ash tree”.e.. lit. AA /r/ could interchange with /l/ in some instances (e.10. or Cs. the Castrum Colubri ˙ of medieval sources. alcorreta ¯¯ “talebearer”. Cs..10.. pĕtrŏsĕlı̄un(m). “one-span-long ˙ nail”.2. < SA ˙ hanǧar “dagger”.52 51 However.. LA 274 and other AA sources ›zarrı̄ #ah‹ “seed”. tafarra “crupper” < AA attafár.g. caránça “spiked dog-collar”. perrixín “parsley”. ears (see 1. which explains anomalous geminations and degeminations in cases like VA ›surriyānı̄‹ = GL ›surrānı̄‹ = Alc. Alc. atafal. Alc. Pt. Gu. LA 281 ›dārah‹ “concubine” for SA darrah. So. To. < AA almunastír “the monastery”. from ġaráma. ›mar/lastān‹ “hospital”. 52 However. mudéjar “Muslim living under Christian rule” < mudáǧǧan. and IQ 83/8/3 ›birbiliyyah‹ “Br.2.10. transcriptions of AA items. from AA alhurí). Daragolefa Gr. i. diatopic and diastratic factors. from Gk.). VA ›bir/lsām‹ “dumbness”. garrama “fine”. for SA suryānı̄ “Syriac”. and loanwords (e. ˙ ˙ from Lt. . depending on diachronic. for SA kinf ). the SA shape also survived. < hisn alhanš.g. from Cs. hunáyxa “lizard”.) ¯ ˙ 1. Va. possibly here ˙ ˙ because of a trend towards ˙ using higher registers in geographical names. ›q/krystūnā‹. for NA warānı̄. carranza. and the place name Alanje Bd. language”). Almonacid Cu. ¯ attributable to target language preferences. Cs. etc.51 LA 86 and IH 170 ›mayǧam‹ “mallet”. and Pt. çurriáni.2 As in many other languages. añafil “trumpet”.g.1). we must take into account the poor perception of consonants in that position by Rm. Ct. /r/ (Alveolar Vibrant) 1. etc. not to speak of Rm. in VA ›hanš‹.g. and LA 127 ›kayf ‹ “traveler’s sack”. LA 72 ›qalastūn‹ “scales”. from AA dár alġuráyfa “house of the little store-room”.2. Alc. Almonaster Hu.2. from alhuráyyata “little bag”. “tame”. vs. guarráni “hind”..

in VA ›har/lazūnah‹ “snail”. dissimilations and other occur- rences taking place in the course of adoption of Arabic items by Rm. ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ the latter preserved in VA. But at times it might occur also within AA materials.11. Alc. also witnessed by VA and AC. but required also by the metre in IQ 51/5/2. niberréd berrétt = barrád “to cool”.4 Like many NA dialects. ˙ as pointed by covert minimal pairs like Alc. very common in Naf.. for SA nurı̄d. from {rtl}. Cs. argola “ring”..). mihád “water-closet” and báizak “purgatory” for SA mirhād and barzah. 64/6/3 and¯ 124/7/4. harráċ = harrát “ploughman”. “one thousand colours”.g. Cs. yráda = iráda or morád = murád “desire”.g. alcacel “green barley”. and the imperfectives níd ~ tíd. etc.2. for SA halanǧah.2.11... ›rutayrah‹ “spider”. VA ›mı̄hād‹ = ˙ ˙ Alc. etc...11. imperfective jaf “he knows” of gharaf (see Aquilina 1990 II: 974). argolla. Pt. from {brd}. AC and PES 42*/6/3 (attributed by the mss. to Aššuštarı̄. ˙ where they appear to have been ultra-corrected by non-Andalusi copyists.). etc. a velarised /r/ probably had phonemic status in AA.10. from {hlk}. *blatella. like Alc. This strange phenomenon could be connected with the characteristic weakness of /r/ in Zanātı̄ Br.2 There are also some parallel cases of the shift /l/ > /n/. VA ›hankı̄‹ “black”. ›miql/nı̄n‹ “linnet”. . from AA alqasíl. e. etc. turı̄d. loanwords (e. on account of assimilations. ˙ ¯ ¯ Alc.g. ybarrát barrát = barrád “to hail” ˙˙ vs.: see Laoust 1939: xv and Ibáñez - 1949: xxxii–iii.53 1.) and place names (e. from {bšr}. though undoubtedly authored by Ibn Alhatı̄b: see Corriente 1988:179. lit. etc. ears. and nibaxxár baxxárt = baššár “to announce glad tidings” vs.2. from Low Lt. IZ. etc. 1). from AA alġúlla. “I want ~ you want”. xárib = šárib “drinker” vs. etc. and Gl. nibexxér bexxért = baššár “to brandish (a weapon)”. ›hir/lhāl‹ “bracelet”. and the very frequent arcá “he put” ˙ ¯ from {lqy}. fn.g. ›latallah‹ in VA. 1.. ˙ from {šrb}. That feature would explain the absence of imālah in Alc..g. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙˙ ¯ 1. natílla “crab louse” vs. NA dialects (e. from ǧíb(a)l táriq “Tariq’s ˙ ˙ mountain”). xírib = šÍrib “moustache”. This case has a parallel in the Ml.2.2. karínja “heath”.20 phonology 1. /l/ (Alveolar Lateral) 1.1 Rhotacism of AA /l/ is common place in Rm.10. *MÍL KOLORÍN. ˙ 53 Confined to Granadan documents. Gibraltar. from ˙ ˙ Rm.3 In a few cases /r/ lost its vibrant feature and became /y/ (e.

implied by an array of spelling devices designed ¯ to convey a sound which was totally alien to the languages of the Iberian Peninsula at the time of the Islamic invasion. and Altephil for al" atāfı̄ “Alpha. at ˙ least.2. characteristic of only the oldest layer of urban NA. or in loanwords. this is the likeliest explanation for the strange Rm. languages. Such was the purpose of using ›th‹. in MI 146. /t/ (Interdental Unvoiced Spirant) ¯ 1.1 The general preservation of interdentals is a hallmark of AA. › #ut/tnūn‹ “dewlap”. with ultra-correct ¯ of ˙ ˙ every /l/. e.12. by Alc. “by God..2. i.. with a considerable degree of hesitation. corráta “leek” for SA kurrātah..2 However. açumbre “a certain measure for liquids”. from SA ¯¯ tarb.g. according to this text.2. This articulation is painstakingly described. in the astronomical technical terms of Tg 1925.e. a velarised /l/ appears to have existed in AA. in the name of God. the One who there is no god but God”. ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ and atífil “trivet”. some AA materials report a shift /t/ > /t/.. etc. while generally absent from more recent urban dialects. we cannot forego the conclusion ¯ that in AA there was also a trend. ›c‹.. even an ambiguous ›t‹. probably substandard and repressed. an imperfect rendering of CA wa+llāhi+ lladı̄ lā ilāha ˙ ˙ velarisation illā+ llā.54 ˙˙ 1. and of Bedouin dialects of all times and places. for which IH 260 literally informs us that some speakers said ›atāfil‹ instead of SA atāfı̄. 54 The whole oath formula. ›s‹. almutalat for (ra’s) almutallat ¯¯ ¯ ¯ “Alpha Trianguli”. [allá]. Epsilon and Zeta Lyrae” ¯ (lit. maštam “resting-place of an animal”. huwa rabb dı̄k alqibla almuhammadiyya “He is the lord of that Mohammedan qiblah”.12..g.2. açoraya and ¯ athoraya for SA atturayyā “the Pleiades”. and. for SA ¯ maǧtam. algesi and elgehci for alǧātı̄ ( #alà rukbatayh) “Alpha Herculi”. thus. zirbo “mesentery”.g. ›z‹. GL ›tahı̄n‹ “heavy”. i. transcription atla. e. VA ›kat/tūliqı̄‹ ¯ ¯ “Catholic”. ¯ 1. “the trivet”). and would remain so for many centuries among speakers of Ibero-Rm.11. from SA attumn “the eighth”.e. plus a dialectal addition. was Vitley Hautledi itle Itlehu Itle Atlá huaraph dich alquibla almohamadia.12.. for SA tahı̄n. ›ç‹. like Old Cs.3 As in most NA dialects. Alc. towards substitution of the dental stop for the interdental spirant. Pt. consonantism 21 1. in the case of /t/. ¯ ˙ . both Eastern and Western. alieç/zi. e.

or be velarised (e. VA ›ǧurd‹ “rat”. e.22 phonology 1.4) that AA /d/ could also become /l/ at ¯ times (e.55 or /d/ (e. VA ›naššabbat/t‹ “I cling”. a case of emphasis and tenseness contamination. 56 This decay is more general in Ml. ›d/daruwwah‹ “mas- ¯¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ ¯ ˙ tic tree”. however. like those of Alc.-Arabic bilingualism in the Iberian Peninsula. that distinction appears to have been blurred to a considerable extent. etc. Singer 1984:102 restricts it to womanly speech. VA ›hardūn‹ “lizard”. for SA mud dāk.).2.12.2 and 1. ko alcófa “take the basket”. ha.7. ›d‹ and ›d‹.2. etc. ›dh‹ in the Valencian DC) ˙ support the survival in this dialect bundle of the phonemic opposition between /d/ and /d/. ¯ during the initial and final phases of Rm.’s painstaking description of this articulatory type in Granadan AA and the invention of the matching diacritics (his ›d‹ vs...1. 1. for standard mı̄daq. This phenomenon has been .2.2.7.g. ›muddāk‹ “ever since”.g.g.2. or in transcriptions by relatively bilingual people.in the aftermath of phonemic mergers. and repeated instances ¯¯ in Alc.3 Quite exceptionally. LA 154 ›muwaddah‹ “dirty”. ›d‹. 1.13. ˙ 1. from ˙ ˙¯ {šbt}. for which Alc. e.g. as just another atempt to avoid a phoneme of difficult articulation. even ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ by /t/ (through an intermediate */t/. It was not alien to OA either. VA ›ilá lam‹ ¯ “when not”. /t/ was at times replaced by /f/ (e. for SA yu" addin. VA ›dafar‹ “crupper”.2 It follows thence (cf. at least in the lower registers of AA. as in Alc.13. not only in loanwords and place names. has ˙ nachapát = naččappat). and more recently by Zavadovski 1962:39.’s. ¯ ¯ ¯¯ IA 235 ›yaddan‹ “he calls to prayer”.. IH 170 ›maylaq‹ “touchstone”. DC and MI 171. usually in AA tafár). although one must beware of merely graphical confusions between ›d‹. However.7. of the imperfective and the passive participle (see Aquilina 1987 I: 41).2.g.. but also in materials using Arabic script and reflecting the lowest native registers. fémme. LA 261 ›badlah‹ “suit”. for SA hirdawn.56 ¯ ¯ ˙ 55 This shift was first noticed by Stumme 1896:174.1 Alc. It ¯ ˙ ˙ appears also that final /d/ had decayed exclusively in the imperative /hú/ ¯ ¯ “take” of the verb ahád “he took”. /d/ (Interdental Voiced Spirant) ¯ 1. as said above in 1.where the /d/ reappears only in the pl. also proven by the presence of minimal pairs like VA ¯ ›i #ādah‹ “to repeat” and ›i #ādah‹ “to defend”. in Alc. ¯ ˙˙ ˙ for SA muwaddah. for SA ǧurad. as reported by Fleisch 1961:75..13.2. . for SA idā lam).. for SA ¯ tamma “there”).. so that confusions are common.g. for SA bidlah..

this difficult phoneme has evolved into mere /l/. loanwords like Cs.2. through the previous merger of - /d/ and /d/. of every age and country. from {drf ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ also detected in Alepo and Cyprus (Kormakiti) by Borg 1985:30 and in JT by Cohen 1975:63 and 110. and Gl. although ˙ very learned people could still differentiate them in writing. arraval “suburb”. and ›ū #id‹ ˙. most likely already under the Cordovan Umayyad rule.from which it was no longer different in sound. in all likelihood still had in their idiolects the old /ḑ/ described by Sı̄bawayhi (II: 453). for SA ġaydah. materials. ˙˙ ˙ Nv. and the ˙ ˙ matching place names Alcalde. Eastern and Western. To. this phoneme had merged with /d/. from OA alhawd “bed in the fields”. In some instances. already in OA dialects (see Corriente 1978d)..“summer”.e.be also the prevailing grapheme in AA written . Ct. which is a hallmark of only the older layer of NA..g.. 1.58 Unlike the case of most urban NA. i.2 However. /d/. for SA dafā" ir.and /d/ (Velarised Counterparts of /d/ and /d/) ˙ ˙ ¯ 1. from {w #d}. the tribes of South Arabian stock. with an outcome parallel ¯ ¯ to that of Bedouin dialects. Old Cs. s. Ct. This type of articulation has survived only in the Modern South Arabian languages. e. vs. see Johnstone 1975:7 and Steiner 1977:12. ˙ ˙ . This matches well with the frequent transcription by ˙ Alc.14. from OA alqādı̄. for SA dā" i #.14. 57 Or rather an affricate. the interdental reflex pre- vailed in Al-Andalus together with /t/ and /d/. although there are also a host of ultra-correct cases of the opposite sign.1 Some of the Arab invaders of the Iberian Peninsula.. and Arrabalde. from OA arrabad. Pt. nahfi¯d “I know ˙by heart”. nádir “admi- ˙ . like GL 464 ›muwādabah‹ “endeavour”. ›dāyi . as witnessed by frequent mistakes in most Arabic mss. jodo (petaca). ˙ ˙ 58 IQ ˙9/35/2 brags about this ability of his. namely. alcalde “mayor”.2.14. ral”. albayalde “ceruse”. IQ ›dafāyir‹ “plaits”. of both old phonemes with ›d‹ (i. nicayál ~ cayált “to spend the summer”. a lateralised velarised voiced alveolar stop. and Za. from OA ˙ ˙ adday #ah.57 which explains ›ld‹ reflexes in Rm. No wonder then that ›d‹ .g. in which ¡ho! is already kown to Diego de Guadix.2. with an intricate history. ˙ . . ˙ ˙ “I warn”. Or. and the same inference must be drawn from cases like Alc. from {ndr}. vs. . the so-called “Yemenites”. and has survived in them until this day. e.}.v. from SA and VA ›qayd‹ . i. GL ›ġaydah‹ “thicket”. apparently become scarce.. ˙ ˙ ›duraysāt‹ “small teeth”. from OA albayād. consonantism 23 1. see Corriente 2009:342.. aldea. see Cantineau 1960:54–56. alholde “a land measure”.darf “leather bottle”. his symbol for /d/.e. albayat. . . alcadi. arrabalde and Ct. That AA imperative was apparently introduced as an interjection by Morisco muleteers in the low registers of Cs. by the time of the emergence of AA as a compact dialect bundle. from {drs}.#‹ “lost”. for standard muwādabah... ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ etc.e.

3 On the other hand. by subsequent waves of Eastern immigrants of urban stock. transcriptions with graphemes usually associated with stops in loanwords (e. based (e.. however. from SA adfār). transcriptions of /d/ ˙ - from SA addafı̄rah. and azfar “nails”. who imitated the prestigious pronunciation of the main Middle Eastern cities. in even older registers of substandard AA as a whole. of ġáyd. the fact remains that there are some proven instances of develari- sation. probably substandard and/or Rm. ˙ . ˙ ¯¯ like Arriate Ma. Tg 666 atfareddib “Zeta and ... VA ›tamdi‹ “you go”. ›ifādah‹ “to publi- ˙ ˙ cise”. and narcúd “I kick”. ˙˙ Eta Draconis”. all of them pointing to devoicing of /d/ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ and not always in coda position.4 As for the velarisation characteristic of both /d/ and /d/.24 phonology from {hfd}. possibly.’s ˙˙ ˙ rendering of SA #arūd “Arabic metrics” as aâróċ. The same inference can be drawn from Rm. ˙ ˙ (without imālah. for SA adfāru ddi" b “the wolf’s claws”. and ›ifādah‹ “to benefit” vs. for which he even invented special diacritics. thus implying at least residual velarisation). from {dmn}. this could not fail to affect /d/. and place names. as well as from Alc.as ¯ ˙ velarisation was a feature prone to be inhibited in that same low register of AA. it stands to reason that.. It has also been pointed ˙ out that Alc.g. Tg 686 açafera “plait”.2.. matched by VA ›ba #ūt/dah‹. among his frequent confusions between the graphemes ›d‹ ˙ and ›d‹. or even just brought back home by pilgrims. Such a realization is supported by Rm.in Arabic. A velarised voiced dental stop as realization of /d/. ›iġmād‹ “to overlook”. . and in spite of being counted by Alc.g. reflected ˙ ˙ by the seeming opposition in VA of minimal pairs like ›iġmād‹ “to sheathe” vs. .with ›c‹ or ›ç‹ in loanwords (e. never bothered ¯ ¯ . ›d/tafar‹ “crupper” ˙ ¯ ˙ ˙ ¯ - and ›ratāt‹ “shower” for SA radād. among those phonemes determining a velar contour which inhibited imālah.. nor did he use any systematic diacritics that would suggest their spirant feature. DE 208 atafera “plait”. like the one current ˙ in most urban dialects of NA.g. so painstakingly describing the interdental articulation of /t/ and /d/.next to damánt “I guaranteed”. more likely.which he simply called dad and da to differentiate those of /d/ and /d/. and ˙ ˙ of ba #ūdah “gnat” as baóċa. 1. regardless of their eventual merger. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ from {rkd}. whence we would gather than this was no longer perceived as distinctive in the Granadan dialect or. may have been introduced already by some of the first Arab invaders or. from SA arriyād “the gardens”). for SA addafı̄rah. devised by himself). if there was an undeniable low register trend to merge /d/ and /d/.14.“hatred” as gaiċ.14. 1. scholars or half-learned traders.2.

. VA ›hāris/z‹ “guard”.1 There are some instances of interchange of this phoneme with its voiced counterpart /z/.g. acting as a sub- stratal trend in all AA. ›zabaj‹ “jet” vs.. 60 See Blau 1965:77. e. ›mihrās/z‹ “mortar”.2. ›nāqūs‹ “bell”. from Br. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ›qaswah‹ “cruelty”. ›sirw‹ “terebinth”. sēpı̆a. and the abundant witnesses of shifts in both senses collected by Ibn Hišām Allahmı̄. from {mdġ}.2. ›dihlı̄s/z‹ “corridor”.. etyma. from Br. 63/6/3 › #iwad‹ “instead of” < for dál. tantadár ¯ ˙ ˙ and #iwád.). 1980:37–38.2 Many AA spellings suggest velarisation of /s/ (e.g. but also otherwise. con- servative GL and IQ ›sabaj‹.59 1..2. in Pérez Lázaro 1990 I: 74–75. in other instances. LA 113 ›šadāniq‹ and VA ¯ 59 See Corriente 1981b: 29. above all in final positions (e. VA ›kas/zburah‹ “coriander”. SG lxxxvii. one must conclude that this phonemic opposition..15. /s/ (Alveolar Unvoiced Spirant Sibilant) 1. where these two items were for the first time attributed to their Br.2. IQ 17/7/4 ›nurūs‹ for nurūz. ˙ ˙ ¯. - 63/2/1 ›tantadar‹ “you wait”. however. IA 99 ›sūr‹ “wall”. ›in #ād‹ “erection”. səġnəs “needle”. s+ugzal “with a half-pike”.15. ›tamdaġ‹ “you chew”.. or even at distance (e. etc. from {n #d}. GL ›sawārun‹ “bracelet”. VA ›s/surrah‹ “navel”. from {hwd}.GL ›mahādah‹ “ford”.60 had disappeared from the low registers of AA. the reason would have been voice assimilation in contact.- ˙ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ etc.g. from Lt. triggered by final /s/ > /z/). ›zaġnaz‹ “clasp of a neck- lace”. for SA siwār. consonantism 25 from {mdy}. which cannot always be dismissed as sheer copyists’ mistakes (e. 1. fn. VA ›zuġzal‹ “half-pike”. 1. ˙ › #ukkās/z‹ “staff”. ˙ ›qāris/s‹ “bitter”. IQ 28/0/1 ›dall‹ “shade”.. Their likeliest explanation is ultra-correction triggered by frequent Iberian devoicing of final consonants.15. and 29/2/2 ›maġrūs‹ for ›maġrūz‹ “stuck”).15. VA ›ši/arsām‹ “frenzy” for the NA Iranism sarsām.g. ¯ .3 AA materials contain a significant number of presumable confusions between /s/ and /š/. qaswah and sarw). 1. “New Year Feast”. though main- tained in higher registers with the expectable reaction in the form of ultra- corrections.g. ˙ ˙ When this situation is analyzed together with the similar frequency of the opposite phenomenon. already precarious in the East when the first treatises on grammar were composed. ›š/sı̄biyā‹ “cuttlefish”.

Ct. substratum of AA in some areas and epochs. ˙ ›qafas/z‹ “cage”.17. in the days of the Cordovan fitnah. dissimilation. there are instances in AA materials suggesting an at times optional shift to a voiced articulation (e.. upon ˙ killing Sulaymān Almusta#ı̄n: lā yaqtul azzultān illā zultān “only a king can kill a king”.g. etc.15. ›s/sibānah‹ ˙ ˙ 61 However. accent. shift on a previous *sultān.]”. most of them appear to be cases ˙ of voice assimilation in contact. Riffian”. and algeroz “gutter”. genet. ˙ dō sar.1 Its occasional interchange with /s/ and /s/ is dealt with under the respective ˙ headings. ˙ often only optional (e. Pt. Alc. from SA zanātı̄ “Zanātı̄.2. from AA azzáwǧ “the pair”. Cs. exhibiting also a previous shift /s/ > /s/.2.26 phonology ›šūdāniq‹ for SA ›sūdāniq‹ “falcon”. and ˙ ˙ ˙ LA ›mazdaġah‹.1). from SA za #rā" .2 and for the reasons expounded there.. transcriptions of /z/ by ›g‹ and ›j‹ in loanwords (e. which had an unvoiced sibilant [S]. in some instances. ›s/zaġā‹ “he listened”. ´ perceived as /š/ by Arabic speakers. from {slw} and {swm}. /z/ (Alveolar Voiced Spirant Sibilant) 1. they appear to have resulted from its sporadic merger with the dialectal allophone [ž] of /ǧ/. we might have witnesses of the residual ˙ impact of the Br. xemebráx.. and Pt. ajoujo “twin leash”.). ›nizarrar‹ “I squeak”.15. in other cases related to combinatory phonetics. jinete.19. Cs.2.2. or otherwise. 1. Hammūd. many spellings in AA materials suggest develarisation of /s/ and merger with /s/. Kabyle zzall “to pray” and˙ uzum ˙“to fast”. vs.g. dauxír “oat grass”. who would have said with his Br. from P. from {srr}. from SA ǧarūz “glutton”). substratum of the Iberian Peninsula.g. as the shift /s/ > /z/z/ is characteristic of Arabic loanwords in that language (cf. /s/ (Velarised Alveolar Unvoiced Spirant Sibilant) ˙ 1.1 As in the case of /s/.16.2.2. ˙ ˙ .17. dáuçal and VA ›dawsal‹ “darnel”. The same˙ ˙ inference must ˙be drawn from the anecdote ˙ ˙ attributed to #Alı̄ b.2 As pointed out in 1.2. 1. such as assimilation. but also atzanet. like ›qafas/z‹ and the aforementioned ›nizarrar‹ (see 1. in Dallet 1982:940 and 945). Their explanation ˙ can be found in the Rm. see 1. for SA sāmmu abras ¯ ¯ ˙ “gecko”. As for Rm. for SA misdaġah “pillow”).2.2. a variant exhibiting suprasegmental velarisation of the whole word.17. ginete. this vitiated pronunciation would have operated ˙that typically ˙ Br. VA ›qas/zdı̄r‹ “tin”. VA ›fursah‹ “chance”.16. and as such bound to cause ultra-corrections. etc. jara “red-haired [fem. for SA fursah.61 1. “rider”.

64 1. albricias and Ct.62 In other instances.1). VA ˙ ˙ ›musāra #ah‹ “struggle”.2. àmec “bitter substance found in honeycombs”. who were aware of its basic shape /al+/. âmago and Ct. etc. 64 With the partial exception of some place names like Aljarafe Se. albíxeres. ›c‹ or ›ç‹ (e. cégge “scar”. transcriptions of Arabic /š/ by ›s‹..14. (h)ámago...2.19. stops in early loanwords (e. çagéâ “brave”. which explains their early transcriptions with the grapheme ›ǧ‹ of local place names like Lt. the voiced velar stop /g/. makes this interpretation of such cases highly doubtful. Old Pt serife “sherif”. and occurred also.. Tagus > ›tāǧuh‹. from AA *masáǧǧa). {šǧ #} and {šǧǧ}. however. ›musāra #ah‹ vs. moganga ¯ 62 About this isolated item.2. consonantism 27 “nit”. xarife/o. Gallaecia > ›ǧillı̄qiyyah‹. unlike the former case. /ǧ/ (Prepalatal Voiced Affricate) 1. and alfres “bedspread”. almosarife “collector of the Royal Treasury”. from {s" b}. 63 Cf. IQ 87/23/1 ›siǧāǧ‹ “head injuries”. Pt.2. the latter being supported by the Ct.2. from {srr}. i. VA ›safı̄q‹). and Alc.18.. remarkable that most of these items reappear in later dates with the expectable phonetic result of /š/. Alc. the frequent ultra-correct restitution of the /l/ of the Arabic article by Rm. some old Northwest Rm. from {šǧr}. however. but assuming that some “Yemenite” invaders had also preserved a lateral /˛s/. i. ˙ ˙ 1. alvíçara “tip for good news”. see Corriente 2008c: 65. Turgalium > ›turǧāluh‹.. almoxarife. as well as the transcription of Arabic words containing ǧı̄m by Rm. IA ›siǧār‹ “trees” and ›tisaǧǧa #‹ “you encourage”. 1. for which Coromines 1954 already guessed the correct solution for its vocalic evolution. from SA šarı̄f.e. . although it is somewhat striking that. from standard aššaraf “the highlands”. both from {šrf }. from AA and OA hamǧ “moss”. palatalisation of /u/ in contact with /š/ in SA bušrà.19. vs. Urganona > ›arǧūnah‹.g. homologous to /ḑ/ (cf. no result ›ls/x‹ has ever been presented. /š/ (Prepalatal Unvoiced Hissing Spirant) 1.1 Dissimilation of /š/ into /s/ in the vicinity of homorganic /ǧ/ is common- place in many NA dialects. and ›safı̄q‹ “thick”. GL ›sarrārah‹ “cicada”. loanword b/massetja “sling”. speakers. Pt.. and Cs.e. above all in late AA (e. albíxeres.63 from {bšr}.g. It is.1 There is no doubt that some of the “Yemenite” invaders of the Iberian Peninsula brought along their characteristic non-affricate realization of ǧı̄m.g.18. cijára “fig- tree”. Cs. from SA alfirāš) cannot be easily accounted for. see Corriente 1992b. also Cs. namely. and Ct.

reflexes with ›j‹ of those same place names. from {ǧss}.g. as often exhibited by some loanwords (e. characteristic of many Eastern and Naf.). With some questionable exceptions (e. ›ǧ/dišār‹ “farmhouse”. in old documents. and Pt. Tajo.1..2 A realization /ž/ (prepalatal voiced hissing spirant) of /ǧ/. But even AA materials in Arabic script contain some hints of a similar trend in lower registers.2. or Alborache Va. Marzalcadi To..g.2.g.g.65 or was cornered in areas where it had little significance. Alc. alco- faina “washbasin”. 1. than in English. from {ǧrr}) and place names (e.g. etc. from {nǧs}. Pt. from {ǧšr}. from AA muharráǧ.66 1. both from {ǧss}. and almarcha “village in the fields”..16.. < *muġānaǧah. from SA sinǧāb.4 Devoicing of /ǧ/ in final positions. or even of /s/ (e. for standard ǧašı̄š. Trujillo and Arjona. or Ct. deiçúç. VA ›ǧ/qināwı̄‹ “Guinean”.g. dissimilate into /d/ in the vicinity of homorganic /š/.). LA ›dašı̄š‹ “bran”. and ›daysūs‹ “spy”.. Almexixer and Almaiexer.28 phonology “grimace. Cs. that idiolectal pronunciation disappeared with the emergence of standard AA. it being well-known that this grapheme had the same phonetic equivalence in Cs. when they were in the areas which remained longer under Islamic rule. NA urban dialects. see Corriente 1988a: 207). transcriptions with ›z‹ in some loanwords (e..2. from AA almadÍšir “farmhouses”. 1. ›niǧ/dassas‹ “I feel or grope”. from AA almárǧ) and place names borrowed from AA (e. L zingaue “squirrel fur”. etc. signals between lovers”. from {ġnǧ}. until the 17th century.19. next to a younger jofaina. in Alc. from AA márǧ alqádi “the judge’s meadow”). from {ǧš" }.19.. like Almedíxer Cs. e. appears to have existed in AA too. at times optionally. moharracho = mamarracho “buffoon”.2. . from standard alburayǧ “the little tower”) is a mere result of interference by Rm. Old Cs.. ninegéç “I soil” = nineqquéç “I cover with soot”.19.. however. also some place names. as implied by its Rm. The little articulatory and acoustic ˙ difference between this [ž] and /z/ appears to have caused the occasional merger reported in 1. Borox To. if ›q‹ were there a reflex of /g/.. VA ›addaššā = aǧǧaššā‹ “he burped”. /ǧ/ could. zorra “truck”. like the rhymes ›farš‹ “bed” with 65 As proven by the later matching Rm.g. from SA ǧufaynah. 66 See Barceló 1982:91. phonetics. from standard burūǧ “towers”. cf. next to a younger gergelim. Cs.. Old Pt. zirgelim “sesame”. from AA ǧulǧulān.3 As in other NA dialects.

irmão “brother”). and of ›tāǧ‹ “crown” with .. from Lt. indulgencias. and chírque “gall oak”. " ı̄dā. consonantism 29 ›marš‹. except if at all for very rare instances of spirantisation in syllable codas (e.69 1. ›indulyānšiyaš‹ “indulgences”. /y/ (Prepalatal Semi-Consonant) 1. from Cs.1 Other than in the cases mentioned in 1. But this trait might have survived among some commu- nities after having forsaken Christianity. idu. cı̆cāda.21.2.5 AA developed a marginal phoneme /č/. dujánbir “December”. from Lt. Eugenia. Archidona Ma. it ›qannāč‹ “basket” and ›qardāč‹ ˙ is questionable whether this phoneme might have become /y/ occasionally by relaxation. chirr “fetlock”.. etc. Alc. e. (e. and Alc..2. Dĕcember. which together with the fact that most of these items are Rm. from Cs. but also as a result in Granadan of the evolution /st/ > /č/. embedded in Arabic documents.20. Alc. and even their Rm.2.g.21. On the other hand. 68 The phonemic status of /č/ was very pointedly stated by A. cippus.19. for standard marǧ “meadow” in Z 1495. and járra “cleaned flax”. optional VA ›ı̄dı̄n‹ = IQ ›iddayn‹. MI 175 ›ahtar‹ “more”.. as there are hints of occasional replacement by /ǧ/. as shown by hesitations like MT I. Alonso 1967. hermano and Pt. Ak. see Brockelmann 1908 I: 333.68 1. such as Purchena Am. Lt. clearly points to a feature of the Mozarabs’ idiolects. for SA aktar.“thistle” in IQ 90/9/1–3. for Rm. əd. from Lt.67 1. on the evidence of Andalusian place names transcribed in Cs. namely. from Lt.. refugio. ¯¯ ¯ and ›uhtubar‹ “October”).g.2.1 This phoneme was totally stable in AA.g. from Lt. /k/ (Velar Unvoiced Stop) 1. chicála “cicada”.1. vs.20.”. [frāter] germānus > Cs. as suggested by those place names. and the transcription of place names like Alboraya Va.. chipp “pillory”. 69 Cf. cirrus. Pedroches Co. and Alborea Ab. udéide = /udáyda/. . both from AA alburáyǧa “the little tower”.. SG 270 ›rifūyuh‹ “shelter”. Et. with ›ch‹. which will be dealt with under the heading of assimilation. quercus). usually in loanwords from Rm.138 ›uǧ/yāniyah‹ “pn. Sr.2. But it might not have been found in all registers.2. independently attributed by Singer 1981:320 and ¯ 67 Lenition of /ǧ/ in some positions is a conspicuous hallmark of some Ibero-Rm. not without parallels in other Semitic languages and NA dialects. in late low registers or among bilingual speakers. /y/ becomes /" / irregularly in the dual and diminutive of AA yád “hand”. lan- guages (cf. language..5.

guitímira. However. /g/ had existed as the standard realization of /ǧ/ among the “Yemenites” (see 1.19. cebiche. like Pt. cotó. Cs.. and Ct. substandard and repressed (e. alcadi. both from loanwords (e. and Alacuás Va.8.30 phonology Corriente 1981:7 to Zanātı̄ Br. alqādı̄ and alqubbah. whence Cabra Co. to be sure. and Gl.g.2. phon-aesthetics. for SA alqasr.2. tahúr and zabra. from Br. NA dialects.g. Ct. Cs. alcalde. this voiced realization of /q/ appears to hark back to the very beginnings of the Islamic invasion. interference.71 Otherwise. from AA alqutún).. see Corriente 2008c: 202–202. and Cs. Pt. As for voicing in intervocalic positions and even decay in word codas in Rm. Alcocer Gu. from {qdr}). like ›ġndlš‹ “Vandals” and ›ġtyšh‹ “Witiza”. voicing in loanwords (e. Cs.g. algodón. alcázar.) and place names of Arabic origin ˙ ˙ (e. /q/ (Uvular Unvoiced Stop) 1.. tagra(t) “vessel”. instances like ›ġarnā ˙ transcriptions in the earliest Andalusi historians. who brought it over from their minority languages and could at times introduce it into their varieties of AA. 71 However. tagra “an old measure”.. Ct.1) and. 70 Other cases of loss of /k/ and /q/ in syllable codas in Cs. alcoba. and Hisp.g.22. e. the realization of /q/ posits the ques- ˙ tion of an eventual voiced allophone in some idiolects of AA.1 Parallel to the case of /t/ (see 1.˙ Arabic text)... Pt. Alguibla Mu. and place names ˙ (e.g. alcácer and Ct. apparently pronounced *gándaloś and *gitíśa (see Penelas 2001:48 and 135. which is more recent. Pt. Alcántara Cc. < WG werra “turmoil”... there is overwhelming evidence in favour of an unvoiced real- ization. stock. likely to be a mistake for *guitmíra. comparable to its characteristic /g/ realization in many.22. etc. Igabrum > ›qabrah‹. and Gades > ›qādis‹. and Gl. loanwords (e. there is a limited num- ber of instances in late AA documents which can be construed as proof of a voiced allophone. they obey to the rules of Rm. loanwords. reflected in AA as táqra.. mostly Bedouin. Cs. from AA šábka.2.1). but supported by old Cádiz. “pine seed”. from AA almušábbak). In this case too. from AA alqíbla “the South”).70 1. Alc.. vs. algodão. Zaragoza and ˙ tah‹ for Granada. and alaqwás “the arches”). from AA alqántara “the ˙ bridge”. alcàsser. in the idiolects of bilinguals of Br. guerra “war”. comparable to Romancisms in AA like VA ›ġirrah‹ from pan-Hisp.g. from {qtmr}.. loanwords are atabe. since Hisp. . and almojaba “window with a lattice work enclo- sure”. Caesarea Augusta > ›saraqustah‹. vs.. alcova. /g/ was often transcribed with ›q‹. from ˙ {lqy}. and thence into Rm. and Hv 99r5–13-v40 ›yaġdar ~ naġdar ~ taġdar‹ “you ~ I ~ he can”.g. and Gibraltar in a place name. jábega “dragnet”. alqusáyyar “the little castle”. nalguí “I let go”. Pt.2. ˙ ˙ and leaving aside cases of obviously intra-Rm.

24. such as in contact with unvoiced ones or in syllable codas. nagániê “goiter”. from { #mq}.. cf. as in Ml.g.23. but also ›ġudrān‹ ¯ ¯ “paralysis”). as reflected by Alc. ›anh/ġadar‹ “he was crippled”. loanwords. /h/ (Uvular Unvoiced Spirant) ¯ 1..2 The shift /ġ/ > / #/ in some AA items is a likely inheritance of the South Arabian stock of some groups of Arab invaders in cases like Alc. jaârafía “geography”.2. kácel “wash- ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ing”.2 On the other hand.g. etc. Without assuming a total merger of / #/ and /ġ/.22. magatzem ¯ “storage house”.1 As in most Arabic dialects. from standard harrūbah. in spite of the grammarians’ efforts to prevent it. consonantism 31 1. transcriptions with ›g‹. could become /ġ/. VA ›mah/ġdūr‹ “crippled”. Rm. from {nġnġ}. from standard mahzan). instead of the usual ›c‹ or ›qu‹. from Low Lt. like Cs. Bauer 1966:37–38.2.24. /ġ/ (Uvular Voiced Spirant) 1. in which /ġ/ is not reflected. GL ›wakı̄hun‹ “shameless”. Ct. this being the usual solution to the ˙ proto-Rm. from {sdġ}. al(g)ara “pellicle of the egg” < AA alġilála “shirt”. this phoneme may be devoiced in certain posi- tions.2. lexiviu(m). ˙ 1. there is plenty of evidence that /q/ merged with /k/ in most registers. at least in some items.23.24. naktóç ~ katazt = nagtóz ~ gatázt “to dive”. and the resulting /h/ may analogically propagate to all the forms of a paradigm (e. ¯ 1. LA 132 ˙ ˙ ˙ ›tarkuwah‹ “clavicle”. from {ġts}.1 In some cases. ›huqq‹ = ›hukk‹ “box”.2. 1. and izdák “temple”. almafre “helmet” < AA almaġfar. for SA waqı̄h and tarquwah. as proven by many optional or aberrant spellings (e. which would then propagate to other positions (e. lekxía. perhaps also 315. assimilation or intervocalic voicing (e.g. by assimilation in contact with a voiced one. and Et. this phoneme.2. considers this a case of dissimilation with /r/ and so it might be in AA.8.. ¯ Alc.). nognóga pl. some speakers of AA might have had a very weak articulation of the second phoneme. or the ultra-correct gomq “chiasm”. almófar = Pt.g. even ›f‹. Cs.72 It is 72 Although muztafrag reappears in 101. ›q/kafazt‹ “I jumped”. also VA ›laġšiyyah‹ “lye” ˙ ˙ vs. ›x‹). from Lt. algarroba “carob”. cluster /ks/. This could explain some peculiar Rm.10 muztáfra pl. muztafraín “fainted”. vs. Arabic maġrib. from {ġsl}.2. Alc. ›maq/ktāh‹ ˙ ¯ “cucumber patch”. are generally due to intra-Rm.. VA ›salq/k‹ “saltwort”. However.. . IQ 32/3/2 ›yalkah‹ “it grows”. with an obvious ESA example like ›m #rb‹ “West”.

e. and ›matā‹ “of”. /h/ (Pharyngeal Unvoiced Spirant) ˙ 1.. and ›natā‹ “leather spread”.g.2. from { #ql}. ˙ 1. e. Cs..2.73 Possibly. from { #tw}). Cs. for SA qim(a) # and nit #.1. which suggests ultra-corrections triggered by the trend men- ˙ tioned in 1. in many sources)..g.g.25. for SA assā #ah. 1. and ˙ ˙ ›yarā‹ “flute”. from SA al #arrādah.g. Alc. from {šk #}).. LA ›qimā‹ “funnel”. but has existed in many Semitic areas on account of substrata or by˙ simple ˙ drift. Pt.2. Z 1393 ˙˙ and 1304 ›kahk(ah)‹ “a kind of pastry”. IQ 20/7/3 et passim ›al+sā‹ “now”.1 There are some hints of voicing of this phoneme. or are a simple makeshift device used by bilingual Mozarabs at a loss to somehow represent that phoneme graph- ically. VA ›bawd‹ “gnats”.26.g. from SA al #arabiyyah. etc.. and Ct. The resulting /h/ could eventually propa- ˙˙ ˙ ˙ gate to other positions. as in the case of Ml. / #/ could decay at times (e. 1. transcriptions of Arabic / #/ with ›g‹ (e.32 phonology uncertain whether Rm.g. / #/ (Pharyngeal Voiced Spirant) 1. › #ansulah = ansulah‹ “lump”.25. always in syllable codas. algaravia “Arabic language”. yabróâ “mandrake”. this phoneme was often devoiced by contact assimilation (e. etc. as given away by the emergence of secondary diphthongs. algar- abía.1 As in other Arabic dialects. loanword nora “water wheel”. for ˙ matā #. e. for SA ba #ūd and yarā #. for SA qawsu quzah. from SA ka #kah.. there was a previous phase of mere pharyngealisation of the immediate vowels. from { #fn}. 73 This trend is pointed out by Höfner 1943:17–18 and Bauer 1966:36 for the Hadramı̄ dialect of ESA. IQ 18/2/3 and 50/6/1 ›mahhā‹ “with her” < ma #+hā.25. in the aforementioned case of VA ›bawd‹ “gnats” and the Pt. and Ct.2 In the low registers of AA.. and ›hafn‹ ˙ ˙ “putrefaction”. from standard nā #ūrah.25. Hv 99r8–13 ›tahtı̄ ~ ˙ ˙˙ nahtı̄‹ “you ~ I give”. ˙ for SA yabrūh. algar- rada “catapult”.2.) would reflect actual ultra-correct realizations of that phoneme as /ġ/. from ˙ ˙ ˙ { #nsl}. VA ›quzquza #‹ “rainbow”.2.2.26. ›miškāh‹ “avaricious”. . VA ›huqlah‹ “slowness”.

for SA fākihah..5. and common˙ ˙ in some morphemes of Jewish Naf. Fischer & Jastrow 1980:53 state that “Vielfach ist anlautendes h beim Personalpronomen. transcription fata of Arabic fath in the elegy attributed to the last king of Granada. from standard kahf ). for SA balah and ablah.. VA ›fākiyah‹ “fruit”. Alc.g. final (e.75 Oth- erwise. from {šbh} but inflected as if from *{šby}.27.g. belé “stupidity” and eblé “stupid”. 74 See Corriente 2006:108–111. aber auch bei anderen Wortklassen ausgefallen”.2. from {nhd}. dialects. 21/13/1 ›ya #tı̄+k+alla+nnaǧā‹ “may God give you salvation”. áššu “what?”. e.. 75 This trend is not absent from other Western NA dialects. himself) or oth- erwise (e. nād “he got up”.2. e. consonantism 33 1.. for SA lutiha bišarr “he committed evil”.2 There is a single vouchsafed AA item exhibiting /h/ instead of an expectable /h/.1. which is proven by dialectal spellings (e.26. the /h/ of 3rd person pronominal suffixes is assimilated by a next /s/ or /š/. which posits a sg. although an identical shift has been registered in other NA dialects. kı̄fān (see fn. Z 1 ›qry‹ and ›sby‹. ˙ ˙ and Z 123 ›kı̄fān‹ “caves”. which has both kāf and its pl. like Ml. for SA haššantu sadrahū “I angered”. in AA this phoneme has been dropped at the end of the pausal form of the OA fem.. however.27. for qaríyya ˙ “village” and sabíyya “girl”). by the Cs. merely pronounced /-a/. marker {-at}.2. 1. *kāf. Boabdil)74 or. for SA ˙¯ ˙ ˙ ¯ ması̄h “Messiah”)..27. VA ›qahqahah‹ = ›qahqahah‹ “laughter”. /h/ (Glottal Spirant) 1.g. ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ 292 ›lutiha‹.1 As is standard in NA. 174). íssum “they are not”. etc. also witnessed by Alc.2 In the low registers of AA there were some cases of replacement of this phoneme by /h/ (suggested. for SA sahı̄l. nixebbé ~ xeb- ˙˙ béyt “to fake”.. no clear conclusion can be drawn from it. ˙ 1. and 295 ›ması̄h‹. better ˙ documented /h/ (e. like Mo. IQ 23/5/1 et passim ›faqı̄‹ “doctor of the Law”. A mute reflex of /h/ is the prevailing solution in Ml. . being an ono- ˙ ˙ ˙ matopoetic item.4.g. see 3. see Heath 2002:180–181.2.. ›sawı̄l‹ “neigh”. PES 69/4/4 ›in hālaf+ ˙ . ¯ alla+d-dunūn‹ “should God not meet the expectations”.g. The same phenomenon has occurred in other ˙ positions.e. LA 257 ›ašhant‹. i.g.

Magacela Bd.g. 511 ›mu" addib‹ “instructor”) which. ›itmār‹ “fruits”. for standard adrās. vs. 9/4/4. like 76 In which we follow the usual convention of not transcribing it in writing. ˙pn. Bolbaite Va. or other items (e.28. in agreement with the following rules: 1. bizím “buckle”. with total disregard ˙ of the CA rules.. for standard ibzı̄m.. or a prosthetic /a/ or /i/ was introduced before the cluster..). ˙ " and banāt)..34 phonology 1.1. from SA al" iqlı̄m “the district”. etc. VA ›bizı̄n‹ and Alc. ›ra" ı̄s almalā" ikah‹ “archangel”. laymunu+llāhi “I swear by God”. IQ 31/4/5 ›wa+" aǧri‹ “and mind”. buzaque “drunkard”. from umm(a) ġazálah “mother of a gazelle. (u)nās ¯ “people”. /" / (Glottal Stop) 1.77 The decay of /" / in positions other than initial had different consequences according to the environments in which it occurred in OA. something quite unusual in OA. from AA bu+záqq “that of the wine-skin”. except in absolute initial position. pn. was inserted there. IQ 20/29/1 / #ábdu+ná/ “I am his slave”. 40/4/2 ›al #aqli " arrāǧih‹ “the poised number of syllables.. ..e. Between two /a/’s.. and freakish broken plurals like VA ›idrās‹ “teeth”. ›iǧrā‹ ˙ aǧrā “cubs”.1 AA is no exception to the rule of general decay of this phoneme in NA dialects. badá and qará from SA bada" a “he began” and qara" a “he read”. as dispens- able. AA treated every initial alif as alifu wasl. wayl+ummihı̄ “poor his mother!”. bo[j]alaga “whitlow”. ¯ That weakness ˙ ¯ is also responsible for the shape of some AA items (e. in order to obtain the desired rhythm and ˙ run”. Z 448 ›lā tas" al‹ “do not ask”.2..g.2. 589 ›iksā+k‹ “your clothes”. i. 7/11/3 /qatá # albár+ atári/ ˙ ¯ “may the Creator cut my steps short”. and other very few cases. from [a]bu+kináni “father of K.g. could only have occasionally reflected the pronunciation of high registers. from [a]bu+lbáyt “father of the house”) with aphaeresis of SA abū “father of”. But even after an open juncture. Z 1210 ›f+umm+ı̄‹ “in my mother”).. ˙ 77 This weakness of initial /" / in AA and other NA dialects generated a host of aphaeretic forms.. which generally became /á/ in AA (e.g..”.g.28.76 and this in spite of conservative spellings (e. VA and IQ 6/7/3 ›ahnāk‹ “there”. Lecrín Gr.”. which accounts for the anomalous shape of many words (e. and 13/2/4 ›b+ay‹ “with which”.g.2. 925 ˙ ›imtā #+nā‹ “ours”. elidible in juncture after a preceding final vowel.1. Z 5 ›ihmār+ak‹ “your donkey”. ›ruġūn‹ “Aragon”. from AA [a]bu+haláqa “wearing a ring”). IQ 2/8/3 ›(a)had‹ “one”. and place names (Boquiñeni Zg. VA ›su" āl‹ “question”. a disjunctive vowel. except when metrical convenience˙ required alifu qat #. Whenever the decay of that phoneme and˙ ˙the following vowel produced words beginning with a consonantal cluster. ›abnāt‹ “daughters”.. and 176/2/1 ›qādı̄ " almuslimı̄n‹ “judge of the Muslims”.˙ although not entirely unknown. but there are some instances of hesitation. for AA albári...g.˙ e. the usual NA solution was contraction into /ā/. etc. since Arabic will not admit syllables beginning with a vowel. atmār.. Z 658 ›bū šaqšaq‹ “stork”). loanwords (e. if at all. like VA ›(a)hawāt‹ “sisters”. Rm. Cs. furthermore. initial /" / could be dropped together with either the following vowel or the final one of the preceding word (e.28.g. cf. kátt “I took”.. ›w+anta‹ “and you”. ¯ for OA ahattu. Alc. generally /i/. VA ›il+ayna‹ “where to”.

1.2.. for SA fa" l.1. this result could propagate paradigmatically.2 and fn. Between other sequences of vowels.g.g. from SA hata" and hama" ). which in turn developed an allomorph taylúla in VA (on ¯ ¯ account of 1.g. for standard ˙ NA hād[i]" ah. VA ›farrā‹ “furrier” and ›bannā‹ “bricklayer”.28. suwál. /" / disappeared without any trace after a historically long vowel at the end of a word (e. Alc. IA 158 ›fāyit‹ “passing away”. 1.g. for SA ru" ūs “heads” and fu" ūs “hoes”). including AA. and thence nifellél “I prognosticate”). 1.28..1. etc. .. VA ›riyyah‹ “lung” and ›miyyah‹ “one hundred”. deff “heating”.g. consonantism 35 LA 174 ›mı̄da/āh‹ for SA mı̄da" ah “lavatory”. fill “omen”. for OA ‘ib’. for SA su" āl “question” has aswílah in the pl. in spite of the standard sg. and hamí “mud”.6).28.2. Likewise. The model would be taken from the most used form of all paradigms. ›tawālı̄l‹ in VA.2. but either semi-consonant could propagate to whole paradigms in positions other than the one having triggered this shift (e. 87. for SA farrā" and bannā" ).78 for SA u" addibu. and by /y/. to judge from Alc.’s spellings like ceélt “I asked” (but IH 311 ›saltu‹). is matched in that very work by ›tawlı̄f ‹ “compilation”). the outcome seems to have been /ú/ (e. ibt “armpit” generates a pl. in ¯ LA 265. while SA tu" lūlah “wart” is likely to ˙ ¯ have generated the AA pl...g.. aybát. /" / was replaced by /w/ if one of them was /u/. This would happen even before the fem.4. There are no recorded cases of results of /" / between two /i/’s in AA. 1. After a vowel at the end of a syllable. ˙ ˙ whence a backformed sg. LAT 193 and LA 272 ›ridd‹ “helper”. after a ˙ ¯ ˙ ˙ consonant. Alc. for two /u/’s.2. VA ›muwallah‹ “deified” for SA mu" allah.3. for SA fā" it.g. katá “mistake”.1.). commented below in 1.g. this being a sequence already scarce in OA.2. VA › #ibb‹ “load”. Alc. for SA nu" allif. the /" / is preserved in many NA dialects. and one case. for OA rid" . GL ›uwaddibu‹ “I instruct”. ›yabt‹ in VA.3...g. and Z 281 ›alsawwah‹ “the bad ˙ woman”. ›tālūlah‹.. ri" ah and mi" ah. morpheme {-a} (e. as well as between a consonant and a following vowel 78 The gemination of /y/ in both cases was caused by the trend towards avoiding biconso- nantal roots. that of {s" l}. even a mere vowel (e. if one of them was /i/ (e. the long vowel equivalence characteristic of NA was matched in AA by just a stressed vowel (e. VA ›hiddah‹ “kite”. rús and fús. and VA ›niwallaf ‹ “I compile”. for SA hid" ah and assaw" ah. in ˙ ˙ which because of morphological constraints. the decay was often compensated by its gemination (e.1. LAT 292 ›hāddah‹ “quiet”. e. together with the poor perception of gemination of spirants.. for OA daf " ).

from {" bn}.˙ 1236 ›li+nahyah‹ “aside”. VA ›sunubrah‹ “pine-tree”. as it brought about the decay of post-tonic vowels (e.1.1. the reason could be a dissimilation of labial phonemes. VA ›maybar‹ “needle box” and IQ 5/3/2 ›mayzar‹ “tunic” appear to have inherited their /y/ from the NA evolution of OA mi" bar and mi" zar.. sāhib.2. ›sum #ah‹ “belfry”. possibly for the same purpose (e. Stress Evidence of several kinds. both mended with /y/).5. an initial /" / becomes /y/. from {hr" } and {nš" }. from SA {fq" }).. Z˙ 57 ›wild+u‹ “his father”. but had substituted suprasegmental intense stress for it. At times also.g. VA ›yābanūz‹ “ebony” and ›yaf #ah‹ “viper”.3. had to shift to the language of a few tens of thousands of Arabs. Alc. 80 The intense. above all sociolinguistic.3. rather than being lost (e.g. wālid and nāhiyah). unequivocally proves that AA had not preserved the quantitative rhythm characteristic of OA. the latter is widely witnessed in NA and probably triggered by OA rules for the interchange of the three semi-consonants. VA ›nafqi # ~ faqa #t‹ “to pull the eyes”.3. ˙scholar A. called #an #anah by early Eastern grammarians. Alc..g.. native inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula.1. But some cases are complex: e. Suprasegmentals 1. when due consideration is paid to the fact that a few mil- lion people.g.81 79 Both phenomena are old and known from other areas and epochs. and this in most cases through the intermediation of superficially Arabicised Berbers. ˙ 81 This was ˙ already clearly ˙ stated by˙ the ˙ towering Br. speakers of stress- rhythmed Proto-Rm. dialects. and néxie “forging”.1 From the sociolinguistic viewpoint and in the light of what is presently known about creoles and pidgins.g. from the semantic and phonetic kinship between {" mn} and {ymn}. for SA abanūs and af #à).28. while in VA ›maybanah‹ “sodomy” and ›maybūn‹ “passive sodomite”. i. taymín “guarantee”.e. tout étrange . expiratory character of AA stress cannot be questioned. It appears that /" / would in some very rare instances in AA become / #/. sawma #ah. like those of the tribes of Tamı̄m and Qays (see Fleisch 1961:78). for˙OA ˙ sanawbarah. kária ˙ “dung”. Basset (1929: xxi): “Il n’y a pas lieu non plus de tenir compte de la quantité de la voyelle pleine. IQ 64/4/2 ›sahb aldayr‹ “the man in the convent”.80 1.. Z 1175 ›lis tasal‹ “she does not ask”). whose native language did not possess quantitative rhythm either. in order to prevent a sequence /-wb(u)-/. any other scenario would have been unbelievable.. ¯ 1. graphemic and prosodic. happened in some OA dialects.36 phonology (e.g. The former.79 1.. but for cases of morphological constraints requiring a consonant in a given slot of a pattern (e.

aǧtamá #u. which we expounded in Corriente the Khalı̄lean 1997:70–121. from ˙ OA miqass. as expounded in Corriente 1980a: 22. in alternation ¯ sometimes with the grapheme of gemination. namely. e. through rhythmical transposition of ˙ metres. fı̄rān. ta/iqá #. for OA taqa #u. GL 9 ›tiqqah‹ ¯ “trust”. CA muwaššahāt or AA azǧāl. the OA and CA verse-making system based on que cela puisse paraître dans une langue où la quantité consonantique tient une si grande place”. etc..2 The graphemic proof of this hypothesis is that. of SA ˙ ˙ ¯ ikāf “saddlebag”. 1. e. that in order to restore a measure of rhythm to the metres.3. IQ 12/5/1 ›yuǧad‹ “there is” = yuǧád.1.. but missed its direct descent.. e. sífa and akífa. stress might occasionally shift to syllables that were not tonic in ordinary speech. thus.. when Hisp. having recanted that previous mistake already in our edition of IQ of 1980. tíqa. allowed the same license ˙ in the˙ composition and recitation of stanzaic poems. Contrariwise.g.g. matching AA muqás. above all the use of matres lectionis (i. ˙ danábu. usqúf. inasmuch as CA orthogra- phy does not prevail on grounds of tradition and habit. like ›nahs+u‹ “his ill luck”. Apparently. naqifu. graphemes traditionally assigned to OA long vowels) in the case of historically short vowels that are known to have been stressed (e. from SA usquf. 9/31/1 ›bi+saqayn‹ “with two legs” = bisaqáyn. suprasegmentals 37 1.3 The prosodical proof of phonemic stress in AA is not a total abandonment of Khalı̄lean metrics. VA ›usquff ‹.. ˙ yūǧad. instead of (pausal) CA sāfı̄. against the rule of˙ not shifting the stress to the ˙possessive ˙˙ suffixes. 90/19/2 ›naqı̄f ‹ “I stop”.1.3. 89 ›danāb+u‹ “his ¯ tail”. iǧtama #ū and danabu+hū). sāqayn and #ām. VA ›muqās‹ “pair of scissors”. VA ›sāfi‹ “clear” = sáfi. and the key to their interconnection.e. suggesting ultima stress. Incidentally. whose theory we accepted in Corriente 1976. Z 43 ›aǧtamā #ū‹ “they meet”. populations adopted Lt. LA 95 ›akiffah‹. the same phenomenon had occurred some centuries before. the many previous decades throughout which ˙ the local converted prosody ( #arūdun muhawwar) had accustomed Andalusi ears to such distortions. pl.. GL 328 ›firān‹ “mice” ˙ ˙ = firán. ›usqūf ‹ “bishop”. 41/8/1 › #am+awwal‹ “last year”. 82 As propounded in some of his works by the Spanish Arabist García Gómez. and ›siffah‹ “shape”. naqíf. only to discover subsequently that he had intuitively guessed the role of stress in the metrics of the two genres of Andalusi stanzaic poetry (muwaššah and zaǧal).g. The substitution of stress for syllabic quantity in the AA traditional pronunciation of CA had peculiar consequences for the recitation of poetry. IQ 9/21/3 ›taqā #‹ “they hap- ˙˙ pen”. for SA sifah and tiqah.g.82 i.. his- ¯ ¯ ˙ torically long vowels that were not stressed are often represented without the regular matres lectionis. etc.e. in this dialectal orthography. classical or dialectal. and in 100/0/2 ›al #ayn assū‹ “evil eye” would impose ultima stress upon the refrains of other stanzas again ending in the possessive +(h)u. ˙ . in IQ 8/0/1– 2 ›farh+ı̄‹ “my joy” rhymes with ›nidahhı̄‹ “I sacrifice”. every text aiming at reproducing the dialectal pronunciation of AA contains frequent aberrant spellings.

e. in Alc. Cs. this being the only distinctive feature vis-à-vis the preceding group.1. which were sequences of fixed or optional syllable quantities. therefore.1..4 The position of stress in AA follows rules which may differ considerably from those of the modern received Eastern Arabic pronunciation of OA..2. as studied by Birkeland 1954. which was dispensable. ¯ ˙ LA 287 ›qitā #‹ “money”. but rather its conversion to sequences of unstressed and stressed. suggested by Rm. However. AA always stressed the first syllable. vocalic glides).. even if it had existed in OA. . Cs. i.. distributed in arrangements closely mirroring those of the Khalı̄lean metres. e.3. In OA strings with the shapes /CvCvC/ and /CvCv̄C/. as there was no other stressing option in these sequences. but mere disjunctive shewas (i. kusūr and husūn). PES 5/4/5 ›huǧı̄b‹ “it was hidden”. Alc. of which each one may have inherited either one of those solutions solely. embedded in the segments called feet.83 for OA habar. xuhéb “grey [pl.3. albafar “spur dog” < AA kálb albáhr..g. sáb #. the phone- mic transcription of those items is ǧá/íbl. but often weak and always conditioned by the sequence of syllable quantities in words. lit. 1.3. or at least stressable syllables.1. no doubt because stress was not phonemic in OA. some idiolects of AA had phonemicised those shewas as full-fledged vowels in some cases. açófar “brass”) are not true exceptions to this rule. 1. St 74 ›kusur‹ “fragments” and ›husun‹ ˙ ˙ ˙ “castles”. AA always stressed the last syllable. 83 In the two last instances. gémal “camel” and çábaâ “lion”. This allowed different solutions in the various NA dialects.g. Would-be cases of ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ stress on the first syllable of this string..1. respec- ˙ ˙ tively.e. homár “red [pl. in which the vowel could be represented as long or short. ǧáml. and did consequently stress them.g. since that second vowel was not phonemic in AA. azahar “orange flower” < AA zahár < OA zahr “blossom”. and it required no departure from standard CA orthography.4.g. qita #.. The main rules for stress position in AA are as follows: 1.. This mark was redundant in such sequences (e.4. In OA strings with the shape /Cv̄CvC/. acíbar “aloes” and Pt.]” for OA humr and šuhb. this is cor- ˙ roborated by some loanwords.]”. and Pt. gébel “mountain”. which was avoided by most copyists when unnecessary. IA 625 ›habār‹ “news”. or an admixture of several.38 phonology the contrast between short and long syllables. “pieces”. the stressed vowel is often not marked with a mater lectionis. “sea ˙ dog”. transcriptions and loanwords (e.e. regardless of its historical quantity. huǧib. and are closer to those observed in Western Arabic. síbr and súfr.

albéitar. for SA nāsūt.g.. Pt. such as the inflexional ones marking the dual and regular pl. used in the very scarce. and Ct. vs. even in AA. but very frequent items. The stress patterns of AA were not affected by suffixation. except in the case of characteristically stressed suffixes. AA witnesses both types of stress. however. léhut “divinity”. this suffix had a ˙ shortened OA allomorph without gemination. for SA sanādı̄q. en aquella mesma lo conservan los derivativos”) suggested to Steiger 1932:77–80 stress predictability in terms of . and Gl. 1. which became {CaCāCiC} as a characteristic 85 E. some of which probably had very weak stress. in the broken feature of the whole Western Arabic group (e. for the OA pausal forms aǧnab+ı̄. suprasegmentals 39 as length in stressed vowels had become merely redundant in this dialect bundle. VA ›sanādiq‹ “boxes”. DC 6a encéni “human”. and ša" āmin “Syrian”. among which the so-called nisbah-suffix. nahw+ı̄ ˙ and batn+ı̄. Alc. q. yahúdi “Jewish”. ¯ 1. but ˙ ˙ ˙ Rm.. 4b neceráni “Christian”. tihāmi(n) “from Tihāmah”. For /Cv̄Cv̄C/. ˙ pl. and the derivational ones. (e. which has survived in NA. matāqı̄l ¯ 86 Alcalá’s wording upon describing ˙ this situation ¯ (ed. and ›bawāsir‹ “haemorrhoids”. cátil “killer”. ¯¯ álaf “thousands”. ›matāqil‹ “gold coins” ˙ and bawāsı̄r). axnabí “stranger”.. respectively. Cs. baladí ˙ ˙ “trivial”. and propagated to nouns with a similar prosodic structure (e. quirát “karat” and hanút “shop”.g.4. stock. p. durúri “necessary”. again reflects both types (e. Cs.1.1. barrio “neighbourhood”. Pt.g. alveitar “blacksmith” is not conclusive.g. for standard yahūdı̄. and in the case of loanwords. almoádão..3. easily altered by contact with other dialects or even by an unavoidable strengthening process in the realizations of recently Arabicised people of Hisp. Cs. In OA strings with the shape /CvCCvC/. Pt.86 84 The case of Cs. for ˙ SA qātil. nésut “humanity”. its frequency in /Cv̄Cv̄C/ strings.4.. dínar “dinar” vs.3. from SA muqaddam and mu" addin.g. in which {+ı̄} stands for {+iyy}). {+í} (e. nahuí “gram-marian”. quilate.v. as reflected by Rm. kátim “seal” and cárib “boat”. Alc.85 points rather to different solutions already extant in the dialects of the first invaders. 6: “los derivativos que descienden de primitivos que tienen el acento en la media sílaba. as it is in Rm. quirat). Lagarde.4. pattern {˙ CaCāCı̄C}. insānı̄ and nasrānı̄. in open clash with Eastern usage. almocadém “commander” vs...g. dı̄nār.3. loanwords only exhibit ultima stress (e. from AA bárri “outer”). because AA has transmitted both ›baytar‹ and ›baytār‹. almocadén. darūrı̄. almuédano “muezzin”.84 It has been suggested that penultima stress in these items would have been a prestigious Eastern importation. However. yamāni(n) “Yemenite”.. lāhūt. batní “big-bellied”.g. qı̄rāt and hānūt).. Alc. Alc. from AA baladí “local”. loanwords like Cs. hātam and qārib).

pl. ˙ syllable structure.g.3. suffixes {+u} and {+na} which. However.3.2.g. qatalnáhum “we killed them”.10. ›ġayyūr‹ “jealous”. Its preservation is demonstrated. VA ›mar[ra]tayn‹ “twice”. such as the auxiliary signs marking gemination.1. also witnessed by Alc. the truth being that unstressed nisbah-adjectives in AA are just the continuation of some of its OA ingredients.2. . presumable ultra-corrections. 1. absence of vocaliza- tion. hallába and arrabád.3. LA 272 ›dawwār‹ “dizziness”. ˙ ˙ ¯ of hilāl.2. e. whose exact length might have been hard to perceive by speakers with a substratum prone to inhibit gemination. the very examples and many exceptions given by Alcalá prove him wrong.2. backformed on the standard ahillah. qatalú+ni “they killed me”. Velarisation 1.11. VA ›šurriyān‹ “arteria”.3. 2.3.3 have dealt with the survival of this OA suprasegmental in AA and its weakness in low and late registers. 1. there are some more trustworthy pieces of evidence hinting at cer- tain cases of infra-correct inhibition of that feature (e. gañán “shepherd”.1 The preceding paragraphs 1.3. like /w/. also Alc. having being long in OA. akáil “pin”.8/14/17. ˙ ˙ ˙ cf. etc.2. whereby short syllables would be opposed to long ones. 9. transcriptions usually produced by native speakers of languages with a very weak perception of this phonetic fea- ture. There are other ¯ ˙ instances as well. see 2. attract stress in AA when followed by a pronominal suffix. /y/ and /r/. for standard šaryān. by Rm... together with vowel quantity. alfiler. whence Cs. ġayūr and duwār). and this holds true also for AA. characteristically prone to inhibit it. akíla pl. and ›masāf ˙ ˙ ˙ +uhum‹ “their ranks”.g. in spite of its Hisp. ›baqam‹ pl.40 phonology 1. to the case of the verbal pl. except partially in the case of the stop /t/.2 However.3. of non-etymological gem- ination (e.2. we pointed out the frequent hypercorrect gemination of sonorants.2. fn. like Cs. substratum. from AA ġannám.1 Gemination plays a central role in Arabic morphophonemics. The same applies. falleba “espagno- lette” and arrabal “outskirts”. for instance. for standard ›baqqam‹..87 1.4 and 1. or even by natives insufficiently acquainted with the niceties of Arabic script. ›himmis‹ and ›masāff +uhum‹. as often when he tried to describe grammatical and lexical facts.1. by the way. 87 In a survey of gemination and its inhibition in Corriente 1991:8–10.11. possibly on account of their being spirants. loanwords.. kilíl). which ¯ ˙ would have had different shapes were it not for the rendering of gemination. esp.2. ›buqūm‹ “brazilwood”. leaving aside Rm. Gemination 1. LA 94 ›hims‹ “peas”.

combinatory phonetics 41 1. gawnā. ›yass- abban‹ “it is cleared of nits”.. the alternative possibility of an Egyptian etymon in Corriente 1997d: 488. spelled with ›ǧ‹ or ›š‹. Assimilation 1. ›yattarraq‹ ˙ ˙˙ ˙˙ “to be stricken”. Incidentally. /tz/ > /zz/. without this phenomenon.4. and merely reckoning data culled from materials in Arabic script or above that suspicion. cf. /r+l/ > /ll/ (e. from Lt. IQ 42/1/5 et pas- sim ›ūǧ/š‹. ˙ from {dhr}). this item is also reflected. see.. Alc. although not consistently reflected by the standard orthography. /ǧh/ > /č/ (only in SA waǧh “face”. the decay affects /l/ (see Behnstedt 1992:202).1 Contiguous assimilation of phonemes in order to ease their realization in contact is a linguistic universal. guéch.g.g. In the case of AA con- sonants. for *ištamm. /tt/ > /tt/. *yatsabban and ˙ ˙ ¯ ˙ *yatsahhab). VA ›tist‹ and ›tass‹ “bowl”. for SA huǧzah.1. would be the outcome of a parallel evolution of *al+gawn. tos- ˙ ˙ ˙ tus. it is worth mentioning the instances of /ǧz/ > /zz/. but they have been obviously preceded by /ǧt/ > /št/. *yatzarrad. *›yatdakkar‹. from {ǧhd}. for AA alǧizíra “the island”. /ǧl/ > /ll/.4.88 in VA ›nallas‹ “I sit down”. usually geminated (e.g. as proven in IQ 82/9/4 ›yuštar‹ “it is ruminated”. also present in OA and SA. ›yazzarrad‹ “it is swallowed”. 89 There are also some cases of apparent /ǧt/ > /č/ (e.. however. *›yat-darras‹. ›yassahhab‹ “it is clouded”. pastı̆nāca. above all in late or low registers.4. leaving aside Rm. gōn. which becomes wáč or [w]úč in the low registers of AA. in VA ›huzzah‹ “pleat”. the regular /td/ > /dd/. /td/ > /dd/.1.Yem.. augmentative suffix {+ÓN}. mood”. from {ǧrr})... *›yattarraq‹. nechehéd “I endeavour”. through Sr. /tǧ/ > /ǧǧ/. /td/ > /dd/.89 or conversely /st/ > /s(s)/ and /st/ > /s(s)/ (e. with the Rm. and the frequent shift. however. for *›yatdab- ˙˙ bar‹. etc. apparently borrowed from Ph. Z 1051 ›tuštūn‹ “toast”. by AA ġáwn pl. for SA ištarà).g. both ˙ . AC 551 ›aǧǧarı̄‹ “he bought”. next to ›naǧlas‹. transcriptions that might have been influenced by their foreign phonetics. Z 963 ˙˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ 88 This assimilation must have operated on an occlusive pronunciation of /ǧ/ and can be connected with Mod. forms in which. ačarí. Combinatory Phonetics 1. VA ›yaddabbar‹ “it is arranged”.). ›yaddarras‹ “he has his teeth set on edge”. /n+y/ > /yy/ (e.g. 89/12/4 ›yadhal+lı̄‹ “it seems to me”. aġwán “humour. IA ›waǧǧ‹. for naǧtarr. and the ˙ ˙ place name Alzira Va. ›yaddakkar‹ “he ˙˙ ¯¯ remembers”. ˙ for SA kāna yufaǧǧir). ›yaǧǧarrab‹ “it is tried”. etc. for SA naǧtahid. IA 444 ›tuǧūn‹ vs. . Z 203 ›aššam‹ “it was smelt”.g. i. DE 23 ›bišnāqah‹ “wild carrot”. Alc. /st/ ˙˙ ˙˙ or /št/ > /č/. IQ 28/3/1 - ›dahal+lak‹ “it seemed to you”. /st/..e.. also OA lawn “colour”. in addition to what has been antici- pated in the descriptions of the particular phonemes. IQ 38/30/3 ›kay+yafaǧǧar‹ “he would bleed”. and nachárr “I ruminate”. ˙ ˙˙ ˙ ˙˙ ¯ ¯¯ /ts/ > /ss/ and /ts/ > /ss/ (e. from Lt..

g. 36. like Cs.4.. as well as transcriptions of Rm.1 ›ylskš‹. ›ǧaras/s‹ ˙ ˙ “bell”.. Gl..8 ›wrāqh‹. 29.g.).3 Distant assimilation of consonants which do not abut upon each other hap- pens occasionally in AA. and ›ylā‹ for ílla “but”). Cs. at least in low and late registers. ajonjolí “sesame”. and DC 13a ˙ agecediín “the corporal ones”.42 phonology ›assiǧah‹ “the town of Écija” Se. AB ›yn‹ for AA ínna “indeed”. Pt. for Illescas. for standard satl.1. Algeciras Ca.). aluquete “lighter”..4 Assimilation of the semi-consonants /w/ and /y/ to a next vowel in the onset of words. as pointed by the transcriptions in Alc. for Oliva.4.. and ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ the aforementioned ›saqsayt‹ “I asked”).2 As for the characteristic assimilation of /l/ in the Arabic article /al+/ to a next dental or alveolar consonant. upon describing the changes undergone by every vocalic phoneme in a 90 With regressive propagation of velarisation.. aljama “Muslim or Jewish community”. etc. for SA alǧulǧulān. . from the SA Iranism banafsaǧah). VA ›infit/tāq‹ “to rip”.1... for SA alǧamā #ah.29 agiráh “the wounds”. 1. NA name of Venice. between nasals (e. from bunduqiyyah. from Lt. stăbŭlu(m). zaguán “hall”. Most Rm. formerly Astigi.g. for ˙ ˙ SA istaqsaytu.4.g. for SA alǧazı̄rah “the island”. at least in the low registers of AA. 156. AA is one of the NA dialects having extended this rule to /ǧ/..1. do not exhibit this feature (e. from AA istiwán. MT 183.4. on account of a velarised /r/..90 ›sabal‹ and ›istabl‹ “stable”. 1.5 Concerning vowel assimilation. is hinted at by the transcriptions of some loanwords (e. Cs. for standard alǧāmi #. for alǧasadiyyı̄n. ˙ ˙ 1.10 agímiê “the church”.. VA ›saqsayt‹ “I asked”. as well ˙ ˙ ˙˙ as unquestionable AA loanwords in Rm. however. and might have prompted certain spellings with those graphemes of mere initial vowels (e. almáciga. such are also the cases of progressive or regressive propagation of velarisation (e. and menéfsige “violet”. and Pt. vs. the so-called “solar letters”. for SA alǧirāh. ›satal‹ “bucket”.g. for instance. Cs. and Ajufía Mu. and Ct. names in Arabic script (e. loanwords and place names. and in addition to the cases reported above. etc.1. Alc. osga “gecko”. from wázġa).g. for Urraca 416. for SA alǧawfiyyah “the northern one”). ˙˙ 1.9 ›wlybh‹. from SA mastakā. from AA alwaqída. nimándaq “I take a bow”.

VA ›itfiya‹ ¯ “trivet” for SA utfiyyah.1 Cases of apparent dissimilation of a sequence of identical vowels. fn. and Ct. 93 See Brockelmann 1908: I 243–247.. for SA quwwah and suwar. 1.93 so that such cases in AA constitute a mere continuation of that trend. ˙ 92 See Corriente & Bouzineb 1994:12. In some instances. not always easy to explain. whence Cs. aliém “today”. /n/ or /y/) has been frequent in the whole Semitic group. as in the case of the 3rd person pronominal suffixes containing /u/ and attached to words ending in /i/ or /y/ (cf. for SA alyawm and zawǧ. Alc. however.. their modern descendants in Medina and other present-day dialects. was very haphaz- ¯ ard.g. etc. for SA zarāfah and takrār. and ˙ AC ›zāǧ‹ “two”. The application of this principle.g. Dissimilation 1.4. GL ¯ ›turbūnah‹ “tribune”.2 Dissimilation of geminated consonants into a sonorant (i. combinatory phonetics 43 given consonantal contour. and had many conspicuous exceptions. ¯ ¯ ¯ IH 207 ›hazānah‹ and GL ›hazānatun‹ “closet”. ›katı̄r‹ in other sources. and quiguár “balls”. CA rules for vowel assimilation were rejected. as we shall see under the appropriate head- ing. in 91 Fleisch (1979:15 and fn. *bar̄éna. niçráni “Christian”. for OA katı̄r. /m/. /l/. in which AA avoided the harmonised shapes of CA. 1. for SA ¯ ¯ hizānah. for NA kuwar. tribuna.2.. LA 160 ›zirāfah‹. girafa.4. e.). IH 105 ›kitı̄r‹ “much” vs. 1 about this strange item. birrína “drill”. quígua “strength”. 1) reports Sı̄bawayhi’s information (II 321) about the failure to observe this rule among the people of Alhiǧāz in the old days. IH 293 and IQ ›šuqūr‹ “axe”. . alacena. whence Cs.e. and ciguár “images”. like Alc. from Low Lt. would continue an OA preference for the sequence /iCā/. /r/.4. not only in Arabic. ˙ jirafa. or even CA and OA. while other kinds of items. ticrár “repetition”. appear to be rather original developments in the late low registers of AA. from proto-Rm.2. ˙ from Lt. which is also the rule in the whole NA).2. sĕcūris. ˙ GL ›nisrāniyun‹ and Alc.92 an anomalous solution for the diphthong /aw/. it is noteworthy that AA was prone to apply vowel harmony in both native words and borrowed items (e. or even like Alc. Alc. Instances like VA ›na/isrānı̄‹. or of vowels followed by homorganic semi-consonants are no more frequent in AA than in the rest of NA. VA.91 and that of the names of quadriconsonantal patterns. Pt. IQ 6/2 ›fı̄+hum … yaǧı̄+hum … mašı̄+hum‹ “in them … comes to them … their walk”.

romiín “Roman”. from {tbq}. IH 212 mukāriyyı̄n.g.4. e. capital city of ˙ Spain and place name relatively frequent in this country in several variants. for SA kuds. tribe of Sinhāǧah”.3 Haplological dissimilation. for standard safsāf...). VA ›birbir/lı̄‹ “Berber”. but the opposite case seems to have been more frequent. matríče “spring.5. Metathesis 1. elimination of one of two successive similar phonetic units or sequences.44 phonology VA ›sif/rsāf ‹ “willow”. Alc.1 As a particularly though not exclusively characteristic feature of creoles. and 84/17/4 ›mukārı̄n‹ “muleteers”. i. from { #rd}.3. e. AA appears to go along with CA.1). from { #fs}. VA ›nilattam‹ “I knead”. s˘ynăgōga. for *tubbūqah. MT 1003. ˙ ˙ ˙ IQ 68/5/3 ›yazhū‹ “he mocks”. and in other . ˙ ˙ caymón “cumin”. 1.4.1 The transitions between free or bound morphemes are subject to certain rules in all languages. Alc. whence Madrid. Junctures 1. agentive suffix ˙ {+áyr}. pl. IQ 9/28/3 ›mudall+ı̄n‹ “dropping (pl. kanzáir “swineherd”. see Corriente 1990a. aâjamiín “barbarian”. âale˙ yadlimúna “to those who wrong ¯ us”. suffix {+ı̄n}. from Lt. - for AA #ala+ll[ad]í yadlimú+na. e. from AA hanzír + the Rm.. “Medes”. ›daybarānah‹ “wasp”.4. aâjamí pl. ›kust‹ “heap”.g. and LA ¯ ˙ ›qalsuwah‹ “rounded cap”.4. source” into AA maǧrít. from SA qalansuwah.)”. happens at times in AA. to the point of even extending this rule to nisbah-adjectives (see 2. ›fad/rdaht‹ “I split”.1. VA ›šunūġah‹ “synagogue”. etc. rather than with NA. the latter case being common in NA. from {wb" }. muqtariín “lessee”. ˙˙ from {tlm}. ›tunbūqah‹ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ “boss”. metathesis has operated quite often in AA (e. for SA kammūn.. mudelliín. 1.e. ›natnā #ad‹ “I argue”. mudélli pl. from {dbr}. from {dlw}. in the haplological elimination of a radical final /ı̄/ in front of the masc.. Alc.. with at times merely prosodic effects. on account of the similarity between sonorants. ›ra ##ādah‹ “catapult”.3. from {hz" }. and ˙ GL 158 ›mādı̄n‹.g.g. At times. IA 565 ›awġı̄‹ “let him go astray”. e.5 ›sinhāǧı̄n‹ “men from the Br.4. from { #nd}. rómi pl.4. from {kry}. from {ġwy}.2. ›tarbazı̄n‹ “pike”. Metathesis was also responsible for the change of Proto- Rm.4. ›wabā‹ = ›bawā‹ “pestilence”. against OA and NA rules. for the NA ˙ ˙ Iranism tabarzı̄n.g. and muqtarí = muktarí pl. ˙ › #afs‹ and › #asf ‹ “gallnut”. 1.

VA ›idra #ayn‹ for SA dirā #ayn “two arms”.4. {awwv}.1. However. núce rátal = nússi rátl ˙˙ ˙ 94 See Wright 1964: I 20. plan- tagine[m]. VA ›habs‹ “jail”. the adoption of foreign loanwords and. like IQ 38/19/1–3.3. IQ 7/5/2 ›aššatranǧ‹ “the chess game”.. Z 925 ›imtā #na‹ “ours”.1. for SA adrāǧ.. VA ›ablantāyin‹ “plantain”. {anv/}.g.1. . codas with the phonemic shape /vCC/ were avoided by inserting a non-phonemic vocalic glide95 between both con- sonants.g. LA 253 ›idrāǧ‹ “steps of a staircase”. but with exceptions like zanǧafúr. where ›na #aš‹ ˙ “stretcher” rhymes with ›tāš‹ “it went around” and ›yu #āš‹ “one lives”.4. 259 ›ansāb‹ “handle”.4. Such is the case of OA and of AA. those disjunctive vowels could ˙ ˙ be phonemicised in some idiolects.4. ›barq‹ “light- ˙ ˙ ning”. ¯ ¯ barq. crista. {stvv}. As explained in 1. {nvv}. milq. káuf.g. {a/ā}. ›iqrištah‹ “crest”.1. frota. However.. Alc. the decay of the vowel in initial syllables of the type /Cv/ could generate initial consonant clusters. as proven by some rhymes. except when the first was a sonorant or sibilant (e. ›hawf ‹ “fear” and ›hayl‹ “horses”. which were immediately mended with a prosthetic {" v+} (e. from Low Lt. They are avoided with a euphonic prefix {" i~u+}. ufrúta “fleet”.1. {tvv}. there was an idiolectal choice. from Pt. bend. etc.). combinatory phonetics 45 instances with alterations of the segmental phonemes occurring in them. between the standard treatment (e. 95 Generally [a]. Alc. and ˙ 40/7/1–3 where ›sahal‹ “easy” rhymes with ›ǧazal‹ “generous” and › #amal‹ “he did”. 67/13/4 ›alhubz‹ ˙ ¯ “the bread”. {anv̄} and {av}. in Alc. for pausal SA ġadā. from the SA Iranism zunjufr “cinna- bar”. 1. for which it is characteristic of AA to have {" a~u+}. and following are the ensuing consequences in the latter case. {awv}.2. IQ 4/4/4 ›tibarri yamı̄n‹ “she honours her oath”. ›milk‹ “possession”. káil and hábç). ›hamd‹ “praise”. ˙ ¯ ¯ for NA matā #nā. ›band‹ “banner”. 1018 ›aġdā‹ “tomorrow”. which implies ruling out words either beginning or ending with two consecutive consonants. for ˙ SA nisāb. put to use by poets in order to obtain the necessary metrical rhythm.4. Consonant clusters after a final juncture would happen in OA only in a few exceptional nouns. which might entail the stress shift to them. Most Semitic languages forbid consonant clusters immediately after or before a final juncture.94 and regularly in the perfectives and impera- tives of the verbal stems {v}. 1. 74/1/2 ›aššams‹ “the sun”. 38/38/1–3. when that same string ended in a geminated consonant. It is noteworthy that. where ›šuhad‹ “honey” rhymes with ›ašadd‹ “stronger” and ›ahad‹ “one”. in some idiolects. from Lt.

