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Chapter 4

Constructivism and Interpretive


Theory

CRAIG PARSONS

A constructivist argument claims that people do (me thing and not


another due to the presence of certain 'social constructs': ideas, belicfs,
norms, identities, or sorne other interpretive filter through which people
perceive the world. We inhabít a 'world of our making' (Onuf, 1989), and
action is structured by the meanings that particular groups of people
develop to interpret and organize their identities, relationships, and envi­
ronment. Non-constructivist scholarship, by contrast, like that surveyed
in Chapters 1 (Behaviouralism), 2 (Rational Choice), and 7 (Marxism),
suggests that our interpretive filters do not greatly affect how we aet.
Instead we inhabit a 'real' landscape of features like geography, resources,
and relative power, to which we respond fairly direcdy. Sorne institution­
alists (Chapter 3) a1so make non-constructivist arguments, though other
institutionalists overIap with constructivism. The institutionalists­
defined by Lowndes as offering a rational choice account - tend to treat
organizations and rules as fairly clear, 'real' objective obstacle courses to
which we respond direcdy. But as Lowndes highlights, another key VJrT"
ant of the new institutionalism understands institutions through a mOfe;
constructivist lens, where 'institutions' are themselves meaningful SOC1e.lJ
constructs. For this chapter, the key point is that an approach is onl~
constructivist to the extent that it argues that subjective interpretatíon (JI
sorne sort affeets what people do.
At a more meta-theoreticallevel, constructivism has a complex
contested relationship to other approaches. Many constructivists
an interpretive epistemology, as discussed in Chapter 9. If our wod
deeply socially constructed, they reason, there is little 'real world'
polítical scientists to study. The social sciences thus amount to an'
pretive (or 'hermeneutic') search to understand meaning rather
scientific search for causal relations. This view suggests líttle pos
for direct debate between constructivists and non-constructivist
ship, since the latter are portrayed as illegitimate. This position

80

C:raig Parsons 81

labeUed as postmodern. On the other hand, mally conSlruLtivÍsts du not


break with science and causality. 'The claim that action depends on mean
ing does not necess;¡ I imply at 'can lO 'real', lalysis why
certain peoplc do ccrtain thíngs. Perh;1ps the rC;11, ohjecuve truth abont
human action Ís that people act within meaningful social constructs - and
perhaps a carcful ohserver can show' persuasively in competitioll with
non-constructivist thcories. Constructivists who l<l ke thJS positioll te d to
see their approach as a new kind of alternative that can make link s to
other political scÍelKT approaches. This posil'on can be labe\1cd as
moderno
Not only do constructivists vary epistemologically in how they think
their claims relate to reality, science, and causality, but they vary suhstan­
tively and methodologically as welL Just as there are many different ratio­
nal-choice theories, or many different behaviouralíst claims, so there are
many constructÍvisms. They address different levels of action, from
'world culture' (Meyer et al., 1997) to much more discrete policy arenas
(Hall, 1989), and invoke different mechanisms of social construction.
They draw on practically all kinds of methods, from interpretive ethnog­
raphy and process-tracing narrative to conventional comparisons and
even quantítative studies.
This chapter begins with a short historical survey of constructivism
and how it has come back into focus. It then provides an account oí what
is distinctive about the approach. Thereafter the main task of the chapter
is to explore the varieties of constructivism.
r

Origins of constructivism
The basic notion of constructivism originated along with the discipline of
sociology in the late 19th century, most clearly in the work of Durkheim
(1984[1893]). Durkheim argued that human societies are held together
by the 'social facts' of culture, not just objectively rational responses to
'natural' or 'material facts,' and that particular societies creatively invent
different socially constructed identities and beliefs. His work and that of
his students (for example, Mauss, 1954[1923]) set the concept of culture
at the centre of sociology, and also of the closely related new discipline of
lS
)f
anthropology.
:f­
Probably the next most famous father of constructivist thinking is Max
Weber, a German sociologist who attempted to synthesize a Durkheim­
a
¡tyie emphasis on ideas and culture with more Marx-style attention to the
ty
Lr­
materiallandscape - but with a priority for the former. He suggested that
ideas are like 'switchmen' which often 'determined the tracks along which
be
ac¡:rion has been pushed by the dynamics of interest' (Weber, 1958[1922]:
82 Constructivism and Intcrpretive Theory