4. perhaps for metrical conve- nience. IQ 11/8/1 ›lā bud luh‹ “he has no escape”. The inhibition of the glottal tone in anticipation of external open junctures. Z 68 ›taktafı̄l‹ “you have enough”.g... nertéd lal káir. yūsif afandi “tan- gerines”. IQ 93/3/2 ›ǧins min‹ “kind of”). 344. is not needed when the first consonant is a sonorant (e. like PES 56/3/2 ›takrı̄ri #ahdu‹ “the renewal of his covenant”.g. zonbóâ.g. etc. might eventually have caused very particular treatments at the end of AA words. IQ 16/2/2 ›bi+alfi mitqāl‹ “for 1000 dinars”. for /nartádd/. Which should have exculpated Zalı̄hah or Zulayhah. IQ 89/10/1 ›tab #a fı̄kum‹ “natural in ¯ ˙ ˙ you”. to judge from its Old Cs. but /a/ in pharyngeo- laryngeal contours (e. for standard atāfı̄. MI 375. VA ›kulli+ ¯ yawm‹ “every day”. MI 180 ›rahlā bidal‹ “the ham- ˙ let of Vidal”. the phonemic status of which is dubious. combined with the scene of Qur"ān XII-31. through yus(t)afandi. however.4. for ¯ ¯ standard taktafı̄.g. Some of these shapes provide the necessary link to understand Eg.1. 1.96 This disjunc- ˙ tive vowel. Alc.). IQ 34/0/1 ›mall+a+nı̄‹ “he got tired of me”. from her weakness. which reflects imperfect bookish transmission of P. generally /i/.8 guazti dár “courtyard”.g. 59/5/5 ›ġayri anna‹ “however”. also call for a disjunctive vowel. Alc..3.7v ›bihayrı̄‹ “well”.97 96 This rule applies also to the pronominal suffixes attached to verbs or nouns (e. Those same strings in an open juncture. a kind of grapefruit. as she is called by Muslims.. this would not be the reason in Alc.4. Alc. ¯ etc. 33. and degemination of that consonant (e. 43. As is well known. although ¯ in the related section. ›bi+fardi+yad‹ “one-handed”. azamboa. the disjunctive vowel follows peculiar rules detailed 97 Apparently. they were so bedazzled by his beauty that they cut their fingers instead of the fruit.25 cúlli niçráni “every Christian”. It is noticeable that the disjunctive vowel is occasionally used in cases in which it is not strictly necessary.1.4. VA ›atāfil‹ “trivet”. e.e. ¯ ¯ . 1. “I change for the ˙ better”). see Corriente 2008c: 50. bostān buy.. reflex.30 fi toli daguámi adeguém “for ever”. 181 ›rahla " lrukā‹ “the hamlet of Roca”. ›sab #a+mi" ah‹ “seven hun- dred”. which caused the pausal phenomena of OA.46 phonology “half-a-pound”). ›farhi halāl‹ “legitimate child”. followed by another word. i. /2 ›yadall+a+nı̄‹ “he humiliates me”). for *istanbúd “an unidentified citrus”.4.. Islamic tradition purports that the fruit given by Putiphar’s wife in the banquet she offered to gossiping women was a citrus: when Joseph was introduced to them.

98 AA nouns necessarily fit into one of the diverse derivational patterns resulting from the interdigita- tion of a consonantal root morpheme.. Moscati 1964:75–84 and Diakonoff 1988: 42–56. many of the schemes attested in OA are no longer used in NA or AA. that rather hypertro- phied system had shrunk considerably. e. however. with other additional morphemic derivational elements. Ml. infixes and suf- fixes.1. in spite of a large measure of tolerance for unassimilated sequences. Fischer 1972:35–41 and SK 74.1.2.1. Turkic.99 often in discontinuous but strictly ordered and fixed sequences. These additions may consist of intercalated vowels. of a closed pattern inventory. consonantal gemination. 100 There might be some question about whether or not the speakers’ awareness of this morphological constraint is equally strong in peripheral dialects like AA. However..g. 108. . chapter two MORPHOLOGY 2. so that the most common patterns 98 See on this Brockelmann 1908:329–402. most particularly. of nouns and the derived verbal stems would demonstrate its considerable residual vitality and efficiency. where Rm. characteristic of all creolised languages. the OA system being described. Central Asian and Cypriot Arabic. possibly as mere instances of code-shift or code-mixing. The Noun 2. to which all Arabic nouns and verbs must conform.. which conveys a basic semanteme.100 2. fn. as categorial deter- minants of meaning.1. and any foreign stock must adjust prior to full-fledged morphological integration in this language. as we shall see in the related sections. or vowel lengthening. the basic survival of such characteristic morphological devices as the broken pls. Noun Patterns The derivational system of noun patterns: as is characteristic of all types of Arabic. and generally of every Semitic language. This morphological constraint determines the existence for both noun and verb. P and Gk. In the case of NA and. interference. in the terms of the by now classical Apple & Muysken 1987. in that of AA. by Wright 1859:110–177. prefixes. are likely to have blurred that notion. 99 Their comprehensive catalogue is laid out in Corriente 1996a: 26–33. and more or less unrestrained borrowing of foreign “amorphous” lexical items.

10. {miā} (nouns of instruments and intensive adjectives. but 126/4/5 šáklu “his shape”. IH 374 › #āmūd‹ “column”).g.1. e.]”. dífla “rosebay” and IH 308 ›su #dà‹ “galingale”). azráq “blue” and abkám “mute”). e. e. {uu} (substantives.. qátil “killer”).g. eventually extended with the few suffixes listed below.. e.1.. {av} (substantives. {aa} (adjectives of colour or physical qualities. people”). e. Even native speakers were aware of this feature of AA. e. e. e.g. 56/10/2 aššakál “the grace”.2. e.g. 58/1/4 hudá “right path”). {vā} or {và} (substantives.g.2. {ay/wa} (substantives.g.3). mismár “nail”. which could eventually be phonemicised and therefore stressed. {i/ua} (verbal ¯ ¯ nouns. who ascribes it only to pausal positions. adjectives and some verbal nouns.. e. is my z. bawwá/Íl “often making water” and naǧǧár “carpenter”)..g.g.1 The final consonantal cluster of {v} was often avoided by inserting a non-phonemic vowel [a]. VA ›hinsir‹ “little ¯ ¯ ˙ finger”). {ii} (substantives. harúf ¯ “lamb” and saġír “little”). IQ 16/5/1 successively has azzaǧál záǧli “this z.g. {a/iā} (mostly substantives.1. #álam “world.g.g. {uā} (nouns for ailments and parts detached of ˙ some substance.g. mamlúk “slave”... Some of them call for the following notes: 2..g. IQ 67/6/2 ›bulbul‹ “nightingale”). e.g. e. e. ǧarád “locusts” ˙ and himār “donkey”).g. e.g. hándaq “ditch”). e. {aa} (substan- ¯ tives..48 morphology still in frequent use are only those continuing OA (and generally retain- ing their characteristic logematic and semantic functions) {v} (substan- tives and verbal nouns. rízq “livelihood” and ǧúrd ˙ “rat. ka/islán “lazy” and husrán “loss”). hašín “rough” and fazá # “scare”).g..1.g.g..g.6 and 2.g. {aı̄/ū} (substantives. both in rhyme positions.. {āa} (few substantives.3).. lit. {uay} (see 2. mole”).. {āū} (utensiles. {vān} (adjectives and some verbal nouns. see 2. “possessed”).. midrár ˙ “harmful”)... . as shown by the scansions and rhymes of some AA poems (e.. {maū} ¯ (non-agentive participles.. šárt “condition”.. raǧúl “man”. eventually substantivised. šá #ra “brushwood”. {aū/ı̄} (adjectives. e. e. hurúǧ “exit”).. su #ár “rabies” and burád “filings”). haršúf “artichokes” and qandíl “oil lamp”) ¯ and {uayi} (see 2.g.g. {maa/i} (nouns for places where an action is usually performed. {aā} (adjectives of intensity ¯ and nouns for professionals. mahzán “store” and mašríq “East”).. e.”.g. IQ 94/6/1 tiqál “gravity”. {āi} (agen- ¯ tive participles.g. e.. sáyqal “polisher” and ˙ qáwqab “clog”). e..5. Azzubaydı̄ (LA 203). šákl = šakál “grace”). e. e.11) or merely generating allophonic ˙ alternation.101 101 Thus.1. e. e.. either becoming the standard shape of some words (e. humár “red [pl..g. daháb “gold”. {uū} (verbal nouns of movement.

LA 49 ›sal #ah‹ “merchandise”. there are some ultra-correct reactions to this.1.g. ›ast‹ “arse”. VA ›abant‹ “daughter”. sider and Eg. alcácer and Ct. Ml. e. parallel to Hb. hirniq. tibn.. ˙ ˙ . hisrim. spoken by tribes having more or less recently shifted from South Arabian languages to North Arabian. in agreement with Et. sikkah and sil #ah: ˙ This is the effect of the so-called Philippi’s law. Alc. e. dikr “mention” and˙ fitr “fast breaking”. raml “sand”. is questionable here. 285 ›firq‹ “difference”.. pointing to an unusual ultra-correct *qísr. all of which points to a shared isogloss with the South Arabian area.e.. e. dialects. we suggested that this feature appears to have been a shared isogloss of Et. ¯ ˙ ˙ 2. in the partitive numerals and as a broken pl. with the argument of its absence in OA and Ak. ESA and Western Arabic dialects of “Yemenite” stock.2. according to Behnstedt (see Corriente & Vicente 2008:132). läbsä ~ läbäskä. and appear to have had only limited diachronic. and as soon as in 1989b: 101. e. ˙ ˙ ¯ kánçar “little finger” and bánçar “ring finger”. he was not aware of its occasional effectiveness in whole paradigms of the Et. vs.. LA 184 ›zind‹ “arm”. 104 However. together with the standard Rm. ›harnaq‹ “leveret”. alcázar. and many Mod. This feature explains cases like the place name Alquézar Hs. reflected everywhere else as Alcázar in place names and the loanwords˙ ˙ Cs. since AA usually has /a/ instead of /i/ as vocalisation of OA hamzatu lwasl (cf. pattern. 103 Brockelmann 1908 I: 147–148 reacted against Philippi’s hypothesis of this law being a PS general principle.g. dálaâ “rib”. 102 This item.104 ˙ ˙ on the other hand.. Incidentally. zift. ramal. however. i. in which.2 There are a host of cases in which AA has {a(a)} for OA {i(ah)}. SA sadr. ›hasram‹ “verjuice”. etc.102 ›zaft‹ “tar”. We first pointed to the occasional effectiveness of Philippi’s law on AA items in Corriente 1981–1982:35.1. similar cases are witnessed in other NA dialects. ¯ but˙ the surviving graphical ˙witnesses attest their general¯ use in eventually˙ any position. arroba and azumbre as ¯ like amar. riǧl. for SA dirham. LA 116 ›qis #ah‹ “porringer” etc. qasr “palace”. for SA zand. ˙ reflex aben of SA ibn. Apparently. verb conjugation (e. farq and qas #ah. rájel “column”. as shall be seen). not to speak of AA. Pt. ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ hinsir and binsir. as in the rest of Western NA. dil #. the noun 49 2. qasar.g. si/adr “breast” vs. which has rúb # “fourth” and túmn “eighth” (whence Cs.. ist. of a local family). for SA bint. alcásser.103 As is usual when an innovated linguistic feature clashes with the standard usage. 136 ›sakkah‹ “ploughshare”. lābēš ~ lābaštā..g. has left some traces in AA.g. and the prefixes of every derived stem of the verb. cf. the same trend has affected the noun pattern {iv}. which causes the shift /í/ > /á/ in closed syllables in several Semitic languages. and affected by that substratum. pn. LA 183 ›tabn‹ “straw”. diatopic and diastratic validity. for amr “matter”.Yem. conservative OA labisa ~ labista “he wore ~ you wore”)..3 The already OA allomorphic alternation {u(u)}.2. dikir and fitir. Alc. in VA ›darham‹ “dirham”.. instead of regular ˙ AA ¯qásr. most of these substandard allomorphs are not confirmed by other sources. (abbreviation of qisr bani haláf. it did away with most of the vocalic alternations marking verbal aspects. VA ›bant‹ “daughter”.

106 See Sı̄bawayhi II/277. raval = Cs.2. cf. Pt.1. ahmar.4. about which see 1. IQ 9/14/3 ›baqrah‹ “cow”.g. ataharre and Pt. ahmár “red”. . cf.5 AA belonged to the group of dialects. Cs...g. for OA dub(u)r ˙ and qut(u)n. as proven by an overwhelming majority of loanwords (e. pl. 2. MT 210. already attested in OA and widely represented in NA. cotó). OA hanaš (see fn.1. ˙ sabaǧ.1.1. of rasūl (cf.106 e. azabache and Ct. a depluralised reflex of OA rus(u)l.2. refém “hostage”. ˙ ˙ 105 As for the matching broken pl. rabad and tafar.. with non- phonemic disjunctive vowels. róbaâ and ċúmen...3.4 ›ahwāl‹ “cross- ˙ eyed”. pattern. ¯¯ for SA salif. vs. < AA bani haláf “H. 51). some as conspicuous as LA 66 ›ramk‹ “mares” 281 ›tarf ‹ “side”. algodón and Ct.. Alc.2.1. VR ›ǧamlah‹ “she- ˙ camel”. Ct. and To. from SA baras.. ûxúr “tithe” ¯ and ċulúċ “third”.1).g. parallel to Alc. albarazo “vitiligo”.. Co. vs. Cs. and the curious instance of AA rúsl “messenger”. Cenete Gr. Benicalaf Va.’s sons”. arrabade “suburb”. transcriptions of place names (e. atzabeja “jet”. As said there. otherwise Alc. ¯ ¯ 2.. Alarave ˙ ¯ Mu. GL ›kabdun‹ “liver”. characteristic of adjectives for colours and physical qualities is regularly reflected in AA as {aá} (cf. pl. cf. the place name Algodor Cc. there are a host of cases in which {aa} is reflected in AA as {a}. etc.4.50 morphology names of certain weights and measures. and peculiar spellings with matres lectionis ¯ ¯ in dialectal writings. or the place name Alanje Bd.1. required by the rhyme. also derived from AA rihán. ebquém “mute” and ahdéb “hunchback”.3.4 The pattern {aa} was consistently stressed on the last syllable in AA (see 1.105 ˙ 2. etc. the depluralisation was triggered by the fact that messengers and hostages where usually more than one on each occasion). from OA #ušur and tulut. rehén.). < AA al #aráb “the Arabs”. in both cases. with a stress marking mater lectionis. and some may have originated through ultra-correction of the trend described in 2.. LA 80 ›salf ‹ “ancestor”.1. dubúr “anus” ¯ ¯ and VA ›qutūn‹ “cotton” (whence Cs. VA ›kat(a/i)f ‹ “shoulder”. for SA ahwal. Cs. katif. however. fah(i)d and kabid. Some of ˙ ˙ these instances may continue the variegated OA dialects introduced by the conquerors. < AA sanád “slope”.2.6 The OA pattern {aa}. ›fahd‹ “thigh”. Alc.). arrabal and Pt.1. azráq “blue”. atafal “crupper”. in which {ai} became {a/i}. < AA alhanš “the snake”. of ráhn. from OA rub # and tumn). from AA alġudúr “the ponds”. etc.

1. in VA and LA 278.2. VA ›mihrāt‹ “plough” and ›minšār‹ ˙ ¯ “saw”).1. the noun 51 azraq and ahdab). ceudín in Alc. humár.g. shared by Ak... buquém. is a rather recent. and Ug. ›šuqar‹ “blond [pl..g. In AA. pls. most nomina loci and nomina instru- menti share the prefix {ma+} (e.1.7 The CA distribution of {mv+} prefixes appears to have been the result of a successive series of innovations starting in the PS stage. except in the second case when OA had {miā}. there was a considerable degree of ˙ hesitation between preservation of SA {u} (e. zurq and hudb) and an allophonic {uá}. and therefore most likely by ESA. and ›masmat‹ “solid”. This alternation appears to reflect subdialectal differences within AA. unless labialisation prevails (e. possibly triggered by the dissimilation. for SA ˙ muq #ad.4. see 2.1. VA ›muftāh‹ “key”. as nomina loci. initially characteristic only of {miā}. As for the elative {aa}. and ›sūdān‹ in VA for aswád “black” (see fn. pl. In the pl. from AA *muhalla..1. and GL ›musārah‹ ˙ ˙ “recreation ground” (whence Almozara Zg. 108 On this.7. VA ›maǧlis‹ “assembly room” and ›mabrad‹ “file”). except the non-agentive {maū} of G stems. with a phone- ˙ ˙ micised disjunctive vowel (e. etc. almofalla “camp”.7. for SA masārah and mahallah). ›muhaddah‹ ˙ ¯ “pillow” and ›muqās‹ “scissors”. as by and large in NA. {mi+} as nomen instrumenti.107 2. which has been generally preserved (e. zorq. 174). and the fem.]”. ˙ ˙ 2. hómar. as nomina instrumenti. for SA humr... Alc. húdeb.2. huguél. 2. incomplete and partially artificial development.2. Alc. but never altogether integrated in the living language reflected by NA dialects.g. but not by Et.. .g.g.108 The assignment of labialised {mu+} to all participles. however. mušrab and musmat. VA ›bukam‹. like the quasi-regular masc.g.). LA 149 = IH 173 ›mašrab‹ “intense [colour]”. fostered by grammarians fond of such cate- gorial classifications. which explains considerable divergences between OA and NA dialects. In a few instances. and ›sawdānāt‹ “black women”.2. see Corriente 1979. might have been an early attempt to differentiate among too wide an array of semantic functions.) and Cs.. we come across some participles of derived measures prefixed with {ma+} (e. and still incom- plete at the time of the great Islamic expansion. even the very revered name of the Prophet ˙ 107 There are some other oddities in this type of adjectives.. beqmít “dumb women” in Alc. LA 112 = IA 180 ›maq #ad‹ “cripple”. while the functional segregation of {ma+} as nomen loci vs.

The unusual frequency of the pattern {miā} in AA intensive adjectives (e.8 The vocalisation of quadriconsonantal nouns in OA. ›milsān‹ “talkative”. and that many of them semantically stand rather close to verbal participles. to- ˙ gether with the fact that many of them are AA lexical innovations. Thus.”. coinciding in appearance with the aforementioned adjectives.7. and Fleisch 1961:425 and 433–434. Alc. through the same dissimilatory phenomenon observed in the corresponding type of nomina instrumenti. ›mišrār‹ “quarrel- ˙ some”. 1410. ›mi #yān‹ “having a powerful evil eye”.”. muhammad “pn.g. ¯ ›mikyād‹ “tricky”. 323. mu #āwiyah “pn. and other participles with a {mä+} prefix (characteristic of Et. compared to its relative scarcity in OA. 1401. which must necessarily have been transmitted by Arabs of South Arabian stock. 110 As for the origin of this pattern. ›mihdār‹ “glib”.1. usually reflecting Cas- pari’s views. is one of the subjects for which information has always been and remains scarce. the fact that some of those adjectives in AA are not so clearly superlative. VA ›midrār‹ “flowing copiously”.g. in fact 111 Fleisch 1961:501–502 gives as proof of this assertion the fact that even Brockelmann in his still impressive Grundriss could only write 15 lines on this issue. reflected in IH 181 as ›mahammad‹. Mo. Mahoma and ˙ Pt.2. ˙ ¯ ›mihwāl‹ “terrible”. The same would apply to cases like LA 129 ›mibtā #‹ “buyer” and ›mihtāl‹ “shrewd”. miçrár “cute”. muslim “Muslim”. see Dillmann 1865: 1305. on the one hand..110 2. points to a hypertrophic development. their structure in the whole Semitic family. since most of them share an unequivocal superlative nuance. nor Grande’s eleven (Grande 1998:51–63) dealing with it can presently be deemed sufficient. Mafamede). ›midwār‹ “short [gar- ment]”.1.111 But even a quick 109 We are inclined to attribute this feature again to the South Arabian substratum of AA. derived measures. although ˙ they are participles of Gt stems. ›miryāh‹ “windy”. but neither his own five pages. that those superlatives may have been easily con- taminated by participles of the IX–XI verbal measure. reflexes of OA muzāhim “constraining”. 87/1/2 ›miktāf ‹ “sturdy” and ˙ 147/6/5 ›mityār‹ “ominous”). whence Cs. characteristically frequent in Western Arabic (see Fischer & Jastrow 1980:264). who considered it a metaphorical extension of nomina instrumenti.. məslāl “qui a engendré beaucoup”. e. who follows Nyberg in his assumption of a prefixation of {mv+} to pre- existing adjectives.52 morphology Muhammad. it is easy to imagine that a participle *ma/uslāl (cf. ›miktār‹ “loquacious”. GL ›mihyāl‹ “crafty”. 1411 and 1400). ›miškāh‹ “avaricious”.109 2.2. Z 1573 ›mislāl‹ ˙ “consumptive”. ›midyān‹ “heavily indebted”. muštarı̄ “Jupi-ter”. Premare 1993–1999 VI: 170) would easily become mislāl. and more widely speak- ing. Without prejudging this diachronic point. opens a third complementary way to solve the riddle and explain such abundance in AA: namely. ›mimrād‹ “sickly”. on account of similar instances such as the late Et. . IQ 21/3/4 ›miswāb‹ “felicitous”.3. there is no agreement among Semitic scholars like Brockelmann 1908 I: 379 or Wright 1959 I: 138. ›midrār‹ “harmful”. ˙ mu #allaqah “the ˙ Suspended Church of Old Cairo”. ›midrās‹ “having large ˙ ˙ ˙ uneven teeth”.

. ›fulfalah‹ “pepper”. Z 693 ›naššāb‹ “arrows”. carxofa. for ¯ ˙ SA hinzı̄r and #usfūr) and. which might have been the case at times. from Sk. 2. some of the solutions are rather peculiar and shall be listed next. VA and most sources ›huršūfah‹ “artichoke” ¯ and Alc.. {ii} and {uu}. and by comparison with SA. albercoc reflect non- harmonised shapes... {’/w/y}.g. and ›nafı̄sah‹ “woman in labour”.e.g. for SA nuššāb. {aa}. from P dastār. found only in some diminutive patterns. Wurzeln”).2.g.114 At times. ˙ funduq and fulfulah).. In the case of AA. which may differ not only one from another. 271 ›darrāǧ‹ “francolin”. Ct. with some degree of tolerance of u/i-a sequences.e. 298 ›nu #rah‹ “gadfly”. ›fulfalah‹. {úa} or {ía} when the ¯ ˙ second vowel was not long (e.g. ›fundaq‹.1. the matching Cs. difthéra. those containing a semi-consonant (namely. and Gl. 114 It is a moot question whether these non-harmonised items continue dialectal pronun- ciations more faithful to older shapes (e. and less so in the case of u-a-i. albaricoque. however. nu #arah and nufasā" . from Gk. ›diftar‹.1. pandokeíon. is purported by substitutions of simpler shapes for rarer ones.. as well as those initially having less than three consonants and subsequently standardised (most often by repeating the second consonant of biconsonantal roots and assuming the appearance of {}). and Pt. or VA ›dustar‹ “wedge”. e.. 2..10 Weak root morphemes. 113 See on this Corriente 1976.2.2. {u/ia}. Ct.113 AA does not reflect that late preference in many instances.g. most of the time. although the phonaesthetic considerations beyond their attitudes and criteria of correctness are at times difficult to apprehend. e. loanwords alcachofa.g. i. or simply apply a favoured pattern. fostered by grammarians already under the aegis of Islam. from Gk. borcóqua “prune”. e. LA 156 ›diftar‹ “writing pad”. 112 See Fischer 1972:36 (“Nominale Stammbildungsmorpheme 4-rad. AA exhibits some harmonised quadriconsonantal nouns..112 which makes it obvious that the harmonising trend is a recent development. often receive special treatment in the various Semitic languages. mentioned in 2.. .1. but even within the dialects of the same. binsir. GL ›binsar‹ ˙ “ring-finger”. VA ›fundaq‹ “stable”. Gl. as evidenced by cases in which the etyma do not match the AA pronunciation. VA ›hanzı̄r‹ “pig” and › #asfūr‹ “bird”. however. LA 177 ›dur #ah‹ “shirt”.9 The abandonment by AA of the less common OA derivational noun pat- terns. {’/w/y} and {’/w/y}). the noun 53 glance at a comprehensive list of allowed combinations reveals the perva- siveness of harmonised vowel sequences. for SA daftar. and Cs. durrāǧ.e. invariably having {aú/í} for SA {uū} and {iı̄} (e. i. durrā #ah. i. pippalı̄).

vs. e. VA ›hamū‹ “father-in-law” ˙ and ›ahū‹ “brother”.. a conservative ›layyin‹ in other sources. arrais “skipper”. In some cases in which OA had lengthened the vocalic case endings in order to provide the appearance of a triconsonantal root.g. that diphthong was reduced to a mere high vowel.g. 1458 ˙ ›yadd‹ “hand”. e. and in Old Lt. Alc. as head of a syntagm of rection or annex- ation.g. e. . This phenomenon might have originated in OA dialects with the invariable shapes abā and ahā.g. héyn “easy”. Cs.g.7). Former biconsonantal root morphemes are often adjusted to tri- consonantal standards by supplying a third element in ways at times differ- ent from those recorded for SA. arráez. LA 273 ›riyyah‹ “lung”. {w/y}. cf. However.. SA sayyid “lord” and ǧayyid “good”. < ab ǧa #far. and Rm.. for SA ri" ah. which is also witnessed to in AA. IQ 37/6/2 ›ab ǧa #far‹ and 65/8/1 ›ab #āmir‹. Alc..g.. the pattern {aı̄} of {r’s} has generated IA 635 ›rayyis‹ for SA ra" ı̄s “head of an institution”.. ‘sieur’). unlike the case ˙ in most areas of NA. 59. and Ct. and áyl “deer”. GL ›laynun‹ “soft”. standard ›hayyin‹ elsewhere.2. and rhyme-supported IQ 5/8/3 ›famm‹ “mouth”. for the SA pn. as proven by rhymes in IQ 40/8/4 and 74/6/4. < ab ayyūb.e. i. and again unlike SA. the first item being common in other NA areas as well. though not excluding the survival of a semantically differentiated higher register shape.g. IQ 69/3/1 and AC 547 ›sayyid‹ (cf.10. that same vowel often disappears in annexation with proper names. CA ahı̄. AA síd and ǧíd. abū #abbās. in annexation with the 1st person sg.115 2. ‘mister’ or French ‘seigneur’ vs. i. gemination of the second consonant (e. Abia- far. thus.e. e. hir.1.23 akóy “my brother”.. Pt. the same pattern could eventually exhibit simplification of the sec- ondary diphthong (e. unlike the case in ¯ SA.e. VA ›ayyil‹). In two very frequent words.1. This is also the reason for the present shape of the name of the Madridian quarter of (L)avapiés < ab #abbās.1. The treatment of {’/w/y} roots in AA is most of the time par- allel to the solutions of NA. besides. possessive pronoun. that vowel is not dropped. for instance. VA ›hirr‹ “vulva”. either by ultra- ˙ ¯ correction or by survival of OA dialects. VA. but only in status constructus. yad and fam... while in the case of “hollow” roots. i. vs.1.2. Alc. vs.. 115 See Terés 1990:135. e. which had remained biconsonantal. English ‘master’ vs. céid “master”. transcriptions like Abaiub. Z 621 ›damm‹ “blood”. in which the ¯ (see Corriente last vowel disappeared phonetically in front of the article or of any elidible alif 1976:92 and 2. this restriction has disappeared in AA.54 morphology 2.10. etc. vs. dam.2.

›harrār‹ ¯ = Alc. for SA fassā" and harrā" .3.g. whence Cs. any string /2(i)yah/ became in AA /2íyya/. extensions thereof to similar situations. VA ›hurı̄‹ = Alc. with 2nd degree imālah. benní “bricklayer”.g. ˙ ¯ 2. e.117 ˙ 2. and VA ›bannā‹ = Alc. for instance. etc. alqueria and Pt. however. ǧady and hury). whence Pt. to show off in front of their countrymen. not without precedents in OA dialects either.3. e.. the pattern {aā} in these roots gen- erated a rather conservative {aá}. they ˙ appear ˙to be either printing ˙ mistakes in the case of Alc. alcaria.4. for SA lihyah. e. muštariyah and mustawiyah.2.1. pattern {aiah}. upon their return. azacán.. açacal and Cs.. for SA ǧirw. or to some OA dialects. or at times wholly unprecedented. the pattern {v} generates {vú/í} (e. VA ›fassās‹ “noiseless farter”. for SA nahw and nafy. ›habw‹ “crawling”.1.1.g. IA 26 ›lahyah‹ = Alc.. VA ›qariyyah‹ “village”. either closer to SA.2. gidí “buck”. jarú “cub”.1..10. Ct. but the full-fledged equivalent of */uw(w)/. for SA qaryah.g. VA ›ǧarū‹ = Alc. e. IQ 24/1/4 ›muštariyyah‹ “bought” and 2/4 ›mustawiyyah‹ “straight”. láhya.g. 2.2. çacá “water-carrier”. alvanel).. falū. náhu “grammar” and néfij “exile”. falw. etc. however. IQ 1/4/3 ›huluwwah‹ “sweet [fem. see 1. GL ›tasmiyyatun‹ “naming”. . ˙ as well as ˙curious spellings like those of GL ›nah" u‹ and › #ad’u‹ for SA #udw “member”.. different in the traditional pronunciation of Arabic (taǧwı̄d) from their AA counterparts merely in the ultima stress position of the latter.10.2. VA ›saqqā‹ = Alc.3..2.g. Yxbília..g. or even perhaps pilgrims who learned them in the East and tried. conversely. Alc.]”. or prestigious classicisms introduced by scholars who knew CA.2 and fn.3. and. e.1. alquería. staphylînos ágrios. the noun 55 2.10. karrír “shitter”.118 116 But attention should be paid to the fact that their pausal forms in OA were actually pronounced as ǧirū. 87 about frequent spontaneous gemination of sonorants in AA.2. with the usually short-lived success of most linguistic fads. VA ›ǧidı̄‹ = Alc. but not without some peculiar solutions. a broken pl. it recovered this shape before suffixes (e. The treatment of {w/y} roots in AA is also in most cases parallel to NA morphology. ˙“Seville”. VA ›falū‹ = Alc. 117 There are also cases suggesting preservation of the SA solution.116 however. ˙ likely aimed at the same pronunciation. and IQ 42/1/5 ›amriyya‹ “mirrors”.3.2. whence Cs. e.28. felú “colt”. ǧidı̄ and hurı̄. VA ›isfannāriyah‹ “carrot”. Thus. VA ›hašw‹ “filling”. There were also some occasional shifts to {ā}.1. Pt. from Gk. hurí “granary”. On the other hand.10. this final vowel being no mere allophone of the semi- consonant. all of them in evidential rhyme positions. in agreement with the rules for the treatment of hamz (see 1. for SA hul- ˙ ˙ wah and dirwah).. 118 There are also exceptions to this rule. 20/5/3 ˙ › #aduwwah‹ “female foe” and VA ›daruwwah‹ “one lentisk tree”.g. IQ 42/0/1 ›biyya‹. At the end of words. IQ 78/6/1˙ ›išbilya‹ =˙ Alc. for SA bı̄ or biya. albañil vs.3.

/lúm/. the peculiar treatment in AA of weak root morphemes can be accounted for in terms of metanalysis. as if from *{sqq} and *{wdd}. instead of {lwm}. wied. mrəmma ~ mrāym “loom” and qməžža˙ ~ qmāyəž ˙“shirt” (see Cor- ¯ riente 1971:50¯ about the strong ˙ possibility ˙ of this phenomenon being due in Naf. wād. because of an infra-correct restitution of the weak consonant or of gemination of a phoneme from members of the paradigms that had lost either one of both. e.10. The loss of the semi-consonant in {w/y} root morphemes in some patterns such as {āi} and {awāi}. lit. jaguár and guard zaguín. These instances. with a type of metanalysis˙ curiously reappearing ˙ ¯ ~ mhāyəž “avenue”.g. 119 As for instances of decay of final /ā/. ›dāyad‹ ˙ “to oppose”. */sáqq/ and */wádd/ and played havoc with the SA features of consonant gemination and vowel length. e..g. the plurals ›mawādd‹ ˙ ˙ “tables” and ›makākin‹ “places” of ›mā" idah‹ and ›makān‹. 20. ›aštām‹ “to ˙ smell”. ›ǧawār‹ “maids”. dialects to borrowing from AA).56 morphology 2. mhažža mhadda ~ mhāyəd “pillow”. Such are.e. with parallels in other Western Arabic dialects. As for suqáyqa “little market”. before the article (cf. in Mo. instead of {myd} and {kwn}. as if from *{šwm}. the cases of VA ›astāk‹ “to polish one’s teeth”.. have been favoured by the phonemic status of stress. as if from *{mdd} and *{mkn}. ˙ pl.). {swq} and {wdy} respectively. for SA mūsà and mawlà. In many instances. bāz = Ml. which caused our mistake in SK fn. /díd(d)/. of erroneous attribution of lexical items to a kind of weak root which is not truly its own. in VA ›mūs‹ “razor” and ›mawl‹ “owner”. guíd. /aštám/. Mo. instead of diachronically correct {šmm}. also Alc. of ›mahaǧǧah‹. makáda “pillow” pl. ›bāz‹ “falcon”.119 2.). instead of correct {ddd}. English ‘apron’.. e. biç. 120 Cf. Alc. bāzı̄.g. i. as if from *{lmm}. e.2. which caused the analysis of /asták/.120 Alc.4. VR ›wād‹ “river”. bies). “whores’ roses”. from sūq.. for SA wādı̄. with an anomalous masdar ›istikāk‹. and ˙ diminutives like çucáica “little market” (whence Azuqueca Gu.. they are likelier to have originated through the kind of metanalysis called wrong-parsing. etc.g.4. it had been already doc- umented by Dz I 706. . makáid.3. ›ward alzawān‹ “mallow”. ǧawārı̄ and zawānı̄ (cf. already allowed in OA pausal forms. */aštámm/. and vdéyed “little river”. as bases of recognition of root morphemes also in the rest of cases.g. then ignored by subsequent etymologists like Asín 1940.2. /sáq/ and /wád/ ˙ as */astákk/. much more frequent in AA than in any other NA dialect.. is characteristic of some AA items. IQ 89/6/3 ›mahāyiǧ‹ “streets”. */lumm/.. nilúm lemémt “to blame”. and its diminutive ›muhayyadah‹ in VA.10.1. ‘otter’.1. pls. as if from *{dyd}. e. as if from *{skk}.

1. 9/26/3 ›usayyam‹ “little name”. 123 In the case of root morphemes {w}. poláyguat “little porridge”.g. ›huǧayyarun‹ “pebbles”.. okái “little brother”.4. from digíja and mecéle. mahdá #. as in the case of the broken pl. in which the underly- ing SA shapes daǧāǧah and mas" alah should have generated. suffix (e. e. by the same token. although qálb is masc. 122 The same situation obtains in triconsonantal stems with the nisbah-suffix (see 2. huláygua = huláywa “little sweetness”.122 as well as those triconsonantal ones with a root morpheme {w/y}.5. nouns received the characteristic suffix {+a[t]} upon adopting the diminutive pattern. cuáyas = quwáyyas “little arch”. qáws. the OA shape was kept unaltered in the case of nouns with the fem. 149/5/4 ›usaywad‹ “lit- tle black one”.1.3. which points to the emergence of a morphological alter- ˙ nation between diminutive and non-diminutive items. GL ›muǧayšarun‹ “small farm”. exhibit in AA the slightly modified shapes {uáyya} and {CuCáy- CaC}. *duǧáyyaǧa and *musáyyala). Alc. dugéyja “little hen” and mucéyle “little question”.1. even quláyba “little heart”. the place name Almudena. uquéilel “little crown” and conáidal “little lamp”. duáyguara = duwáywara “little disk”. ísm. and ûujáygueza “little old lady”.. and Bedouin dialects. a case of preference of the quadriconsonantal type. and tubáyvara ˙ “small jar”. IQ 87/2/1 ›nufaysatı̄‹ “my little soul” and 63/7/4 ›duwayrah‹ “little house”. haǧár.1. from curcí. ˙ ¯ However. according to Brockelmann 1908 I: 353 and Zavadovski 1962:94.. and even developed new variants. from SA nafs and dār. curáyci “small chair”. from puliát = pulyát. GL ›suhayfatun‹ “small page”.121 e. from AA báyt.123 121 Apparently.1). IQ 1/5/1 ›ušayqar‹ “little blond one”.4. e. applied to both quadri- consonantal root morphemes and triconsonantal ones with a prefix. The Diminutive The OA noun patterns {uay} and {CuCayCiC}. from aâjúze = #aǧúza. IQ 2/7/3 ›qubaylah‹ “little ˙ ˙ kiss”.1. respec- tively. from tabáyra = tabáyra. in 1. the noun 57 2.g. ruáyas). and AC. e. together with Naf. and even to other stems.1. from daguára = dawwára. On the other hand. bugáyla “little mule”. ›muhay- ¯ da #un‹ “shortcut”. even in items like Alc. about which see 1. aklíl and qandíl.g. in Alc. IQ 27/0/1 ›hulay‹ “little sweet one”.˙ may simply reflect ˙ *almudáyna. Alc..1. ašqár. aswád. unlike the case of their urban Eastern counterparts. ˙ ˙ ˙ and muráy “little mirror”. to judge from instances like Alc. except in those of the Bedouins. The same situation prevails in Naf.. Alc. e. which have propa- gated to stems containing /w/ or /ú/ in medial˙ position. characteristic markers of the diminutives of triconsonantal and quadriconsonantal stems. It is noteworthy that AA belongs.. rás.g. pattern {awái} for {ayv} sgs. according to the rules for the evolution of AA.1) allowed items like Alc. GL ›buwayyatun‹ “little house”. the peculiar AA tolerance for /y/iw/ sequences (see 1. 27/3/4 ›subay‹ “little boy”. as if from {mdn}. and kudéimi “little knife”. some AA unmarked fem. and as in the case of other NA and even OA dialects. to a group of Arabic dialects in which this kind of internal diminutive pattern has remained in frequent productive usage. maǧšár.. IQ ˙ 8/3/3 ›ruwayyas‹ “little head” (= Alc.6.g. . Alc. in which their usage has often dwindled to a great extent to the point of nearly surviving in mere lexicalised items. dialects.g. from kidmí.

tasġı̄ru ttarhı̄m (see Fleisch 1961:389). later on. {hwn}.2. nevertheless. the innovated pattern was extended to other adjectives of different stems.3). < SA midrà “winnowing fork”. e. all of them easily linked with their SA matches in the roots {hlw}. {šhr}. etc. rutáitab “slightly tender”. afuét “later” (formed on fawát “late”. {shl}. from kibír.124 2.1. dialects. DC 9a ˙ ecthér “more”. probably introduced in them. In all likelihood. 16/0/2 ›mā abyaduh #indı̄ wamā ašraqu‹ “how white it is to me and how ˙ bright!”. bárid and rátb. 22 ›aqall‹ “less” (with substitution of ˙ {aa} for {aa}.. IA 5 ›atqal‹ “heavier”. cubáy- bar “rather great”. as many other features. azgár “smaller”.1. {tql}. namely. This innovation is shared by some Naf. these items are often used in their exclamative function.4. preceded by mā. {hsn}. by the successive waves of Andalusi immigrants. whence Cs.2 There is at least one clear instance of “shortened” diminutive125 in AA.1. used as an adjective and an adverb..2).2. ahcén “better”. ›ashal‹ “easier”.4 and 1.1 Some AA adjectives with triconsonantal bases. e. parallel to malá “full”). 1 ›ašhar‹ ˙ ¯ “more famous”.g. Z 1356 ›mā ashal‹ “how easy!”. taqíl. remained alive and quite productive in AA. which confers them compar- ative or superlative connotations. In contrast with the scarcity of this idiom in other NA ˙ ¯ dialects.19. like in OA. in agreement with 2. {qll}. e. Alc.}. 12 ›azlat‹ “poorer”. 142 ›m+ašqā‹ “how miserable!”. substra- tum of Western Arabic. but nothing in that language would support such a hypothesis. The Elative The OA elative pattern {aa} for adjectives.7. buréyred “slightly cold”. 125 I. duéiri from midrí. originally a masdar.126 94/14/4 ›mā aswad fı̄ #aynu dāk alsabāh‹ “how black that morning ¯ ˙ ˙ 124 See Brockelmann 1908 I: 362–363. which allows ¯ us to surmise that also VA ›zullayǧ(ah)‹ “glazed tile”. use a gemi- nated quadriconsonantal diminutive pattern {CuCáyCaC}. ċucáycal “rather heavy”. 2. VA ›ahlá‹ “sweeter”.3.2. ˙ 126 As reported in ¯LA 251–252 in the case of mā abyad.. this line violates two rules of CA ˙ .e. azulejo.. this inno- ¯ ˙ vation was generated by the alternation of adjectives of the OA patterns {aı̄} and {iı̄}.g.g. IQ 13/2/1 ›mā ahlā wamā amarru‹ “how sweet and how bitter he ˙ is!”. {fwt} and {ktr}. That coincidence led some scholars to believe that it was due to the Br.3. is a similar case. the latter with an intensive nuance often lost.3. derived from SA muzaǧǧaǧ “glazed” (through the steps described in 1. Alc. ˙ ¯ ˙ ˙ {sġr.58 morphology 2. {zlt}. 12a elequél “the least”. ahyén “easier”.

18–29 aqċár abiád ~ ˙ aqhál ~ akdár ~ azráq ~ ahmár ~ azfár “whiter.127 However. . lacazán. ¯ 87/20/1 ›šayyan #adı̄m‹ ˙ of some adjectives and masdars. and 111/7/4 ›aktar … ¯ ˙ ¯ sayyādah‹ “more skillful at fishing”.g. AA included. as well as in bases counting more than three con- sonants. 47. These adjectives. forbidding the elative pattern in adjectives already having the shape {aa} like those meaning colour and physical qualities. IQ 173/2/4 even has an isolated ›mā zan- daqu‹ “what a heretic!”. and Alc. *bardān “brazen- faced”. as pointed to by the substitution by fárih and hazín for such com- mon items in SA as farhān “glad” and haznān “sad”.. 99/14/2 ›aktar ¯ ¯ ¯ raqı̄q‹ “thinner”. irregularly derived from a quadriconsonantal root. VA ›kaslān‹ ˙“lazy”.26 céum gáli aqċar aâdím ˙ min alledí quin yazuí “a much higher price than it cost”. 51.. bluer. whence Cs.5. and appears with two allomorphs. e.g. 127 To this we could add the innovated and standardised ahyár and ašárr.1. such violations were common in NA. {+í} and {+i}.130 the same situation basically prevails in AA. however. IQ 96/5/3 ›ahyar‹ “better” and GL ›ašarru‹¯ “worse”. Leaving aside the markers of gender and number. 119/4/4 ›aktar mulih‹ “more insistent”.5. red- ˙ der. ˙ ˙ 130 See Brockelmann˙ 1908: I 388–404 ˙ and Fleisch 1961:434–469. Derivational Suffixes The nominal system of derivational suffixes in Semitic and.1 The nisbah-suffix in AA has retained and even increased its frequency in comparison with OA. e. ¯ 128 As for the superlative. for SA hayr and ¯ šarr. 2. . as in OA. appear to have been less frequent in standard AA. see 1.128 2. e. in OA is very poor. blacker.129 plus a few foreign suffixes. however. certain constructions point to the beginning of the decay of this inflexion and its replacement by an analytical idiom intro- duced with aktár “more”.“a great deal”.1. greener. the whole Semitic family merely counts the nisbah-suffixes and those including a nasal consonant.1.20 adenb al águil gua alquibír = addánb aláwil walkibír “the ˙ ¯¯ first and biggest sin”. IQ 96/7/4 ›aktar dafı̄‹ “warmer”. ¯ Ax 37. IQ 86/8/2 ›šaǧı̄ # katı̄r‹ “very brave”.21 ›ašarruhum‹ “the worst of them” and Z 29 ›azzuqāq ahyar min dāruh‹ “the street is better than his home”. 29–30 bicéum rakíç ˙ min alledí qui yazví “for a price lower than its value”. and not exceptional even in OA. more particu- larly. the noun 59 was in his eyes!”. which is the case of the participle mušriq “bright”. AA clearly preferred analytical expressions including certain semantically apt auxiliary adjectives or substantives. above all {+ān}. yellower”.1. and has not been significantly expanded in any NA dialect.3).. 308. bet- ter dealt with as inflexional morphemes. albardán. whence Gl. present in other areas of NA. and 105/7/4 ›ǧı̄d … saraf ‹ “very good”.g. and having the only peculiar- 129 Characteristic ity of its resistance to imālah (cf.

5. from which occasionally a pl. nicígui “womanly”. *bur. Arabic. Alc. ˙ yawāqı̄t “jewels” and bawātil “lies”. the diminutive {+él} (e. have generated an extended allomorph {+awí}. zingíl “bad-smelling juice oozing from heaped olives” < Andalusi Rm. rigíli “manly”. suffix.2 In view of the scarcity of OA suffixes. naguaquicí “bell- man”. No less often it was attached to collec- ˙ tive ethnic adjectives (e.g. ǧárra “jar”. maâginí “druggist”. Alc.g. VA ›raqadūn‹ “sleepyhead”. it could be attached to broken pls. e.4. Alc. VA ›nisāwı̄‹ = Alc. As in other NA dialects. e. búri “barbel”. .g. which provided a frequent pattern of derivation for nouns for people having a trade or habit. krārsi “cart driver”.).e. and yfránci “French (sg.. while an extended -ānı̄. tricks”.. IQ 48/7/4 ›mulūkı̄‹ “royal prince”. italiín “Italians”.. italía (fem. aâjamiyín and hadariyín). aâjamí “non-Arab”.). VA › #arab‹ “Arabs”. this may well have been 133 As for Alc. IQ ›ǧurrūn‹ “big jar”. with metathesis. from Cp.g. suffix levelled this difference in favour of the stressed allomorph. hadarí “citizen”).g. Z 1461 ›manharūt‹ “big nosed”. yaguaquití “dealer in gems”.1. this innovated shape ˙ has become ˙ standard (see Brockelmann 1908˙ I: 397). which has propagated to other instances. 131 However. from OA {da" n}.). Alc.g.133 2. Alc. might be obtained. the peculiar solutions for the use of the nisbah- suffix in root morphemes {w/y} (e. extant in Arabic also... it is little wonder that AA has adopted some Rm. nawāqı̄s “bells”. but in agreement with NA.) vs. semantically anomalous. from SA #aǧā" ib “marvels. In the case of Ge#ez. *niǧs+ÉL. 132 The same situation obtains in Naf.g. baguatilí “cheat”. VA ›qanawı̄‹ “maker of canals”. *taráb+ÉLLA “little music”). cf. e.4. although only a few of them appear to have retained their functionality and productiveness. from SA mulūk “kings”. Z 672 › #aǧāyibı̄‹ “juggler”.g. since VA has a pl.. ma #āǧı̄n “electuaries”. etc. tarabilla “mill-clapper” < Andalusi Rm.60 morphology distributed according to the diachronic principle laid out in 1.3. bōrē. IQ 12/3/1 ›qarawı̄‹ “villager”). and the instrumental and agen- ˙ tive {+áyr} (e. nicígui “womanly (masc.. niciguía (fem. ›zallayr‹ “whoremonger”. and the same applies to the regular pl. ›būriyāt‹. nisā" “women” and riǧāl “men”. aâgém “non-Arabs” and hadár = hadar “citizens”).. danaví = danawí “related to sheep”. both more in agreement with this word’s status as a loanword. VA ›ǧawabayr‹ “saucy”.g. and itálij “Italian” (masc. IQ 19/0/1 and 119/4/4 ›marqatāl‹ “old- ˙ clothes market”.)” vs.132 e. ones.. dhāhni “tobacconist”. from AA ráqid “sleeping”..1. VA › #arabı̄‹ ˙ ˙ “Arab”. Alc. VA › #arabiyı̄n‹. in order to generate singulatives (i. prevailed in ESA (see Bauer 1966:45). yfranciín (pl..)” vs. plus a bawārı̄ recorded by Dz I 126.g. one of his many brazen fabrications.. according to Zavadovski 1962:93. Alc. ¯ ¯pl. also Cs.. e. the fem.131 Un- like the case in strict CA. like the augmentative {+ÓN} and per- haps {+ÓT} (e. and mánhar ¯ ˙ ¯ “nose”). Alc. with exam- ples like qzādri “plumber”. without again any semantic nuance differentiating it from that historically collective item (e.g.

Alc. like Abual- faqui and Abualhucey (< abu alfaqíh and abú alhusáy[n]: see Mateu y Llopis ˙ 1962:328ff.2.1. like VA ›labbār‹ “needle maker”.2.1.136 have generated a few cases of metanalysis (or wrong-parsing).2 Unlike the case in OA. except in the masdars. although in most cases de- functionalised and integrated in items no longer analyzable by AA speakers.5. dā" alkulā.1. the last two ¯ items being shortened by haplology and dissimilation.135 the same is suggested by pns. ˙ 27. this segment has been 134 See on this topic Corriente 1983b. listing 24 such suffixes.6. respectively). in spite of the freak items of RC 41 ›aymān‹ “faith”. the noun 61 kanzáir “swineheard”.2.1.. zálla “slip”. 2. dil amr “this matter” and dil yéum “this day”. 135 This is also the vocalisation of all prosthetic alif s in AA.3 The tight prosodic connection. from AA ˙ ǧawáb “answer”. ›laǧūrah‹ “brick”. VA ›b+al+harà‹ “hardly”. for SA abbār. also ˙lists bil and fil in 10. dil cullí “rein disease”. Definiteness and Indefiniteness Markers of definiteness and indefiniteness. could perhaps reflect a different rule in˙ cases ˙ ¯ of word composition of¯ probably imported items. whence Pt.˙ ›ahyā‹ “resurrection”. < dā" alhasà. dil haçá “lithiasis”. for which most NA dialects would have *bani+lfaqı̄h and *bani+lmarah.g. with loss of their final vowel in the open juncture. but these are sheer high register shapes elicited from his learned native informants. mi alhayé ˙ “brandy”.30 naâtí al kobz “I give bread”. bor- rowed from CA. Inflexional Morphemes 2..6. “the woman’s sons”.6. instances like Alc. and GM ›(l)asaf ‹ “caper”. li+ and fi+. 9. and possibly also the incomplete aware- ness on the part of creole speakers during a number of generations of the morphological boundary between both. Con- ˙ ˙ trariwise. the definite article in AA had the constant shape {" al+}. and jabáyra “purse”. in some Rm. also found in the text of the Christian prayers included in his Arte. aǧurrah and (l)asaf.2. How- ever. in Ac. ›arādah‹ “will” and ›a #tā" ‹ “giving”.32 falgórfa “in the room”. and Binialmara Mj.1. otherwise full of pseudo-corrections both in CA and AA.). 136 On this issue. hanzír “pig” and ǧáyb “pocket”. which only dropped its initial hamz when preceded by the mono- consonantal prepositions bi+. and place names like Benialfaquí “the legist’s sons”. . see 2. algibeira. next to fal and bal. 2. loanwords beginning with /al/. Alc.. called proclisis. It is true that Alc.134 2. respectively.21 lal focahá “to the priests”. but 10. between the definite arti- cle and the noun following it. dā l’amr and dā lyawm.˙ and has lil in 9.6. see Corriente 2008: lxiv–lxxi. ›abrār‹ “discharge”.29. e.

g. as expounded by Jastrow in Fischer & Jastrow 1980:121. e.4 There is a number of place names of Arabic origin beginning with Am-.141 and the rather archaistic connective {+an}. etc. Ambuneya < ibn umayyah. . VA ›rumiškal‹ “rorqual” < ´ Rm *LO MÁSKL(O) “the male”. and the pns.e.. As for Mod. article. lóbra “pandora.. namely. Am.6.. in Ja. in Eastern Spain. with common voicing of /t/ and lambdacism. Ambaxir < ibn bašı̄r. whence Ct.g.1. in Corriente & Vicente 2008:111. Ambuney(a) and Ambattax. rubra “the red one” (still in Lerchundi 1932:146. 138 See Mateu y Llopis 1942:316 and ff. the quite common adverbial ending {+an}. name of a certain sauce formerly once used with some kinds of fish. 140 See Corriente 1989b and 2008a: 178–179.3. Amocadén. and 801. ›lašamaš‹ “mortar”. But see 2.5 ›almatāqil ¯ al+funšiyyah‹ “the coins struck by King Alphonse”. MT 103. the addition of /n/ after the final case vowels characteristic of the noun. i. instead of the expectable Al-. as it was supposed to be the male whale. from Cp. the shapes of the definite article with /m/ are characteristic of wide areas of the country.appears to be a reflex of SA ibn = AA ab(a)n “son (of)”..g.139 In spite of the absence of other related witnesses in Western Arabic. loanword has entered AA with an agglutinated Rm. In most of these cases. lapát “prebendary”. has disappeared from all NA but for two kinds of traces. Amfathon < ibn fathūn (also Abenfathon). this possibility cannot be altogether discarded in some instances. ament e rēs “the South West (of Europe)”.6.137 2. vs. respectively).5 ›al+barġariy- yah al+ma #lūmah‹ “the said inn” (from Cs. (< almuqaddám “the chief” and albarqúq “the plum [trees]”.g..3 about its frequent phonetic evolution. romesco. Amfathon. a kind of fish” < Lt. in which the preservation of this anomaly ˙ has been helped by the next homorganic consonant. Alc. lapório “unicorn”. Ambaxir. and more recently by Behnstedt.140 2.. plus ultra-correct restitution of {" al+}..5 The OA marker of indefiniteness called tanwı̄n. no longer in Premare and Iraqui Sinaceur). now with other uses as well. imbārih “yesterday”. 141 Evolved from the frequent use of the indefinite accusative as a marker of manner and circumstance.138 for which the possibility has been suggested of their being reflexes of the Old Yemenite shape of the article /am+/. Alc. e. the etyma of which appear in Corriente 1997d. e. 137 These cases should not be mixed up with those in which a Rm.1. etc. considering the abundance of “Yemenite” features in AA. VA ›labarkah‹ “boat”. lazcóna “dart”.g. e. Some of these cases are obscured by frequent exchanges of /r/ and /l/ (rhotacisms and lambdacisms). ˙ 139 As in the case of Eg. e. Ambercoque in Am.62 morphology metanalyzed as the Arabic article and dropped.Yem. alberguería). in which this shape of the Arabic article is at the basis of the very etymon of Al-Andalus. dialects.

diachronically a reflex of OA #asà. This phenomenon had some OA precedents. the frequency of reflexes with an interdental /d/ and even semantic affinities point rather to an origin in the dialectal OA idā ba+h “and all¯ of a sudden he …”. which have probably inherited this feature from the former. ávilen “firstly”). e. ad hae since Corriente 1983a. AA shares with some Naf. cf.1. mostly invariable. IH 261 ›awwalan‹ = Alc.3. 2. 252). Alc. though not excluding the possibility of a blend or contamination.6. etc. GL ›aydā‹ “too”.18 cáylen “saying”.g. etc. which used to be considered a ¯ semantic evolution of OA da" ban “usually” (e.. but merely had currency in certain stereotyped idioms (e. of which there is at least another case of a functional. 25 méxien “walking”. in our view. 126/3/3 › #amdā‹ “on purpose”. As for its origin. AC. ~ fem. obviously.1.g.. 9/28/3 ›raslā‹ “slowly”. namely. we have been inclined ¯to¯ consider it an evolution of Lt.6. once the tanwı̄n with this function had 142 It was formerly believed that this item had a low register allomorph yádda. así.e. e.5. with- ˙ ˙ out observing CA morphosyntactic rules in cases like IQ 4/3/2 ›liġadā‹ “for tomorrow” and 102/8/3 ›ilá ġadā‹ “until tomorrow”. fn. but at times with a fem.. ¯ 143 On the other hand.143 2.g. The connective tanwı̄n will be dealt with in the appropriate section on syntax (3. found in several sources. géhiden “denying”. Arabic. 38.142 Alc. fn.. 1. 140/0/1 ˙ ˙ ›wahd alsubāy‹ “a little boy”. IQ 4/3/1 ›abadā‹ “never”. the innovation of an indefinite arti- cle. Alc. as can be seen in examples of Corriente 1997d: 353. though residual dialectal shape of this marker was its pausal allomorph.1. +an+. e.. there were also some cases of agglutination ¯ of that /n/ into the root morpheme.. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Its relative scarcity points to a very low and possibly late register. it appears that the adverbial ending {+an} was no longer productively used in AA.5.. {hd" } = {hdn}.5.27 and DC 6a cúlli xéin “everything” (cf. the noun 63 2.g. wáh(i)d (al)+.. Blau 1965:193. 74/3/1 ›wahd alnahār‹ “a day”..6. In spite of some high register incrustations (e. in Dz I 419).g. i. i. Hv 100v5 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ›wahda butizzah … wahda furayma min sukar‹ “a bottle … a small sugar loaf”. 49/9/1 ›haqqā‹ “truly”. the need for a mark of indefiniteness. however. would that”. without the final nasal. ›ahlan wasahlan‹ and its near equiv- alent ›marhaban‹ “welcome”. wáhda+. It ˙ appears also that the truly. Arabic dialects.1.. thought that this strange item could have devel- oped from a former connective tanwı̄n. 57/5/5 ›taw #a‹ “on his own ˙ ˙ ˙ will”. #ası̄ “perhaps. such as IQ.. .2. ráquiden “lying down”. āšənhuwwa ~ āšənhiyya “which one” < OA ayyu šay" in huwa ~ hiya (masc. but also continuing the functions of Rm.e. 88/8/1 ›marhabā‹. however.. Mo.1). káça(ta) “especially” and. etc.g.). 41. 38/25/1 ›ǧamı̄ #ā‹ “together”. PES 47/6/1 ›wahd almahārah‹ “a shell”. As for IQ ›d/dābā‹ “now” and other reflexes in AA and Naf. if not just in AA awwadá bah “here it ~ he is”.1.g. Alc.1.1. e. ˙ ˙ IQ 70/7/1 ›wahd alfaras‹ “a horse”. may. VA ›ġadan‹ “tomorrow”.

1090 ›burǧ ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ abı̄ dānis‹ “A. 87/2/1 ›nufaysat+ı̄‹ ˙˙ ˙˙ “my little person”. (Tašelhit) ya+lkas “a glass”. yat+ləbhimt “a beast of burden”.145 and the inflected forms of ab(ū) which at times pop up integrated in pns.g.7. and therefore is sometimes attached to masc.1. .D. e.11.. while the old partially inflected dual and regular plural endings had been levelled in favour of the oblique case (see 2.1. was probably enhanced by the Rm.’s castle” (presently Alcacer do Sal).1).g. ˙ ˙ 2.1. 87/13/4 ›qissatayn‹ “two stories”.10. the numeral un ~ una “one”. Alc. which contributed its own solution (i.Z. since the OA vocalic case endings of fully inflected nouns had either been dropped or turned into invariable interfixes before the pronominal suffixes in order to avoid consonantal clusters (see 2. 144 This would also be the actual explanation for the regular presence of the Arabic article in the nouns borrowed by Rm.g. majority of the invaders.g. e.2. Gender As for gender inflexion.. in the former accusatives of VA ›fāh‹ “mouth”.e. they have been fully integrated in the grammatical category of fem.’s compassion”. Š.1.’s son”. 69/8/1 ›aban abı̄ alhisāl‹ “A. nearly a lin- guistic universal in similar instances) with an Arabic rendering of this item.1. thus generating a syntactic calque of Br.. as for irrationals so marked. Z 806 ›hanı̄n abı̄ zurayq‹ “A.1. As for the other two fem. unlike the case of adjectives (see Corriente 2008: lxiv–lxxiii). Case Case inflexion no longer exists in AA. kalífat Bagdád ˙ “the Caliph of Bagdad”). ¯ 146 It is well known that this marker had several other functions in OA..g.’s son”. as is the rule in the whole NA.. markers of OA. nouns which.64 morphology been forsaken by NA. the only productive fem. 115).2). IQ 60/4/3 ›abn abı̄ zayd‹ “A. there are some defunctionalised traces thereof.9. However.’s she-ass”.1 and 2. in the case of rationals has no semantic effects. e. {+ā" } and {+à}.. 145 Possibly traceable back to OA dialects in which abā “father” and ahā “brother” had become indeclinable (see Corriente 1976:92 and fn.) and tv+ (for the fem.Z.8. at times infra-correctly. in spite of their frequent traditional orthographic preservation (e. marker in AA is {+a(t)}. e. IQ 4/3/2 ›qissat+ı̄‹ “my story”.146 in which /t/ is only realized before a dual marker or in annexation to a following noun or pronoun. as can be expected.. substratum.. who identified it with their native class markers a+ (for the masc. while the attached defunctionalised Arabic article was already characteris- tic of the Br.. Z 503 ›himārat abā šarāhı̄l‹ “A.). in total agreement on this point with other NA dialects. in spite of the application of identical morphological constraints (e.g. H.144 ˙ 2.

nor any vernacular fem. Alc.g. ˙ ˙ most of the examples supporting this case are objectable. adjective of the pattern {aà}. e.. in Gr.8 ficáha al focahá “the priests’ ordination”.. LA 162 ›sakrānah‹ “drunk (fem. 148 Ultra-correction is a likelier explanation of these cases than continuation of OA dialects keeping that sound in all positions. some of the witnesses brought up in SK 87 can no longer be accounted as loci probantes. extended to other cases of words in which a final /ā/ was not even a fem. Incidentally. VA ›habbat huluwwah‹ “aniseed”. while in Calaceite Te. AA materials do not witness any fem. IQ 97/0/1 ›m. 147 As a matter of fact. DC 8b jamáâ açalehín “the congregation of the Saints”.g. as can be checked in Corriente 1997d: 105. matalahúva. contrariwise. 149 See on this Corriente 2008d.”. IQ 146/6/4 ›zarqat alyamāmah‹ “the blue (woman) from A. singulative marker.g. which is often depluralised in AA and other NA dialects. the noun 65 IQ 12/5/2 ›baydā‹ “white [fem. #asā ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ and dawā" . and occasional place names. the very fact that they often exhibit a parasitical final /t/ in annexation proves their morphological merger with {+a(t)}. a pl. However. marker. like Cantaral- cadi. 24/0/2 ›hadrā‹ “green [fem. and 100/4/2 is presently read as a collective qúbli háddak “kisses on your cheek”.¯ < AA qalá #at Zayd “Zayd’s castle”. either with a parasitical final /t/ out of annexation (e. e. although the decay of that /t/ remains a distinct possibility in very low and late registers. Latham 1967 was right upon advising caution in admitting these exceptions to the general rule of NA. batafalua. for SA qurā+nā.149 or the haphazard transmission of many place names at the hands of monolingual scribes and notaries. 3/1/1 ›dunyā‹ ˙ ¯ ˙ “this world”). Romance ›c‹ is an acceptable equivalence of /t+z/..)” for SA sakrà. nutúna almâaç “smell of goats”. lit. without ˙ that required addition in annexation (e. of ǧánna(t). ˙ ˙ Pt.]”. 11 corá(t)na “our villages”. ›habbat sawdā‹ “black cumin”. without the fem. apparently < qántarat alqádi “the judge’s bridge”). are likelier reflexes of ǧinán. however. . e.g..3 ›arr.1. Z 2048 ˙ ˙ › #asātu‹ “his stick”. 56. and Genalguacil Ma.5 al hayét a déima “the eter- ˙ nal life”.g.) of them”. IA 156 ˙ ›al #ašat altayyiba‹ “the good dinner”. as suggested by doublets like Alc. for which {aānah} had been substituted. about which see Cantineau 1960:33 and Corriente 1976:84.1 At times. and Generalife Gr. 710.147 2.13 almarrat alakiría “the last time”)148 or. Therefore.rā alislām‹ “mirror of Islam” appears now to contain the frequent variant AA mirá of SA mir" āh = AA mirá(t). this merger appears to have generated some infra- correct syntagms. Alc.8 ›ihdat+hā‹ “one (fem.. either because of the imperfect mastery of AA by the authors of the witnessing works.8. “sweet grain” whence Ct. IA 402 ›dawat+uh‹ “his remedy”.hātayn‹ “the two mills”.]”. 39. ihdà. MT 754.. from SA rahá.. elatives of the pattern {uà}. 39. batafaluga and Cs.

. muslim+āni “two Muslims”. GL ›ǧur˙dānah‹ “rat”. according to which countable distinctly individualised nouns distinguish singular.g. vs. ›haddayn‹ “two ¯ cheeks”. rather than to idiolects. leiletéy “two nights”.8 ›tultayn almabı̄ #‹ “two thirds ¯ ¯ of the sale”. and ›idı̄n‹ “two hands”. this confusion of involved semantic categories has generated singulatives obtained from broken pls.. si" bān “lice”. hamíma beitía “domestic pidgeon”. while VA still suggests a dis- tinction between collective and pl. pl. which were˙ in fact the pls. the two latter characterised by cer- tain suffixes or by the adoption of special patterns or templates.9. but › #aynı̄n‹ “two eyes”. Dual AA used the dual marker {+áyn}. 9/34/3 ›b+idday+h‹ “in his hands”. ›sāqayn‹ “two legs”. e. the cases of LA 19 ›si" bānah‹ “one louse” and 31 ›dubbānah‹ “one fly”. except before the pronominal suffixes. though pointing to lower registers for the lat- ter. as purported by agreements as common in Alc. ması̄r and tamarah. in AA. muslim+ūna “Muslims”.. with an allomorph {+ín} in an insuffi- ciently surveyed distribution. Unlike the case in SA. hamím beitiín. e. VA ›abawayn‹ “parents”. of OA su" āb and ¯ dubāb. ¯ ˙ ¯ ¯ ˙ ¯ . e. ˙ ˙ ¯ although ˙ ˙ ¯one must ˙ ˙ ¯ always discount occasional classicising trends in such half-learned works. naml+at+āni “two ants”. kitāb+āni “two books”. etc. naml+atun “one ant”. as. ¯ LA 157 ›musrānah‹ “intestine”. though the Granadan dialect clearly preferred {+áy}. 90/13/4 ¯ 150 This situation is obvious in late AA.g. while usu- ally uncountable or invidualised nouns. namlun “ants (generically speak- ing)”. from the OA pls. like most NA dialects has preserved the OA dichotomy of the category of number. e. in principle and most of the time merely distinguish the individuals from the collective by adding the fem. likewise. dubbān “lies”.g. like those usually considered as collective entities. of˙ ǧurad. At times. as ordinary singulars. like. in cases like ›battı̄hah ~ battı̄h ~ batātı̄h‹ “melon(s)” and ›rummānah ~ rummān ~ ramāmı̄n‹ “pomegranate(s)”. çacái “two legs”. Number AA. huildéy “parents”. IQ 13/4/3 ›f+udnay+ya‹ “in my ears”. and the matching sin- gulatives. kutubun “books”.g. The most conspicuous syntactic differ- ence between that system and its continuation in NA. namal+ātun or nimālun “some ants (in a given number)”.9. two substantives ˙ which did not ¯ gen- erate singulatives. morpheme in the first case with the semantic function of a singulative.g. the final nasal is not dropped in annexation. OA kitābun “a book”.. 93/2/4 ›šuffatayn annās‹ “the people’s lips”..66 morphology 2. IQ 113/2/2 ›bi #+aynayn ġazāl‹. e. and Alc.1. only then can the latter receive the markers of dual and plural. vs. including AA.1.150 2. MT 279. or muslimun “Muslim”. is that collective nouns are usually considered mere plurals. dual and plural.g. ¯ ċimára “fruit-tree”. musrān and timār..1. e. ǧirdān. respectively. cf.

with a witness from Almaqqarı̄.1. 119/3/3 ›bi+zawǧ aydı̄‹ “with both hands”. ˙ also Marín 2007:107–108). in AC 827 ›zāǧ mitā rrūs‹ “two heads”. 2. the pseudo-dual has been formed on a previous plural. zascandil “gossiper”. 143/1/2 ›riǧl+ı̄nā‹ “our feet”. 45. DC 10a huildey “parents”.2 However. pincers” < *zá(w)ǧ qallá #). e.3 On the other hand. used with items usually coming in pairs. e.) shall ˙ open your eyes”. 152 This item had two allomorphs.152 etc. but *adrā # must also have existed.9. the noun 67 ›sāqay+hā‹ “her legs”. Alc. Alc. dual marking was often a mere variety of pl. from AA *zāǧ qandíl. only in substantives. e. IA 689 ›yiǧū #alà sāqayhum‹ “they come back on their feet”.1417 ›bazzāǧ sāqay‹ “with both legs”.11.g. Z 939 ›istı̄na‹ “our behinds”. 50. name of ¯ a kind of pastry (see Dz I 16. Z 184 ›dirhamayn‹ “two dirhems”.. IQ 0/5/2 ›ratlayn‹ “two ˙ pounds”. zéuch arrúç “two heads”. The latter is also reflected in Cs. 151 An exception to this rule is Alc. Z 1640 ›riǧlı̄+k‹ “your feet”. 1869 ›sinnı̄n+an hušš‹ “smiling teeth”. 1340 and 2143 ›dars ~ adrās ~ idrasayn‹ ˙ ˙ ˙ “tooth ~ teeth”. For some names of double ¯ parts of the body.1.1. RC 45 ›fı̄ ˙ ¯ yaday almudnibı̄n‹ “in the hands of the sinners”. the analytical expression through the numeral “two” was often preferred.g. now confirmed in Corriente 2005:105. it appears that the dual markers were seldom used. and Alc. pattern from its parallels and the frequency of the ¯ {aā} in AA (see 2. and záǧ.. an obvious metaphor for unnecessary spending and officiousness. utnéi alcádi = udnáy alqādi “the judge’s ears”. and even in those same cases. above all names of weights and mea- sures.g. the so-called pseudo-dual by Blanc 1970. IQ 42/1/4 ›hadday‹ “two cheeks”. zazcálaâ pl.14 fi ydéiq “in your hands”. rajuléi = zéuch min arigíl “two men”. already lexicalized. IQ 143/5/4 ›taftahū #aynı̄kum‹ “you (pl.. as exemplified by some of the previous witnesses. there are witnesses of dual endings without final nasal in other ages and areas. 153 VA and other sources have only adru # here. e. 65/9/4 ›ašqarayn‹ “two gold pieces”. e. leunéy = zéuch alguín “two colours”. . even when there was more than just one pair of them. and other items usually coming in pairs. for Granada.g. VA ›sudġ ~ a/isdāġ ~ isdaġayn‹ “temple(s)”. MT 1014. IQ 20/19/1 ›zawǧ kāġad‹ “two sheets of paper”.. e. to judge ¯ broken pl.g.. 1621.. to judge from its plural adíni. ›dirā # ~ x153 ~ idra #ayn‹ “arms”.10. In SK fn. zevçcalaít “tongs... in IM 236. In other instances.1). clearly alluded to in IQ 18/2/3 ›qandı̄l bifummayn‹ “oil lamp with two mouths”. ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ ¯ Z 976 ›alaydı̄n‹ “the hands”.151 2.9.g. 45 we suggested that this might have¯ been just another “Yemenism” in AA.24 ›zawǧ qumus‹ “two ¯ ¯ ˙ shirts”.5. 121/2/3 ›azzawǧ rihāh‹ “both towers”. záw (e. see to be sure an imported designation.g. as in many NA dialects. on the other hand. see Corriente 1989b and fn.

Alc.. contaminations.. namely. marker in AA is {+ín} which. even substantives. despite the lack of other corroborating examples. collectivisation. 130).e. and had completely disappeared in NA but. did not lose its final nasal in annexation155 and had encroached on areas formerly dominated by bro- ken pls.. it was still true that the regular pl.154 2. For the case of pronominal ¯ suffixes.2 ›q... Alc. i. ending was often extended to the fem. 156 However. VA ›ustād(ı̄n)‹ “teacher(s)”.. pattern or template.. lit. even VA harūfah ~ hirfān “female lamb”.1.g.12: “todos los nombres verbales y departicipios forman el plural añadiendo ín al número singular”. etc. (see SK fn.. e. adjectives and some substantives. pattern to another. i. following the prevail- ing trends in NA was indeclinable for case. was the rule for participles and many adjectives. bezíz “bedpan”. Alc.)”.157 154 Cf.. while Alc. by suffixation and by adoption of a “broken” pl. muhibbínak “you lovers”. Regular Plural The regular masc. unlikely to be due to Naf. namely. dalimín nufúçuhum ¯ “simoniacal” (pl. does not look like just another classicism of his. IA 454 ›almuntafı̄n al" adnÍb‹ “tail-plucked (pl.sı̄sı̄n‹ ¯ “priests”. to be rejected. (a)hawāt. guaquíla ~ vquelé “manageress”. in Alc. shifting from the sg. PES 46/4/1 has muridíni “my followers” and 65/1/4. cf. and MT 1025.. huluín allicín “soft-spoken” (pl. as is the case of some kinds of adjectives.g. while substantives and some kinds of adjectives usually had broken pls. pl. okt ~ ikva is altogether ¯ provide¯ the expectable true form. e..10. The semantic difference between them. other instances heretofore brought forward ¯ are highly ques- tionable.156 As in other NA dialects. pl. VA › #arı̄q(ı̄n)‹ “ancient”. pl. Plural As in the rest of NA. no attention˙ should be paid to many strange instances of regular masc. “tongue sweet”)..68 morphology 2. characteristic of pl.6 ›rākibı̄n‹ “riding” and ›malbūsı̄n‹ “wearing” (referred to the Amazons). “those who prejudice themselves”). and Ax ˙ ˙ 68.’s rule in 8. Alc. “having a bad opinion”). IQ 88/26/3 has ›banı̄+k‹ “your sons” which. çáâb(ín) “difficult”. ›ašall(ı̄n)‹ “cripple”. however. see Corriente 1988a: iii–iv. mere witnesses to his brazen expeditiousness in linguistic matters.1. kamría ~ kamriín “brunette”. e. latifín adunún “sus- ˙ picious” (pl. for words like majarád “scraper”.18 ›q. lit. AA has preserved the OA morphological feature of hav- ing two marking systems for the pl. marked by suffixation.g.. Z 563 where ahtÍn can only mean “daughters-in-law”. ›danı̄/ūq(ı̄n)‹ “gluttonous”. as other sources ˙ ˙ ¯ . e.e.g. bauiba ~ bauibín “janitress” and nabía ~ anbía “prophetess”. mubára “warrant”. in the case of participles. individualisation vs.. 157 This was also the case of some broken pls. Alc. lit. about which.10..ssı̄n‹ and 1168. and other markers.1. items. › #azı̄z(ı̄n)‹ “glorious”. from the viewpoint of morphologi- cal choice. the masc.. had begun to blur in OA. 155 Cf. çoquía ~ çoquiín “market woman”. IA 427 ›zabbālı̄n ihšāriš‹ “the dustmen of Alixares”.

10. Alc. e. all kind of diminutives. the so-called by native grammarians šibhu sālim.g.. moôtazíl(a) “here- tic(s)”. e. xucr(iín) “father(s)-in-law”. this marker was also used for unassimilated foreign substantives (e. VA ›ibn ¯ ~ banı̄n‹ ¯ “son(s)”. with examples like assūfiyyah “the Sufis”... Ir. 159 But in the case of rational males. zubb ~ zuppít/zubúb “penis”.1. ráhma ~ rahamét “clemency”. harāmi(yya) “thief ~ thieves”. AA appears to prefer {+ín}. 177. (Muslim Baghdadi) #arabanči(yya) “coachma~en”.. as well as some other unclassifiable ¯ items. not even excluding rational males. and most nouns for profes- ˙ and collectives.g. VA ›uht ~ (a)hawāt‹ “sister(s)”. AA had preserved the collective marker {+a(t)} used with some classes of adjectives and substantives for homogeneous groups of people already in OA. quasi- regular pl.. rujáyjal ~ ít “lit- tle man”. Z 1356 ›nad-dārah‹ - ˙˙ ˙˙ “onlookers”. and Alc. Collectives and Singulatives In addition to the characteristic markers of the masc. 129/6/3 ›ǧarhāt‹ “wounds”.. e. Wright 1967: I 233. and MT 126. etc.. from the rules of strict regular pl.g.2 The regular fem. IA 37 ›qammārah‹ “gamblers”. quédbe ~ quedbít “lie”.˙ ˙This feature is also common in NA. i. and fem. Eg.. VA ›ustād(ı̄n)‹ ¯ “teacher(s)”. VA ›masarr ~ āt‹ = Alc. and without insertion of any anaptyc- tic vowel. piztícal ~ ít “fillip on the head”.e. regular pls..1. and ›tiqah ~ taqawāt‹ “reliable person(s)”. e...˙˙ bənnāy(a) “bricklayer(s)”. As in OA and NA. ¯ ¯ 161 Cf.. çuél ~ ít “request”).1 ›farāyirı̄n‹ “friars”. whether inherited or innovated.g.161 in nearly the same contexts. . against the rule in CA (e. MT 1013. and for the masc. at times as a free option with broken pls. and kóff ~ ít / akfféf “slip- ˙ ˙ per”). (e. sionals ˙ parrukier(a) “barber(s)”.158 except in occasional cases of interference by CA. see Wright 1967 I: 192–194.160 2. for the fem. 478 ›qassārah‹ “washers”. həmmār(a) “donkey driver(s)”. Alc.g. PES 4/4/5 ›harkātı̄‹ ¯ ˙ ˙ “my motions”. with imālah in the appropriate contours and predictable degrees. 158 About this. ˙ maçárr ~ ít “purse”. Mo.10.3 ›kunf. VA ›tistany ~ āt‹ “helmet”. Alc. ˙ 160 As in OA. the noun 69 2. nies giddieba “lying people”.g. pl. Alc. 108/7/2 ›raqqādah‹ “sleepyheads”. “onlookers”. guaguár(a) = ġawwár(a) “raider(s)”. raǧǧālah “pedestrians” and nad-dārah ..g. CA ˙ ˙ ruǧaylūna. there were also in AA some minor deviations.. but VA ›waǧnah ~ waǧ(a)nāt‹ “cheek(s)” and Alc.g.159 masdars (e. wulaydūna and uhayyūna).. vs.ratriyyı̄n‹ “brethren”. IQ 33/3/3 ›radlāt‹ “licentious women”. vléyed ~ít “little son” and okái ~ okayít “little brother”.10 ˙ ›nibšāriyuh ~ nibšāriyāt‹ “memorial service”). rofóô ~ ˙ ít “letter of appeal”. sābilah “travellers”. etc.3. Ml. e.g. Alc. marker in AA is {+át}.

gancho = Ct. MT 452.165 e. Pt. and Corriente 1980d: 84). 2. rúçl ~ arcél “messenger(s)” (= VA ›rusul ~ arsāl‹). Alc. sueldo = Ct. 163 Apparently. Alc.1. it has disappeared from AA. patterns have propagated from some nouns to others after considerations of morphological similarity (between items of the same pattern in sg. the reasons beyond the choice of broken pl.10. considering the prevalence of this pattern in ESA and Ge#ez (up to 24.2.4 In periods and areas of common bilingual practice. fiç ~ avfíç “hoe(s)”.10.162 The most frequent ones remaining in use are the following: 2. and Pt.5. of abundance (see Wright 1967: I 234. 1168. biç ~ avbíç “falcon(s)”.1. again a “Yemenism”. pl. AA could occasionally ´ even with items of Arabic stock. GL ›ašrāk‹ “associates”. Alc. etc. {aú} is also more frequent in AA than the average. and Corriente 1996:39 and fn.164 even more or less late Rm. çátal ~ aztól “bucket(s)”. though not as much as {aá}. and often appears extended to items which have other kinds of pl. SA and even other NA dialects.1. in OA. Both in OA and in NA the broken pl. Alc. with a result aw < ā. loanwords like gáncho ~ agnách “hook” and HB 176 ›ašlād‹ “sols” (cf. ma" q ~ āmāq “inner corner(s) of the eye”. sou). considering the frequency of this pattern in SAE and Et. patterns were surveyed in Corriente 1971:83–88. etc. double the rate of Arabic.1. had shrunk considerably in AA. e.. another “Yemenism” of AA. VA ›ǧināh ~ aǧnāh‹ “wing(s)”. soldo = Cs. 162 As for the distinction between pls. as in the whole NA. ganxo.5.g.10. aâmúd ~ aâméd “column(s)”.10. {aá}. extremely favoured in AA and often extended to items which have other kinds of pl. see Corriente 1989b: 42). see Corriente 1971:14. gadír ~ agdór “pond(s)”.163 e.5 % of the total in the latter case. . already often forsaken in OA itself. SA and even other NA dialects.8 ›nifšāriyuš‹ “memorial services”.70 morphology 2. Cs.18 ›aqbār‹ ¯ “tombs”. 165 Possibly. suffix {+S}.) and semantic affinity (between items belonging to the same semantic fields). Broken Plurals The highly hypertrophic OA system of broken pls. ›mā ~ amyā‹ ˙ ˙ “water(s)”. (Ge#ez and Tigre. ›malak ~ amlāk‹ “angel(s)”. in OA. VA ›rikāb ~ arkub‹ “stirrup(s)”.g..g.3 ›awrāt‹ “heirs”.5. náâla ~ anúûl “shoe(s)”.1.. ›quhaybaš‹ “little whores”. as in the rest of NA. nearly cutting by half the number of attested patterns. 19–21 and 42. 2. 164 The metathesis in these two cases reflects the continuation of OA instances like bi" r ~ ābār “well”. MT 237. of paucity and pls. MT 58. ˙ xúlo(ç) “head-shepherd(s)” and capelo(s) “cardinal’s hat(s)”. 4). IQ 12/3/4 use the Rm. next to cases of preservation of OA usage in cases like licín ~ alçún “tongue(s)”.6 ›arǧūl‹ “feet”.