280). In his most famous work, {he Protestant EthlC the Spirit 01
Cap ita lism , Weber argued tha¡ it was religiolls ideas of Protestantism
that indirectly to th r¡se of talism (\Xlebe 09211 O]).
claim 'turned Marx on his head" revcrsing Marx's VICW that iJeas allJ
ideology were just rationalizations thar pcople made up as they pUfsued
wealth and power in a material LJ dscape. Weber; ideas;lll culture
deeply defined what peoplc saw as thcir 'intercsts'.
Durkheim and Weber's focus on the impact socially-constructed
ideas, norms and culture first entcred the emerging discipline of polítical
science mainly through the scholar who initially translated Weber iJlto
English, Talcott Parsons. A professor in sociology at Harvard, Parsons
was enormously influential across the social scienccs in the 1950s and
1960s, and his students developed the first distinctivcly poIitical-science
literature on 'polítical culture'. The best-known example was The Civic
Culture (Almond and Verba, 1963), which used surveys to judge how well
attitudes and vaIues in various countries might sustain democracy. After a
brief heyday, however, the Parsonian line of thought felI out of favour
(even if it inspired sorne later work: see Wilson, 1992; Diamond, 1993).
Critics pointed out that the 'polítical culture' approach was often very
tautological (Barry, 1970). Whatever people said they valued politically,
or whatever seemed to show up in their polítical actions, was portrayed as
their 'political culture'. 1'hen these scholars argued that their polítical
culture explained their values and actions. Partiy because the study of
ideas and culture in political science became associated with the circular
problems of Parsonian thinking, it largely dropped out of the mainstream
of the discipline in the 1970s.
It was not until the late 1980s that scholarship on ideas, norrns, and
culture re-entered polítical science in force. Over the next decade there
was al1 explosion of such work. As part of a reaction to the perceived fail­
ures of non-constructivist theorizing in international relations - most
notably in failing to predict or account for the end of the Cold War - a
movement arose with the new name 'constructivism'. Drawing on
cultural theorists in sociology, Alexander Wendt argued that the appar­
ently 'anarchic', conflictual structure of international poli tic s did not
result from a natural, material system; instead, 'anarchy is what states
make of it', and the rules and identities of internatíonal relations are
socially constructed (Wendt, 1992, 1998; also Onuf, 1989). At roughly
the same time, related movements developed in other parts of political
science. Scholars of comparative politics argued that they couId not
understand changing domestic policies and institutions without attentiol1 ..
to the introduction of new ideas (Hall, 1989; Sikkink, 1991; Berm
1998; Blyth, 2002). As noted in Chapter 3, political scientists also discov­
ered the large literature in sociology on 'sociological institutionalism',
which is (despite its llame) a variety of constructlvism ( }well and
DiMaggío, 1991; Katzenstein, 99(~; Finncmorc, 1 rg nd
Granovetter, 2001)0 Yet another rclated sehool of thougln grew up lllainly
in Britain, where scholars drew on thc ideologicllly-focus( 1 M,¡ '(ÍSIllOf
Antonio Gramsci to analyze rhe social consrruction and 'hegemony' oí
neoliberalism and globalizatioll (Co 19H7; JcssoP, 1990; GiIl, 1993).
And another strand appcared mostly in continental Europe, drawing on
theorists like Derrida (1976), Nlichel foucault (1975), and Lacan (1977)
to advance what became known as 'poststructuralist' 01' 'postmodf'rn'
constructivism (Jachtenfuehs, 1995; Diez, 1999; RosalllonJ, 1999;
]0rgensen, 2000).
By the turn of the milIennium, constructivism was better establisbed in
political science than cver. Scholars of social construction frorn aH thcse
different lineages held prestigious faculty posts and published in highly­
regarded venues. On one hand, the thriving variety in eonstructivisrn was
a sign of strength: much like the many different rational-ehoice theories,
the rnany different kinds of constructivist arguments displayed the rich
range of tooIs and Iogics that couId be developed out of its basie insights.
On the other hand, sorne of the differences within construetivism
amounted to fierce fights over what it is, how it is distinctive from other
scholarships, and how much it can and should engage with the rest of the
discipline.

What is and isn't distinctive about constructivism

At a basic leve!, no-one contests the emphasis of the first paragraph of this
chapter: the distinctiveness of constructivism lies in its attention to the
role of interpretation in human action. But as the introduction hinted,
there is a great deal of contestation about whether and how arguments
about interpretive social constructs can engage with other work in the
social sciences. Many theorists argue that a focus on social construction
connects to even deeper kinds of distinctiveness that locate constructivism
in its own realm of inquiry.
The best-known view along these lines can be traced to one of Max
Weber's other observations. Weber posited a distinction between two
modes of argument about human actions. First, explanation is concerned
with an argument's 'adequacy on a causalleve!': how well it shows that
someone's actions followed predictabIy from certain conditions. Second,
understanding concerns an argument's 'adequacy on the level of meau­
ing': how well it captures how the actor interpreted what she was doing.
Weber saw these two components as somewhat separate - suggesting that
we might be able to predict and 'explain' someone's actions without really
84 Constructivism and Interprctive Theory

understanding how she was thinking but argucd that ;1 v;::¡ lid 'c;:lus<11
interpretation'ofactionalwayscovers both (Weber, 197811922]: 11).
Other scholars latef developed the cxplanation-understanding line
into two distinct views about whcre constructivism stanJs in the social
sciences. The more aggrcssive vcrsÍon drose from tlle argumtllt this
line doesnotfall betwcen two modes of argument about human aClíon (as
Weber suggested) but betwcen argumcnts about human action and those
in the naturalsciences. We can offer causa I-explanatory claims for natuf<11
outcomes, but human action never responds to conditions in an auto­
matic push-pull or stimulus-response ca usal relationship (Winch, 1958).
lnstead people always act through meanillgs and have sorne free wiU tu
choose.l caH this the 'aggrcssive' version because it implies that only
constructivist arguments abour meaning are valid approaches to human
action; there is no such thing as legitimate arguments about action that
overlook meanings in a non-constructivist way. This set of arguments
essentially leads us to (or is formulated together with) the interpretive
epistemology mentioned aboye. lt suggests that valid scholarship on
human action is not scientific at all in a natural-science sense, but instead
amounts to an exercise in a 'double hermeneutic': scholars' interpreta­
tions of actors' interpretations (TaylOl; 1985). When it comes to human
action , constructivism is aH there is.
The more moderate view is closer to Weber's own position, maintain­
ing the explanation-understanding line within the social sciences. As
developed most dearly by Hollis and Smith (1990), this argument
presents Weber's two components as separate and incommensurate cate­
gories. On this account, we can approach any human action from two
valid modes of argument that are 'each persuasive but not readily
combined' (1990: v-vi). 'Outsider' accounts seek natural-sciencestyle
causal explanations of patterns in action. 'lnsider' accounts interpret
meanings, perceptions, and the process of action. By this logic, construc­
tivists and non-constructivists make separate contributions within a divi­
sion oflabour. We 'always and inevitably' have 'two stories to tell' about
action (Hollis and Smith, 1990: 210). This view breaks with Weber's
emphasis on the necessary combination of the two modes of argument ­
presenting them as more fully separate than he did - but preserves their
equal validity and importance.
Many scholars today subscribe to one of these views, and mak,
constructivist arguments that make little or no attempt to engage with
non-constructivist theories. Many non-constructivists also gladly
the second of these views, which absolves them from engaging wi
constructivists. As far as 1 can see, however, neither view stands up
scrutiny.
The trouble with Weber's distinction is that it ere ates the
85