It is noteworthy that. íbra ~ ybár “needle(s)”.10. VA ›barı̄d ~ burūd‹ “postma~en”.g.g.3. because of the dissimilatory trend described in 1. ymém ~ aímme “priest(s)”.. a) {ú} for some root morphemes {w/’}.1. can be explained within phonetic trends stretching from OA down to NA. zeními ~ zunúm “bastard(s)”. ›sarı̄r ~ asarrah‹ “bed(s)”. Alc. Alc.g.. vs. still ›atibbā‹ and ˙ ›awliyā‹ in VA. with some encroachments in cases like VA › #atabah ~ #utub‹ = Alc. VA ›ālihah‹ “gods”. tabíb ~ atíbbe “physician(s)” and guelí ~ avlía “curator(s)”.4. quitíb ~ cutúb “book(s)”.166 e.g. ›ǧummah ~ ǧimam‹ “head(s) of hair”. unlike b) have ˙ ˙ OA parallels or. ›qası̄s ~ aqassah‹ “priest(s)”. {uú} is. with 2nd degree ˙ ˙ imālah. and IQ 84/20/3 ›hurrūǧ‹ “protruding”. 2. in root morphemes {}. conservative Alc. náqua ~ núq “she-camel(s)”. {aía} has an allomorph {aáa} generated by application of Philippi’s law.. VA ›sal #ah ~ sila #‹ “merchan- dise(s)”.. 167 This strange gemination is reminiscent of the same phenomenon underlying the diminutive pattern {uáya} of some adjectives (see 2. 2. and ¯ c) an extended {uúa}. like VA ›safı̄ ~ asfiyā‹ “friend(s)”.g. ›sarı̄ # ~ sirā #‹ “fast”. because of the prosodic rules of AA. e.167 e. ›fāriġ ~ furrūġ‹ “empty”. e.1. for SA sūrah ~ suwar (sic in VA) and NA kūrah ~ kuwar (VA ›ki/uwar‹).1. kafíf ~ kiféf “light”. and Alc. VA ›qāsih ~ qussūh‹ ˙ ˙ “hard”. rámal ~ rimíl “sand(s)”. the common reflex of both OA {uu} and {uū}. at least graphically.g. cáçer ~ coçór “castle(s)” and cíquit ~ çucút “silent”.10. VA ›hu" ūlah‹ “maternal ¯ uncles”. IQ 17/4/4 ›usūs‹ “foundations”. the noun 71 2. we get Alc..g. VA ›fās ~ fūs‹ “hoe(s)”. aâtébe ~ ûutúb “threshold(s)”. because of the prosodic rules of AA. VA ›zuqāq ~ azaqqah‹ “lane(s)”. with the fem. loanword cáppa ~ quipáp “cloak”. AC ›rās ~ rūs‹ “head(s)” and Alc. e. It has some variants. b) a curious geminated {uú} for some adjectives and participles. at least. Alc. As an additional consequence of the merger of all fem.5. e.5. OA {aiā’} appears to have been absorbed by this pattern. the common reflex of both OA {ia} and {iā}. .2. according to Fleisch 1961:482. marker.g... and VA ›zanı̄mı̄ ~ zunūm‹ = Alc.5.1).3. ›ǧannah ~ aǧannah‹ “garden(s)”. PES 40/5/1–2 ›adallah‹ “guides” and ›adallah‹ “the ¯ vile”. but there are some conservative excep- tions. ganí ~ agnié “rich”. and the Rm. ›latmah ˙ ~ litām‹ “slap(s)”. dacár ~ ducóra “male(s)”.1. {iá} is again. The ˙ ˙ 166 Of which it was an allomorph from the start. ciguár “images” and quiguár “balls”. cirír ~ acérre.5.4. e. Both a) and c). mark- ers. çélle ~ çillél “basket(s)”.10. in the case of root morphemes {w}.1. e. ċéub ~ ˙ ċiéb “cloth(es)”.. GL and Z 1134 ›asdiqā‹ “friends” and ˙ ˙ ˙ Alc.

some old.g. {aáa} is the continuation of OA {aaah}. AA reflex of OA {ua}. and Pt.. in spite of graphemic appearances. caçába ~ caçáb “fortress(es)”. e. pattern. a continuation of OA {aa}. and IH 219 ›fay- alatun‹ “elephants” (but VA still has OA ›fiyalah‹). oth- erwise and expectably. e. Z 661 ›waratah‹ “heirs”. except for some unexpected increase of the sgs.10.1. VA ›hādim ~ hadam‹ “female slave(s)”. Alc. ˙ katáye “faults” and the rather infrequent {iaah} for names of animals. gehéle “gen- ¯ ¯ tiles”. ˙ e. etc.8. even adopted by a Rm. llop). namely VA › #abd ~ #abı̄d‹ “slave(s)” and ›himār ~ hamı̄r‹ “donkey(s)”.5. quéhin ~ quehéna “soothsayer(s)”.10. but having at times encroached on semantically close fields. ›luqmah ~ luqam‹ “morsel(s)”.7. like Alc. e.. caría ~ corá “village(s)”. e. loanword in VA ›lubb ~ lababah‹ “wolf ~ wolves” (cf. but these are very frequent in the Arabic usage. Alc. generally speaking.1. with inter- nal flexion. it has absorbed the OA patterns {aāà/ā}. adrá ~ adára “maid(s)”. with only one true case in AA.. as well as other sources of AA lexicon. çórba ~ çoráb “wing(s) of an army”. Alc. Alc. as both are not historically true cases of broken pls... in fact.1. guazír ~ guazára “constable(s)”. or recent. like VA ›dartah ~ durāt‹ “fart(s)”. Other examples often quoted. 2. morpheme {+at} has disappeared entirely from AA and.11). pattern found in very few items.169 and ¯ ¯ 168 See Corriente 1971:10–11.g. 730 ›talabah‹ ¯ ˙ “students”. e. cid ~ céde “lord(s)” (in a root {w}). VA ›šayh ~ šāhah‹ “old ma~en” (in a root {y}). On the other hand.g.5.6.g. {uá} is generally the AA reflex of OA {u} (see 2. Alc.5. Cs. dubb ~ debébe “bear(s)”.g. 169 In Corriente 1971:39 this patterns is registered as one of the least common in Ara- bic. matched by Alc.g. zímir ~ zamára “flute player(s)”. lobo = Ct.168 Most instances of this pattern in AA do not call for any comment..5. 2. IQ 28/1/2 ›sabāyā‹ “girls” and Alc. VA ›ġur- fah ~ ġuraf ‹ “garret(s)”.10. aâbd ~ aâbíd ˙ ˙ and himár ~ hamír.. not only often retaining its old sphere of usage.72 morphology infrequent OA variant of this pattern with addition of the fem. from NA. VA ›radı̄ ~ radāyā‹ “wicked”. {aí} continues OA {aı̄}. ›zawāyā‹ “angles”. VA ›dubb ~ dababah‹ = Alc.10. It has two variants. but the mere outcome of insertion of /a/ for prosodic reasons between the two last consonants in items resulting from an analogical reversion of the process generating singulatives from collectives. {uá}. stands in close relation with {ia}. unless VA ›ǧuhr ~ ǧahirah‹ were a mistake for OA ǧiharah.1. respectively. a pl. ˙ ˙ ˙ 2. kaxébe ~ kaxéb ˙ ˙ . with this pl. a case of reuse of the OA deteriorative pat- ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ tern {uā}. an old one {aá}. as is most likely.

ultima and penultima stressed. of the pattern {aā}. e. VA ›amı̄r ~ umarā‹ “commander(s)”. respectively.)”. see Corriente 1997d: 326 and 2008:266–267. acír ~ vçará “prisoner(s)”.11.3).1. ›azraq ~ zurq‹ = Alc. ›tārı̄ ~ turā‹ “gipsy musician(s)”. rámi ~ romá “archer(s)”.5. are historically descended from collectives.1. from OA daflà.. 2.5.5. pattern {aa}. VA ›faqqārah‹ “paupers”.g.g. ˙ from ˙OA {tr" }. VA ›ahras ~ hurs‹ “mute”. As in OA.6.10.1. VA ›hākim ~ hukkām‹ “judge(s)”. etc. e. if not trig- ˙˙ gered by sgs. {u}. 170 Cf. with the collective suffix {+ah} (see 2. but for some encroachments in cases like Alc. fíciq ~ fuçáq “lecher(s)”]..10. ˙ ˙ çiâi ~ çoáâ “beggar(s)” and uéli ~ gulét “prince” (this /t/ reflecting a high register interference.3. ›ra" ı̄s = rāyis ~ ru" /w/yasā‹ “chief(s)”. léin ~ ˙˙ ˙ ˙ luyín “soft” and guíciê ~ guçaâ “wide”. was in OA the characteristic broken pl. IQ 9/28/4 › #urǧ‹ “lame (pl. not calling for special comments [e.8) has triggered an identical process. azráq ~ zorq “blue”.5. because of the trend described in 2. pattern of the adjectives of colour and physical qualities belonging to the sg. tāləb ~ tolba “student(s)” and šrı̄f ~ šorfa “sherif(s)”. ›ablah ~ bulh‹ ¯ ¯ “stupid”.9. aâzíz ~ vûzezí “glorious”. some spellings like VA ›uǧārah = uǧārà‹ “female slave”.170 2.g.4. aâríf ~ vûrefé/í “builder” with both degrees of imālah]. not calling for particular comments [e. cimitarra. markers (see 2.2.5.10.g. and PES *3*/3/1 ›fuqārā‹ “paupers” suggest a quasi-merger in AA of OA {uaā’} and the rather infrequent {uārà}. IQ 6/11/2 ›usārā‹ “captives”. 171 Actually.4. which would have become mere prosodic variants. 2.10.1. {uaá} is the continuation of OA {uaā’}.1. but for some encroachments. s. ˙ . Alc.g. e. however.v.1. it had the matching reflex of its allomorph {uāh} in root morphemes {w/y}. Alc..10. ›sāriq ~ surrāq‹ ˙ ˙ “thief ~ thieves”. from which a singulative has been obtained in the manner expounded in 2. VA ›qādı̄ ~ qudā‹ ˙ ˙ “judge(s)”.. ›sukārā‹ “drunkards”. parallel to {uú} (see 2.. that basic shape was pre- served in only some cases. when not a mere prosodic variant of {uu} (see 2.10. équil ~ vquelé “eater”. as the cluster with a sonorant in the second consonantal slot was “beam(s)”. like RC 47 ›quhhāb‹ “whores”. However. {uá} is the continuation of OA {uā/a}. kúnċe ~ kuníċ “hermafrodite(s)”.171 Alc. Mo. Some cases. which has the expectable ›wulāh‹). ›rakkābah‹ “riders” and ›sahhārah‹ “wizards”. absent from VA. Alc. like VA ›ġarı̄b ~ ġurbah‹ “stranger(s)” and IQ 104/3/2 ›rufqah‹ “companions” suggest the emergence of a shortened variant {uah} of this pattern.1.10. In AA. the noun 73 an innovated {aáa}.4). As for VA ›daflah ~ dafal‹ “rosebay”.1. the levelling of fem. of one single pattern.4).1.

. {š/h/" +} (e. or ahmaru mina ddami “redder than blood”. one could not say in correct OA a #má minhu “blinder than him”.4. Alc. however. abyadu “white”. and *iwsāl > ı̄sāl “receipt”. in principle. unknown in other Semitic tongues. the phonetic result was otherwise quite peculiar. see other examples in Grande 1963:54–55). sirdāh “highbred camel”. e. etc. ˙ 172 The peculiarity in this case lies in the fact that. “ways”. i. however.172 To this we can add some “freak” cases. which could point to a gradual and incomplete ¯ ˙ process ¯ ˙ with ˙ diachronic ˙ and/or diatopic differences. at any rate. which has retained witnesses of the successive stages: 1) causative verb with any appropriate prefix. because of the printers’ lack of typographical skills. ˙ ˙ ahguél ~ huguél “squint-eyed”.2. all of them have missed the affinity of Arabic elatives with the causative stem of the Semitic verb. as in the case of non-agentive participles like mabyū # for mabı̄ # “sold” in NA.. VA ›marı̄d ~ mardā‹ = Alc.3.5. maríd ~ mardá “sick”. ˙ 173 At times. *quyila > qı̄la “it was said”. “closest to the colour of ˙ eggs”. samlaq˙ “plain without vegetation”. etc. ˙ etc. aâmí ~ ûmí = VA ›a #mà ~ ˙ ˙ #umy/ı̄‹ “blind”.g. šurbûm). sarhabah “slender ˙delicate woman”. As stated by Brockelmann 1908 I: 372.74 morphology easily tolerated. Alc. the evolution might possibly have been direct from a #mā+hu llāh “God made him blind” to huwa a #mà “he is blind”. the known fact that stress marks in Alc. with residual cases of *sv+ in OA (e. aâguár ~ ûuár “one-eyed”. like Alc. In the case ˙ of physical defects..g. OA {aà} is preserved in AA with a similar low frequency in some very common items. in Ugnad-Matouš 1964:44). as well as in the cases of some weak roots upon which that trend did not act. e.. (e. GL turqun. and /iw/ > /ı̄/. preserved only by peripheral Akk. Otherwise. šurbûm “gewaltig gross”.). e. or imperative akbir bihı̄ “declare him big”). adjective of permanent qualities (ahmaru “red”.g.. hárij ~ harjá “angry”. 2) elative adjective (e. VA ˙ ˙ ›a #war ~ #uwar‹ = Alc. this would confirm that the development˙ ˙ of this type of adjectives.12.). ebquém ~ búquem “dumb”. VA ›ahmar ~ humar‹ = Alc. rakç ~ rokç “tender”.1. which would have imposed /uy/ > /ū/. VA ›abkam ~ bukam‹ vs.. . ahmár ~ ho/umár “red”. dialects.g.e. of this pattern appear in ˙ AA as {uá}..g. e. and even the innovation of Alc. or other lexical sources.10. cf. latíf ~ lotf “bad”.. VA ›ahdar ~ hudar‹ vs.g. but also toróq. {šu+prus} (e. however. méit ~ mavté/í “dead”. see 2. daaâíf ~ daâfí ˙ ˙ “poor”. sartam “eloquent speaker”. ˙ ˙ ˙ VA turuq.. comparable to Ak. but much better in the latter. from {hrǧ}. i.. the exclamative mā akbara+hu [Allāh] “how big he is = God made him big”. surhūb “tall [person]”. Fleisch 1961:411–415 has reviewed the diverse hypotheses on the origin of this Arabic innovation. akdar ~ kódar “green”. against the rule in OA morphology..g.. and Arabic. akbaru malikin “the greatest king”. there is no coincidence between the data of VA and Alc. is a relatively recent development in Arabic. VA ›mayyit ~ mawtà‹ = Alc. and taríq ~ torq.g. What we would have here is a PS idiom. abiád ~ bid “white”. in a period when those rules were no longer effective.173 2. these qualities kept being perceived so absolute that an elative made no sense in these adjectives and.e. cf. VA ›ahwal ~ huwal‹ = Alc.g. proven by the functional identity of Ak. most OA broken pls. complicates a survey of this phenomenon. “closest to the colour of mud”. also present in Naf. huwa akbaru “he is bigger”. cannot be totally trusted. VA ›abyad ~ bı̄d‹ = Alc. the root has prevailed over the pattern.

for OA diyakah and fiyalah. vs. kās ~ kı̄sān “glass” (cf.g. ›tašūr ~ tawāšir‹ “coat(s)”. Landberg declared {uān} as the normal pl..14.g.5. fóndaq ~ faná/ídiq “inn(s)”. azcúf ~ açáquifa “bishop(s)”. except in VA ›ah(ū) ~ ihwah‹ = Alc. like in Alc.10. 75). while VA ˙ ›maraq ~ murqān‹ “broth(s)” and FJ 258. but then Alc.3. its merger with {+à} has allowed the addition of a broken pl. The quadriconsonantal pl. OA {u/iān} have been retained in AA with more or less the same frequency in several quite common items.. e. may be counted as new members of this group.14.1. . VA › #uqāb ~ #iqbān‹ = Alc. 2. The connection with South Arabian is again strong: as we mentioned in Corriente 1971:115. Z 123 ›kı̄fān‹ “caves”. Out of the three OA broken pl. and VA ›faylasūf ~ falāsifah‹ = Alc. gífa ~ jeguéif “carrion(s)”. ›sibyān‹ in other sources.1. pattern {aāı̄}. already OA. while {CaCāCiCah} is gener- ally restricted to high register items [e.. with the same morphological treatment as VA ›fundaq ~ fanādiq‹ = Alc. because of the trend described in 1.1. aîmláq ~ aâmáliqua “giant(s)”. âáda ~ aguáid “habit(s)”.1. with the mere excuse of real or even supposed vocalic or consonantal quantity. ›naqı̄r ~ nawāqı̄r‹ “channel(s)”. wād ~ wı̄dān “river(s)”. or by simple root metanalysis. ˙ ˙ etc. preserved in VA. ûcáb ~ êiqbé/in “eagle(s)”. fíriç ~ furcín “knight(s)”. the noun 75 2. acuéd ~ ceudín “black”.5. 174 Perhaps connectable with the expansion in Western Arabic of the plural suffix {+ān}. not only in the characteristic pairs of Naf. In the case of tri-consonantal items with the fem. pattern of every adjective of the pattern {aa} in the North Arabian dialects of Southern Arabia. VA › #imlāq ~ #amāliqah‹ = Alc.13. IZ 11/5/3 ›widān‹ “rivers”. which has adopted it in some sgs. ríquib ~ ruqbín “rider(s)”. bāb ~ bı̄bān “door(s)”. starting from cases like OA nār ~ nı̄rān “fire”. and this trend has only increased in AA.. AA and the remaining Western Arabic dialects have lost the variety with a third long vowel. karóf ~ kirfín ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ “lamb(s)”. pattern has been much favoured in Arabic since OA days down to NA. e. VA ›fāris ~ fursān‹ = Alc. but also as an additional marker. bíç ~ biçén “falcon”.5. çabí ~ çubién “boy(s)”.3. çundúq ~ ˙ ˙ çaná/ídiq “box(es)”. ›ka #b ~ kawā #ib‹ “heel(s)”. fayleçúf ~ felécife “philosopher(s)”]. marker {+ah}.g.174 The allomorph {iah} of {iān} has disappeared.. VA ›bāz ~ bı̄zān‹ Alc. VA ›sawdānāt‹ “black women”. VA › #ādah ~ #awā" id‹ = Alc. VA ›makān ~ makākin‹ “place(s)”. see fn. akó ~ íkva “brother(s)”. though apparent ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ contractions like LA 161 ›dı̄kah‹ “roosters” and ›fı̄lah‹ “elephants”. VA ›uskūf = uskuff ~ asākifah‹ = Alc.18 ›sarab ~ surbān‹ “sewer(s)” are strange innovations. 107. VA ›sundūq ~ sanādiq‹ = Alc. see fn. 2. VA ›harūf ~ hirfān‹ = Alc. e.1.10. {CaCāCi/ı̄C} and {CaCāCiCah}.4. etc.g.10. patterns for quadriconsonantal singulars.

76 morphology

still rare in AA, but characteristic of all Western Arabic,175 e.g., GL 53 ›sahlah
~ sahālı̄‹ “field(s)”, after the model of VA ›masqā ~ masāqı̄ = Alc. mázca =
mazcà ~ maçáqui “drinking trough(s)”. There are also some isolated cases of
extension of this pattern to quinqueconsonantal items, e.g., Alc. izquirfich
~ azcarífich “rasp”,176 and the alternation /y ~ w/ has become an additional
marker of number in cases like, e.g., VA ›tayfūr ~ tay/wāfir‹ “Moorish low
table(s)”, MT 756, 57, 77, et passim ›mayšūn ~ mawāšı̄n‹ “inn(s)”, Alc. xáyra
~ xaguáir “frail(s)” (see 1.1.1.6), even ›šı̄byā ~ šawābı̄‹ “cuttlefish” in Colin &
Lévi-Provençal 1931:41.
2.1.10.6
The logical possibility of different degrees and concepts of pl. in most lan-
guages, e.g., “a pair of scissors” vs. “a dozen scissors”, may bring about
depluralisation, i.e., the neutralisation of plural marking and eventual need
of developing additional markers in order to guarantee the perception of
larger numbers. This is the case in AA, e.g., in IQ 148/1/3 ›arriyād‹ “the
˙
garden”, in fact the pl. of SA rawdah, VA and other sources ›ǧinān‹ “gar-
˙
den”, in fact the pl. of SA ǧannah, LA 98 ›azrār ~ azirrah‹ “button”, for
SA ›zirr ~ azrār‹, 212 ›āniyah‹ = Alc. ínia “vessel”, diachronic pl. of SA inā" ,
LAT 194 ›firā" ‹ “fur”, in fact the pl. of SA farw, etc. At times, what we might
have are just doubly marked plurals, e.g., MT 378.2 ›qasāwisı̄n‹ “priests”,
941.19 ›hubūsāt‹ “religious bequests”, Alc. carm ~ curmít “vineyards”, for
˙
SA karm ~ kurūm, madárich ~ madarigít “stairs”, from SA madāriǧ “steps”,
IQ 87/7/4 ›ašyāt‹ “things”, in which SA ašyā" has been extended with the
regular fem. pl. morpheme, also documented in many other sources of AA,
etc.

2.1.11. Special Nouns
Special nouns, on account of either their inflexional or semantic peculiari-
ties, were the numerals, which express the infinite series or arithmetical val-
ues, and the pronouns, which are surrogates of regular, common or proper
nouns.

175 Cf. Mo. qahwa ~ qhāwı̄ “coffee”, hənša ~ hnāšı̄ “sack(s)”, or Ml. darba ~ drabi “stroke”,
- ~ ġriehi
ġerha ¯
- “wound(s)”, with and without ¯
imālah.
176 In Eastern dialects, there are also cases like Sy. salāta #ı̄n “crabs” and šamā #adı̄n “coat

hangers” (the second one in Barthélemy 1936 II: 408, which˙ has only the sg. in p. 443, but it is
registered in Dz II 674, and in our personal observation).

the noun 77

2.1.11.1. Numerals
2.1.11.1.1. The AA cardinal numerals had lost the OA distinction of gender,
but for wáhid(a) “one”, when not used as described in 2.1.6.5.3, because
˙
historically masc. and fem. shapes up to ten had acquired a peculiar dis-
tribution, characteristic of NA, thereby former masc. forms were used in
the absolute state (i.e., when not followed by the numerated item, namely,
itnáyn, taláta, arbá #a, hámsa, sítta, sáb #a, tamá/Ínya, tís #a and #ášra), while
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯
the former fem. forms (i.e., talát, arbá #, háms, sítt, sáb #, tamán, tis # and
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯
#ašár) were used in the construct state, unless the following noun began
with a vowel, which allowed the use from three to ten of the masc. form
with an interfix /+at+/ (e.g., IQ 163/3/1 ›fadı̄latayn itnayn‹ “two virtues”,
˙ ¯
82/0/2 ›arba # ayyām‹ “four days”, 88/6/4 ›tis # ašbār‹ “nine spans”, 122/8/1
›talāt+at+ašyā‹ “three things”, HH 25 ›hams ašhur‹ “five months”, ClC 57
¯ ¯ ¯
›itnayn wahamsı̄n daraǧah‹ “fifty two degrees”). Cardinals from 11 to 19
¯ ¯
had the invariable shapes hidá( #)šar, itná #šar, talattá( #)šar, arba #tá( #)šar,
˙ ¯ ¯
hamistá( #)šar, sittá( #)šar, sab #atá( #)šar, ta-mantá( #)šar and tis #atá( #)šar, with
¯ ¯
two phenomena characteristic of some NA dialects, namely, the possible
substitution of velarisation of the interfix /+at+/ for the / #/ of #ašar, e.g.,
IQ 97/10/4 ›talatta #šar‹ “thirteen” (with merely orthographic #ayn), and occa-
¯ ˙˙
sional decay of final /-ar/, e.g., IA 791 ›arbat #aš‹ “fourteen”.177 The tens are
#išrín, tala/Itín, arba #ín, hamsín, sittín, sab #ín, tama/Inín and tis #ín; the hun-
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯
dreds, míyya, mitáy(n), talatmíyya, arba #míyya, hamsumíyya, sittumíyya,
¯ ¯ ¯
sab #amíyya, tamInmíyya and tis #amíyya,178 and the thousands, álf, alfáy(n),
¯
talát álaf, arbá # álaf, etc.
¯ ¯
2.1.11.1.2. The ordinals from 2 to 10 in AA are a continuation of OA, i.e., táni,
¯
tálit, rábi #, hámis, sádis, sábi #, támin, tási # and #ášir, with occasional imālah
¯ ¯ ¯ ¯
of first or second degree, when not inhibited in higher registers,179 while the
OA former elative awwalu “first” has been analogically reshaped as áwil, i.e.,
adopting the pattern {āi}. There is also in DC a very curious parallel
series with nisbah-suffixes, reminiscent of Hb. and Et., e.g., awilí, talití, arba #í,
¯ ¯
hamsí, sab #í, taminí, tis #í and #aširí.
¯ ¯

177 See Fischer & Jastrow 1980:98–99.
178 Note the absence of pl. in the second constituent, already OA and SA, as in English
for ‘hundred’, ‘thousand’ and ‘million’, all of them cases of “morphological economy”. Unlike
other branches of NA, the labialisation of the vowel before that second constituent is
restricted to hamsumíyya and sittumíyya.
179 This was¯ also apparently the case of the few cases of ordinals above ten.

78 morphology

2.1.11.2. Pronouns
2.1.11.2.1. Personal Pronouns. Personal pronouns in AA, as in the rest of NA
have retained the OA morphosyntactic distinction between independent
subject pronouns and suffixed enclitic pronouns in the functions of object,
possessive or marginal complements, even subjects under special condi-
tions. Both series differentiated the three persons (1st, 2nd and 3rd), number
(only sg. and pl.)180 and gender (only in the 3rd person sg.).181
2.1.11.2.1.1. The independent personal pronouns were: 1st sg. aná/í,182 2nd
sg. ánt(a), átt(a),183 3rd sg. masc. hú(wa(t)), 3rd sg. fem. hí(ya(t)), 1st pl. hínat,
˙
ahín, (a)hán, íhna,184 2nd pl. ántum, 3rd pl. masc. húm(a(t)), 3rd pl. fem.
˙ ˙ ˙
húnnat.185 In Alc. the demonstrative dÍk and its pl. háwlin(k) often substitute
¯
for the 3rd person independent personal pronouns,186 but the opposite is
also witnessed by some sources, like VA ›hu+lwaqt‹ “at that time”, LA 252
›huwa almakān‹ “this place” (also IH 65), and ›hiyya al" ayyām‹ “these days”,
and MT 762.5 ›huwa alkarm‹ “this vineyard”.

180 As is characteristic of all NA. It has been pointedly suggested that the dual in OA
pronouns and verbs would only have been developed as a case of analogical hypertrophy.
181 As is characteristic in the 3rd person for all urban NA, unlike the case of most Bedouin

dialects, which keep this distinction in the 3rd and 2nd persons, sg. and pl.
182 The second shape, with strong imālah, is older and more widespread than its frequency

in Granadan would suggest, as it is also witnessed, side by side with ›anā‹ in VA 362, as the
equivalent of Lt. ego.
183 The final vowel and the assimilation of /n/ appear to have had a free allomorphic

distribution, e.g., VA ›ant(a)‹, IQ 9/18/1 ›anta‹, 2/1/1 ›at‹ and 68/8/3 ›atta‹, but in later days,
Granadan and Valencian only had ánta. About the lack of gender distinction in this person,
see 5.1.1.2.
184 Only found in Alc. 36.7 and PES 35/2/1, and therefore suspect of being Eastern allo-

morphs, imitated in AA occasionally because of their higher prestige. The same applies to CA
nahnu in Alc. 13.4 and HH 205. There were still other variants of this pronoun, like nihín(at),
nu˙hun, nahán, and níhna. ˙
˙ However,
185 ˙ ˙ pl. in 228.29, is a hapax in Alc.’s whole work, isolated in the entire
this fem.
corpus of AA data, and perhaps just a printing mistake for húmet. The optional addition
of /+at/ to the 3rd persons, connected with ESA since Brockelmann’s days (see Corriente
1989b: 100 and fns. 35–36), probably had a diastratic or diachronic, more than diatopic
distribution, as it is witnessed rarely in IQ (›huwat‹ in 49/4/2, and *húmat, required by
the metre in 89/6/2 and probably ultra-corrected by the copyists), commonly in Granadan
(e.g., Alc., and occasionally in PES 35/4/2) and Valencian documents (according to MI 187).
Some spellings with alif cannot grant ultima stress in these items, but perhaps merely the
weakening of stress in late AA, hinted at in Corriente 1998a. As for húma (e.g., ›humā‹ in
Ax 33.10), also attested in North Africa, Cairo and Mecca (see Fischer & Jastrow 1980:80), this
addition is likely to have propagated from the sgs. huwa and hiya, with some help from vague
recollections of the dual humā in OA.
186 In fact, he lists them as homologous of aní, énte and their pls. in 12.45 and 13.20.

the noun 79

2.1.11.2.1.2. The suffixed personal pronouns were: 1st sg. +i(yya),187 but
+(a)ni for verb objects; 1st pl. +(a/i)na;188 2nd sg. +(a)k;189 2nd pl. +(u)kum;
3rd sg. masc. +u after consonants, but +h after vowels; 3rd sg. fem. +(h)a;190
3rd pl. +(u)hum, in all of which, but in the case of the 1st person sg., the
bracketed vowels are disjunctive, designed to avoid consonantal clusters
not allowed by AA phonotactic rules.191 The addition of these suffixes to
verbs with subject suffixes ending in a vowel, i.e., +u and +na, caused stress
shift to this, e.g., Alc. 52.2 yamdahúq “they praise you” 56.20 yamdahúh
“praise (pl.) him”, IA 403 ›dahhalnÍ+hum‹ “we introduced them”, etc.
¯¯

187 The extended allomorph was used after a final /i/ or /y/, e.g., Alc. 14.26 léye “to me”,
HH 22 ›biyyah‹ “with me”, and ›fiyyah‹ “in me”, IQ 89/8/3 ›uhayya‹ “my little brother”, 135/6/1
›idayya‹ “my hands”, IA 227 ›riǧlayya‹ > “my feet”, and 401¯ ›liyya‹ “to me”. But, unlike CA,
in juncture with final /a/ and /u/, the result would be a diphthong, e.g., Alc. 61.18 nidéi “my
call”, 59.23 akóy “my brother” and PES 21*/4/4 ›ġināy‹ “my wealth”; however, IQ 2/1/2 has the
˙
classical solution in ›ahı̄‹, and inserts hamz in cases like 24/11/3 ›siwā" ı̄‹ “other than me” and
¯
127/2/5 ›dunyā" ı̄‹ “my world”.
188 At times, the disjunctive vowel is clearly /+i+/, e.g., DC 5a huíldine “our father”, possibly

5b rábena “our Lord”, but harmonized /+a+/ is regular in IQ, e.g., 83/0/1 ›sabranā‹ “our
patience”, cf. also Alc. 31.15 kóbzane “our bread” (but the language of prayers˙ in his books
is interspersed with CA). This ˙ matter requires further research.
189 There was apparently an allomorph +ka, first described in Corriente 1980a: 33 and fn.

83 (e.g., IQ 9/28/1 ›minka‹ “because of you”, 9/41/1 ›sa+namdahk anā‹ “I shall praise you” and
28/5/3 ›nūr+ka‹ “your light”) and PES (e.g., 65/5/4 again ›minka‹ ˙ and 68/2/4 ›ihbārka‹ “your
account”), used only when required by metrical convenience. We are inclined ¯ to consider
it an old dialectalism, rather than a mere CA borrowing, since these are extremely rare in
zaǧǧāls, included IQ, as shown in Corriente 1980a: 67, less so in PES, on account of the vogue
of taznı̄m, i.e., the admixture of CA and AA, in these poems in later times.
190 The distribution of both allomorphs does not strictly follow the phonotactic rule of its

masc. counterpart, as we have, e.g., Z 98 ›nirušš+a‹ “I sprinkle her”, IA 798 ›qāl+a‹ “he said
it”, Alc. 44.31 gueléd+a “her son”, but also IA 263 ›qāl+hā‹, 339 ›rukkāb+hā‹ “their riders”, Z 97
›nibahhar+hā‹ “I perfume her”, 96 ›nitallaq+hā‹ “I divorce her”, cf. Alc. ménnah = minhé “from
her”. ¯ ¯ ˙
191 At times, the solutions given to junctural problems run counter to regular expectations;

e.g., the preposition li+ “to” with +u becomes lu and only exceptionally lahú, as in GL s.v.
“cuius” and IQ ›lahu‹, DC 6b leu and Alc. 36.30 léhu, likely to reflect a high register; in the
same case, bi+ “with” usually generates bíh, e.g., in IQ 1/2/1 ›bı̄h‹, but there is also a peculiar
›bāh‹, of a Bedouin or “Yemenite” strain. Precisely this bāh, specialised in the meaning of
“there” in VA and IQ 53/2/2 (though the latter author has other instances of ›bāh‹ “with him”
in 29/2/2 and even ›bāhā‹ “with her” in 23/6/2, etc.), is at the origin of Western Arabic dābā
“now”, as explained in fn. 142. As for those disjunctive vowels, there is some hesitation ¯ in
their quality (e.g., in Alc. 13 ménecum “from you”, lé/úcum “for you”, and ménina “from us”)
and certain requisites for their insertion (e.g., Alc. 35.5 dunúbuhum “their sins”, unnecessary,
but 14.25 nehíbhum “I love them”, 14.22 yehibcum “he loves you”, vs. 12.29 nehíbbuc/hum “I
love you / them”, in which gemination may be inhibited in order to avoid the consonantal
cluster.

80 morphology

2.1.11.2.2. Demonstrative Pronouns. The demonstrative pronouns (also func-
tioning as adjectives, when used as qualifiers in the appropriate syntagms,
preceding substantives with the definite article or following them as apposi-
tions) of AA come in two series for the two deictic degrees, i.e., near and far
objects, as in the case of OA and most NA dialects. Their shapes are, for near
objects, háda or dá/Í “this”, sg., and háwl(a(y)) = háwlin “these”, pl., and, for
¯ ¯
far objects, dá/Ík “that”, sg., and háwlak “those”, pl., apparently without gen-
¯ 192
der distinction, possibly ruined by the effect of strong imālah on the OA
marking, based on the opposition /ā =/ ı̄/. As for the presence of an interme-
diate degree of deixis,193 like in Cs. ese and Mo. hādāk, expressed by hadák,
¯
sg., and hawlínk, pl., it is not easy to prove its functionality and opposition
to the series for far objects, in spite of our statements in Corriente 1992a: 95
and matching fn. 89.
2.1.11.2.3. Relative Pronouns. The relative pronoun in AA has the main invari-
able shape alladí, characteristic of the oldest layers of NA,194 e.g., IQ 7/8/4
¯
›alladı̄ yaksab fadāyil‹ “the one who gains merits”, 9/24/3 ›alladı̄ aqbalū‹
¯ ˙ ¯
“those who came”, 142/0/1 ›alladı̄ ǧārū‹ “those who were unjust”, Alc. 48.28
¯
almundáriba alledí quínat “the war that took place”, 36.29 a tabíb aledí
˙ ˙
ydaguí “the physician who treats”, MI 189 ›alqisma aladi‹ “the partition
¯
which”, etc. The distinction of gender in sg. at times appears in high register,
e.g., IQ 135/10/3 ›alhisāl allatı̄‹ “the qualities which”, while in lower and later
¯ ˙
registers the variants a/iddí, a/iddí and finally allí prevailed, e.g., IQ 58/2/4
¯¯
›dāk addı̄ yantanı̄‹ “the one who struts”, 95/3/1 ›subhān addı̄ #atāk‹ “praise
¯ ¯¯ ¯ ˙ ˙
the Lord, who gave you”, Alc. 41.22 allé cunt tecól “which you were saying”,
42.14 allé yanfáâ “what is useful”. As for the full inflexion described in Alc.
14.5–6, sg. masc. alledí, pl. alledína, sg. fem. alletí, pl. *alletína, it is a mere
˙ ˙
pedantic admixture of CA borrowings, alien to AA usage, and sheer analog-

192 Cf. not only the late instances in Alc. 34.19 dil amr “this commendment”, DC 9b dic

al ayém “those days”, 11a diq a xéi “that thing”, but those older in VA 495 s.v. “nuper” ›dā/Ík
allaylah‹ “that night”, IQ 38/1/1 ›dā al" ayyām‹ “these days”, 10/1/4 ›dā alnuǧaymah‹ “this¯little
¯ zajals” and 146/2/4 ›hādāk almanāmah‹
melody”, 9/41/2 ›dā al" azǧāl‹ “these ¯ “that dream”. At
times one comes¯across high register allomorphs, like IQ 9/15/2 ¯ ›hādihi al #illah‹ “this disease”,
Alc. déliq “that”, matched by Z 570 and other sources, as well as, ¯in the opposite direction,
even˙ infra-correct number agreement in cases like Urz 343.1 ›hādā al #āmirı̄n‹ “these settlers”.
193 Fleisch 1979:44–46 surveys the old grammarians’ views favourable¯ to the distinction of
three marātib, i.e., degrees of deixis, and reaches the conclusion, supported by old dialec-
tal evidence, that it was a mere hypothesis of some of them, merely resulting from their
rearrangement of variants belonging to different speakers, labelled as “those of Alhiǧāz” and
“those of Tamı̄m and the other Arabs”. ˙
194 See Blau 1965:53, 87–88 and 132.

Alc.2.dhumā‹ “leur mère qui les accompagne”.. and derived shapes. matá/Í “when”. Ct. .9 ›aldār almadkūrah allatı̄˙tilka ¯ labnhā‹ ¯ “the said house which was her son’s”. like Alc. Alc.5 ›bi" ard hiya kān ġarsan‹ “in grounds that were cultivated”. aquel que = Pt. 121). 18/3/4 and 61/3/3 láš(šu) “why”. and forbidding its use in case of indefiniteness. at times there was also func- tional confusion between personal and relative pronouns.2. OA has yet another set of pronouns (and some semantically homologous adverbs) simultaneously serving as interrogative.5 ›kull qar #ah hiya balhawmah almadkūrah‹ “every share that is in the said quarter”. e. However. and its equivalent *all(at)iyāt in MT 449. Alc. allatı̄na surfaces again in the Kitābu lmuhādarah walmudākarah by Abrāhām b. not excluding either the possibility of pranks played on him by his not altogether voluntary Muslim auxiliaries. ášma ˙ “whatever” in several sources.30 guáqt me yucún “whenever”. 33.11. ˙ the frequent sequence dā(li)k alladí is a probable calque from Rm.’s predicament was similar.2 and 368. adjectival relative mán.g. like Z 566 ›ay sanā #ah tišakkal+lak‹ “which business suits ˙ you”. (w)áššu or áššanhu. 45. indefinite. fn. ká(y)f = kíf “how”. with the main members mán “who”. of which there are more obvious examples in MT 520. the noun 81 ical fabrications. etc. e.g. On the other hand.haww. often renewed as ašhál. authored in the 10th c.). aquell que ¯ ). #Ezra (see PES 28.1. IQ 99/20/2 ›ašummā‹ “whatever”. but could no longer produce the correct items. etc.2. etc. in Alc. eventually “which. 99/0/2 #aláš “why”. interrogative ˙ 195 Probably devised by the Mozarab notaries who drew up these deeds and had a vague recollection of CA rules. 458. 44). áyn “where”.1). adjectival relative má in IQ 8/0/2 ›kabši mā nadahhı̄‹ “a ˙ ˙˙ ram which I shall sacrifice”.1.24 axiít alledína ix quinu muçahahín “things that were ˙ not ascertained”. MT 981.4.g.14 › #alà tayifa allatı̄ astamsakat linafsah‹ “on a portion which she retained for herself”. that”. 2. often renewed as áš(hu).1. (cf. 1089. fn. see about this Ferrando 1995:59 and fn. ¯ of 197 Reflexes ¯ OA ayyu šay" in (huwa). certain 196 These two examples also illustrate the abandonment of the CA rule requiring definite antecedents for every relative. Other Pronouns. of which there are other hints (see Corriente 1989c: 446.3. e. what”. 36/1/3 hattáš “up to where”. kám “how much”.4. with quotes from the Kitābu l’aġānı̄. aymín “whoever”. má “what”. in MT 66. shared in different shapes by all NA dialects from quite early times (see Corriente 1975:53. HH ¯17 › #arūd dāk alladı̄ labn quzmān‹ “that composition which is IQ’s”. as in the above mentioned case of the demonstratives (see 2. which could point to a ˙ ˙ currency of ¯this ultra-correct item in half-learned circles. aquele que. ˙ ¯ 931. and generally well preserved in AA.humā man t.. ˙ Some examples of their different uses are. correlative and even relative. Cs. 160. ¯ 1045v3 > alladı̄ dālik … huwa biqaryat … “which is in the village of …”.196 ˙ 2.31 tabíb˙aledí ydaguí “a physician who treats” and 41.195 Finally.11.197 and áyy “which. but exclamative in IQ 1/6/2 ›ay habs‹ “what a prison!”. indirect interrogative áy(y). *alletína..27 mará men tecún caríbateq “a woman who would be your relative”. like that fem. pl. Colin & Lévi-Provençal 1931:7 ›umm.

less often quadriconsonantal root morpheme. the relative áš exhibits the peculiarity of allowing a construction after prepositions and without a pronominal suffix of reference (i.. Western grammars of Arabic have traditionally identified the ensuing patterns or measures with Roman figures. both shapes appear to serve as masc. (a)hád(a) “one” ˙ (“none” in negative phrases). see 3. but exclamative (w)áššu with ˙ complete loss of the copulative connotation in IQ 26/1/4 ›yā waššu na #mal birūhı̄‹ “what would I do to myself!”. as can be seen in Corriente ˙ 1977d: 5. etc. Such functional variegation is not found in the substantives most commonly used as indefinite pronouns.6 mará aháde “some woman”. which could either remain plain or be modified by adding prefixes or infixes attaching some semantic nuances to it. derivationally stem from a triconsonantal. 2. IA 147 ›allah ya #tı̄nā rizq waya #tı̄nā fāš naǧ #alūh‹ “may ˙ ˙ God give us sustenance and something to put it on”. unlike the native system of simply interdigitat- ing the modifying markers with the consonantal skeleton {f #l(l)}.11. I. {"af #al}. 2. šı̄. 322.22 énne ahád qui yméyeç aháde “that a man would know a woman”.6 aháde. i. This feature was studied by Blau 1965:131–132 and 171–172.3. namely. however. IQ 35/3/4 ›atlub šurrāfah #alaš ta #talı̄‹ “look for a merlon from which ˙ you hurl yourself”. ahad. 46. The Verb 2..1. {fa#al}.. as in the abovementioned case of wášš. ˙ syntactically reminiscent of Mo.82 morphology áš in IA 80 ›aš bartāl‹ “what is a bird?”.1.e. the latter system is less practical in the case of speakers of Western languages. However.e.1. regardless˙ of the spelling with˙ ›ā‹ or ›à‹. {fa##al}. . correlative ášma in IQ 18/6/4 ›ašmā ˙ yuqūl+lı̄‹ “whatever he tells me”. {fā#al}. i. which is likelier to be true.4. Out of these uses.2. III. where the copu- lative is defunctionalised. and fem. 46.1). which was at the origin of AA and Naf. these items appear integrated in idioms like Alc. bāš “= Ml. who cannot easily distinguish by ear the 198 The extended allomorph with final /a/ appears sporadically in several texts. where he spoke first of substitution of fem.2.e. 118/3/2 ›qasriyyah fāš yakūn dā alšahm‹ “a plate on which ˙ ¯ ˙ this fat can be put”. 199 Cf. which is confirmed by 46. PES 34/0/1 ›šay amārah‹ “any signal” and 11*/1/2 ›ši bidā #ah‹ “some merchandise”..g. respectively..1. expressing a basic seman- teme. IV.1. the damı̄run #ā" id of CA. and then of a residual tanwı̄n..14 gualehád “none” and 11 gualexáy “nothing”.199 At times. in Alc. ˙ e. as we commented in our edition. II.1. like in OA. biex in order to”. from IQ 20/14/2 ›lā+hadanā‹ “none of us”. down to Alc.198 and šáy or ší “(some)thing” (“nothing” in neg- ative phrases).2. etc. Verbal Measures The AA verb could. ihdà for the masc.

this would have allowed what Rundgren 1959 called “reuse” of that gemination as the new marker of the causative stem. Gt. like Ak. {w/y}. {m}. e... while {fa#il} expressed subject-focusing. since both qatala and šariba “he drank” or labisa “he wore” could have and often had a direct object (“he killed someone”. However. nipaqquát˙ paqquátt “to glue”. e. above all those concerned with older languages. Otherwise. “he wore a gown”). possibly triggered by the insufficient markedness of imperfectives of the IV measure. ›nirawhan = natrawhan‹ “I stroll”. {r}. looks like this: I (plain triconsonantal root. in many cases. tD. it becoming indifferent that the action basically affects its subject and nobody else in the two last instances. Alc. it is well known that the II stem was also characteristically used for coining denominal verbs.. the verb 83 gemination of / #/. from Goth. shared with all non- agentive imperfectives. similar to the East Semitic stative.. but is less transparent than the native system and less widely used than the Roman figures. with lexical selection of 2nd vowel. Alc. and all of them given in their basic shape. did not even obtain in many dialects. actual conjugated adjectives.. III as L (lengthened vowel after first radical). etc. {fa#il} is a matter of mere lexical option.g. VA ›muqa #dad‹ “mature”.. etc. As a matter of fact. or from foreign items. as {fa#al} most of the time included object-focused verbs. VA ›nihammar‹ = Alc. {n}. e. ›nitarnan‹ “I rejoice madly”.201 the latter being distinguished with a superscript 4. from SA ahmar “red”. in which any causative prefix other than reflexes of PS /š/ disappeared. while the old stative verbs (cf.. kibir = kubur ~ yikbar “to be big”) still retain some morphological and semantic peculiarities. and attaching the other mark- ers to them in low case. the ultimate reason for the selection of II as a substitute of IV probably lies in the presence of dialects. pı̆cātus “stuck with pitch”. with no particular semantic nuance. with gemination of 2nd consonant): {fa##ál}. nihammár ~ hammárt “to redden”. 200 Some Semitic scholars. Eg. which holds good for AA also e. 202 The selection of that vowel in OA usually retained some functional value.203 or II4 (plain quadricon- sonantal root): {fa#lál}. e. However. vowel quantity. . {}. 201 Most quadriconsonantal Arabic verbs derive from triconsonantal roots by adopting the patterns {}.200 The layout of the AA verbal measures derived from triconsonantal or quadriconsonantal root morphemes. nixappí ˙~ xappéit˙ “to crucify”. have introduced another notational system representing I as G (ground stem or Grund- form). either transitive or intransitive):202 {fa#v́l}. which allows a better distinction between internal and external flexion. i. haspa. nor. fariha “he was glad”. e. ›nifalsáf = natfalsáf ‹ “I philosophise”. ›nifarsan = nat- farsan‹ “I become˙ a knight”. reduplicated biconsonantal radical morphemes as R. ˙ PES 99/1/2 ›nidaqdaq‹ “I knock”. usually with an intensive or causative connotation in AA.g. which appears to be one of the basic semantic axes of Semitic conjugation.g. the difference between the two first classes became blurred when their opposition was replaced by transitiveness. we have detected both in CA and diverse NA dialects many instances of verbs in which the II stem is not semantically different from I (see Corriente 2004d). {fa#al} vs. II (triconsonantal root... like VA ›nibaqqat ~ baqqatt‹ = Alc.e. since their residual vocalisation with /u/. particularly in the˙ case of foreign items. with geminated imperfectives.g. etc.. from biconsonantal roots by simple repetition (R stems). with no particular semantic nuance. II as D (double second radical). and speakers lost awareness of the former cleavage.˙ nimatráq “I hammer”. qatala “he killed (someone else)”. x4. “he drank water”. especially those of South Arabian stock..e.g. from Lt. 203 The substitution of II for IV is a hallmark of all NA. and {fa#ul} marked stative verbs. In NA.. and Ug. i.g. kabura “he ˙ was (or grew) big”.

more common in NA than in OA. with gemination of 2nd consonant) or V 4 (just a quadriconsonantal root. There are in AA some cases of optional substitution of II for III. together with a certain principle of AA phonemics. fn. and 5/7/3 ›tunāfiq‹ “you are a hypocrite”. and viceversa (see 1.g.2).. ˙VA ›nad˙hul ~ dahalt‹ = Alc. etc. vs. etc.1. possibly inserted by learned scribes or Eastern copyists e. for AA yizakkí and tináfaq. which disappeared with consonantal suffixes (cf. the OA and CA opposition subsisted in some cases in AA. etc. otherwise. e.84 morphology III (triconsonantal root. like natbáraz “I battle”. VA > nahriǧ ~ ahraǧt‹ = Alc. nadkíl ~ adká/ílt “to put in”. with the prefix {an+}.2). 206 The peculiar shape of the prefix. In the VI stem also. 207 The penultima stress is ensured by systematic transcriptions in Alc. uncommon in NA and mostly replaced by II):205 {af #ál}. ›niqāsı̄ ¯ = niqassı̄‹ “I suffer”. with a reciprocal connotation added to the meaning expressed by III): {atfá#al}. like VA ›nubriz ~ abrazt‹ “to bring out”. VA ›nadhil ~ adhalt‹ = Alc.1. IQ 1/2/4 ›yuzakkı̄‹ “he gives alms”.1..204 IV (triconsonantal root. e.. ›ni #ānaq = ni #annaq‹ ¯ “I embrace”.206 VI (triconsonantal root. is a continuation of OA dialects. e.g. VA ›nihāda # = nihadda #‹ “I deceive”.e.. fn. VA ›hasayt = ahsayt‹ “I castrated”. etc. which also happened in the cases of II and III.. nakurúx ~ karáxt “to go out” vs.208 204 I. both with the prefix {at+}. with a causative connotation. there are instances of shift towards V. see a longer list in Corriente 1977:103. The reason behind this shift might have been the insufficient markedness of the stressed (formerly long) first vowel of the stem.3. action focused on another person. less often an object. also ˙in naucíl ˙ ~ aucílt “to join”. 205 The earliest Eastern grammarians were already aware of the frequent morphological confusion and ensuing merger of IV and I.. like the pair VA ›nahruǧ ~ haraǧt‹ = Alc. 160. which had {it+} (see Wright 1967:38 and 40).).g. VA ›atlaššā‹ “it was annihilated”. 161. Alc. V (triconsonantal root.207 VII (triconsonantal root. with lengthening of 1st vowel.. with a conative connotation) {fá#al}.g. there are totally CA high register shapes.4.. anfecédt ˙ ˙ ˙ . 208 The stress and vocalisation of this measure appears established on the basis of many witnesses. with the prefix {" a+}. nazbáh ~ azbáht “to be ¯ morning”. although it should have shifted to the next syllable with consonantic ˙ suffixes. nadkól ~ da ¯ kált “to ¯ go in” ˙ ˙ ¯ ¯ ˙ vs. nicátel ~ catélt “to fight”. Alc. though less commonly ¯ ¯ more suspect of and being mere classicisms.. see a longer list in Corriente 1977:103. by which the lost quantity (or stress) of a vowel could be compensated by gemination of an immediate consonant. e. OA qātal “to fight someone”. and the prefix {at+}.6. with lengthening of 1st vowel. synchronically amount- ing to stress in AA.1. VA ›ansalah‹ “it was repaired”. ›hadayt = ahdayt‹ “I guided”. as a surrogate of internal non-agentive voice): {anfa#ál}. ›nutbit ~ atbatt‹ “to confirm”. ›ni #āfı̄ = ni #affı̄‹ “I defend”. OA and CA {ta+} in V and VI. fāraq “to abandon somebody or something”. synchronically amount- ing to stress in AA. However. with a passive connotation. Otherwise. as in III.g. natkáçam “I dispute”. nihágued haguédt “to keep company”.. IQ 38/29/1 ›yantabaq‹ “he grieves”. nakaríx¯ ~ akaráxt ¯ “to put out”. that prefix underwent assimilation in the cases described in 1..g. of which there is plenty of evidence in AA. vs. Alc. e. with optional contamination of ˙ ¯ the imperfective ¯ vocalisation. SA talāšà. in the ˙ ¯ ˙ axmaât ~ nazmíê “to gather for a review”. with a reflexive conno- tation added to the meaning expressed by II): {atfa##ál} or {atfa#lál}. with application of the AA rule for vocalisation of prosthetic alif s (see 2.

The poor functional integration of this measure in the morphological structure of AA is given away also by cases of metanalysis. in NA as a whole. the verb 85 VIII (triconsonantal root. 210 OA had two practically synonymous measures. see Corriente 2004d: 37. etc. with a reflexive connotation.210 X (triconsonantal root. and Z 1234 ›yašta #if ‹ “he takes warning”. RC 17 ›musqām‹ “sick”. nehtem ~ ehtémt “to suspect”. with the infix {+ta+}. being merely secondary and context-conditioned. IQ 67/1/1 ›nasfār‹ “I grow pale”. Alc. i. ›ahmarr‹ “to turn red” and its masdar ›ihmirār‹.2. fn.. nahtarám ~ ahtarámt “to respect”. However. etc. at times we come across high register vocalisations. ˙ ˙ - dialects. had started very early. that a very high rate of perfectives express actions that were completed in subjective time. with no traces of gemination. vs. charac- teristic of Western Arabic): {af #ál}. Verbal Inflexions These plain or derived stems or measures of the AA verb are inflected for aspect or tense (perfective vs. while a hybrid II+VII appears to be reflected by VA ›nanǧarrā ~ anǧarrayt‹ “to dare”. more common in OA than in NA): {afta#ál}. about these hybrid measures (Kreuzungen in Brockelmann’s technical language). It is remarkable that the fact. Z 706˙ ›tahamnı̄‹ ˙ “he accused ˙ me”. ¯ and neltehém ~ eltehémt “to remember”. instances with penultima stress like Alc. imperfective).2. 209 This measure was no longer productive in AA or. and the weight of previous . although at least graphically or traditionally reflected in some AA sources. rhyme-supported IQ˙ 105/4/4 ›yašta ˙ #af ‹. with the infix {+ā+}. certainly including AA. inserted after the second conso- nant. Nevertheless. restricted to semantemes related to colour or physical traits. a shift towards a tense system. in the past. makes it advisable to retain the labels of that aspectual system. opposing complete pro- cesses (perfective) to incomplete processes (imperfective). this˙ stem was perceived ˙ by native ears as {af #ál}.209 IX–XI (triconsonantal root. however. of which Western NA has a unique reflex {f #āl}. “I had an indigestion”. Alc. Its stress and vocalisation are established by instances like IQ 95/8/1 ›nahtalaf ‹ “I frequent”. and probably identified with a semantically peculiar sub-class of IV.g. 17 and 18. ›adlāmat‹ “she became dark”.e. with an array of mostly lexi- calised connotations): {astaf #ál}. inserted after the first consonant. based on the subjective opposition past =/ non- past time.211 mood (imperative vs. e. naktabír ~ aktabárt “to test”. However. mamtúd “stretched”. like VA ›asfarr‹ “he grew pale” and its masdar ›isfirār‹. the survival in it of the traditional usage in some optative and conditional structures. in some other sources ˙ ˙we get shapes ˙ closer to those of Naf. for that matter. which was difficult to perceive in final junctures. like Alc. 2. 211 OA had a basically grammaticalised system of verbal aspects. kítra “choice”. maktúr “chosen”. suggesting that. IX {if #all} and XI {if #āll}. the latter being no longer productive nor frequent in its original function as a causative stem. otherwise logical and expectable. nandárab “I fight” and 20. naftaquír ~ aftacárt “to become poor”. naqtúç ~ aqtázt “to pay as compensation”. though surviving in some very common items. as described in Corriente 1980d: 148.. ˙etc. of which tense connotations were no part.6 nançáraâ “I struggle” may point to a hybrid III+VII measure. like Alc. but˙ for CA borrowings like those masdars. naktár ~ katárt “to choose”. with the prefix {asta+}. and has come to reign supreme in NA.

Wright 1967 I: 51. vs.212 while masdars are substantives. “inaccompli”. tavílif. However. etc. pl. pl. and those of aspect and the imperative mood of only I stems.2. differentiates the two genders... second and third). in the grammatical traditions (basically Greek and Syriac) made native Arab grammarians accept the label mādı̄ “past” for the perfective paradigm. the latter two admitting the afore- mentioned voice diathesis. always in the cases of voice. . Alc. himself a speaker of a language with an aspectual verb system. ˙ i. with the pl. vs.). because it could express any subjective time. but labels them simply as “Verbalfor- men”). while they called the imperfective mudāri #. while the imperfectives always require person prefixes and suf- fixes for the pl. Those logemes were marked by means of internal flexion.g. ›tālı̄f ‹ “composition.2. ˙ Western grammarians of Arabic have often approached this issue under the same prejudice or at least echoed it.. inflected as such for gender and number.g.+āt. 212 Admitting of both regular and broken pls. though using the confusing labels. who speak clearly of aspects.un.. Alc. who describes the system as being based on the aspectual opposition of perfective and imperfective. or Fischer 1972:90. person (first. tabákir “perfuming with incense”.86 morphology non-imperative). in addition to this. the agentive and non-agentive participles and the masdar (= verbal noun).g. on which French scholars are so keen.˙tarágim. there were three non-finite forms.1. équil “eater”. depending on the context. Perfective The basic stems of 2. persons). occasionally admit- ˙ ting the markers of nomen unitatis and fem. ít “meal”. VA ›mubārah‹ “divorce”. ˙ vs. ›tawārı̄h‹. perfective and imperfective paradigms. which is often a mere borrowing from CA. ˙ like VA ›tārı̄h‹. taulíf pl. n. were also possible. number (sg. with the three persons. voice (agentive vs. as reflected in the treatment of this issue by Grande 1963:152–157. ˙ Of these. and pl. Alc. who speaks of tenses. éqle pl. But in cases ˙ of strong substantivisation. but subsequently “history”. of “accompli” vs. of which only the 3rd sg.213 2. over- looking the basic aspectual axis of OA conjugation in favour of a tense-focused description (e. pl. tárjama pl. and therefore have preferred the labels “perfect” and “imperfect”..1 provide the agentive perfective of any AA verb with the mere addition of the personal subject suffixes. broken pls. équel “eating”. “look-alike”. which are. and by mean of suffixes only in the perfectives. though instinctively calling these two paradigms “per- fective tense” and “imperfective tense”. 213 E. and resurface at every opportu- nity. The conjugation of AA verbs therefore includes imperative. namely. le temps est exprimé subsidiairement”.2. Finally. and gender (masc. ›tarāǧim‹ = Alc. tabiída. originally “dating”.¯treatise”. with some exceptions like Blachère & Gaudefroy-Demombynes 1952:36. which are dif- ferentiated only in 3rd sg. ín/vquelé. e. pl. ›tawālı̄f ‹ ¯ = Alc. Fleisch 1979:169–206 put the matter straight by saying that “C’est en effect l’aspect qui est à la base de l’organisation du verb en arabe. the participles behave like adjectival nouns. tabkír pl. non-agentive). though denying reference to the temporal rela- tions of the speakers. tabiíd “whitening”.e. who declares himself in favour of the label “tense” for the Arabic verbal forms. pl. pl. facts are stubborn.. fem. sg... ›tarǧamah‹ “index”.

šarábt “you (sg. thereby active imperfectives of the {f #u/il} type had perfectives with the vocalisation {aa}. 110–111. inherited from PS. and pl. In this shape. šarábna “we drank”. šariba ~ yašrabu “to drink”. as in OA. e. daraba ~ yadribu “to strike”. exclusively agentive and affirmative as in every kind of Arabic. and intran- sitive imperfectives of the {f #al} type had perfectives with the vocalisation {ai}. and +tu for the 1st sg. except in the case of the I stem. alien to the standards of low registers.g. on account of his travels and long stay in those countries. kabúru “they grew”. without gender distinction in AA... 2. the verb 87 sg. which receives a euphonic prefix a+ and adopts the imperfective stem with the shape {v}. in NA. in the case of AA. PES 1/0/1 ›raytu‹ “I saw”.g.g. before pronominal object suffixes. while stative verbs and most other verbs with a pharyngeal or laryngeal 2nd or 3rd radical conso- nant had no alternation. dahaba ˙ ~ ya˙dhabu “to go”. +tum. e.2. šaráb “he drank”. and 13/4/2 ›raqsū‹ “they danced” (see PES 29.g. 218 This alternation was a characteristic feature of OA.2. 13/0/2 ›la #bat‹ “she played”. 113). Ø. into +tumú.217 with a different stem vowel. kabúrtum “you (pl. dialects ˙ with Aššuštarı̄’s idiom. kabúrat “she grew”. e. ›ǧı̄t‹ “I came”. and Corriente 1988b: 28). but ›nadrab ~ darabt‹ “to strike”..) drank”.g.1. but required for metrical reasons. fn. 6/5/1 ›qulta‹ “you said”. 47)..2.) / I grew”. +t. may be different from that of the basic stem in that same position. rather than to preservation in AA of OA dialects with that feature. which must be attributed to the interference of Naf.. and › #udtu‹ “I came back” vs. put an end to any alternation between /a/ and /i/. as often in IQ. even unstressed in Z 771 ¯ › #amalnÍ‹ “we made”. hasuna ~ yahsunu “to be good”. throughout perfective and imperfective stems. fn.2. fn. 2nd person. 1070 › #allamnÍh‹ ¯ ¯ “we taught him”. we come across the allomorphs +ta for the 2nd person sg.. 403 ›dahhalnÍ+hum‹ “we introduced them”. kabúrt “you (sg. sg. OA qatala ~ yaqtulu “to kill”. which appear to be high register forms. +u. the differences ˙ between OA ˙ dialects on this point ¯ have ¯ generated many divergences from the CA rules. 215 At times. VA ›naktub ~ katabt‹ “to write”. only the alternation /a/ ~ /u/ survived. when stressed. šarábu “they drank”. identical to the basic stems laid out in 2. /a/ or /u/. above all in PES. E. 217 But 2nd degree imālah could operate on this suffix.g. AC 674 ›dannabnÍ+h‹ “we condemned him”. kabúr “he grew”. the effect of Philippi’s law...)/I drank”.. kabúrna “we grew”. 1/1/1 › #ašaqtu‹ “I fell in love”. with only 2nd persons. IA 484 ›waǧad- nı̄+hā‹ “we found her”.. e.. e. of decay of the second vowel of these stems before vocalic personal subject suffixes. e. in the azǧāl. IQ 89/5/1–3 ›šayyabtumū+nı̄ … waǧadtumū+nı̄‹ “you made my hair turn grey … you killed me … you found me” (see Corriente 1980a: 39. fem.. which changed every stressed /i/ in a closed syllable into /a/.218 a similar option between /a/ and /i/ exists for 214 There are some cases. +at.216 and 1st person. the vowel. is the simplest paradigm of the verb.214 2nd and 1st person. šarábtum “you (pl.) grew”.g. 3rd person. ›nalbas ˙ ˙ . šarábat “she drank”. 3rd person masc. However. 216 The shape of this suffix was extended. etc. and /a/ in the second. because of the scarcity in AA of short syllables. +na. demanded by the Khalı̄lean metres (see Corriente 1980a: 39.215 and in the pl. and in the particular case of Western Ara- bic. Imperative The imperative. and kept /u/ vocalisation in the first case.

tarǧám “translate”. fn. ašrúb “drink”.g... 56.. atháwadu. e... also witnessed in AA..g. by the addition of a suffix {+u}. or V 4 {atfa#lal}..) wash”. (see Corriente 1981–1982). It is remarkable that these stative verbs. altahám˙ ˙ “remember”. pl.. atbarbáru. etc. of which there are other examples in SK. II {y~t~nifa##ál(u)}. asfár “grow pale”. e.g. asta #dáru. yitarǧám “he trans- lates”. vs. taġsál “you (sg. receive the suffix +u.g. altahámu. in the 3rd person masc. yiqabbál “he kisses”. e. etc.g. IX–XI {af #āl}. yaġsál “he washes”. VI {atfá#al}. pl. and aġsál “wash”. atqaddámu. pl. pl. tarǧámu.g. provide also the inflexions of the agentive imperfective. etc.˙ asta #dár “excuse yourself”. sáfar “travel”. in the dialect of Sanaa (Yemen) have been described by Naïm 2009:90 in these terms: “Le théme /-u-/ s’est main- tenu et s’est spécialisé dans l’encodage des énoncés a-subjectaux”. and II4: {fa#lal}. naġsál “I wash”. antabáqu. tiqabbál “you (sg. but there is no gender distinction in the 3rd person.g. V ¯ {atfa##ál}. ˙ pl. at the expense of OA ›ya˙hrašu ~˙ hariša‹. yašrúbu “they drink”. In other cases. she kisses”. našrúb “I drink”. qabbálu.) wash”.3. X {astaf #ál}. IV {af #í/ál}. the witnessed alternation is not a continuation of the OA situation... e. naġsálu “we wash”. pl.2. and 1st na+.g. {sġr}. e. Imperfective The shapes of the stems.g. e. {ġld}. pl. e. aġsálu.¯ pl. antabáq “get angry”. The matching pls. atqaddám “advance”. e. adhíl “introduce”. 2nd. etc. e. ›našrub ~ šarabt‹ “to ˙ rhyme-supported drink”.) drink. ya+. adhílu. in which the prefixes are vocalized in genuine AA with /i/.. VIII {afta#ál}. by attaching the personal subject prefixes. pl. {y/t/nifa#lál(u)}. pl. for II4. out of which 8 ({brd}. e. niqabbálu “we kiss” and. atláfu. pl.. sáfaru. 158.g. resulting in this layout: I {af #v́l}. ¯ ¯ 2. pl. taġsál “she washes”. atháwad “consent”. {b #d}.) kiss. because of analogies. niqabbál “I kiss”.. with a different stem vowel. tašrúb “you (sg. taġsálu “you (pl. The plurals differ from the sg. atbarbár “speak Br.. pl.{qrb}. pl..g. {kbr} and {mrd}) are such items in p. e. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ . ašrúbu. pl. which generates the following layout: I {y~t~naf #ú/ál(u)}.2... asfáru. for the sg. ta+. II {fa##ál}.) drink”. e. e. assimilations. fem. pl. ~ labast‹ “to wear”. which are. pl. e.g. ta+. III {fá#al}. našrúbu “we drink”. both possibly caused by labialisa- tion in contact with /b/.g. atláf “lead astray”. {tl #}.g. as eventually modified for the imperative. yaġsálu “they wash”. yiqabbálu “they kiss”.. VA ›yahruš ~ haruš‹ “to be rough”.”. yašrúb “he drinks”. an extension of the stative vocalisation. tiqabbálu “you (pl. e. she provides a list of 14 . VII {anfa#ál}.g. except in II and III.g.) kiss”. ˙ IQ 22/4/1 ›yadrub‹ “he is trained”. e.88 morphology measure IV also. she drinks”. tašrúbu “you (pl. qabbál “kiss”.

) grow pale”. nadhíl “I introduce”. yasfár “he grows pale”. e. yatláfu “they lead astray”. and every other preceding vowel slot with /u/ and. yadbáh “he slays” ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ vs.g. ahtamál “he suf- ˙ fered” vs. yuhtamál “it is ˙ ˙ ˙ .g. e.) consent”. tatqaddámu “you (pl. e. e. nadhílu “we introduce”. yatqaddámu “they ad- vance”.”.. nasfár “I˙ grow pale”.. dubíh “he was slain”. yatqaddám “he advances”. yudbáh “he is slain”. yatháwadu “they consent”. e. taltahám “you (sg.2.) introduce”. yatbarbár “he speaks Br.˙ nasfáru “we grow pale”.. ¯ ˙ yitarǧám “he translates” vs. yutarǧám “it is translated”.) remem- ber. she consents”. in the opposite case.g. IV {y~t~naf #í/ál}. The marking of such diathesis is obtained through internal flexion. naltahámu “we remember”. naltahám “I remember”.g. pl.) speak Br. yan˙ tabáqu “they get angry”.) grow pale. VII {y~t~nanfa#ál}.g. yasta #dár “he excuses himself”. ¯ pl.”. uhtumíl “it was suffered”. the verb 89 III {y~t~nifá#al}.. natbarbár “I speak Br.. tasfáru “you (pl. vs. ¯ pl. yatháwad “he consents”.) travel.) get angry.) lead astray”. natláfu “we lead astray”..) ad- vance: she advances”. tantabáq “you (sg.) travel”.) speak Br.) lead astray...g. e. and natháwadu “we consent”.. she excuses herself”. tadhílu “you (pl. pl. nantabáqu “we get˙ angry”.. (with vowel alternation) yadhíl “he introduces”.) remember”.) consent. pl.g. she remembers”. pl. tatbarbár “you (sg.”. used when the subject is known. she travels”. in the case of imperfective stems.”. tarǧám “he translated” vs. ˙ ˙ VIII {y~t~nafta ˙ #ál}. pl.) get angry”. tadhíl ¯ “you (sg. IX–XI {y~t~naf #āl}. she leads astray”. tatháwad “you (sg. taltahámu “you (pl. tantabáqu “you (pl.4. by vocal- ising the non-agentive perfective stems with /i/ in their last syllable. tisáfar “you (sg. e.g. she introduces”. tasta #dár “you excuse yourself. she gets angry”. ¯ nasta #dár “I excuse myself”. VI {y~t~natfá#al}. ¯ ¯ 2. Non-agentive Voice AA is apparently the most conservative NA dialect concerning its preserva- tion of the OA distinction of two voices in the finite verbs: agentive.. or V 4 {y~t~natfa#lal}. tatláfu “you (pl. she speaks Br. tasta #dáru “you excuse yourselves”. nisáfar “I travel”. pl.”. yatbarbáru “they speak Br.g. tatqaddám “you (sg. yaltahámu “they remem- ber”. e. dabáh “he slew” vs. natháwad “I consent”. nantabáq ˙ “I get angry”. pl. yisáfar “he travels”.) introduce. yasta #dáru “they excuse themselves”. and non-agentive.g. V {y~t~natfa##ál}. pl. tathá- wadu “you (pl. yaltahám “he remembers”. yahtamál “he suffers” vs.˙ ˙ X ˙ {y~t~nastaf #ál}. natqaddám “I advance”. e. natláf “I lead astray”. yisáfaru “they travel”. yasfáru ˙“they grow pale”. she grows pale”. nisáfaru “we travel”. nasta #¯dáru ¯ “we excuse ourselves”. and natqaddámu “we advance”. tisáfaru “you (pl. tatbarbáru “you (pl.” and natbarbáru “we speak Br.2. tasfár “you (sg. yadhílu “they ¯ ¯ introduce”. e. with /u/ in the personal subject prefix and /a/ in every other follow- ing vowel slot. yantabáq “he gets angry”. turǧím “it was translated”. tatláf “you (sg. (with- ¯ out vocalic alternation ¯ and therefore undistinguishable from I) yatláf “he leads astray”.) advance”.

2. being lexically selected from an array of mul- tiple possibilities in CA. 118/0/1 ›muhtafal‹ “celebrating”.. e. ˙ even some loanwords like Cs. almocadén). kátib “writer” ~ maktúb “written”. muztécreh “loathsome”. of which only five would be really . and mere survival of the non-agentive shape. reflected by VA and other sources.2. lists more than 40 patterns. Its shape for the I stem is not ˙ morphologically predictable.g. The masdar. muéden “muezzin”. of which some are still frequent in AA. ›yaqbal‹ “he is accepted”. DC 16a mugédded “renewed”. and pan-NA ˙˙ ›yatwaffā ~ atwaffā‹ “to pass away”.2. and then of mere substitu- ¯ tion of an agentive stem for a non-agentive one. {maú} for the non-agentive. e. rhyme-supported IQ 2/1/2 ›mu #allam‹ “mas- ter” and 176/0/1 ›muhtasab‹ = Alc.3.g. and their marking system.g. However. múdlim “dark”.5. mudnáçar “convert to Christianity”. ›yab #at‹ “he is sent <”.g. musta #míl “user” ~ musta #mál “used”. and generalising /i/ as the last stem vowel besides.2. Cs. matched by Cs. almogávar vs. there are hints at neutralisation of the voice opposition. like RC 26–27 ›walidt‹ “I was born”.2. e.5.5.. in the case of agentive imperfectives. while an urban Eastern stress type is often reflected in Alc.2. mulébbeç “wearing shoes”. mufétten “agitator”. e. Alc. rhyme-supported IQ 96/1/3 ›mu #ta- ¯¯ dal‹ “moderate”. by prefixing {mu+} to the non-agentive imperfective stems.2. 2. muquéddem “captain” (but also muqueddém.. VA ›mubarsan‹ “accuser”. loan- words. respectively. VA › #anayt ~ na #ná‹ “to toil”. AA has also preserved the OA sets of agentive and non-agentive par- ticiples. there are some sporadic hints of replacement of {ui} by {ai}. and LA 255 ›" stahtara‹ “he acted shamelessly” and ›" stadhaka‹ “he was ˙˙ forced to laugh” for CA ustuhtira and ustudhika. Alc.1. which had the spe- cial patterns {ái} for the agentive vs.219 For the 219 Wright 1967:110 ff. almoádão “muezzin”. mutárǧim “translator” ~ mutarǧám “translated”.2. múxiriq “brigh”. muçámmar “decorated with tacks”. with lexical determination of voice. múm- kin “possible”. ›mallikt‹ “I was owned”.1).. IQ 93/4/4 ˙ ›mu" addan‹ = Alc. etc. simultaneously an infinitive and a verbal noun. muçlamín “Muslims”. muhtecéb “market inspector”. Non-finite forms: participles and masdar ˙ 2. although given the sociolin- guistic peculiarities of the Arabic speaking societies. almuédano = Pt. mogáguir. is ˙ often an item borrowed from CA and scarcely used in the true low registers of AA or. 2. one can come by a masdar rather often in AA texts (see 3. in many instances. except for the I stem. the whole of NA. for that matter. However. and even in some Rm.90 morphology suffered”.

II {taf #íl(a)}.g.g. including the general preservation of the vowel alternation charac- teristic of perfective and imperfective paradigms in the derived measures. istirqád “falling asleep. to clean” (with application of 2.g. isfirár “turning yellow. {’}. VA ›hurūšah‹ “being harsh. higher register borrowings˙ than average. with ˙some sporadic additions.5.g. “hollow” (i. and {uūah} (e.. V 4: {tafa#lúl}. taqarrúb “coming near. namely. to turn ˙ yellow”. {}). secundae h. {’}).2.2. tafríġ “emptying. {aa} (e.3. {uū} (e. which are not true individual irregu- larities.1–5).. 2. primae h.. and “defec- tive” verbs ({w} or {y}).3.. Weak Verbs The “weak” verbs of Arabic are those having /" /. scare”)..1..2.. the verb 91 remaining stems. AA shares many of the features of these verbs in SA. VII. 220 Which have /i/ in the last vowel slot of the imperfectives. VA ›faza #‹ “being scared. i. VA ›labs‹ “wearing”).g. above all IV. or tanqíyya “cleaning. {aāah} (e. VA ›hurūǧ‹ “going out. IX–XI {if #ilál}. but special rules affecting each one of those kinds of weak verbs en bloc. “assimilated” ({w} or {y})..g. to dispute”.3. however. hamzata The conjugation of hamzata is merely conditioned by the application of the rules for the treatment of /" / in AA (see 1..g.. the juncture of such radical morphemes with the derivational and inflexional ones may require peculiar solutions. IV {if #ál}.2.e.g. to turn red”. to translate”. e... ihmirár “turning red. {’} or tertiae h.2. .220 but differs from its solutions in some cases. párçana “accusation”. ˙ VIII {ifti#ál}..g.3). tárǧama “translation. required by the paradigms of the Arabic conjugation. infáq “expenditure. and ¯these are the ones current in NA and AA also. to depart”. ta #ášuq “falling in love together.3. this weak phoneme frequent.e. e.e.. The technical terms for these verbs are hamzata (i. the shapes of masdars are predictable within ˙ narrow margins of optionality. e. e. as follows. to roll down”. e. 2.. intiláq “departure. apparently. exit”). to fall in love together”..10.. harshness”). e. VII {infi#ál}. VIII and X..g. III {fi#ál} or {mufá#ala}. e. geminate or “deaf” (i.. e. {w} or {y}). tadardúb “rolling down. to spend”.. e.3. V {tafa##úl}.g. intiqál “being carried away. in this manner: I4 {fá#lalah}.28. In both instances. and those biconsonantal roots having gemi- nated the 2nd radical consonant in order to complete the minimum of three. see 2.1. /w/ or /y/ in any of the slots of their triconsonantal roots. to come near”. {a} (e. VA ›razānah‹ “staidness”). to be carried away”.g.g. e. ǧidál = muǧádala “dispute. to fall asleep”.g. X {istif #ál}.e. e. VI {tafá#ul}.g.g. to empty”.

e. HH 32 ›šamtu‹ “I smelt”. VA ›naqrā‹ = /naqrá/ “I read”. in which. historical vowel length.. RC 29 ›yatahābabū‹ “they love each other”. however. naztahbéb “I make ˙ myself loved”. in comparison with SA. from {ddd}. {frr}.g. i. although the regular ˙ ˙ CA shapes can also occur.g. from {šrr}. the latter only optionally if there is no suffix attached to the stem. Germinate Verbs The most conspicuous feature of AA geminate verbs. the roots are treated as biconso- nantal by metanalysis or haplology. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙˙ ˙ . {rdd}. plus others of aphaeresis. VA ›niwakkad ~ wakkadt‹ “to hasten”.¯ had VA ›nadı̄‹ “I harm”. like IQ 93/4/4 ›yaddan‹ “he ¯¯ calls to prayer” = Alc. 1551 ›naqraw‹ “we read”.g.. naztaháq ~ aztaháqt “to deserve”. e. and only exceptionally to assimilated verbs in the case of {’}. Instead. and /2v2/ becomes /v22/. ›nakkul‹ ¯¯ ¯ “I eat”. ta" kulu. yu" kalu).92 morphology may be: a) retained (e. rutt “I gave back”. IA 390 ›yukal‹ “it is eaten” (for OA tas" alu.e. ˙ ˙ {hqq}. At any rate... ›nas" al ~ sa" alt‹ “to ask”.e. or otherwise. e. /2v2/ becomes /22v/. Alc. uncontracted forms. VIII and X. naztaház ~ açtaházt “to spy”. /y/ or a virtual /:/. {sdd}. e.g. LA 301 ›yataqārarūn‹ “they agree with each other”. irtád “conversion” and istihám “bathing”. ›maqrū‹ = /maqrú/ “read”. in AA we have shapes such as VA ›niġānan = natġānan‹ “I contend”. VA ›nanšarr ~ anšart‹ “to quarrel”.. nieçéç ecéçt “to lay the foundations”. reflected by stress in AA only when prosodic rules allowed it. like IQ 118/4/1 ›hadtu‹ “I took”. possibly a higher register than other cases of decay. i. habébu “love”. especially in the stems VII. ›astaġall ~ astaġalt‹ “to exploit”. e...2.. before any vocalic suffix. {’} verbs behave exactly like {w/y}. VA ›ni" assas‹ = Alc. {hǧǧ} and {qrr}. and Z 657 ›yi #abbı̄‹ = /yi #abbí/ “he carries away”. some other times. is the frequency of strong. RC 28 ›mastu‹ “I touched”.. while there is no such an assimilation to hollow roots in the case of {’} verbs. Any of these solutions. mudádda “opposition”.“he took”.. the above reported cases ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ of decay. ¯¯ ›nirayyas‹ “I start”. and c) turned into /w/. may propagate to other positions paradigmatically or by analogy. vs. as in some OA dialects. ›niwahhar‹ “I postpone”. {htt}.g.g. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ihtiǧáǧ “protest” and istiqrár “settling”. Alc. VA ›nahhud‹ “I take”. DC 6a . and Alc. habéb pl. Z 335 ›mawhūd‹ ¯ ¯ “taken”. {rdd} and {hmm}. VA ›anant ~ ni" ann‹ “to moan”. VA ›attahad ~ yattahad‹ “to adopt”. {hss}. IQ 6/2/3 ¯¯ ¯¯ ›tasal‹ “you ask”. inhitát “lowering”. {ġll}. e. above all in the masdars. b) dropped with or without compensating gemination of the immediate consonant. but without thematic alternation. reminiscent of SAE and Et. ¯ Z 1711 ›rat‹ “she saw”. 2. IQ 107/4/4 ›far‹ “flee”. {mss}.g.3. insád “occlu- ˙ sion”. IA 79 ›kalnā‹ “we ate”. {šmm}. Z 72 ›takul‹ “you eat”. nadén adént (for OA addana ~ yu" addinu). IA 81 ›qarayt‹ “I read”.2.

with loss of /w/ in the perfective also. VA ›nawtab‹ “I jump”.. IQ 80/4/4 ›nahı̄bak‹ “I give you”. e.. nizén ~ zent “to weigh”.g. IQ 114/4/4 ›maqā #‹ “occasion”. the imperatives aquíf “stop” and ycáâ “fall”. IQ 117/3/2 ¯ ›yawtaqad‹ “it burns”. however. both from {wq #}. whence the ¯ complete conjugation ¯ tāq ~ it¯eq¯“to trust” in Mo. but for the preservation of /w/ instead of its assimilation before the infix {+t+} of VIII. therefore generating the perfective tíqt. ˙ . Alc. VA ›yibas ~ yabas‹ = Alc. especially in the I stem. naquíf ~ guacáft “to stop”. all in all. there is no dissimilatory substitution of /22ay+/ for /2a2+/ before consonantal suffixes. Unlike ˙ most NA dialects. analogy and metanalysis224 have brought about unpredictable results.g.. e.2. which determined the reported variegation in AA materials.. imperative ybéç “to be dry”.g. like Alc. with a prosthetic syllable.3. the verb 93 Unlike most NA dialects. against the CA usage. and the frequent acceptance of a diphthong /iw/ in some masdars. 221 This matter and its OA precedents are discussed in Corriente 1976:85. while the others do not call for much comment.g. followed by stems shortened into {a}.1).. negéd agédt “to find”.4. along with other “regular” inflexions of {whb}.223 In other instances. niçál ~ guaçált “to arrive” and niréċ ~ guaráċt “to inherit”. unlike CA yaybasu. ¯ ›naw #id‹ “I promise” and. with the imperatives çál and réċ. e. because of diachronic.g. e. yihab for yahab “he gives”. However.g. 222 Even in one case of a {y} root. or at least one of these.3. 224 Confusions with the treatment of “hollow” roots are a consequence of the loss of vowel length in AA. and subsequent identification of stress with quantity. e. while the second substituted /a/ for /i/ in stressed {i} stems. ›nasil‹ “I arrive”. none of these rules were consis- tently applied. VA ›danant‹ “I was stingy”. /w/ is retained.. and in VA ›mawsūq = māsūq‹ “carried away”. from *{tyq}. e. nibéç ~ yebéçt. as well as the reflex /a(:)/ of /aw/ in Alc. VA ›awtataq‹ “it was firm”.. and partly differs from them. etc. in ways already known in OA dialects or innovated by AA. ›hazazt‹ ˙ “I shook”. the first introducing /i/ in the imperfective prefixes. mecézt “I touched”. Alc. and VA ›nidar ~ dart‹ “to let ¯ ¯ (do)”.. e. yiǧad for yvǧid. e. diatopic or diastratic distributions.. with /w/ > /" /. istiwǧáb “response” (see 1. Assimilated Verbs The conjugation of “assimilated” verbs of AA partly follows the CA rules. nifár ~ fart “to grow”. (see Colin & Lévi-Provençal of ¯ 1931:2). VA ›nihab‹ “I give”. the weak radical /w/ is dropped in many imperfectives and the matching imperatives.g.222 although quite ˙ often with peculiar vocalisation of both the prefix and the stem.g.1. 4/4/2 ›naǧad‹ “I find”. IQ 19/2/1 ›nazan‹ “I ¯ weigh or pay”. but in agreement with CA. 223 The peculiar shapes of these imperfectives are the combined result of the application of Barth’s and Philippi’s laws.g. iwtár “annoying”. which brought about the analysis of natíq as *natı̄q. Alc. ›tiqt‹ “I trusted”. naztacáâ ~ aztaquáât “to covet”.221 2. e. etc. VA ›natiq‹ “I ¯ trust”.

b) At times. Alc.. but for certain pecu- liarities.g. e. ›yahtawal ~ ahtawalt‹ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ “to be changed” (both recorded already in CA dictionaries). {ġyt} and {qwm}. iztigáċ “succour”. even with the primae hamzata {’} in the non-agentive perfectives of Z 62 et passim and IQ 62/3/4 ›uqı̄l‹ “it was said”. ˙ IQ 88/2/2 ›i #ād‹ “visiting”. Alc. nezuéch ~ azuécht “to marry”. VA ›maġyūm‹ “clouded”. VA ›numūt‹ vs. ›nasta #ı̄/ār ~ asta #art‹ “to borrow”. reflexives with double /t/ marking. ¯ ˙ macióh “called”. Hollow Verbs The “hollow” verbs of AA follow most of the CA rules. VA ›nahwaǧ ~ ahwaǧt‹ “to need”. . ›mahyūt‹ “sewn”.225 while the reason beyond the striking absence of compensatory fem.18 ›istiqām‹ “righteousness”. AA appears to have gone one step further towards the merger of the last two.. ihát “comprehending”. but Alc.2. the characteristic thematic vowel alternation of OA is normal in AA also in IV (e.3.g. ¯ ˙ niném “I sleep”. only naztaxár ~ aztaxárt “to consult”. nakteyél ~ akteyélt “to fancy”. as VA has both ›yaġā/ı̄r‹ “he is jealous” and ›nahā/ı̄b‹ “I revere”. /a/ in higher registers. e. VA ›niġı̄t ~ aġatt‹ = Alc. nikáf “I fear”. but Alc. in addition to other cases in which CA already has both allomorphs. Alc. from {hwl} and {qwl}. mavcúl = macól “said”. and VA ›mabı̄ # = mabyū #‹ “sold”. namely: a) the imperfective prefixes may exhibit any vocalisation. Otherwise. VA ›nahāf ‹ vs.4. naztaâguéd ˙ ˙ ~ aztaâguétt “to accustom”. Alc. Alc. VA ›istiǧāb(ah)‹ “obeying”. from { #wd}. Alc.g. marker in some masdars of IV and X (e. and there are cases of (reciprocal) met- ˙ analysis with the assimilated verbs. /u/ by harmony with the stem vowel.. VA ›nanām‹ vs.g. though not entirely absent from OA. and /i/ by effect of Barth’s law. but these vocalic results have often propagated to other situations. {ā ~ yaı̄} and {ā ~ yaā}). niguíċ ~ agáċt “to suc- ¯ ¯ cour”. with metathe- sis. ›nastatyar ~ ˙ astatyart‹ “to draw an omen”.. yztiráh “rest”. and occasionally witnessed in X (e. c) Out of the three sub- types of hollow verbs in CA ({ā ~ yaū}. neztevmét ~ eztevmétt “to faint”. VA ›nibı̄t‹ = Alc.. e. from {syh} etc. VA ›nastatāl ~ ˙ astatalt‹ “to speak insolently”). vs. and DC 15a tatacal “are said”.g. respectively. and LA 204 ›uhı̄f ‹ “he ¯ was scared” and ›ubı̄ #‹ “it was sold”.. and Ax ˙ 8.. ˙ ˙ maziúd = muzíd. nahguél ~ ahguélt “to cause loss of one ˙ eye”. naâír ~ âárt “to lend”).94 morphology 2.g. we come across strong forms which do not exhibit the characteristic treatment of these verbs in SA. nibít “I stay overnight”. ˙ perhaps at the ˙ root of the characteristic Naf. Alc. nimút “I die”. ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ 225 This is also the likeliest explanation for forms like VA ›nattāhal ~ attahalt‹ “to be ˙ replaced”. VA ›ni #ı̄r ~ a #art‹ = Alc. VA ›yastawmat ~ astawmat‹ = Alc. and ›nastašı̄r ~ astašart‹. {hwt}m {rwh}. NQ 73 ›istitā #ı̄‹ “my capacity”. standard VA ›mazı̄d‹ “added”.

with regular NA elimination of /" /). i. It is remarkable that this suffix is always spelled ›āt‹.. of the perfective.2. diatopic or diastratic factors. but for some isolated high-register ¯˙ ¯˙ items.2. and merged with the others in all the derived measures. IQ 21/13/3 ›raǧawt+ak‹ “I begged you”. IA 418 ›radā‹ “to accept”. nancí ~ necéit “to forgive”. instead of SA u #tiyat. IA 324 ›nastaġnı̄w‹ “we dispense”. 2.. it stands to reason that this difference must have corre- lated with diachronic. and Alc. characteristic of the OA dialect of the Tayyi" tribe (after Sı̄bawayhi II: 316. VA ›baqā ~ baqayt ~ nabqá‹ = Alc.5. the peculiar ›na #lū ~ #alaw/yt‹ “to be above”. the verb 95 respectively). 2. IQ 62/0/1 › #utat+nı̄‹ “she was given to me”. IA 484 ›nihallū+hā‹ “we leave her”. dialects have a long vowel there. Defective Verbs The conjugation of AA “defective” verbs is peculiar in several respects.1). suffix +u. out of the three sub-types of defective verbs in CA ({aá ~ yaı̄}. likewise. hallāt “she left”. otherwise. e.8 ›radiwū+h‹ “they accepted it”: as it is unlikely that both treatments might have coexisted within the same dialect or register. Like the rest of NA.1. ›naġzū ~ ġazaw/yt‹ “to raid”. where the last type had survived only in the I stem.g. AA appears to have gone one step further than CA. a peculiar evolution of OA hazi" ~ yahza" . ›nasmū ~ samaw/yt‹ “to rise”.. {aiya ~ yaá} and {aā ~ yaū}). *{sǧb} *{st #} and ˙ ¯ ˙ *{sqm}.4..g.. from {ksw}. 115/5/3 ›kafāt+u‹ “they sufficed him”. nardá ~ radáyt. e. preserved from the masc.5. . see also Corriente 1976:80. hallā “he left” vs. 898 ›hallū‹ “leave”. LA 98 ›tahtı̄+k‹ “it goes to you”..3. 226 The peculiar decay of the sequence /iy/ before a vocalic suffix. by comparison with SA. e. Alc.e. As for the juncture of “defective” stems ending in /í/ (from historical /iw+/ or /iy+/) with the pl. from {htw}. as in Z 917 and. 3).226 e. VA ›sadiya ~ yasdá‹ “to rust”. their solutions range from total decay (e. which is not a ˙mere stress-conveying spelling device. in Z 584 ›tastaġnū‹ “you dispense”. yjú “they come”. from ¯ OA yaǧı̄" ūna. yabcá bacá “to remain”.. ›fasā ~ yafsū‹ “to break wind without ˙ ˙ noise”. IQ 76/7/2–3 ›ġannāt‹ “she sang” and ¯ ›sammāt‹ “she¯ named”. nahzú ~ hazéit “to mock”. the second sub-type has evolved into {aá ~ yaá}. has a further consequence ˙ in the non-agentive 3rd person sg.3. etc. *{sġt}. Z 389 ˙ ›kasaynā‹ “we covered” and 1086 ›yaksı̄‹ “he covers”.g. 689 ›yaǧı̄" ū‹ “they come”. hudiyat and ǧuniyat. PES 30/3/3 ›hudat‹ “she was guided”.g. appears to be that they were metanalyzed as derived in the IV stem from {w} and in the VIII from *{srh}.1. even a ultra-correct MT 790v. all of them with optional results in the perfective. 43/2/4 ›ǧunat‹ “it was ˙ harvested”. to tolerance of the diph- thong /íw/ (see 1.g. fn. as also Naf. etc. 1923 ›yusammū‹ ¯ “they call”.

PES *50/1/4 /tabáhu/ and the pseudo-quadriconsonantal Alc. 227 See Corriente 1980d: 205–206. ˙ 2. ›yamtahā ~ amtahā‹ “to be erased”. fı̄ “inside” < *bi+fı̄ “in the mouth of”.g.3. e. by contamination with the strong verb.g. ›murmı̄‹ “thrown”. They became so strongly functionalised that they are hardly recognised anymore as such substantives. monfí “highwayman”). temenú “wish”. {’}) and strong verbs has generated some masdars with the pattern {taaú} ˙ or {taáu}. characteristic of SA. unlike verbs and nouns. the analogy with tertiae hamzata (i.e. and ˙ ˙ ›nastahfı̄ ~ astahfā‹ “to hide oneself”. roughly a dozen. however. III. VA ›nihabbı̄ ~ habbayt‹ “to hide”. shared by Naf. IQ 37/7/3 and 19/10/4 ›yanqarā = ¯ ˙ ¯ ˙ yanqarı̄‹ “to be readable”.).. mood. VA ›yan #atā ˙ ~ an #atā‹ “to be given”.3. nicací ~ cacéit = VA ›niqāsı̄‹ “to suffer”. ¯ ¯ Alc. Prepositions OA had a very scanty and inefficient system of proper prepositions. But the average native speaker has not been aware of this for centuries.. #inda “close to” < * #āmida “standing near”. ›nardı̄ ~ ardayt‹ “to satisfy”.g. naztakbá ~ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ aztakbéit “to hide oneself”.96 morphology 2. in cases like Alc. IV.1. and not easily distinguished from the older. and adverbs. unlike the case of items functionalised more recently.2.e. This is what in the clearest traditional grammatical terms were called prepositions. Finally. ›munfı̄‹ “exiled” (whence Cs. The frequent merger of I and IV in NA has gener- ˙ ated in AA a peculiar pattern for the non-agentive participle of I. The stems II. this distinction is often lost ¯ ¯ in VII. {muí}. conjunctions. Alc. VA ›nahtamı̄ ~ ahtamayt‹ “to protect oneself”. items devoid of meaning. e.2. Functionals The uninflected constituents of the phrase are functionals. VA ›mušwı̄‹ “roasted”. Even some of these can be recognised as worn out shapes of nouns which have survived (e. ˙ ˙ ›yahtası̄ ~ ahtasā‹ “to castrate oneself”.3.2... . but endowed with the capacity of expressing the logical functions and relations between those grammatical categories.g. VIII and X. 2.. e. time.5. instead of expected {taaı̄} or {taāı̄}. a peculiar evolution of SA istaqsà. and Ml. mostly sub- stantives semantically apt to express the fine nuances of space.. etc. VII. taçaqçú “inquiry”. ladà = ladun “at” < *li+yaday(n) “at hand of”. VIII and X of “defective” verbs in prin- ciple preserve the vocalic alternation. between per- fective and imperfective (see 2. etc. bayna “between” < *bā" in “clearly separated”.227 which had to be complemented with other idioms. i.3).

or by adoption of Rm.. and even more so in the particular dialects. like IQ 9/4/2 and 41/5/3 ›la #al‹ “perhaps”. Mo. etymon. such as the prevalence of the pausal form of adverbs formed with the old indefinite accusative. e. functionals 97 diachronically true prepositions. 229 See fn.g. 2. 228 See Fischer & Jastrow 1980:93.1. ladun “near”). ya. IQ 1/1/3 et passim ›dāb(a)‹ “now”. temporal.. makkár (cf.1.g. Cs.g. mqqar (Aspinion 1953:323). bukratan “in the morning”. e. and the important innovation of the genitive preposi- tion matā # “of”. Pt. etc. Tašəlhit..2. li+ “to” and fı̄ “in”. items.. etymon. yá “already” (cf. modifications (e. maguer) “even”.. dropping their vowel before the definite article) and aban- donment of old rare items (e. 49.3.. e. məqqar (Dallet 1982:510).3. etc. 142. and Old Pt. Kabyle. and likely to reflect mostly dialectal variants.229 11/9/2 ›lamām‹ “from now ¯ on” < ilà amām. já and Ct.231 c) the fall into oblivion of ¯¯ old items. e. this will be expounded in detail in the matching chapters of syntax. Conjunctions OA had developed a rather complex system of conjunctions. and allative /ilà/.g. Arabic.3. or the optional use in context of other pausal forms.. 142 about its Lt.. etc.5. like ka+ “like”. and Br. Adverbs AA adverbs and adverbial idioms have departed considerably from OA.g. the shortened shapes of bi+ “with”.. either by reshaping OA items. often synonymous. almost a linguistic universal. Most of these have survived unscathed in AA. ja). there have been some innovations (e. b) innovation of new adverbs. mqqār (Premare 1993–1999 XI: 231). For AA. conditional.). a lot”. the disappearance of some scarcely used items.230 and yádda “also”.g. Its frequency in Naf. 41/8/1 › #amawwal‹ < #āman awwala “last year”. 231 See fn. around”).. qádd “about. . modal. VA › #awwal‹ “perhaps” (a curious abbreviation of SA #awwil #alayya bimā ši" ta “rely on me for whatever you want”). alhuwaynā “slowly”. as a hallmark of the significant shift from more to less synthetic syntactic patterns.6. Old Cs.6 adúnia “much. nominal. coordinative or subordinative (e. dialects. As for improper prepositions. 230 See Corriente 1997d: 507 and Griffin 1961:160 about this item and its Gk. through: a) phonetic evolution. described in 2. Alc. shared by most Naf.228 and beyond. Such a system naturally had to shrink in NA. 2.g. is just another witness of ˙ linguistic influence of the strong ˙ Andalusi immigration in Western North Africa.g.g. in spite of the frequent merger of the dative marker /li+/. e.

oxte). while others have survived. 2. then”. while some Rm. eg. 11/6/4 ›hayya‹ “hey!”. 2. Z 157 ›a+man haddadnı̄‹ “O. 33/0/1 ˙ ›ā+qalbı̄‹ “O my heart”. 1/6/1 ›sawād man yuġušš‹ “poor swindlers!”.. while some items are relative innovations. and some appear to have been innovated. you who are determined to wage holy war”. ēiă). 9/18/3 ›wahaqq allah‹ “by God’s right”. you whom ˙ I love”..3. e.g.. 2/1/1 ›yā man taqtul annās‹ “O you. 11/0/2 ›bannabı̄‹ “by the ˙ Prophet”. 5/5/2 ›ġāq‹ “ouch!”. Fragments and Introductors Fragments and introductors are sub-predicative segments. e. interjections and onomatopoeias.4.g.”. is similar to that of the adverbs. ¯ ˙ 2. e. or the definite article. items were adopted. zape)..g.g. at times. IQ 77/7/1 ›alwazı̄r abū bakr‹ “O vizier A..98 morphology 2. oaths and imprecations. with a prefixed yá. The Vocative Vocatives can be marked. and Z 505 and 516 ›ušt = uǧǧ‹ “hop it!” (cf. all in all.. IQ 1/8/3 ›yā mawlà almilāh‹ “O lord of the beautiful”. and 80/0/1 ›alqamh alǧadı̄d‹ “O new wheat”. 2/2/3 ›ballah‹ “by God”. e. sah “hush!”.1. no mark is ˙ used but the mere intonation. and a quasi-CA ˙ ›li #amrı̄‹ “by my life!” in 4/5/4. 12/7/2 ›asab‹ “shoo!” (cf. like IQ 20/20/3 and 137/11/3 ›ta/āqa‹ “onomatopoeia for knocking on a door”.3. e. IQ 8/7/1 ›bayādı̄‹ “lucky me!”. as some OA items have fallen into disuse and new ones have been introduced. as in CA. but also with á+. 11/8/3 ›a+habı̄bı̄‹ “O my dear”.2. e. 66/4/4 ›bihayātak‹ “please”.g..3.3. Their case in AA. IQ 2/1/3 and 4/2/3 ›wallah(i)‹. merely designed to attract the attention of hearers or to convey certain emotions. killer ˙ of people”. 232 Its survival in old A was studied by Steiger 1951. Oaths. 66/1/5 and 96/5/2 ›arra (ba #ad)‹ “come on.4. IA 268 ›yā #alay biǧildı̄ ¯ kinnahlus‹ “would that I just could save my skin!”. Interjections As for interjections and onomatopoeias. 62/3/4 ˙ ›hāh‹ “hop it!”. like voca- tives. Cs.g.g. .232 7/4/3 ›hayhāt‹ “how preposterous!”.. bahh(in) “bravo!”.4. e.g. and 86/0/1 ›man banà #alà alǧihād‹ “O. 11/6/4 ›ayya‹ “hey!” ˙ ˙ (< Lt. IQ 31/0/1 ›man nahibbuh‹ “O.3. e.B. Cs.g. e. and 9/8/1 ›yā #alay mazwadan malā ˙ bidahab‹ “would that I had a haversack full of gold!”. some OA ones have decayed. IQ 1/2/3 ¯¯ ˙ ›ayyāk‹ “beware!”..4.. ˙ 6/2/1 ›lā kānū min sibyān‹ “bloody boys!”. 49/3/1 ›ya asafı̄‹ “pity!”. though. you who are threatening me”. Imprecations and Exclamations Oaths and imprecations and other exclamations are rather conservative in AA and NA as a whole.

. 3. “the friend of mine”. alwalád alǧáhil “the ignorant boy”) or other governed nouns.1..1. alwalád alladí wasál “the boy who arrived”. with the possibility. alwalád ǧáhil “the boy [is] ignorant” (nominal) and alwalád wasál “the boy arrived” (verbal).. sadíq+i “my friend”. alwalád alǧáhil [húwa] sadíqi “the ignorant boy [is] my friend”). alqalám baš naktúb alkitáb “the pen with which I would write the letter”). relative and marginal syntagms.. The inventory of noun phrases in AA includes qualifying syntagms.g. Types of Sentences As in the case of OA.g.g. depend- ing on the nature of the predicate providing the commentary about a topic or subject. annexation or rection syntagms.1. like an adjective) or an appro- priate subordinative conjunction (e. both of them integrating the complete logical structure called sentence. Nominal Sentences Nominal sentences are integrated by two noun phrases (e. ˙ 3..1. either pronouns or substantives (e. or báyt almu #allám “the ˙ teacher’s house”). i. and without any finite verb. Noun Phrases Noun phrases are sub-predicative nominal syntagms merely containing substantives eventually extended by adjectives (e.1.g. all of which can be used as either subjects or predicates of a nominal sentence.1. or by a noun phrase and ˙ a marginal phrase (e. ¯ ˙ semantic equivalent of a qualifying extension.e. ..g..g.g. of which the first constituent is the topic or subject and the second one is the predicate or commentary about that subject. e. alwalád alǧáhil [húwa] falbáyt “the ignorant boy [is] in the house”). chapter three SYNTAX 3.. but not necessity in Arabic or AA syntax of a copulative element linking both as a marker of their logical relation. AA sentences may be either nominal or verbal. unless it is nominalised by a relative construction (e.

.g. The annexation or rection syntagm has a substantive as head..g. 87/7/2 ›arāmil milāh‹ “beautiful ˙ ˙ widows”. similar to some cases of definite qualifying syntagms without article in the head.235 vs. kitáb almu #allám “the teacher’s book”. aráb aráb “limb by limb”. The Qualifying Syntagm.32 rajúl ákar “another man”. 282. 51.. 45. except in some common borrowings form CA like āhir(u) sā #ah “last hour”. e. crossbow”. VA marrat an uhrá = martanuhra “another time”. with the connective tanwı̄n {+an}.28 marratan okra “another time”.20 díbbat anókra “another beast”. “God’s house”. e. ›zamān+an āhar‹ “another epoch”. ›murrat an safrā‹ “yellow gall”.1) and marked for definiteness. awwalu yawmin “the first day”. ˙ 44. e. ˙ 3. fem. this is alien to NA syntax.38 ˙ quédden guáhid “of the same age”.15 yed aniamín “right hand”. but the construction is then formally one of annexation. 306. 234 We provided some statistic observations about this evolution in PES 30 and fn. with the connotation of possession. with¯ a definite article. As for the isolated tanwı̄n of IQ 87/28/1 in the distributive idiom ›baytan bayt‹ “verse by verse”.. 4/7/2 ›šawq+an šadı̄d‹ “a strong desire”. however. of course. e.g.g. al+walád al+ǧáhil “the ignorant boy”.1. anúhra “another” while.. béit alláh “the house of God”. governing another substantive as tail in simple jux- taposition. with the article al+. walád(+an) ǧáhil “an ignorant boy”.g. The Annexation Syntagm.234 but for some lexicalised syntagms or in old-fashioned style. but it is ˙ ˙ missing in 13/0/1 ›ma #šūq šāt‹ “a tall lover”.1. e. So.31 nahár muméyeç “a certain day”. Alc. e. and 27/9/2 ›masāyib+an #idām‹ “great disgraces”. e..100 syntax 3. and it appears ¯ ˙ very sporadically in Alc.“a ˙ ˙ good deal”.1. quite often in IQ.. Hv 99r1 ›alkarı̄m kitābuka‹ ¯ “your gracious letter” (see closing text samples). 332. ›qaws+an ifranǧı̄‹ “Frankish bow. #azı̄zu kitābika “your appreciated letter”. we still find it most ¯ ¯ of the time in VA.. these cases appear to be mere classicisms (cf. next to yed aniamín “right hand”. ˙ “a white dog”. i..1. as in the rest of NA. The simplest qualifying syntagm in AA consist of a substantive followed usually233 by a qualifying adjective.e.. e. or for indefiniteness. 4/5/4 ›šayy+an #adı̄m‹. the tail can be a per- sonal pronoun also.1. with simple repetition). 12/7/2 ›kalb+an abyad‹ . which has the syntactic equivalence of the English preposition ‘of’. such is also the case in AA. etc.. i. there is a yed aximíl “left ¯ hand”. as the connective tanwı̄n appears to have been lexically agglutinated in anáhar. kitáb+na “our 233 CA admits of some adjectives preceding substantives. or of the so-called “Saxon geni- tive” marked with ‘’s’ with inversion of head and tail. however.g.2.1.1. and 116/1/3 ›hudaydāt humar‹ “red little cheeks”.2. and in spite of a supporting VA ›irbā irb‹ “piece by piece”.. e.g..g.. both being subjected to gender and number agreement (see 3. 40. e. ..g.g.g.e. › #ayš+an dank‹ ¯ ˙ “miserable life”. etc. 235 Some of these examples are synchronically questionable. e. this second marker was gradually abandonned and replaced by a syntactic Ø in late phases of the language.

g. quasi-prepositions. e. reflex de marras. səllat ˙ ˙ əllä əbn “stone tablets”. but it is uncommon and akward to exceed of three items for obvious practical reasons. 273.1. e. kitáb mu #allám madrása “a school teacher’s book”. 87/23/1 ›attubayyab matà assiǧāǧ‹ “the healer of head injuries = the ˙˙ quack” 142/1/5 ›alqulūb matā # nud-dāru‹ . in the case of all proper names and pronouns. apparently of “Yemenite” stock and absolutely unrelated to Rm. AA is no exception to the gen- eral NA trend towards developping analytical rection or genitive markers. . and mängəstä zi" ahu “his kingdom”. kitáb mu #allám “a teacher’s book”. pl.1. see Harning 1980. Egyptian included (bitā #).. and kitáb+na “our book”. (ta" ). in spite of its Cs. establishes that the whole syntagm will be definite if the tail is so. 238 The same applies to the whole NA. etc. equivalent of Mo. types of sentences 101 book”. the whole syntagm will be indef- inite.236 or by being inherently determined. otherwise..¯and zä in Ge#ez. Analytical Annexation Markers. 52. “the hearts of those who see him”. surveyed for Himyaritic by Belova 1966:111–115. by being in its own turn head of another definite tail.39 hanút mítal haddíd “a blacksmith’s shop”. de. IQ 90/10/4 ›alraǧul matā #hā‹ “her husband”. by the presence of the article. 237 On this issue. z. kitáb almu #allám “the teacher’s book”. di.16 alkaláiq míta dáraq “the peo- ˙ ple of your household”. substituting for the OA mere synthetic juxtaposition (idāfah). 3. There are some instances of 236 Chain annexation is theoretically unlimited in the number of the so linked substan- tives. DC - hobzena matá culliém “our everyday bread”. except in the above mentioned cases of lexical quasi-integration. see Corriente ˙ ˙ and 1985:142 ¯ 2008:369 about the origin and South Arabian connection of this idiom. kitáb mu #allám almadrása “the school teacher’s book”. used in the AA of every time and area.237 ˙ The most frequent and universal such innovated analytical marker is matá( #). The SA rule.. is absolutely clear in Mehri. to which he ˙ attaches a footnote alluding to similar instances of d in Sabaic. and Ml. e. la. əlfəddān d+wuld+ək and əlməmlāka dyāluh.g. mu #allamín+kum “your teachers”.”. especially in North African dialects..g. with the strong competence of d(yāl) in Mo.. de “of”.238 e. This ¯ is true also in IQ 48/3/2 ›alahbāb di+marrah‹ “the late beloved”. le … vor das Beziehungswort gebildet. followed by AA too.1. The evolution of the relative towards a genitive marker. kitáb muhammád “Muhammad’s ˙ ˙ book”. Alc. diachronic reflex of OA matā # “property (of)”. IQ 38/38/3 ›alhayl matā # assūs‹ “the cavalry of ¯ S. IA 16 ›idā rayt lihyat ǧārak ¯ ˙ tuntaf aǧ #al matā #ak faldibāġ‹ “when you see your neighbour’s beard beng plucked out. put yours in soakage”.g..1. as stated by Jahn 1905:69: “Der Genitiv wird durch Vorsetzung des Relativpronomens da. ˙˙ also as a possessive adjective or pronoun before suffixed pronouns.B.2. habrît da dóulet “die Tochter des Königs’ … wayûten la fárat ‘Dattelkörbe’”. Particularly in the latter there is no shortage of cases like haqlä zä+wälädki “your son’s field”.

1. albáyt alkibír matá # almu #allám al #arabí “the Arab teacher’s big house”. ˙ As for some reported cases of supposedly borrowed *d(i) (Rm. 9. e. above all those concerning taxemes and the use of the definite article. the rule forbidding it in the head of a definite annexation syntagm is often infringed in AA.1.1. MT 318.1. AA agrees with the rest of NA in generally preserving the OA structures of qualifying and annexation syntagms. MT 1168.1.240 at times.1.241 ¯ 3. Jacob”. ˙ ¯ ¯ CA assalı̄bu lmuqaddasu. As for the use of the definite article. but the OA rule forbidding the interruption of the annexation by any other word remains in effect in NA and.. “king’s grains”)... e. 3.g. on account of a different syntactic conception of some phrases. Alc.2. Alc. Both head and tail of an annexation syntagm may receive quali- fying adjectives. however. which is certain.4..9 ›al #ašar matāqil‹ “the ten ¯ gold pieces”. IQ 86/9/4 ›alwalad zinā‹ “the whore’s son”.g. al" awāmiru l #ašaratu. also MT 191.22 almoftáh a dár “the key of the 239 Cf. above all but not necessarily. báyt almu #allám al #arabí “the Arab teacher’s house”. ¯ 240 For strict CA alkalimātu l #ašr. As for taxemes. e.102 syntax replacement of this item by the preposition min “from” and the relative idiom alladí min in documents strongly influenced by Rm. in DC 4 almuquéddez açáleb “the holy cross”.. e. and this is what happens in cases like VA ›al #ašr kalimāt‹ = DC 8 al aâxara omór “the ten commandments”.g. Hb 359 ›sitra di al #arš‹ “the canopy of the throne” (in ˙a Morisco text).1. it is doubtful that they are more than instances of code mixing. alhawāssu lhamsu. e.g. de).2. since the loss of case inflexions would cause ambiguity if the adjec- tive were postponed. in cases of lexical quasi-integration.239 3. e. which calls for no special rules in the second case. 290. 39.3. ašyā" u uhrà..g..2. etc. 241 Instead of ˙˙ ¯ ¯ . Z 1711 ›dāk alhabb almulūk‹ ¯ ˙ “those cherries” (lit. Urz 340 ›almadkūrah aǧǧamā #ah‹ “the mentioned community”. as is customary in SA.6 ›šahr yunayr alladı̄ ¯ min sanat 237‹ “the month of January of 237”.1 ›aršidiyāqun di wādı̄ lhaǧārah‹ “archdeacon of Guadalajara”. almatāqı̄lu l #ašaratu.. as well as in infringing some of their rules. the commonest solution in AA is the use of the analytical genitive marker. al" amru l’awwalu. these aberrant syntactical arrangements appear to merely betray poor translations from Rm. 35. some of their most strict rules in OA were relaxed already in early times and so they are quite often in NA.28 alkámce haguéç “the five senses”.1. for instance.2. Urz 339 ¯ ›biriyūr min al-ušbitāl‹ “prior of the hospital”. alǧamā #atu lmadkūratu.g.7 ›alquss min kanı̄sat ˙ šant ya #qūb‹ “the priest of the church of St.axiét “other things”. 12 ohar . and MT 1168. with a classicising infra-correct. but nevertheless inflected ¯ relative.34 alávil ˙ amr “the first commandment”.1 ›alburǧayn alladı̄n lalhamām‹ “the two dovecots”.1.

Z 572 ›bāz al #aǧūz‹ “the old falcon”. lit. ›ba #d ayyām‹ “some days”.g. types of sentences 103 house”. alháyt alladí duhín “the wall that has been ˙ ˙ ¯ 242 Some of these “mistakes” have originated in already OA constructions.g.8 alayím axunút “the holidays”. Z 1796 ›qa˙ hbat man ˙ hūs‹ “an accursed whore”. both ka" su fiddatin “a silver cup” (rection) and ka" sun fiddatun (apposition) are correct OA.g. as were probably those of the invaders of South Arabian stock. 47. and 43. “the Saints’ days”.. cases with more than one head like MT 433. The Relative Syntagm. ˙ ˙˙ ˙ 243 ˙ See Terés 1986:373–376 and 399–402. but next also a regular ayím axunút. DC 6 yaum athelithi “the third day”. e. the fact that both annexation and qualification imply semantic completion of the syntagm head may have induced some confusion between their constructions. etc. Otherwise. which explains phrases like MT 1014v15 ›alkās alsaġı̄r alfiddah‹ “the little silver cup” vs. çalá ¯˙ alquibíra “the main prayer”. but in later phases ˙˙ of ˙ ˙ the language have caused the perception of nouns of species and genus as adjectives. The relative syntagm is a mere semantic variant of the qualifying one. e.1. There is also a residual number of syntactically aberrant cases aháde). even ˙ in Rm. and 15 almeé mouáreq “the holy water”.. 53.1.242 contrariwise.12 ›alkās fiddah‹. ›alhabbat alsawdā‹ “black cumin”. Guadalimar < wád alahmár “the red river”.g. 52. RM 264 ›rihā alǧadı̄d‹ “the new mill”. 1044. while others are clearly due to unskilled translation˙ from Rm. Alc.24 aziára almardá “the visit to the sick”..3. in which a nominalised verbal sentence takes the place of an adjective. which became syntactically ambiguous upon the decay of case endings..1 ›bili #tirāfuh‹ “with his acknowledgment”. e. the second article may at times be dispensed with. as well as in ˙ cases of a definite qualifying syntagm.g. some are already charac- teristic of the whole NA. mélli min˙ giráh ¯ “full of wounds”. 56. e. presently considered ˙ acceptable ˙ ˙ SA instead of the purists’ ahwāzu madı̄nati tulaytulata wa+" a #māluhā. above all. ˙ ˙ .. The interference of annexation in what should be a qualifying syntagm is given away in examples in fem. báâd mirár “sometimes”.g.g. lit. Alc. MT ˙ 184. e. VA ›habbat huluwwah‹ “aniseed”. e.. absence of the expectable article in VA ›hadı̄t #ahd bi+‹ “new at”. Thus...4 ˙ ›ǧamı̄ # aydan alnisf ‹ “the whole half also”. e.23 al axiít rauhánin “the spiritual things”..24 çunúx almucaribín “false weights”.14 alcalb al incén “the man’s heart”.3 ›ahwāz wa+a #māl madı̄nat tulaytulah‹ “the districts and areas of Toledo city”. MT 169v5 ›al #ayn mā‹ “the water spring” and 226. As for interruptions of annexation syntagms. substract or of the continuation of pseudo- corrections in old dialects without an article. e.15 tarbiat˙ aháde “one chid” (but next ˙ in 56. in cases of tight semantic integration between head and tail of an annexation syntagm.1. Guadalquivir < wád alkibír “the great river”. or its ˙ anomalous presence in cases like MT 334v6 ›almawlānā‹ “our lord”. by the insertion of the {+t} marker. IQ 12/6/1 ›alšuwayyah mabhūr‹ ¯ ¯ “the foul-breathed oldman”. of doubtful attribution to the effect of the Rm. Alc. DC 12 fel hueqt mohárram “at the forbidden time”.g. e.2 ›alburǧ hamām‹ “the dovecot”. transcriptions of geographical items. e.243 ˙ 3. “sweet grain”. Alc. 412. 60.17 tarbía ˙ etc. IQ 10/3/3 ›masǧid alahdar‹ “the Green Mosque”. as suggested by frequent cases of qualifying syntagms without the article in the head..g.g..

5 kobç cemeguí alladí yaâtí haié “heavenly bread which gives life”. and log- ically did the same in the case of relative syntagms. waladun wasal “a boy who came”. 38. e. 53. the so-called connective tanwı̄n... vs. The Marginal Syntagm. 50. for *yudhénu báh. e..1.104 syntax painted”..e. which is reflected by early AA.1).. had kept this exceptionally and under the invariable old shape of the accusative. in IQ 35/8/4 ›šukran qad balı̄‹ “a gratitude which is already old”. the nom- inalising marker must be Ø in SA. but at times serving also as extensions of a noun phrase. e. {+an}.1. This trans- ˙ ˙ formation usually requires a nominalising marker. e.7 ›šayyan yubtā #‹ “a thing which can be bought”. Marginal syntagms are those introduced by a preposition followed by the substantive governed by it. AA at times infringes some of the SA rules for relative syntagms. IQ 42/0/1 ›wahšat+an biyya‹ “a sorrow which ˙ . e. and c) occasionally using the relative pronoun with an indefinite antecedent. as link between an indefinite substantive and the following qualifier (see 3.4. 51/5/1 ›mahāsinan … lis tu #ád‹ “excellences … that cannot be counted”. in IQ 142/0/1 ›almilāh … alladı̄ ǧārū‹ “the beautiful boys who ˙ ¯ were unfair”. IQ 18/7/4 ›alfatá alladı̄ sammayt‹ “the youth you have ˙ ¯ mentioned”. 3. alwaladu lladı̄ wasal “the boy who ˙ ˙ came”.g. i. ˙ ˙ 3. 57.35 adunúb alledína aâmélt “the sins you have com- ˙ ˙ mitted”.23 azéit almubáreq balledí yudhénu almardá ˙ “the holy oil with which the sick are anointed”. the Arabic relative al+ladı̄ contains ¯ the article and. seman- tically similar to a qualifying or relative phrase.. Early NA.1. Alc. e.1. and Alc.22 al káir alledí aâmélt “the good deed which you ˙ ˙ had done”.1.g. However. i. but most of the time also the morpheme of indefinite- ness {+n}..g. is also definite. b) by allowing the use of prepositions in front of the rel- ative pronoun.g.1. instead of just alháyt almadhún “the painted wall”. by a) often suppresing the pronoun of reference to the antecedent (damı̄run #ā" id).. ˙ IA 62 ›yawman tibı̄ #‹ “any day you sell”. which has lost not ˙ only the case endings. MT 1080. e. like a relative pronoun (‘that’ in the example above).g. alkitáb #alá lmáyda “the book on the table” = alkitáb alladí #alá lmáyda “which is on the table”. In AA ¯ their treatment is the same as for those..1.g.g.e.3.g. for sammayt+uh and aâmélt+a (see other cases in Colin & Lévi- Provençal 1931:7). the head of the relative syntagm. however. Alc.1. most of the time pro- viding the circumstancial or indirect complements characteristic of verbal sentences. which includes the use of connec- tive tanwı̄n in early days. instead of doing that before the pronoun of reference at the end of the phrase. This means that in the case of indefinite antecedents. cannot be used unless the antecedent.. and Alc. e.1.1. because of the rule requiring agreement in the definiteness or indefiniteness of both consitituents of a qualifying syntagm.

DC 5 rábbena hu máâq “our Lord is with thee”. etc. not yet a simple copula marker. Alc. often followed by pronominal suffixes (= and lo = see me / you / him. 40. as well as changes ¯ in word order for interrogation. 6/7/3 ›wāhid+an minhum‹ “one among them”. etc.g.1.g.1.17 âíndaq hu muçháf “do you have a copy of the Qur"ān?”. 7/12/4 › #ulāk šāfi # fı̄ ġayr mušaffa #‹ “your greatness intercedes even for those who have no advocates”. i.. IQ 54/2/2 ›rānı̄ šaqfah bayn idayh‹ “I am indeed like a shattered potsherd in his hands”. AA is no exception to this. usually requiring verbs in other languages. Predicate and Copula A nominal sentence is obtained by combining two nominal phrases of any of the aforementioned types. 245 There are also in AA some appearances of the originally emphasising rá.2. 22/6/4 ˙˙ 244 OA #āda “to turn or come back” was a verb which. which will function as subject and predicate. IQ 68/7/1 ›yā ba #ad las mā #i qussah‹ “I have no forelock anymore”. e. when both the subject and the predicate are definite. cúlli niçráni áv niçranía húmet matlobín “every Christian. with some variants for semantic nuances.245 3.). such as negation (see 3. Subject. possession. is required …”. like Algerian and Tunisian. #od “again” and Arabic ba #du “still” (with agglutination of the preposition bi+.. 986 ›rāhi zubd‹ ¯ ¯ is indeed”. e.. ¯ ˙ From the texts: IQ 1/7/3 ›anā hu anā‹ “I am I”. 2/6/4 ›wara dā fahhi‹ “and this is ¯ “butter a trap for sure”. emphasising.. transitional. etc. like in Hb..4. etc..g. 2/4/4 ›lassu dā #ār #alayya‹ “this is ¯ no shame on me”.g.g. IQ 9/32/2 ›wahu hattı̄ ¯ ˙˙ qawı̄‹ “and lo. . e. vs. 6/7/3 ›dı̄k … lassan+hu ahnāk‹ “that one is not there”. had a strong tendency to become an adverb. usually an independent pronoun.1. called anaphoric. types of sentences 105 I have”. A copulative link. IQ 6/2/4 ›allah lassan+hu ġāfil‹ “God is not neglect- ful”. for instance. since PS. énte fe cemehuét “Thou art in heavens”. Alc. between both may be optional or even neces- sary in some cases. IQ 19/1/1–4 ›tawban rafı̄ #… #ād ¯ bidurǧuh tarı̄‹ “a high-quality garment … still fresh in his drawer”.2.. my handwriting is firm”. capacity. e. etc. AA alwalád alašqár húwa ábnak “the blond boy is your son”. Nominal Sentences with Marginal Predicates Nominal sentences with a marginal predicate being an adverb or introduced with a preposition can generate in all kinds of Arabic a peculiar type of sentence expressing existence. whence the whole root {b #d}).1). right. e.g.e.. the same ˙ function can be performed by an adverb. respectively.244 ˙ 3. and as such its descendant #ād survives in some dialects of NA. or alwalád alašqár húwa alladí wasál “the blond boy is that who arrived”. man or woman. Z 357 ›rānı̄ mā rānı̄‹ “I am only what I am”. obligation.. e. among which AA. Of course. as in some Modern North African dialects.

g. Z 758 ›tamma asra # min albarq‹ “is there ¯ ¯ something faster than lightning?”. AC 205 áynu “where he is”. IQ 12/3/3 ›ayna+kum‹ “where are you?”.g.2. the subject of a marginal predicate of this kind can exceptionally be a suffixed pronoun. Ct. in the case of some interrogative adverbs.1. MT 200. as expression of an obligation.e.106 syntax ›tamma allah‹ “there is God”. substract (cf. 7/0/1 ›alsalaf ba #d al #išā lalmazād‹ “my husbands ¯ mardūd‹ “every loan must be returned”. even nominal predi- cates. tener que. acting as ¯ a marginal. etc. matching equal genders and numbers with each others. cf. 3.. IQ 6/7/1 ›ma #ı̄ anā ma #šūq‹ “I have a lover”. Pt.2. as well as between subjects and their verbal predicates.. In NA. DC 15 adoáâ alledí léhe tetacál “the prayer which must be said”.. 45/11/4 ›širā hawāyiǧ #alayya‹ “I must buy some ˙ things”. Cs.. IA 465 ›man lu yas #à yas #à‹ “those who have to beg. which may include only a finite verbal form247 in agree- ment with the subject. is absolutely characteristic of AA. alwalád yakkúl ˙ fi báytu “the boy eats at home”. provides the predicate. in which the adverb tam(ma). IQ 98/2/4 ›anā balqabātı̄ muġrà‹ “I love sleeveless garments”. probably generated by the Rm. etc. Verbal Sentences Verbal sentences are integrated by a noun phrase as subject and a verbal phrase as predicate.10 ¯ ›luh hādā albāyi #‹ “this seller has …”. which in SA requires #alà. 3. alwalád yakkúl tuffáha “the boy eats an apple”. haver de). waládna yakkúl “our boy eats”. ter que. alwalád ¯ falġúrfa yakkúl “the boy in the room eats”. 137/9/1 ›aš #alaynā min dāk‹ “how can that concern us?”. AA alwalád alašqár yakkúl “the blond boy eats”. 86/17/1 ›zawǧı̄ hāriǧ ˙ uses to go out to the oratory after dusk”. e. e. agreement tends to be natural i. or be extended by a direct object and/or one or more complements. alwalád alladí ta #ráfu yakkúl “the boy whom you know eats”.g. . in the characteristic manner 246 This last use of li-.246 As in other areas of NA. etc. alwalád támma yakkúl “the boy ¯ there eats”. alwalád yahkí+li qíssa “the boy tells me a ˙ ˙˙ story”. also with prepositions. indirect or circumstancial of the same kinds seen above for the marginal phrases usable as predicate of a nominal sentence. 247 Non-finite forms of the verb can only generate nominal phrases. e. IQ 78/7/4 ›luh an yumūt‹ “he must ¯ die”. let them beg”. Agreement Agreement is the necessary coincidence in gender and number between substantives and their qualifying adjectives.

Collective and dual substantives also hesitate between pl. e. the natural agreement in IQ 15/2/1 ›ahlāqan si #āb‹ “difficult tempers”.249 3.2. Alc. sg. substratum or the CA syntax.g. 94/22/2 ›alkutub ¯ ˙ al #izām‹ “the big books”.11 axiít … yudcáru “things … are mentioned”.. indi- rect or circumstancial. heir to a primitive class system.248 thereby irrational pls. with allusions to Baghdadi and Ml. 249 However. are considered fem. 250 See Borg 1985:138. agreement. meaning the king”. e. 38/1/2 ›tiǧı̄ a #wām‹ “years will come”. sgs. however. AA shares with some other NA dialects250 the feature of introducing the direct object 248 See Brockelmann 1908 I: 404 and Corriente 1971:55–64. However. 5/5/4 ›assahāb … yusāqū‹ “the clouds … are car- ˙ ˙ ried”. verbal sentences 107 of modern European languages. there are many traces of the OA peculiar set of agreement rules. Z 904 ›hubzatayn takfı̄nı̄‹ “two loaves suffice me”. In which.”. DC 16 alquellemét ˙ al muqueddecín “the blessed words”..e. droppings” (with a necessary correction to the mss.2.2 ›alkarmayn ¯ alma #lūmah‹ “the two known vineyards”. qatluka li" insānin direct ˙ “your killing of a man”. do not call in principle for special comments.g.e. “that you kill a man”.. in every dialect of NA.14 mirár quicíra “many times”.. includ- ing AA. DC 4 táâlim neçeranía “Christian tenets”. 38/6/3 › #umil+lak dunūb‹ “faults have been committed˙ ¯ against you”.. parallel to kitābu ləmhammad “M.. etc. and are even dispensed of gender agreement when separated from those subjects by another word. and cf. which might have been at the start . together with the influence of either the Rm. vs. i. and for specifications. a doubly marked construction. IQ 20/0/2 ›attayr tiwal- ˙˙ wal‹ “the birds chirp”. etc. 73/1/2 ›qālat … #aynayn‹ “two eyes … said”. violations of any conceivable rule of agreement do happen frequently because of an admixture of grammatical ignorance and desire to exhibit competence. for instance. MT 78. i.. e. Z 974 ›raǧa #at alġanam laldār‹ “the herd returned home” vs. e.g. as they are nominal or marginal phrases with the same structures described for the subjects and predicates of nominal sentences..g. 2/5/2 ›marātayn ra" awh‹ “two women saw him”. IQ 56/10/3 › #aynayn šuhal‹ “blue eyes”. Complements The extensions of verbal predicates. Z 362 ›albaqar yathammarū balǧazzārı̄n‹ “the cows laugh at ¯ the slaughtermen”. Arabic idioms of the type šuftu ləmhammad “I saw M. 96/13/4 ›mā ǧāb li #uššahā lhuttāf ‹ “what swallowes ¯ ˙ ˙ bring to their nests. verbal predicates in front of pl.. as hap- pens in IQ 17/13/4 ›madá #alayya sinı̄n‹ “years have passed by me”. vs. rational subjects remain in the sg. 6/6/3 ›alahlāq ˙ ¯ alsukkariyyah‹ “the sugary manners”.’s book”. IQ 1/4/3 ›ruqāq huluwwah‹ “sweet waffles”. 33. ˙ reminiscent of Sr. 38. 318.. and all editions). the Sy. qāla qtuli lkāfira lilmalik “he said: ‘kill the unbeliever’. and fem. Alc. but even OA has a peculiar usage of li+ for a ˙ object which has become the second complement of a masdar.16 elquelimét almucádece “the blessed words”. direct objects and complements.

and implying that he is particularly concerned with it. all of them ˙ ˙ apparent classicisms). there are somewhat pecu- liar cases like the paronomastic objects expressed with the masdar of the ˙ finite verb in the predicate and semantically emphasised (e.. 28/5/4 ›ra" á hārūt li #aynayk‹ ˙ .g. like IQ 27/6/4 ›karam dāk al" anāmil kasab+ka dā ttunay‹ “the generosity of those fingers has gained you this little¯ praise”. at times. which are enclitic when they are pronominal suffixes. 73/3/2 ›yunqar lak albāb naqran mustawı̄‹ “your door is being knocked at continuously”. is given away by spelling without separating spaces. certainly fostered by Aramaic and Hispanic substrata. this idiom is a surrogate of the possessive pronoun.g.25 yakteyéleq “it seems to you”. 38/32/1 ›wa #adka‹ “he promised ˙ This enclisis. 3.2. in IQ 24/7/1 › #atā+hā+lı̄‹ “he gave her to me”. 33. and 133/4/4 ›rakab lak farasuh‹ “he rode his horse. and the reflexive objects expressed with idioms including rúh+ and nafs+. or its dialectal shape annass+.11r ›arsalti-lı̄‹ “you sent to me”. continued by AA. observe a strict distinction between the logemes of dative and accusative. 51. 51.. 1229 ›alfuǧl yahdam nafsuh‹ ˙ ˙ of such constructions. There 251 are also clear cases of confusion of the functions of accusative and dative.12 nicóllucum “I tell you”. etc. Alc. and 105/1/1 ›tawānı̄ … tayy al-kitāb‹ “it has folded me like a book”. you see” (Cs. 2/8/2 ›lak nirı̄d an naqabbal albanān‹ ˙ “I want to kiss your fingers”. has seen your eyes”. 91/0/1 ›abdal+lı̄ hālah‹ “change the situa- ˙ tion for me”.. e. Z 640 ›yarmı̄ alaǧrāf #alà rūhu‹ “he throws rocks on himself”. 27/2/2 ›taqtul liman yihibbak‹ “you kill those who love you”. ˙ but 1/4/1 ˙ you”. followed by personal suffixes.. 1302 ˙ ›yarà rūhuh fārih‹ “he counts himself happy”..251 A peculiar variety of the indirect object is the dativus commodi. difficult to translate into English.. and AC 1006 ›yaksabak ¯ ¯¯ alhāǧah‹ “he gets you a jewel”. IQ 98/0/2 ›annassı̄ nadlam‹ “I wrong ˙ myself”.g. 45/11/2 ›laldār madaytu lak‹ “I went to your house”. se te montó a caballo). e. 14/3/1 ›aštum liwildı̄‹ “insult my father”. “spirit. lit. e..108 syntax at times with the preposition li+. e. as shown by the OA option a #tā+nı̄ = a #tā lı̄ ˙ “he gave me”. etc. IQ 9/38/4 ›laqad raqamtuh raqam‹ “I have truly embroidered it”. focusing the hearer’s attention on the action. te lo besé en los labios).1 Among the diverse types of direct objects in AA. languages. in IQ 53/1/2 ›qabbaltu lak falšufayfāt‹ “I kissed him in the lips. you see” (Cs.6 aâmeltilu “you did to him”.g.g. most of the time this preposition introduces indirect objects. IQ 5/8/3 ›nuqūl+lak‹ “I tell you”. ˙ . e. common in NA.g.2. e. As a matter of fact neither OA nor Rm. per- ˙ - son”.g. though common in Cs. However. Hv 99. nor for that thing English. DC 14 tihueddéb lalledí yahtá who are wrong”. IQ 4/3/2 ›lā niwahhar liqissatı̄‹ “I shall ¯¯ ˙˙ not delay my story”. › #atā+k‹ “he gave you”.. 99r3 ˙ ›yaktub-lak‹ “he writes to you”..“you shall correct those “H.

. see SK 85–86. or 50. Alc. for the sake of”. special mention is due to the cases called in CA grammar tamyı̄z and hāl. as this verb is a IV measure. verbal sentences 109 “radishes digest themselves”. about which he says in p. e. languages. ráquiden”: his mistake in the very first example. However.. At times. 34. ut méxien. or even equivalents of a mar- ginal phrase in any position. but remained analytically identifiable by their position and function in the sentence. Word Order Word order: Arabic.. 38/39/2 ›kān sahbuh sinı̄n‹ “he was his compan- ˙ ˙ ion for years”. et asi delos otros semejantes. in which determiners follow their determinata. 3. … el gerundio dize éuquiden.252 these com- plements lost that markedness. allowing their immediate recog- nition as extensions of the verbal predicate.2. characteristic of Modern Rm. e. i.g..e. IQ 44/2/4 ›kittarà alǧazı̄ra walbalā fı̄hā masbūb‹. IQ 17/1/4 ›bitt anā #arūs‹ “I spent the night like a bridegroom”. 7/1/1 ›dawlat alhirmān tatimm darūrah‹ “the days of misery will end by necessity”. as has been seen in the previous sections. such expresions might be lexicalised.e. specifications and circumstances. as in the case of húrma fi “on account of.2.2. etc. and all kinds of qualifiers and complements follow the items semanti- cally extended by them. ˙ ˙ - 7/12/3 ›ǧı̄t ilayk qāsid an tandur lihālı̄‹ “I have come to you with intent to have ˙ ˙ ˙ you consider my situation”. Z 490 ›hadam alhayt hurmah fı̄ tı̄na‹ “he knocked the wall ˙ ˙˙ ˙ down for one fig”. which shoud be *múquiden “burning”. 4/4/6 ›ǧı̄ #uryān‹ “come naked”. i.. “you would see disaster spread all over the ˙ Peninsula”. subjects precede predicates. almaaâlemín yahíbbu arguáhum. which were in OA ˙ indefinite nouns with accusative markers. . 41. 11 almaâllem yehíb róhu “the teacher loves himself”.2 As for circumstancial complements. other than direct or indirect and mar- ginal phrases. The same result can obtain with the circumstancial wāwu hāl.8–9 cáilen li guahid min al ákar “carrying gossip from one to another”. e.g. nominal or ver- bal.18 haléft … cáylen izm alláh “did you swear … saying by God?”. pl.g. which has become a mere preposi- ˙ tional idiom. Alc. gives away that he is merely repeating a poorly learned lesson from his informants about a feature alien to the spoken dialect. 252 But for some high register incrustations.3.36 le tahléf … hániċ “do not swear falsely”. Upon the decay of case markers. 3. IA 276 ›yabı̄tū allayl mu #annaqı̄n‹ “they spend the night in an embrace”. like Alc. 25: “Hallamos enel Arauia˙ comun (avn que pocas vezes) el gerundio segundo … Exemplo dezimos por encender neuquéd. NA and AA roughly coincide in using the same kind of lineal syntax.

e. for the purpose of emphasising some words or phrases of the sentence by advancing them with respect to their expectable position. 5/4/4 › #ayšuh tāb man qabbal nitāq+u‹ “he lives well ˙ ˙ who kisses his belt”. Z 991 ›rahı̄s kasr alhābyah bi #aqr alfār‹ “breaking the jar is a cheap price for killing ¯ ˙ ¯ the mouse”.1 OA used to prefix the marker qad before the perfective and imperfective paradigms in order to enhance their aspectual values. 84/4/4 ›sā+nuqullak‹ “I shall tell you”. etc. 267. (e.2. these anacolutha.. some as conspicuous as Egyptian lissa “still” < ilà ssā #a(ti) “until this moment”. some scholars derive this shape from a synonymous sejjer (< Arabic sā" ir “going to”). . 18/3/1 et passim ›sa+tarà‹ “you will see”.. 42. as well 253 This item is otherwise witnessed only in Ml. however. IQ 3/4/4 ›al #išqi walmawt alsawm fı̄+hā sawā‹ “the price is the same for loving and dying”. in IQ 31/9/1 ›sā+tat #aǧǧab “you will be amazed”.g. metanalyzed as a case marker.110 syntax there is a certain measure of freedom in word order.2. e. Modifiers of Predication Modifiers of predication: predicates. bigger in AA than in SA. possibil- ity. and the fact that its AA match is sometimes spelled as ›sā‹ (e.e.. it has become a positive emphasising marker of both perfective and imperfective. are mended with pronominal suffixes of the 3rd person... but the result of assā #a(ta) “now”.2. and ˙ NQ 84 ›sawf tarà‹ “you will see”. constructions violating the “logical” order. to extract the oil from his arse)!”. Z 13 ›sawf tadrı̄‹ “you will know”. e.4.g. 18/2/4 ›mā šqà min astu man yahriǧ alzayt‹ “poor the one ˙ ¯ who has to pay for the oil (lit. IQ 19/2/4 ›sa+nuqullak‹ “I shall tell you”.29 albárd hu “it is cold”.. Alc.253 As for qad. and of / #/ after 1.17 harám hu “it is forbidden”. sa iġi Malta “he will come to Malta”). however. as in CA. At times.25. IQ 1/7/1 ›alsihr nuqūl‹ “I say magic”. Z 1058 ›zawǧ ummak nukūn‹ “I am your mother’s husband”. through decay of the final /a/. . both nominal and verbal can acquire additional connotations of subjective or objective time. and 137/3/4 ›sā+tiǧı̄kum‹ “it will come to you”) might suggest that this item would not be a survival of OA sa+. inchoation.g. i. PES 46/1/2 ›sa+yalqà‹ “he will find”. by means of the insertion of auxiliary particles and verbs apt to make up for the dearth of Arabic verbal inflexions.g.2.4. 1/0/1 ›walihawf annušbah nabkı̄‹ “and I cry for ˙ ¯ fear of the net”. certainty. while the prefix sa+ or sawfa gave the imperfective a connotation of future. etc. 3.. This latter value is approximately preserved in AA.g. This possibility is reinforced by the relative frequency of ›alsā‹ “now” in IQ (see Corriente 1993a: 80) and parallels in other areas of NA.31 alhárr hu “it is hot”. 3. 79/2/2 ›sa+tahyā‹ “you will live”.

and 37/0/1 ›qad kin+nifı̄q‹ “I would indeed ˙ recover”.g. IQ 94/10/2 ›kin+nabtala #hā kibār‹ “I used to swallow large glasses (of wine)”. durative or iterative past. ˙ ¯ IQ 2/10/1 ›qad tamamt azzuǧayyal‹ “I have finished the zaǧal already”. 9/3/3 ›laqad anā - madlūm‹ “I am indeed wronged”.. and 104/1/3 ›kit+tuqullı̄‹ “you were telling me”. i. Inflected kāna retained the already OA function of marking past and future of nominal predicates. bada" a = ibtada" a “to begin” and a ˙ few other items have reflexes recurrently used in AA. Alc. e.2. IQ 51/3/1 ›kunnā fityān‹ “we were young”. amanecer and anochecer in a semantic calque. it is a common feature of NA to have forsaken most of them. asbaha =/ adhà =/ dalla =/ amsà =/ bāta marı̄dan “he was ill at ˙ ˙ =/ at sunset dawn =/ noon =/ in the early afternoon ˙˙ ˙ =/ night”. there are some examples continuing the SA usage of having it precede the imperfective in order to express the imperfect. but also. e. 3.. in 105/7/3 ›qad tadrı̄ att‹ “you certainly know”.g.4.. 46. As for inflected or uninflected ká/Ín. however.. Z 1928 ›qad sār hall‹ “it has become vinegar already”.. 75/5/3 ›naštahı̄ kin+narāk‹ “I wish I could see you”. 3.3 cunt lehum mazlót “were you disobedient to them?”. Alc. e. even subjunctive predication.6 énte cunt tedrí … énne quin yahléf fal bátil “and you were aware that he was perjuring”. to a lesser extent sāra “to become”. Z 65 ›aš kit+ta #mal law kunt sultān‹ “what would you do. 44. 21/14/4 ›laqad nihāf al #iqāb‹ “I am much afraid of the watchdog”. e. 42. the absence of parallels in AA proves that hypothesis wrong (see Corriente 2008: lvvviii). and AA is no exception to this general development. IQ 9/29/1 ›kin+nuzūrak wa-innamā tam #ilal‹ “I would visit you. scholars˙ thought that this scheme would have been imitated by Cs. without implying any doubt or restriction.g.g.19 arcáit aháde énne qui icún caguéd “did you make 254 Among which a set of verbs precising the time of the day in which actions are per- - formed or situations occur. . 41/8/2 ›qad ¯ mā #ak man ta" ammal‹ “you already have someone to hope”.254 inchoation and possibility. e. in front of imperfectives and nominal predicates. an obvious classicism.2. of which OA possessed a wide array expressing tem- poral nuances of being and becoming. and 40.1. often even reinforced with a prefixed la+. using simple adverbs instead.2..e. verbal sentences 111 as of nominal predicates. Some Rm. Only kāna “to be”.g.2 As for auxiliary verbs.4. but in most cases it has become the usual marker of eventual. e. 41/3/4 ›balqatli kin+nuhaddad‹ “I was being threatened with killing”. Alc. 50/2/3 ›kin+nukūn ġulāmak‹ “I would be your slave”.. but ¯ there are reasons (preventing it)”.g. if you ˙ were a sultan?”.22 jáid yucún “he will be good”.

see Fleisch 1979:20). and second that. in IQ 13/5/1 ›las kān daraytuh‹ “I had not known it”. and 11/4/2 ›almasākin ka+ftadahat‹ “the homes had ˙ ˙ been violated”. substratum of both dialect bundles. in both instances.24 equélt mirár hatí qui atcayéit “did you eat sometimes till you threw up?”. as it is characteristic of the latter the inclusion of the present tense among the functions of the “forme d’habitude ou duratif” (see Laoust 1939:141: “une forme d’habitude … peut toujours exprimer une idée de fréquence. the peculiar status of marked 1st and 2nd persons vs. IQ 94/3/2 ›sı̄rū hullā" ‹ “become drunkards!”. it might be wise to look for the functional explanation of this phenomenon in the Br. in Z 960 ›dÍb kin atnabbahat ǧaddatı̄‹ “(only) now ¯ my grandmother has remembered”. as in SA. 58. Other auxiliary verbs are used as in SA. this idiom has occasionally acquired the meaning of a present tense. we seem to be in front of a common evolution from the durative nuance to the present tense. we could now add. Therefore. 2/1/1 ›ka+starāh‹ “he has rested”.112 syntax anybody become a pimp?”.34 fayde qui tixequéq fi xéi “and if you have doubts about something”. and Ax 63.11/4/1 ›alqulūb qad kin qasahat‹ “hearts ˙ had become hardened”. e. like ta+. ˙ 8/6/4 ›ka+š #alū‹ “it has set it afire”. The same ká/Ín preceding the perfective in order to express the pluperfect. but with a variety of dialectal alternatives to ka+. This hypothesis tallies well with the absence of this feature in other North African dialects (in Algeria.. For ˙ some not altogether clear reason. unmarked 3rd persons in the Semitic verb (about which.g.2.. IQ 72/15/2 ›dahab kin+nirı̄d‹ “I want gold”. on this point can be ruled out and. 3. requiring more than one hypothesis.2. first that. inflected in 88/6/1–2 ›ay kunt sama #tu … qultu‹ “when I had heard it … I said”.255 3. IZ. Tunisia and Lybia) in which the Br.g. favours the generalization of their innovations to the 3rd persons. Corriente 2003:154–156.. la+.3.4. To our extense comments on this issue in our review of that book. IQ 7/3/3 ›badayt ˙ an nuqūl‹ “I began to say”. 82/7/3 ›nabtadı̄ namlah‹ “I begin my toilet” ˙ 255 The same idiom is characteristic of Mo.g.. as far as the etymological origin is concerned. (see Heath 2002:209–211). or by predicatives or marginal phrases. 15/9/4 ›las nardà nuqūl‹ “I do not want ¯ to say”. e. the nuance is merely of perfect. . vs.14 ›hattà kin+numūt‹ “until I die”.2. 13/7/2 ›kin+ nirı̄d tarǧa # ˙ taktub‹ “I would like that you start writing”. NG 66 ›sār … yaskun kadā fı̄h kull ahad‹ “so each one came ˙ ¯ ˙ to dwell there”. e. impact is reputedly less strong. however.2. 38/15/1 ›sārat ˙ ¯ ˙ almihnah mā #uh‹ “mishap became his companion”. e. 119/4/2 ›las na #tı̄ an yartafad‹ “I do not allow him to rest”. 54.4. ¯ and 88/26/1 ›kin+nas" al allah an yubqı̄k‹ “I pray God to lengthen you life”. d’intensité ou d’actualité (italicized by us) dans l’action ou l’état”).2. 71/1/1 ›yahtāǧ alinsān yarǧa # ˙ halı̄ #‹ “one has to become a drunkard”. 87/5/1 ›kān akrayt duwayra‹ “I had rented a little house”. appears to have some examples in AA.g. since mutual borrowing between AA and Mo. generally followed by imperfectives. preceded or not with an. 73/3/3 ›las naqdar nasma # bukāh‹ “I cannot suffer hearing him cry”.. etc.

e. wa+ ¯ ¯ . coordination and subordination 113 and 1/1/3 ›nabtadı̄k na #mal nikāyah‹ “I begin to hurt you”. etc. 126/3/2 ›a #mal an tabdalhā‹ “endeavour to change it”. etc.g.3.g. 38/1/3 ›ǧa #alhum salātı̄n‹ “he made them sultans”. etc. as marker of oaths (see 2. NQ 89 ›man hu maǧduh wassuhā‹. as will be expounded in 3. MT 960v11 ›mu¯d +wa+ġābat‹ “as she was absent”).257 3.¯these cases could also be analyzed as result of the deletion in deep structure of every repeated item in the entire sentences “the boy came in and the girl came in”.256 3.1.3. of proximity (wāwun ma #iyyah). see 3. “I read a book or I read two”. see 3. ¯˙ 3.. e.. PES 43/4/2 ›aǧ #al li #aynayya an narāk‹ “let my eyes see you”.1. AA alwalád walbánt dahálu “the boy and the girl came in”.1. Ax 65. AA ǧá baš yahtúb “he came in order to make a speech”). attention should be paid to the fact the this item was multifunctional in OA.4.g. Coordination and Subordination Coordination (= parataxis) and subordination (= hypotaxis) of sentences occur when a sequence of them. IZ 4/4/3 ›mā #asÍ nuqūl‹ “what could I say?”.3. or the ancillary condition of one to another (complex sentences. disjunctive or adversative. AA ǧá waǧalás “he came in and sat down”).2).g. 257 Markers of all kinds of compound sentences may also be used to link the nominal constituents of noun phrases. IQ 7/13/1 ›ǧa #alk allah tarānı̄‹ “God made you see me”. IQ 1/9/2 ›raja # kull ahad faras wa+hamham‹ “everybody has ˙ ˙ ˙ 256 Uninflected auxiliary verbs tend naturally to be felt as adverbs. MT 900. de- pending on whether the relation between them is one of addition. and even exclamative.. e.1. mud ¯ (e.3 ›in kān wa+anta tirı̄d‹ “if you want”). as for the peculiar semantic evolution of #asà. option or contrast.2).4.3. 74/8/1 ›mā #asá an tirı̄d‹ “what may you want?”. not to speak of its expletive intrusion in the idioms inkān wa+ (e. 42/5/1 ›qāmat tiġannı̄‹ “she started singing”.”. 1640 › #ası̄ an yifūz‹ “in case he succeeds”.g. “whose ˙ glory is as high as the star A. AC 1475 › #asá iš nuqūlū‹ “lest we say”.2.g.258 e.4.. marker of circumstancial phrases (wāwu hāl. and has kept in AA functions other than the copulative one.. 133/0/1 ˙ ›man da #ānı̄ nafnı̄ anā #umrı̄‹ “who induced me to waste my life?”. id wa+ (e. however.. Compound Sentences Compound sentences may be copulative.. above all in higher registers. 24/7/3 ›waš #asá nuqūl‹ “and what could I say?”.. e. are linked by markers implying equal rank (compound sentences. 258 However.g.3. qaráyt kitáb aw záwǧ “I read a book or two”.3. Copulative Sentences Copulative sentences are most of the time marked with the ubiquitous wa+.2.. usually only two.18 ›id wa+kānat marhūnah biyadhā‹ “since it was pawned by her”).g.

at times by ímma … (wa)ímma / aw “either … or”.. This item retains its original meaning in Mo. clearly used as a conjunction. IQ 84/6/2 ›ǧur wa-ansif ‹ “be unfair or be fair”. IQ 7/4/1 ›aš ta #mal aw ay hı̄lah mā #ak‹ “what can you do or which ˙ ruse do you have?”. is preferable to me”. 32. appears to be a classicism required˙ by˙ the metre.g..2 le totkílna a tajárib léquin negíne min a xarr “do not let us succomb to ˙ 259 There are hints at the development of two other disjunctive markers in Alc. e.260 Alc. which makes only ¯ rare appearances. but not yet functionalised. Z 246 ›immā yuqarrab alhiml wa+immā yuqarrab alǧaml‹ “either the load ˙ is brought closer or the camel is”. which appears also in IQ.g. heretofore a hapax.259 There are some cases in which. 433. and 53.1.26–27 ˙ le tahléf … fa aledí yahléf “do not swear … for those who swear …”. swa ja swa mā ja “it is the same whether he comes or not” (Premare 1995:247).lalašyā ˙ fa+narà lutfak‹ “I look into things and see your benevolence”.g. the final vocalisation of this item in IQ 31/11/3.g. and 9/0/1 ›ba #di mā qāllı̄ āhā tummā nadam‹ “after having said yes to me.6– 14 céu “or”. 34.. disjunction may be expressed with wa+. 5/7/3–4 ›lā tunāfiq f+alġurāb qutil binifāqu‹ “do not play the hypocrit. to - the meaning of “just”. Alc. for the crow was killed because of his hypocrisy”.7–8 and 57. 54. appear to have shifted to higher reg- isters.. while fa+. ˙ 3.. as if dropping a final tanwı̄n in pause. from OA am. backformed on SA sawā" “the same thing”. ›lakinna madha hātim #indı̄ arǧah‹ “but praising H. then he repented”. sewwa / sew hames sinin “just five years” (Aquilina 1990:1301). as in all kinds of Arabic.g. e. e. e. a similar item.g. like IQ 6/5/2–3 ›yurūġ lak almahdūl … watumma yadhak‹ ¯¯ ¯ ˙˙ “the rascal eludes you … and then laughs”. but is reserved for the end”. ˙ .13–27. 260 However. and 43/3/3 ›sawā yuqāl aw yu #ammà‹ “whether it is said or hushed up”. This is ˙ even more obvious in the case of OA túmma “and then”.3. derived from OA siwà “except”. are marked mostly with (wa)lákin. e.g. IQ 28/3/3 ›almu #assal a #là alalwān walākin lassāqah yurfa #‹ “the honey sweetmeat is the best dish. Disjunctive Sentences Disjunctive sentences are usually and rather conservatively marked with aw.3. while hattá ¯ ˙ retains a more vernacular status. has evolved in Ml.3. e. 24/7/3 ›sawā hu qultu šay aw kuntu sākit‹ “it was the same whether I said something or stood silent”. IQ 1/1/1–2 ›ašaqtu … fa+qāllı̄‹ “I loved him … and he said to me”.114 syntax become a horse and neighs”...g. with its peculiar ordering and con- secutive nuance.g.1.12 amdí amidí “one or another”. as most often in NA..2. e. e.. 3.. PES 32/1/3 ›nandur .. e. IQ 70/6/3–4 ›immā kalāmuh ǧawhar yası̄r ˙ aw alǧawāhir tası̄r kalām‹ “either his words become pearls or these become ˙ words”. Adversative Sentences The adversative sentences. 7/10/1–2 ›mahhad alislām … hattà qām ˙ addı̄n … #alà sāq‹ “he paved the way for Islam … until religion was firmly established”.

but whoever takes this holy host shall attain eternal life”.g. ›wamā ahsan assamt na ˙ #am ¯walil #ulamā aydan‹ “and how excellent silence is. e. coordination and subordination 115 temptations. HH 209 ›anā natūb #an alšarāb illā idā šāb alġurāb‹ “I shall repent from drinking.. çaé fi huígib “but in case of need”. plus the fact that”.25 me teqdér tefhému ûucúl al îibéd nam yegíb tazdícu “human minds cannot understand it. and 43. which in SA means “certainly.. That subordination is a transformation. 37. 3.1. time and conditions.3. even if he had hesitated several times. Complex Sentences Complex sentences are characterised by the substitution of subordinate sentence for either the subject or any complement. e.261 3. 24/1/3 ›innamā nirı̄d raqı̄qah‹ “but I want a fine one”. occasionally with illá. 2/8/2 ›nirı̄d an naqabbal albanān‹ “I want to kiss the 261 Blau 1980:198 quotes some Judaeo-Arabic instances of this idiom.3. but you can (instead) enter a monastery”. namely. but only ¯ by the time crows grow grey hair”. rather frequent in IQ. how- ever. is not subject to the CA taxemic rules and is not functionaly distin- guished from inna. ˙ ˙ ˙ ›tawbatuh and maqbūlah na #am˙ walaw taraddad daf #āt #iddah‹ “his repentance is accepted.2). and the woman but with her husband”.g.2–3 guígib aâlíq én tezuéja.1. but I let myself ˙ be pushed around?”. 39. aim. even for learned men also!”. indirect or cir- cumstancial.” As for the strange exceptive çae of DC 9. introducing the semantic notions of nominalisa- tion. nam teqdér tatkól fal monesterio “you must ˙ marry her.. 38. direct.2. it looks like an evolution of OA siyy “equal” (through idioms such as lā siyyamā “especially”). but confession cleanses the filth which is at the heart”. huále al mará çaé maaâ zéujeh “you shall not copulate but with your wife. . e. 67/11/1 ›las yurà biyadduh mitqāl innamā yā minnuh yunfaq‹ “no gold piece ¯ is seen in his hand. and with the classicising innamá. which makes a shy appearance in IQ 51/4/4 ›yası̄r lı̄ ˙ mā sār na #am wa+nandamaǧ‹ “I have the qualities I have. ›na #am wahattà hadamhum ˙ kānū yafhamūn‹ “even their servants understood”.24 al guadó me yeqdér yagcél gáir al codóra míta gecéd náâm al confessar … ynaquí al cadáyer alledí húmet fal calb “ablutions cannot ˙ clean but the filth of the body. but is more often and clearly used as an adversative marker in Alc. in the intermediate nuance of “even”.2. but save us from evil”. cause. but it must be believed”.g. having become sayy in agreement with Philippi’s law (see 2. manner. An AA innovation in this realm is na #am (wa). ›na #m waya" ūl bih alġadab ilà alkufr billah‹ “wrath even induced him to blaspheme God”. and 10 le tanjamaâ çaé maâ amrátaq.2–3 mít ba roh náâm aledi hu yakód héde al curbén al mucáddeç … yedréq al hayét a déyma ˙ ˙ ˙ “he died in spirit. but being already given away”. usually marked by an appropriate conjunction.2. Nominalised Sentences The commonest nominaliser in AA continues to be SA an(na) which.

and besides the classicising li" anna. IQ 7/4/3 ›qad hān inqitā #ak‹ “the time of your departure ˙ ˙ has arrived”. in combination with the negative it becomes allá. IQ 9 /0/1 ›ba #ad mā qāl āhā‹ “after he said yes”..2 tehtíju tedrú “you need to know”.2.21 nargábu … yne yaâtína “we pray that he will give us” (object). the expected nominaliser has been deleted. 41. 33. 7/3/1 ›tal #alà ˙ qalbı̄ an nasbar lidulluh‹ “I have had enough of suffering his humiliations” ˙ ¯ (subject).g. 60/7/2 ›min aǧli mā hu karı̄m‹ “because he is generous”. and 43.g. Alc.. and 52.2. and 19/11/3–4 ›ahbas lı̄ dā lbitāqa rahan allā nansà‹ “hold ˙ ¯ ˙ this slip of paper from me. 7/6/2 ›tāb lak ǧulūsı̄‹ “my inaction pleases you”. As for nominalisation by use of the masdar. Causal Sentences As for causal subordination. DC 15 cólah … dun eçtifecédu “say it without alter- ation”.g.26 cunt énte cádir tigáċu “you could save him”. 3.15 cunt énte cebéb enne mít ahád “were you the cause of someone’s death?” (nominal complement of predicate).2 guígib aâlíq én tezuéja “you must marry her” (subject of a nominal predicate).g. e. IQ 96/14/2 . Hv 99r20 ›dı̄k alšı̄ #an inna anı̄ qata #tilak kam tahtı̄‹ “that matter. 36. e. IQ 4/5/3 ›li" anna fı̄h haslatayn‹ “because he has two ¯ ¯ ˙ qualities”. Z 1861 ›abat mā tudūr‹ “she refused to turn”.27 fa ˙ teléhi aâlé a niç “by scoffing people”. e.116 syntax fingers” (object). 6/2/4 ›fa" inna allah lassanhu ġāfil‹ “because God is not neglect- ful”. the most vernacular ˙ markers are kamá (ánna). At times. fa" inna. 9/1/2 ›halaf anna lam yuqullı̄ kadāk‹ “he swore that he had not ˙ ¯ told me so” (object). 39. PES 72/3/2 ›kamā lis tamma infisāl‹ “since there is no separation”. that ¯ ˙ ˙˙ I set for you how much you would pay”. Alc.26–27 le yakbí xéi min içtihá “he shall ˙ hide nothing for shame”. as a pledge that I shall not forget”. namely. but it happens occasionally in high register.g. because he went up to sleep”. IQ 88/2/3 ›sı̄dı̄ mašġūl kamā tala # lalruqād‹ ˙ “my master is busy. ánna. Other times.2.. ˙ above all in the derived measures of the verb.2).. we come across the frequent mā of NA.. IQ 9/37/1–2 ›nirı̄d allā numna #‹ “I would not like being denied entrance”. Alc. and DC 20 caménna cathár aâléna rráh- mato “because he has multiplied his mercy on us”. e.g. lammā and id. 18/1/1 ›id qad kafānı̄ ˙ ¯ allāh sudā #uh‹ “since God had spared me its headache”. it does not appear to have belonged to the vernacular (see 2.5. e.. e.g.2.. 3/2/2 ›naǧ #al alhāsid an yahsadu‹ “I shall make the envi- ˙ ˙ ous envy him” (second object transformed from a predicate). instead of CA an.3. 32. 38/24/1 ›lammā kān muhibbi fı̄k‹ “as he loved you”. IQ 2/0/2 ›las naǧǧarrā nisammı̄h‹ “I dare not mention him”. Ax 17 ›kamā lam yihabbarūh‹ ¯ ˙ ¯ “because they did not inform him”. MT 378v1 ›lisabab mā tawaffà ba #d wafāt wāliduh‹ “because he died after his father’s decease”. e. Z 705 ›tirı̄d tarà‹ “you want to see”.

. IQ 26/3/3 ›tabtadı̄ tirafraf ‹ “you begin to flutter” and.12–13 bex taharézu “so that you would keep it”. Alc.e.18 fi hacat qui yeqdér yaqtúl aháde “so he could kill someone”. IQ 88/1/1 ›qāmat alhādim an tarà man kān‹ “the ¯ maid went to see who it was”.Q. e. Hv 99r4 ›fiyaš yan #atānı̄ silāh‹ “so ˙ ˙ that I am given weapons”.262 HB 363 ›fı̄š yabġud alhamr‹ “so that he hates ˙ ¯ wine”.g. and the matching negative kam+iš.g... IQ 78/12/4 ›rabbà ǧanāh baš yitı̄r‹ “he grew winds to fly”. e. 7/16/1– ˙ 2 ›hul baynı̄ wabaynu hattà lā nalqāh‹ “stand between us. HH 18 ›anna … lis lı̄ fı̄ al #ayš matma #‹ “because I have no desire to live”. Alc.7 › #ammā altaman almundafa # kān māl " bnhā‹ ¯ “as the paid price was her son’s money”.34 quemíx “in order not to”. Alc.g. e. PES 96/0/1 ›hab+lı̄ … hullah baš nalqāk ˙ ˙ naqiyyah‹ “give me a clean gown to go to your encounter”. i. is marked in AA in manifold ways.g.4–6 admanéit al inticám … aliedidí enne ¯ aâmelleq … xéi “did you desire revenge … because he did something to you?”.g. 361.g. with a connecting pronominal suffix. and #ammá in MT.263 an. e. with other witnesses in MI 201. and 31/3/3 ›abtadānı̄ yadhak minnı̄‹ “he began to laugh at me”.. following the˙ trend in SA of treating them as inchoative verbs optionally needing no conjunction in front of the modified main verb. so that I do not ˙ ˙ 262 This peculiar ›fiyaš‹. Z 711 ›ǧı̄nā an na #malū hasā‹ “we came to ¯ ˙ do a castration”.. in addition to characteristically AA fi háqqat. e.14–15 quibél yeqdér yconfesárhum “so that he can confess them”.g. 44. Alc.. e. IQ 133/3/5 ›fı̄ haqqat ˙ ˙ an yuqāl lidā #anbarı̄‹ “so that it be called amber-like”. the expression of an action as an aim to be reached.13 queme yudcáru “so that they are remembered”. 53. and often followed by the eventual marker ki(n).3. ˙˙ . PES 56/6/4 ›madayt an nazūruh‹ “I went to visit him”.2. qibál. Final Sentences Final subordination. 32. coordination and subordination 117 ›anna #ād lam yumūt aban quzmān‹ “because I. 105/9/2 ˙ ˙ ›natlub ša #ı̄r baš nimı̄r alfaras‹ “I look for barley to feed the horse”. 3. ˙ 32. and fi(ya)š. like the characteristic bāš of Western Arabic. 13. Alc.g. Z 422 ˙ ›baš tihibbu‹ “so that you love him”. parallel to bi+aš > bāš and f+aš.g.g.. and the ˙ particular #alà yad da anna in Alc. We come also across hattá and la #ál(la) in IQ. IQ 7/2/2 ›madà qirdı̄ quddamı̄ yatqazzal‹ “my bad luck went away limping in front of me”. as reported for CA by Fleisch 1979:190. 47. with the variants fáš.. 264 This final an and any other conjunction is often deleted after verbs of movement.20 fi hácat ¯ nucúnu muztahiquín “so that we become worthy …”. e. 1066. suggest an evolution of *fı̄+aš.. e. e. 47. probable classicisms. 46.g. 263 Standard in Alc.. always in Valencian documents. is not yet dead”.9 fihácat yehíbaq “so that he loves you”.264 ˙ kamá.17 bex taláâb “so that you would gamble”. Alc 36.. IA 524 ›fāš yatmatta #‹ “in order to have a good time”.. IA 353 ›ǧı̄ ya #mal hasanah‹ “he came to do a good action”.3. e. e.10 yegí yahcúm “he will come to judge”.

g.g.3. being ¯ ˙ among Muslims?”. ˙ . 38. AA makes extensive use of circumstancial phrases introduced with wa+ (wāwu hāl) or in simple juxtaposition. namely. Modal Sentences Modal subordination in AA is marked with káyf(ma). matá (ma)..g. IQ 20/24/3 ›matà mā qāl tadrı̄ annu yaf #al‹ “when he says something. hín.. IQ 18/4/2 ›kamā ahadt lā budd an nihallı̄‹ “the way I took.g. and 57. 3. its water dried up”. IQ 30/6/3 ›yası̄r kifmā sār‹ “it becomes like he did”. the same effect may. 30/3/4 ›tisı̄banı̄ kifmā ˙ ˙ ˙ naštahı̄ an tisı̄b‹ “you will find me as I wish it”. 19/10/1 ›kamā lam yukun lı̄ mā na #mal‹ “as I had nothing else to do”.16 ˙ ¯ ›lahum man # dālik matà habbū‹ “they can forbid that. be obtained with the juxtaposition of a peculiar idiom with a circumstancial imperative. Cf. so I can have ˙ some rest”. or even the classicising ka(an) and mitl.. e. ˙ kissing or embracing”.5. Cen. at times. typically Western Arabic bihāl. ˙ ˙ or kamá . IQ 11/8/3–4 ›lammā ǧı̄t ilayk‹ “when I came to you”.. IQ 93/1/4 ›bihāl idā bātat fı̄ sahrı̄ǧ‹ “as if they had spent the night ˙ ˙ ¯ ˙ in a pond”. lámma. 3.3. IQ 6/4/3 ›ka" annu mā kān‹ “as if it ¯ had not been so”. e. whenever they want ¯ ˙ to”.2. which is certain in the case of the affirmative and negative li(allā) in. 5/8/3–4 ›fummı̄ dūn lu #āb qad ǧaff busāqu‹ “my mouth is ˙ without saliva. IQ 119/4/1 ›hı̄n nastabah‹ “when I drink at dawn”. bhal. as in any kind of Arabic..28 quif yaâmél fi héde al ˙ ˙ curbén al mucáddeç “as he does in this holy host”. North African bhāl and Ml. . ˙ IQ 7/15/3 ›kadā nudlam wanā bayn alislām‹ “am I wronged like this. e. 346. 79/4/4 ›li" allā ˙ nuġaddar‹ “so that I am not betrayed”.. In addition ¯ to this.g. e. 20/24/2 ›in kān ǧı̄t litas" al‹ “if you have come to ask”.118 syntax meet him”.265 e.. 55. Alc. e.2.g. 145/1/4 ›bihāl an yirı̄d an yimı̄l‹ “as if it was going to decline”.g. I ¯ ¯ must let go”.g.g. e. 9/15/2 ›mitli mā qultu fı̄k‹ “as I told about you”. e. EV 2 hína kúnt abadÍ malíha “as you were always ˙ ˙ 265 . 76/1/1 ›yuǧūr lammā yirı̄duh‹ “he is unjust when he wants to”. Urz 341 ›matà mā yakūn alkittān walqannam matbūh‹ “when flax and hemp are ripe”. e. often pronounced kíf. 128/4/ 145/9/3 › #annaqnı̄ la #al nastarı̄h‹ “hug me. Alc.21 ›kamā an kān fawq alǧabl‹ “as he was atop the mountain”.18 hin énte tamród “when you get ill”. you know that he will do it”. Temporal Sentences The markers of temporal subordination in AA are manifold.unknown in Eastern Arabic.. eg.. IQ 141/1/1 ›bitnā fı̄ ridā qabbal aw #annaq‹ “we spent the night pleasantly. Ax 15. often the same as in SA and NA..7 ˙ ˙ ˙˙ ˙ hin azvéxt maâ amrátaq “when you married your wife”.4.