ing' category by using an oId, increasíngly rejccted definition of 'explana­


tion'. is )Id, ong-dom na de millon f 'e pI ati com('~; from
David Hume (1975[17481).1 fe' argncd ti'1;H WC c~n nevcr ~ctu(llly observe
the process by which somethlllg causes somethmg cisc; wt' just Sec: snap
shots of conditíons that scem Iu follow 1 othcrs . Por Hml t1 'w
explain' rneant to provide a set of p;Hterns acwss cases in which A (the
cause) always precedes B (thc dfect). In orher wurds, we cxplain by offer­
ing corrdations across many installces, not by actually offeril a íheorcr­
ieal mechanism or process by which one rhing produces another (which,
he said, we can't sce or documenr in any case). Weber relied on rhís defin­
itíon in drawing his distinction. Fxplanation subsumes an actioll in a
pattern of correlated conditiol1s, but doesn't say anything abollt the
process rhat produced ir. 'Understanding' traces how people arnved at
that action, looking at their meanings and perceptions, and is quite a
different enterprise.
As many philosophers ha ve pointcd out over rhe years, howevcr,
Hume's definition of explanation has problems. First, we often simply
cannot infer causatíon fro111 correlations. The rnercury in a barometer
drops regularly and predictably before a storm, bllt no one wOllld say that
our barometer causes or 'explains' the storm. Second, at a cammon-scnse
levcl, what most people want from somerhillg they would caH an 'expla··
natíon' is exactly what Hume lea ves out: a mcchanism ol' process hy
which one set of conditions produced another. Over time, then, most
philosophers of causality and most social scientists have moved to difh.:r­
ent definitions of explanatíon. Wbile many still say rhat a good explana"
tion ineludes correlations - it shows that B does indced tend ro occur given
A - it also offers a plausible mechanism by which A produces B. 'Ihis is
what most of our theoretical argumcnts in poJitic:11 science try to do
today: to capture sorne relationships in the world, and show that they
produce sorne patterns. We expect good argull1ents to offer some evidence
that they get sorne patterns right, and (breaking elearly with Hume) that
we can see at least sorne rough evidence for the rnechanísms they posit.
This ís important for how we characterize constructivism beca use
more contemporary definitions oí explanatían erase Hollis and Smith's
line between constructivist and non-constructivist scholarship. Consider
a rational-choice argurnent that some people enacted a certain poliey due
to their real, objectively rational interests in certain economic benefits. If
we took an old Humean view of explanatíon, such an argument might just
try to show that the pattern of action correlated to some pattern of bene­
fits - the supporters stood to bendit, the opponents did not - and rest its
case. But by the definitions of explanatíon that most polítical sdentists
use today, we would also ask for at least some evidence that the actors
actually perceived the benefits and acted for the reasons posited by the
86 Cmstructiuism lnterfJri'/il 'Theory

theory.ln other words, we would want ,H least some cvidence of the right
mechanism. Any mechanism involvíng 'ralional choice' quite obviously
makes sorne claims ahout mcanings ;1nd pen':f'prinns; to S3" rhat ccrrain
choiees wcre rational under ce i constrain s a very :, g claim
about at actors perccived and ow they e . deCJs' m In my
example the aurhor would try to show lIS~ ;H least roughly, that pcople
pcrceived the benefits and used a rational logic to consider them and
arrive at thcir choiees. n Weber\; it wOldd inelude a rnajor compo­
nent of 'ullderstanding'. The m 'dunism behí any arglllllcnl about
human choices would do the samc, necessarily passing througb some
account of people's perceptions. No one argues that human beings
respond to any int~resting phenomena without perceiving and thinking
about it somehow. Thus given today's prevailing dcfinitions of cxplana­
tion, attention to 'understanding'is not what is distinctive about
constructivism. AH valid explanations try to say something about some
patterns of action and sorne mechanisms of action - aH of which indude
sorne claims about perceptions and meanings - and constructivism is just
one kind of competitor in that debate.
Even for readers who find my position persuasive, this is not the end of
contestation on the status of constructivism. There is another cornmon
argument that at least partly Iocates constructivism in a separate realm of
inquiry. It has been set out rnost forccfully by the constructivist standard­
bearer Wendt, who draws a line between causal and 'constitutive' argu­
ments (Wendt, 1998, 1999). Wendt argues that traditional causal­
explanatory scholarship asks 'why' questions about how one set of condi­
tions dynamically produced another, whereas constructivist-style 'consti­
tutive' scholarship asks 'how' or 'what' questions about the static
properties that constitute things. Culture, norms, ideas, and identities do
not usually cause things in a dynamic, one-thing-knocks-into-another
way; instead they define the properties of the world we perceive. For
example, Wendt notes that it doesn't make sense to say that the norm of
sovereignty preceded and caused the rise of the modern state system. At
the very moment that people took up the norm of sovereignty, they looked
around and saw modern states. 5tates and sovereignty norms have a rela­
tionship of static identity, not causality. Wendt does not insist that aH
constructivist work is constitutive rather than causal; sorne construc­
tivists may argue that people invented new ideas and that we can see the
new ideas leading, subsequently, to new actions, in a rather traditional,
dynamic, causal-explanatory way. But he writes that constructivism,
more broadly, is distinctive because it is mainly interested in constitutive
relationships that do not respond to the 'why' questions posed by non~
constructivists. 'So even though 1 have framed the issue differently than
Hollis and Smith', Wendt writes, '1 agree with them that there are always
, Pars:Jns 87

'two storics to ' in social' uiry' (! 999 S). i 100 h' 1ks I t mosl
constructivists pursue a different kind ot ínquiry trom nOllconstru<..:­
tivists.
my vicw, \\lcndt considerable i ¡,Ir th
'constitutiveness' is indeed central ro constructivism. T'lle deepcst poínt of
constructivism is rllat rhe natural world is n ';lI1inglc:;s an IlOdelcnnina
for human beings until we bcgin to socially COllstruct some sbared mean­
ings about it. Fronl a natural world in whích we could do Ill,my things, we
construct certaÍn meanings and so 'constitute' certain polítical arenas ano
actions. That is why constructivists suspcct thatit is SOCi:ll construction
(not a raw material tandscapc, or even an obvious organÍzationaI land
scape) that makes the biggest difference in how we ultimately act. Still, 1
think Wendt's characterization overlooks rhat cOl1struetivism is about
more than constitutiveness. When we make a c1aim about 'social
construction,' we do not just make a c1aill1 abollt the static 'deontic'
power of ideas and norrns (the power to assígn rights and obligations:
Searle, 1995). As the ph rase 'social construction' d irectly suggests, we
a1so make a claim about a process by which people constructed them­
selves into those ideas and norrns. And those c1aims about the process of
social construction can engagl' in dircet dehates with non-constructivÍst
explanations (and must, to be persuasive).
What 1 mean is easicst to sel' if we considcr a bit rllore about rile stan
dard alterna ti ves to constructivisrn. Non-intcrprctive theoríes like
Marxism, realism in IR, or the variety of fational-choice theories do not
actually claim that people have no ideas in their heads. That is an absurd
claim (especially coming from acadernics who spend theirlives playing
with ideas). lnstead non-constructivist thcories simply suggest that the
ideas and norms we appear to 'believe' in - all the rhetoric polítical actors
tend to spout about principIes, rules, and identity - are just congealed
rationalizations of some set of roughly rational responses to sorne 'real',
non-socialIy-constructed set of incentives and constraints. In other
words, they claim that we arrived at our apparent ideas, norms and idell­
tities by a roughly rational and objective process. Thus the ideas, norms,
and identities are not 'constitutive' of anything; thcy are by-products of
political action, orwhat Marx called 'supcrstructure'. Against this kind of
alternative, constructivists cannot just present evidence that people seern
to be interpreting the world through certain static ideas and nonns. The
retort will be: 'Sure, they are, but they have those apparent ideas or norms
for non-constructivist reasons.' Constructivists can only make their point
that certain ideas, norms, or identities really do ha ve constitutive power ­
they really have made the difference between worlds - by showing a
process of social construction by which people arrivc at thcir ideas,
norms, or identities. Their arguments about this process are necessarily
88 Constructivism and 1nterpretwe
-
Theorv.

dynamic, 'why' arguments that cornpete directly with non-constructívist


theories abollt the same actions.
my vicw, then, valid cxplanal1 reqll some lldersté1 !
and all construcrivist claims about constitutiveness depend on making
sorne causal 'why' argumcnts that can debate dírectly with more standard
causal-explanatory lheories. I do not condude, )wever, at COi slnlC­
tivism is just like other politícal-sdence arguments hut with difierent
causes - as we might say about a contrast between Marxism (with causes
located in an economic landscapc) and rcalism in International Relations
(IR) (with causes located in a security landscape). There is something
special about constructivism that follows from its focus on a distinctive
'social' and 'deontic' kind of cause. To show a process of social construc­
tíon that supports claims about the constitutive power of ideas or llorms,
we must make a kind of argument that is qualitatively different from
arguments about the processes behind standard non-interpretive causal
clairns.
As I see it, the core distinctiveness of constructivism lies in its relation­
ship to contingency. This is not exactly a sccret: the standard-bearers [or
constructivisrn in IR, like Onuf and Wendt, told us from the beginning
that they see a 'world of our making', and that politics 'is what we make
of it'. But the importance of contingency in constructivism, and just what
it means for the relationship of constructivisrn to non-constructivist
work, has been obscured by the confusing lines discussed aboye. Standard
non-constructivist explanations are enemies of contingency and human
agency. They 100k for reasons why sorne set of conditions - in geography,
economics, security competitions, and so on - required a certain response
that we see in action. To the extent real-world conditions were indetermi­
nate, leaving sorne real openness for agency or accident in action, they
have nothing to sayo That is not to say that they cannot comfortably
acknowledge contingency. They can coherently allow that conditions
were indeterminate over sorne range of possibilities, or that their causes
have a probabilistic relationship to outcomes rather than a deterministic
one. But contingency is not an integral part of their arguments.
Constructivists, by contrast, base their arguments in contingency. The
logical format of any constructivist argument is that certain people faced
an indeterminate set of 'real' conditions - at least across sorne range of
optíons - and only arrived at a course of action when they adopted certain
social constructs. By creativity or accident, in a moment of contingency
they chose one of many possible sets of meanings, thereby building certain
interpretations around themselves and 'constituting' one world frorn
rnany that were otherwise possible.
Once certain social constructs are in place, sorne constructivist argu..,
ments may seem just as deterministic as others. Indeed, many construc­
CraigParsons 89