IQ 6/4/2 ›hattà tuqūl‹ “until you say”. 115. 267 This curious item. e. wáqt an and sá #at an. 90/11/1 ›innamā hū mā raytu dāk ¯ assāq‹ “as soon as I saw that leg”.g. in ˙ IQ 17/0/2 ›tūl mā nukūn biǧāhak las naštakí bibūs‹ “as long as I am under your ˙ aegis.g..2. but it has been semantically attracted by baynamā. I shall not suffer misery”.23–24 karájt … acábl yantaláq a ¯ ˙ çalá “did you go out before the prayer ended?”. .5. e. beidemín narcú a gecéd “while we place the body”). see Corriente 1989c: 443.. fn. coordination and subordination 119 beautiful”.. e. AC and IW. and 115/3/3 ›sā #atan tatla # fı̄ sarı̄rak‹ ˙ “when you get up in your bed”. with decay of / #/ (see 1.2) and assimi- lation of /n/ (see 1. e. Some temporal markers include additional nuances.. which in OA syntax tend˙ to be understood ˙ ¯ as˙ “as soon as they are eaten. IQ 7/3/3 ›kamā raytuh badayt an nuqulluh‹ “when I saw him.g. 18/1/2 ›mā hayayt las ˙ ˙ nahlathā mā #uh‹ “as long as I live. the thinner becomes his behind”. 268 This curious variant.g. duration.267 immediacy..2. IQ 13/5/2 ›hū mā fataht ˙ albāb‹ “as soon as I opened the door”. even¯ in cases like Z 604 ›bihāl ǧawz mā yūkal hattà yuksar‹ “like nuts that cannot be ˙ h mā yamūt hattà˙ yudbah‹ “like eels that do not die until eaten until cracked”. 3. túl ma. IQ 19/6/2 266 But this marker usually means “until”.3–5 me yeqdér aháde yaqtá fi amr guáhid hattí yaqtá fi jamíâ al aguámir “one cannot infringe one commandment without infringing them all”. 34.g. they crack”. dialects.1.. e. e. IQ 34/0/2 ›qabl an ¯ yadallanı̄‹ “before he humiliates me”. had put his boots on. Z 667 ›ma kabur ¯ ˙ dāq astuh‹ “the older he grows. I shall not mix with him”. appears nevertheless to have survived well in AA.g. “like eels that as soon as they die.2. 669 ›bihāl silbā ˙ they are slain”.. also witnessed in VA ›aqabal‹. qabl an/id “before”. are slain”. e. with witnesses in IA. But even in AA it can also mean “unless. VA (›baydām‹ and ›mindām‹). is not etymologically transparent.. It is still used in Naf. IQ 17/0/2 ›mā dumtu hay‹ “as long as I am alive”. vernacular ˙ ˙ baydám “while”. e.g. I began to tell him”. e. More vernacular are kama. the more childish we become”.g.5. like iteration. the fortress had been taken”. 13/5/3 ¯ ›waqtan ra" aytuh‹ “when I saw him”.. in Alc. without”. IA 315 ›baydām altamaq husay alrāmı̄ uhid alhisn‹ “by ˙ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ the time the bowman H. etc. Alc. ˙ .3.266 3. e.9. in IQ 20/11/3 ›kullimā šihnā aktar sirnā sibyān‹ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ “the older we grow..25. it could have derived from * #an qabl.2. Z 858 ›hattà yiǧı̄ man māt‹ “when the dead come back”. Z. like Mo.2).g.g. the classicising conjugated ma (dám) “while”. AC and Alc. ay(n). about its etymon (bi+yadi+mā) and history.g. 11/2/4 ›hattà tadhul šuffat alkās … bayn šuffatayya‹ “until the rim˙ of the glass enters between my ˙ lips”.3. like (innama) hú ma “as soon as”.. hattá. kúllima “every time”.. 88/6/1 ›ay kunt sama #tu hādā alkalām‹ “when I heard these words”. 43. bı̄dma “en attendant que …” (Premare 1993 I: 367). e. ˙ DC 15 haté tehód al meé “when you take the holy water”. (with the variants beindém and beidemín. e.268 previousness.g.2. obviously from OA bayda (mā) and not so current that lexicogra- phers would not have doubts about its true meaning (“because” or “although”?).

4. conjunctions expressing the different situations. in principle. bá #di ma “after”. e. if he sees them”). 3.3. or at least possibly fulfilled in a near future (e.g. we shall go for a stroll”). In the apodosis.. . As for ˙ time-tied conditions. the trend towards the introduction of subjective tenses (see 2. i. SA idā ašraqati ššamsu tanazzahnā ¯ “if the sun shines.. Conditional Sentences Conditional subordination. we shall go for a stroll”. finally. we would have gone for a stroll”). or is a matter of serious doubt (e.2. depending on whether the condition is envisaged as probable.g. he does not greet (me)”. the frequent extension of in as in+kān (often > ikká/ín). see the next paragraph.269 The situation in AA has remained basically unaltered. i.g.e.. in Arabic considered identical with “when the sun shines..6. aspect and mood. but for a perceptible trend to analyze idā as a mere ¯ temporal marker. the fulfillment of the condition has become impossible as its allowed time has elapsed (SA law ašraqati ššamsu la+tanazzahnā “if the sun had shone. and the development of an idiom for the expression of eventuality by prefixing ka/i(n) to the imperfective. inchoativeness.. of course. he would not understand what I said”.. the expression of a circumstance (protasis) which must obtain prior to the completion of the main sentence (apodosis). pushing the scarce morphological verbal resources of this language to the limit. the impending consequence is also an unavoidable complete process. imperatives. the finite verbal predicates in both protasis and apodosis must.g. at least. As can be expected from a language with a verbal aspect system.2. ¯ ¯ ¯ posteriority. PES 13/4/4 ›law nasūq lu alma #nà … lam yadúq mā qultu‹ “if I brought the concept to him. it is possible and common to find nominal sentences. i.120 syntax ›qabl id rayt alhawhah‹ “before you look at the peach”. Its solution has been found in the use of an array of diverse markers. be perfective. “when. once that happens.e. e. and 15/0/1 ›mimmā ¯ saddanı̄ las yisallam‹ “since he shunned me. is a complex issue in Arabic grammar which involves logemes of time. you wake up fasting”) or. mud and mimma “since”.g.2 and corre- sponding fns. IQ 1/5/4 ›yat #aǧǧab idā ra" āhā‹ “he is amazed. “when”. IQ 16/1/3 ›ba #di mā kān aššarāb mawǧūd‹ “after being the wine there”. the˙ insertion˙ of an idle ˙auxil- iary kān which.. 269 However.. since only the completeness of the former allows completion of the latter and. SA in ašraqati ššamsu tanazzahnā “if the sun would shine.e. in the long run. we would go for a stroll”) or. in IQ 53/7/1 ›mud ¯ ¯ #ašaqt almitqāl‹ “since I fell in love with gold pieces”.1).¯ e.g. etc.2. if”. futures.. even in protasis (a continuation of OA jussives. has originated the characteristic eventual mood of AA (see 3. IA 89¯ ›ašhāl tākul sāyim tušbih‹ “no matter how much you eat.) has allowed the appearance in NA of imperfectives in apodosis (e. optatives.2.

is not uncom- mon in IQ.g..7 ›wa" in #aǧaz fayatwı̄ al #adad almadkūr min aldahab‹ “and if he were unable. even if they are longer”. 686 ›bihāl ǧinn idā habb qatal‹ “like a ˙ ¯ ˙ jinnee. . the birds mock him”.. The marker in. Hv 100v11–12 idā yakūn anı̄ narsalū “when it ¯ will be. we would mention this short part”. is ¯ found in sources of every period and area. Z 7 ›idā šāh albāz la #abat buh al #asāfir‹ “when the ¯ ¯ ˙ falcon grows old.270 3. However. spit”. The marker idā. neither is there any poet who would ¯ ˙ compose these nine lines”.g. in IQ 9/1/4 ›las nisaddaq malı̄h idā qāl na #am‹ “I do not believe ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ¯ a beau when/if he says yes”. and 45.6. ˙ you would know him”. when/if he loves. 93/9/3–4 ›idāmā kunta wahdak … wakadāk las tamma zaǧǧālan yuqūl ¯ ˙ ¯ ¯ dā altis #a astār‹ “if you are unique. the language of proverbs is always characteristically conservative. Z 969 ›duq in tāb ˙ ¯ ˙ lak wa" illā abzuq‹ “taste it.34 fayde qui tixequéq fi xéi “and if you have doubts about something …”. 21/6/4 ›wamilāh yaddā id yazūl ˙ ¯¯ ¯ alhidāb‹ “and beautiful also when/if the make-up disappears”. IQ 122/3/4 ›in kān yumūt nusarri bi-kfānuh‹ “should he die.3. expressing hypothetical conditions. which provides a more universal conditional marker. while the proverbs collections of Z and IA contain dozens of items beginning with this conjunction. I would be pleased with his shrouding”. however. MT 51. e. coordination and subordination 121 3. … so. 2/0/1 ›in #arad lak sa+tadrı̄h‹ “if he came into your sight. also in IA 188 ›alturuq alkibār wa" in ˙ tālat‹ “large roads (are better).3.2. e.1. who will pay. 6/1/3 ›in qulta luh aǧlas yuqūm hū wāqif ‹ “if you said to him ‘sit down’. IA 59 ›idā turÍ ¯ alakl aqrub wa-idā turÍ almaqra # ahrub‹ “when/if you are shown food. 63/1/4 ›idā matalt ant man yansif idan‹ “if ¯ ˙ ˙ ¯ you delay payment. combined with negative in 27/7/4 ›illā yatūl #alaynā dakarnā dā alǧuzay‹ “if it was not too long for ˙ ¯ ¯ us. then?”. come ¯ close. he kills”. with the classicising variants id and idāmā.. Alc. he would get up and stand”.25 admanéit tanjamáâ máâ mará ydé qui tucún leq máudaâ “have you wished copulating with a woman if you had a chance?”. 58. e. when a whip. 130/0/1 ›in kān ǧafā man hawayt sa+yandam‹ 270 This conjunction is rather scarce in Alc. 4/7/3 ›yadkur ¯ ˙ ¯ alinsān alšay idāmā a #ǧabuh‹ “man remember things. expressing probable or possible conditions.. run away”. above all in later periods. I shall send it”. if you like.g.6. PES 21/2/5–6 › #annak yasqut altaklı̄f idā lis ˙ ¯ tūǧad‹ “your obligations will cease.2.2. it is extended with an idle kān most of the time. and if not. when you no longer exist”. if / when they please ˙ ¯ him”. PES 42/5/1–4 ›in dahar sirruh … tadrū bāš ˙ anā mathūm‹ “when his secret is revealed … you will known of what I am accused”. he should ˙ ¯ ¯ - pay double the amount in gold”.

combined with negative in 9/27/3 ›lawlā hawfak ¯ waš kān yurà min #iwaǧ‹ “were it not that you are feared. exhibits the marker of apodosis as a second law instead of OA la+. but otherwise absent in AA and most ¯ NA. 272 It is remarkable that this isolated case in Alc. Urz 342 ›in kān turı̄dū ta #malū min hukm irtifā #‹ “if you want to appeal a sentence”. (kieku) kont niġi “If a knew. in IQ 26/1/4 ›lawlā aliftidāh‹ “were it not for the scandal”. PES 32/0/2 ›in kān taġı̄b #an bašarı̄ bi #ayni qalbı̄ nabsurak‹ ˙ “even if you are out of my sight. what an extent of crookedness would be seen!”. 42. I would have come”.. 3. e.26–27 iquín ix taâmélu hu harám “if you do not do it. more often in later periods. . PES 31/163 ›lawlā dā lis kin+nusāb‹ “but for this. e.g.122 syntax “if the one I love shuns me.6. the idiom lawlā. 46. in a passage translated from the Gospel and aiming at CA. Alc. they would not be ˙ safe from hunters”. at times in both protasis and apodosis. if anyone else could ¯ do it”. ˙ Alc.g. is a classi- cism in all likelihood. 66. kieku kont naf. e. The marker law.2.3. though falling very short of its mark. 86/5/3–4 ›mā kin+nibayyan al #aǧāyib law kin+niǧad aqwām yansifūnı̄‹ “I ˙ would not expound these marvels. you lose”. ¯ ˙ I would not have been found”. I see you with the eyes of my heart”. e.g.272 The expression of eventuality in the apodosis is often obtained by inserting the perfective or imperfective of inflected or. you would have said about me …”. see Aquilina 1965:224. of which there is another single instance in IQ 2/2/4 ›law ahfaytu … law qadar ġayrı̄ yahfı̄h‹ “I would have hidden it. and something similar in Ml.g.’s ˙ ˙ texts. with (li) kieku (< law kān yakūn). IQ 10/1/3–4 ›law qadar qalbı̄ yihallı̄k lam yidabbar dā alnuġaymah‹ “if my heart could have forsaken you.. PES 19/1/3 ›law yu #tānı̄ alsawm … kān rašı̄d‹ “if I had been ˙ given the price … it would have been smart”. e.6 leu cuntum tihibbúni. Z 128 ›in kān madat alhawātim ˙ ¯ baqat alasābi #‹ “if the rings are gone.. if I had found people fair to me”. uninflected kān “to be” before the predicate.3. usually followed by a noun or pronominal suffix. you would ¯ put an end to this sorrow”. the fingers are left”. kūn = ku and lūkān. he will be sorry”. 271 However. expressing conditions of impossible or unlikely fulfillment was frequently used in AA. IA 174 ›altiǧārah ˙ madmūnah ikkān iš tarbah tahsar‹ “commerce is guaranteed: if you do not ˙ ˙ ¯ win. PES 13/2/4 ›law yakūn assummi falkās mā nakūn illā šarabtuh‹ “if there was poison in the cup. 11/7/1 ›law sama #t assā #ah minnı̄ kunt tifarraġ dā aldubaylah‹ “if you would listen to me now. leu cúntum tafrahúna “if you loved me.271 IA 611 ›law kān falbūm hayr mā kiy+yaslam ¯ #alà alsayyādah‹ “if there were anything good in owls. I would just have drunk it”. ¯ ¯ it would not have composed this little melody”.30 yquín çakartuhum “if you took advantage of them” (with 2nd degree imālah ˙ and assimilation of the nasal).g. 42/4/1–3 ›law ra" ayt fannı̄ kit+taqūl #annı̄‹ “if you had seen my skill. you would be glad”. The same happens optionally with Mo... it is a sin”.

God will.g. (see 2. . in the case of imperative or jussive sequences.5. “if you give.. the sweeter it is”.. etc. I shall give him a little slap on his neck”. your little neck had been safe” (with wāwu hāl). however. April will come and harvest its first fruits”. Conditional structures can easily acquire concesive connotations. e. 18/6/4 ›ašmā yuqūllı̄ ˙ an na #tı̄ a #tayt‹ “whatever he says that I must give. 3. you will fall”. I shall do it”.g.4. e. In other occasions.. it ˙ is at a profit”. 11/3/2 ›law annu yabqà‹ “would that it lasted!”. e. and God ˙ ˙ will grant your salvation”. 3. PES 47/10/1 ›ay mā namšı̄ tamma hiyya dārı̄‹ “wherever I go.g.g.8 ›matá qām qāyim fı̄ almabı̄ # almadkūr fa #alà ¯ dūn bitruh an yaġram luh‹ “if somebody lays a claim on the said purchase.. 132/5/2 ›kulli mā kān amarri hū ahlà‹ “the bitterer it becomes.6.2.1.. depending on whether they are affirmative. IQ 10/8/3–4 ›man yuqūl lā narmı̄ fı̄ #unquh lutaymah‹ “whoever says ˙ no. Conditional phrases without marking conjunctions could be occa- sionally found in OA. e. mā. or else become expressions of wishes (= optatives). and still were in AA.. negative. ¯ there is my house”.4. it appears that the conditional markers have been just deleted for the sake of brevity. interrogative. and MT 47. IA 606 ›kiy+yukūn dā lġars fı̄ mars kiy+yiǧı̄ abrı̄l yisı̄b ˙ ¯ ˙ bukayruh‹ “if this were sown in March. e. 92/3/3 ›layt law faqadnā hādā alġalā‹ “would that we got rid of this scarcity!” (see ¯ 3. IA 80 ˙ ›ašmā katabt anta qarayt anÍ‹ “whatever you can write.2.3. Pedro must pay him off”. whether introduced or not with a copulative wa+. exclamative or emphatic. ˙ D.3.3. IA 592 ›kayf mā yabı̄ # alsāriq balfadl hū‹ “no matter how the thief sells. as easily retrievable.”.g..e.1). e.. ˙ and 15/2/3 ›las yartū … law ra" awh yasūq‹ “they feel no pity … even if they ¯ see him in pain”.4. sentence modalities 123 3.g. I can read”.2. and the same effect is obtained with the correlative pronouns man. 26/2/2 ˙ ˙ ›ašhāl ma tahrub lā budd an taqa #‹ “flee as you may. i. e. like IQ 21/13/1 ›a #tı̄ ya #tı̄k alla alnaǧāh‹ “give. occasionally preceded by láyt.11. 38/12/3 ›aššu yutlab min atta #an ya #tı̄‹ “as many spear thrusts as were requested he ˙ ˙˙ ˙ would throw”. even if you are a coal carrier”. HH 16 ›kunt tajrı̄ min qabl mā tudbah wa #unayyaqak ˙ barı̄‹ “had you run before you were slain.g. Sentence Modalities Sentences belong to diverse types or modalities of assertion. etc.6. IQ 9/29/4 › #izzi rūhak ˙ wa+law naqalt alfaham‹ “honour yourself. the same applies to the homologous correlative adverbs. for which there are special markers and intonational contours. 27/0/2 ›law antaba # šuway‹ ˙ “if only he would yield a little!”.4).

g. me aâtáhum leq “he did not give them to you”. e. in 416 ›mā yardà balbarsanah‹ “he does not accept being an informer”. It appears in IQ. with imperfective. /2/1 ›lā kānū min sibyān‹ “would that those boys ˙ never existed! = accursed boys!”. Only in Judaeo- Arabic. 3. with perfective in 51. Negative Modality The system of negative markers in OA was very complex and has been generally simplified in NA. with imperfectives. 58/5/1 ›la nasayt id zāranı̄ hibbı̄‹ “I ¯ ˙ shall never forget when my lover visited me”. the opposite of “yes” as an answer.2 The use of OA lā “no”. with the conspicuous exception of Modern Yemenite. or of future purpose with or without an oath.30. e. AA included. 3. in addition to the innovated iš and is.27. in spite of his jumping”. has remained unaltered in NA. 31/1/3 ›la tahramūnı̄ ˙ ˙ kāsı̄‹ “do not deprive me of my cup” (prohibitive). are rare in IQ. in turn. ›mā tamma šaǧrah illā wahazzahā arrı̄h‹ “there is no tree ¯ ˙ which is not shaken by the wind”. 274 In this kind of sentences. 137/12/3 ›wallah lā hallaytuh walaw annuh yaqfaz‹ “By God..1. with perfectives with an optative connotation. the frequency of reflexes of laysa in AA is a bit surprising.. ›mā bidu #ā alqihāb ta #tab ˙ ˙ almarākib‹ “ships are not wrecked by whores’ curses”.g..g. . and more so in IA.1.g. and with a nominal sentence in 1305..4. e.. but ˙ ˙ it is more frequent in Alc. with imperfective in 1316. laysa and lam. lā.g. in 9/39/3 ›lā yastarāh‹ “he does not rest” (narrative).39. and with a nominal sentence. see fn. 276.124 syntax 3. although surviving archaisms and classicisms.. ignores laysa. and in the idioms me fi káir “badly” of 383. with imperfective in 34. the reflexes of OA mā.4. ›mā hı̄ qaylah‹ “it is no nap”.4. namely.1 Reflexes of mā.. 21/13/4 ›mā qat raǧāk ahaddi wahāb‹ “nobody ever begged you ˙ ˙ ¯ and was disappointed”.1. as well as in Z. considering that it is the most widespread negation in NA which. e. even in dialects preferring mā.274 and in absolute negatives 273 Its relative scarcity vs. about which. me hu yehíb alláh “he does not love God”. with just one example. unmatched by any other NA dialect. e. NA has often preserved lā. with ˙ perfective. Blau 1965:87 and 1980:143 has signalled some cases thereof. but it has been drastically curtailed as marker of negation within sentences. 19/6/4 ›mā naǧhad‹ “I do not deny”. I shall ¯ not let him go. usually placed at the very beginning of the sentence.g. still offer a picture far from simple.32 and me ˙ gáiru “no other” in 33. as no less than five or six different markers must be considered. popping up in nearly all kinds of texts.273 e.

lēs ka" abūdi “no such thing” and leyseyn “no way!”). 104/4/4 ›lā hū sabrı̄ #alà faqduh illā ˙ šadı̄d‹ “my forbearance for his loss is nothing less than painfull”. such has been the case of the NA Bedouinism šāf “to see”. as well as in the idiom bi+lā. . together ¯ with the fact of its surprising vitality in AA. in total agreement with SA usage. optionally preceded by +an+. 68/3/3 ›alqamar bilā mulattam‹ “the moon is not overcast”.3 ›bilā ˙ muġattà‹ “uncovered”. is one of the most conspicu- ous conservative traits of this dialect bundle.37 bilé ˙˙ ˙ mutuí “unfolded”. Alc..26 le tehléf “do not swear”. could not avail himself of the evidence of its Ug. apparently spread everywhere by Muslim pilgrims returning from Mecca in historical times. and its isolated frequency as a vernacular item in Mod.. and having all but evicted the solidly established PS and OA ra" à. 67/13/4 ›anā bilā muqassas‹ ˙˙ ˙ “I am unshorn”. in spite of Brockelmann 1908 I:¯ 235 who. 276 Its unquestionable etymon. sentence modalities 125 (lā nnāfiyatu lilǧins of Arab grammarians)..1. In Z appears attached to an in order to convey optative or jussive meanings. išu. *lā + ayt (cf.34 bilé mokçí “not castrated”. 193 ›allā tabqà aldunyā bilā walad hurrah‹ “may the world not be left without honest people”. ˙ unlike the case of nominal sentences. where other “Yemenisms” have been detected (see Corriente 1989b). and Alc. Behnstedt 2006:1133 with such phrases as lēs ma šahabš “I shall not give at all”.26 bilé muéddeb “uncouth”. 195.3 The negative pseudo-verb laysa of OA. 3. Considering the political and economic importance of South Arabia in pre-Islamic days. 35/6/3–4 ›lā karı̄m illā abū ishāq‹ “there is no generous man but A. has long since¯ been signalled as a case of an Arabic irregular correspondance /s/ < /t/. that same phonetic shift was characteristic of some South Arabian dialects ¯ (cf.”. Höfner 1943:21–22 and Bauer 1966:40).Yem. MT 663. etc.2 le ykallí xéi gua le yakbí xéi “he shall not ˙ ˙ omit nor hide anything”. being frequent in all periods. cognate it “there is”. AA and scattered traces in a few areas.. at times extended with pronom- inal suffixes.. 165. 275 However. Hb. 34. (193. for the flesh ˙ heels by itself”. lā hrežti “(I swear) you will not go out”. e.g.g. might be a reason to include it among these in it and in OA. e. is not frequent in Alc. all of which is acceptable in SA. 36. 37. Mo. on chronological grounds. e. being a case of double negative. for which no satisfactory explanation has been offered. yēš and Ak.4.276 mostly used in nominal sentences and reflected in AA as an invariable la/is.19 and 25) has also gáiri xéquir “ungrateful” and gáyri mahmúd “not commendable” in a higher register. (cf. ¯¯ which is found again in VA 153 ›bilā musallah‹ “disarmed”. 141.g. e. However. e. lā dditi əlfinta “(I swear) you will not take away a ¯ single pin”.3 le yahtíx … yaztahí “he needs not be ashamed”.I.. etc.g. except in Ml. and 117 ›al #adm - ˙ ˙ lā yankasar anna allahm yanǧabar‹ “may the bone not break. used as a negative prefix. this could have been one of those linguistic fads which can propagate at an impressive speed and far away. the first two with jussive connotations and the latter.g. which excludes the possibility of an original /s/)..275 Otherwise.

AA has innovated two negative particles of its own.. impefectives. a/iš and is. It ˙ is common in Z with the imperfective. Alc.5 and fn.1. e.. 93/9/4 ›las tamma zaǧǧālan yuqūl‹ “there is no zaǧǧāl who could say …”. 66. e..36 alqueléme … leycét léye “the word … is not mine”.. 4/4/1 ›las nisammı̄ ahad‹ “I do not mention anyone”. see Hopkins 1984:153.g..1. as an almost universal negation of the perfective. see below (3. and nominal sentences..g. e. . which is also the case in IA. while for the ˙ imperfective this author appears to prefer the hybrid /liš/. about which.4 Negative lam is everywhere and every time an obvious classicism. Alc. has a parallel in the development of its Et.8 ›lam tarak ibnan‹ “he left no son”.4. 956v18 ›lasnā nurı̄dū‹ “we do not want”.126 syntax except in Alc.278 e. and PES 67/2/1 ›lam qatta haǧarnı̄ habı̄bı̄‹ “my lover never forsook me” (infra- ˙˙ ˙ correct usage with perfective in the two last cases)..4. e. 944v4 ›lasnā naqdarū‹ “we cannot”.g.g. about which we wrote an article forthcoming in the Proceedings of the International Congress on Semitic Dialectology (Saragossa 2010). e.. 144/1/1 ˙ ˙ ¯ ›ǧawār … lassum falislām‹ “girls … who are not Muslim”. 280). e. 1162 ›lis lalrās anqà min almuss‹ “there is nothing cleaner for the head than a razor”. 83/14/12 ›sı̄rat ¯ alihsān yā lassanhā sı̄rah‹ “the habit of doing good is no longer a habit”.5 In addition to the foregoing. 3.33 lem yatiquebelúhu “they did not welcome him” (syntactically correct SA). as 277 The partial conjugation of laysa in OA. 90/16/1 ›hādā #ālam ¯ lassanhu min šaklı̄‹ “these are people of a class which is not mine”. in Himyaritic). The first one constitutes a curious case of recurrence of a process of functional contamination within a lapse of many centuries. . as well as with nomi- nal sentences. 455 ›lis talqāh‹ “you will not find him”. 278 Blau 1965:106 and 1980:142 offered some instances of pseudo-correct lam in Judaeo- Arabic.277 3. used correctly or pseudo-correctly. in IQ 2/9/4 ›lam niġammad tūl ˙ ˙ allayl‹ “I have not slept a wink in the whole night”. alien to vernacular NA. 389 ›hubzan ¯ lissu lak da #u yahtaraq‹ “let bread which is not yours burn”. e.g. 65.4 léztu aâtícum “I do not give you” are outright classicisms.g. and as such it pops up here and there in AA sources. MT 954. 84/6/1 ›las ˙ nuhun sibyān‹ “we are not children”.4. and 66. IQ 13/5/1 ›las kān daraytuh‹ “I did not know it”.25 lem yukláq xéi ˙ “nothing was created”.. triggered by its semantic and syntactic kinship with kāna “to be”.g. 9/18/3 ›lassu kadāk‹ “it is not so”. 935 ›dār lis tabqà hālyah wamukārı̄ lis yibı̄t barrah‹ “no house remains ¯ empty and no muleteer spends the night in the open”. About instances of lam in early papyri. synonymous hallo from deictic hl (e.g. Some inflected examples of this item in MT.1.g.

while the negative is always ix.279 which appears already in that function in IQ 7/7/4 ›" š wazı̄r kātib‹ “there is no vizir secretary”.. from VA ›i/ı̄s‹. e.6 Any negation in AA could be reinforced. see 1.g. 27/2/4 ›" š kin+nirı̄dka hay‹ ˙ “I do not want you alive”. “what? are you afraid to fledge?”.. 40/5/4 ›" š danb alhadı̄d‹ “it is not the fault of iron”. On the other hand.1.g. an initial alif might easily have been taken for a lām.. 48.1).2. rendered by Lt. there might be an interrogative laš. ˙˙ ˙ ˙ etc. ˙˙ IQ 19/9/4 ›las nadūq qatta min laham baqarı̄‹ “I never eat beef”.1. at times with pronominal suffixes.. the interrogative rendering would be still possible. non. e.g. while the other has leznedri. “what is the fault of the iron?”.27.11.280 all its witnesses are from Eastern Spain. and this is the standard negation in Alc. it makes sense that stressed interrogative *ēš would evolve into áš on account of Pihilippi’s law. in Alc. i. as it is witnessed only by IA (see Marugán 1994:63). and EYG 516 ysnedri “I do not know”. ›ishum hudūr‹ “they are not present”. 88/19/1 ›las ¯ ˙˙ ˙ qatta mā #ı̄ šuġal‹ “I have no work at all”.. 26/3/4 ›" š tahšà ˙ ¯ tarǧā # muqarnas‹ “are you not afraid to fledge?”. and 73/3/3 ›" š tabkı̄ hawlı̄‹ “do not weep around ˙ me”: the contexts are various and in some cases. unlike the case in other Granadan sources of AA: in at least some of the cases. in others the vocalisation of sı̄n might have been taken for the dots of šı̄n and in others. 2/3/3 ›lā tuzūl qatta minnı̄‹ “forsake ˙˙ ˙˙ 279 The ms.g. as if it were a double negative marker. of the Libro de Buen Amor. ¯ ˙ 67/6/2 ›" š tasāl‹ “do not ask”.17 ix aní çáleh “I am not a saint”. also preferred by Montaner 2005b: 144. 30.. ›is nahruǧ‹ “I shall not go out”. In later materials we have Z 112 ›iš tanfa # alwasiyyah‹ ˙ “the advice is not useful”. e. etc. e. and with the exception of IQ 90/8/3 ›issi aǧwad lakum‹ “it is not better for you?” and 125/5/5 ›issi minhā annuǧūm aktar‹ “the stars are ¯ not more numerous than they” (< is + hı̄. ¯ ›is kān mahhā‹ “she has not”. perhaps as a means of keeping both functions apart. 3.4.23 ix nahtíju nicóla “we need not say it”.e. As for is. finally. . according to Corominas 1973:563. 19/12/3 ›" š nirı̄d nahlaf ‹ “I do not want to swear”.4). IA 383 ›iš taǧ #al‹ “do not put”. In fact. 280 Only in one of the mss.. of IQ does not vocalize a single case of these. 36. apparently backformed on lis. it is questionable whether a hybrid liš has existed. like ›isanı̄ ˙˙ naġdar nahtišı̄‹ “I can give nothing”. lis nadrí. which might be construed as proof of early 2nd degree imālah. when associated with qatta. to DC eç hiet el missa matál meuté “it is not a funeral mass” and the cases registered in MI 203.2. as is witnessed by later AA materials. sentence modalities 127 the pre-Islamic evolution of the interrogative mā into a negative marker has re-enacted itself with the NA interrogative aš (see 2. the interrogative is invariably ax.20 ix aâtáitu li çáhibu “you did not give it to its owner”.

like this. Interrogative Modality The interrogative modality in AA. of love”.128 syntax me never”.Yem. Alc.g. like the isolated IQ 48/6/3 ›las yaharraq tiyāb šı̄‹ “it does not rip the clothes”. and Egyptian. and ǧāb “to bring” in IQ 43/3/5 and 80/5/4. as it occurred in our previous works. because of ¯ ¯ possible dialectal contamination. the late examples of IA 781 ›iš tabitši‹ “you will not stay overnight”.. 9/25/2 ›way ǧinsi qat min widād‹ “and what kind. MI 204 ›alaš is tamšı̄ li #andanā‹ “why do you not come to us?”. e. e. ¯ ˙ serves ¯ its old meaning. as apparently in the case of the verbs šāf “to see”.22 ceréqt xéi min a gímiê “did you steal something from the church?”. ¯ 282˙ At the risk of sounding repetitive with our hypothesis of significative South Arabian influences on Western Arabic. combined with mā. 12/6/4 ›wakadā qat yaflat‹ “and like this. it pre. 248:21 cátta “in no way”. IQ 7/4/2 ›anta tadfa #nı̄ bitāqat dirā #ak‹ “will you push me ˙ ¯ off with the strength of your arm?”. as for Naïm 2009:151.4. PES 3/2/1 ›aš na #mal fi di alqadı̄yyah ¯ ˙ wanā #abdukum‹ “what shall I do in this matter. MI 203 ›lā ahadat alsaġı̄r qatta‹ “she did not take the little child ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙˙ at all”.. “only.. just”. by changing the terminal juncture into an interrogative mode by introducing higher pitch levels in the final segment of the utterance. mā šahabšilak “I do not give you”. visit me”. 8/7/1 ma tiháfši “do not fear”. with non- geminated qat.¯ then.282 3. 48.” However. then. see Behnstedt 2006:1136–1138. its witnesses in AA are either scarce. ma qatalkš “I did not kill”. . suggest that this feature might have penetrated the low registers of late Granadan. mā katabnūš “we did not write to him”. unless introduced by the appropriate interrogative pronouns or adverbs.˙ stretch your hand”..g.2. or insecure. In other instances. and˙ 75/9/4 ›kulli hayr ¯ in turud lı̄ qat zurnı̄‹ “even if you deny me any favour. with or without any alteration of the word order. also Alc. she says: “Les particules mā et lā sont souvent (mais pas obligatoirement) associées à l’élément -š qui est sufixé à la forme verbal. etc. however. just.281 As for the complementary marker of negation š(ı̄). Ml. so characteristic of North African Arabic.˙ he escapes”. and 84/3/4 ›wakadā qat nuqūllak ala ˙ hbār‹ “and then. mā bı̄š “there is not”. 68/9/3 ›arra qat wamuddi yaddak‹ “come on.g. a kind of ilative conjunction (“then”). in IZ 10/4/4. being your slave?”.. The interrogative 281 This item should not be mixed up. IQ 108/5/3 ›kilmatayn qat mā #uh alfi mitqāl taswà‹ “just two words with him are worth one thousand gold pieces”. is most of the time marked only by the adoption of the appropriate intonational contour. with examples like mā ritēš “I did not see her”. I tell you everything”. and 13/1/1 ma taríši “you do not ¯ see”. ˙ then. or even have been always extant in the lowest and most repressed registers of AA. is frequent in Mod. instead of vernacular AA rá and sáq. and IZ 5/3/3 ›mI kínši‹ “it was not”. cf. attention should be drawn to the fact that this complementary negation. it is no less likely that this feature had been imported by Andalusi pilgrims returning from the East. e. as in PES.

. when you receive offenses!”. local substratum the phonemic status of /l/ had been weak: see Corriente 2008a: 116 and fn. in addition to the adoption of the appro- priate intonational contour. as a folk-etymology. is introduced by such characteristic markers as áy.4. 283 Since Brockelmann 1908 I: 137. e. however. IQ 2/3/2 ›aš yatib lı̄ hadı̄tak‹ “how pleasant your talk is to me!”. down to Fleisch 1979:482.g. or to the exhortative idiom with hal+lá in IQ 27/2/2 ›hal+lā rafaqta bı̄h‹ “come on. 7/19/3 ›waš habar lā ˙ ˙ ¯ ¯ namšı̄ mutartar‹ “how come I do no walk around wearing a conical cap?”. with lambdacism and decay of hamz. on comparative grounds. Less vernacular and more classicising are instances of ˙ ni #m(a). CD 16. e. though registered in VA. IQ 21/4/3 ›walayālı̄ ǧurri #tu fı̄hā ssumūm‹ “how many nights in which I was made swal- low poison!”). PES 96/6/4 ›aš kiy+yafráh al #ubayyad law #utat luh di l #atiyyah‹ “how glad the little slave ˙ ˙ ¯ ˙ would be. 3.4.. though not always used in agreement wich CA taxemic rules. 79. and exported the variant seemingly derived from the verb ra" à “to see”.. an example of its South Arabian jussive in Höfner 1943:77. e. 53/4/2 ›rayt kulli ham birutūbat dā alham‹ “if only all sorrows were as light as this one!”.g.g. IQ 36/6/3 ›kam dā ta #fū idā #umil ¯ ¯ lak dunūb‹ “how often you forgive.283 As for ˙ ¯ the exclamative idioms with elative adjectives. and having the vulgar variant ráyt. . Exclamative Modality The exclamative modality in AA. since in the Cp.g.1.g. mi yitten “would that …”). IQ 67/14/1 ›layt kamā las mā #i luqmah kit+tukūn daqı̄qa falbayt‹ “would that there was flour in the house. 38/13/4 ›wabı̄s alması̄r‹ “and what an awful destiny!”. Egypt is a firm candidate to have produced..g. treat him gently”. 7/15/1 ›hal nuhhad balahkām‹ “shall I receive sentences?” is an overt ¯¯ ¯ ˙ classicism. e. and the same applies to ›a+mā‹. Z 10 ›a+mā tarı̄ min alfadāyih‹ “how many scandals ˙ ˙ you will see!”) and layt(a). not to mention the ˙ exclamative wa+ (so-called wāwu rubba by CA grammarians. while it was still current.. ›a+lam‹ and ›a+lā‹ “verily” in VA and GL. we would rather derive it from the common Semitic jussive and optative marker lv+.. sentence modalities 129 marker hal. (w)áš (qadar) and kám (dá). e. see 2. IQ 6/2/1 ›ay hadlah fı̄hum‹ “what a ¯ ¯ ¯ disappointment with them!”.14 ›ay zamān‹ “what a time!”. e. lj" t “so komme es”) or {nd/tn} (cf.. if he were given this present!”. GL and Alc.. IQ 60/7/2 ›ni #m alwalad‹ “what an excellent boy!”. the conviction has prevailed that the dialectal form would be the original one. bi’s(a). and occasionally used in IQ.. as I do not have a sin- gle morsel!”. a+mā (e. if not a verb like those derived from the PS {" ty} (cf. e.3. Hb. plus a deictic element.g. AC 367 ›kam ¯ titı̄r‹ “how far you fly!”. If this were so. ˙ ˙ 45/4/1 ›waš qadar qalbı̄ yahwāk‹ “and how my heart loves you!”. ›a+laysa‹.g.

20 › #asà … lā taqtulnā‹ “would that you do not kill us”. which even in OA could obtain without any con- junctions. of which there is still much evidence in AA. 361. 285 On this. .g. 284 In the case of AA #así. ˙ ¯ 41. IQ 131/2/4 ›allah yinaǧǧı̄k min kulli šar‹ “may God save you from every evil”. IQ 2/5/3 ›ablāk allah bi #išquh‹ “may God afflict you with his love!”. see Fleisch 1979:125–126 and fn. sic). their characteristic channel of expression was the perfective. 2. in this way. the characteristic shift towards an increasing role of tenses in the NA verb is present in AA also.g. evident in these examples. which is reflected in its semantic evolution from marker of doubt to the expression of the optative..20 ací yaâuáni alláh “so God help me”.14) “por aventura en esta manera” aâcí (cf. In OA and SA. e. e. and not always in mere stereotyped CA phrases.33–34 aâci maâcór tucún “may you get killed”. and with the marker #asà. 2/6/1 ›lā yaġurrak salāmuh‹ “do not let his greeting deceive you”. IQ 9/4/3 › #asa dawlat alridā tarǧa #‹ “may the time of satisfac- ˙ tion return!”.. but also in live vernacular expressions. 3/2/4 ›alqà allāh fı̄ rāsuh darbat šuqūr‹ ˙ “may God send a hatchet stroke against his head”. Alc. as well as in his definition (Alc. like greetings and social compliments. 64. 61.. if I seek you!”. e. 21/17/1 ›ġafar allah ˙ luh‹ “God forgive him!”. ˙ however. AB › #asÍ yaqdı̄ allah hayr bayninā‹ “may God decree the best between us”. and made of the imperfective the usual way of expressing optatives.) utinam = ›(yā #asà)‹. IQ 24/5/4 ›hayyāk allāh‹ “may God give you life!”.3.23–24 (classicizing) imtinén ráb- bune Yaçóô … quéna maácum “the grace of our Lord Jesus be with you”. while I am waiting for you”.285 in cases similar to that of IQ 2/1/2 ›ǧı̄ yarāk almu #allam‹ “come. this item was contaminated by Rm.18 ylléiq yçál nidéi “may my calling reach you!”.g. así. e. Cs. así Dios te mate.284 This change probably came about through the jussive use of the imperfective. Alc. and 49. así Dios me ayude. 26/1/3 ›lā kān alfudūl‹ “damned inquisitiveness!”. the imperfective may end up being - used as an imperative. (Lt. from optative Lt. IQ 20/13/1 ›tamšı̄ at barra wanā fı̄ intidārak‹ “go ˙ out. Optative utterances Optative utterances share the intonational contours of exclamative sen- tences..130 syntax 3. let the master see you”. 7/11/3 ›qata # albārı̄ atarı̄ ˙ ¯ in talabtak‹ “may God cut my steps short.1. 15/9/4 ›nāran yahraquh‹ “may he burn in ˙ fire!”.g. Z 477 ›almı̄lād lā yahudak barra dārak‹ “do not let Christmas ¯ ¯ catch you away from home”.4. Alc. as given away by the entry in VA. Ax 9. perhaps 38/40/1 ›dumta ˙ masrūr‹ “may your happiness last!”.

. with a shortened variant in IQ 90/13/2 ¯ ›awdāhu qad dahal‹ “look. above all in cases where markers may be considered redundant. e.g. 288 From *hā huwa dā and *hādā huwa. 311. though not necessar- ily following CA taxemic rules.1992a. which already in CA had semantically shifted to a restric- tive nuance (“only”). respectively. 9/21/4 ›inna qabl arramı̄ yurāš assaham‹ “arrows are indeed feathered before shooting”. was frequent in OA.. Emphatic Modality The emphatic modality is a characteristic feature of Arabic syntax.g. IQ 93/7/3 ›awwadānı̄ qad ¯ ¯ ¯ qasadtak‹ “lo.288 e. ¯ in”. phrases and even constituents of phrases. IQ 18/4/3 ›ammā anā fadāba niwallı̄‹ “as ¯ for me. and a section (2.286 NA. which keeps a neat distinction between emphatic and anodine sentences. e. deletion 131 3. 3.287 a very similar function is performed by aw(wa)dá or hadúwwa.g. (he becomes his) father and uncle”.g.4. for AA.g. is not so keen on such niceties..6. IQ 2/1/3 ›innak mutayyah‹ “you are indeed conceited”.23 eneçu “he himself”. even several words of implied context.g.. 287 Its extended variant innamā. diachronically descended from a condi- tional structure.5. The same applies to the deletion in AA of negative markers when followed by an exceptive particle. in cases not different from those of AA.g.. IQ 21/17/4 ›talab minnı̄ illā haqq albāb‹ “he did not demand from me but the gate dues”. Deletion Deletion of easily retrievable items from surface structure is a linguistic universal.. IQ 74/5/1 ›asbahta sakrān ˙ ˙ annassak‹ “you became drunk yourself”. however. I am leaving right now”. we devoted several pages (242–246) to this modality in Corriente 1980d for CA. as a rule.3.4) in . e. while a general emphasising effect can be obtained with the CA focusing construction. see 3. AC 1627 ›fassā #ah annassah‹ “at the same time of the day”. while a self-predicative statement like IQ 59/8/3 ›mitluhum ammā ziyādah ¯ fa+lā‹ “there can be someone like them. I have sought you”. but not better” would be rejected as incorrect by most CA grammarians.g. In the case of AA. e. Personal pronouns are emphasised by an attached annass+ with a pronominal suffix.4. IQ 9/20/2 ›wa" idā ǧā yatı̄m ¯ fa+wālid wa #am‹ “and if an orphan came.. ammā … fa+. e. e. ˙ ˙ 286 Thus. e..1. it went ¯ ¯ . some of the old emphasising devices have survived or reappear as classicisms in higher registers used by speakers of every dialect.3. Alc. and 89/6/1 ›haduwwa warā albāb‹ “here ˙ ¯ he is behind the door”.3. has practically become an adversative conjunction in NA. there are instances of the OA subject introductor inna. Elision of words.

IQ 9/373 ›ma #nā mawlā" ı̄ falǧazı̄rah siwāk‹. and this is probably how the whole process started.g. at times. 97/1/1 ›laddat ˙ ¯¯ alwisāl illā an tukūn habı̄bak‹ “there is no pleasure in the union. e.. do we have other than you in the Peninsula?” .132 syntax PES 21/2/2 ›anta illā fı̄ bahrak‹ “you are not but in your sea”. unless ˙ ˙ you are your own lover”. we do not have other than you in the Peninsula” or “milord. which can be rendered as “milord. etc. an interpretation of the sentence as interrogative would make the negative dispensable..

Therefore. far removed from that of the Arabian desert and small urban centres of caravan trade. less so CA. 4. and since OA was in truth a bundle of closely knit dialects. these two factors could merely preserve the understanding. cannot totally ignore its peculiarites in this realm. and without entering the huge and multifarious world of lexicology. eventually propagating to neighbouring areas. and NA is the lexical stock. like this one. Lexical Main Core and Innovation One of the main differences between OA. and also the efforts of the learned to preserve the old literary heritage. However. but not make them a part of the living dictionary of AA. and as such is not dealt with in most works devoted to their description or their diachronic aspects. Moreover.1. rather than the active use of some religious technical terms and lexica of the nomadic life and livelihood in the higher registers of learned people.1. the Islamic faith. and only both together allow the communication of messages transmitted to and from human minds. of which a sizeable body remains in use as the main core of the new dialects. at times offering wide arrays of allomorphs with a . it is nevertheless the semantic substance that fills up the empty spaces left by the structural skeleton of grammar. chapter four LEXICON While lexicon is not indeed a part of the grammar of languages. while a high rate of the old non-basic lexical units has been forsaken and a number of neologisms and foreign loanwords have become integrated in the lexica of SA and each NA dialect. namely. In the case of AA. in spite of two factors favouring some preservation of old and Bedouin lexicon.1. which kept bringing some of it to the ears of later generations through Qur"anic recitation and pilgrimage to Mecca. By abandonment of a large number of OA words no longer relevant in the urban and rural civilization of Al-Andalus. an introductory work to any language. lexical renewal has taken place in the following ways: 4.

bad”.1. IH 153 ›šaffāf ‹..291 etc. 291 In both instances. ˙ ˙ . istihbíyya(t) “hiding oneself”. The classical treatment of this subject is Marçais 1906. a second instance. even common words and elementary grammatical tools have been haphazardly eliminated in the diverse areas of NA. 68/5/3 ›yazhū‹.3. in kindred AA ˙ ˙ sources. etc. lit. malá means “full”. e. mādā ¯ “what?” and ulā" ika “those” (registered only once each in IQ and VA.290 4. such as IQ 90/12/2 ›farh‹ “penis”. “chicken”. for OA layta ši #rı̄ “if only I knew”. like tarfā" > NA tarfāyah “tamarisk”. Dz II 331 has muqārib “médiocre”. with the same semantic evolution of English ‘mean’. ûuzbía. “nice” and ˙ “close”. from SA qahbah “prostitute”. muqárib. from OA #ālam “world”. with an almost exhaustive list of AA taboo words and the matching short-lived euphemisms. in the middle of the road.¯ (playing) hide and seek”. suggests a nomen unitatis of {istiāy}. AA tamára is “fruit-tree”. šabáb often means “young man”. a blend of OA itmi" nān and tuma" nı̄nah “trust”.292 Alc. a/itmaníyya. Z 1908 ›latı̄f ‹ and Alc. while sáǧra ¯ ¯ is “figtree”. “to interchange”. lit. analogically propagated to cohbía “hustling”. atbedélt maâ ákar “you com- ˙ mitted sodomy”. from OA malā" “fullness”. By morphophonemic reshaping of some words. which were renewed ˙ in cases like VA ›rukād‹ “kicking”. like the masdars. By semantic or categorial evolution of some items of the lexical inven- tory. ˙ 289 Curiously enough matched by Ml. ¯ lit. e. from OA tamarah “fruit”. mqareb “naughty” (Aquilina 1990:862). reminiscent of Eg. and IQ 72/11/3 ›hawlā l #ālam‹ “this people”.g. 290 On this subject. for OA ašfah “big-mouthed”.. Pérez Lázaro 1990 I: 108–160 comments IH’s list of such deviations in detail. for ˙ ˙ OA qurbah “kinship”. as mere classicisms. from OA šaǧarah “tree”. “door of the sleeve”. for SA rakd.1. i/ustuġummāya “wearing a bindfold. a particu- lar case thereof being that of euphemisms.289 lit.g. lit. see Corriente 1993b. or in a host of items within one same grammatical or semantic category.. the poet himself declares that they belong to low registers. hamāh “mother-in-law”. IQ 119/6/2 ›layt šay‹. ˙ 4.. curbía. 292 However. from a source for the Algerian dialect.2. either isolatedly. etc. with a phonetic evolution similar to that of OA substantives ending in alifun mamdūdah.g. e. mahāh “wild cow or antelope”.134 lexicon diatopic distribution. but usually meaning “mean. Alc. VA ›bāb alkum‹ “anus”. in AC 501. which in the case of AA meant the elimination of relatively frequent items. VA ›daymūġ‹ for SA dimāġ “brain”. “bottom”. Z 709 ›qā #‹.).. for OA ist “arse”. from OA šabāb “young age”. for OA yahza" u “he mocks”. for #uzbah “celibacy”.

were already linguistically Arabicised. tagarnina.293 has been tradition- ally treated with supercilious neglect by scholars who. although in much lesser numbers than Rm. arkas “hemp sandal”. 3) names of weapons and 293 As reflected by the lack of any important research between Lüdtke 1965 and the relatively recent articles by Ferrando 1997 and Corriente 1998. and táqra “bowl”. depending on the turns of fortune.1. constantly strengthened by the North African military units summoned by the Umayyads. Some of them would even come to be borrowed by the Northern Rm. soon tried to pass themselves off as Arabs.4. tafúrma “serpent eagle”. Granting that Br. e. təgra. arġís “barberry”. the number of witnessed Br. tagra “an old measure”.” Presently. artisans and scholars who kept crossing from one to another shore. up to about twenty.g. there are: 1) plant and ani- mal names. as an anachronic article of faith. Berber Contribution The Br. the fact remains that they were too many not to leave any linguistic trace of their presence. not having deigned to acquire a smattering of that language. as might be expected on account of demographic rates. hirkása. like Corriente 1999. reputedly scarce. in both directions. e. above all in the cities. not to mention the steady flow of ˙ traders. the only pos- sible vehicle of social ascent under the new regime. səgnəs. and Ct. from Br. lexical borrowings by Rm. a different socio-economic structure. which included forsaking their native tongue. lexical main core and innovation 135 4. dialects had no prestige comparable to the official and aristocratic language of Islam. some Berber lexical stock had found its way to AA. By adoption of imported stock in order to express the concepts of the new culture. we mitigated previous negative accounts by stating that “indeed. alarguez. which included new trades and habits. Almohads and Nasrides. . atahorma and Pt. Among the lexical fields in which Berberisms were most frequent. languages of the Iberian Peninsula.1. and that Berbers. In this. taqarnína “carline thistle”. that the Berber invaders of Al-Andalus. it being noteworthy that recent studies about AA and it relations with the Rm.1. numerically several times superior to their Arab co-religionists. all of which had to be assimilated by the new settlers. languages of the Iberian Peninsula together and simultaneously with a much larger number of loanwords of Arabic origin.4. both Arabs and Berbers. climate and geography.g. 4. or introduced by Almoravids. trimmings and tools. have raised the initial one digit figure of Br. whence Cs. items. contribution to AA lexicon. whence Cs. and Pt. from Br. loanwords in AA exceeds of fifty. possibly directly borrowed by Gl. whence Cs. in a new country with a different population. dispatched the issue by claiming. 2) names of clothing articles. a new botanical and zoological environment. záġnaz “clasp of a neck- lace”.. altaforma.. from Br.

diastratic.4. whence Cs. whence Cs.294 from Br. devoted to the Granadan dialect and published at the very beginning of the 16th c. Substratal. words given by Alc. borrowings in two lexical repertories. roughly 2. agzal “spear”. tragacete.g.3 %. adstratal and superstratal.136 lexicon military jargon. see Corriente 1997d: 231.g. of which a Berberised tarfist is the immediate origin of Ct. i. and rafísa. borrowings in AA. 4. like Simonet 1888 and more recent evaluations. 294 With a variant zuġzal. in order to express concepts previously unknown to them. alfaneque. in addition to other minor semantic fields. either because he or his auxiliaries ignored their true equivalence.1. out of which as many as 400 are Rm. Adstratal and Superstratal Borrowing.4. while Alc. Substratal romancisms were those necessarily adopted by the first generations of Arabic speakers in the Iberian Peninsula. Romance Contribution The case of the Rm. . and Br.e. whence Cs. e. contribution to the AA lexicon has been traditionally overstated by nationalistic accounts. tfaya “a certain sauce”. the Vocabulista in Arabico (VA). 4. however. like the names of certain endemic animals and plants (e. though necessary for the aims of conversion to Christianity pursued by the author.1. agzál.e. from an unwitnessed nomen instrumenti from Br. drawn up in Eastern Spain and attributed to the 13th c.: VA counts about 12. zaġáya. An educated guess could be that a realistic estimation of that rate would not exceed about 3% of Rm. ratafía “a certain liqueur”. as Arabic renderings of themselves. and Alcalá’s Vocabulista. borrowings can be classified as substratal. whence Cs. roughly 5. lúp “wolf”. contains 7. we reckoned the rate of Rm. gargíyya “spear”. afrag “the sultan’s tent”.2. or because those concepts were alien to an Islamic society.. through its Br. From a diachronic viewpoint.000 lexemes. azagaya. agərgit. contribution was undervalued. which can be classified according to diachronic. ratafia and Cs. and istípa “rock-rose”. atafea. semantic and categorial criteria. from Br. through wrong-parsing or metanalysis of the phrase s+ugzal “with the spear”. like tafáya. of which 330 are of Rm. gorguz and Ct. in Corriente 1992. from Lt. from Br. gorgoto. for which we either do not have an instance of the AA intermediate loan- word which was the direct source of Cs. i. in the same way as the Br.. on account of the great number of unassimilated Cs. the figures in the second case are artificially swollen.. Rm. diminutive.. stock. 4) technical cooking terms.500 lexemes.7 %..1. aġ “to throw”. As measuring rod of the true proportions of this phenomenon..2.

such as anatomical terms (e.. in which it is no longer easy to recognize Low Lt. from Old Cs. not to ˙ speak of Rm. šuqr. these items are easily recognised because. 43. MI 205 ›nifindir‹ “I defend”. resulted from coexistence of both languages in later generations in cities and. stippa). their capacity of behav- ing exactly like native items.. in which relations with in-laws are much weaker. šubrín “nephew” and šubrína “niece”. they do not exhibit thorough morphophonemic assimilation to Ara- bic.e. calongía “canonry”. Integration and Distribution of Loanwords. with its broken pl. and Rm. As a rule. the coincidental likeness of foreign stock to the mor- phophonemic patterns of the host language may prove delusive. e. imlíq.2. śéra. and imperfect assimilation usually betrays situations of bilingualism. Arabic ham was not exactly the same as Rm. šáyra “frail”. From a diastratic view- point. paččáyna for hudbah “eyelash”. borrowings. laçáquin (< Cs. foliaris and mixtarius. umbı̆lı̄cus. in spite of the imperfective prefixes of the Arabic conju- gation. for surrah “navel”. Finally. family relations differed considerably from those of a typical Bedouin family. from Lt.g. as well as domestic items for which they could not easily impose Arabic names upon their mostly Rm... from Lt. lexical main core and innovation 137 lŭpus and Low Lt. fašqár “heap of sheaves”. etc. šúqra “mother-in-law”. *peśtána and ¯ *bába) or kinship terms (e. ¯ . šúqr “father-in-law”. from Lt.g. Alc. perditionem. or his item niparçán ~ parçánt ~ párçana ~ mupárçan ~ mupárçin “to accuse”. ›tibirqurār tarraqabar šinsiyā‹ “try to obtain a ˙ license” in MI 274. for instance. sĕcūris. 4. sūgĕre and Rm. etc.. older borrowings are better adapted. ¯ bába “drivel”. sŏcĕr. above all. ničúč ~ čùčt “to suck”. rural areas where Ara- bicisation was slower. to the point of not being recognised any more as alien. however. consequently. attributable to a milieu in which Arabic had become a dominated language in its way to being lost by Mudejars and/or Moriscos. socrus and sōbrı̄nus).2. loanwords can be also classified according to their degree of inte- gration in the host language. šuqúr “axe”. mihšáyr “large cup”.. azcona < 295 In the case of kinship terms. MT ›qalūnyah‹ “fine for slandering”. so that an item like Alc. canongía and defender. i. etc. a broken pl. with the absolutely regular inflexions of a quadriconsonantal verb.g. feast days”. there are a large number of suprastratal Rm.. borrowings.8 xunút “Saints. unlike the two previous kinds.4. {1u2ú3} of šánt. caloña. is more an instance of code-mixing than a true borrowing. fullár “puff pastry”. Thus. for tady “breast”. šubrín which included the Arabic ibn #amm(ah) and ibn hāl(ah). Cs. múčča. unlike the cases of Alc.g. it must be taken into account that Hisp. fascālis.295 Other Rm. the adstratal ones.-speaking wives and offspring. Low ¯ Lt.1.. e. mulcta. lazcóna “spear”. which can be gauged by the aforementioned criteria of morphophonemic assimilation to it.

pullicár “thumb”. we find a remarkable scarcity of terms related to suprastructural concepts. ˙ ›šunūġah‹ “synagogue”. loanwords in AA by semantic criteria. 4. #asfúra ~ ˙ #asáfir. aporiít. pílch “bolt”. ›bububbah‹ “hoopoe”. apório “goad-stick” (< Low Lt.g. 7/14/3 ›labaǧ‹ “south-east wind”. VA ›ablantāyin‹ “plantain”. and yédra “ivy”. cŭbı̆tus. čiflát(a) “splash on water”.4.4. chírba “hind”..4.. VA ›imlı̄q‹ “navel”.g. ›banı̄ǧ‹ “millet”. 4. in much later days. and a mixed bag of terms related to housing (e. pānı̄cı̆um. táupa “rat”. ballēna. ›qanı̄n‹ and ›qan- ˙ wal‹ “canine”. vulva. such verbs as čawčál “to whisper”. muscŭlus and pecciolus).g. 119/7/4 ›qubtāl‹ “elbow”. from Lt.. 140/1/2 ˙ ˙ ›faǧǧayra‹ “face”..138 lexicon Bq. ˙ cerva. xakxa “stock-dove” and tínna “moth”. etc. rōbı̄gı̆nem. < Lt. ›furāt‹ “anus”. In the semantic field of terms related to physical or environ- mental realms. ˙ . rūta and hĕdĕra). squāma. etc. Alc. underscored by synaesthetic factors. such as VA ›qumt‹ “count”. characteristic of poorly assimilated loanwords: as a matter of fact. umbı̆lı̄cus.296 may firstly be sorted into physical or environmental realms and social facts. Alc.2. ›nilawtar‹ “to drive mad”.3. with the regular fem. pălātum. pestŭlum and sēpār). zázza “slap on the neck”. IQ 20/10/4 ›baltār‹ “palate”. VA ›rabyanah‹ “mange”. < Low Lt. fŏrātus. is not thereby an older borrowing than foreign- ˙ looking Alc. pŏllı̆cāris. etc. pernı̆ōnem and hordĕŏlus). ›qawqanah‹ “snail”. aura.3. IQ 7/14/1 ›ǧirǧ‹ “northerly wind”. The distribution of Rm. and the former.g.2.. of pure Arabic stock.3. stigmācŭla. *aporrigium).1. mı̆nı̆mus. ›bulbah‹ “vulva”.2. i. ›šimtayr‹ “path”.g. perfectly parallel to azfóra ~ açáfir “wagtail”. făcı̆es. In the semantic field of terms related to physical or social facts. landscape (e. < Lt.. plantāgı̆nem.1. 4. a host of plant and animal names (e. cănı̄nus. and substantives like nánna “nurse”. VA ›ballı̄nah‹ “whale”. pl.1. mulch “muscle”. cŏmı̆tem and sy̆năgōga plus some more 296 E. leav- ing aside some items adopted on account of their onomatopoetic expres- siveness.. ulti- mately from Lt. aizkon “dart”). < Lt. < Lt. VA ›burtāl‹ “mountain-pass”. and karkál “to trample”.2.. ›iškāmah‹ “scale”. Alc. we find a number of anatomical items (e. Alc. cercı̆us. ˙ porrojón “chilblain” and ruçál “sty”. a few patho- logical terms (e. 86/10/2 ›milliqār‹ “little finger”. concha. chíca “fog” < Lt. Alc. political or religious (only a few adstratal ones.e. qašqár “to crack”. saxĕa and tı̆nĕa.g. from Cs. talpa. the latter item is an early borrowing from Andalusi Rm.. lı̆by̆ce and caeca). ichimáyl “bleariness of eye”. and xípar “dry-stone wall”. ŭpŭpa. weather conditions (e. pochón “nipple”. *portellum and *semi- ˙ tarius).g. VA ›bilǧ‹ = Alc..1. rúta “rue”.

since these realms of social life were regulated by Islamic law in their Arabic technical terms.g. bătillum. Alc. as well as that adjectives are not bor- rowed as often. Even in cases in which there is only a borrowed verb. < Lt.). scamnum. a given verb or the substantive of its same root. . < Lt. it stands to reason and is a linguistic universal that substantives are usually borrowed more easily and faster than verbs.297 in comparison with the infrastructural concepts related to society and econ- omy. In Corriente 1992a the number of examples. forca. fascia and Bq. for instance. natpar- ˙ ráç ~ atparrázt “to run aground”. aura “wind (inducing madness)” and pressus “held” had not existed before- hand. household goods (e.299 and some interjections. and *présu “held (in a reef)”. but not the matching substantive. ›ušqutayr‹ “squire”. from Cs. fórça “rape”. like VA ›nilawtar‹ “to drive mad”. nevertheless.3. 297 The same applies to legal terms (of which we merely count the aforementioned pársana “accusation”. chánca “slipper”.3. the series adála/adáqal/adašš “even.g.298 because the peculiar structure of its morphology makes it often difficult to determine which was borrowed first. fāta.3. el abad). fáyja ˙ “sash”. i. scūtārı̆us. like lapát “priest”. šannír ˙ “banner” and šíga “sword”.1. VA ›furkah‹ “pitch-fork”. to establish whether a particular verb is denominal or a certain substan- tive is deverbal. of Arabic loanwords in Rm. ›bandayr‹ “tambourine”. lexical main core and innovation 139 in Alc.e. 4. The categorial distribution of loanwords in AA is not as easy to reckon as in the case.4.. vĕruı̄na and Goth. or Alc. Alc.. < Lt. *l+awrát “madman”. féxta “festivity”. and the other way around. registered by several sources (from Lt. 299 On these curious items see Corriente 1983a. This much said.4. as ¯ ¯ ˙ expounded in 2. and Alc. not at all surprising. plus the twelve names of the months of the solar calen- dar. the only exceptions to this last restriction are yá “already”. ›balabrah‹ “winding- frame”. barrína “gimlet” and rúca “distaff”. of the superstratal kind. such as names of musical instruments and folklore (e. and functionals only exceptionally. < WG werra. in spite of not being registered.. signālis and sāga).g. possibly a late borrowing from Cs. they can be checked against Corriente 1997d. ălabrum. VA ›ġirrah‹ “war”. Rm. until the land was taken over by the Christian powers. 298 Very aptly dealt with by Kiesler 1994:74 by the last time. all kinds of tools (e. thoroughly”..g.. and Lt. we cannot be sure that. pandōrı̆um and festum). mentioned in each section is considerably larger. Alc. VA ›iškān‹ “bench”. pĕtı̄tōris persōnam căpĕre “to lay a claim” and the like).3. generally correct. VA ›fātah‹ ˙ “fairy”.2. *rukka). makkár “even”. Alc. ›matall‹ “fire-shovel”. In the case of AA. warfare (e. from Lt. txangi “lame”)..

.

5. since its presumable emergence as a well-defined entity in the 10th c.e. spoken then in the whole Basque country and most of Navarre. or AA. dialects spoken by the offspring of the first invaders of this nation. which . In the case of AA. is linguis- tic interference. as a prerequisite for any career requiring solemn performances. imported from the East. which concerns us particularly in the case of AA. or just to be admitted in the best society. but has to be mastered to the point of speaking and writing it fluently. there were other languages practiced at the time in the Iberian Peninsula. neither can they be the object of diachronic treatment. as they are not an exclusive part of the interrelation between the various grammatical levels. dialect bundle still spoken by many segments of the population. and not only the thoroughbred descendants of Hisp. a phenomenon affecting every living language as long as it remains such. the only languages in effective contact with it were the Rm. nor even of the lexicon in an ideally given instant. the so-called barbarun baladiyyūn “native Berbers”. the merely liturgical and scholarly language of a sizeable number of Jews.. i. Sources of Interference Every language is subject to interference by any other in contact with it in a greater or lesser degree. natives. and perhaps some residual Greek in Eastern Spain. with a methodology of its own. and finally. CA. and the many North African soldiers recruited by the Umayyad rulers and their successors. as are the people who speak them.300 300 Strictly speaking.1. time-sensitive. Hebrew. chapter five A PANCHRONISTIC APPROACH Some aspects of any given language cannot be dealt with in a synchronic description. as a mere result of their being historical. These aspects of lan- guage demand a panchronistic approach. Let us review the consequences of this triple interference on AA.. the Br. otherwise native speakers of Rm. One of them. since they are neither the consequence nor the cause of the unavoidable laws of change inherent to all languages. which was nobody’s mother tongue. depending on sociolinguistic factors. like Basque.

. Under such circumstances.2 At the morphological level. 5. the most conspicuous and indisputable effect of Rm. while the Arabic dialects brought by the conquerors had to undergo some degree of adaptation to their new sociolinguistic situation. Romance Interference Rm. necessarily had to go through the stages of pidginisation.1). in which genetically different languages are not usually prone to exchanging elements of their systems. the instinctive perception of syllable and vowel length. i. see Lapesa 1980:64–66).1 At the phonemic level.1. most of these phenomena have been spotted in other areas of NA without a Rm.e. interference was the strongest by far. creolisation and decreolisation.1. however.1. and some Naf.e. alteration or undue restitution of pharyngeal phonemes might have been a consequence of that learning stage. when the Islamic invasion took place and put them in contact with a few tens of thousands Arabs and a much larger number of Berbers..D.1. dialects. As for other effects on the phonemic inventory of OA. estimated at five or six million. pos- sibly at the beginning of the 10th c. However. interference was the forsaking by emerging AA of the quantitative rhythm of OA. the overwhelming majority. not without some linguistic impact (on this.1. who are supposed to have known some Arabic also. i. so that this case is not entirely beyond question. of AA personal pronouns and verbs.3. none of them had a considerable direct influence on AA. it stands to reason that the Arabic spo- ken by the first generations of Hisp. possibly by mere drift. dialects were the native tongue of the great majority of inhabitants of the Iberian Penin- sula. it is noticeable.142 a panchronistic approach 5. it is possible that some cases of infra-correct develarisation or ultra-correct velarisation.. had been occupied by the Byzantines between 554 and 616 a. that the loss of gender distinction in the 2nd person sg. until the standards of AA emerged. as the Proto-Rm.1. replaced by the qualitative rhythm of stressed and unstressed syllables (see 1. nevertheless. This linguistic convergence appears to have generated the following consequences on the different grammatical levels: 5. . people under Islamic rule. as well as some cases of decay. only shared by Ml. substratum. above all those who were not the offspring of Arabs or deeply Arabicised Berbers.

. because the final phase of decreolisation usually irons out most phonemic and morphemic difficulties. with some occasional hesitations. while mere solecisms are seldom too harmful and. listed in the grammars. GL ›aldā" alsawdā‹ “epilepsy”.1. the presence of higher and lower registers in Arabic speaking societies can complicate this picture considerably. etc. . like Alc. tierra firme). 32/6/2 ›šamsan dāhir‹ ˙ clear sun”. noticed ˙ by Alhillı̄.5.1. which were dealt with in 2. for instance. pronominal suffix). mostly by decay of ˙ final hamz. The alteration ˙ appears to have become established in cases like IQ 87/10/2 › #aynan akhal‹ . 7.1. substantives ending in /–á/. Alc. like šams “sun”.5 ard guaċíq “mainland” (a calque of Cs. as they tend to impede communi- cation. bētēn kubār cannot be replaced by a classicising *bētēn kibı̄rēn. have acquired this genre in AA also. “the black disease”. like má “water” and dá “illness”.301 5.˙ “a “black eye”. Thus.g.18– 19. we are often in no position to gauge the extent of current acceptability of the many classicisms interspersed within the extant documents. in Rm.2405 al mi almubárraca “the ˙ 301 However. are better tolerated and even give their speech an exotic. or simply being fem. Alc. Gender alteration is a common interference in the case of languages in contact. Obviously. e.2. Z 177 ›almā ¯ tihabbatuh‹ “the water washes it down”.1. IA 679 › #aynan ˙ lā yarà‹ “an eye which does not see”. but not recognised as vernacular by dialect speakers. interference. but both are acceptable. verb) and yifíd+u (masc. being used by a majority of speakers. those solecisms can finally become part of the grammar of the new dialect or language. not altogether socially rejected tinge. in the lack of living speakers. admitting of both taláâ a xemz and taláât a xems “the sun rose”. Otherwise. while for the dual. dialect biyūt kubār is a lower register than biyūt kibı̄ra. particularly those produced by the learned or half-learned. 134/0/1 › #aynı̄ alzānı̄‹ “my lewd eye”. and some other items. 414.1. ard “earth”. Contrariwise. substantives of OA.3 At the syntactic level. As a result. in the case of AA. Z 300 ›al #ašā sahı̄nah‹ “the dinner is warm”.3. as is the case of most syntactic innovations of NA dialects. and happens often in AA in the case of the unmarked fem. or HH 45 ›kam li #aynı̄ taqta # allayl wamā yifı̄dū‹ “for how long my eyes have been ˙ going sleepless through the nights to no avail!”. 5. in the Eg. lit. 77/2/2 ›antašab isba #ı̄‹ “my finger was caught”. 35. which would be understood. can hardly be explained but as consequence of Rm. derivational suffixes. AA makes use of a few Rm. sources of interference 143 where AA influence is certain.1. linguistic interference is always frequent in the case of creoles.. such as double parts of the body. with a gender incongruence between taqtá # (fem.

which is confirmed in Mo. de un año). Z 487 › #asà yiǧı̄h alminqār fal+ast‹ “so that his beak touches his behind”. brega). 43. Cs. syntax (cf. with a fem. e. no hay demasiados indicios de la sustitución del sistema aspectual del verbo por un sistema temporal más próximo al del sustrato y adstrato romances.1. água = Ct. 5.1. Alc. Alc.303 The same applies to the imperfective idioms in Alc. dolencia = Pt. e. instead of simple gua énte tedrí with wāwu hāl. lit.g. 43. oler a choto). Substitution of the definite article for an expected possessive pro- noun. caution must be exerted before accepting their phrases as witnesses of grammatical AA. consecutio temporum. vs. de un codo). 54.26–27 min céne “one year old” (cf. in the case of texts produced by bilinguals. At times. ˙ 5. instead of the perfective required by the Arabic verbal system.” .2 ›alhisām allatı̄ ǧārat‹ ¯ ˙ “the quarrel which took place” (cf. even by AA. DC 15b al meé mouáreq.15 nifóh lalmáâç “to smell like goats” (cf. 325.. is a literal calque of Rm. Cs.g. pelea. such as MT 1027.3. 48. “give up one’s hand”. MT 970. VA ›min #ām‹ = Alc.1 acharéit xéi min alledí cunt tedrí énne quin maçurúq “did you buy something knowing that it was stolen?”. 147.2.144 a panchronistic approach holy water”. Cs. malaltia. the ungrammaticality is obvious.e. doença = Ct. by Premare 1999 XI: 270 for mūt. VA ›muddah min #āmayn‹ “a two year period”.1.. Ferrando 1995:98 comments this item by saying: “Salvo el ejemplo ya recogido en SK de ›aġfirhu‹ … y ›taġfir lifirnanduh‹ 1027. agua = Pt. aigua.. fashion. and for both mūt and bı̄t by Singer 1984:444 in Tunisian Arabic. as regularly in SA.1. dismissed)”. verb. le perdono). Cs.19 çalá al quibíra “mass”. CA qad ġafartu lahu = AA qad ġafártuh.3. possibly introduced there by the numerically and culturally decisive Andalusi immigration: the anonimous ˇ Gumānah.4. e.1 naâtí al yed “to surrender”.19 “perdonas a Fernando”. Some of these gender changes are found also in Naf.3.3 aâtáit catáâ mucáriba gua cunt énte tedrí énne quínet mucáriba “did you pass bad money knowing that it was bad?”. Substitution of tense notions for those of aspect has been spotted in texts produced by bilinguals. Cs. adjective. fem.23 yantaláq açalá “the mass is over (lit. as expected. Use of some functionals in the Rm.1.g.3. 303 I. Alc. with the wording required by the Rm. however. etc. dialects. Ct baralla. interference. with a masc. simultaneously describing the dialects of Granada and Tunisia (see #Abdalwahhāb 1953:35) mentions the cases of the fem. 147. and 49. 174. Cs. vs.29 302 These changes of gender were already noticed by Colin & Lévi-Provençal 1931:5–6. 769 ˙ ›ǧazā alnams bazqah fal+uǧ‹ “the reward of the ferret is to be spat on his face”. is another case of possible Rm.1.302 5.32 min dirá “one cubit long” (cf.. Cs. next to the incongruent ›ǧamı̄ # aldār allatı̄ sār luh‹ “the whole house which ˙ became his”. Pt. briga. in spite of its CA appearance.15 ›anā aġfiruh‹ “I forgive him” which. gender of bayt “house” and mawt “death”.

304 The translator has been here doubly negligent and unskilled. ›kif tud #à‹ ˙ “what is your name?” (cf. Cs. IQ 2/0/1 ›sa+tadrı̄h‹ “you will know him” (cf. 16b. SNT 156 ›matà alibnah ǧā kibı̄r‹ “the girl’s one turned out to be too big” (cf. Cs. Cs. as in the correct SA idiom one would say lā yasa #uhā lbalad “the town has no room for her”. Alc. hacer sitio). Cs. Cs. en otros días de ayuno). Z 1790 ›lis tasa # fı̄ balad‹ “there is no room for her in a town” (cf. 7b. Alc. VA ›na #mal lak mawda #‹ “I make room for you” (cf. ˙ DC 6a niémin billéhi … huá fe îiça “I believe in God … and in Jesus”. of the good reasons Christians had not to adopt #ı̄sà.304 it not being always easy to separate mere translators’ blunders from idioms that might have eventually been accepted by average speakers of AA. Calques of diverse Rm. 5b. unaware..306 etc. and by using the Islamic name of Jesus. “Bairam without him turns into something like fasting”. 5. Cs.g. 5/2/3 ›balǧarı̄‹ “at once” (cf. area and register. This proves that. 54. hace agua). HB 36 ›alyamı̄n alma #mūlah‹ “the oath sworn” (cf. Cs. by changing the correct preposition bi+ of the first complement into fi.1. unlike the author of DC. Cs. ¯ ¯ IA 543 ›lā tisaddaquh aktar‹ “do not believe him ever” (cf. Cs.39 yeqcér aciám “he breaks the fast” (cf. corriendo). juramento hecho). le vino grande). Cs. 6a. no le creas ˙ ¯ más). upon recognising this Romancism ¯ of AA in its source language.e. no ocurrirá más). 101/3/2 ›dā lis yukūn aktar‹ “this will not happen again” (cf.1. ›bnd lbšqh " ywn šnl‹. not distinguishing ‘to know something’ from ‘to know or recognise somebody’). . see also Corriente 1997a: 283 and 2009b: 121). no cabe en la ciudad). ¿cómo te llamas?). 17a/b and 19 a/b). about which see Corriente 2009:41–42 and Monferrer 1998. Cs.305 2070 ›ya #mal almā‹ “it leaks” (cf. 305 The calque here consists in the swap of subject and object. sources of interference 145 fal ayím al okár min ciam “on other fast days” (cf. unlike the case of other Qur#ānic names of OT prophets. echar en cara). 51. always yasū # among Christians. as regularly in Alc. the riddle was solved (béned la páśqa ayún śin élle.5. He repeats this mistake on every occasion (pp. lo conocerás. of course. idioms in every time. Cs.5 darábt fal guéch li háde alkáir … alledí aâmeltilu “did you throw in someone’s ˙ ˙ face the favours you did him?” (cf. 306 It is anecdotically remarkable that ignorance of this last idiom prevented very learned researchers from correctly understanding the harǧah A12. ›nahruǧ liwildı̄‹ “I take after ¯ my father” (cf. Cs. salgo a mi padre). e. until in Corriente 1993d. romper el ayuno). had access to some written Christian Arabic sources.3.. i. Cs.

.

TEXT SAMPLES

It is always difficult to operate a selection of texts aimed at providing even
a sketchy view of the appearance of a living language, and much more so
when that language is no longer alive, and the samples must be culled from
a limited inventory of surviving texts. Acknowledging in advance that our
choice could have been better, we shall also this time follow the criteria
of Corriente 1977 and 1992, and offer three samples of poetry, all of them
azǧāl, but from diverse authors, themes and periods. As prose, we offer two
samples of proverb collections, both from the Nasrı̄ kingdom of Granada,
˙
but from different times; one peculiar text, the “Elegy for Valencia”, and a
personal letter, also from a Valencian Morisco, drawn up shortly before the
final expulsion.

i

POETRY

1. Ibn Quzmān’s zaǧal Nº 24307

0 /man labás táwban samáwi/min iqámat almaríyyah
¯ ġifára/illa hádra fustaqíyya.
la tukún #aláyh
¯ ˙
1 kin+niríd naksáb ġifára/watukún #ala+ htiyári,
¯
wa #ala+ ssabríyya nabní/lis niríd ana badári,
ínnama ˙niríd
˙ raqíqa/wahulúwwa min šuwári;
bálla,308 súqha líyya bátil,/lis˙ nirídha muštaríyya.
˙
2 atturúz tukún naqíyya, wayukún addáyl suháyyah,
˙˙
wayukún fa+ lláwza itqán/wa #umáyyalan ¯ ¯ ˙ muláyya
˙ ˙ h,
túmma la yaqbíd ǧunáyyah/min amám #ala ǧunáyya ˙ h,
¯ánna id niríd niraddí/lis
˙ ˙
tiǧíni mustawíyya. ˙
¯
3 áb #id+ alqasíra #ánni/ínna qámati tawíla,
má #i fa+ šša˙ tát ma na #mál/walqasír ˙ ma fíh li híla;
wayukún alkáffi mabrúm/bihiyátatan nabíla,˙
˙ ˙ ˙
ínna abġád ma iláyya/alhiya¯ tát ˙arradíyya.
˙
4 dáhal+ addallál ¯ ˙ almunáda ġúdwa:
ila+ ssúq/áwil+
¯
#asa #índakum ġifára/kásiya sabríyya húlwa? 309
˙ ˙

307 In the AA stress based version of the metre ramal (fā #ilātun fā #ilātun); see Corriente

1997a: 90–121. This facetious and unabashed author, who lived under the Almoravids and
decisively innovated the genre zaǧal, died in 1160 a.D.; see about him Corriente 1966e. His
Dı̄wān was edited by García Gómez 1972, complete, annotated and translated into Cs. for the
first time, but yet without the benefits of the dialectological study of AA, partly fostered by
that edition in the following decades, which allowed us to publish more reliable annotated
editions and translations thereof in 1980, 1984c, 1989, 1995b, 1996 and 1996e.
308 In cases like this, the editor faces the dilemma of either assuming stress shift as a

poetic license, in order to make the words fit into the metre, or positing a case of foot
substitution, another licence presently accepted by most specialists in Andalusi Stanzaic
Poetry (see Schoeler 2002). This substitution, allowed in all the feet of a line but the last,
would in this case imply a reading ba/illá súqha (mafā #ı̄lun), both possibilities, stress shift
and foot substitution, being witnessed in this poetic genre. The same situation occurs again
in 3/1, perhaps to read as ab #íd+ alqasíra, 4/1, perhaps dahál+ addallál, 5/3, perhaps fatán
akhál, 5/4, perhaps hayyák+ alláh, 7/1,˙ perhaps yandúru,
- ¯
unless the mss. has lost a final ›h‹,
i.e.,˙ yandurúh,
- ˙
8/1, perhaps ˙ wahí lis, 10/12, perhaps awkád iddáyk,
baní alfarádi, 9/4, possibly
˙ tafdík … with foot substitution
walí alláh, ˙ in every foot but the last, 11/3, with unquestionable
¯¯
substitution, and 11/4, possibly #amál ayyúb.
309 Note the classicism, required by rhythm and rhyme, in contrast with the dialectal shape

of 1/3.

150 poetry

túmma sáq li tarmidátan310 /lam yukún li fíha šáhwa;
¯qálli: lam niǧád siwáha/ #ala kúbr+ alqaysaríyya.
5 hú yuhúll+ attáy wayanšúr/wana nahtár f+ almanáhis,
wassirá ˙ # báyni ˙ ˙ wabáynu/wanuhún fi¯hárbi dáhis, ˙
˙ ˙
hatta ráytu fatan+ akhál/wamalí ˙ h fi ǧánbi
˙ ˙
ǧális;
˙qálli: ustád, háyyak+ alláh/faradádt+
˙ ˙ ahsán tahíyya.
6 qálli: áwwa ¯ da ˙ ġifára/kúlli ma talábta fíha, ˙ ˙
¯ ˙
ya wazír, law ánna ġáyrak/lam li #ámri yámdi bíha;
qúltu luh: sahhál #aláyya/f+ alfadál wanaštaríha; ˙
˙ 311
qálli alqásdi nuqúllak,/lak hi +láyk mínni hadíyya.
7 wa #ataháli ˙ wawallá/wabaqáyt min ámru báhit,
˙
wattuǧǧár háwli waháwlu/yandurú - min alhawánit,
˙ ˙ ˙
wáš #asá nuqúl? sawá hu/qúltu šáy aw kúntu ˙ sákit.
la karím f+ addúnya yudkár,/háda akrám albaríyya.
8 báni alfarádi kitír,/wahu ¯ awlá lalmakárim,
¯
˙ ¯
id yulám fi da+ lma #áni/las yusaddáq fíha láyim;
¯ katáb #¯ala+ lmatáqil:/alkarám
qad ˙ wáǧib walázim;
¯
ínnama yukkúl wayalbás/wayifarráq albaqíyya.
9 man qasád iláyh fi háǧa/qad qasád ila+ ssa #áda,
walladí˙baláġ limád˙ hu/qad balá˙ġ ila+ liráda,
fa+idᯠwa #ád bima šá/falwafá
˙ fi wá #du #áda;
¯
ínna kám min almawá #id/wahi lis tukún wafíyya.
10 yá abú #alí, haníyya/ da+ lmahámid walma" átir,
wa" aná waššáh wazaǧǧál/wa¯ ˙" ana kátib wašᯠ#ir;
˙
áwkad+ iddáyk, wali alláh,/táfdik+ arrúh waddanánir,
wáy murábi ¯ ¯ t kin+nukún lak,/law hafátt+˙ albirbilíyya!
11 fa+ zzaǧál qad ˙ sírtu sultán/warafá ˙ #tu˙fíh
˙ liwá" i,
˙ ˙
kúll+ ahád yatní #aláyya,/wabiháqqi hu taná" i:
˙ h qawíyya/wayiǧí
azǧáli milá ¯ ˙ # siwá¯" i
matá
#ámal+ ayyúb, ˙ walquwayfát/la miláh wala qawíyya.
˙
Translation
0 Whoever wears a sky blue suit from the Almerian manufacture
cannot don a cloak other than pistachio-green.
1 I want to get a cloak312 which will be of my choice;
I mean second-hand stuff, I do not want a brand new one,
but I want something delicate and sweet, of my class:
for God’s sake, bring it to me free; I do not want it purchased.

310 Item of doubtful reading and interpretation, likely synonymous of manáhis in 5/1.
311 ˙
Note the free option for the sake of rhythm between hamzatu lwasl and hamzatu lqat #
in the same line: qálli " alqasdi … hi (i)layk. ˙ ˙
312 See the description of˙ this garment in Dozy 1845:312–319, it being clear that the meaning

of ġifārah in AA was that of ġuffārah in Dozy’s sources, supported by a line of poetry. IH 260
explains
˙ that Andalusis used ġifārah instead of burnus.
˙

ibn quzmān’s zaǧal nº 24 151

2 The embroidery must be clean, and the tail, in good condition,
the tassel of the hood beautifully tailored and finished with a beautiful job,
and one flap must not pull the other to the front,
so that, if I drop them, they do not go on a par.
3 Put the short ones away, for I am of large size;
I can handle the long ones, but can do nothing with the short.
The sleeves shall be plaited with excellent seams:
there is nothing I hate more than bad seams.
4 The dealer entered the market in the morning, at the start of auctions:
“Would you have a nice cloak, second-hand, of good size?”
Then he brought me wretched stuff which did not please me,
saying: “I found nothing else in the entire bazaar”.
5 He unfolded and spread them, while I chose among the pitiful items,
having with him a scuffle, as if we were in the battle of Dāhis,313
when I saw a beautiful dark youth sitting at my side. ˙
He said to me: “May God preserve your life, Sir”, and I answered in the best
manner.314
6 He said to me: “Here is a cloak having all that you ask,
o vizier, if it were somebody else, by my life, he would not carry it”
I said to him: “Cut for me your profit, and I shall buy it”;
he said: “I shall tell you my purpose: it is my present to you.”
7 And he gave it to me and went away, and I was left amazed by him,
while the merchants around us stared from their shops.
What could I say? It was the same, whether I spoke or not:
No generous man in the world must be mentioned: he is the most generous
in the creation.
8 The Banū Alfaradı̄315 are many, but he is the one who deserves the most
honours; ˙
if he was blamed in this respect, the blamer would not be believed.
He has written on the coins: generosity is an inescapable duty,
and only eats and dresses, and gives away the rest.
9 Whoever comes to him in need, comes to happiness,
and those who arrive to praise him, meet their aims:

313 Famous tribal pre-Islamic battle on account of a horse and a mare, which became a

metaphor of fierce struggle.
314 An echo of Qur"ān IV-86, which has become one of the pillars of Islamic sociability.
315 A famous Cordovan family, whose most famous member was the legist and historian

#Abdallāh b. Muhammad, nicknamed Alfaradı̄ (i.e., specialist in distributing the shares of
an estate between˙ the heirs to it) after his father,
˙ and himself a judge in Valencia, killed in
Cordova during the civil war called “the Berber fitnah”, which put an end to the Umayyad
Caliphate, one or two generations before the date of this poem. As in other examples, the
poet having begged and obtained a gift, thanks his patron, by composing a zaǧal, in which
he recreates the scene in the bazaar, and offers the description of auctions, bartering and
bargaining there, with the vivid colours and realism characteristic of this genre, in which IQ
excelled.

could only learn two words of the Masmūdan dialect in two years. 10 Abu #Alı̄. ya rábbi/ húlla baš nalqák naqíyya: ˙ kám li natmanná ˙ karím.e. when called to the court of the Almohads. this poem is a mu #āradah.152 poetry when he promises whatever. With this joke. Corriente 1995b: 496. 317 Lit. items used by this author when addressing Almoravid patrons. man ˙ of God. and that praise is deserved: my azǧāl are beautiful and solid. the ˙ description of the gown coincides with that of the metaphorical garment which the ascetic “wise fool” Buhlūl b. although he and most Andalusis had a dim view of that language also. ›" wš‹ “give me” (apparently corrupted from awid. waniríd yansáǧha sáni # /bima ˙ watuqám lahá sanáyif/min ala #mál arradíyya. This particular issue ˙ was very aptly treated by García Gómez 1972 who. ˙ wayukún harírha káwni/bi hiláf ma yáġzal+ addúd. the language of the Almoravids. Zuhr.. . a hater of the Berbers. Aššuštarī’s zaǧal Nº 96318 0 /háb li min ridák.D. and then in phonemic transcription and with a Cs. namely. writer and poet: Move your hands quicker. 2. not like so many promises./ya 1 kin+niríd. reports that this Andalusi scholar. and died in Egypt in˙ 1269 a. of the lineage of the Banū Alfaradı̄. items in IQ: this score was corrected by Bencherifa 1975 I: 280–281 and. while those of others are the work of patience. see Marzolph 1983:60–61. means “permanently stationed” in a ribāt.317 with rhymes neither beautiful nor solid. 318 Granadan sūfı̄ (mystic). hulla/watuqímha líyya min ǧúd. who. #Amr from Kufa begged from the traditionist Mālik b. worth a ransom of lives and money! I would be your Almoravid. who wandered through North Africa and the Middle East. were not much appreciated by the natives of Al-Andalus. a border ˙ garrison. His Dı̄wān was first published by Annaššār 1960. but without inspiration.. and ernu “give me more”. labbásha líyya! libásha. his habit is to deliver. everybody praises me. IQ launches a phatic sign of complicity to this Abū #Alı̄. alluding to poems obtained through long tiresome efforts. i. a metrical and thematic imitation of the famous preceding zaǧal by IQ./ya karím. however. On the surface. following his steps. Dı̄nār. Job’s work. ya rábbi.. translation by Corriente 1988b.e. in spite of their military aid against the Christian onslaught. in defence of Islamic territory. which remain unfulfilled. which counts up to seven instances of Br. an old stock Andalusi as himself. and as such. possibly #Umar. attributed with some hesitation in Almusnad (see Viguera 1981:343–344) to Abū Marwān b.˙ ˙ ˙ kám li natmanná libásha. unless˙ derived from iwša). congratulations for these qualities and glories! I am the author of muwaššah and zaǧal. was not so fortunate in his negative evaluation (III 467) of the presence of Br. labbásha líyya! 316 Untranslatable pun: murābit lit. i. An interesting anecdote to this effect. because he is unfamiliar with Berber. ˙ ¯ #ún min kúlli mahmúd. if only I knew the Berber tongue!316 11 I have become the king of zaǧal and raised in it my banner. The poet excuses himself of a similar ˙ duty in the service of his patron. however.

narġáb. the same happens in 7/3. ˙ ˙ya rábbi. wati #akkáfha li. wayitíb háli wawáqti/biwusúli likamáli. labbásha ˙ líyya! 3 watufassál li. ˙ ¯ labbásha ˙ líyya! 7 falibás di+ lhulla #índi/lattuqá afhár ma yulbás. wayukún ǧíbi mu #ammár/battuqá˙w+arkáni díni. the metre has required i #rāb. a habíbi./ya karím. the metre has required the CA vocalisation mutanásib. labbásha líyya! 6 wamin+ alhášya. 321 This could be a case of substitution of mafā #ı̄lun for fā #ilātun. watutayyáb ¯ #índi dikrak/watisír afwáh min+ annád. labbásha líyya! 8 líyya múdda nartaǧíha. ¯ . kay yiǧí #amálha matbú #. ssalá #ala ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ áš kiy+yafráh al #ubáyyad/law #utát lu di+ l #atíyya! kám li natmanná˙ libásha. šá˙ tta/wamin+ al #uyúb naqíyya: kám li natmanná libásha. dress me with it! 319 Note the substitution of mafā #ı̄lun for fā #ilātun. ˙ ˙ watuhát #ala ma yalzám/bihuyút min alhaqáyiq. ya rábbi. ¯hátta ˙ id fáhat wasárat/binúr319 alhudá mudíyya: ˙kám li ¯natmanná ˙ ˙ libásha. ¯ ˙ ¯ ¯ líssu min fí #li alinsáf. labbásha líyya!/ Translation 0 Give me.1. unless a disjunctive +i is inserted (see 1. ˙ ˙ hálisa min aššawáyib/wamin+ arriyá wal+i #ǧáb. aššuštarī’s zaǧal nº 96 153 2 wayukún attáwb matá #ha/min aǧálli ma fal+atwáb./ya karím. o Lord./ya˙˙ karím. an tinawwár ǧísmi bíha/qábli an tatí+ lmaníyya: kám li natmanná libásha./bimuqás qát #+ al #aláyiq./yukún321 alámri mu" akkád./ya iláhi. wayukún¯ ˙ lahá wadáyif/min ./ya karím./ya karím./fa #asá nablúġ amáli. labbásha¯ ˙ líyya! 4 wayukún kúmmi+ lyamíni/fíhi zúhdi ma # yaqíni. ˙ watukún.3). in the Eastern countries in which Aššuštarı̄ spent the final years of his life. ¯ ma wa" aǧálli ˙ hu yutláb/wama yunta ¯ háb wayuhbás: ˙ náhša nalqák./ya karím./ya karím. túb #alíyya: kám li natmanná˙ libásha. wayukún kúmmi+ ššimáli/húwwa sáfwatu320 amíni. ˙ wayukún násǧaha ǧáyyid/wal ˙˙ ġazál sáfi ruqáyyaq./mutanásib waduqáyyaq./baddunúb aswád ¯ ˙ mudannás. this stress position was normal for náhšà./wa fa" iláyk. Also in 5/3. ˙ #aláyk hu ittikáli. ya rábbi. ya+lláh/mínka b+altáfan hafíyya: kám li natmanná libásha. ya állah. 320 Here and in 4/3. a clean tunic to meet you: I have so long wished to wear it.˙ labbásha ¯ líyya! 5 wamin+ admú # almahábba/yukún alǧíb wattuwáyyaq.4. however. ˙ wayudúm #ala lisáni/a ¯ ˙ muhammád.4. by your benevolence. ˙ ˙ sáwm attatawwú # /albadán wayukún ˙ ˙ ma # albanáyiq. o Munificent One. ¯¯ dú mutahhár/aw bidám #a man yaqad wabimá+ lwa ¯ táb. ¯ alahláq˙ arra˙ díyya: ˙ kám li natmanná libásha.

cleansed with water from ablutions. Let it be long. my God.154 poetry 1 O Lord. it shall be cut for me with the scissors of the severed attachments. dress me with it! 7 Wearing this tunic is to me the best garment of piety.322 unlike the kind spun by worms. since I am not just. o Munificent One. dress me with it! 6 O Lord. perhaps I shall attain my hope. and my left sleeve. the most excellent request. and the blessing of Muhammad shall be always on my tongue. o Munificent One. o Munificent One. dress me with it! 5 The neckline and selvage will be from tears of love.e. o Munificent One. o my Lord. my condition and hours being good. o Munificent One. the collar. becoming more fragrant than ambergris. unmixed and fine. let the matter be confirmed by my fear of You. grant me repentance: I have so long wished to wear it. if he were granted this boon! I have so long wished to wear it. o my God. my God. 323 In the mystical jargon. my best amen. I would like a tunic which You will make for me out of generosity. braided with my piety and the principles of my religion. dress me with it! 8 I have been longing for it some time. free of stains. as it should be. or tears of the already repented. so that its handwork be inspired. and I want it woven by a worker with the tools of every virtue. related to the entire divine creation. o Munificent One. dress me with it! 3 O Lord. bright with the light of righteousness: I have so long wished to wear it. I pray to You.. of hypocrisy and conceitedness. o Munificent One. how glad this little slave will be. and the yarn. scented by Your mention. with the thread of truth. choice and possession. I fear to meet you. dress me with it! 4 The right sleeve of it will be my ascetism and conviction. dress me with it! 2 Its cloth shall be one of the most excellent materials. unless he can sever them. upon reaching my perfection. and it shall have braids made out of commendable habits: I have so long wished to wear it. to the point of being fragrant. o Munificent One.323 the voluntary fasting providing its body and gussets. dress me with it! 322 In the original kawnı̄. with trimmings made out of commendable deeds: I have so long wished to wear it. . its silk being cosmic. the ties keeping man attached to earthly concerns and barring his illumination. it will be well-woven. sewn. i. and on You I trust that You will illuminate my body with it before my death comes: I have so long wished to wear it. dirty and blackened with sins. o beloved. which You. and free of blemishes: I have so long wished to wear it. appropriate and exact. will girdle with Your hidden favours: I have so long wished to wear it.

˙ 5 ˙ bimuhámmad+ ˙ almáwla/ #ázzi dín muhammád. walalláh fi háwl annás/balǧamíl #awáyid: áy watán ra" á qásdu/wamunáh bizáyid? anǧabár˙ġaríbu/walta ˙ háf bisítr+ alláh/baríh ma # muríbu. ya SINYÓR. rather than foot substitution in this instance. . nasíbu. appearing also in Ibn Zamrak 15/3/2. ´ QATÍBU. 2 wal+umám ˙min alhásra/dún šaráb sukára./ #asÍ yantafí wáǧdu/wayaskún waǧíbu. w+áhlah/ni ˙ lam tará nahár fih dáw/wala bá #du tíba. ˙ ˙ ˙ hátta jáh tabíbu/fazál alalám walbús/allí kIn yisíbu. 4/4 fazál alalám and allí. 6/4 baríh. ¯ tat bíha+ sáqa ¯ ddúnya/fárdi ˙ ¯ úmmi328 sáq˙ ta: yastaġít dak almáwla/min suháyl libásta./aliláh yi #ínu. strongly influenced by the ˙ CA poetical habits of its very learned author. was first published by Fāġyah 1989:244–245. ˙ ˙ waraǧá # bih+ alislám/kama kÍn mumahhád. 6 ˙yanzál alfaráǧ lámma/tantahí+ ššadáyid. and then in Corriente 1990c. The metre is muqtadab (fā #ilātu maf #ūlun / fā #ilātu fa #lun. wáy nisíbu?/qad rafá #tu min šáwqi./ ˙ǧálfu ma # niǧíbu. and 6/1 yanzál. ¯ ˙ ˙ yáǧ #alu fi ǧíbu./qál l+alfúnšu: NO MATÁR. minhum/bihárf 327˙ aw dabára. a zaǧal by ibn alhatīb 155 ¯ ˙ 3. A zaǧal by Ibn Alhatīb324 ¯ ˙ 0 /áfrahu325 watíbu:/qad madá #adú alláh/wanǧabár habíbu. translation. 8 ¯ ˙ qál lalandalús: #ánni/kin+niríd ni #addád.¯ balháq. 327 Note the substitution of mafā #ı̄lu for fā #ilātu. ›tarfad‹. 3 ˙ #átra kÍn hada+ lhadít/f+alfalák waġálta.˙ ˙ walá man¯yiǧíbu:/astawá+ ¯ lwatán kúllu. waqadárt ˙ tartád? 329 ˙ 324 Dated in 1362. as it celebrates the recovery by Muhammad V of his lost throne in Granada at that time./lámma ġáb. ˙ ˙ wul #uyún #uyún taǧrí/walqulúb hayára. This poem. apparently a copyist’s mistake. 326 See the fn. ˙ wara" át bih+ addúnya/mitli ma at #awwád: wásli ġáb raqíbu/wasa #ádatan ¯ tabqá/fi #aqíb #aqíbu. 1 ˙ kánat+ ˙ albilád ˙ #ma fíh raġíba. in dialectological transcription and with Cs. ˙ ma+ ǧtamá # šimál insán/fíha ma # yamínu waman yá #ǧabak dúnya/aw ya #ǧábka dínu: faqíh ma # hatíbu. walladí dafár . 4 wamarád dín alislám/ hátta˙ qad yuġammád walá man ˙ yudúq annáwm/walá ˙ man yiġammá˙ d ¯ kull+ ahád sallám fíha/lalqadá wafawwád. to IQ 24/1/4. 328 Apparently a Granadan idiom (“a single mother” = “at once”). preceded in the refrains by fā #ilātu fa #lun). ˙ 325 Again a case of stress shift. káyfa lah waqad sárat/ármula˙ ˙ ġaríba? 326 ˙ bálla. the same happens again in 4/2 walá. ˙ wamin bá #di da narǧá # /lalwisál niǧaddád: kíf nasáytani. 7 ˙ láwla šáfqat+ assultán. 329 Ms.

where could we find him? When he left. because God is given to favour this people: which other country enjoyed more of His providence and favours?330 The stranger is restored. 330 An echo of local traditions attributing to the Prophet. Azzuhrı̄’s comments in Bramon 1991:141–142. they saw no day with light or goodness! How would they. until the physician came.156 poetry aliláh hasíbu/kúlli man yuhún ílfu/aw yahǧúr habíbu. no one could taste sleep. 6 Consolation has come when the miseries are over. Islam with him has again its way paved. but nobody answered. even to God. 5 With the Prince Muhammad. a special predilec- tion for Al-Andalus and its people. állah yálhamu˙šúkru/falladí qad ˙ walláh. the rude and the noble. and the pain ended along with the evil they suffered. their eyes ran like springs and the hearts were puzzled. . 10 ˙ qad raǧá # biqada+ lláh/almaġsúb limawláh. 4 The religion of Islam fell ill almost to the point of agony. and the world with him recovers its ways: a concord without spies and a happiness which will last for ever after. 2 Out of sorrow the folks seemed drunk without liquor. ˙ wayandám li" ámran fát/wahu ¯ yas #úb. and God’s protection comprehends the innocent and suspect. after becoming like an exiled widow? By God. whoever of them got a letter or a message put it in his pocket in order to assuage his longing and calm his throbbing. 3 This story was a slip and mistake of the heavenly spheres. ˙ wafalális alkášfa/báyd waládah tatqúb. 1 The country and its people desired him so much as. since he left. not even a wink: all resigned and committed themselves to their fate. áy fárha./ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Translation 0 Be glad and feel good: God’s enemy is gone and his friend has been restored. I was burdened with his share of longings. the Muhammadan religion is strong. the whole country levelled. ráddu wayiríb halíbu/wayarÍ ma bay wáldu/wama ˙ bay rabíbu. from which the world suffered a total collapse: That prince asked for help from Fuengirola to Baza./ya habáyib+ alláh! áfrahu watíbu:/qad ma ˙ dá #adú ˙ alláh/wanǧabár habíbu. ¯ áy haníyya. about which see. 9 man ˙ la ya #ráf anní #ma/fa+zawálha ¯ yarqúb. for instance.

the usurpated property has returned to its owner. in the original. 331 In order to beg pardon.. 10 By God’s decree. known as Abū Sa#ı̄d “the˙ Reddish”. his religious or his political stances? Both an apt legist and speaker. D. a zaǧal by ibn alhatīb 157 ¯ ˙ 7 Were it not for the Sultan’s mercy. not Andalusi Rm. and Ramiro in the case of the Aragonese.. himself killed with a lance the refugee Muhammad VI. 9 Whoever does not value a favour. their milk will curdle. when it shall be hard to recover. 332 In broken Cs. a metaphor of fear.331 What do you like better. do not kill a prisoner”. may God inspire him gratititude for such a trust.332 8 He said to the Andalusis: “I intend to rebuke you. Among Andalusis. and renege? God will call to account those who betray a friend or quit their beloved. it was . o people beloved by God: Be glad and feel good: God’s enemy is gone and his friend has been restored. ˙ customary to call every Castilian king Alfonso. some people would not be able to joint hands. will see it disappear: the chickens of a crazy hen also pick at the eggs of their offspring: Such ones shall repent for the lost chance. truly. God help him!. in Tablada. near Seville. Pedro “the Cruel” who. Congratulations and joy. This passage contains a reminiscence and historical witness of the proverbial savageness of the Castilian king. but then I shall renew the concord: How could you forget me. having decided to support Muhammad V. he said to Alfonso: “Sire. and they will see the difference between son and stepson”.

.

ii PROSE 4. with examples like kayta. dayta. was first published by Bencherifa 1971 and then. died in Marrakesh in 1294.. qál: tubál man ráh/ ¯ 74. . /astaġná ˙ himár alwáhš #an albáy ˙ tar/ ¯ ˙ 235. /idá azwáǧ aššáyh lassabíyya yafráhu sibyán alqaríyya/ 11. māšəkma+ni/k/h. ˙ /albírbiri walfár la ti #allámu báb addár/ 187. /aš˙ ˙hál báyni ¯ wabáyn assamÍ? qál: arfá # rásak ¯ watarÍ/ ¯ 104.1. /uqíl lalbá ˙ ġli: man húwwa wíldak? ˙ qál: alfarás háli/ 80. /assalá háyr min annáwm. Rayyu l’uwām wamar #à ssawām fı̄ nukati lhawāssi wal #awām. /allá tabqá ¯al¯ háma dún mabtúl/ ˙ 204. the 335 The first proverb is one of the not uncommon instances of disrespectful attitudes ¯ towards religion and the clergy in this kind of literature. /ašhál ma húwwa al #áyn alháǧib˙fúqu/ ˙ ˙ 345. ahtaráq báytak. possibly a demonstrative element. ˙ ˙ /arfá # hírrak. excerpted from a lenghty humorous work. Kabyle lhəlq+inna d ləhram a t+yəssəkšəm bnadəm s ahham+is “it is a sin for one to bring such a person¯ into his house”. Apparently¯ its ¯ AA translation was already current in Al-Andalus. /áš kan+dahhálni337 ma # alaqrá # namšút rásu?/ 192. ˙ Dallet 1982:394). qál: ǧarrábna dá wa¯ dá/ 335 93. /iš˙tanfá # alwasíyya faddámġa ¯ arradíyya/ 144. ˙ sentence is often attached to the morning call to prayer (adān). /i¯dá táb azzaffán¯tabqá ˙ ˙ manákibu ta ˙ hǧál/ ˙ 70. 338 See fn. a native from Cordova. by Ould Mohamed Baba 1999. ¯ 334 /a #má. liqábil hattá yarhúsu alqawábil/ 207. His collection.e. ˙ 336 /iblís bilá bitáqa fa+kífat idá buttíq lu/ 155. Some Proverbs Culled from Azzaǧǧālī’s Collection333 3.2. the same items reappears in Nº 986. to stick something (where it should not be”. 334 I. /allúbb áy yawí ma yadí/ ˙ 357.. səkšəm “to make enter. ya múhǧa. see Fleisch 1979:68. see Aspinion 1953:211 cf. therefore. from a haplological reflex of Br. to introduce. translation. together with scatological and off-colour stories. SA tūbà li+ “happiness for”. tammata and rubbata./ 175. /ášma waǧád ˙ alġabbár yahmálu ¯ ˙˙ laddár. Again in Nº 1551. /askandaráni. ráni ma¯ ráni/ 338 333 This author. ˙ /a #tíni matá #ak wallá naksár dirá #ak/ 112. etc. in phonemic transcription ¯ and ˙ ˙ with a Cs. ¯ ¯ 337 This curious idiom is the match of Mo. 244 to 3. 336 A curious instance of addition of -at to the interrogative adverb kayfa = kíf.

see 3. 346 Pseudo-dual of the kind mentioned in 2. it derives from older lā awhaša lláh. appearance. ya šubríni?/ 350 339 The first adjective is being used here as its own elative. . however. /asmár339 húwwa asbár húwwa/ 558. /kíf tadríni. this item has a long story. to Nº 80. /zíd waník hattá yasrúh addík/¯348 ˙ 1050. a hermaphrodite. /ráhi zúbd: áwilu masbúġ wáhiru tárd/ 990.1. as an insult. gilipichi.344 aqtá # da+ lwÍd/ 924. though no longer understood (see Corriente 1993:288). 343 ˙ ˙ /tará tiǧí watamší wama támma ší/ 754..1. as identified by Littmann 1956.4. /rábt amrá lis yisál larra ˙ hál. ˙ /taráhum a˙ sfáru342 tuqúl tábu/˙ ˙ 741. /húrma ˙ fassá #a tamšú fi˙ arbá #a/ 857. ˙ /baqíyyat túrda¯ ahyár340 min láwn/ 563. 101). ˙ 350 Note the Rm. 345 See fn. see ibid.. 347 This is the immediate etymon of Cs. tomara and its Canarian reflex tomaría. see Corriente 2009:401.1 and fn. ¯ qál: law šá alláh347 halásu/ 1020. about which. as can be seen in the pottery sections of some museums. loanword in the kinship term. /˙háf alláh wattaqíh ˙ ¯wala ti #ámal alfaqíh/ 345 976.e. 344 Lit. ¯ 341 /báz al #aǧúz yastád min alqafá/ ¯ 667. wa¯ " in¯ wasál lis yanhál/ 1007.3. 343 The CA non-agentive vocalisation turà of this idiom is also witnessed in AA. /partál falfúm háyr˙ min wázza falkúm/ 559.9. are all Arabic loanwords. see Corriente 2008: lxxix. but also in low register Cs. 349 Note the wāwu hāl as temporal marker (3.160 prose 426. somebody having both vulva and penis. /zád almál.1.1. 340 Note the proximity of this dialectal variant to the classical one in the previous proverb. /tiryána tafták ˙ wa" išbílya ˙ ¯ taġrám alǧú #l/ 1075. i.1.3. its ˙ Pt. ¯ /bá #dima šáb hutín ¯ wawalwálu #alíh alahtín/ 572. ˙ ˙ /záwǧi sú háyr min fáqdu/ ˙ ˙ ˙ 1011. ˙ /hírri píšši. It has survived not only in Morocco.3.4.5) and the Rm. semantic calque in the verb (5. in connection with IQ 19/4/3. /talátat ašyá hi mahsúra: albunyán ¯ faddár assaġíra ¯ ¯ hmi falmará ¯alqasíra wa #ašát assikrán/˙ ˙ waššá 800. see 2. /bahál partál addár ˙ ˙ ma kabúr dáq ástu/ 707. /aqrá súrat yasín #ala qálban káfir/ 534.2.1. Curiously enough. 348 This recommendation to bridegrooms was inscribed in platters full of fruit presented to them on their wedding-night. also Aljamiado-Morisco tamala. 341 Note the decay of the article in the head of the syntagm. The auspicious personal name Zād almāl (“the property grew”) for female servants was commented by García Gómez 1972 II: 102.1. indistinguishable from IV. ˙/kám min barí waqutíl/ 349 1112. ojalá “would that”. 457. however. 342 Note the IX–XI measure. ¯ /raǧá # alaydín346 akmám/ 986. in spite of their Rm.1. equivalent.

Even if the dancer repents. 355 Rm. 362 Pseudo-dual of the kind mentioned in 2. 353 This contraction of the exclamative¯ elative ˙ (›mā ashal‹. with a Rm. /˙#utí lalbírbiri ˙ ˙ ¯šíbri taláb˙ dirá ˙ #/ 1818. see 1. Juan Manuel. /man akrá ástu ma yaǧlás #alíh/ 1343.3.1. ya kábši. /ya #tí alláh alfúl liman ma #índu idrasáyn/ 362 ˙ ˙ Translation 3.4.1.1. 354 Classical negative optative. or a copyist would have suppressed min before al #ūd. ˙ /ya tará. /la tandúr . see 3. /m+ashál353 alhárb˙ #ind+ annad-dára/ - 1394. loanword for the animal name. /wala yáwm attín/ 361 2019.5.9. /šáhsaw360 yahtamál ˙ annússi má/ 1908.1. there might have been an instance of deletion of illā before the second verb.alqí˙ ˙tti fi tulú #u wa" innama andúru . But Nº 667 is similar.fi hubútu/ 2070. /márra manharút355 wamárra aftás. .2. When an old man marries a girl. some proverbs culled from azzaǧǧālī’s collection 161 1202. ˙ ˙ See about this peculiar diminutive 2. /man mát min šáb #a la aqámu ˙ 354 alláh/ 1461. 351 The rhyme supports the diphthong contraction. augmentative suffix.3.2 and fn. 11. ˙ ˙ ˙ /man akál sáb #a min albullút akál šárri min #úd/ 1445.10. his shoulders keep swinging. 356 Uncommon use of the temporal marker mā (see 3. 357 /madġ allís hidá # balbátn/ ˙ 1551. < šahs saw “a wicked person” or perhaps šayh saw “a wicked old man”. see 2.4) is common. 360 An uncommon instance of word composition (naht in Arabic lexicology).2.1.1. ˙/dárya ˙ hi assáhra balqa ˙ ssára/ 1644.2. 357 This expression became the surname of the famous zaǧǧāl Abū #Abdallāh Ahmad b.2. fn. /lis alqárdi ší 351 walaw labás waší/ 1259. /náhnu naqráw ¯ walis naflá ˙ hu kífat law ġannáyna/ 1606.1. fable collection El Conde Lucanor by D. ˙ ˙ ˙ /ya #mál almá bahál qárib sú/ ˙ ˙ ˙ 2125. 1. /sáhib˙ ká #batan wáhda la tilá ˙ #abu/ 1618. ˙ ¯˙ 361 This phrase became famous¯ by its literal inclusion in the Cs. ˙ ˙ /qulánǧ assuqayqát mu #áwwaǧa/ 358 ¯ 1881.2. Alhāǧǧ.5. áy tar #á aw áy tamší?/ 2143. kíf alhalás?/ 1510.11. 358 359 The annexation of the possessive suffix in both instances follows the rule of 2. /ma356 yabás¯ al #úd ˙ ahtaráq/ ˙ ¯ ˙ 1548. /ma lalbáz illá ma ház/ 352 1356. see Corriente 1994:63. the boys of the village rejoice.4. /šatámt mawláy táhti kisáy/ 359 1903.3. 187. 352 In IQ 105/9/4 ›lā lalmilān illā mā yahtataf ‹. see 2.4. ¯ ˙ /šáhsan latíf min sulálat sú/ ˙˙ 1925. ¯ ˙ ˙ /hámman taġláq f+účču báb addár ma hú hám/ 1950.2).1.

707. 235. daring each other to come near within reach.. “His hands turned into sleeves”). An old falcon hunts with its back turned. A bird in one’s mouth is better than a goose in your sleeve. 93. He is a devil without licence. 357. manly one. 207. the sturdier. 426. 754. A rest of soup is better than any dish.—Happy those who could see it! 74. ˙ 364 The people of Alexandria had a reputation for strong character. 667. M.364 I am what I am. After getting grey hair. 857. What got me to comb the bald man’s head? 192. waste your time in a useless endeavour. 559. 345. Some butter indeed: the top is dye. 976.. Fear God and respect Him. “Prayer is better than sleep. You see them come and go. 558. imagine if such he were given. Whatever the dustman finds. ˙ 366 Lit. as proclaimed by its Arabic name (alhāmmah “the thermal spring”). (if you dare). Keep your vulva. he was circumcised and his daughters-in-law uttered cries of joy. “hermaphrodite”. 572. 187.. 990. and have no deal with the ulemas. they are ripe. 204. the older he grows. 986. The mule was asked: who is your father? He said: “The horse is my uncle”. When you see them become yellow. apparently an insult used in the quarrels between women in public baths. the eyebrow is above it.365 534. 924. The blacker he is. Wolves do not prey where they dwell.” He said: “We have tried this and that”. 104. A woman’s knot does not reach the hamlet done.162 prose 70. the thinner his behind. How far is the distance between the sky and I? He said: “Raise your head and look”. 80. and if it does. or else I shall break your arm. . He got utterly mixed up (lit. May Alhama363 never be without cripples. he takes home. when midwives are cheaper. for another time.e. Egyptians say in the same meaning: biyaddan fi malta “he calls to prayer in Malta”. dregs. 741. and the dinner of a drunkard. Advice is of no use for a bad brain.366 cross this river. fat on a short woman. your house has burnt down. In order to save one hour. 144. 155. Wild asses do without blacksmiths. but nothing happens. you walk four. Give me what is yours. 363 Famous spa in the province of Granada. Blind man. 563. 175. as only Muslims believe in the efficacy of Qur"ānic recitation. No matter how high the eye may be. Like sparrows. and the bottom. Three things are bound to be lost: building in a small house. As an Alexandrian. Recite the sura Yāsı̄n to an unfaithful heart. You. Do not show the door of your house to Berbers and mice. 112. 365 I. there is no way to undo it. 800.

it burns. resulting in the ruin of utensils. s. dado.370 1881. 1644. The slab is accustomed to the washers. 1343. Do not gamble with a man who has only one die. 367 Untranslatable pun. May God not raise from the dead those who die from surfeit! 1461.. far from expecting any improvement. Chewing wads of cotton is staying hunger (lit. The Berber was given a span and he asked for a cubit. My ram. Whoever rents his arse cannot sit on it. We are literate and have no success. Triana commits the crime. It leaks like a bad boat. Not even the day of the mud?372 2019. since NA qūlanǧ was a generic name for internal diseas- es. 369 Lit. The colic of the twisted legs. 2125. contrasted at times with their clumsiness. How pleasing is war for the onlookers! 1394. 1818. 1548. but on its way down. 1551. even dressed in brocade. the astragalus used as dice most of the time. 370 Allusion to any serious illness. How come you know me. and snub-nosed the next: what is the solution?368 1510. A monkey is nothing. The name. 1903. imagine if we were singers! 1606.369 1618.371 1908. 1925. Do not look at the cat on its way up. A mean fellow from a bad family.v. “fooling the belly”). 1950. 1050. 371 Old people were given wine mixed with much water. Keep making love. A bad husband is better than none. When wood is dry. where will you go? 2143. 1445. see Nykl 1946:141. big-nosed. where will you graze. 1356. How many innocents have been killed! 1112. Zād almāl! He said: “Would to God it just lasted!”367 1020. and Seville pays for it. I insulted my lord under my coat. A sorrow on which one can close the door of the house is no sorrow. One time. 1259. some proverbs culled from azzaǧǧālī’s collection 163 1007. 368 Probably allusive to the objections made by marriable daughters regarding prospective husbands of whom they did not approve. common among female slaves and meaning “the property has increased”. my nephew? 1202. 1075. until the rooster crows. 2070. Falcons have only what they catch. included in El Conde Lucanor with nearly the same Arabic words. . A wicked old man suffers (wine) with its half of water. see Corriente 2008:274. Her owner woulds hope to merely keep his possessions. 372 Allusion to the famous anecdote of Almu#tamid with his wife I#timād. God gives beans to those who have no teeth. Whoever eats seven acorns has eaten worse than wood. 1011.

386 #ala sahríǧ min hal/ 205.4. 382 Contraction of iš+hú. 385 Note the typically Granadan dual ending +ay. 379 See 1. see 2.1 about the vocative markers.1 about this case of assimilation. ¯ /amÍ+swádu 376˙ man yaltaǧí li" awládu/ 28.waládak? andúr . ¯ of this pronoun. 374 See 1.13.4. as it often happens in proverb collections. diatopic and diastratic layers of AA. /úmmu ¯ rrána wawíldu tayr almurúǧ: ˙ alwalád liman yahrúǧ?/ 384 166.1. 387 The spelling ›batān‹ reflects an idiolect in which the disjunctive vowel has become phonemic (see 1. but standard in Mo. Proverbs from Alonso del Castillo’s Collection373 9. who became the official Arabic interpreter of the Spanish king Philipp II. many of these items are probably much older and belong to diverse diachronic. an adverb innovated in Granadan AA.5).1.10.4.2. 381 See 1. a+bárid.11.11.4.1.4. /man asráq wíldu iš yuqtá # yáddu/ 44.164 prose 5. ˙ /ahdámu wa" a #tú lassús wala tallásu ˙ ˙ ˙ 375 ǧulús/ 26. 383 A peculiar structure in which the elative is separated from the relative by the connec- tive tanwı̄n +an+. ˙ hallᯚúġl+ alyám381 /man ˙ ¯liġadÍ ma yafqúd hám abadÍ/ 96. 375 See 1.4 about the exclamative elative and 2. / #adÍwat ˙ albatán hi tidúm arba #ín yám/ 387 ˙ 373 This famous Morisco intellectual. The same proverb is more obvious 380 See 2.3.2.3 about the decay of /r/ in this item. the relative and the negation are different. ¯ dár+am+ma383 hu alkálb˙ hin yantaqá #/ /aq 162. ¯ 382 /arrás all+ íššu lak dá #u yahtaráq/ 133. 177 about the peculiar shape of this indefinite pronoun.3. ˙ . /tíd374 tandúr .1 about this peculiar dissimilation of /aw/. 386 A low register vocative marker a+. As for yam. 376 See 2. ˙ /mÍt waġurís fi súwwatu kurmÍt/ ˙ 60.3. ˙ ¯ /abrúd. died between 1607 and 1610. /man hadám addúnya378 yat #áb/ 66.ashábu/ 18. however.1. ¯¯ /azziwÍǧ bahál hút assálla:¯allí ¯ hu bárra kiy+yíd yikún dáhil wa" allí hu dáhil ˙ kiy+yíd yikún bárra/˙ ¯ ¯ 76.2.1 about the allomorphs in Nº 536. ˙ /ma tahmár alhaddáy illÍ #ala lá #nat alwalidáy/ 385 ¯ 184.1 and fn. /tahhú¯ 379 bilisÍnak ma la tahhú bisikkínak/ 71. /húbzi ma la hú lak dá #u˙ yahtaráq/ ˙ 148.2.1.4. and he informs us that he was still working on this book in 1587.1.2.1.˙ which is uncommon in AA. In 142.1.1. 377 See 2. However. 378 Apparently.1.1. btən. /áynu habíbak fámma hu #adúk/ ¯ 230.1). /ihnát380 fi dÍ illÍ warrás hidÍ/ 84. 384 Note the Rm. see . /šáwka ma # #urúǧa yinád mannah ˙ butlán/ 142.2 about the decay of /d/ in this item. loanword rrána “frog” and the calque at the end of the sentence (see 5.4.3. /kull+ ahádda377 yi #íq li hásbu/ ˙ 49.2.

Even the name of Ǧuhā might have survived ˙ in Iberian lands. /ida fÍtak˙ atta #ám qúl ˙ šabá #t/ ˙ ˙ ¯ ˙˙ 388 The negative is compounded with a pronominal suffix. barata “roach”. plus the aforementioned záǧ. The item functions˙ as an interrogative adverb ˙ “how?”.4). but not as folkloric links of this motive). as Pt. /alyád alwáhid yaġsál aláhhar ¯ wazzáǧ yanǧamá #u falwáǧh/393 331. it exhibits its long shape (2. contamination of I and IV measures and. even exhibits a comparative abhán. 389 Note the exclamative elative. The last word does not exhibit 2nd degree imālah as in Nº 230. from {wsf} has been metanalyzed as {sff}. and the pseudo-dual #aynín. although these “eyes” are metaphorical for the mesh of a net.3. 393 Note the masc. and a displaced anaphoric pronoun functioning as copula.2. blatta “moth” (whence Pt. see 1. in the second. the curious shape of SA āhar. through Ct. 391 Another instance of this variant of záwǧ. invited by the eagle to a wedding 398 Word composition preceded by the article (see 3.1. not witnessed before AC and Alc. This is the fable of the turtle ¯ in the sky. both witnessed in this folkloric role. ˙ 397 Note the Rm. gender of SA #ašā" “dinner” (5. 390 This proverbial nail or peg. lit. /in salámt min háda ma nahdár aktár397 #úrsi fi samÍ/ 431. metanalysis of OA yūrı̄ as {wry}. ˙ 396 Note the rhotacism in {lqy}. which in Alc.1. Jaimito. with a gemination aimed at restoring triconsonantism and a transparent elative pattern ¯ {aa}. . The semantic shift appears to have taken place in Al-Andalus. of Lt. surveyed by Granja ˙ 1984. introducing the subject. /alamrát ahú398 tu¯#bÍna falqabú/ ˙˙ ¯ 433. ¯ 399 In this instance the exclamative elative is followed by a nominaliser mā.1.1).1.1). ¯ ¯ /mÍ+mláh ma hi fúsha bá #di náw aw súhba bá #di #adáwa!/ 399 470.1.1.1. gender of yád “hand”.11. /áy síffa iblís˙ yuqál+lu áššu ¯dÍ al #ár?/ 392 275. /al #ašÍ attáyyiba min bihín tadhár/ .10. 395 Note the fem. Joanet > Jaumet (witnessed as diminutives of the proper names. The proverb ends with the Rm. for “again” (5. /húzz˙ almahásssa fi˙ báyt alháyl yiqúm almadbúr bazzáǧ/ 391 254. as el clavo del jesuíta. /áy¯ síffa hu aswád ˙ yuqál+lu ¯ sídi?/ 376. /bahál musmár ǧuhá/ 390 242. 392 OA sifah. “on time”. together with a gloss in a ms.5). palo).˙ unless the case˙ in Nº 366. had a long sequential story in Spain. mentioned in Simonet 1888:48. proverbs from alonso del castillo’s collection 165 232. the verbs arÍ “to see” and awrÍ “to show” exhibit both 2nd degree imālah and peculiar shapes. /alahdáb iššu yarÍ hadúbbatu hattÍ tawrí+lu bipál/388 235. in the first case. iš+hu. the property of which Ǧuhā excepted from the sale of his house.. 395 384. but necessarily through the former). Its moral is to alert people against the presence in deeds of easements that might diminish the value of properties. < *a+mā+aǧall+ak. and the velarisation of /s/ has been inhibited. of Dioscorides. which became Cs. Joãzinho. /idá addaffÍ˙alhumáyyam¯haráǧu ¯ alballát/394 366. and word composition of bi+hín “soon”. 394 Only witness to the survival in Andalusi Rm. calque aktár “more”.2. ˙ / #ayyárat aššabáka˙ f+alġirbÍl waqálat+lu ˙ amÍǧállak bi #aynín/389 236. 396 ˙ ˙ ˙ /arqí bÍlak min alkálb ánnu yanqaláb/ ˙ 409. and still surviving in Cs. introduced with the vocative marker. but possibly older. as for ahú.3.1. loanword páll “stick” (cf.1. Cs.2.

2. as well as in Naf. a similar case is of another “winged word” AA tápya “adobe wall”. 411 Note the Rm.1). etc. /faqí biǧáya yaqrá alkitÍb ˙ b+alamríyya warÍ alwalád #ala arba #ín míl/407 668. ˙ 412 /iš yalzám ši kálbi li" áhhar/ 719. loanword for a kinship term. Italian. and Ml.1).11.2.. /a+mÍ+márri ma hi alġúrba/˙ 414 792.1.. /árra415 báhti wahú zúġla/ ¯ ¯ 400 Both substantives of Rm. Occitan.5. in Corriente 1997:325.3. not witnessed in 3. this item propagated through North Africa up to Turkey.1). ˙ /mi+bdá ¯ hú rawáh al #íz!/ 406 # ma 628. .166 prose 491. levelled against the clergy. 407 Again an accusation. ˙/rízqi ġadÍ yatí ġadÍ/ ˙ 404˙ ˙ 536. this is the true origin of Cs. 415 A peculiar interjection. /qúrqi wa" iltimáq ma yattafáq/400 501. to the point that Dz I 33 believed that the true etymon was Turkish tomak. The Rm.3.2 about this temporal marker.2.1. 410 Note the IX–XI measure and the negative optative of the classical type (see 3. /˙humáyyam bišúqra ¯ ¯ 409 wanazÍha bi" úm/ ˙ 692. who pointed to is presence in all the languages of Southern Europe (Cs.. 402 The verb armá is a clear instance of confusion between I and IV measures. Bq. 408 See 1. The allusion of this proverb is clearer than in Nº 76.1 about the allomorphs of this pronoun. possibly onomatopoetic. 405 See 2.2. perhaps˙ resulting from wrong-parsing.1.6 about this reinforcement of the negative. as in the case of the Br. Also a witness to the use of lenses in the Islamic West.3. 408 /sán #at iblís yahhú mita annÍs waya #tí l+annÍs/ 677. loanword for a local animal name. /istihbíyyat qít wará palábra/401 519. the cicada of the classical fable. 403 See 3. see Corriente 2009:389. 404 Note the 2nd degree imālah in the pausal ġadā. 406 Same structure as in Nº 433. /rámi ¯ albúrǧ armá ˙ #ala+ lbáhri asdáq mutárraf/402 531. loanword zuġzal (see 4. see 4. As for the proper name ending the proverb.. an evolution of OA mutarrif with neutralisation of voice in the participles (see 2.).2. 412 See 3. 414 Same structure as in Nº 433. such as that of shoemaking. stock bear witness to the importance of the substratum in some trade jargons. as stated by Corominas.4.1. “with a winding-frame”. 401 About˙ this peculiar masdar. In the case of iltimáq (see Corriente1997:23 and 2009:448).5. to which we can add Br. 413 Peculiar optative marker. ¯ /qálat annámla ¯l+alčiqála: ˙ 411 hin kúnt anÍ nišúq hasáyid kunt+ ánta tiġanní qasáyid/ ˙ ˙ ˙ 714. /ihán405 fi dÍ illÍ wazáwǧah/ 540. in the meaning of “give me”. loanword palábra exhibits a strange addition at its onset. with adverbial tanwı̄n. /i˙ da mút anÍ la+hdárat410 addúnya bá #di/ 694. with or without gemination.˙ Mudarra.4.1. /walláh kiy+yikún413 al #ábdi ¯ ¯ táyr/ 762.1. 409 Note the Rm. in this case of pederasty. whence Turkish tabya “redoubt”.13. for ġadan. etymologically unclear..3.4. Pt. Mo.4. or “gee up” (to a beast). /túlma403 hu arrúh f+alhulqúm ˙ arráb ˙ ˙ yahkúm/ 535.2.

see 2. He who steals from his father is not punished with the amputation of his hand. /la bišatát #azíza wala biqisár abánt+ah/417 856. 418 Exclamative marker not reflected in 3. according to its first editor. 133. 66. calque in {ws #}. 26.3. If the head (in the oven) is not yours. He gets tired who works a lot.1. the mystic imitation found in Aššuštarı̄’s Dı̄wān has also been attributed to Abū Madyan. antecedents. 49. Do you want to see what your son is like? Look at his friends. /iš yisá #u záǧ mitÍ arrús fi fárdi qádra/416 842. and 1996e: 245. proverbs from alonso del castillo’s collection 167 827. 420 Addition of fem. see Corriente 1995b: 286 and fn. 71.1.. A thorn plus limping ends up in being crippled. He who leaves today’s work for tomorrow will never be without sorrow. the theme of vines planted in tombs connects with IQ 90/5 and 6 and his pre-Islamic and Et. Annaššār 1960. 424 Allusive to being caught by the husband of a woman in a compromising situation. He died and vines were planted on top of his arse. 122. and those inside want to get out. 96. / #udr+ abánt˙ annaqqála: kÍnat˙ taqhúb húrma an421 kÍn wíldah yahráq ¯attawáǧin/ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙˙ Translation 9. marker to the diminutive of a masc. You reach with your tongue what you cannot with your knife. Poor he who must take shelter with his sons. Everybody defends his parentage. 76. cf.424 84. which is the amputation of the right hand for first offenders. the punishment specified in the Qur"ān V-38. 419 See fn. 422 Allusion to the hadd. ˙ applied to amounts exceeding of a fourth of a dinar or three dirhams on certain conditions. substantive. 148. 421 This marker is causal in this case. i. 5. 423 Although the immediate meaning is that.4. 417 Peculiar AA shape of OA bint = ibnah. Dogs are dirtiest when soaked. to 2.e.5 about the Rm.423 60.3. Bread which is not yours. /allí f+alquláyba420 ¯tahríǧu aššuráyba/ ¯ 1009. let it burn. 28. let it burn. 162. Nº 536. about which. for thieves. However. There we were when the head (appeared) in front (of us).4 about this peculiar elative. .1. /tanbírat mirmád ¯ ahyár419 min bássat muǧdím/ 920. His mother is a frog and his father a wading bird: to whom will the son take? 416 See Nº 242 about zaǧ. 18. he loses all consideration.3 and fn.1. /ġúzr+ alwasíyya min¯qíllat alitmaníyya/ 1100. Work and give it to the worms. 142. Marriage is like fish in a trap: those outside want to get in. ˙ ˙ falháyr!/ 418 ˙ /alláh alláh 870.422 44. 1. but do not stay idle. and note the peculiar use of fárd “just one”. once a man dies.

409. 692. and both together the face. 366. How can one say to the devil “what is this shame”? 275. 235. liquor takes it out. Tomorrow’s sustenance will come tomorrow. may the world never be green again. If I die. Refresh yourself. The net upbraided the sieve and said to it: how big your eyes are! 236. Shake the ˙ curry-comb in the stable. As long as the soul is in the throat (i. 232. you were singing poems. for it turns round. nasty man. as man is alive). 205. How bitter is to be a foreigner! 792. 531. Neither as tall as A. The enmity of the belly lasts forty days. 425 Reminiscent of IQ 131/1/1. the decision belongs to God. Where your friend is. A pauper’s sign is better than a leper’s kiss. 254. If I live to tell this. 920. 501. but could see a boy 40 miles away. Give me luck and take bravery away. The sister-in-law is a snake in the flue of the chimney. and friendship after enmity! 470.. 431. I shall never again attend a wedding in the sky. How can one say “milord” to a coloured man? 376. 719. 230. 384. 242. A bath with one’s mother-in-law and a picnic with one’s mother. 714. nor as short as her daughter. How nice clear weather is after the storm. 668. 331. 433. Like the bowman of A. 535. 677. A good dinner comes early. who read with glasses. If you miss the meal. Would that man were a bird!425 762. and the horse with sores will rise on his hind legs. When the bath gets warm. 519. 491. Shoes and boots do not match. . Like Ǧuha’s nail. 536. Like the clergyman of Bougie.. 856. A dog does not bite another. Like a cat hiding behind a winding-frame. The hunchback does not see his hump until you show it to him with a stick. How good is goodness! 870. 694. 540. 827. 184. The ant said to the cicada: when I was busy with the harvest.e. the roaches come out. Cheeks blush only when accursed by one’s parents. Watch out for the dog. 842. Whatever is in the little heart. One hand washes the other. there is your enemy. How excellent is the scent of glory! 628.168 prose 166. Two heads do not fit into one pot. The devil’s job is taking from some people and giving to others. There we were when her husband showed up. who aimed at the sea and hit M. say you are full. in a pool of vinegar.

Excessive advice means lack of trust.?)426 1. 3. ˙ huquemi < hukamā ˙ " “physicians”.1. but the graphic confusions between ›c(h)‹ and ›th‹ were frequent in that Cs. the elegy for valencia 169 1009. Bueyn arad hu en yamel hayr limauda haçe en yerich angeyt an yamelhe yleic hina cunt hebedi malaha hua maçorora hue bayge fex que aztarahu elmuzlemin hua yanxato = /wa" in arád hú an ya #mál háyr limawdá # háss an yirid429 #an ǧáyd an ya #málha iláyk.g. in kān “if”.. 1100. ˙ yasíl. fayinquen yachtum çagdach an taflet min ede yocun ageban quibir limen yeric = /balánsiya balánsiya.. ˙ ˙ ˙ 426 See Corriente 1987b about this problematic text. who (said she) hustled because her father burnt the stewing-pans. marcic > marsāk “your harbour”. ánta fi wáqtan mumít. hauil > hawāl “around”. dihuy < dawā" “remedy”. Here˙ it is reproduced from the Primera Crónica General de España. found in all AA sources. version. taǧid. yaqá #.6). presumably from the Valencian area and.D. Balencia. at least a couple of centuries younger than Alwaqqašı̄. 427 A strange transcription of AA ǧát > OA ǧā" at. script. amim > amām “before”.428/ ˙ ¯ 2. yakún. more like˙ Granadan than Valencian texts. relative me in 15. after the much shorter proto-zaǧal of 913 a. frequent ˙ 2nd degree imālah. although IQ has only one instance of rhyme-supported tarÍ in 5/2/1 and the rest without imālah.1. (with only three lines. 430 Apparently. fa" in kán yahtúm sá #dak an taflít min háda yukún #aǧában kibír liman yarÍk. Balencia. ǧÍt #aláyk kásra kibíra. while the context suggests a servile translation of Cs. e. unlikely attributed to the pen of the scholar Alwaqqašı̄ during the siege of the city by El Cid in 1094. ebedí < abadan “ever”. ¯ imperfectives in the apodosis of in in 1. closer to *yerith than to *yerich. ˙ ayz < iyās “being past recovery”. the translator has ultra-corrected 2nd degree imālah upon uttering maláha instead of malíha. 429 A doubtful passage. in its recorded shape. in the ms. about whose person and work see Nykl 1946:308–309. and yā qad “already”) is a version undoubtedly translated from the preserved Cs. geyt427 aleyc quezra quebira. 428 2nd degree imālah in the imperfective of this verb. touo por bien. fariǧ “pleasant”. 16.. anta fi huach tanmumit. 6. etc. yerich.). which would give it title to being the oldest AA document of some extension. as demanded by the context. invariable alladí. The excuse of the daughter of the baker’s wife. the high-register terms hatám “to prescribe”. The Elegy for Valencia (14th c. sáytara “haughtiness”. by somebody with a good native command of AA (proven by such idiomatic phrases as qatá #u alayÍs min marádak “they declared your illness past recovery”).g. Ribera and Nykl is presently in need of radical overhauling. hami < hama" “mud”. While every hypothesis on this matter by Dozy. hína kúnt ¯abadÍ malíha ˙ 430 ¯wamasrúra ˙˙ ˙ wabahíǧa fiš kiy+yastaráhu almuslamín wayanšátu/. the fact remains that this text is appears to be a valid sample of AA. hína “when”.g. possibly ultra-correction of imālah (see 1. but bent on being as literal ˙ as possible. side by side˙ with many low register items (e. see Corriente 1992d about its historical importance). indeed pregnant with CA features pointing to a learned pen (e. ˙ ˙ . or typically AA lu yemxi “he must go”. The text. accompanied by our interpretation of its phonemic shape.

The position of the object before its verb and the taxemes and congruence of its constituents are all striking. but also in IH (see Pérez Lázaro 1990 I: 189). would be a mistake for heulynch. ˙ Axararif albit mataac alledy min bayt quitaxarac cad haçarat xaracaha alledy quitadhar lixua ixems = /aššarárif albíd matá #ak alladí min ba #íd kit+tašráq qad hasárat šaráqaha alladí kit+ta˙dhár ˙ . ¯ 432 The ordering of this phrase.4. one of those interpreters of Arabic whose etymological fancies were absolutely intuitive and pre- methodological.¯ tadhár 7. see 1. ¯ Avil arbaat hijar quebar alledi cunt haleyha mubnja ¯ hiheridu yastamao ˙ an 432 yamelu huzn hanc hue liz yagdaru = /áwil arbá #at hiǧár kibár alladí kúnt #aláyha mubníyya yirídu yaǧtamá #u an ya #málu ˙ húzn #ank walis ¯ yaqdáru/.170 prose 3. as we have surveyed in the case of his contemporary Guadix (see Corriente 2005b). an urban Eastern influence brought by a pilgrim returned to Al-Andalus cannot be excluded.matá #ak alladí buní #ala háwla alarbá # hiǧár ya yarta #áš húwwat wayiríd ˙ yaqá # inna qad¯ hasár attáqa matá #u/. as elsewhere we read simple ›d‹.434 8. has yarcayd. 4. The identification by Terés 1986:312–318 of huet alujar with modern Guadalaviar as “river of wells”. he has again hole alarbaa hijar. kitír kit+tantafá # ánta bíha. The same applies in 9. for which Alc.1. with both adjectives before the substantive.1. and by the presence of the AA pl. that so widely accepted mistake must have spread as a result of its adoption by the prestigious Covarrubias.2.). Açor alahadim mataac alledi buni ale hole alarbaa hijar ya yartax433 huat huayrid yaca yna cad haçar athaca matao = /assúr al #adím .min ba #íd tisallí annufús matá áhlak šuwáy šuwáy tiríd ˙tiqá #/. unless ¯ it is just an infelicitous attempt at transcribing the foreign phoneme (see 1. abyár not only ˙ in VA. 434 This palatalisation of the /a/ in the definite article is a hapax in the whole body of our AA documents. Bueyn arath hu huleynch amlach en quitahaçar min ade almarra yacun an zunubac alquibar gua an aliaçar alquibir alledi quen maac biçaetaratac = /wa" in arád hú hawlínk431 amlák an kit+tahsár min háda almárra yakún #an dunúbak alkibár wa #an alǧasár alkibír alla¯ dí kán má¯#ak bisaytáratak/. ¯ ˙˙ Alabrach alalya mataac almilah alledi tadhar min bayt tiçelli annufoz mata ahalec xuay xuay thirit tiqa = /alabráǧ al #álya matá #ak almiláh alladí .12. ¯ ¯ ˙ 431 That huleynch.lišu #á # iššáms/. ¯ Alued almaleh mataac ¯ ma alemi alquebir huet alujar ˙ alohar alledy cunt anta menha gid magdum cad harach min hadu hue yamxi ay liz quen lu yemxi = /alwád almalíh matá #ak alkibír wád albiyár ma # alamyá+luhár alladí kúnt ánta minha˙ ǧíd mahdúm435 qad haráǧ min háddu wayamší ¯ áy ¯ lis kán lu yamší/. who took it from Tamarid. one would expect *en quitehaçar dic alamlach. 435 The position of the adverb before the predicate is a mere consequence of literal trans- lation of Cs.: in this register of the language. although registered frequently in loanwords. tu te muy bien servies. has háulinq (p. and not “white river” ([al]wád alabyad) is decisively corroborated by this passage.1. The transcription of /d/ as ›z‹ in zunubac is anomalous. however. hardly appropriate for an irrational pl. 433 Another ms. . which suggests a synonymous yarta #id. ¯ de que te mucho aprovechauas. for /t/). ˙ 5. in 5. is abnormal and must be attributed to literal translation of Cs.. ˙ 6. instead of di. and must be attributed to a servile translation of Cs. penultimate line in the fns. Cs. 13.

˙ the masc. win mašáyt amÍm nimút falbahár.1. 441 The translator has omitted the marginal syntagm required here by the relative. The division of provinces (kūrah pl. Balencia heda alcaul alledi colt alleyc coltaha biquezra annadima me fi calbi = /balánsiya. ˙ ˙ 13. balánsiya. 442 The final portion is garbled.1. with connective tanwı̄n. . qúltaha bikásra an #adíma . ¯ 439 Bahuezac min atoya anquibar alledi quitencemi çultana min cadim anar440 ahracaha huaquet yacil yleic adohan = /wahwázak min attawáya # alkibár alladí kit+tansamí sultána441 min qadím annár ˙ ahráqaha ˙waqad ˙ ¯ hán/. in menha/e (twice). 15.3. which happens again in 15. 437 Apparently a mistake for imperfective quiahodo.3. ˙ Agennatac almilah alfarija alledi min hauilac açaba almaçaor hafar leh aloçol hue liz tecdar taati nahuar = /aǧánnatak almiláh alfaríǧa alladí min hawílak assabá # almas #úr hafár lah alusúl walis taqdár ˙ ¯ ta #tí nawwár/. ˙ Buamaradac ¯ les yuget lu dihuy hualhuquemi cad catao alayz min alquebir maradach liz yagdaru yidauc = /wamarádak alkibír las yuǧád lu diwÍ walhukamÍ qad qatá #u alayís min marádak ˙ lis yaqdáru yidawúk/. In this line also.¯ ˙ ¯ ¯ ¯ 12. ˙ ˙ ˙ Balencia.1.2. 438 Curious instance of fem. 438 Marcic almaleh alledi que tegit anta menha carama en quibira yacat nacas minnu almalaha alledi quenet tigic menhe = /marsík almalíh alladí kit+taǧíd ánta minha karáma an kabíra yaqad naqás minnu almalá˙ ha ¯ alladí kánat tiǧík minha/.1.. ˙ Bin mexayt ximel yaacarni el mi alquitir bin maxayt yamin yeculni allacet bin mexayt amim nimut falbahar bin rajaat lehalf yaharagni annar. 440 See 5. 11. with connective tanwı̄n.1. better. Such a linguistically unlikely sequence betrays a clumsy manipulation to make the text appear older by inserting the archaic connective tanwı̄n. marsá is treated first as masc.5. bíha or something similar. toaya anquibar. háda alqáwl qúlt #aláyk. ˙ 10. see 5.1. háda kúllu nuqúllak anni lis taqdár taflít ¯ la #ád˙ alladí ahráb … / 442 ¯ ¯ ¯ 436 Note the voice merger (see 2. yasíl iláyk addu ˙ ˙ 14.1). ¯ 16. tawāyi #) is a well-known feature of Andalusi administration. possibly garbled by copyists.1. in the agreement with almaleh. ma fi qálbi /. see 3. ¯ win raǧá #t lahálf yahráqni ˙ annár. the elegy for valencia 171 9.1. Çauaquic açafia alledi quitir quitantafa anta biha quet rajahat mongadara436 hua an nocçan atanquia hi tamxi meli min hami = /sawaqík assáfya alladí kitír kit+tantafá # ánta bíha qad raǧá #at munkadára wa #an ˙ ˙ nuqsán ¯ ¯ attanqíyya hí tamší malÍ min hamÍ/. ˙ ˙ ˙ Morojac almilah alledi quen fiha annahuar alquetira almilah alledi ˙ quiahado437 fiha ehlec çoror anquevir yaquet yabecet = /murúǧak almiláh alladí kán fíha annawwár alkitíra almiláh alladí kiy+yahúdu fíha áhlak ˙ ¯ surúran kibír yaqad yabásat/.2. win mašáyt yamín yakkúlni alasád. biquezra annadima. balánsiya. kuwar) in districts (tā #ah pl. and next as fem.1. and some words are lost. with the definite article or.1 about ˙ gender of nár “fire”. Valencia heda cullu nocullac anny liz tegdar tefelit leat aledy ahrab … = /win mašáyt šimál ya #qárni almÍ alkitír.. but without /t/.. 439 One would expect atoaya alquibar.

he chose and preferred to do it to you. if I walk ahead. 15. Your beautiful meadows with so many flowers. I tell you all this. as they cannot heal you. 6. 4. 8. 9. the lion will devour me. which were so useful to you. the physicians have declared you past recovery. are collapsing little by little. Valencia. ¯ ¯ . but cannot. these words which I told you. run full of mud. 12. and if your lucky star decrees your escape from this. The first four stones on which you were founded want to meet and mourn you. If God wanted that you should forsake all these possessions. and if I go back.172 prose Translation 1. Your beautiful harbour. it will be a great wonder to those who see you. you can no longer escape from this one who ruined …443 443 The final portion is garbled and some words are lost. 14. I shall die in the sea. you are in a deadly hour. Your white merlons shining from afar have lost their brightness. Valencia. Valencia. as you always were beautiful. in the lack of cleaning. looming from afar and comforting the souls of your people. for which you were called a queen in the old days. 5. Valencia. The rabid wolf has cut off the roots of your beautiful and pleasant gardens around you and they cannot blossom. 3. 7. 13. The important districts in your surroundings. 10. Your very high and beautiful towers. Valencia. 11. Your great wall built on these four stones is already shaking and about to fall. it would be because of your enormous sins and your haughtiness on account of your power. which is proven by ade = háda in 3. If God wanted to do good to a place. because it has lost the strength it had. in which you found great honour. have turned turbid and. Your limpid irrigation canals. great affliction has befallen you. 2. has lost the beauty which it gave you. with which your people were so happy. the fire will burn me. the flood will kill me. which looked like sunrays. the Guadalaviar. and the other watercourses which gave you such good service have overflowed and gone where they should not. if I go right. I said them in great sorrow of my heart: 16. it could also reflect lihád(a). have been set afire and smoke is reaching you. As for leat. happy and lavish towards the comfort of the Muslims. considering the weak articulation of /h/. Your beautiful great river. If go left. have already dried up. There is no remedy for your grave illness.

for ammā.. as for ›bidrinyal‹.bidrinyal wa" in kin yaġdār ˙ 450 ˙ ˙ 6r ¯ hiyat zarad armā dibinšatibā451 inna ¯ aw mā ašbahā dalika fa #alà 7r hayri wa" in lā˙ fattalatah matah alhawı̄ǧ.2. wa" immā min šuġli alqata #ā aladı̄ arsaltilı̄ ¯ ˙ ˙ ¯ 444 One of the last documents of AA. ya que) is an instance of code- ¯ shifting introduced with the item translated into the target language. cf. ja que = Cs. 447 Infra-correct classicism. and the calque of Rm. in contrast with dialectal nid (see 1. alyam for alyáwm (see 1. and the absence of gemination in yiruddak is a mere oversight. the Rm. ¯ 451 A case of code-shift. or the local dialect of Ct. with a next min. 446 Sic. then repeated in this ˙ letter.1. cf. which he has distorted in a mala- propism.3). wa" in là fā assayfi ¯ 452 8r ¯wa" alhidmı̄ wa" immā ¯¯ ¯453 min altaman ˙ fā fi assilah kulū tahtı̄ hatı̄ limiyat 9r ritlan¯454 wafı̄ sayfi wahidmı̄ hatı̄ ¯ lihamsin ritlan. name of a primitive shotgun.3.21. fins a. ›lah lamšı̄‹ is a poor spelling of lalmaší. it is an unassimilated Rm. like yāqad and yāba #ad “already”: this subject was surveyed by García Gómez 1972 III: 49–60.2. Personal Letter by Lluís Alġázi (1595)444 1r ›sayidi šuqrı̄ #azzak allah. arma defensiva. in the last phrase. 3r fayā¯ ida siyadatika antā #azim lālamšı̄ allah˙ ˙yaktublak assalām ¯¯ ˙ wayirudak 448 4r ¯ 449 lidar. cf. anı̄ qabattu alkarı̄m kitabuka445 al" awal wa" attanı̄ wafahath. mā ašbaha dālika is the CA aim of the final segment. and included as text sample in Corriente 1992a. As for the CA item siyādatuka “your Lordship” (again in 4r). while the spirantisation in ahtar < aktar was commented in 1. and Cs. 452 The text has been ¯ stricken out after a failed first attempt at writing the next word. más que nunca.4. possible a calque of Rm. cf. pedreñal. it is followed by words in agreement with anta. el possible or Cs. First published by Harvey 1971. 449 A case of code-mixing. frequent in this letter in instances requiring gemination and other graphemes. siyadatika ta #mal alburšiblı̄ fiyaš yan #atanı̄ silah 5r makmul¯yu #nı̄ sayfi wahidmı̄ w.10. 454 Infra-correct accusative. a tirón a la mer- ˙ ˙ . Cs. lo posible. 450 The correct vocalisation of both verbs should be ya #ní and yuqdár. personal letter by lluís alġázi 173 7.1. explained by Cs. As for the final conjunction ›fiyaš‹. 445 This item and the previous optative are failed classicisms. 453˙ See 8r.3. interference in this text may proceed from Cs. 456 Barceló suggested latiron lalbidā # as a conjecture. then by MI 374– 376. Ct.2. més que mai = Cs. ˙ except ˙ in 8r. see 1. Ct. which is sure in ›hatı̄ li‹. either by mistake or by idiolectic assimilation of the nasal in AA fahámtu. offered here in graphemic transcription. from Ct. see 3.4. The velarisation of /s/ in ›silah‹ suggests a suprasegmental feature affecting the whole word. respectively.k fihayri.446 ¯¯ 2r sayidı̄ fa" immā447 qawluka in kin anı̄ nid silah fā alyam ahtar min qat. beginning with VA. written few years before the expulsion of the Moris- cos.2. 448¯ ¯ The strange ¯ sequence ›yā idā‹ (cf. Ct. as both languages were simultaneously brought to Valencia by Aragonese and Catalan conquerors.˙wa" in kin˙ ˙ ˙ 10r ˙ takūn almasalà taqrub¯ litafqā ˙ 455 #¯alı̄ #ašrā walı̄ ˙ #alı̄ #šryn 11r 456 fa" idā hiyat itur lalbidāya.4.1). As for ›hawı̄ǧ‹. ˙ 455 This derivate of {wfq} is known from other sources.. Ct. for a #azzaka llāhu and karı̄ma kitābika.

on the other hand. next. a close relative of Cs. and Rm. without having morphophonemically become a regular quadriconsonantal stem. followed by a pronominal suffix. cèdula. correu a posta “post haste mail”. i. ˙ min banı̄ ridā - 9v fı̄ 19 min fibrayri #ām 1595 ˙min dusā assuwat ahnā. FÓRMA “mould” = Ct. item. Cs. tamma takūn: a˙#bı̄ alladı̄ taġdār. ˙ 10v waqalulı̄ inna assū #ad ˙ 11v " lqutun mazbuġ idā yakūn 12v anı̄ ˙narsalū in šā"¯a " llh cancía. Ct. 457 I. correo = Ct. 460 Again code-mixing with Cs. atura “stop”. We have suggested Ct.e. the two initial verbs having received the verbal prefixes of Arabic imperfectives. but paleographically remote. 463 Note Rm. and Cs. huwāt dibāza457 min inna hinat nahtiǧū nansifū 13r lanis. 464 Ct. . bona voluntat “good will”. and Ct. forma. 465 In the text ›mabhum‹. items: ›butizza‹. 468 Rm. phrase with Arabic article: cf. Cs. easy graphical confusion.5. Ct. cédula = Ct. partida “shipping”. anı̄ ma #¯ı̄ mafhum465 3v ˙ ˙ a˙ ssultan inna ˙ #amal¯ mirsı̄ min šuġli assilah ilà aššaqritarı̄466 ifra- 4v nqizzā. from which an Arabic diminutive has been easily obtained. and Ct. licencia = Ct. “scramble for the goods”. see 3.šuġli 2v assilah wa" ahbas hida albara #an iltihim. 459 Another case of code-mixing. 467 Three more Rm. sayidi.174 prose 12r narsallak. which appears to be a mistake for ballí. Ct. acertar or Ct. read ›munbihā‹ “notifying”. eixaropat “syrup”. ˙ 468 7v safar˙ tayib wayirudak ˙ ˙ lidarik bihayrı̄ kamā ta˙hib walazayid ˙ illā ˙ ˙ 8v ˙assalam ˙ #lykm ǧmy # warahmatū¯ allahi wabarakatuhu. attribution of jurisdiction” and secretari “secretary”. divisa “motto”. Cs. but with ˙ a different suffix. which is ingenious. receives a verbal suffix of perfective. encertar “to happen to/on”.. a costes “at the expenses”. 461 Rm. with ultra-correction of imālah. but the word and its meaning remain conjectural. procura recabar licencia. items. metanalyzed as the Arabic definite article. mercé “grace.4. innahı̄ tamšı̄ karamatnā ¯ fihā wa" isanı̄˙458 naġdār˙ nahtišı̄ ˙mā # 14r ˙ 459 inna fihada alayim sirtarti fariġ min qata #ā. item. 466 Two Ct.1. from Cs. ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ hamil ˙ ˙ hadā huwa yahmallak 5v wahdā ¯butizza min #asal min šurubad ¯ wa˙ wahdā furaymā ¯ ˙ sukar fı̄ 467 min 6v mitahmal latariq: aqbadah ma # albunā buluntad w #ası̄ allah ya˙ htik ˙ ˙ . followed by falı̄. with the pattern {uáya}.e. llicència has lost its first syllable. botella “bottle”. 462 Totally Rm.. 458 This is the characteristically Valencian negation is+. in which Cs. without being morphophonemically regular verbal stems. sayidi sayidatika ˙˙ 15r ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ tibirqurār tarraqabar šinsiyā460 lisilah wa" in kin yarziq allah man 16r ta #bı̄ albartida461 " taybā #alı̄ ˙ manirā ˙ aw ˙ #alı̄ uhrā fa #alà assalam wa" illā 17r ˙ ¯ ˙ 462 fatarsal qurriw abuštā falı̄ yakūn fı̄hā wakam ¯ lahā tan #atà 18r wafi assa #ā narsalah˙ lak aw naǧ #alah fı̄ attablà matā balansiyā ˙ wanar- 19r ˙ ˙ 463 ˙ ˙ 464 sallak sidulà min bihā litifasar inna aquštiš mata #ı̄ yakūn kulišı̄ 20r wa" in kin¯ yakun fihā bib maftuh lidik alšı̄ #an˙ inna 21r anı̄ qata #tilak kam tahtı̄ siyadatika ˙ ˙ ¯ ta #mal dik alladı̄ 1v tarı̄ inna˙ yakun yanba ˙ ˙ġı̄ wa" anı̄ nifindir kullū ¯ aladı̄¯ ta #mal #annı̄ f.

Your Lordship do what 1v you consider convenient. 2r Sir. Sir. it would be better. excellent. As for the price. as 14r I happen to be penniless. and if not 7r send a post haste mail with indication of its contents and how much must be paid 18r and I shall send it to you at once. 20r and that there is an open door for that matter 21r of my fixing the amount you can pay. and I shall support everything you do in the matter 2v of the weapons. or else. if it were possible (also) 6r defensive armour. . if God provides some- body who 16r can bring the shipping in order. As for the matter of the money which you tell me 12r to send you. or deposit it in the bank of Valencia. I understand 3v that the king granted (the concession of licenses for) weapons to the secretary Fran- 4v queza. receive them as a token of good will. my lord. 11r hold onto the principle (?). personal letter by lluís alġázi 175 13v ilà " ldy tumuranı̄. the three items. making it difficult to read the family name alġāzı̄. may God grant you safety and bring you back 4r well to your home. 3r If your Lordship has resolved to go. but I cannot give a thing. as you wish. sword. You will be there: take what you can. it is our motto that we must repay 13r people: our honour it at stake in this. for the sword and dagger. The bearer of this letter 5v brings you a bottle of syrup and a little sugar loaf 6v to take for the road. as for what you said. the sword 8r and the dagger. and may God 7v give you a good journey and bring you back home well. that is. up to fifty pounds. your Lordship 15r should try to secure a license for the weapons and. today more than ever. whether I want weapons. one way or another. and hold this slip as memorandum. Your Lordship do everything possible so that I am given 5r a complete set of weapons. 7r otherwise. Nothing more but 469 The signature is decorated with a flourish of the kind still used by Spaniards. which is a coat or something similar. and if 10r the affair were close to a deal for about ten or twenty. for the complete set of weapons you will give up to one hundred 9r pounds. and send 19r you a notification explaining that everything is at my expense.469 ¯ Translation 1r My lord and father-in-law. dagger and a shotgun. I received your gracious first and second letters and understood them. may God strengthen you. ¯ 14v hadimuka: liwiš " lġāzı̄.

In Benirredrá 9v February 19th.176 prose 8v peace on you all and God’s compassion and His blessings. 14v Your servant. . 10v I have been told that 11v the cotton is not yet dyed: when it is 12v I shall send it. 13v Until you order anything. Mendoza is not here. 1595. Lluis Gāzı̄. God willing.

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1 ›abant‹ 102 acír 2.14 ›abrār‹ 135 aâméd 2.1.1.7 quin maçurúq 5. 173 aâci maâcór tucún 3.5.1 ab #abbās 115 açáfir 4.2 ›ab #āmir‹ 2.10.4.3.5.1 aâtáit catáâ mucáriba gua cunt énte ˙ abul #abbás.1.10.2.1.3.3. 4.7 âale yadlimúna 1.2. +a 2.4.5.1.10.2.4.1.10.1 ačarí 1.10.1.1.3.10.1.1.11 aâcí 284 abkám 2.2 aâbíd 2.2.1.3 abulfidá 1.10.1.1 ›abtadānı̄ yadhak minnı̄‹ 264 aâmeltilu 3.7 ›abdal+lı̄ hālah‹ 3.3 abā 145 ˙ acérre 2.2.10.2.4.5.12.10.3 tedrí énne quínet mucáriba 5.2.1.1.12.4.2 ›a #art‹ = âárt 2.4 ˙ abu haǧǧáǧ 1.2.1 a tabíb aledí ydaguí 2.1.2.4.2 aâróċ 1.1.2.4.3.10.1.2.1 âáda 2.3.10. 1.5.1 ablah 1.3.2 aâríf 2.7 ˙ abiád 2.5.3 ›abnāt‹ 77 aâmáliqua 2.5 açtaházt 2.1.1.14.10.5.5.1 ›ablah‹ 2.2.1. 77 ˙ ˙ aâmí 2.2 ›abawayn‹ 2.1.28.9 ›abyad‹ 2.10.6.2.1.4.14.2 ābār 164 acuéd 174 ›abat mā tudūr‹ 3.5.1.2.3 abbār 2.3 (a)ban mukárram¯ ˙ 1.3.2.2.1.10.5.1.5.1.1.3 ˙ aâbd 2.1.1 ›ab ǧa #far‹ 2.1.9.9 abyadu ˙ 172 ab 2.10.2.1.1 achapát 1.1.2.11 ›ablāk allah bi #išquh‹ 3.2.1.1.1. aâjamiín = aâjamiyín 1.10.7.5.4.10.1. ARABIC INDEX Italic numbers refer to footnotes.4.1.3.7 ˙ ›abzinah‹ 1.2.1.10.1.3 aâtébe 2.1.1 aččappat 1.1 ací yaâuáni alláh 3.4.3.1.1.9 abanūs 1.1.5.3 ›abadā‹ 2.3.11 abū #abbās 115 aâmúd 2.1.1 aâjamí pl.11 aâguár 2.1.6.2 abú alhusáy(n) 2.4. ›ablantāyin‹ 1.4 abwāb = ›abwāb‹ 1.11.5.6.5.2.1.1.1 abu alfaqíh 2.1.1.3 ¯ .6.1.1 ›abrazt‹ 205 aâmélt+a 3.3 aban 138 acharéit xéi min alledí cunt tedrí énne ›aban abı̄ alhisāl‹ 2.5.1.1.1 adála 4.5.1.2 abū 2.1 2.10.3.1.11 aâzíz 2.1 abn 138 aâjúze 123 ›abn abı̄ zayd‹ 2.5.1.1.4.5.10.11.2.1 açáquifa 2.2.27.2.14 ab ayyūb 2.

2.2.3.2.1.2.2 ¯ ahtamál 2.4.1.4 af˙ #à 1.10.10.1.1.3.1 ¯ adáqal 4.11.13 ˙ - adfāru ddi" b 1.2 adfār ›ah‹ 2.14.4 a¯hillah 1.1.2.3 ¯ 1.4.1.1.1.2.1.4.3.6.1.1.1 aâmelleq … xéi 3.6.1 ˙- ›adlāmat‹ 210 ˙ aháde 198 ˙ admanéit al inticám … aliedidí enne ahán 2.1.2 ¯ ahmár = a˙ hmar = ›ahmar‹ 2.10.2. 198 ¯ adhíl(u) 2.1.4 ›aġdā‹¯ 1.3 adenb al¯ águil ¯ gua alquibír 2.1.2.4.1.1.1. 160 tucún leq máudaâ 3.1 .3.4 ˙ .1 agdór 2.3.6 adrās 77 ›a˙ hdar‹ 173 ›a˙ drās‹ 2.4 ›aǧtamā #ū‹ = aǧtamá #u 1.5.1 adrāǧ ahdab 2.2 a˙hattu 77 admanéit tanjamáâ máâ mará ydé qui ›a¯ hawāt‹ = ahawāt 77.3 agnách 2.10.5.4.1.4.2.4 ›a¯ hlá‹ 2.3 adašš 4.4..28.2.2.1.2.3 ˙ 2.3.10.1.2.2 ›ahlāqan si #āb‹ 3.1.1.5.2.1.14.2 a¯d¯dánb aláwil walkibír 2.2.3.1 ˙ 3.2.10.2.19.1.3 a¯hín 2.1.2 ¯¯ ›addaššā‹ 1.5. agédt 2.5 ˙ ahraǧt 205 aftacárt 209 ›a¯ hsayt‹ 205 afuét 2.3.2.3 aǧnabı̄ 1.2 ˙ ¯ adká/ílt 205 ¯ ¯ ahád(a) 2.5.2.1 ahguélt 2.11 agiráh 1.4.1.3.1.1.1.1.1.4 *adrā # 153 ›ahdā wahu yabdā‹ 1.2.5.2.5.10.3 aǧrā" 77 a˙ddana 2.2.13.6.5.3.2.5.19.2.11 adunúb alledína aâmélt 3.4.3 aguáid 2.1.2.1.3 ˙ ›ahnāk‹ 77 agímiê 1.1. 77.1 ›aǧannah‹ 2.1 addí = addí 2.2.5.10.4.2.2. 157.4.3 ¯˙ ›ahdayt‹ 205 adru˙ # 153 ahdéb 2.5.4.1. 4.3.1.14.2.3.8 agnié ˙2.1.1.1.4.3 ›aǧnāh‹ 2.2 ›aǧ #al li #aynayya an narāk‹ 3.3 ā˙hir(u) sā #ah 233 ›aġatt‹ 2.10.5.4.3 ahguél 2.43 ahı̄¯ ˙2.11.1 ˙ ˙ halt‹ 205 ›ad ›ahad‹˙ = ahad 1.3.1 ˙ ahmaru (mina ddami) 172 ›aǧǧaššā‹ 1.1.2.11.2.5.2.10.10.1.8 ahcén 2.10.1 agecediín 1.1.1.1 ›a¯hbas lı̄ dā lbi¯ tāqa rahan allā nansà‹ adoáâ alledí léhe tetacál 3.4 ›adallah‹ 2.3.10.1.11.4.1 ¯ adára 2.2. 187 agáċt 2.2.1 agzál 4.2 ˙ ahád 1.6 ¯ adúnia 2.1.1.11.5.2 ›ahras‹ 2.1 aġsál(u) 2.9.3 ahā¯ 145 a˙dhà 254¯ ¯ ¯ ›a+habı̄bı̄‹ 2.2.1¯ ˙ adrá 2.1.1.3. 203 ˙ ›aġfirhu‹ 303 ›ahmarr‹ 210 ›aǧǧarı̄‹ 1.4.4 aġwán 88 ˙ adént 2.10.3 aǧurrah 2.1.1.2.1.3.6.2.3.1.10.1 ˙ ›ahlan wasahlan‹ 2.5.202 arabic index ›adallah‹ 2.1.

1.10.5.4 ›al #ašā sahı̄nah‹˙ 5.1.2.1 ›al #aqli " arrāǧih‹ 76 ›a¯hwaǧt‹ 2.1.2 ›a¯ h‹ 2.2 ›al #adm.4 ¯ alfáy(n) 2.1 ˙ " a #māluhā 243 ˙ ˙ ˙ ›al #ašr kalimāt‹ 3.1.3.10.11.2.3.3 ˙ alhawāssu lhamsu 240 al mi almubárraca 5.1 ˙ yanǧabar‹ 3.3 ›ahyā‹ 135 alávil amr 3.1.1.1.2.1.1.1.1.2.2.4 akíla 1.3 akbir bihı̄ 172 ›al+barġariyyah al+ma #lūmah‹ akdar 173 2.1.1 al axiít rauhánin 3.2. 2.3.lā yankasar anna allahm ›a˙htar‹ 1.3 ahwāzu madı̄nati tulaytulata wa+ ¯ ›al #ašat altayyiba‹ 2.2.3.4 ›aldā" alsawdā‹ 5.1.2.4.4 âíndaq hu muçháf 3.3.1.1. arabic index 203 ›ahtamayt‹ 2.2 albáyt alkibír matá( #) almu #allám ˙ 2.1 ›ak¯ tar dafı̄‹ 2.1 ˙ = ›akiffah‹ 1.1.1.4 a˙kóy 2.1.10.2 ak¯tár 2.10.1.3.7.1 ¯ .3 aklíl al #arabí 3.1.2.1.2.1.1.21.1 ›al˙ hadd‹ 1.1.1.1.5.2.1.1.1.2.1 *al+gawn 88 ¯ al guadó me yeqdér yagcél gáir ›alǧı̄mah‹ 18 al codóra míta gecéd náâm al ›alhabbat alsawdā‹ 243 confessar … ynaquí al cadáyer alledí ˙ hu 3.1.1.2.1.1.3 alhárr húmet fal calb 3.1 ¯ ›aktar … sayyādah‹ 2.13 ›alburǧ hamām‹ 3.2 akáil 1.2 albári 1.4 álf 2.8.3.3 ›alfuǧl yahdam nafsuh‹ 3.3.4.2 akó 2.1.1.3.4 196 ¯ ›ak¯tar raqı̄q‹˙ 2.2.1.1 ¯ ˙ akbaru malikin 172 albárd hu 3.2.1 ¯ akteyélt ˙ 2.1.1.1.10.3.1.4.3.2.2.2.5.4 ˙ ak˙ tar 1..1.3 ›al #ayn mā‹ 3.1 ›a˙hwāl‹ = ahwal 2.2.1.14 ›al #ayn assū‹ 82 aímme 2. al" asad 29 ¯ ˙ 5.1 ˙ al aâxara omór 3.11 ˙ ›al #ašar matāqil‹ 3.1.11.1 alçún 2.4 aîmláq 2.1 ˙ ahtÍn 157 ¯ ›a+lam‹ 3.1.3 ˙ = ›ahyar‹ 127 ahyár al" awāmiru l #ašaratu 240 ahyén 2.3. 187 ›alburǧayn ˙ alladı̄n lalhamām‹ 239 a˙ktabárt 209 ¯ alcalb al incén 3.1.3 ›ahtasā‹ 2.3.2.1.10.1.10.1.5.1.1.6.4.1.1.1.2 akífa albarqúq 2.2.1.2.2.3 a˙kfféf 2.21.1.1.4.6.1.1 ¯ ›a+lā‹ 3.10.2.6.4 ›ala˙hlāq˙ alsukkariyyah‹ ¯ 3.1.2 ˙ ¯¯ ahtarámt 209 álaf 1.2.1.13 al" amru l’awwalu 240 ›a¯hū‹ 2.3.1.2.4¯ ¯ alayím axunút 3.2.1.2.1.4 alǧamā #atu˙ lmadkūratu 241 al hayét a déima 2.3.5.1.1.1.2.1.1.2.28.10.8.4 ›alfatá alladı̄ sammayt‹ 3.1.2 ›a+laysa‹ 3.1.4 ›aldār almadkūrah allatı̄ tilka labnhā‹ ›ak¯tar mulih‹ 2.1.2 ˙ ¯ ¯ ›alhayl matā # assūs‹ 3.5.1.5.1.2 ›albaqar yathammarū balǧazzā-rı̄n‹ a˙karáxt 205 3.2 ›alahbāb di+marrah‹ 238 ›a¯htawalt‹ ˙ 2.1.