tivists who focus on a late stage of socIal construction past ¡nirial acts of
construction, when social constructs may become dceply emhcdded -- are
criticized for aggera ; how hghtly o r ¡ nheril( ideas, llorms,
and identities lock us into certaln worlds (just as critics sal' tbat realists
exaggerate the importan ce of the international distribution power,or
that Marxists exaggcrate the importance of class conflict., 01' tha! ínstitu­
tionalists exaggeratc the channelling power of institutiollS). But at its
roots, even this kind of argument has a difierent ovcrall rebtionship to
contingency than do standard nonconstructivist thcories. F.vcn if a
constructivist argues (for example) that we have a11 slavishly aJopted
ideas of globalization and neolibcralism, binding ourselvcs into an
invented world of 'market pressures', a fundamental impIication of
labelling such ideas 'socially constructed' is that it did no! have lo be this
u;ay. There was a time when people couId have made many choices, but
their creative or accidental adoption of certain ideas or norms engaged a
series of social mechanisms that embedded them in onc world. Another
implication is that such a time may come again. If this is deeply a 'world
of our making', though changing it may be difficult, it is imaginable that
we can remake it.

Variations within constructivism

{do not expect all constructivists to accept the points mentioned aboye. I
(:)ffer them in a textbook context not because students must accept them
clearIy right (though I see them that way, of course), but because they
help students to understand the debates around and within construc­
vism. Even if everyone did accept the points aboye, however, there
still be important variations within constructivism (as illustrated in
4.1 ).

ern and postmodern variations


uch of the preceding discussion has been about epistemology: debates
t how to define 'explanation' and the relationship between causality
constitutiveness are debates about how we acquire knowledge about
Id. But part of the point has been to argue that constructivism is
:necessarily distinctive in epistemological terms. In my view, we can
t the core substantive point of constructivism - interpretation and
matters for political action - without leaving the epistemological
of standard political-science explanations. Nonetheless, many
·vists do part ways with non-constructivists in epistemological
. The difference between those who do and those who don't is the
90 Constructivism and Interpretive Theory

Figure 4.1 Multiple levels o/ ditterences in varieties of c:ollstructiuism

Epistemology MOOERN POST ~MODERN


INTEF1PRETIVE

Ü
SOME RElATIONSHIP

SOCIOLOGICAL INSTITUTIONALlSTS

IR CONTHUCTIVISTS

Schoolsof COMPARATIVE

thought 'IDEAS' LlTERATURE

GRAMSCIAN 'HEGEMONY' THEORISTS

POST -STRUCTURALlSTS

SOME RElATIONSHIP

NARRATIVE PROCESS-TRACING
+
Methods

CO~:';ON 1 CO~~~';ON~~. tOUNmf~cruALS-_~


1---­
Ü Ü
NO NECESSARY RElATIONSHIP

Mechanisms SOCIALlZATION PERSUASION BRICOLAGE


_ - - L -_ _ _ _ _ _ _- ' - -_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

most common distinction emphasized in surveys oí constructivism,


between 'modern' constructivists and 'postmodern' constructivists
(Hopí, 1998; Adler, 2002; Checkel, 2005; Jacobsen, 2003).
This division concerns views about how much the subjectivity oí social
constructs affects not just political actors but academic observers as well.
If polítical actors are bound within certain interpretations, why should we
expect academics to be any less subjective? Postmodern constructivists
tend to argue that the very notion oí social construction means that
science itseH (and especially science about human action) is more a polit­
ical, power-íocused clash of interpretive agendas than anything that can
relate to remotely 'true' claims about a 'real' world. In other words, they
connect substantive views of social construction to an interpretivist epis­
ternology. 'Modern' constructivists, on the other hand, tend to think that
we can posit social construction among actors but still rnanage to make
sorne acceptable (if rnodestly tentative) claims about how the socially­
constructed world 'really' works. The core of their position is usually
Parsotl:,; 9

quite simple (and is also a stand a position in non-eonstructívist schol­


arship): just being aware of our indínation to illtcrpretive bias helps us to
the problem, If we sct up careful leh desígn ld subm '[ our
ments to debate I( a wide ,11 of pe, diHtTCl
vicws, then we can arrive at pragmatieally acceptablc cbims ahout
the world rcally works. In short, for modern cOllstructivists - as for other
'modern' scholars - how much the world is socially constructed is some­
thing we can doeument.
one might cxpect, this di/ferenee bclwccn constrllctivists shovvs up
most obviously in their engagement with non-constructivist alternatives.
For example, in his reeent book Capital Rules, the modern constructivist
Rawi Abdelal carefully tries to show that traditional theories of power or
economic interest fail to offer convincing explanations of the emergcllce
and shape of the rules of internatíonal finanee (Abdelal, 2007). InsteacI he
offers evidence in the content, timing, and patterns of support for various
international agreements that traces much of tocIay's financial world to
the ideas and entrepreneuriaI Ieadership of (counterintuitivcly) some key
leaders from the European Left. In a book 011 similar subjects but from a
postmodern constructivist approach, de Goede (2005) traces the 'geneal­
ogy' of the discourse and meanings surrounding international finance.
She is especially interested in how activities that were perceived as corrup­
tíon or gambling in the past have become valued strategies of investment
and risk management in the prcsent day. Though she engages to a certain
degree with non-constructivist thinking on finan ce, she is not directly
concerned with showing that she offers a superior argument to account
for certain international developments. Her emphasis is more that non­
constructivist seholarship simply ignores the meanings and normative
bases of financial dealings, and that she offers a very different kind of

I narrative about how people have understood 'the moral dimension of


money.'