1 almutallat 1.1.1.2.2.1.3 ›alkarmayn alma #lūmah‹ 3.1.1.6.2.2.1.3 alwalád falġúrfa ¯ yakkúl 3.1.8.1.2 ˙ allé yanfáâ 2.3.1.2.1.3 ˙ ˙ ›alqulūb qad kin qasahat‹ 3.1.2 allá 3.11.2.1.1.3 almoftáh ˙ a dár¯3.1.1.2 ›alsalaf mardūd‹ 247 ›allah ya #tı̄nā rizq waya #tı̄nā fāš ›alsihr nuqūl‹ 3.2 alledí pl..4.4 alkitáb (alla alqalám baš naktúb alkitáb 3.2.11.1.4 ˙ ˙ ›alkarı̄m kitābuka‹ 242 almuquéddez açáleb 3.3. 2.4 al káir alledí aâmélt 3.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.6.1.1.1 míta lassāqah yurfa #‹ 3.2.2 ˙ almadhún ˙ ¯ 3.7.1.1.3 alwalád alašqár húwa ábnak 3.1.1 alwalád alǧáhil 3.1.1.1.1.3. 2.3 almeé mouáreq 3.4 ›allah yinaǧǧı̄k min kulli šar‹ 3.3.2.1 ¯ ¯ ›al #išqi walmawt alsawm fı̄+hā sawā‹ ›almilāh … alladı̄ ǧārū‹ 3.1.2.1 alwalád ǧáhil 3.11.2.11.2.1 ¯¯ [allá] 1.1.2. 46 ›alqulūb matà nud-dāru‹ .3 ›alsā‹ 253 ›allah ¯ lassan+hu˙ ġāfil‹ 3.1.11.2.7.11.2.1.11.2 /allí/ = allí 1.1.3 ˙ ›alqisma aladi‹ 2.10.1.4.1.1.2.1 3. alwalád alǧáhil [húwa] falbáyt 3.1.3 ˙ alwalád alašqár yakkúl˙ 3.1 ›al+sā‹ 1.2. *alletína ˙ 2.2.11.2.1.2.1.25.2.4.1 aliém 1.1.1.1. alma.1 aâlemín yahíbbu arguáhum alwalád alǧáhil [húwa] sadíqi 3.204 arabic index alháyt alladí duhín and alháyt ›almasākin ka+ftadahat‹ 3.1 alladı̄ 3.2.3.4 ˙ naǧ #alūh‹ ˙ ›alšuwayya h mabhūr‹ 3.1.1.1 alladí¯ min 3.1.3 3.1. 3. 1.1.2.11..1.3 ˙ 2.1.2 ˙ alquellemét al muqueddecín 3.3.4.1.1.2.2.2.1.2.3 almuqaddám 2.1 ˙ ›alqamh alǧadı̄d‹ 2.2 ›alla¯ dı̄ aqbalū‹ 2.4.1.4.3 ¯ ›alturuq alkibār wa" in tālat‹ 3.11.1.1.3.1.2.1.11.1.2. 5.1.1.2.5.2 alletí˙ pl.2.4.3.3 ›altiǧārah madmūnah ikkān iš tarbah allé cunt tecól 2.2.3.1.1.1 altahám(u)¯ 2. 3. 2.3.2.1.4.1.1 ›alla¯dı̄ dālik … huwa biqaryat‹ 196 ›alquss min kanı̄sat šant ya #qūb‹ ›alla¯dı̄ ¯ǧārū‹ 2.2.3.2.1.1 ˙ .1.2.6.1 alla¯dí 1.12.1.1 ˙ ˙ ˙ dí) #alá lmáyda 3.1.2.11.3 alkámce haguéç 3.3 alwalád alašqár húwa alladí wasál *alliyāt 2.2 ›almadkūrah aǧǧamā #ah‹ 3.3 3.2.1.2¯ *allatiyāt 2.1.3 ˙ tahsar‹ 3.1 ¯ ›almawlānā‹ 243 ¯ ˙ alhuwaynā 2.3 3.2.1.1.11.11.2.3 ›al¯hi˙sām allatı̄ ǧārat‹ 5.3 ›almu #assal a #là alalwān walākin ˙ alkaláiq ˙ dáraq 3.3 3.4.4.3 3.1 almaâllem yehíb ˙ róhu pl.4.2.11.2.11.1.1 ›alkutub al #i¯dām‹.2.1.1.2.6.1.1.1 alwalád alladí ta #ráfu yakkúl ˙ 3.1.1 ›alqamar bilā mulattam‹ 3.3 ¯ ›almatāqil al+funšiyyah‹ 2.3 ˙ ˙ almatāqı̄lu l #ašaratu ˙ ˙240 ›alhisāl allatı̄‹ 2. alledína 2.2.2.1.1.2 ›alla¯ dı̄ yaksab fadāyil‹ 2.1 ›alkās alsaġı̄r alfiddah‹ 242 ›alq௠allāh ¯ fı̄ rāsuh darbat šu-qūr‹ ›alkās fid˙ dah‹ 233 ˙ ˙ 3.3 ˙ ›alraǧul matā #hā‹ 3.1.2. 3.3.1.1.1 ›almı̄lād lā yahudak barra dā-rak‹ ›ālihah‹ 2.3 ˙ alkalimātu l #ašr 240 almundáriba alledí quínat 2.1.4.3.1.3 ˙ ˙ tabqà aldunyā bilā walad hurrah‹ ›allā alqueléme …¯leycét léye 3.2 ¯ ˙ ›almā tihabbatuh‹ 5.2 almarrat ¯ alakiría 2.

2.4.2.1.2.2.2.10.2 arba #ín 2.1.1.1.4.1.2.2.5.1.2.3 ˙˙ ˙ ›anā hu anā‹ 3.11.3.2.1.1.1.1.1.11.1.3.11.4˙ ›āniyah‹ 2.1.3 annássu 1.4.10.2.1.1 ›amtahā‹ 2.3 ›ansāb‹ 1.4. 183 āmāq 164 ánt(a) 2.11.1 ˙ ›antašab isba #ı̄‹ 5.3.1.1.2.2 fi báytu aní 2.3 ahmár ~ azfár 2.9 antabáq(u) 2.3.1.1.1.3 ›arāmil milāh‹ 3.2.4 ˙ ›anā balqabātı̄ muġrà‹ 247 aqtázt 209 ›anā bilā muqa˙ ssas‹ 3.2 am 259 annass+ 3.4.1.9.2 anfecédt 208 alwalád¯walbánt dahálu 257 ›anġ/hadar‹ 1.3.1.2.1 ›anna #ād lam yumūt aban quzmān‹ ›alyamı̄n alma #mūlah‹ 5.4 ˙ ›a+mā‹ 3.5.1.3 apório pl.2.11.1 anbía˙ 157 arba #í 2.4 ˙ ántum 2.1.10.22.2.2 ›amriyya‹ 2.1.1 anáhar 235 ˙ arbá #(a) 2.4.4 +an+ 3.1.2.1. arabic index 205 alwalád támma yakkúl 3.2 ›amı̄r‹ 2.2 anbúba 1.1 ¯ 2.2 ¯ ›anǧarrayt‹ 208 alwalád yakkúl˙ ˙ ˙ 3.2 ›a #mal an tabdalhā‹ 3.2 aqwás 1.1.5.5 amdí amidí 259 ›anta tadfa #nı̄ ˙bitāqat dirā #ak‹ 3.2.1 a+mā 3.23.2.3.4.3 ¯ ›arādah‹ 135 anádir 1.2.2 ›alwalad zinā‹ 3.1.1.3.4. 3.3 anna 3.2.1.1.1.1.1.1.3.4.3 ›aqassah‹ 2.3 +ana 2.3.3.1 an 3.11.3. 3.5.2.1.2.1.5.1 ›ā+qalbı̄‹ 2.4.2 ˙ ¯ ›amlāk‹ 2.3 ánt˙ 2.2 ›annassı̄ nadlam‹ .10.4.11.1.4. 264 ›aqall‹ 2.1.3.3.3.1 ›an #atā‹ 2.1 ammā … fa+ 3.2.1.3.11.1.1.4.1.1 anta 1.2.1 ›a #mà‹ 2.11.1 ›anna … lis lı̄ fı̄ al #ayš matma #‹ 3.1 aná 2.10.5.2.11 ˙ ˙ ›an˙salah‹ 208 a #má minhu 172 ˙ ˙ 2.4.2 aquíf 2.5.4.2.2.2 ›aqbār‹ 2.1/2 ›alwazı̄r abū˙ bakr‹˙ 2.2 amsà 254 apríl 1.2. 183 ›a+man haddadnı̄‹ 2.1 alwalád yahkí+li qís¯sa 3.2.1.1. 3.1 ˙ ›amā tarı̄ min alfadāyih‹ 3.1.1.3.3.2 alyawm 1.2.2.1.4.2.5.10.1.1. 3.1.3.1.1.2 +ani 2.1 ›anā natūb #an alšarāb illā idā šāb ˙ aráb aráb 235 alġurāb‹ 3.2.2 ›arba # ayyām‹ 2.1.1.1.10.1 ›anant‹ arbá # álaf 2.2.4. 186 alwalád yakkúl tuffáha 3. 183 amar 101 ›anta illā fı̄ bahrak‹ 3.2.1.10.5 3.3.1.4¯ anúhra 235 amr 101 anúûl ¯ 2.5.1.1 .4.11.2.2.1.11.1.10.2.1 aqċár abiád ~ aqhál ~ akdár ~ azráq ~ ›anā aġfiruh‹ 5.1. aporiít 4.3.11.2.1 ›ammā anā fadāba niwallı̄‹ 3. 3.6 alwaladu lladı̄ wasal 3.3.2 ›aqabal‹ 268 ›amyā‹˙ 2.25.1.1.2.2 ›anšart‹ a #mā+hu llāh 172 ›ansulah‹ 1.4.1.2.

1.1.1.2.1.4.2.1.1.1 ›aš kiy+yafráh al #ubayyad˙law #utat luh assalı̄bu ˙ lmuqaddasu 241 di l #atiyyah‹˙ 3.1 ˙ ›ašhar‹ 2.3.1.4.2 ˙ ›assiǧah‹ 1.1.4 ›arra qat wamuddi yaddak‹ 281 ›ašmā yuqūl+lı̄‹ 2.3.2.11.10.1.3.4 ˙ ›arsāl‹ 2. 143 ›asta˙tyart‹ 2.1.11.2.2.3.10.2.2.1.2.1.10.2 artamá 1.10.2 ›ašall(ı̄n)‹ 2.4.1.11.2.1.1 arba #tá( #)šar = ›arba #taš‹ 2.1.4 ›aš ta #mal aw ay hı̄lah mā #ak‹ 3.2.11.3 ˙ ¯ ›ast‹ 2.19.4 ›aššabbat/t‹ 1.3 asdā ›astašart‹ 2.10.10.1 ›aš˙ hāl ma tahrub lā budd an ti-qa #‹ ›ardayt‹ 2.6.4 .2.2.6.1.4..1.4 ard ˙ guaċíq 5.1 ›ašmā yuqūl+lı̄ an na #tı̄ a #tayt‹ 3.3.14 asta #dár(u) 2.25.10.2.4.5 ašrúb(u) 2.1.11.1.3.12.4 ˙ ›asdiqā‹ 2.3.2 ›asarrah‹ 2.2.2.4.26.2 áš 2.1.2 ›ast‹ 1.2.5.3.2.27.10.10.2.1.3 ›astatalt‹ 2.2 ˙3.9.1.3 ˙ ˙ ˙ ›aššam‹ 1.1.1.2.2.1 ›a˙ sfarr‹ 210 arcáit aháde énne qui icún caguéd ˙ asfáru 2.3 ›asta ˙ #art‹ 2.3.1 asfal 1.4.10. 279 assā #a 1.1 ›ašhāl tākul sāyim tusbih‹ 269 ›arǧūl‹ 2.2.2.6.1.2 arcá 1.2.2 ›asta ›ašarru‹ = ›ašarruhum‹ 127 ›astāk‹ ¯ = asták =*/astákk/ 2.11.3. 1.1.3 áššu 1.1 ›assahāb˙ …¯ yusāqū‹ 3.5.2.5.1.11.2 ›aš˙hant‹ 1.4 ›arsalti+lı̄‹ 3.1.4 āš˙ənhuwwa ~ āšənhiyya Mo.3 ›ašmā katabt anta qarayt anÍ‹ 3.4 ›arkub‹ 2.2 ašárr 127 ›astahá‹ 1.4 ašfah 4.2 ašqár 2.5 ášma 2.1 ˙ ›asfiyā‹ 2.3 ˙ ˙ ˙hfā‹ 2.2.4 ˙ ›asākifah‹ 2.1.3 ˙ ›ašrāk‹ 2.1.4.2.1.1.3.3.2.5.1. 3.1 ›asta¯ġalt‹ 2.4 2.3 ›astawmat‹˙ 2.3.5.2 ášhu 2.2.4 ›aš yatib lı̄ hadı̄tak‹ ˙ 3.1.11.2.4.6.3 ˙ ˙ ›aršidiyāqun di wādı̄ lhaǧārah‹ 239 ›ašqarayn‹ 2.4 arġís˙ 4.2.2.1.1.1 ¯ ˙ ›aš na #mal fi di alqadı̄yyah wanā áššanhu 2.3.2.4.5.11.10.2.2 3.2 asaf 2.1.3.4 armal(ah) 1.1.5.3.6.1 assā #a(ta) 253 ¯ ›aš bartāl‹ 2.2.4.2.1.4 ›arra (ba #ad)‹ 2.2.2.4.2.1.2.1.9.4 #abdukum‹¯ 3.6.11.1.4˙ ˙ ˙ ›asab‹˙ 2.206 arabic index arba #míyya 2.1 asfár 2.4.1.2.4.2.1 áš qadar 3.3.5.2.2 ˙ ˙ ˙ ›arǧūnah‹ 1.1.3.4 asbaha 254 ›aštām‹ = /aštám/ = */aštámm/ ›a˙ sba˙ hta sakrān annassak‹ 3.2.1.4 ard 5.4.1.5.1 aš 3.10.1.1.2.3.1 ašhál 2.2 ›aš #alaynā min dāk‹ 3.2 ›aššu yutlab min atta #an ya #tı̄‹ 3.11.1 ›armul‹ = ármula 1.5.5.1 ˙ ›ashal‹ 2.2.4 ˙ ġ˙ 2.4.6.2.5 ›ašlād‹ 2.11.3 ˙ ›aš kit+ta #mal law kunt sultān‹ 3.5.3 ›ašummā‹ ˙ 2.4.3 arcél 2.2.1.1.2 ›ašadd‹ 1.10. 2.1.2.

1.2 axmaât 205 ˙ ›atbatt‹ 205 axnabí 1.2.2.2.2.11..1.2.1.4.1.5.1.1.1 ›a˙t˙tubayyab matà assiǧāǧ‹ 3.14 ›aw¯ dāhu qad dahal‹ 288 azéit almubáreq balledí yudhénu ›aw¯ġı̄‹ 1.2 áy 3.1.1.4 ¯ ›atlub šurrāfah #alaš ta #talı̄‹ 2.2.5.4.1.1.1.2.11.11.5.3 ›atibbā‹ = atíbbe 2.1 ˙ .2.10.3 ›azaqqah‹ 2.1.12.1.2.6.1.1.1.2.1.1.2 azbáht 205 ›a #war‹ 2.1.4.3.2.1.3.3 áyy 2.2.1 ›ayyāk‹ 2.10.4 ¯ atbedélt maâ ákar 4.4 ›attayr ˙ tiwalwal‹ 3.1 awdá 3.4.4 ašyā" u uhrà 241 awwa¯dá bah 142 ›at‹ 1.1 ›aydā‹ atqaddám(u) 2.1 ˙ 1.2.3.2.11.2.2.1.4.2.1.1.3 atcaguá 14 ˙ ay 3.3 ›awāb‹ 1.2.3.3.2.3 ›ay ¯kunt ¯ sama #tu hādā lkalām‹ 3.3 avfíç 2.4.4.1.4 ›ay habs‹ 2.2. 183 ›aymān‹ 135 ›attahad‹ 2.3 ›ay ˙zamān‹ 3. 183 ›awwa¯ dānı̄ qad qasadtak‹ 3.9.6..1 ayyu šay" in huwa ~ hiya 143. 1.1. 107 ›awliyā‹ 2.11.4 ›atta¯halt‹ ¯ 225 áyn 2.11 azcarífich 2.3.5.2.2.1.3 ›atqal‹ 2.5.3.1.3 ›a #tı̄ ya #tı̄k alla alnaǧāh‹ 3.2.6 awwa¯dá 3.1.2.1.1.1.4 ˙ 1.4.1˙ ›awwalan‹ ˙ lı̄ 250 a #tā awwalu yawmin 233 ˙ a #tā+nı̄ 250 ax 279 ˙ 1. 1.4.9.1.2.2.1.2.1 ˙˙ ›atwaffā‹ 2.2.1 ašyā" 2.3 aswílah 1.10.11.12.6 ›awta¯taq‹ 2. 18 atāfı̄ axiít alledína ix quinu muçahahín 196 ¯ ›atāfil‹ 1.4.1 ¯ almardá 3.1.1.1.6.5.1.2 aswád 2.1.3.10.2.2 ˙ ›aydı̄n‹ 2.4 aucílt 205 ›ayya‹ 2.4 ˙ atmaníyya 4.4.1 atyáǧ 1.4.2. arabic index 207 ›aštum liwildı̄‹ 3. ¯ 2.2 ›ay‹ 1.2.3 atráf áyl 2.11.28.2.2.2 ¯ atparrázt 4.2.4 azcúf 2.3 atiách ˙ ›ay ˙hadlah fı̄hum‹ 3.1 atbarbár 2. 197 avlía 2.3.2 ›awrāt‹ 2.2.5.2 atláf(u) 2.4.2.2 ávilen 2.6.1.3 atmār 77 aybát 1.2.4 axiít … yu˙ dcáru 3.2 ›ay mā namšı̄ tamma hiyya dārı̄‹ ›atlaššā‹ 207 3.2 áwil and awilí 2.4 áynu 3.1.1.5. 2.10.1 ›ayna+kum‹ 3.1.11.1.1.1 aymín 2.2.10.3.4.1.5.2.1.6.2.1 ayn 3.1.2.1.5.10.3.5.2 ˙ átt(a) 1.9.5.2.5.5.3.3 ˙ 2.3 ›ašyāt‹ 2.2.28.1.1.4.4.1.4 ayím axunút 3.2.10.2 atífil ¯ ›ay kunt sama #tu … qultu‹ 3.14.4 ›ay sanā #ah tišakkal+lak‹ 2.4.10.1.3 avbíç 2.10.1.10.2. 1.3.2.5.5.1.9.2.10.1.4 ¯ 1.1 ›ayyil‹ 2. 2.11.2.10.1 atháwad(u) 2.2.4 ›a #tā" ‹ 135 ¯ 2.10.1.1.12.1.2.3.

1.4.2.1.2.2 ›banı̄+k‹ 155 bába 4.1.2.5.10.2.11 ›ballı̄nah‹ 4.2 azuécht 2.28.1.1.4 balád 1.3 baríd 1.2.5 ›azirrah‹ 2.4.1.1.6.2.3.3 bardí 1.1 ›azraq‹ 2.2 baóċa 1.2 ›barı̄d‹ 2.1.1.3.10.1.1 ›azrār‹ 2.3.7.2 ›bābūnaǧ‹ 24 *bani+lmarah 2.1.3.16. 5.10.28.4 baguatilí 2.6 ›b+al+harà‹ 2.10.4 aztaháqt 2.4 ›ballah‹˙ 2.2.4.1.1 *bani+lfaqı̄h 2.1.2 aztól 2.3.1 baní ˙hayrún 1.3.1.5.2 ›bannā‹ = bannā" 1.4.6.2 banafsaǧah 1.3.1.1.4 ¯ ¯ k 1.13.2 ›baqam‹ 1.4 bal 135˙ bárid 2.2.4 balah 1.1.1.2.3 aztakbéit 2.1.3.5.4 ˙ banafsaǧ 1.2 bacá 2.5 ›baqqatt‹ 203 ›badlah‹ 1.1.1.1.1 ›bannabı̄‹ 2.3.1.2.1.4.4.1.2 ›azlat‹ 2.2.2 bani haláf 2.2.2.3.11 ›balqatli kin+nuhaddad‹ 3.14.3 ›bant‹ 2.3.2.2.2.2.3.3.1.1 banná 1.5. 2.9.3.10.1.2.2.2.2.3.4.5.2.2.2.9.2 aztaxárt 2.2.3.5.1. 3.5 3.1.1 aziára almardá 3.2.2.2.10.3.1.2 azráq˙ = azraq 2.3 bánçar 2.6 ›baltār‹ 4.6.4.5 3.4 bāb Naf. 2.4.1.1..2.2.3.1.1.3.4.2 bá #di ma 3.10.2.27.4.1.7. 174 ›banı̄ǧ‹ 4.7.1 ˙ barbarun baladiyyūn 5.4 ¯ baní ¯hammúd 45 ›ba #ad mā qāl āhā‹ 3.1 ›balabrah‹ 4.7.6.4 ›balǧarı̄‹ 5.1.4 ›azzuqāq a¯hyar ¯ min dāruh‹ 127 baní ¯haldún 1.2.1.1.1.3.4 azgár 2.3 báiza ›barham‹ 1.4 ›band‹ 1.1.2 ›bāb alkum‹ 4.2.1.1 ›bāh‹ = bāh and ›bāhā‹ 191 *bardān 129 bahh(in) 2.3. 2.2 ›ba #di mā kān aššarāb mawǧūd‹ ›baqā‹ 2.5.1.2.1.1.1 baní alwazír 1.4.4 ba #du 244 baras 2.3.1.4 azuif 1.2 ›ba #di mā qāllı̄ āhā tummā nadam‹ ›baqayt‹ 2.2.4.2.3 .4.1.1.2.4 baní 1.2.2.3.1.1.2.1.2.208 arabic index azfóra 4.2.4.2 baladí 1.2.2.1.2 ›ba #d ayyām‹ 243 ›banı̄n‹ 160 badá ˙ = bada" a 1.2 ¯ ›badayt an nuqūl‹ 3.2 ›badalt‹ 1.1 aztaâguétt 2.4.4 azzáwǧ 1.2.1.4.3.10..2 ›azzawǧ rihāh‹ 2.2 ›bandayr‹ 4.3.2 banāt 77 ˙ aztaquáât 2.1.1 ›baqrah‹ ˙ 2.2.4 báâd mirár 243 baní ¯mawdúd 45 bāb 18 baní #umár 1.1.1.4. 1.10.1 ›badált‹ 1.2.3.6 baní almára 1.1 ¯ ›baqqam‹ 1.1.3.2.1.2.2.

2.4 ˙˙ báytar 1.1. 301 *bētēn bawwá/Íl 2. bauibín ¯ ˙ 157 benní 2.4 ›bay˙ tar‹ = ›baytār‹ 84 barrína 4.2.3 bidāyah.1 báyt almu #allám 3.2.4.4.4 bazím 1.1.4.4. Nf.1.2.2.11.1.11.2.10. 2. 31 ›bawd‹ ˙ 1. 2.3 ›bāz al #aǧūz‹ 3.3 bayda ˙ 267 ›bi+alfi mitqāl‹ 1. 262 ›bāz‹ 174 ›baš tihibbu‹ 3.2 ˙ ˙ kibı̄rēn Eg.1.2 ba #ū˙dah = ›ba #ūt/dah‹ 1.3 bayda mā 267 ›bi" ard hiya ¯ kān ġarsan‹ 2. 34 bayād 1.5.1 beqmít 107 bawārı̄ 133 bérchele 1.1 beża" Ml.4.10.2.Ml.10.2.2.11 ˙ báyt 2. 174 ˙ *bāyin 227 ˙ biç 2.2. 267 .2.2.2 bhāl Naf.2 bidlah 1.4 ˙ barzah 1.2 bənnāy(a) Mo.4.3.1.3.25.4.10.1 bárri 1.2 bex taharézu 3.4.2.10.1.2.3. 1. 265 ›bay #ah‹ ˙ 1. 2.1 ›bawāsir‹ = bawāsı̄r 85 berrétt 1.1.2.1.4. 174 bašā" ir˙ 1.1.3. 174 bayna 227 biçén 174 baynamā 267 bicéum rakíç min alledí qui yazví 2.4.27.1 basí ˙ beidemín 267 ˙ bāta marı̄dan 254 beidemín narcú a gecéd 267 ›batātı̄h‹ 150 ˙ beindém 267 ˙ ˙ =¯ batn+ı̄ 1.28.14.10. 39 ˙ ˙ ¯ ba #ūd 1.8.1.1 ›bi+ #aynayn ġazāl‹ 2.3 baxáir 1.2.3 bāz Mo.2 bid = ›bı̄d‹˙ 2.4 bex taláâb 3.10.2.3.1.2.3 ›baydām‹ 1.1.1.2 bend 1.4 ›b+ay‹ 1.2˙ ¯ ¯ bı̄bān Naf.1.1.1.2..4.2.1.4 ›baysārah‹ 1.3.4 báš = ¯bāš Naf.10.4.2.3 ˙ 2.4 bexxért 1.1.3.1.25.2.13.1.2.2.1.10.1.6. 2. 304 bi+ baybūnaǧ 24 bı̄ 118 ›baydā‹ 2.3.1.3 baxxárt 1.4 batní belé 1.2 báyt almu #allám al #arabí 3.2.1. and bhal .9.1 ¯ bı̄dma Mo.2.3.4 ›bazzāǧ sāqay‹ 152 bassās JT 34 beboníge 24 ˙ ˙ t 1.3.4.1.2 ›bawā‹ 1.2.1.2 barrád = barrád 1.3.2.3.2.2.3.1.1 baššár 1.3.4.1.10.1 ›battı̄h(ah)‹ ˙ 150 bəlġa Mo. arabic index 209 barq = ›barq‹ 1.1 bezíz 156 ›bayā˙ dı̄‹ 2.4 bawātil 2.10.2. 191.4 ›baytan bayt‹ 235 barrát 1.4.4.1.1.1 báyt alláh 3.10. 1.14.1.1.10.2.5. 2.4.1.3.1 bēsāra Mo.1.1.2.1.1 ›baydām altamaq husay alrāmı̄ uhid ›bı̄b‹ 18 alhisn‹ 3.1.4.5.2.˙ ›bidiyyah‹ 18 bayt 302 ›b+idday+h‹ 2.1.1.1. 267 ˙ bi+aš 262 baydám 3.1.. 161 bauiba ˙ pl.9.8 bı̄ #ah 1.2.5.4.4.5.2 ›bāz‹˙ = bāzı̄ 2.2.2.

1 burnús 1.4 bÍš 1.8 burád 2.2.2.1.2.1.2. 2. 2.3 ›bilǧ‹ 4.2.2 ˙ ›bulh‹ 2.4.1.1.2.4.9.2 ›birsām‹ 1.1.2.10.5.1.1.4 bi’s(a) 3.1.3.2 bihayr bukratan 2.1.1 ›bilsām‹ 1.2 (búrǧ) alhamám 1. ›būriyāt‹ 133 ›biriyūr min al-ušbitāl‹ 3.1 bu+záqq 77 .2.4.4 btən Mo.4.2 buní 1.2.3.9.210 arabic index bies Ml.2.10.10.4.1.1.3 ›bulbah‹ 4.11 ˙ bilé muéddeb 3.4.4.2 ›bulbul‹ 2.1.2.1.1.3.1.1.2 ›burǧah‹˙1. 173 ›bilā muġattà‹ 3.2.4.11.2.1.2 ›bilā musalla ˙ ˙ h‹ 3.3.1.6.1.2 bu+lbáyt 77 bil¯135 buquém 2.1.5 ˙ ¯ ˙ ›bihāl silbāh mā yimūt hattà yudbah‹ bu+haláqa 77 ˙266 ˙ ˙ ¯ ˙ ˙ ›bukam‹ 2.2 bizím 1.1.2.2.2 bulġa 39 bilé mokçí 3.4.1.2.2 binsir ˙ 2.2 ›bihāl ǧinn idā habb qatal‹ 3.2/8 burayǧ(a) 1.1.2..1. 77 bíh = ›bı̄h‹ 191 ›bizı̄n‹ 77 bihāl 3.2.4.4 borcóqua 2.4.3 ›bili #tirāfuh‹ 243 búq 1.2.3.2.1.2.10.3 ›birbirı̄‹ 1.1. 31 bisaqáyn 1.4.1.10.2.1.2. 41 biyūt kubār /kibı̄ra Eg.3.2.4.2.3.4 ˙ bint 2.4.1 bi" r 164 ›burǧ abı̄ dānis‹ 2.2 ›buqūm‹ 1.1.3.3 *bur 133 ›binsar‹ 2.3.3.1.2 bi+lā.1 ›bi¯hı̄r‹ 1.4. 2.1.4.4 bitā # Eg.1. 31 ›buwayyatun‹ 2.2 binā" 1.4. 173 ›bihayātak‹ 2.4.1.2.1.2 bunduqiyyah 1.1.1.3.7 ›birbilı̄‹ 1.3.4 ›bitnā fı̄ ridā qabbal aw #annaq‹ ›bi+fardi+yad‹ 1.1 bugáyla 2.1.4. 238 biex Ml.3 ›bi˙hāl idā bātat ¯ ˙ fı̄ sahrı̄ǧ‹ 3.1.3 busāra Eg.2.2.3.2 burūǧ 1.2 ›burūd‹ 2.5.1 bunyán 1.1.2.1.2 biya 118 bi+nafsi+hı̄ 1.5 ˙ ›burtāl‹ 4. 187 bi+yadi+mā 267 ›bı̄zān‹ 174 ›bi+zawǧ aydı̄‹ 2.2.2.1.4.3 3.3 ¯ ›bihayrı̄‹1.4.1.3.1.4 ˙ *bi+fı̄ 227 ›bitt anā #arūs‹ 3.4.6. 387 ›bi˙hāl˙ ǧawz mā yūkal hattà yuksar‹ ˙ šaqšaq‹ 77 ›bū ˙266 ˙ ›bububbah‹ 4.1.6.4.19.4 ›buǧǧūl‹ 1.1.2.2 bu+kináni 77 ˙ 1.1. 301 ›bi+saqayn‹ 1.1 birrína 1.3 ›bišnāqah‹ 1.1.2 búri pl.2.3.2 ›biyya(h)‹ 118.10.3.3.2 buréyred 2.1 ›birbiliyyah‹ 1.3.4.4.8 ›bi˙ hāl an yirı̄d an yimı̄l‹ 3. 3.19.2.1.3.2.3 bilé mutuí 3.2 ˙ 63 bušrà bisāra Eg.1.

10.1 çórba 2.6 corráta 1.5.10.5.1 .12.3.1.10.1 cáppa 1.1.5.1 caguínin 1.13 ceréqt xéi min a gímiê 3.1.10.1.19.10.1 cavídiç 1.2.4 cáçer 2.1.6.10 calongía 4.6 čawčál 296 çoráb 2.5 çillél 2.3.1.2.10.1.4.1.2.2 cáylen 2.5 cafá 1.10.10.2.2.1 cemín 20 çabí 2.2.1 céde 2.1.1.1.6 cirír 2.1.10.10.2.2 cuáyas 2.1.10.2 čiflát(a) 296 çaná/ídiq 2.5 caçáb(a) 169 ceudín 107.2 quin yazuí 2.2 conáidal 2.1.1.5. çoquiín 2.5.2 ċéub 2.14 ˙ 1.1.2.2.1 çaé fi huígib 261 chicála 1.19.10.5.1.5.5 cappón 1.2.1 çélle 2.1.2 ciguár 1.19.2.4.10.1.4.2.1.1.2.6 çonóbra 1.1.10.2.5.4.2 çábaâ 1.1 ċucáycal 2.1.2.2.5.1.3 chipp 1.1.4.4.3.2 cohbía 4.1.5.2 ċimára 150 cappót 1.1.1.1 cid 2.3.1.4.6 cubáybar 2.1.4 caría 2.1.2.1.10.2.10.10.1.2.1 cíquit 2.1.1.4.10.5.5 çagéâ 1.2.3 cátta 3.3.1.1.5.10.10.6 caydúç 1.5.1.2 çoquía pl.5 cáilen li guahid min al ákar 252 chirr 68 çál 2.4 çátal 2.1.3.4.1 çucáica 2.2 cimén 20 caránça 1.1. 2.2.1.2 çae 261 chíca 4.1.2.10. 174 caçágua 14 céum gáli aqċar aâdím min alledí cacéit 2.2 cijára 1.2.13 ceélt 1.2.18.10.5.1 caymón 1.4.3.1 chírba 4.1.3 cárib 1.5.1 çalá alquibíra 3.2.4 cégge 1.2 çacá 2. arabic index 211 çáâb(ín) 2.5.5 cabarçón 1.1.2.10 carm 2.4.10.5.10.3 ˙ chupáka 1.2.2.4 cíhil 1.10.6 chírque 1.2.10.1 cátil 1.1.1.2.2. 2.1.2.5.2.3.1.5.1.1.2.2 çoáâ 2.28.18.3.10.1.1.1.3 caynún 1.1 céid 2.5.3.2.1.1. 302 ˙ çiâi 2.3 catélt 204 cólah … dun eçtifecédu 3.4.5.5.6 corá 2.2.2.3.5.6 cayált 57 corá(t)na 149 cayámt 1.18.1 cotán(a) 1.3.5.2.1.1.1.4.4.6 coçór 2.10.5 3.8 caménna cathár aâléna rráhmato ċiéb 2.5 capelo(s) 2.1.4 chánca 4.1.1.1.5.10.2.1.8 çubién 2.1.10.1.3 capípit 1.2.4 cifrávy capápin 1.1.3.2 cáucab 1.

1.10.1.6 ›dall‹ 1.212 arabic index čúčt 4.2 ›¯dafāyir‹ .1.4 dacár aâmeltilu 5.1.12.2.2.2.2.1.2.1.10.3.1.11.2 çundúq 2.14 ¯›dāk addı̄ yantanı̄‹ 2.1 ›¯dāk al¯habb ¯ ¯ almulūk‹ 3.2.9.1.2 ¯ ›dababah‹ ¯ 2.11.3 dā" i¯# ¯1.9.2. daâfí 2.1.4.3 çucút 2.10.1.2.4 ¯ kált 205 da /čuppáha/ 1.1.2.1.10.5.1 damánt 1.1.2.1.2.3 ¯ ¯da" ban ˙ 142 daraba 218 ›dābid/t‹ 1.2 ˙›darham‹ 2.14.1.2.2.2.5 ˙›danı̄/ūq(ı̄n)‹ ˙ 2.1 .2 ¯›dahal+lak‹ .14.1.1.2 curbía 4.3.1.1 cúlli niçráni áv niçranía húmet ¯ dahaba 218 mat-lobín 3.10. 1.1.5. 1.1.3 ˙›darabt‹ 218 d/˙ dabór˙ 1.2.3.1.3.2.14.2.4 ˙dam 2.3 cunt énte cádir tigáċu 3.4 çurriáni 1.2.2. 175 ˙›dafar‹ 1.2.1.2.14.12 ›dannabnÍ+h‹ 217 ›dāb(a)‹ 2.3 ˙›darrāǧ‹ 2.3.3 ›da¯hhalnÍ+hum‹ 2.3.1.5.5 ˙ ˙ ˙›dafal‹ 169 ›dārah‹ 1.6 dá 2.4 daguára 123 çuél pl.1.1.2.10.2.10.1 daǧāǧah 2.1. 1.2.1.4.5 dafı̄rah 1.2 d Mo.4.2 darf 1.14.3.4 dál curáyci¯ 122 ˙dálaâ 2.2.3 ¯ 122 dār ¯ dābā‹ = dābā 142.14.4 barrah‹ 3.2.2.2 ˙ darábt fal guéch li háde alkáir … alledí ˙ 2. 1.3 darr 1.2.2.10.4.1.7.3 ˙dák 2.˙ 1.28.4.2.2.1.10.2.2 cúlli niçráni 1.1.11. 191 ›d/ dár alġuráyfa 1.1.1 dāmūs 1.2 ¯ ¯ ›¯dā al" azǧāl‹ 192 ›danant‹ 2.5.1.1.1.7.1 ¯ ˙ dāk alladí 196 cunt lehum mazlót 3.14.2.1.1.1.2.10.2.5.2.10.4.1 ¯- dalla 254 cutúb 2.1.1 dafā" ir 1.4.14.4 cunt énte cebéb enne mít ahád 3.3 ˙ .1.2.2.2 daháb 2.1.1.1.1 ¯ daâíf ¯ pl.1.2.9 ˙daflà = ›daflah‹ 169 darrah 1.10.1.1 daftar 2.2.2 çumí 1.3 dālik alladí 196 curcí 122 ¯dalimín nufúçuhum ¯ 2.1.1 ¯›dāk allaylah‹ ¯ 192 çunúx almucaribín 3.2.1.2 ˙daf " 1.1.1.2.10.1.2 ˙ darba Ml.3. +ít 2.8 ›dār lis tabqà hālyah wamukārı̄ lis yibı̄t dabáh 2.3.2 ›¯dā alnuǧaymah‹ 192 ˙ danaví = danawí 131 ›¯dā lis yukūn aktar‹ 5. 217 ċúmen 2.10.2.2.3 ¯›dahab kin+nirı̄d‹ 3.1 curmít 2.5.2 ›danāb+u‹ = danábu = danabu+ hū ¯›dā al" ayyām‹ 192 ¯ 1.10.2.8 ˙›dars‹ 2.1.10.1 ¯dá 5.1.14.2.1 cúlli xéin 143 ˙ halt‹ 205 ›da ċulúċ 2.11. 238 ˙›damm‹ 2.14.

2.2 ›dawat+uh‹ 2.1.19.10.2.3.10.1.1.3 ¯dil amr 192 dawā" 2.1.13 ˙ dayéit 1.3 dáy #a 1.19.2 ›dassas‹ 1.3.1.4.1.5.10.10.3 ›dihlı̄s/z‹ 1. 1. 2 ˙›dišār‹ 1.2 diq a xéi 192 ›dawlām‹ 1.8 ˙dimāġ 4.2.1.6 ˙ ˙ .1.6 dÍk 2.1.1.9.1.2.2 ›dāyi drabi Ml.3 ›daybarānah‹ ˙1.1 *duǧáyyaǧa 2.4 déliq 192 ˙duéiri 2.3 ¯›dubb‹ = dubb 2.3 dͯ 2.2. 132 dugéyja 2.2.2. 34 .1.2 dífla ›dunyā" ı̄‹ 187 ›diftar‹ 2.4 ¯ deff 1. arabic index 213 ›dart‹ 2.1.1.3 deiçúç1.3 dik(i)r 101 dauxír 1.2 ¯ dujánbir 68 ¯dí 1.1.1.2.1..1 ›¯dık alšı̄ #an inna anı̄ qata #tilak kam ˙ darūrı̄ 1.4 ›dirā #‹ 2.2.2 ›dumta masrūr‹ 3.8 dil # 2.4.2.3 dirham 2.19.3 dhāhni Naf.4.3.1.2.19.2.2.10.2.5.1 ¯ díbbat anókra 3.4 dínar = dı̄nār 1.2 ›dawwār‹˙ 1.14.3 duáyguara 123 ›daymūs‹ 1.1.8.2.3 dawlāb 1.1 ˙ ˙›dašı̄š‹ 1.2.8.1.3 ›durāt‹ 2.#‹ 1. 114 ›duq in tāb lak wa" illā abzuq‹ 3.13 dáuçal 1.3 dawlah 1.8 dayyáyt 1.1 diyā" 1.2.3 ˙ ˙ ›dı̄k … lassan+hu ahnāk‹ 3.2.2.15.2.1.7.2 ¯*d(i) 239 dulb 34 ›dÍb kin atnabbahat ǧaddatı̄‹ 3.2.10.1 dic al ayém˙ 192 dunúbuhum 191 /díd(d)/ 2.5.1 ›dūlah‹ 1.10.2.1.6.4 ¯ #ah‹˙ 2.15.3.1.2 ˙denbéq 1.2.1 ˙›dāyad‹ 2.1.1 dolf Ml.1 ›daybarān‹ = ›daybarān‹ 1.15.13.1.1.1.2.4.6.1.2.2.3.1.4.3.1.1.1. 24 dubāb 150 ›daysūs‹ 1.2.2 ¯›dÍk allaylah‹ 192 ¯ ˙ ›daruwwah‹ 2.1.2 ›dawsal‹ 1.4.3.2.8.10. 175 ˙ ›daymū ġ‹ 4.4 ›dunyā‹ 2.7.7.3.4 ˙diyakah 2.1 dirā 3.1 ›dunbuqah‹ 1.1.2.1.1.1.1.2.11.2.3 ¯dubúr ˙ = dub(u)r 2.5.3.4.2 ›dirhamayn‹ 2.2.5.2.2.2.1.5.3.2 dawwára 123 dirwah 2.2.2.8 ¯dubíh 2.2.1/2 ›˙d/daruwwah‹ ˙ 1.1 dukkán 17 dí 1.2.2 ›diǧāǧah‹ 1.3 ¯ ›dı̄kah‹ 2.3 ducóra 2.2.4.8 ˙ 2.10.4 ¯ tahtı̄‹ 3.3 ›dawlat alhirmān titammi darū-rah‹ ¯ #ayn 1.5.1.1.10.14.1.19.2.1 dubbān and ›dubbānah‹ 150 ˙debébe 2.5.1.1.2.28.2.1.2 diwán 1.2.9.2.5.1.2.4.2 ˙ ˙ ¯›dirdāl/rah‹ 1.1 ›¯dartah‹ 2.2.9 ›dur digíja 2.1.1.11.10.4.10.5.15.1.1.

4.9 ›fākiyah‹ 1.9.1.2.2 ˙ durrā #ah 2.1.1.2 énne ahád qui yméyeç aháde 198 farhān ¯ 129 énte 186 ˙ ›farh+ı̄‹ 82 énte cunt tedrí … énne quin yahléf fal ›far˙hi halāl‹ 1.2.3.1.1.28.3 ›faddaht‹ 1.3˙ duwáywara 123 ›falāsifah‹ 2.2 ¯ ¯ 3.28.1.5.10.14 êiqbé/in 2.4 ›fah(i)d‹ 2.2.6.2 ›fa" inna allah lassanhu ġāfil‹ 3.3.5.3.1 ecthér 2.4.8 əlməmlāka dyāluh Mo.3.1.2 elquelimét almucádece 3.5.1.2.1.2.5.10.2.10.13 equélt mirár hatí qui atcayéit 3.2.1.28.4 ›faqı̄‹ 1.2.27. 2.1 falū 116 ebquém 2.3.2.5 fam 1.1.1.1 f+aš 262 fa teléhi aâlé a niç 3.1.2 équil 2.2.3.2.2 ›fānı̄d‹ 24 ehtémt 209 fanídiq 2.4.2.1.2.6.10.1.10.1.14 êerquecí 1.10.2.1 ›fa˙dı̄latayn ˙ ˙ itnayn‹ 2.27.3.1 farq 2.5.4 ›fanādiq‹ = fanádiq 2.2.1 əlfəddān d+wuld+ək Mo.4 fa+ 3.1.2.2.2 fal ayím al okár min ciam 5.1.2.11.5. 173 falw 2.10.4.3.1.2 ›fāh‹ 2.5 ˙ ¯ ›faǧǧayra‹ 4.1.4.6 ›fās‹ 2.1 ecéçt 2.2.3.1.1 durrāǧ 2.2.4.14.1.10.1.2.5.5.10.6.1 ›fasā‹ 2.4 énte fe cemehuét 3.27.2.1 fāraq 204 elteféd 1.7 ›fassā #ah annassah‹ 3.1. 238 ›far‹ 2.2 ¯ ›falū‹ 2.1.3.3 eztevmétt 2.1.2.4 equilín 212 ›farš‹ 1.4.2.2.4 farw 2.2.9 fākihah 1.1 ›fāri¯ġ‹˙ 2.1 eç hiet el missa matál meuté 3.2 ›farāyirı̄n‹ 159 eltehémt 209 ›fardaht‹ 1.10. eqlít 213 fari˙ha 202 équel 213 ›fāris‹˙ 2.3.4 éuquiden 252 fart 2.10.1.13 ›faqa #t‹ 1.10.3.1 fassā" 2.3.10.2.2.2 fašqár 4.4.1 durúri 1.3.1.1.3.1.4 ›fākyah‹ 18 ›dustar‹ 114 fal 135 duwār 1.1 eblé 1.1.27.2.2.2 fárih 129 éqle pl.1.2.2.2.2.14.2.3.1.3.1.2.19.4.2.2.5 fā" it 1.10.9.1.2 encéni 1.1.2 fa" inna fassása 34 ˙˙ ˙ .4 ›far˙h‹ ˙4.214 arabic index - ›duraysāt‹ 1. 212 ›farrā‹ = farrā" 1.2.1 ›famm‹ 2.1.10.1.10.1.3 bátil 3.5.1.1.2.2.4.1.1.2 ˙›durr‹ 1.3.1.2.1.1 dyāl Mo.1. 238 falgórfa 2.3.1 ›fāš yatmatta #‹ 3. 238 ›faqqārah‹ 2.4.28.5.5 ›fassās‹ 2.4 ›duwayrah‹ 122 fa" l 1.4.5 elequél 2.

28.1.2.2.2.4.4.10.17.28.3 furǧah 1.2.1 ¯ ›furrūġ‹ 2.14.3.6.5 ˙ .1.5.2.9.13 ˙ ›fayalatun‹ ˙ 2.2.1.1.8.1 fi ydéiq 2.5.2.4.1.4.2.3.1 ›f+udnay+ya‹ 2.28.1.1 felú 2.1.5.1.3 ˙ ›ǧa #alk allah tarānı̄‹ 3.10.4 fihácat yehíbaq 3.1.3 fu" ūs 1.4.3.2..4.3.8.14.7.2.4 ˙ fitríyya 1.2 ›fı̄š‹ 1.4.12.2. 227.1 ›fı̄+hum‹ 1.2 ›funqa #‹1.2.1.3.4.3.3 ›faysārah‹ 1.1 fiš 3.4 ›fumm‹ 1.2.1.2.1.2 fitr 101 fawát ˙ 2.2.5.5.1.3 furcín˙ 2.4.5.2.3 3.2.4.1 ›fı̄š yabġud alhamr‹ 3.1 firāš 1.3 ˙ daguámi adeguém1.1.8 fazá #= ›faza #‹ 2.5.3 furrín 1.5.2.9.10.1.3.1.10.5.10.1.1 ›faynı̄d‹ 24 fulán¯ 1.2.10.1.3 ›ġafar allah luh‹ 3.3 ›firā" ‹ 2.1.1 fíciq 2.2 ›ǧadwal‹ 1.3.1.10.1.2.10.10.1 fíriç 2.9.1.1.18.28.4.2 ›fawhah‹ = fawhah 1.1 fóndaq 2.1.5.10.2.1 fel hueqt mohárram 3.2.3.4.2.2.10 ›faylasūf ‹ = fayleçúf 2.1.2 ›fı̄ yaday almudnibı̄n‹ 2.10 ›fūs‹ 2.4 fı̄ 2.3.10.1.1.2.5 ›fÍkyah‹ 18 ǧá baš yahtúb 3.2.2.1.2 ›ǧahirah‹ 2. arabic index 215 ›fātah‹ 4.10.2.1.1.10.3 3.8 fiyaš 3.3.2.6.3.1.5 felécife 2.1. 114 fi+ 2.13 ›ġadan‹ 2. 14.3.3.10.10.1.2.1.3 ǧady¯ 2.10.3.3.1.3.2.2 fiç 2.14 ›fāyit‹˙ 1.10.3.1.6 ǧāb NA 282 ›firān‹ = firán = fı̄rān 1.5.2.4 fi hacat qui yeqdér yaqtúl aháde 3.1.4.3.1.2.1 fús 1.5.5.3 ›fı̄lah‹ 2.2.2 ›fulfalah‹ = fulfula 2.1.10.2.2.1 fiyalah 2.2.2 ǧábl 1. 2.2.4.9 fi hácat nucúnu muztahiquín 3.4. ›fiyaš yan #atānı̄ silāh‹ 3.3.1.4 *fı̄+aš 262 ›fursah‹ = fursah 1.3.2.1.4.2.1 ˙ ›fursān‹ 2.3 fayde qui tixequéq fi xéi 3.1.4..10.1.2 fórça 297 fáyja 4.9.3 fi toli ¯ ›furkah‹ 4.13 ›fı̄˙ haqqat an yuqāl lidā #anbarı̄‹ 3.9.2.1.3 fil 135 ǧá waǧalás¯ ˙ 3.2.1 fitir 101 ˙ ¯ ›ġāq‹ 2.1.5.1.2 gadír 2.1.1.10.28.3. 3 fuqqā # 1.2.2.13 ficáha al focahá 2.1 ›fiyyah‹ 187 ˙ ˙ ›fayhah‹ 1.2.2 ›fundaq‹ = funduq 2.5.1.2.5.1 ġadā 1.3 ˙ ›fitliyya‹ 1.2.13 ›ǧa #alhum salātin‹ 3.1.10.2.2.1 ›fummı̄ dūn lu #āb qad ǧaff busāqu‹ fémme 1.5.1.4 ˙ féxta 4.5.3 fill 1.1 ›firq‹ 2.1 ›f+umm+ı̄‹ 1.3 ›furāt‹ 4. 219 fullár 4.1.5.1.1.5.6.2 fuçáq 2.10.10.3.1.1.1.1.5.1.1 fi háqqat 3. 304 ›fuqārā‹ 2.2.

1 gífa = ǧı̄fah 1.5 ›ǧawār … lassum falislām‹ 3.2.5.2.1.9 ›ġarı̄b‹ ǧidál 2.1.1.4 ˙ ˙ ›ġayri anna‹ 1.1.2.1.2 ›ǧamı̄ # aydan alnisf˙ ‹ 243 ›ġayyūr‹ 1.4 gargíyya ˙ 4.2.5.10.10.4.2.3. 2.1 gaiċ 1.1 ǧánna 149 gehéle 2.5.1.10.2.2.2 gáyri mahmúd 275 ǧámi # 16 ġayūr = 1.5.2 ǧáyb 2.10.3 ¯ ˙ ǧawfiyyah 1.3 ›ǧawār‹ = ǧawārı̄ 2.216 arabic index ġā" ib 1.1.2 ġílla 1.1.1.2 ganí 2.1.16.5.2.2 ǧāmi # 1.3 ›ǧid‹ 1.4.1.2.2 ›ǧarhāt‹ 2.5.5.2 gáiri xéquir 275 ġáyd.4.10.4.3.1.1 ǧayyid 1.10.3.1 ›ǧaras/s‹ 1.6 ġawwár(a) 2.1 ›ǧimam‹ 2.2.4.3.5.1.4 ›ġazaw/yt‹ 2.10.2.3.2.12.1.1.2.= ġaydah 1.2 ˙ ǧíbl 1.2 ›ǧidı̄‹ = gidí 2.1.4 ›ǧay #ān‹ 1.10. 1.2 ›ǧināh‹ 2.1 ǧarūz 1.2.4.5.3.3.3 gémal 1.1.1.3 ġáy˙da 1.1.1.5.4.1.24.10.5.1.2 ˙ ›ǧamı̄ #ā‹ 2.3.14.1.19.3.2 ›ǧamlah‹ 2.5.5. 18 ›ǧayya #‹1.3.1.2 galá 1.4.1 gilél 20 ¯ ǧawáb 2.1.14.2.1 ›ǧamı̄ # aldār allatı̄ sār luh‹ 5.6 géhiden 2.1.4.1 ġerha.5.1.4.3.1.4.3 ›ġināy‹ 187 .5.2 ǧiharah 2.2.2. 1.1 ǧazı̄rah 1.2.2.5 gáncho 2.1 ǧaw #ān 1.2.2.5.2 ›ǧı̄d … saraf ‹ 128 ˙ 2.1 ġáwn 88 ǧinán˙ 149 ›ǧawwa #‹ 1.4.2 ›ǧillı̄qiyyah‹ 1.3.1.5.1 ġilála 72 ǧātı̄ ( #alà rukbatayh) 1.1.4.3.1.3 ˙ #allam‹ 3.19.10.1 ǧalíl 20 ›ġay˙ dah‹ .Ml.1 ˙ ›ǧazā alnams bazqah fal+uǧ‹ 5.4.3 gébel 1.1 ›ǧı̄ ya #mal hasanah‹ 264 ǧarāwah 1..10.2.1 ġifára 312 ǧasadiyyı̄n 1.4.1.2.1 ǧíd 2.10.10.14.3.1. 1.1.1.1 ›ǧannah‹ 2.1.3 ˙ 20 ǧilál gatázt 1.2.1.1.5 ›ǧassas‹ 1.6.6.1 ›ġarrad/t‹ 1.2 ǧárra 2.10.1.5.1.1 ġannám 1.4.1 ›ǧinān‹ 2.2. 53 ›ġannāt‹ 226 ›ǧı̄ #uryān‹ 3.1 ›ǧı̄ yarāk almu ›ġarnātah‹ 71 ǧíb(a)l táriq 1.1.1.10.4.2 ġallah 1.3 ›ǧı̄nā an na #malū hasā‹ 3.10.1.2.1.3 ǧidı̄ 116 ˙ ›ǧarū‹ 2.7.10.3. 2.4 ›ǧawabayr‹ 2.1 ǧarád ˙2.5.4.5.2.1.1.1.1.14.8 ǧannah 2.2.11.4.1. 175 ǧánnat 149 - gharaf Ml.1.2.1.2.1.1.1.4.1.1.2 ǧáml 1.3.1.1.3 ǧamā #ah 1.4.10.10.1.2.4 ġinā" 1.4.6.1.1.2.4.2.2.2 ġaráma 1.1 ›ǧazal‹ 1.

4 .13.19.2.2.2.1 ›ġuraf¯ ‹ 2.2.1. 1.5.2.2 guígib aâlíq én tezuéja (nam teqdér ›ǧins min‹ 1.3.1.2 guéch 1.3.10 ›habbayt‹˙ 2.9 ǧiwār 1.3.2.1.4.2 guíciê˙ 2.3 ›ǧišār‹ 1.10.4.2. 71 ǧumādà.3.10.10.3.1 ›habs‹ 1.1. *guitmíra 1.4.10.4.5. ›ǧumādÍ‹ 18 ǧirū 116 ›ǧummah‹ 2.2.2.2 guáqt me yucún 2.2 hábç ġudúr 105 habéb(u) 2.1.1 ›ġunā‹ 1.4.13.1.1.1 ›ǧubbāhah‹1.3.2.2.4.1.10.1.1.2.5.3 ›˙had‹ 77 ǧufaynah 1.5.1.1.5.4.4.1 +h 2.1.Ml.4 ǧúrd 2.1 ¯ 1. 215 ǧuniyat 226 .1 ›habālah‹ 1.2.2.2 ¯ ›ǧirǧ‹ 4.10.10.4.3.4.10.2. 1.1.3 ¯ guçaâ 2.11.8 ›˙habār‹ = habar 1.3.2 ›ġudrān‹ 1.1.2.3 ›ġurfah‹ 2. 3.11.11.1.10 ˙ 150 ǧirdān ǧulǧulān 1.1.3.2.8 ¯ hábbat ¯ halúwwa 1.11.1.1.3.2.5.5 ˙háda 2.2.3 guíd 2.1.1 gua énte tedrí 5.2 gualexáy 2.2.9.4.4.3.3.1.1.1.4.2.2. arabic index 217 gincén 1.1.3.2.4.1 ǧinsáyn 1. 175 ġúrfa¯ 1.11.1.2.2 gulét 2.2.10.4 ›hā¯dā al #āmirı̄n‹ 192 guígib 14 *hā¯dā huwa 288 ¯ .1 -˙ 2.1.6 guacáft 2.2 gueléd+a 190 ›˙habw‹ 117 guelí 2.1.1.4.1.4 guazti dár 1.2.2 guazára 2.1 ›ǧuhr‹ 2.2 gomq 72 ›ǧurdānah‹ 150 ġriehi.3 guaguár(a) 2.1.1.8.1 guazír 2.3 ˙›habbat˙ huluwwah‹ 2.2.1.5 ǧirw 2.2.22.3 tatkól fal monesterio) 3.Ml.10.11.1.2.5.1.11.1.1.1.4.1.3 ›ǧuwār‹ 1.1.6 ǧizíra 1.2.10.2.1.1 +ha 2.2.1 ›ǧizzār‹ 1.1.3.1.5.2.1 had ġuffārah 312 hád(a) 2.2.3.2 ˙ guitímira.1.5.19. 150 ǧiyā # 1.1 ›ġirrah‹ 4.2 ›˙habbat ˙sawdā‹ 2.5.1.1 ›ǧurd‹ 1.10 ›hā¯ dā #ālam lassanhu min šaklı̄‹ 3.8.3 gualehád 2.1.1.3 ¯ ›hab+lı̄ … hullah baš nalqāk naqiyyah‹ guard zaguín 2.1.3 ›ǧunat‹ 226 ›ǧı̄t‹ 1.1.4.11.3 ˙ guarráni 1.5.lihālı̄‹ ›ǧı̄t ilayk qāsid an tandur ›ǧur wa" ansif ‹ 3.2 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ›ġurbah‹ 2.5.3.3.23. 243 ǧubb 1.10.1.2.2 3.3.3.2 guaçált 2.1.2.19.3 ǧurad 1.2.2.1.1.2.1.1.3.1.4.1 ġúlla 1.5.2.4.4.4.10.4 3.1.2. 56 ha guaquíla 157 *hā huwa dā 288 guaráċt 2.2.10.1.10.3 ›ǧurrūn‹ 2.4.10.1.1 ǧirāh 1.1 ˙ habba ta 1.2.3.2.5.1.

1.8 ˙hanaš 2.3.1.4.10.2.4 ˙hanút mítal ˙ haddíd 3.1.2.2 ›˙haraǧt‹ 205 ›hālā‹ 44 ¯¯ ¯ ˙ ¯ harám hu 3.2 ¯ " ah 1.1.2.1˙ ˙ ¯›hammam/n‹ 1.2.1 ˙hánbal 1.1 harāmi(yya) Eg.1.5.2 ˙haǧár 2.1 ›˙halazūnah‹ 1.4.2.1 ›hāh‹ 2.2.2.218 arabic index hād" ah 1.3 hādi ¯hamsín 2.11.2.8 ˙›hākim‹ ˙ 2.2.1 2.1.11.2.2. 161 ˙ halanǧah 1.1 ›hadayt‹ 205 ¯ hammárt 203 ›hāddah‹ 1.4.11.11.1 ¯ Mo.1.9.1.2.3 hanzír 1.2 ›haqqā‹ 2.1.4 ˙hándaq 2.2 ›ha¯ duwwa warā albāb‹ 3.1 ›hādihi al #illah‹ 192 ¯hamsumíyya 2. 2.1.1.28.15.3.7.2 ¯›hallū‹ 2.11.4 haguédt 204 ˙hanút = hānūt 1.2.1 ˙›harazūnah‹ 1.˙ hadariyín ¯hamistá( #)šar 2.4 ˙hamāh 4.1.1 ¯ harrā " 2.1 hán ›˙hadra‹ ¯ 2.3 ¯harráċ 1.4 ›¯hadtu‹ ˙ 2.1.4.10.2 ˙ ¯ .1.1 ¯ ›hadı̄t #ahd bi+‹ 243 ˙ 2.1 ¯ ˙hárat al #aráb 1.2.1.1 ›harrār‹ 2.3 ›˙hanš‹ 51 ˙haguéch 1.1 ›hadday‹ 1.5.4.5.6.1.1.3.1.2.1.2.1.3.2.10.1.2.4.2.25.2.3 ›hādāk almanāmah‹ 192 hamíma beitía pl.1.2.2 ¯›halazūm/n‹ 1.28.28.1 ¯›hanı̄n abı̄ zurayq‹ 2.3 ›hamd‹ 1.2.13.2.4 hā ¯›hanzı̄r‹ 2.1.2 ›hafı̄¯ d‹ 1.3 ›¯halaf anna lam yuqullı̄ kadāk‹ 3.2.12 hárij halhāl 1.1.1.1.11.10.1 ¯›hallā rafaqta bı̄h‹ 3.2.11.8 hamír = ›hamı̄r‹ 2.2.1˙ ›hal nuhhad balahkām‹ 3.11.2 ¯hallāt 226 ›˙harnaq‹ 2.2.1 ¯›haddayn‹ 2.1.2 ¯ hama " 1.4 ¯hanǧar 1.2.3 haguéix 1.1.2.1.1.1.2.1.11.19.10.1.4.1.4.1.5 ha¯ dúwwa 3.1 ¯hamsí 2.11.3 ¯ hámsa 2.10.4.1.1.15.4.1.10.1.2.2.2.5.1.3.2 ›˙hariša‹ 218 hallā 226 ›˙hāriz‹ 1.11.4.1 ¯ haddayn 1.5.10.2.1.2.1.1.3 háms 2.3.5.28.2 ˙ hámis 2.9.4. hamím beitiín 150 ¯ ›hadam‹ 2.1.2 hadár = ha˙ dar.5.9.5.7 ˙›hafn‹ ¯ 1.2.10 ¯ happát = happát 1.10.1.1.1.3.8 ¯›hamū‹ 2.11.11.4.1.1.1.1. 2.1.1.9.˙ ˙hadarí pl.2.2 ˙ haléft … cáylen izm alláh 252 ˙ ˙ 2.2 hadák 2.4 ˙ hanš 2.2.1.2 ˙ hamǧ 1.5.10.1.3.1 ¯hallá ¯ 3.1.1 ›harkātı̄‹ 2.7 ¯ ›hadam alhayt hurmah fı̄ tı̄na‹ 3.11.1 ›˙hankı̄‹ 1.4 ›hāris‹ 1.2 ˙ " i˙t 1.28.5.2 ˙ harjá 2.1 ¯ ›hādim‹ 2.1 ›˙hardūn‹ 1.1.2.2.1.4.2.1.2.10.3.9.3.11. 151 ¯›hams ašhur‹ 2.2 hādāk ¯hamí 1.12 hallába 1.2.10.3 ˙hal 3.1.1.

1.2.1.11.2.1.1.6 ˙hí˙sn alqá ˙ sr 1.2 hilāl ¯hātam ˙ 1.2 ¯ sir hin ˙ 2.1.11.1.5 ¯›harūf ‹ 2.2 ¯hir 2.2.13.1.1 ›hayyāk allāh‹ 3.5 ¯›hil¯ hāl‹ 1.2 ¯ ¯ 4.28.4.3.1.3. 1.1.5 ›hattà tuqūl‹ 266 hin énte tamród 3.2.1.1.1.23.1.3 ›hiyya al" ayyām‹ 2.al meé 3.2 himār ˙hattá 3.3.2.3 ha˙ ta" 1. arabic index 219 harrát 1.1.1.14.2.11.1.1.10.2 hawd 1.13 hazín 129 ›¯harūfah‹ 157 ˙haznān 129 ›¯haruš‹ 218 ˙həmmār(a) Mo.5 ˙hawā" iǧ 1.2.1.10.4.2.1 háwlak 2.4.2 háwlin(k) 2.2.4 ˙ kúnt hína ˙ ˙ abadÍ ˙ malíha 3.1.1.2 ›hibālah‹ 1.2 ˙hirdawn.1.3.1 ˙›hašw‹ 117 ˙›hiddah‹ 1.11.1.3 ¯ ¯ 2.10.5 ˙ hayyá t 1.1.1/2 ¯›hirr‹ 2.3.1 hirkása háwlay = háwlin 2.1 ¯hizb 1.4.1 ›hayl‹ 1.2 ¯haršúf 2.2 ¯hobzena .4.10.1.10.2. 161 ˙ hašāš 1.2.4.1 ˙ ˙›hawāt‹ = hawāt 157.4 ˙hi˙srim 2.11.1.1.5 ˙hənša Mo.13.2.2 ¯ ›hawayt‹ ¯ 1.9.2.4.4 ¯haté tehód . 175 ›hazb‹ 1.28.1.1.2.2.4.4. ›hazānatun‹ 1. matá culliém 3.2 ˙ šuffatayya‹ ¯ 266 ˙ azvéxt hin ˙ maâ ˙ amrátaq ˙ 3.2 ˙hirfān ¯ 2.11.2.3. 3.10.1.4.1.2.1.2 hazéit 2.3 hid ¯hasuna 218˙ ˙hidá( #)šar 2.3.1.2 ›˙hayt‹ 1.2.1.1.2 ˙ ˙ t˙ 1. 160 ˙›hinsir‹ 2.1.4.3.2.3.1.1.1.2 ¯hilhál 1.1.2.2.11.2.2.2.2.2.4.2.2.1.2 háwl(a) 2.1.3.2.2.2.3.2 ˙hnāšı̄ Mo.1.8.1.1 hattà 1.1.7 ›˙hattà tadhul šuffat alkās … bayn ›˙himmis‹ = ›hims‹ ˙1.5.2 ˙ ˙ haššantu sadrahū 1.1.2.3 ˙ 1.2 ˙ hišám 1.1 ›˙himārat abā šarāhı̄l‹ 2.6 híya(t) 2.5. 175 ¯›hasayt‹ 205 ¯héyn 2.2.1.2. 1.8 ˙›hawf ˙ ‹ 1.11.1.7 ˙›hattà kin+numūt‹ 3.11.2 ¯›hayyin‹ ˙ 2.1 ˙ .3/5 ˙›himār‹ = himár 2.1.1.1.1 ¯hinzı̄r ˙ 2.1.5 ¯harúf 2.2.2.1.4 ˙hínat 2.4.2.2.2.5.2 hašín hí 2.5 ›hı̄n nastabah‹ 3.4.1.1 ¯›hasram‹ 2.1.4 ›hazānah‹.5 ›˙hattà yiǧı̄ man māt‹ 3.1.2.1 ¯ ›hawı̄t‹ 1.2 hazi" 2.1 ¯ ›hazazt‹ ¯ 2.2.2.3 ¯ 127 hayr hisn alhanš 51 ¯›hayš‹ 1.3.1.1.10.1.2.5 ˙harrūbah ˙ ˙ ¯ 1.1.1.2.1 hizānah 1.2 ˙ " ah < 1.1.2.1.1 ›hayya‹ 2.2.28.1.11.2 ¯›hirhāl‹ 1.3.1.2 ¯ ˙ 2.2.10.2 hirniq 2.3.1.1 háy ˙hiya ˙ 185 ¯hayxía ˙ 1.26.2.3.9.4.1. 157 ›hawlā l #ālam‹ 4.5 ˙ hattáš 2.2.3.2.1.4.2.11.11.2.

13.2.1.1.2.1.3.2.1 hufrah 1.1 *hu annafsu 41 ˙›hurrūǧ‹ 2.1.10.2.2.5.1. 138 +hum 2.11.3.2 ›¯hurs‹ 2.10.1.1.3.2.9.13.1 hury ›¯hubzatayn takfı̄nı̄‹ 3.1 ¯ ˙ ›hudat‹ 226 ›˙hu˙" ūlah‹ 2.3 ˙ ›hu+lwaqt‹ ˙ 2.1 ›i #ādah‹ 1.1.1.2.1.1.2.5.2.1.2.2 ¯›hurūšah‹¯ 219 ›¯hubzan lissu lak da #u yahtaraq‹ 3. 2.2 húrma fi 3.1.4.2.1 ›huluwwah‹ = hulwah 2.1.2.1.1 ¯ huwa 185 ¯ hudb = húdeb˙ 2.1 ˙ ›hušāš‹ 1.1.4 ˙ ˙ ›hudaydāt humar‹ 3.3 +i 2.5 ˙hunáyxa 51 ibt 1.1/6.4.2.1.1. 2.6 huwa akbaru 172 ˙hudbah 4.3 ˙ hudá 2.4.5.4.6 ˙ ¯ hurúǧ = ›hurúǧ‹ 2.13.28.2 húnnat 2.5.4.1 ˙ ibtada " a 3.3.1.5.10.1.2.11.1.1.2.2 ›ibn‹ 160 húma = ›humā‹ = humā 185 ibn #amm(ah) 295 humár = ›humar‹ 2.2 ˙ husrán 2.10.1 huwa rabb dı̄k alqiblah almuham- ˙huildéy = huildey 2.2.5.2.4.1 ›ibzā/ı̄m‹ 18 ›˙huqq‹ 1.3 ˙ ˙ ›hulay‹ 2.1.3 huwa binafsihı̄ > *huwa+bnafsuh > ›˙huǧı̄b‹ = huǧib 1.1.1 *huwa+mnafsuh > *huwa ˙ huguél ˙ 2.1 ˙ huluín allicín 2.1.10.2.11.10.1.1.1 ›huwa alkarm‹ 2.2.11 ¯›hurı̄‹ = ˙hurí 1.9.2.11.11.10.1.1.10. 77 ˙ .11.5.1.1.6.4.6.2.1.3.1 ˙húrr 1.1 ibn 102. 151 madiyyah ¯ 54 ˙ huíldine 188 ›huwal‹ 2.2 ›hudar‹ 173 ¯›husun‹ = husūn 1.10.2.1.2.1.2.1.5.2 ›huqlah‹ 1.2.1.11 ›hū mā fataht albāb‹ 3.1.1.2.3. 2.11 ›hukk‹ 1.11.22.1.9. 2. 219 ›hubz‹ 1.1.11 ibn bašı̄r 138 ˙húm(a(t))˙ 2.1.1.1.11 +annafsuh 41 huǧzah 1.4.6 ›¯husay‹ 1.2 ibzı̄m 1.1.1.3. 116 /hú/ 1.1 ibn fathūn 138 *húmat 185 ˙ ibn hāl(ah) 295 húmet 185 ibn ¯umayyah 138 humr 1.1 #ib" ¯= › #ibb‹ 1.1.10.1.28.25.6 íbra 2.10 ›huwat‹ 185 ›˙hul baynı̄ wabaynu hattà lā nalqāh‹ ›huzzah‹ 1.3 huwa a #mà 172 ˙›huǧayyarun‹ 2.1 ˙ 3.4 hú ma 3.3.11.2 ˙ húwa(t) 2.1.1.1.2.3 ˙ 2.2.2.4.10.1 ›˙hukkām‹ 2.1 homár 1.2 ˙ huláygua = huláywa 123 ›i #ād‹ 2.10.1. 2.10.2.10.5.4.4.220 arabic index hómar 2.1.2 ›¯huršūfah‹ 2..1.2 hú¯ 2.5.1.2.10.3. 3.2.1.4 ›hulbā‹ 44 ˙ ›i #ādah‹ 1.4.2.1.1.2.8 huáyax 1.5 ›¯hubūsāt‹ 2.5.1. huráyyata 1.1.1.2.2.11.1.2.1.1.2.1.10.1.1 hudiya 226 ›huwa almakān‹ 2.1.2.2.2.2.2.3.22.1.3.

2 alasābi #˙‹ 3.3.4.1 ¯ illı̄ 46 ›idā yakūn anı̄ narsalū‹ 3.2.13.6.2 iddí = iddí 2.3.2.6.11.2.1 ›i¯ dā matalt ant man yansif idan‹ ›ilá lam‹ 1.1.2.13.2.3.1 icél 1.4.4.2.4 3.3.27.2.4.3.2.3.2 ˙ ›iġmād‹ 1.3.1.4 ›in #arad lak sa+tadrı̄h‹ 3.1.2.3.2.1.2 ¯ ˙ ˙ .2.1 ˙ ›idrāǧ‹ 1.8.1.3.1 ˙ alǧawāhir tisı̄r kalām‹ 3.1. arabic index 221 ›ibzı̄n‹ 1.3.5.1 ›ihbārka‹ 189 ¯ 1.20.2.1.1. 3.1 ¯ ˙ ›illā yutūl #alaynā dakarnā dā alǧuzay‹ ›idā turÍ alakl aqrub wa-idā turÍ ˙ 3.1.2.1 ¯ ›imlı̄q‹ 4.1 ihna 2.2 ¯›idāmā kunta wahdak … wakadāk las imbārih Eg. 3.5.10.6.6 /ilà/ 2.2.6. 198 ›in kān ǧafā man hawayt sayan-dam‹ ˙›ihdat+hā‹ 2.2.6.1.2.2 ¯¯ ›ı̄dı̄n‹ 1.2 ›i˙hmār+ak‹ 77 ›in kān ǧı̄t litas" al‹ 3.1.3.2.3.4 ›in hālaf+alla+d-dunūn‹.6.2 ichimáyl 4.6 ›i¯ d wa+kānat marhūnah biyad+ hā‹ ›iksā+k‹ 77 ¯ 258 íkva 2.2.2.3 i¯dā lam 1.2.1 imtinén rábbune Yaçóô … quéna ›idrās‹ 77 maácum 3.3 ›i˙hmirār‹ 210 ›in kān˙ madat alhawātim baqat ˙ ihmirár 2.2 ˙ ˙ in kān ihd௠2.2.4 in ašraqati ˙ ššamsu tanazzahnā ›iġmād‹ 1.2.4.6.3 ˙ ímma … (wa)ímma/aw 3.1 ¯ matā #ak˙ faldibāġ‹ 3.1 ˙ ˙ 1.1 ¯ 1.3.2 ˙mathūm‹ 3.3.2.3.2.9.1.2 ›idra #ayn‹ 1.1 ›i˙ hwah‹ 2.6 ›iǧrā‹ ˙77 - ›in dahar sirruh … tadrū bāš anā iǧtama #ū 1.1.1.2 ikkán 3. 3.2.3.3.2.2.11.1.3.1 ílla 1.3.3.2.1 iltifāt 1.1. 1.6.28.1.9.3.1. 46 ı̄la i¯dā ašraqati ššamsu tanazzahnā 3.1 ›immā yuqarrab alhiml wa+immā ›idı̄n‹ 2.2 ›ilá ġadā‹ 2.9.1.6.1.2.4.3.3 ›imtā #na‹ 1. 3.2.14.2 ihát 2.6.3.1.4.2.2 ¯ ¯ ¯ almaqra # ahrub‹ 3. 2.1.2.1.6.9.4.13 id 3.3 ›imtā #+nā‹ 77 ›i¯drasayn‹ 2.3. ›ifādah‹ in 3.6.4.2.20.3.2.2.2.1 ˙ ˙ ¯ ilà ssā #a(ti) 253 ›idā rayt lihyat ǧārak tuntaf aǧ #al ›il+ayna‹ 1.6 id¯ wa+ 258 ˙ ikkÍn 1.2.4.2 ›ifādah‹ 1.1 ¯astār‹ 3.2.1.2.6.3.3.2.1 iltafata 1.1.2.10.3.2 ikāf ›i¯ d qad kafānı̄ allāh sudā #uh‹ 3.3. 139 ¯ tamma zaǧǧālan ˙ yuqūl dā altis ¯ #a ˙ imlíq 4.5.8 3.1.6.1.2 ¯ 3.3.4.5.2.2.2.1 i¯dā ba+h 142 ilà amām 2.2. 157 idā 3.4.13.1 i˙htiǧáǧ 2.6.2.3.2.2.3. 46 ˙ Mo.2.1 yuqarrab alǧaml‹ ˙ 3.1 ›idayya‹ ˙ 187 ›immā kalāmuh ǧawhar yisı̄r aw ›iddayn‹ 1.3 ¯ 3.6.14.3.3.2 ¯ idāmā 3.1.3.14.9.4 ›idā šāh albāz la #abat bih al #a-sāfir‹ illá 3.2.1.6.6.1.14.3.1.3.4.

222 arabic index

›in kān tiġı̄b #an bašarı̄ bi #ayni qalbı̄ ›iš taǧ #al‹ 3.4.1.5
nabsurak‹ 3.3.2.6.2 ›iš tanfa # alwasiyyah‹ 3.4.1.5
›in kān˙ turı̄dū ta #malū min hukm irtifā #‹ ı̄sāl 172 ˙
3.3.2.6.2 ˙ ˙›isanı̄ naġdar nahtišı̄‹ 3.4.1.5
›in kān wa+anta tirı̄d‹ 258 išbānı̄ and išbāniyā ˙˙ 2
›in kān yumūt nusarri bi+kfānuh‹ ›isbaranǧ‹ 1.2.9.4
3.3.2.6.2 išbílya 1.2.2.1
›in qulta luh aǧlas yuqūm hū wāqif ‹ ›išbilya‹ 118
3.3.2.6.2 ›isdāġ ~ isdaġayn‹ 2.1.9.3
+ina 2.1.11.2.1.2 ˙
›isfannāriyah‹˙ 118
inā" 2.1.10.6 ›isfirār‹ 210
›in #ād‹ 1.2.14.4 ˙
isfirár 2.2.2.5.2
¯
›indulyānšiyaš‹ 1.2.19.4 ˙›ishum hudūr‹ 3.4.1.5
infáq 2.2.2.5.2 ›iškāmah‹ ˙ ˙ 4.1.4.2.3.1
›infit/tāq‹ 1.4.1.3 ›iškān‹ 4.1.4.2.3.2
inhitá˙t 2.2.3.2 ísm 2.1.3
ínia˙ ˙ 2.1.10.6
˙ ›issi aǧwad lakum‹ 3.4.1.5
in+kān 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.2 ›issi minhā annuǧūm aktar‹ 3.4.1.5
inkān wa+ 258 íssum 1.2.27.1 ¯
ínna 1.4.1.4 ist 1.2.6.2, 2.1.2.2, 4.1.2
inna 3.3.2.1, 3.4.4 ›ist‹ 1.2.6.2
›inna qabl arramı̄ yurāš assaham‹ 3.4.4 ›is˙tabl‹ 1.4.1.1
›innak mutayyah‹ 3.4.4 ˙ ˙ hà 1.2.6.2
ista
innamá 3.3.1.3; 287 ˙
*ištamm 1.4.1.1
innama hú ma 3.3.2.5.2 *istanbúd 1.4.4.1.4
›innamā hū mā raytu dāk assāq‹ istaqsà 2.2.3.5.2
3.3.2.5.2 ¯ istaq˙saytu 1.4.1.1
›innamā nirı̄d raqı̄qah‹ 3.3.1.3 ištará˙ 1.4.1.1
innifsu Ml. 41 ›istiǧāb(ah)‹ 2.2.3.4
insád 2.2.3.2 istihám 2.2.3.2
insānı̄ 1.3.1.4.4 isti˙hbíyya(t) 292
intiláq 2.2.2.5.2 ¯
›istikāk‹ 2.1.2.10.4
˙
intiqál 2.2.2.5.2 ›istı̄na‹ 2.1.9.3
iqlı̄m 77 ˙ 4.1.4.2.1
istípa
›iqrištah‹ 1.4.4.1.1 ›istiqām‹ 2.2.3.4
iquín ix taâmélu hu harám 3.3.2.6.2 istiqrár 2.2.3.2
iráċa 1.2.5.1 istirqád 2.2.2.5.2
iráda 1.2.10.4 ›istitā #ı̄‹ 2.2.3.4
˙
›irbā irb‹ 235 istiwán˙ 1.4.1.1
#irq annasā 1.2.9.2 ›istiwbār‹ 1.1.4.1
irtád 2.2.3.2 istiwǧáb 2.2.3.3
is = ›i/ı̄s‹ 3.4.1.5 ›istiwlā‹ 1.1.4.1
iš 3.4.1.5 istuġummāya Eg. 292
is + hı̄ 3.4.1.5 itálij ~ italía pl. italiín 131
›is kān mahhā‹ 3.4.1.5 ›itfiya‹ 1.4.1.5
›is nahruǧ‹˙ 3.4.1.5
˙ ¯
itmaníyya 4.1.3
¯
›iš tabitši‹ 3.4.1.6 ›itmār‹ 77
¯

arabic index 223

itmi" nān 4.1.3 káf = 2.1.11.2.4
i˙tná #šar 2.1.11.1.1 *kāf 1.2.27.1
i¯tnáyn 2.1.11.1.1 kāf Mo. 75
›i¯ tnayn wahamsı̄n daraǧah‹ 2.1., ›kafāt+u‹ 226
¯ 11.1.1 ¯ ›kafazt‹ 1.2.22.2
›itrāb‹ = itrāf 1.2.1.3 kafíf 2.1.10.5.5
› #iwad‹ 1.2.14.4 ˙kahf 1.2.27.1
#iwád- 1.2.14.4 ›kahk(ah)‹ 1.2.25.1
*iwsāl ˙ 172 káil˙ 1.4.4.1.2
˙
iwtár 2.2.3.3 ˙ka #kah 1.2.25.1
ix 279 kalá 1.1.1.3
ix aâtáitu li çáhibu 3.4.1.5 ˙kálb albáhr 1.3.1.4.1
ix aní çáleh 3.4.1.5 ›kalb+an ˙abyad‹ 3.1.1.1.1
ix nahtíju nicóla 3.4.1.5 kalífat Bagdád˙ 147
+iyya 2.1.11.2.1.2 ˙›kalnā‹ 2.2.3.1
›izārah‹ 1.2.5.1 kālū 18
izdák 1.2.24.1 kám 2.1.11.2.4
˙
izquirfich 2.1.10.5.14.1 kám (dá) 3.4.3
iztigáċ 2.2.3.4 ›kam ¯dā ta #fū idā #umil lak du-nūb‹
¯
3.4.3 ¯ ¯
jaârafía 1.2.24.2 ›kam li #aynı̄ taqta # allayl wamā yi- fı̄dū‹
jabáyra 2.1.5.2 5.1.1.3.1 ˙
jaf Ml. 53 ›kam titı̄r‹ 3.4.3
jaguár 2.1.2.10.3.4 ˙
kamá 3.3.2.2/3/4, 3.3.2.5.1
jáid yucún 3.2.4.2.1 ›kamā ahadt lā budd an nihallı̄‹ 3.3.2.4
jamáâ açalehín 2.1.8.1 ›kamā an ¯ kān fawq alǧabl‹¯ 3.3.2.4
járra 68 kamá ánna 3.3.2.2
jarú 2.1.2.10.3.1 ›kamā lam yihabbarūh‹ 3.3.2.2
jeguéif 1.1.1.6, 2.1.10.5.14.1 ›kamā lam yukun ¯ lı̄ mā na #mal‹ 3.3.2.4
jelíl 20 ›kamā lis tamma infisāl‹ 3.3.2.2
jonjolí 1.2.9.3 ›kamā raytuh ¯ badayt˙ an nuqul-luh‹
3.3.2.5.1
ka+ 2.3.1, 3.3.2.4, 3.3.2.6 kam+iš 3.3.2.3
ka+ Mo. 255 kammūn 1.4.2.2
ka" an 3.3.2.4 kamría pl. kamriín 2.1.10.1
›ka" annu mā kān‹ 3.3.2.4 ˙kan+ 3.3.2.6˙
›ka #b‹ 2.1.10.5.14.1 kān 3.2.4.2.1/2, 3.3.2.6.3; 18, 269
›kab(i)dun‹ 2.1.2.5 ›kān akrayt duwayra‹ 3.2.4.2.2
›kabši mā nadahhı̄‹ 2.1.11.2.4 ›kān sahbuh sinı̄n‹ 3.2.2.2
kabúr 2.2.2.1 ˙ ˙ ˙ kāna˙ 3.2.4.2,
˙ 3.2.4.2.1; 277
kabura 202 kāna yufaǧǧir 1.4.1.1
kabúrat, kabúrna, kabúrt, kabúrtum, ›kanbūš‹ 1.2.9.4
kabúru 2.2.2.1 kánçar 2.1.2.2
káça(ta) 2.1.6.5.1 ˙kánjel 1.2.10.2
˙kácel 1.2.24.1 ˙kānūn 1.1.1.6
˙›kadā nudlam- wanā bayn alis-lām‹ kanzáir 1.4.2.3, 2.1.5.2
¯
3.3.2.4˙ ˙›karab/fs‹ 1.2.1.3

224 arabic index

›karam dāk al" anāmil kasab+ka dā ›kif tud #à‹ 5.1.1.3.5
ttunay‹¯ 251 ¯ ›kı̄fān‹ 1.2.27.1; 174
¯ ¯
karájt … acábl yantaláq a çalá 3.3.2.5.2 kı̄fān Mo. 75
˙karáxt 205 kiféf 2.1.10.5.5
˙kária 1.2.28.1.4 ˙kilíl 1.3.2.2
˙karínja 1.1.1.4, 1.2.11.1 ˙›kilmatayn qat mā #uh alfi mitqāl
˙karkál 296 taswà‹ 281 ˙ ¯
karm 2.1.10.6 ›kÍlū‹ 18
karóf 2.1.10.5.13 kin+ 3.3.2.6
˙karrír 2.1.2.10.3.2 ›kÍn‹ 3.2.4.2.1/2; 18, 263
˙kās Nf. 174 kinf 1.2.9.6
›ka+š #alū‹ 3.2.4.2.2 ›kin+nabtala #hā kibār‹ 3.2.4.2.1
›kasaynā‹ 2.2.3.5 ›kin+nas" al allah an yubqı̄k‹ 3.2.4.2.1
›kasburah‹ 1.2.15.1 ›kin+nirı̄d tarǧa # taktub‹ 3.2.4.2.3
kaslán 2.1.2; 129 ›kin+nukūn ġulāmak‹ 3.2.4.2.1
›ka+starāh‹ 3.2.4.2.2 ›kin+nuzūrak wa+innamā tam #i-lal‹
ka" su fiddatin˙ 242 3.2.4.2.1 ¯
˙ ˙
ka" sun fiddatun 242 kirfín 2.1.10.5.13
˙˙
katá 1.2.28.1.3 ˙kı̄sān Nf. 174
˙›katabt‹ 218 kislán 2.1.2
›kataf ‹ 2.1.2.5 kitáb almu #allám 3.1.1.1.2
katárt 209 kitáb mu #allám 3.1.1.1.2
˙katáye 2.1.10.5.8 kitáb mu #allám almadrása 3.1.1., 1.2
˙katázt 1.2.24.1 kitáb mu #allám madrása 3.1.1.1.2
˙kátib 2.2.2.5.1 kitáb muhammád 3.1.1.1.2
›kat(i)f ‹ 2.1.2.5 kitāb+āni˙ 2.1.9
kátim 1.3.1.4.2 kitáb+na 3.1.1.1.2
˙›katı̄r‹ = katı̄r 1.4.1.5 kitābu ləmhammad Sy. 249
kátt¯ 77 ¯ kitābun 2.1.9 ˙
˙›kat/tūliqı̄‹ 1.2.12.2 ›kitı̄r‹ 1.4.1.5
¯ 1.4.4.1.2
káuf ¯ 209
kítra
˙›kawā #ib‹ 2.1.10.5.14.1 ˙›kit+tarà dı̄ alǧazı̄ra walbalā fı̄-hā
kaxébe ~ kaxéb 169 masbūb‹¯ 3.2.2.2
˙›kayf ‹ = káyf˙ 1.2.9.6, 2.1.11.2.4, 3.3.2.4 ˙
›kit+tuqullı̄‹ 3.2.4.2.1
›kayf mā yibı̄ # alsāriq balfadl hū‹ ›kiwar‹ 2.1.10.5.5
3.3.2.6.4 ˙ kiyása 20
káyfma 3.3.2.4 ›kiy+yukūn dā lġars fı̄ mars kiy+ yiǧı̄
›kaynūn‹ 1.1.1.6 abrı̄l yisı̄b¯ bukayruh‹ 3.3.2.6.4
›kay+yafaǧǧar‹ 1.4.1.1 ˙
ko alcófa 1.2.13.2
›kazburah‹ 1.2.15.1 ˙kobç cemeguí alladí yaâtí haié 3.1.1.1.3.1
ki+ 3.3.2.6 ˙kóbzane 188 ˙
kibir Eg. 202 ˙kódar 173
kibír 2.1.3.1 ˙kóff pl. ít 2.1.10.2
kidmí 122 ˙kont niġi Ml. 272
˙kieku Ml. 272 krārsi Naf. 132
kieku kont naf Ml. 272 ku Mo. 272
kíf 2.1.11.2.4, 3.3.2.4 kubur Eg. 202

arabic index 225

kudéimi 122 ›lā tunāfiq f+alġurāb qutil binifāqu‹
˙kuds 1.4.3.1 3.3.1.1
›kull qar #ah hiya balhawmah ›lā tuzūl qatta minnı̄‹ 3.4.1.6
˙
almadkūrah‹ 2.1.11.2.3 ›lā yaġurrak ˙ ˙ salāmuh‹ 3.4.3.1
¯
›kulli hayr in turud lı̄ qat zurnı̄‹ 281 lā yasa #uhā lbalad 305
›kulli ¯mā kān amarri hū˙ ahlà‹ ›lā yastarāh‹ 3.4.1.2
3.3.2.6.4 ˙ ›la #al‹ 2.3.3˙
kúllima 3.3.2.5.2 la #ál(la) 3.3.2.3
›kullimā šihnā aktar sirnā sibyān‹ ›lababah‹ 2.1.10.5.8
3.3.2.5.2¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ›labaǧ‹ 4.1.4.2.3.2
›kulli+yawm‹ 1.4.4.1.3 ›labarkah‹ 137
+kum 2.1.11.2.1.2 ›labast‹ 218
kūn Mo. 272 ›la #bat‹ 214
kúnċe 2.1.10.5.10 ›labbār‹ 2.1.6.3
˙›kunf.ratriyyı̄n‹ 159 labisa 202
˙
kuníċ 2.1.10.5.10 labisa ~ labista 103
˙›kunnā fityān‹ 3.2.4.2.1 ›labs‹ 219
›kunt tajrı̄ min qabl mā tudbah ›labu" ah‹ = labwah 1.2.1.2; 29
wa #unayyaqak barı̄‹ 3.3.2.6.4˙ laçáquin 4.1.4.2.2
kūrah 2.1.10.5.5 ladà 2.3.1; 227
kurrātah 1.2.12.2 ›laddat alwisāl illā an tukūn habı̄bak‹
kurūm¯ 2.1.10.6 ¯3.5
¯ ˙ ˙
›kusur‹ = kusūr 1.3.1.4.1 ladun 2.3.1; 227
›kust‹ 1.4.3.1 ›laġšiyyah‹ 1.2.24.1
kutubun 2.1.9 ›laǧūrah‹ 2.1.6.3
kuwar 1.4.2.1 ›lā+hadanā‹ 198
›kuwar‹ 2.1.10.5.5 ›lahu‹˙ 191
›lahum man # dālik matà habbū‹ 3.3.2.5
la+ 3.2.4.1; 272 lāhūt 1.3.1.4.3 ¯ ˙
la+ Mo. 255 ›lahyah‹ = láhya 118 ›lak nirı̄d an
lā 3.4.1.2; 274 ˙naqabbal ˙albanān‹ 3.2.2
lā Mod.Yem. 282 lákin 3.3.1.3
›lā ahadat alsaġı̄r qatta‹ 3.4.1.6 ›lakinna madha hātim #indı̄ arǧah‹ 260
*lā +¯ ay¯t 276 ˙ ˙˙ lal focahá 2.1.6.2 ˙ ˙ ˙
¯
›lā bud luh‹ 1.4.4.1.2 ›laldār madaytu lak‹ 3.2.2
lā dditi əlfənta Mo. 274 lam 3.4.1.4;˙ 278
lā hrežti Mo. 274 ›lam niġammad tūl allayl‹ 3.4.1.4
›lā¯ hū sabrı̄ #alà faqduh illā šadı̄d‹ ›lam qatta haǧarnı̄ ˙ ˙ habı̄bı̄‹ 3.4.1.4
˙
3.4.1.2 ˙ ˙
›lam tarak ibnan‹ 3.4.1.4˙
›lā kān alfudūl‹ 3.4.3.1 ›lamām‹ 2.3.3
›lā kānū min ˙ sibyān‹ 2.3.4.2, 3.4.1.2 lammā 3.3.2.2
›lā karı̄m illā ˙abū ishāq‹ 3.4.1.2 lámma 3.3.2.5
›la nasayt id zāranı̄˙ hibbı̄‹ 3.4.1.2 ›lammā ǧı̄t ilayk‹ 3.3.2.5
›lā niwahhar ¯ liqissatı̄‹
˙ 3.2.2 ›lammā kān muhibbi fı̄k‹ 3.3.2.2
¯ ¯ ˙ ˙
›lā tahramūnı̄ kāsı̄‹ 3.4.1.2 lapápit 1.2.2.2 ˙
›lā tas˙ " al‹ 1.2.28.1 lapát 1.2.2.1, 1.2.2.2, 4.1.4.2.3.2; 137
›lā tisaddaquh aktar‹ 5.1.1.3.5 lapório 137
˙ ¯

226 arabic index

›laqad anā madlūm‹ - 3.2.4.1 ›law ra" ayt fannı̄ kit+tuqūl #annı̄‹
˙
›laqad nihāf al #iqāb‹ 3.2.4.1 3.3.2.6.3
›laqad raqamtuh¯ raqam‹ 3.2.2.1 ›law sama #t assā #ah minnı̄ kunt tifarraġ
las 3.4.1.3 dā aldubaylah‹ 3.3.2., 6.3
laš 280 ›law¯ yukūn assummi falkās mā nukūn
›las kān daraytuh‹ 3.2.4.2.2, 3.4., 1.3 illā šarabtuh‹ 3.3.2.6.3
›las nadūq qatta min laham baqa-rı̄‹ ›law yu #tānı̄ alsawm … kān rašı̄d‹
¯
3.4.1.6 ˙˙ ˙ ˙
3.3.2.6.3
›las naǧǧarrā nisammı̄h‹ 3.3.2.1 ›lawbān‹ 1.1.4.3
›las naqdar nasma # bukāh‹ 3.2.4., 2.3 lawh 1.1.4.2
›las nardà nuqūl‹ 3.2.4.2.3 ˙ 271
lawlā
›las na #tı̄ an yartafad‹ 3.2.4.2.3 ›lawlā aliftidāh‹ 271
˙
›las nisaddaq malı̄h idā qāl na #am‹ ›lawlā dā lis˙ kin+nu
˙ sāb‹ 3.3.2.6.3
˙
3.3.2.6.1 ˙ ¯ ¯
›lawlā hawfak waš kān˙ yurà min #iwaǧ‹
›las nisammı̄ ahad‹ 3.4.1.3 ¯
3.3.2.6.3
›las nuhun sibyān‹ ˙ 3.4.1.3 ›lawlu" ah‹ 1.1.4.3
˙ ˙
›las qatta mā #ı̄ šuġal‹ 3.4.1.6 lawn 88
˙˙
›las tamma zaǧǧālan yuqūl‹ 3.4., 1.3 lawwah 1.2.1.2; 29
›las¯yaharraq tiyāb šı̄‹ 3.4.1.6 láwza 1.1.4.1
›las yar¯ tū … law ¯ ra #awh yusūq‹ 3.3.2.6.5 ›lay‹ 1.2.9.3
¯
›las yurà biyadduh mitqāl innamā yā laymunu+llāhi 77
minnuh yunfaq‹ 3.3.1.3 ¯ ˙˙
›laynun‹ 2.1.2.10.2
›lasaf ‹ 2.1.6.3 laysa 3.4.1.2; 273, 277
˙
›lašamaš‹ 137 láyt = layt 3.3.2.6.5, 3.4.3
›lasnā naqdarū‹ 3.4.1.3 ›layt kamā las mā #i luqmah kit+ tukūn
›lasnā nurı̄dū‹ 3.4.1.3 daqı̄qa falbayt‹ 3.4.3
›lassu dā #ār #alayya‹ 3.1.2 ›layt law faqadnā hādā alġalā‹ 3.3.2.6.5
›lassu ¯kadāk‹ 3.4.1.3 ›layt šay‹ 4.1.3 ¯
¯
láš(šu) 2.1.11.2.4 layta 3.4.3
›latallah‹ 1.2.11.2 layta ši #rı̄ 4.1.3
˙ = ›latı̄f ‹ 2.1.10.5.11, 4.1.2
latíf layyám/n 1.2.9.1
latifín adunún ˙ 2.1.10.1 ›layyin‹ 2.1.2.10.2
˙
›latmah‹ 2.1.10.5.5 lazcóna 4.1.4.2.2; 137
law˙ 3.3.2.6.3; 272 le tahléf … fa aledí yahléf 3.3.1.1
›law ahfaytu … law qadar ġayrı̄ yahfı̄h‹ le tahléf … hániċ˙ 3.2.2.2
272
¯ ¯ le tanjamaâ çaé maâ amrátaq, huále al
›law annu yabqà‹ 3.3.2.6.5 mará çaé maaâ zéujeh 261
›law antaba # šuway‹ 3.3.2.6.5 le tehléf 3.4.1.2
˙
law ašraqati ššamsu latanazzahnā le totkílna a tajárib léquin negíne min a
3.3.2.6 ˙ 3.3.1.3
xarr
›law kān falbūm hayr mā kiy+ yaslam le yahtíx … yaztahí 3.4.1.2
¯ 3.3.2.6.3
#alà alsayyādah‹ le ykallí xéi gua le yakbí xéi 3.4.1.2
˙
law kān yakūn 272 ˙ 191
lécum ˙
›law nusūq lu alma #nà … lam yudúq mā léhu 191
qultu‹ 269 ¯ léhut 1.3.1.4.3
›law qadar qalbı̄ yihallı̄k lam yidabbar leiletéy 2.1.9.1
dā alnuġaymah‹¯ 3.3.2.6.3 léin 2.1.10.5.10
¯

5 mā katabnūš ˙ Mod.10.1.5.1.4.2. 3.4. 282 ¯ lóbra 137 mā ritēš Mod.2.4.2.4.1.4.3 li" allā 3.4.4.1 ¯ ˙ lis nadrí 280 ›mā hı̄ qaylah‹ 3.4 ›li" anna fı̄h haslatayn‹ 3.3 ›ma kabur dāq astuh‹ 3.4 ›li" allā nuġaddar‹ 3.5 leznedri 280 mā 3.3.5.1.1.1. 272 lēs ka" abūdi Mod.5.2.2.4.3 ›lutiha‹ = lutiha bišarr 1.2.3.6.2.3.4. 282 li+ 2.2.1.6 .1 3.26.3 ˙ lissa Eg.1.4 leu 191 lúp 4.3.Yem.1.˙ 282 ›lis tasal‹ 1.5 ˙ ›mā qat raǧāk ahaddi wahāb‹ 3.2.3.9.3 ›mā hayayt las nahla¯ thā ˙ ˙ mā #uh‹ ›lis lalrās anqà min almuss‹ 3.1. 282 lubān 1.2.2 lil˙ 135 ›mā dumtu hay‹ 3.6 tafrahúna 3.2.10 luyín ˙ ˙ lewluwwa Ml.3.1 ›lis talqāh‹ 3.2.1 ˙ ˙ ›liġadā‹ 2.3 lēs ma šahabš¯ Mod.4.2. 276 3.1.6.2. 253 ›mā naǧhad‹ 3.4.1.1.1.2 ›mā aswad fı̄ #aynu dāk alsabāh‹ 2.10. 1.1. 272 ›mā ahlā ˙wamā amarru‹ 2.11 mā šahabšilak Mod. 274 léztu aâtícum 3.1.5.3 ›mā tamma šaǧrah illā wahazzahā ›lubb‹ 2.3 ˙ ›mā ǧāb li #uššahā alhuttāf ‹ 249 /liš/ 3.8 ¯ h‹ 3. ›luqam‹ 2.Yem.4.1.1.2.2.24.1.1 lem yukláq xéi 3.4 li kieku Ml.1 ›litām‹ 2.1.2.2 ˙ ¯ 2.3.Yem.2.4.10.5. 282 lotf 2.3.4. 3.4 ›li #amrı̄‹ 2. arabic index 227 lekxía 1.2.1.1.4 ˙ lūkān Mo.5.4.10.3.Yem.1 ›mā‹ = má 2.2.3.Yem.4.3.2 ›mā bidu #ā alqihāb ¯ta #tab˙almarākib‹ ˙ licín 2.3 ›mā #asÍ nuqūl‹ 3. 2.1.2..2.5.4.1 ›luh an yumūt‹ 3.11.2.3.2.10.1.5.3 mā Mod.9. 4. 3.28.5.1 leyém/n 1.1.10.1.Yem.4.1.1. 250 mā abyad 126 /li+/ 2.6.3.1.5.4.1 ˙ ›liyya‹ 187 ˙ ma qatalkš ˙ Mod.1.4 ¯ ›lūh‹ 1.2 ¯ ˙ 3. 276 /lúm/ = */lumm/ 2.1.2 ›lis tasa # fı̄ balad‹ 5.1 lem ˙ yatiquebelúhu 3.2 ˙ mā akbara+hu [Allāh] 172 ›li+nahyah‹ 80 mā amlah 18 ˙ *li+yaday(n) 227 ›mā #asá ˙an tirı̄d‹ 3.5.3.1.Yem.2.2.1.1.10.Yem.1 mā bı̄š Mod.4.2 lemémt˙ 2.1.3. 191.4.2.2 leunéy 2.4 ›luh hādā albāyi #‹ 3.1.4.1.3 léye 187 má 5.5.2.1.3 ˙ 3.4.1.3 ›mā ashal‹ 2.2.1.4.1.5.2 lis 3.6. 282 lihyah 118 ma dám 3.3 li" anna 3. 276 lu" lu" ah 1.1. leyseyn Mod.1.6. 3.10.Yem.10.4 ›mā kin+nibayyan al #aǧāyib law ›lisabab mā tawaffà ba #d wafāt kin+niǧad aqwām yansifū+ nı̄‹ wāliduh‹ 3.2.2.1 leu cuntum tihibbúni leu cúntum ›luqmah‹ pl.3 ›mā abya˙ duh #indı̄ wamā ašraqu‹ 2.1.1 arrı̄ lúcum 191 ma taríši˙ 3.1.2.3. 246.1.1.1.3.2.

1.6.1 lutaymah‹ 3.2 ›mardā‹ = mardá 2.12.2.9.4.3.2.5 ›ma #nā maǧtam 1.19.1.2.1.3 mamtúd 209 madı̄nah 1.10.1.3.1.14.2.4.2.1.6 ›mallikt‹ 2.3 ›maqā #‹ 2.1.2.10.1 ˙ makáda pl.2 ˙ ›mādı̄n‹ 1.2. 4.3.5.1.6 ›malbūsı̄n‹ 2.7.2 ma" q 164 ›ma˙hāsinan … lis tu #ád‹ 3.1 makkár 2. 2. 2.4.22.4 malā" 4.1.14.4.2.2.1.10.2.1 ˙ ›makākin‹ ˙ 2.5.10. 172 ›makān‹ 2.4 maǧšár 2.1 man 3.1 ˙ ›maraq‹ 2.1.1.4 ›ma¯ dà qirdı̄ quddamı̄ yiqazzal‹ 264 ›malak‹ 2.1 ˙ ›ma¯haǧǧah‹ ¯ 2.10.1.1 maǧrít 1.1 maktúb ¯ 2.10.4.2 mahdá˙ # 2.1.1.1 maçárr pl.9.1.4 ˙ manšár 1.2 mādā 4.2.15.1 madāriǧ 2.1.5 mánzal al #uyún 1.4.2.2.23.1 mabı̄ # 2.3 mabyū # 2.1 ›mabrad‹ 2.3.1.3.6 ›mall+a+nı̄‹ 96 madarigít 2.1.1.10.23.22..13 ›mahyūt‹ 2.1 malā" ikah 1.2 ¯ ›maġyūm‹ 2. 2.2.1.2 ›mahādah‹ 1.2.10.4 ›maq #ad‹ 2.2.2.7.4.2 mahálla 1.2.3. 2.4 #alà sāq‹ 3.1.4.14.2 mánhar 2.10.1.4 ˙ 2.2.2.3.3.2. 172 ›maktāh‹ 1.1.3 maġfar 72 ›man hu maǧduh wassuhā‹ 258 ›maǧlis‹ 2.1.1.4 ›madayt an nuzūruh‹ 3.1.2.3.2 ma˙hallah 2.4.3 maġrib 72 ›man nahibbuh‹ 2.2 ˙ madárich 2.1.1 ›maġdūr‹ 1.2.7.2.4.4 ›marastān‹ 1.10.10.1.2.4.2.7.1.2.2 ˙ 4.2.1.1.5.2.3.2.2.1 ˙ lā narmı̄ fı̄ #unquh ›man yuqūl ˙ ›maġrūs/z‹ 1.5.2.10.1.1 ›maqtāh‹ 1.3.6 mā" idah = ›mā" idah‹ 1.2.2.4.3 ›ma˙hāyiǧ‹ 2.25.5.1.1 ›ma˙dá #alayya sinı̄n‹ 249 ›malastān‹ 1.3.1.2.2 maçáqui 2.1.2.1.2 maktúr 209 macióh 2.23. ít 2.3 ›maqrū‹ = /maqrú/ 2.1.2.228 arabic index ma tiháfši 3.4 madíq 1.2.1.5.4.4 mánsaf ¯ 1.4 ¯ dà balbarsanah‹ 3.3.10.4.1 marᯠaháde 198 ˙ ˙ alislām … hattà qām addı̄n … ›mahhad mará men tecún caríbateq 2.2.1 man kān 1.3.3.1.1 mahzan ›marātayn ra" awh‹ 3.5.2.2.6.1.4 ˙ madÍšir 1.5.6.11.2.1 mánzal qurayš 1.3 ›man banà #alà alǧihād‹ 2.1.1 mahāh ›mantaqah‹ 1.11.1 mán 2.1.10.1.10.8.5. 4.3.4.4.1 ›man da #ānı̄ nafnı̄ anā #umrı̄‹ 3.2 malá macól 2.3 ˙ mawlā" ı̄ falǧazı̄rah siwāk‹ 3.10.2.2.1.1 ¯ mahzán 2.2.9.2.10.1 ¯ ›mahdūr‹ 1.3.2 ›ma¯hhā‹ 1.1.2.3.3 mamlúk 2.14.10.12 ¯ ˙ .4 ›man¯ harūt‹ 2.1.3. makáid 120 maâginí 2.5.7.2.1 ›mā yar majarád 156 ma #āǧı̄n˙ 2.1.2 ›ma˙ hammad‹ 2.3.5.2.1.2 ¯ ˙ 1.1.

1 me fi káir 3. 3.5.4.1.5.10.4.1.1.1.6.10.3.3.4.1.1. 3.2.1.1.2.5 ˙ ›maylaq‹ 1.2.26.1.3 ›marratayn‹˙ 1.2 mavcúl 2.14.2.1 mastakā 1.1 ˙˙ maštam 1.10.3.2.2.4 mavté/í 2.4 mašríq 2.10.2.2.3 ˙ 3.2 ›mazı̄d‹ 2.1.10.2.3.1.1.4..10.1.6.2.2.1 zayt‹ 3.1 ›mašrab‹ 2.2.1.1 matá #= matā # 2.11.2.2.2.2 mays 1.1.3.1.2.1.12 ˙ matámir = matāmı̄r 1.1.3.7.25.2.4 ›matall‹ 4.1.1.3 ˙ ¯ ›mazdaġah‹ 1.5.4 ›martayn‹ ¯ 1.1.1.4 ›matá qām qāyim fı̄ almabı̄ # almadkūr márǧ alqádi 1.2.2.4.2.1.2.1.7.5.19.1.14.3.1. 2.2 ›mayzar‹ 79 ˙ ›masqā‹ 2.2.2 me hu yehíb alláh 3.4 ˙ ›mar˙haban‹ 2.5.4 me aâtáhum leq 3.5.12 ›matà mā yukūn alkittān wal-qannam meléique 1.3.1.1.1 me gáiru ›mastu‹ 2.5.1.7.1.1.10.2.10. āt 2.2 ˙ #nā 1. arabic index 229 márǧ 1.1.3.4.3 ›marqa ˙ tāl‹ 2.5.3.1.1.13.1.3.3 matá ma 3.4.1 matͯ 2.2 ›mawāšı̄n‹ 2.4.3.18.1.2.5 méit 2.1.5 matá 2.1 ›māsūq‹ 2.1.3.12 ›masmat‹ 2.1 ›mā+zandaqu‹ 126 ›mā+šqà min astu man yahriǧ al+ mázca = mazcà 2.6 ›mašı̄+hum‹¯ 1.2. me yeqdér aháde yaqtá fi amr guáhid ›matā‹ = matā # 1.1.2.3 me teqdér tefhému ûucúl al îibéd nam ›ma #šūq šāt‹ 3.5.2.1 ˙ 1.2 ›matà mā qāl tadrı̄ annu yaf #al‹ 3.1.2.1.3 ›mawsūq‹ ¯ 2.1 matímir 1.2 maziúd 2.4 ması̄r¯150 ˙ ›mayšūn‹ 2.1.9.1 mawt 302 masārah 2.17.2 ˙ ›mawl‹ ¯ =¯ mawlà 119 *masáǧǧa 1.7.6.1.4 ¯ marratan okra ¯ 3.1.1.2 ›mayǧam‹ 1.2 ›maybanah‹ 79 ›ma˙sāyib+an #idām‹ .2.12.2.5.1.1.1.1 ›masāf+uhum‹ = ›masāff+uhum‹ ›mawhūd‹ 2.1.3.1.19.2.1 ˙ *maslāl 110 ›mayyit‹ 2.14.2 ˙ 3.4 matbūh‹ 3.1.12 martanuhra 3.10.1.5.1.1.5.3.4.1.1 3.1.1 matā ˙ marrākuš ˙ 22 ›matāqil‹ = matāqı̄l 85 ˙ ˙ marrat an uhrá 3.1 ›maybar‹ 79 māš˙əkma+ni/k/h ˙ Mo.2 ›marı̄d‹ = maríd 2.1 ›mawqūdah‹ 1.2.4.14.10.10.5 mecéle 2.1.1.1 ›mawādd‹ 2.1.2 ¯ fa #alà dūn bitruh an yaġram luh‹ ›marhabā‹˙ 2.4.2 ›ması̄h‹ = ması̄h 1.4.4 ›marš‹ 1.2.1.1. 3.3.2. 337 ›maybūn‹ 79 ›masǧid alahdar‹ 3.1.1 mas" alah 2.1 yegíb tazdícu 3.1.2.5 mélli min giráh 243 ˙ ¯ .11.2 hattí yaqtá fi jamíâ al aguámir 266 ›matà alibnah ǧā kibı̄r‹ 5.1 ˙ ›marham‹ 1.12 ›masarr‹ pl.14.1.10.1.2.1.3.5 mecézt 2.1.4 ›m+ašqā‹ 2.3.3.19.3 masāqı̄ 2.1.2.3.5.1 ›mawtà‹ 2.

3 menéfsig 1.1 ménnah 190 ›min #ām‹ 5.7.7.28.2.6.1.2.3.2.11.6 m¯hažža pl.3..7.9. 120 ›mimmā saddanı̄ las yisallam‹ 3.2.2.1.4 midrà 2.2.2.2.7.25.2.1 midínat almalík 1.3 mqqār Mo.1.4.3. 252 min dirá 5.7.1.3.1 ménina 191 ›min aǧli mā hu karı̄m‹ 3.4.1.2.2.2.1.2 mrəmma pl.2.5.2.1.1 miskín ˙1.1.3 mi" zar 79 ¯ ›mikyād‹ 2.1.7.1 ˙ 1.1.7.10.1.2.13.2.2.1 ›mihrāt‹ 2.1.2 ˙ mı̄daq mirhād 1.1.3 ¯ ›midatuh‹ 1.1.4 ›mindām‹ ˙ 1.3.1.4 ˙ ¯ 1.1.1.4 mihšáyr 4.4 ›mi˙ drās‹ 2.7. 2.7.2.1.1.rā alislām‹ 149 ˙ mimma 3.6. 110 min céne 5.2.1 ›mihrāz‹ ›mi¯ tli mā qultu fı̄k‹ 3.1. 11.4.6.1.1 ˙ ›miškāh‹ 1.1.7.2. mhāyəd Mo.1 ›miktār‹ 2. 230 ›mi+mlāh‹ 18 ›m.7.2.2.3. mrāym Mo.3 ¯ ›mityār‹ 2.1.1 morád 1.2.2.1.7.3 ›mihyāl‹ 2.3.7.1.1.1.1.4.3 mirá = mir" āh = mirá(t) 149 ›mı̄da/āh‹ = mı̄da" ah 1.2.2.3 ›midyān‹ 2.1.3 al curbén al mucáddeç ˙ …˙yedréq˙ al ›mih˙ dār‹ ˙ 2.3 ›milliqār‹ 4.3 midínat sálim 1.5 ›mi¯ htāl‹ 110 ¯ 1.2.5.3 ›miryā midína 1.7.2 mqareb Ml.4.1.2.1.5.2 ›mišrār‹ 2.2.2.2.4.3 ›midwār‹ 2. 289 ›milsān‹ 2.2.2.3 mhadda pl.2.3.2.3 ›miswāb‹ 2.3 mislāl 110 midrár 2.15. mhāy ¯ əž Mo.1. 2.1.1.1.7.4 milq 1.28.1.1.1.3.28.1.2.2 mintaqah 1.2.3 məslāl Mo.2.1.2.15.5.2.3 mogáguir 2.1 ›mu ˙ ˙ ¯¯ .3 ›miktāf míyya = ›miyyah‹ 1.6.2.1 ›milk‹ 1.3.2.3 ˙ ‹ 2.8.2 ˙ " addan‹ 2.2.2.2.2 midrí˙ 2.2.9.7.17.2 ›mislāl‹ 2.3 mismār 1.10.1.7. 120 minhé 190 ˙ mi alhayé 2.1.7.10.11.1.1.1.1 mi" ah 1.1 ›mi¯tluhum ammā ziyādah fa+lā‹ 3.7.1.3 ¯ ›midrār‹ 2.1.5.7.1 mitl 3.1.2 moôtazíl(a) 2.6 ›minšār‹ 2.3 méxien 2.7.1.1 misdaġah ˙ 1.2 mi" bar 79 miqa ˙ ss 1.3 hayét a déyma 3.3 ¯ ›mihrās‹ 1.3.2 miçrár 2.2.2.2.3 ›mi˙#yān‹ 2.1.3 mít˙ ba roh náâm aledi hu yakód héde ›mı̄hād‹ = mihád 1.4. 120 minǧam 1.10.2.230 arabic index ménecum 191 ›mimrād‹ 2.1.1.3.2 ˙ ›minka‹ 189 ›mI kínši‹ 3.4.1.1.1.4.4 ˙ ˙ h‹ 2.2.1.7. 2.1 mitqál ˙ ›mihwāl‹ 2.2.7.3 min 3.1.2.1 mitáy(n) 2.1.4.2 ›mibtā #‹ 110 ˙˙ ›miql/nı̄n‹ 1.3 < mismár 2.1.1.3.1.2.2.2.1.2.2.2.1.1 mirár quiċíra 3. 267 menéfsige 1.

2.3.3.1 mud 3.2.1.2 mudnáçar 2.2.10.2.4 ›mu #allam‹ 2.1.2.4.1.1 munastír 52 mucéyle 2.1 ›murt‹ 1.7.1.19.4.2.13.1 munáda 1. 2.1.3 muquéddem˙ ˙ = muqueddém 2.3.19.13.5.1.4 +ūna 2.3.28.5.2 muçlamín 2.1.2.2.1 mudáwwar 1.2 ¯ mudádda 2. 1.1 muqtarí pl.2.1 musrān and ›musrānah‹ 150 ˙ muhtasáb = ›muhtasab‹ = muh-tecéb ˙ 126 mušriq ˙ ˙1.4.1 muq #ad 2.1.2.4. 17.5.1.4 ›muddāk‹ 1.2.4.1.4.1 ›mubarsan‹ 2.2.2.1.1 ›mukārı̄n‹ 1.1.1 muslim 109 ˙ muhammad 1.2.1 .7.3.2.3˙ ›muftāh‹ 2.1.1.2 mušábbak 1.1 ›murmı̄‹ 2.1.2.4.1.1. muqtariín 1.1 ›musārah‹ 2.2. 109 muslim+āni.5 *múquiden 252 mudáy(ya)na 1.2.7.2.5.2.5.1. 2.2 ˙ ›muhtafal‹ 2.5.2.5.1.1 ›murrat an safrā‹ 3.1. mudelliín 1.2.1 *muslāl 110 ›muhaddah‹ 2.1.2.5.1 mulch 4.5.3.3 mu" allah¯ ¯ 1.2.1.7.2.5.2.1 mu #allamín+kum 3.2.3 murád 1.1 mu #allaqa 109 mulūk 2.1.2.5.2.2.7.13 muéden 2.2.1.3 muráy mudélli pl.2 mupárçan and¯ mupárçin 4.2.2.1.2. +āt 213 múmkin 2.2.2.3 ›mu¯d #ašaqt almitqāl‹ 3. arabic index 231 ›mu" addib‹ 1.2.2.1 muçámmar 2.4.2.1 ›murqān‹ 2.7.2.1.2.2.1.5.2.1.2.2.3 musmat 2.9 ›muhayda #un‹ 2.2.5.2.3 ›munfı̄‹ 2.10.1 *mu¯halla 2.2.1.1.3 ›muddah min #āmayn‹ 5.2 ¯ *muġānaǧah 1.2 mulébbeç 2.1.1.4 ›mubārah‹ pl.1 ›muǧādalah‹ 1.1˙ musta #mál 2.2 ›mulawlab/m‹ 1.3.2 mu¯d dāk 1.4.1 munákkab 1.1.1 ˙ ›mūs‹ = mūsà 119 muǧádala ˙ 2.1..1.5.4.2 ›mu¯hayyadah‹ 120 ˙ ›musqām‹ 210 ¯ muhibbínak 155 mušrab 2.4.3.1 ˙ ›muǧayšarun‹ 2.5.2 mu¯d ¯wa+ 258 ›muqa #dad‹ 201 ›mu¯ d wa+ġābat‹ 258 muqaddam 1.21.1.1.2.3 muridíni 155 múdlim 2.2.2.1.2.3.2.5.2¯ muqārib 289 ˙ mudáǧǧan 52 ›muqās‹ = muqás 1.2.2 muqárib 4.2.7.2.2.1.1 ˙ 2.1.2.7.5.2.1 mufétten 2.1.3 mugédded 2.1 mubára 156 ›mulūliyyah‹ 1.1 mu #āwiyah 109 ›mulūkı̄‹ 2.5.7.1 ›musāra #ah‹ = ›musāra #ah‹ 1.3 muktarí 1.2.1 ›muntafı̄n al" adnÍb‹ 2.1.3 mu" addin 1.1.2.7.10.3 ˙ *musáyyala 2. ı̄n 1.5.2.1 ›mudallı̄‹ pl.5.7.1.2.2.1.1.5.1 muslím 1.2. muslimun and muslim ˙ muharráǧ 1.4.5.2.2.5.28.3.2.2 múčča 4.2.5.2.3.1.

nad˙kól 205 2.2.10.2.3.3.5.9 ›mušwı̄‹ 2.1.3 ›na˙htalaf ‹ 209 nachapát = naččappat 1.1 naftaquír 209 mutarǧám 2.5.3.3.4 ›nahı̄b‹ billah‹ 261 ˙ ›nahı̄bak‹ 2.2.3.2.2.2.4.1 náâla 2.2.5.2.2.2.10.14.2.2.3.3.1 ›na #am waya" ūl bih alġadab ilà alkufr ¯ ¯ ¯2.2.2 naǧtahid 89 muzāhim 109 naǧtarr 89 muzíd˙ 2.2.2.3 ˙ nahzú 2.1 ›naġzū‹ 2.5 ›nahāb‹ 2.2.2 nāhiyah 80 naâtí al kobz 2.2.1.3 ›na¯htamı̄‹ 2.1.14.2.3.2.2.3.5 ›nabtadı̄ namlah‹ 3. muztafra(g)ín 1.1.4.10.2. 4.2.5..1 ›na #am wahattà hadamhum kānū nahguél 2.3 ˙ ›nadrab‹ 218 ›mustawiyyah‹ = mustawiyah ˙ nafı̄r 1.1 muztécreh 2.4 naguaquicí 2.2 ›na˙ hriǧ‹ 205 nabía 157 ›na¯hruǧ‹ 205 ›nabqá‹ 2.3.4.14.2.5.3 muztáfra(g) pl.10.2.1 naġsál(u) 2.1.2 ›nahāf ‹ 2.2.3 nafs+˙ 3.1.2 ¯ ¯ ˙ ›muwallah‹ ›naǧlas‹ 1.1 ›muwādabah‹ 1.4 ˙ nadén˙ ˙ 2.1.3.4..3.4 ¯ nadhíl(u) 2.3.1 nádir 1.2 na˙hnu 184 naâtí al ˙yed 5.2.2.2 ›naġdar‹ 1.3 ›nah" u‹ = nahw 117 ›na˙d-˙dārah‹ .3 muzaǧǧaǧ 2.2.2.12.1.2.1.2.2.3.1.5.1 náhu ˙ ˙ 117 ›na¯d-dārah‹ .5.22.3.4 naâír 2.2.3. 75 ›nahtı̄‹ 1.1 ¯ .4 ›nadhil‹ 205 ˙ nahw+ı̄ 1.2.3 ›na¯hs+u‹ 82 ›nabtadı̄k na #mal ˙ nikāyah‹ 3.1 ›na˙ dā‹ 1.1.2 nahfid 1.11.28.2.3.2 nagániê 72˙ ˙ ˙- muwādabah 1.. 1.2 nafs 122 ›mu #tadal‹ 2.4 nahár¯ muméyeç 3.4 +na 2.10.2.1.2.2.2.1.2 ›naǧ #al alhāsid an yahsadu‹ 3.2.2.2 naǧǧár 2.1.1 ›naǧad‹ 2.2.14.5.2.2.3.2..1.4 yafhamūn‹˙ 261¯ ›nahhud‹ 2.2.232 arabic index musta #míl 2.2.1 múxiriq 2.5.2.3.4. 2.2.5 ›na¯hruǧ liwildı̄‹ 5.1.3 ›na #aš‹ 1.3.3.4.3.3.7.1.3.2.5.1 ˙ ›muwaddah‹ = muwaddah.1.1. 24.1 nafy 117 mutárǧim 2.3.1.5 ¯ ›nadhul‹ 205 nakaríx 205 ›nadı̄‹¯ 2. 2.6.3.1.1 ›nahwaǧ‹ 2. 13.2 muštarı̄ 109 nad˙ kíl 205 ›muštariyyah‹ = muštariyah 2.2.2.2 ˙ ˙ ˙ 1.1.2.25.2 nachárr 89 ˙˙ ˙ ˙ nahtarám 209 nād Mo.2 na #am (wa) 3.2 2.1 ˙ ›nakkul‹ 2.2.1.2. 161 nahuí˙ 1.3.3 ›nafı̄sah‹ 2.1..

4 nasta #dár(u) 2.2.1.3 ›nastašı̄r‹ 2.3 nançáraâ 208 natfalsáf 201 nancí 2.4 ›na #mal lak mawda #‹ 5.9 na˙ktár 209 ›nasta #ār‹ 2.3.2 ˙ ›nanǧarrā‹ 208 ˙ natháwad(u) 2.3 naquíf 2.2.1 ˙ #ad‹ 1.1.3 /nartádd/ 1.4 ˙ nasfár(u) 2.2.11.2 ›naqı̄f natkáçam 207 ¯ ¯ ›naqı̄r‹ 2.3 āni.3.2.1.3.2.4.4.5.5.1.3.1 ›nardı̄‹ 2.3 naztacáâ 2.25.1.1 ›nasta #ı̄r‹ 2.5 nawāqı̄s 2.1.4.4.3.3 ˙ ›naktub‹ 218 ›nasta¯ġall‹ 2.2.2 nalguí 1.3 náqua 2.10.2.2 ›na #ná‹ 2.1.3.4 natbarbár(u) 2.3 ›naqraw‹ 2.1.10.3 ›natrawhan‹ 201 ›nāqūs‹ 1.3.3.2 ›nattāhal‹ ˙ 225 nār 174˙ naucíl 205˙ ›nāran yahraquh‹ 3.3.9 ›natā‹ 1.2. 1.5.1.3.3. arabic index 233 naktabír 209 ›naššāb‹ 2.2.2.4 na˙kteyél 2.4 naltahám(u) 2.2.2.1 ›natlub ša #ı̄r baš nimı̄r alfaras‹ 3.2.5.2.1.2.1 nazbáh 205 ›nasārà‹ = ›nasārah‹ 44 nazmíê 205 ›na˙sfār‹ 210 ˙ naztaâguéd 2.2.2.2.2.4.2.3.3.2.2.5.5.2.4 ›na #lū‹ 2.5 ›natfarsan‹ 201 ›nandur .2.2.1 ›naštahı̄¯ kin+narāk‹ 3.3.2.2. ˙ naml+at+ nāsūt ˙1.1 ›natġānan‹ 2.5 ›nastatāl‹ 2.3.2.2.3 nánna 296 natílla 1.2.4.3.1.1 nā #ūrah 1.1 naztahbéb 2.4.1 ˙ natláf(u) 2.3.2 ›natiq‹ 2.2 našrúb(u) 2.2 nasrānı̄ = ›nasrānı̄‹ 1.4.2.2.1.4.2.3. naml+atun.5.2.2.3.4.2 nakurúx 205 ›nastaġnı̄w‹ 2.2.3.2.3 naztaháq 2.1 nardá˙ 2.3 ›naqrā‹ = /naqrá/ 2.3.5 naztaház 2.lalašyā fa+narà lutfak‹ 3.3.2.2 ˙ ›nasmū‹ 2.2.2.3.3.2.2.3.2.2.2.2 nawwála¯ 1.2.2.2 ›nanšarr‹ 2.1.3.14.3 natíq¯ and *natı̄q 224 ˙ ‹ = naqíf = naqifu 1.1.1 ›nawtab‹ 2.3.5.3.2. namal+ātun 2.4 natqaddám(u) 2.3.22.14.3 naztaxár ˙ 2.2.1.25.3.2 ˙ ›našrub‹ 218 ˙ naztakbá 2.3 ›nas" al‹ 2.2.2.1 ˙ ›nalbas‹ 218 ›nastahfı̄‹ 2.3 nargábu˙ … yne yaâtína 3.2.1 nās 77 ›nazan‹ 2.4 ˙ natbáraz 207 ›nanām‹ 2.3 ˙ ›nasil‹ 2.3.4.2.2.3.2 ›naw #id‹˙ 2.4 .5 ›nasta˙tyar‹ 2.3.3.3 nantabáq(u) 2.1.2.2.3.2.3.4 namlun.3.2.2.3.3.2.2 ›nawāqı̄r‹ 2.2.2.3.3.3.2.2.3.2.14.1 ›natnā naqtúç 209 natparráç 4.15.2 ˙ narcúd 1.3.1 ›nallas‹ 1.1.10.

3.2.2.2 niqabbál(u) 2.2.5.2.2.2 nehíbhum and nehíbbuc/hum 191 ›ni¯hāda #‹ = ›nihadda #‹ 204 nehtem 209 ¯ nihágued 204 ¯ neltehém 209 ›nihallū+hā‹ 2.4 neceráni 1.2.1 neqquéç 1.4.2.5.10.4 ›nilaw ˙ ˙ tar‹ 4.2.1.2.3 ›ni" assas‹ 2.3.1 ¯ 187 nidéi ˙ nisáfar(u) 2.2.2.2.5.3.2 ˙ hhar‹ 2.3.3.3.1 ›niwa nifóh lalmáâç 5.2.4.3.4.4 nilúm ˙2.3 nit˙# 1.3.4 ˙ ttam‹ 1.2.3.3 ›niqāsı̄‹ 2.3 ›nirı̄d an naqabbal albanān‹ 3.2.10.1 niçráni 1.2.1 nies giddieba Ml.1 ›nisāwı̄‹ 2.2.3.3.5 ›nifšāriyuš‹ 2.2.4 ›niġānan‹ 2.4 negéç 1.3.1.10.2 nicátel 204 nı̄rān 174 nicígui ~ niciguía 2.2. 131 ›nirawhan‹ 201 nicóllucum 3.1 niémin billéhi … huá fe îiça 5.2.2 ˙ ›nifarsan‹ 201 ›ni˙ tallaq+hā‹ 190 nifellél 1.2 ›nirayyas‹ ˙ 2.1.234 arabic index necéit 2.2.3.2.3.2.1.1 ›nihab‹ 2.2.3.3.2.4.2. ›nihiyyah‹ 18 nésut 1.3.3.4 +ni 2.1.1.2.2.4 néxie 1.3 ničúč 4.4 néfij 117 niguí¯ ċ 2.1 ›ni¯hammar‹ = ›nihammár‹ 203 nertéd lal káir 1.3.2 ›nibšāriyuh‹ pl. ›nibšāriyāt‹ 2.2.1.2.3.4 nibéç 222 ˙ nipaqquát 203 ›nibı̄t‹ = nibít 2.1 nimándaq 1.2 ˙ nihāyah.2.11.3 nezuéch 2.1 ›nila neztevmét 2.1.2 ›niqāsı̄‹ = ›niqassı̄‹ 204 niçál 2.1.4.3 ›niwakkad‹¯¯ 2.3.2.3 ›ni˙tarnan‹ 201 ›nifindir‹ 4. 161 ˙ ›nisnā/ı̄s‹ 18 ›nifalsáf ‹ 201 ›nisrānı̄‹ = ›nisrāniyun‹ 1.4.1 niréċ 2.3 nisāb 1.5.1 ..4 ›nibaqqa¯ ¯ t‹ 203 niném 2.4.3.2.1. 10.3.1 nimatráq 201 ›nibahhar+hā‹ 190 nimút 2.3.2.4.3.1.3.9 ›ni" ann‹ 2.2.2.2.5.3 nisf 1.1.5.3 nicací 2.28.4.1.3 negéd 2.2.4.1.1.4.1 ›nidahhı̄‹ 82 ›nirušš+a‹ 190 ˙ ˙˙ ›nidaqdaq‹ 201 nisā" 2.19.3.1.2 ni #m(a) 3.3.2.2.1.4.2.3˙ ›ni #ı̄r‹ 2.2.4.4.1 ›nirı̄d allā numna #‹ 3.3.3.1.1 níd 1.3.4.4 neuquéd 252 nikáf 2.4 niparçán 4.3.3 ›ni #āfı̄ = ni #affı̄‹ 204 ›ni #m alwalad‹ 3.19.25.1 ›nidar‹ 2.3.2.1.3 ›nihabbı̄‹ 2.2.28. 1.3 ›ni #ānaq = ni #annaq‹ 204 nimālun 2.1.2.1.1 nifár 2.4.2.5.3..1.3.2 nechehéd 89 ›niġı̄t‹ 2.2.2.3 nieçéç 2.1.1.2.3.

4.2..2 piztícal pl.2.2 ›qabl an yadallanı̄‹ 3.2 nognóga 72 ›qabbaltu lak falšufayfāt‹ 3.4.10.2.2 nu" allif 1.2.1 qāla qtuli lkāfira lilmalik 250 parġát 1.2.15.2 puliát = pulyát 123 ›qāmat alhādim an tarà man kān‹ ˙ pullicár 4.1.4.3 qabbál(u) 2.5.1 3.1 ›qa˙ hbat manhūs‹ 243 paqquátt 203 ˙ ›qahqahah‹ =˙ ›qahqahah‹ 1.28.17.4 303 ›nu #rah‹ 2.9 qabl an 3.2.4.3.2.2.2 ˙ qahbah 4.4.5.3.4 qad ġafartu lahu and qad ġafártuh núq 2.3.2.5.1.1 ›nurūs/z‹ 1.4.1 qala #atáyn 1.2.axiét 3.4 parçánt 4.1 qálb 122 poláyguat 123 ›qāl+hā‹ 190 porrojón 4.2.3.3.1 ›nuqūl+lak‹ 3.3 píx 1.2.1 ›nu˙ ˙tbit‹˙205 ›qā˙ dı̄‹ 2. 27.4.4.3.2.4.2.3 nizén 2.1.5.4.2 nu #arah 2.2. 2.4.2.9.2.2.3.1 qalá #at ayyúb 1.2.2.1.2 ›qālat˙… #aynayn‹ 3.1 nússi rátl 1.2 nufasā" 2.1.5.1.1.2.2 ›qafas/z‹ 1.2.2.2.3.2 ¯ ¯ ›nufaysat+ı̄‹ 2.2.4.1 ›qad ˙tadrı̄ ¯ att‹ 3.2.8 ›qabrah‹ 71 ›nufaysatı̄‹ 122 qad 3.4.5.3 paččáyna 4. qahwa Mo.3.2.2.1.2.2 ›qad ˙kin+nifı̄q‹ ˙ 3.2.2.2.1.1.1.2.2.2 qalansuwah 1.1.2 ›nubriz‹ 205 ¯ qabl id 3.1.4.1.2.1.1 qalá #at zayd 149 ˙ perrixín 1.10 ¯ nutúna almâaç 2.3.2.2 ¯ ›qabl id rayt alhawhah‹ 3.2 ›qā #‹ 4.1.5.1 pílch 4.2.2.2.3.1.3.1 nurı̄d 1. ít 2.1.6 okái pl.2 nixappí 203 qabālah 1.1. arabic index 235 ›niwallaf ‹ 1.9 qádd 2.2.3.8.1.2 qādı̄ 1.1. 1.4.1.1.10.4.22.2.2.4.1 ›qad tamamt azzuǧayyal‹ 3.10.1 pochón 1.3 ¯ .1.1.2.1.2.10.10.4.5 ›qalūnyah‹ 4.2.1 ›nūr+ka‹ 189 ›qad sār hall‹ 3.1. okayít 2.2.2.1 ›qalastūn‹ 1.3 pučún 1.28.1.2.9.10.2.2.1.2.1 ˙ nuššāb 2.4.2.22.3 ohar qādūs 1.10.1.2 patána 1.2.4.1 ›qā˙dı̄ " almuslimı̄n‹ 76 ˙ 71 ›qādis‹ .1.1.2.1.1.1 ›numūt‹ 2.3.1 nusf 1.4.2 núce rátal 1.2.9 qabqāb ¯ 1.2.1.1.2 ›qāl+a‹ 190 párchele 1.2.2.2.2 párçana 2.2.3 ›qad mā #ak man ta" ammal‹ 3.3. 175 ˙ ˙ 297 qā" id.5.4.2 parrukier(a) 161 qalá #at turáb 1.1. 4.9 ›qad hān inqitā #ak‹ 3.1. 61 o˙kt 157 ˙ ›qafazt‹˙ 1.2.2.2 ›qalsuwah‹ 1.4.

1.2.28.1.1.2.1.5 ›qis #˙ah‹ 2.3 ›qawqanah‹ 4.1 ˙ ›qası̄s‹ 2.27.1.1.1 ˙ qawwád 1.4 ˙ ˙ # 1. 1.3.1.2.2.2.17.3 qasabah 1.10 qatala 202.1.2 ˙ 1.1 qará = qara" a 1. 2.3.1.2.2 qubbah 1.10.4.3. quedbít 2.2 qātil quéhua 1.2 ›qı̄h‹ qaríyya 1.22.4.3.2. qmāyəž Mo.1 ›qa˙ ta # albār(ı̄) atarı̄ (in talabtak)‹ qúbli háddak ¯ 149 ˙ ˙ 1.8.1¯ ˙ ›qubtāl‹ ¯ 4.3.1.2.10.2 qasr = qásr 1.3 ›qannāč‹ 1.1.1.1.1.1.3. 3.1.1.1 ›qa˙ sriyyah ˙ fāš yakūn dā alšahm‹ qməžža pl.1.3. 1.10.5.2.4 qibtíyya 1.3.2.19.4 ˙˙ ˙ .1.2.2.1.57 qántara 1.8.1.8 ˙ 1.1.22.2.5.1.1 qatalú+nı̄ 86 quehéna 2.1.10.1 ˙ ›qitā #‹ = qita # 1.2.2.10.3.4.2˙ qitāl qašqár 296 qitrán 1.1 ›qanı̄n‹ 4.2.17.1.2.3 ˙ 1.26.2.4 qaryah˙ 2.3.2.1 qayh 1.2 ›qammārah‹ 2.5.3 ›qubaylah‹ 2.2.5. 175 ›qarawı̄‹ 131 qibál 3.4.4.3 ›qarayt‹ 2.3.1.2 qa˙sar 101 *qí˙sr 104 ›qa˙ sdı̄r‹ 1.8 ˙ ›qasāwisı̄n‹ 2.8 qatām 1.1.1 qíbla 1.1 qaráyt kitáb aw záwǧ 257 qiblah 54 ›qardāč‹ .236 arabic index ›qāmat tiġannı̄‹ 3.1.4. 1.2.1.2.4.2.2.1.15.10.1 qātal 204 ›qudā‹ ˙ 2.2 ˙ qārib 1.4.1.3.10.3 ›qimā‹ = qim(a) # 1.11.1.28.7.4.1 ›qassārah‹ 2.1 qhāwı̄ Mo.2.1.2.22.1 ˙ qı̄la 172 ›qariyyah‹ 2.2 ›qataltumū+nı̄‹ 216 quédden guáhid 3.1.2.2. 218 ˙ quédbe pl.6 ›qi˙s˙sat+ı̄‹ 2.2 ›qinnab/m‹ 1.4.1.3.2.1.2 qátil 2.4.4 ›qayd‹ .1.10.5.2.1.1.1.2 ›qubbayd‹ = qubbayt 1. 120 ˙2.10.2.2.1.2.1.2 ›qanawı̄‹ 131 qáws 2.1 qayyámt˙ 1.1.10.10.2 qitā qasíl ˙1.1.3.1.1 ›qaydūs‹˙ 1.4.11.1.4.4 ¯ ˙ ›q.2.1.1.2.1 ›qandı̄l bifummayn‹ 152 qawsu quzah 1.1.1.1.4.6 qán˙tarat alqádi 2.6 ›quhaybaš‹ 2.1.5.3 qı̄rāt 1.1 quéhin 2.2.3 qáwqab 1. 104 ˙ qiyāmah 1.1.2.2.1.15.1.2.8.2 ›qis˙ satayn‹¯ 2.1. 101.1.4.2/3 ›qaws+an ifranǧı̄‹ 3.2.2.1.1 ˙ qatá # 1.10.8 ›qāsih‹ 2.3 qatluka li" insānin 250 quemíx 3.1.22.ssı̄n‹ = ›q.5.1 *qi˙sr bani haláf 104 qas˙#ah 2.3 qandíl 2.4.1.1 ›qazdı̄r‹ 1.2.1 qapár 1.1.3.2 ˙ ›qanwal‹ ˙ 4.sı̄sı̄n‹ 2.2.1.2.2.3.2.2 ›qāris/s‹ 1.19.2.25.3 ›qa˙swah‹ ˙ = qaswah 1.1.1.2 queme yudcáru 3.3 qatta 3.1.10.1.

14.10.1 ›raǧawt+ak‹ 2.1.5.8 quipáp 1. 132 rámal 2.10.3 ›raqadūn‹ 2.4.1. arabic index 237 ›quhhāb‹ 2.3.1.4.3.3 quláyba 122 ˙ ›rahlā bidal‹ 1.2 ráhn 105 ˙ t‹ 1.1.10.3 quitíb 2.5.1.1 ›rakab lak farasuh‹ 3.2.9 qurbah 4.1.1.3.2 ˙ ›qutūn‹ = qut(u)n 2.6.3 raǧǧālah 161 quif yaâmél fi héde al curbén al raǧúl 2.1. 2.1.2.2 raml 101 ›ra ##ādah‹ 1.1.10.2.5 ˙ rahamét 2.3 ›qunfud/ ra" ı̄s 2.1.1 quibáb 1. 2.2.1 ˙ h‹ 2.4.2.2.1.2.1 ˙ ›rabyanah‹ 4.3.3.1 ráquiden˙ 2.2 qurā+nā˙ 149 ›ra" ı̄s‹ 2.1 ›radiwū+h‹ 2.4 ›qussū rajuléi˙2.2 qu˙sáyyar 1.8 ›rat‹ 2.5. 2.5.8 ›quzquza #‹ 1.26.1.1 ¯ ˙ .5.3.1.2.5 rasūl 105 ›radı̄‹ 2.10 ra" à 276.3 ›qulta‹ 215 ráhma˙ 2.1. 282 rámi 2.2.1.3.1.2 rátb¯ ¯2.2.2.2.2.3.5 ›rās‹ 2.2.5 ›ramāmı̄n‹ 150 rá 245.1.2.4.2 rás 2.1.1 ›ratāt‹ 1.4.12.4.5.5.2.1.3.5.1.2 ›radlāt‹ 2.5.1 ˙ ˙ ˙ quiéça 20 ›raǧa #at alġanam laldār‹ 3.1.1.2 ˙ qutún 1.1.5.1 ›rānı̄ mā rānı̄‹ 245 rabad 1.1.10.1.1.10.1.11 ˙ quwáyyas ˙ 2.3.1.3 ›radā‹ 2.5.2.28. 283 ›ramk‹ 2.4˙ rahá 2.1.14.1.2.1.1.1.10.7.1.4 ›ra¯hla ˙ " lrukā‹¯ 1.5 quibél yeqdér yconfesárhum 3.10.3 rakç 2. 1.5.1.1 quígua ›raǧa # kull ahad faras wa+hamham‹ quiguár 1.1 *quyila 172 ›rakkābah‹ 2.2 ›rahı̄s kasr alhābyah bi #aqr al-fār‹ 3.2 ráqid 2.1 qusáyba 1.10.8..2.1 ramal 101 qzādri Naf.5.5.14.1.6.1.2 mucáddeç 3.1.1.2 rábena 188 ›raqqādah‹ 2.1.3.5.3.2.10.2.2.5.2 radā ra’s almutallat 1.3.3.11.3 rak˙ d 4.2 quirát 1.1.2 ›raqsū‹ 214 rábita 1.4 ›rānı̄ šaqfah bayn idayh‹ 245 ›rabbà ˙ ǧanāh baš yitı̄r‹ 3.2.5 3.2.2.1. 1.1 ˙ ›rākibı̄n‹ 2.2.3.10 rafísa 4.1.3 ›rāhi zubd‹ 245 quitél 1.2.10. 1.3.3.1.1.1.2.2 ›qumt‹ 4.10.8 ›radāyā‹ ¯ ¯ ›raslā‹ 2.10.2.4.1 rájel 2.4.2 rábbena hu máâq ˙ ˙ 3.2. 2.5.2.10.3 qúwwa = quwwah 1.2.22.4.10.1.1.2.1.1.1.5.1.4.1.1.1.2.1 rajúl ákar 3.2.4 ›ra" à hārūt li #aynayk‹ 3.22.3 rábi # 2.4 ˙ d 1.1.2.3.10.3 ›ra" ı̄s almalā" ikah‹ 1.2.4.4.1.1.1 radáyt 2.10.2.1 ¯ ¯ 2.10.1.4.1. 1.9.1.1 ˙ ˙ 1.10.2.

1.1 ›ruwayyas‹ 2.28.1.9 ›sa" alt‹ 2.1.1.3.14.4 rid" = ›ridd‹ 1.2.2.1.1 ˙ 3.1.) 25 rikāb 1.11.10.2.10.4.10.28.10.2 ˙ 2.3 ˙ ¯ ›rummān(ah)‹ 150 ›raytu‹ 215 ›ruqāq huluwwah‹ 3.1.13 +š Mod.1 ›rayyis‹ 2.5.4.1.1.9.2.10.1.1.5 +š 3.2 ruǧaylūna 2.10.2.4.3 ša" āmin 1.4 rúb # = rub # 2.1.1.3 ›" š danb alhadı̄d‹ 3.9 šabáb = šabāb 4.4.1.3.4 ›ruyasā‹ 2.3 rúsl = rus(u)l 105 rı̄fi (Mo.1.28.3.5.1 rúçl 2.11.2.10. 2.1.1 raw˙ dah 2.3 sá #at an 3.1.2.1 rutt 2.2 riǧāl 2.3 ráyt 3..5 riyás˙ 1.5 róbaâ 2.3.1 réċ 2.2.10.4 rúta 4.1.1.4 ›ruġūn‹ 77 ›sabaǧ‹ 1.1 ˙ 1.1.238 arabic index ›ratlayn‹ 2.2.2.1.1.2.10.1.4.1. 2.1.1.3.1.9 ›riǧlı̄+k‹ 2.2.5.10.1.2 sáb #(a) 2.3 ›rihā alǧadı̄d‹ 3.6 ríquib 2.3 rutfál 1.1. 5.5.2.2.3 ›" š nirı̄d nahlaf ˙‹ 3..2 sáb # 1.2.1.Yem.2 ˙ ruqbín 2.9.1.1.1 sabá # mas #úr 29 ›rufqah‹ 2.1.8 rús 1.19.1 rigíli 2.1.2.10.) 25 ›rusul‹ 2.15.10.4.1 ›ruw/yasā‹ 2.9 rihán˙ 105 rwāfa (Mo.1.1 ›riǧl+ı̄nā‹ 2.3 ¯ 3.10.1 rúbb 1.4.1.2.2 ›rutuwāl‹ 1.10. 253 ›ru" asā‹ 2.2.2 ˙ ›" š tahšà tarǧā # muqarnas‹ 3.hātayn‹ 2.1.2.1.4.2.10.1.3 ›riǧlayya‹ 187 ru" ūs 1.3.1.2.5.1.1.4. 1.5.2 ryāfa (Mo. 253 romá˙ 2.3 ˙ ›rukkāb+hā‹ 190 ›rayt kulli ham birutūbat dā alham‹ ›rumiškal‹ 137 3.1.2.) 25 ›rikāb‹ 2.9.2.1.1 rutáitab 2.1.4.5.4.2.1 ruáyas 2.5.13 ›razānah‹ 219 ›rutayrah‹ 1.1.10.5.1.5 ›" š tabkı̄ hawlı̄‹ rízq 2.1.10 ›sā‹ 253 rómi pl.1.1.1 rúca 4.4.2 riǧl 2.3.2.2.1˙ ruçál 4. ít 2.1.3.5 ›riyyah‹ 1.4.1.1 ri" ah ›rūs‹ 2.6 ›" š ¯kin+nirı̄dka ˙ hay‹ 3.2.2 ›" š wazı̄r kātib‹ 3.3 sa iġi Malta Ml.9 ›rāyis‹ ›rukād‹ 4.1.10.28.1.5 ›riyā˙ d‹ 2.28.11 sa+ 3.4.4.2.5.5 ›" š tasāl‹ rofóô pl.1.2.1. 282 riyād 1.6 ˙ rujáyjal ~ ít 2.10.2.1.2.4. romiín 1.5.2 rúh+ 3.5.2.1 .2.2.1.5.10.1.10.1.3 ›r.5.2.3.5.4.5.5.1.3.2 rimíl 2.10.1 ›sā #atan tatla # fı̄ sarı̄rak‹ 3.10.1.3.1.1.1.5 rokç 2.1.1 ›rifūyuh‹ 1.2 sabaǧ 2.2.1.

5.1.17.1.5 ˙ dāniq‹ 1.2 ›sahal‹ sánya 1.1.1.2 ˙sā" ir 253 sab #í 2.1.10.4 sā" ifah 1.1 ˙ hib sā ˙ 1.1.1.1 sakrà 147 ˙šábka 1.3.11.1 sahı̄l 1.2.4 ›saǧǧa #‹ 1.21. 80 ›šaqı̄qay‹ 1.17.4.10.2.14.1.2.4 ˙ šább 1.3.2. sanādı̄q 2.2 ˙sádis 2.1.3.10.27.2.5.4 sábi # 2.1.4 ›sahb aldayr‹ 80 sáq 282 sá˙ hb˙ almadína 1.1.1.3.1.2 ›šams‹ 1.1 ›sadiya‹ 2.2 ›sā+nuqullak‹ 253 ˙ ˙hah‹ 2.5.2 - ›šamsan dāhir‹ 5.3 sammayt+uh 3.10.1.3 ˙šannír 4.1.1.4.2.1.3 ›˙safı̄‹ 2.2 ˙ ˙hhārah‹ 2.1.3.5.1.2.1.1.2.4 šánt 4.2.2.4.2 ˙ šaǧarah 4. 80 sah 2.4 ˙ ‹ 2.1.3.1 ˙›sa˙ hfā‹ 44 sāqayn 1.27.1.11. 17 ›sahālı̄‹ 2.1.10.10.1.1.4. 176 ¯ šaddah 1.1 ›sakrānah‹ 147 ›sabranā‹ 188 ›sal #ah‹ 2.2.2 ¯ ›sa+namdahk anā‹ 189 ˙sáǧra 4.4˙ šams 5.1.1.1.2 ›sāqay+hā‹ 2.3.1.1 ›sāfi‹ = sáfi = sāfı̄ 1.1.1.2.1 ˙safsāf 1.2 sab #ín 2.2.4.3.1.1. 101 sābilah 161 ›sakkah‹ 2.1.3 ›sab ˙›sahlah‹ 2.1.1.2.3.2.2 sanád 2.1 ˙›sa˙ġā‹ 1.1.1.1.1.1 ›sā˙hı̄˙ saw‹ 1.1.2 sāmmu abras 1.5.2.1.9.2 sanawbarah˙ 1.4. arabic index 239 ›sabal‹ 1.10.1.3 ›ša salāta #ı̄n Sy.2.1.1.1 /sáq/ 2.1.14.1.1. ›šaǧı̄ # katı̄r‹ 128 ˙ 85 ˙ saġír 2.5 ›sal(i)f sadíq+i 3.1.1 ˙ ›šamtu‹ 2. 101 sabíyya 1.4.2 ›sahāb‹ 1.1.4.11.3.2.1.1.9.1 sab #amíyya 2.1.10.2 ›saltu‹ 1.28.4.11.1 ˙ #a+mi" ah‹ 1.22.18.2.1 3.1.1 ¯ ›sabāyā‹ 2.4.2 ›sammāt‹ 226 ›šaffāf ‹ 4.2 safrāwı̄ 1.1.8 šahwah 1.4.1.1.8 ›šā ›sa+nuqullak‹ 3.2.3 šaqı̄qayn 1.5 ˙šāf NA 276.2.1. 282 samín 20 šafah 1.1.8 ›sa ›sāqayn‹ 2.4.9.3 ˙sā˙hil 1.2.15.2 ˙šáh 1.3.1.1 ›sanādiq‹.14.5.1.2.1.1 ¯ 1.5 samlaq 172 sáfar(u) 2.2.1.2.4.1.9.3 ˙ ˙ samrā" 1.2 šakál 2.1.2.1.1.15.4.1.1.2.1 šákl 2.2.2.2.1.2.2.1.2.5.1.1.1.2. 2.5˙ ˙›safı̄q‹ = ›safı̄q‹ 1.3 ˙ .1. 104 sadr ›samaw/yt‹ 2.2. 176 ˙ Eg.2.11.1.10.5 šamā #adı̄n Sy.1.1 ›šahr yunayr alladı̄ min sanat 237‹ sab #atá( #)šar 2.1.2 sáqf fi ssamí 1.1.2.1.1 ›salq/k‹ 1.11.5.

4.2.17.4.2.1.1/3 ›sawdānāt‹ 107.4. sihāb 1.1.4.1 šaráb 1.2.4.4.11.4.1.1.3 ˙ ›š/sı̄biyā‹ pl.13 sarw ˙ 1.1.10.3.2.1 ›sarı̄r‹ 2.3.1.3.1.1.1 sāra 3.1.5 sider Ml.2 síbr 1.2.1.17.4.1.2.4.6 šarr 127 ›ši bidā #ah‹ 199 šarrába 1.1.2.2.3 šı̄ 3.4/5.8 ›sārat almi ˙ hnah mā #uh‹ 3.3 ˙›s/sibānah‹ 1.1 sarhabah 172 ›šayyabtumū+nı̄‹ 216 ›sarı̄ #‹ 2.27.1.2.3.1.1.1.18.2.2.1.2.3.2.10. 80 šaráb(at) 2.5 ›šayyan yubtā #‹ 3.15.1.1.2.4 ›sawārun‹ 1.4.11.1.1. 253 šarík 1.1 ›sawād man yuġušš‹ 2.1.3 ¯ ˙ ˙ ›sawf tadrı̄‹ 3..10.2˙ ›sawā˙ hu qultu šay aw kuntu sākit‹ 259 ˙ ˙ 4.1.10.1.2 ›sa+tadrı̄h‹ 5.2.1.10.2 šarı̄f 1.4. 2.2.10.1 ›sı̄dı̄ mašġūl kamā tala # lalruqād‹ ›sā+tat #aǧǧab‹ 252 3.28.1.2 ˙ 29 sı̄d šaryān 1. 218 ˙ sayyid = ›sayyid‹ 1.2.1.1. 2.1 sejjer Ml.2.2 ˙ ˙ .1.7.2 ˙›sifsāf˙ ‹ 1. 10.2.3.2.1. šarábu 2.4.1.3.2 síd 2.3.1.4.1 ˙ ˙ hyā‹ 3.1.5.4.5.4. sinin Ml.1.4.1 ˙šá #ra 1.1.3 sáyqal 2. 259 ›sāriq‹ 2.18.1.28.5.1 ›saraqustah‹ 71 ›šayh‹ 2. 104 satl 1.1.4.2 si" bān 150 sarsām 1.1.1.2 ˙ ›sā+tiǧı̄kum‹ 252 sidr Eg.2.2.2.3 ˙sífa = sifah = ›siffah‹ 1.3 ›šarabt‹ 2.2.1.13 ˙ sawma #ah 1.10.15.4 ˙ ší #a 1.1 saw" ah 1.1.1 ›sarab‹ 2.2 ›saqqā‹ 2.3.4.2.4.1.2.10.1 šarábtum.240 arabic index */sáqq/ 2.1 ›sawı̄l‹ 1.2 ›ša˙ tranǧ‹ 1.1.1 ›sa+ta sı̄dı̄¯ 29 ›sa+tarà‹ ˙ 3.4.2.5.10.2 ›siǧār‹ 1.3 šárib 1.10.3.4 ˙ ˙šáyra 4.2.18.10 ší 2.2.5. 128 ˙ šariba 202.1 ›sawwah‹˙ 1.2.1 ˙›šawq+an šadı̄d‹ 3. ›šawābı̄‹ 1.1.2.2 ˙ sawdā " = ›sawdah‹ 44 ›saqsayt‹ 1.1.3.2.4 sáwt 1.1.2.1 šarábna 2.4 sew(wa) hames .5.2.1.2 ›šarsām‹ 1.2.1 šarabíyya 1.2 šíga ›sawā yuqāl aw yu #ammà‹ 259 ›siǧāǧ‹ 1.1.1.2.15.3 ›sı̄dı̄‹ 1.2.14.2.1.4.2.1 sar˙tam 172 ˙›sibyān‹ 2.4 ›sarrārah‹ 1. 174 ›˙sār ˙… yaskun kadā fı̄h kull ahad‹ ›sawf ‹ 1.2 ›sawf tarà‹ 3. 1.4.3 ˙ 3.2 sawfa 3.4.2.4.1 šárt 2.4.2. 218 šáy 2.1.1.10. 2.1.5.2.1.1.1.2.4.1.4 ›šayyan #adı̄m‹ .2.2.15.4.1.4.2. 104 ›satal‹ 1.2.1 ›šay amārah‹ 199 šaraf 64 ›sa+yalqà‹ 3.15.2.2 ˙šárb 1.1.

1 ˙ 1.4.5.1 surhūb 172 siwà 259 ˙ ›s/surrah‹ 1. 80 ›sinhāǧı̄n‹ 1.1.2.9.1. 255 ›sūdān‹ 107 táâlim neçeranía 3.2. 250 ˙ tabíb 2.2 ›" stadhaka‹ 2.3.1.1.2.10. 170 ›šurriyān‹ 1.2.1.4.2.1.2 3.9.11.4.1.1 sinǧāb ›sum #ah‹ 1.2.5.1.3.9 ›šimtayr‹ 4.1 ta" Ml.5 sittín 2. 295 ›sı̄rū hullā" ‹ 3.1 su" āl 1.4.4.2.5.2 ›sudġ‹ ¯ 2.1.1.2.2.28.3 ˙ ›summān‹ 1.2.1 ˙súfr 1.15. 80 ›sı̄rat alihsān yā lassanhā sı̄rah‹ ˙ ›šunū ġah‹ 1.1.2.1.4.1.1.1.5.2 ›surrānı̄‹ 1.2.5.4.5 ˙ /tabáhu/ 2.2.1.4 ›šuqar‹ 2.2 su #ár 2.1 su" āb˙ ˙150 šurtí 1.1.15.14 ˙ sirā # 2.2.2 ˙ šÍrib 1.1.5.3 šúqr 4.2.11. 238 ›su #dà‹ 2.1.2.11.1 ˙ suryānı̄ 1.1 sítt(a)¯ 2.2.3˙ súq 120 sirdāh 172 súq addawább 1.3 ›sumrah‹ 1.2.2 ›šuhad‹ 1.3 ˙ .28.2.4.15.4 ˙›su" āl‹ 1.10.1.3.2.5 ›širā hawāyiǧ¯ #alayya‹ 3.1.10 šrı̄f Mo.4.1.2.3.2.2 ›suhayfatun‹ 2.1.3.1.5 ˙ ›sitra di al #arš‹ 239 šuqúr 4.1.1.4.1.3 ›sinnı̄n+an hušš‹ 2.15.4.1.3 ˙ 1.15.5 ˙ hān addı̄ #atāk‹ 2.2.2 simán 20 ›sukārā‹ 2.15.1.2.4 ›subay‹ 2.1.1 ›˙sirw‹¯ 1.1.4.1.3 ta #ášuq 2.2.10.2.1.3.4.5.3. ˙295 šubrína 4.1.1.10.1.1.5.1.2. 259 šubrín˙ 4. 4.1.2.2.2.4.2.1.2 ta+ Mo.2.2.10.5 ˙ ˙ 1.1.1.9.1.2 suwál 1.19.2.2.4.1 ˙›surbān‹ 2.10.11.9.2 ›šukran qad balı̄‹ 3.1.2 ›siwā" ı̄‹ 187 ˙ surrah 4.2. arabic index 241 sikkah 2.1.4 ›surriyānı̄‹ 1.4.3 sūf ›˙tab #a fı̄kum‹ 1.5.1 ›š/sūdāniq‹ 1.2.1.1.3.5 ›˙sunubrah‹ 1.1 ›sūr‹ 1.6 ›sirsāf ‹ 1.1.5.1.10.2.2 ›šuffatayn annās‹ 2.1.10.1.4. 2.4.1.1 ›sundūq‹ 2.1.1.1 tabákir 213 sūfiyyah 161 ˙ tabarzı̄n 1.10. 170 ›surrāq‹ 2.2 sittá( #)šar 2.5.28.1.2 suqáyqa 120 ˙ ˙ ›širsām‹ 1.3 suwar 1.4.1.3 ˙šúffa 1.13 sittumíyya 2.11.3.4.2.4.1.3 ›tāb lak ǧulūsı̄‹ 3.10.2.2.5.2 ›šuqūr‹ 1.2 šuwár 1.3 šúqra 4.10.3 ›sila #‹ 2.2.2.1 ˙tabáyra = tabáyra 123 ˙šuftu ləmhammad Sy.1.1. 1.4.2.4.1 šorfa Mo.1.2.1.1.1 ˙ sūrah 2.1.4.3 ›sub ˙swa ža swa mā ža Mo.1.10.1.10.4.1 šuhb sil #ah 2.1 siwār 1.

242 arabic index tabíb aledí ydaguí 196 tāləb Mo.11. 224 ˙ 3.19.1 ¯tamára = tamarah 4.1.3.1 ˙ ›tantadar‹ 1.2.4.1.1.1 taguáleâ 14 ¯tamínya 2.1 ¯ taqíl 2.11.2.14.1.1.4.3 ¯tamanín 2.8 ˙ taqarrúb 2.1 ˙ ›tabn‹ 2.1 ˙›taqā #‹ 1.1.1.1.3 tadardúb 2.4.1.19.4.11.2.5.1.1.2.3.2 ¯ ˙ 1.1 taqtá # 5.22.14..11.3 ¯taminmíyya 2.1 ›taqawāt‹ 160 ¯talá¯t álaf 2.5 taqarnína 4.2.1.1.2.3˙ ¯talattá( ¯ #)šar = ›talatta #šar‹ = 2.1.1.1.1 tápya ¯400 ›tāl #alà qalbı̄ an nasbar lidul-luh‹ ˙tāq ~ it¯eq Mo.4 ›tāǧ‹ 1.3.2.12.2.1.1.2.11.2 tadhíl(u) 2.2.9.2.10.1.1.2.1.2 ¯tali¯tín 2.11.4 tanta˙ dár .1.2.1.11.1.1.4.2 tafríġ 2.1 ¯›tafar‹ 1.1.1 tam tady¯ 4.1.2.1.1.1 ›tamdi‹ 1.1.2.2.1.1.1.2 ›taqtul ¯tala¯tmíyya 2.1 taġsál(u) 2.3 taláâ a xemz = taláât a xems 5.1.1.1.2 ˙talāšà 207 taqa #u 1.3.1.1 ¯ tín tala ¯ 2.4 ¯tamánya 2.11.2.2.2.1.1 ¯tamán 2.2 talát 2.12.1.10.12.1.14.2.2 ›taġfir lifirnanduh‹ 303 ¯taminín 2.2.11.2.3.1 ¯ tafar 2.1 ¯táqra 1.1.11.28.2 ›tālūlah‹ 1.1.3 ¯ 3.3 taktafı̄ and ›taktafı̄l‹ 1.1.11.11.2.1.3.2 ›tabtadı̄ tirafraf ‹ 264 ¯tali¯tí 2.2.2 ¯›tamma allah‹ 3.1.1.2.2.3 ¯ ¯ ˙˙ ˙ .1.1 ¯tafár 1.2.1.2.4 támin 2.2.11.5.1 taçaqçú 2.11.5.4 ta" kulu 2.3.5.6.1 ›tarafay‹ 1.1 ›tāǧuh‹ 1.2.1.1.9.9.3.22.1.3.25.14.1.4.2.1.1 ›˙talabah‹ 2.2.1 ˙ ›ta˙h˙tı̄+k‹ 2.4. 2.1.4.2 ¯ ›tamšı̄ - at barra wanā fı̄ intidā-rak‹ ˙ ¯htı̄‹ 1.2.1.1.1 ¯taminí 2.5 táni 2.1 ¯talá¯ta 2.1.5.2 tabút = tābūt 1.2.14.2 ›taġdar‹ 1.1.1.3.4.1 ›ta 3.11.2.1.2.11.11.4.2. 170 tabiíd(a)˙ 213 ˙›tālı̄f ‹ 213 tabkír ˙ 213 ta #líqa 1.2.2.1.2 tálit 2.1 takrār ¯tanqíyya 2.1 ¯tamma 3.2.11. 1.4.1 ˙ ¯ ›ta/āqa‹ ˙ 2.3 ›tahı̄n‹ = tahı̄n 1.2 ¯tamarah 150 ¯ ›taftahū #aynı̄kum‹ 2.1.2.4.2.4 tafúrma ˙ 4.2.11.1.2.2.2 ¯taltahám(u) ¯ 2.2¯ ¯ ›¯tamma asra # min albarq‹ 3.1.6. 4. ¯tafáya 4.1 ˙ tarafayn 1.1.1 ˙ liman yihibbak‹ 3.2 ›takrı̄ri #ahdu‹ 1.1 ¯ ›taht‹ 1.2.1.1 taht ¯ 1.2.3.1 ›tahamnı̄‹ 209 ¯tamma 1.11.2 ¯tamantá( #)šar 2.4 ›takul‹ 2.2.3 ¯›tamdaġ‹ 1.1.3 tantabáq(u) 2.2 ›talab minnı̄ illā haqq albāb‹ 3.1.2.3.1 ¯›talā¯ tat ašyā‹ 2.1.5.3.

4.2.1 tihāl 1.5.2 ¯taymín 79 ›tārı̄‹ 2.1.11.1.2/4 ›tayfūr‹ 2.11.5.6.10.3.1 ›tisı̄banı̄ kifmā naštahı̄ an tisı̄b‹ ›tawālı̄f ‹ 213 ˙ 3.2.4. 1.2 taylúla tarǧámu 2.1.2.2.3 tatqaddám(u) 2.6.1.11 ›tibarri yamı̄n‹ 1.2.3 ›taw #a‹ 2.1.5.1.3.2.1 tis #ín 2.22.1.1 ›˙tawālı̄l‹ ˙ 1. āt 2.4.2.1.3.2.10.4.2 tatháwad(u) 2.4.28.2.5.2 ›tis # ašbār‹ 2.2.1.3 ¯tiqál 2.10.3.1.1.4.1 tas" alu 2.2.2.1.4 ˙tarfist 4.4 ˙ ¯›tarbazı̄n‹ 1.1.2 tibn 2.2.1.1.10.2.1.2.2.2.2.3.2.2 tatláf(u) 2.1.1.2.2 tis #í 2.4 tási˙ # 2.1.1 ¯ 3.3.1.4.1.1.14.11.1.6 tis #atá( #)šar 2.3 ˙tihāmi(n) ˙ 1.1 ›tawbatuh maqbūlah na #am walaw ˙ tarbía aháde 243 taraddad daf #āt #idd