Different methods
The methods with which constructivists specify and support their claims
are almost as diverse as the arguments they make. Choices constructivists
make in methods connect most strongly to the kind of constructivism in
which they were trained, which carry certain kinds of methodological
training as well. Constructivists with IR -foeused training usually under­
take close process-tracing over time to show how certain ideas or norms
inform certain actions. Comparative political economists tend to set up
small-N cross-national comparisons to show how particular ideas or
norms generate certain similar or different modes of action across cases.
Post-structural scholars focus first and foremost on discourse analysis
92 Constructivism and lnterpretive

and decoJ1structionist 'que. Socio stitu onal si (espccíally

those in sociology itself, and in the well-dcveloped subfield of cconomic

sociology) tcnd to be trained in multiple ml ods, h t build

their studies around quantitative analysís of changing p:1tterns in norms,

models, and action over time.

This methodological diversity belies common Vll'W oí constructivist

scholarship, especially among non-construcdvists in polítical scicnce, ;15 a

pure exercise in process-tracing or narrative s!ory-tellll1g. Process-tracing

is indeed a central part of every constructivist mcthodology. But it i8 llot

as distinctive to constructivism as many scholars seClll to think, and most

constructivists combine process-tracing with othcr methodological steps.

Process-tracing has reeently attraeted eomplex discussions from


methodologists, but its eore dietum is rather simply to scek evidence of the I
pressures, incentives, motivations, and decision-making calculus in any
given instance of action (George and Bennett, 200S). lt instructs us to
provide 'within-case' evidence of mechanisms that stands independently I
from cross-case patterns of initial conditions alld outcomes (Brady and
Collier, 2004). If one explanation of a deregulatory reform privileges
sectoral business interests, did relevant business people perceive these
interests and have contact with government officials? If another explana­
tion focuses on the deregulatory ideology of party-political actors, what
evidence do we have that these actors held these views? Djd the push to
reform largely cireumvent business people or bureaucratic experts? If
another explanation foeuses on the influence of intcrnational organiza­
tions (las), what evidence do we have that la aetors held eertain views,
and did la contacts or actions feature prorninently in the process and
timing of regulatory change? These examples of process-tracing for
diverse arguments (sorne eonstructivist, sorne not) effectively echo a point
1made earlíer: whatever kind of explanation they offer, polítical scientists
taday tend to ask for some evidence of rnechanisrns and processes. AH
kinds of plausible rnechanisms in human action - rational choice,
constructivist, or otherwise - make interpretive claims about what people
perceived and thought. Thus construetivist methods are not fundamen­
tally distinctive for including interpretive process-tracing.
If constructivist seholarship seems distinctive in its strong reliance on
narrative proeess-tracing, this is a question of degree. Once we posit the
plausibility of social construetion - variation in actors' interpretations
that is autonomous, to some degree, frorn a 'real' environrnent - we are
certainly driven to pay fine attention to evidence of rhetoric, diseourse,
and apparent rules in decision-making. Besides just seeking thicker
evidenee of aetors' understandings or discourse and decision-making
processes than in typical rationalist accounts, however, the moves most
constructivists make fit at a basic logicallevel with classic rnethodologieal
Craig Parsons

In particular, thickly . ts of
to various kincls ',ons across patte
environmental condíti01 ,construcrívísr St (
counterfactual 'small-N' comparíso
comparisons to híghlight and/or disti r v
particular social COl1structs.
IR-trained constructívists and post-structuralists tend to reIy the most
heaviIy on counterfactual comparisons. Thcir most common approach is
ro argue, on the basis of close interpretive processtracing, that certai n
people couId have (01; more aggressively, would llave) acted quite differ­
ently given the presence of other imaginable social constTucts. Post-struc­
turalists tend to pay less attention to documenting the indcterminacy of
objective conditions that feature in non-constructivist argul1lcnts, but by
the same basic process they often reach insightful observations about how
certain actions depended on particular discursive foundatioJ1s. This is not
ro say that counterfactual thinking is unproblematic, but it has been
increasingly accepted by mainstream methodologists (Tetlock and Belkin,
1996). Even if all we have is one case, we can use contrasts to counterfac­
tual 'cases' (scenarios where conditions were different) to formulate and
even support accounts of action.
Like many non-constructivist scholars in political economy, many
L'onstructivists turn to small-N comparison as a middle ground between
rhe pitfalls of single-case counterfactuals and abstract large-N studies.
They tend to seek closely matched cases to show that the interpretations
lhey reveal in process-tracing make a substantial difference in otherwise
similar contexts. In studies ranging from the early Industrial Revolution
1:0 the emergence of 19th-century workers' movements to 20th-century
economic policy-making, scholars have shown that actors in comparable
lSituations adopted different strategies due to different ideas (Dobbin,
1994; Biernacki, 1995; Berman, 1998; Blyth, 2002). The reverse strategy
JI) to show that similar interpretations prevail across strikingly different
material contexts, as in Finnemore's study of UNESCO's diffusion of
~dence bureaucracies (Finnemore, 1996; see also Meyer et al., 1997).
i~nother inversion of the same logic is to turn comparisons inward on
'~·~""''''''-'-''.U1dard national cases, moving downward analytically to see how small
or individuals within a shared context held similar or different
of collective problems and action (Parsons, 2002).
Demonstration of constructivist claims through large-N comparisons,
lalIy, is common in sociology and is beginning to appear in polítical
_1.)L'-'''. Economic sociologists tend to use process-tracing-based inter­

tion to uncover what they suspect are socially-constructed norms,


, or practices, and then turn to sophisticated quantitative tools to
why these norms or models fit with constructivist-style arguments
~ets
un organizational
link belwecll inel viduals ur
rns over tímc reflcct the diffll
roan patterns of techmcal compe
,md Dil\l1aggio, 1)91) Such mcthods
~i¡:nce constructivists, bu!: thcy are begin­
2007; Danlen and Gryzllula-Busse, 2(06).
e'xample, shows that rIJe cxtent of neoliberal
;J<!l"OSS Latín America corrdates more strongly to the
'.'....;t'C;I ..,¡, of elites trained in neoliberal economics than to the

(lrganizational conditions tha1 nOll"collstructivists would


~ee behind patterns of liberalizatíon.

Dlfferent mechanisms and different social constructs


Beyond their abstract epistemological diffcrenccs, constructivists vary
even more widely in the terms of concrete arguments they make about
how social construction works. One of the clearest kinds of distinctions
lies in the kinds of mechanisms that different scholars portray in tbe
process of social construction. I cannot discuss all the mechanisms they
use, nor do distinctions between mechanisms exhaust the concrete varia­
tions in constructivist arguments, but a few examples provide some sense
of the variety within this approach. Depending on which mechanism
scholars emphasize, they also tend to evoke different views of the results
of social construction: how people relate to the social constructs around
them.

Socialization
Socialization is probably the most common mechanism in today's
constructivist literature, and is even sometimes presented as a synonym
for social construction overall (Checkel, 2005). In my view, however,
scholarship since Durkheim has tended to imply a certain kind of mecha­
nism in using this termo Ir suggests that norms or ideas spread in a rela­
tively incremental, evolutionary way generated by repeated interaction
within groups. A group of people come together in interaction. They
couId interact in a wide variety of ways, but either through accident,
deliberatíon, or initial innovative Ieadership; they orient themselves
around certain norms or beliefs. Action becomes increasingly robust1y
embedded in the norms or beliefs over time, though the norms and beliefs
are also constantly reshaped on the margins as they are reproduced.
To the extent that we see social construction operating by socializatíon
mechanisms (either in general, or in some piece of the worId of politics),
we also take on a certain view of what the resulting socially-constructed
ms

world is like (or rhe of' \Ve a 'analyzing). Social" tion a


diffused, decentralized, collecrive, and consensual process In which a
group of people work rheir to ('('rtain norms or idc;lS. Ir ílllp!iCS rcb
tively low levels of contesta tlOn ami variation within groups, smce such
irregularities wouId disrupt the repetitive rehearsing or sociallearning by
which norms and ideas enter individual lllkin Thisin tulll makcs
socializatíon fairly distinct from powcr and politicking; it docs not
depend 011 'carriers' with spccial ;wthority, entrepreneurial spirit, or
charisma for social construction to happen. lt need not be limited,
however, to small groups, or ro arenas where considerations of power are
not in play. Wendt (1992) pürtrays the würldwidc perccption 01 interna­
tional politics as an arena of anarchy and distinct 'national interests' as
the result of long-term socializatioll proccsses. In a much more specific
empirical argument, Lewis (2005) shows how national diplomats in the
European Union have become socialized into patterns of rhetoric and
bargaining that produce more cooperative, consensual deal-making than
rational-choice theory would predict.

Persuasion
Another common line of constructivist argument focuses on cntrcpre­
neurial people who invent new ideas and seH them to others. These 'carri­
ers' bring new interpretations into an arena and persuade others to take
them up. These arguments tend to be much more explicitly polítical than
socialization arguments. Rather than portraying social construction as
something that cvolves almost without the consciousness of the actors,
persuasion arguments rely on explicit advocates, who cIearly believe in
their new ideas or norms at a time before the ideas in question are embed­
ded in broader action. Then the 'carriers' purposefully manage to spread
the new ideas to others - either due to sorne qualities of the carriers (like
charisma), the sheer force of their new concepts, or frequently the indirect
'fit' of the new ideas with existing ideas or norms. To take another exam­
pIe from the context of the European Union, advocates of the creation of
a European single currency (euro) in the 1990s tended to argue that the
euro and a highly independent European Central Bank would deliver
credible and stable monetary policies for aH of Europe. Economists at the
time often pointed out that these two things did not have to go together;
national-Ievel central banks could also provide credible, stable policies.
But by connecting the euro project to widely-shared notions of good
monetary policy - an indirect 'fit' of ideas - champions of a single
currency helped legitimize and seU their idea (Jabko, 1999).
Persuasion mechanisms imply quite a different socially-constructed
world from socialization mechanisms. The more social construction
operates by persuasion, the more we should see a world of conscious
advocates uf COJnufíc" !suade other key actors
to adort and Sikkink, 199H). At
the sa (~tink 01' 1 work oí peopl with n
tivcly cohr 'fIle notioH of persuasion anJ
'[it' tends ro consciously consider and knit togethcr
their .el somc coherell T 11 the overalllnix of j
and llonns.

Bricolage
A third mechanism of social construction has somc of the bottomup,
incremental fee! of socialization, sorne of the notíon of entreprencurial
'carriers' of persuasion, and an emphasis OH complexity and incohercllce
that is somewhat different from botb. In French, the verb bricoler mcans
'to tinker.' Bricolage arguments start from a view of a messy world of
overlapping social constructs. In this view, we tend to develop ideas :1nd
norms and practices to suit rather discrete problems and goals, and wc
end up wíth a complex landscape of overlapping realms of action. At a
daily leve!, our norms and ideas in schools, as consumers, as producers,
within families, with friends, or in politics may in fact be quite separate,
though many of our actions have implications in more than one of these
arenas. The same is true of political action more specifically: it often
engages considerations at many levcls, and encounters 'friction between
multiple polítical orders' (Lieberman, 2002). While this complexity of
norms defines many actions as illegitimate, its overlaps and contradic­
tions create space for actors to tinker with the available social constructs
and recombine them in novel ways. Innovative recombinations alter the
'tool kit' of 'strategies of action' available to other actors in similar posi­
tions, changing the limits and possible overlaps for future action or
further bricolage (Swidler, 1986). The overall result ís a fairly decentral­
ized, incremental mechanism of socially-constructed change (Levi­
Strauss, 1966[1962]; Campbell, 2004). People who are placed at
intersections of a landscape of incoherent norms and ideas generate new
lines of action in an entrepreneurial way, but do not necessarily persuade
others to take them up or impose them. Instead, they simply feed back to
alter future possibilities in the shared tool kit.
This emphasis on incremental change may sound similar to socializa­
tíon, but to the extent we see social construction through bricolage, it
tends to imply quite a different view of the resulting socially constructed
landscape. This is a world of incoherence, not consensual, collective iden­
títies. It is a world where people have a very 'externalized' relationship to
ideas and norms. Unlike in most socializatíon arguments, where the
notion is that collective norms seep into our internal consciousness, actors
encounter the hodgepodge of nor111S and practices as a set of external
Craig P(JrSOl1S

conccpts. They are just 'thc way things are done' In ccnaín a whcthcr
or nor we value 01' even cOIlseioll recoglli¡,e them.
Againo altcrn:ltivehams nnly roto on vana­
tiuns brtween different kinJs uf consuuctivíst argmnents. The broader
take-away point is one made in introduction to this book: construc­
tivisill, li ratiol1al-choicc rheorv o insri urionarsn ,is broad
approach within which we can make lllauy theon:tical argmnents. Thesc
argumcnts sharc sorne characteristics, but neednot be consistent with
othcr: sorne construetivists thi¡ k that socíalization proecsscs are
ünportant in internatíona] bargaining withill EU, exampk, and
others do noto The basic llotíon that people ereate and aet within social
COllstruets can be built into a very wide range of more concrete thcoreti­
cal claims.
1',

Conclusion

Construetivism is a broad family of arguments built on the notion that


people only arrive at eertain actions due to their adoption of certain
'social constructs' to interpret their world. It provides a distinct substan­
tive view of how and why the political world forms and 'hangs together'
(Ruggie, 1998). As such, we might think of it as just adding another kind
of approach alongside more traditional approaches in political science,
which tend to debate the relative influence of various kinds of causes. To
take sorne of the usual suspects, Marxists explain the world as a function
of an economic landscape, realists as a function of a landscape of security
competition, (most) institutionalists as a function of an organizational
landscape - and constructivists as a function of a 'landscape' of ideas,
norms, identities, and practices.
But social constructs are not just another kind of cause. Since this
'landscape' of social eonstructs is created by actors themselves, and since
it is a relatively intangible kind of 'landscape,' constructivists have long
debated whether their arguments even operate in the same realm as non­
constructivist arguments. 1 have argued that the two most common views
about why constructivism exists in its own scholarly realm - the explana­
tion-understanding and causal-constitutive distinctions - do not quite
make sense, and that constructivism can engage in causal-explanatory
debates with non-constructivists (and vice versa). Nonetheless, a causal­
explanatory approach that invokes social constructs with 'constitutive'
power does have a special relationship to causality. A full-fledged
nstructivist argument incorporates contingency and human agency
irectly into its account in a way that most non-constructivist work does
98 Constructivism and lnterpretive Theory

Whether we count an argument founded on as an


natíon' is, admittedly, a more complex 1 can,engage here,
though 1 argue elsewhere we should ( .Whether or not
we want to allot the powerful word 'explanation' to constructivism,
however, it can offer a distinctive kind of plausible, potentially demon­
strable logic about why people act the way they do (at least for those
'modern' scholars who think that we can reasonably demonstrate any
kind of claim at aH). As such, 1 believe constructivism should become a
standard part of research design in the social sciences. Not only should
constructivists think about and engage non-constructivist alternatives to
their claims, but non-constructivísts should also routinely consider
constructivist competitors in their own research. If we do, we will all
come to richer, stronger, more interesting conclusions.

Further reading

• For a short surnrnary of Durkheirn and Weber in historical context, see


Andrew Janos (1986), chapter 1.
• Two classics of constructivist thought - both rernarkably readable - are
Weber 1992[1930] and Polanyi (1944).
• For a relatively accessible entry-point to constructivist thinking from a
philosopher, see Searle (1995).
• For a broader and deeper discussion and 'rnapping' of constructivist
thinking, see Parsons (2007), chapter 4.
• Very accessible major discussions of the basic notion of constructivism,
though they may conflict partly with sorne views offered here, are Winch
(1958) and Geertz (1973).
• The best-known landmark in contemporary constructivíst theory
rernains Wendt (1999).