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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Author(s): Joan Evans

Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 56, No. 3 (Fall 2003), pp. 525-
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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

D researchinto musicallifein Nazi Germanyin re-

cent years,it is still widely assumedthat the vibrantnew-music scene
that characterizedthe latteryearsof the WeimarRepublic came to a
sudden halt afterJanuary1933, to be replacedfor twelve long years by little
more than Brahms and Wagner imitations. Indeed, given the flight of such
majorfiguresas Arnold Schoenbergand KurtWeill, not to mention the hun-
dreds of less well known (and mostly Jewish)musicianswho had contributed
so much to Germany'sartisticlife, it is easyto assumethat afterthe Nazi take-
over Germanybecame a musical backwaterin which "almost all progressive
artisticwork was banned" and composerswere content to cultivatea "boor-
ishly nationalistidiom."' To perform the music of Igor Stravinskyin such an
environmentwas "allbut a capitalcrime."2
This view is seriouslymisleading.Not only does it misrepresentthe position
of modem music in Nazi Germany,it overestimatesthe popularityof modern
music during the previous era, ignoring the lack of interest among much of
the generalWeimarpublic as well as the widespreadopposition on the part of
the country's culturalconservatives.Thus it obscuresthe degree of continuity
that can be discernedin Germany'smusicallife from the 1920s through the
1940s, this in spite of the drasticpolitical, social, and culturalchanges that
took place duringthis period.3

I would like to thank PamelaPotter for her helpfulcomments on an earlierversionof this article.
For their generosity in providing researchfunding, I am grateful to the Paul Sacher Stiftung
(Basel) and to Pro Helvetia (Arts Council of Switzerland).Portions of this essayfirstappearedin
Archivfiir Musikwissenschaft ("Die Rezeption der MusikIgor Strawinskysin Hitlerdeutschland").
1. Guy Rickards,Hindemith,Hartmann and Henze (London: Phaidon, 1995), 11.
2. Sam H. Shirakawa,TheDevil'sMusicMaster:TheControversialLife and Careerof Wilhelm
Furtwangler(New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1992), 451.
3. For more on the dangers of accepting a rigid Weimarculture/Nazi culture polarity,see
PamelaM. Potter, "The Nazi 'Seizure'of the BerlinPhilharmonic,or the Decline of a Bourgeois
Musical Institution,"in National SocialistCultural Policy,ed. Glenn R. Cuomo (New York:St.
Martin'sPress, 1995), 39-41.

Society 2003, vol. 56, no. 3]
? 2003 by the AmericanMusicologicalSociety.Allrightsreserved.0003-0139/03/5603-0001$2.00

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Journal of the American Musicological Society ®
526 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

An investigationinto the circumstancessurroundingthe reception in Nazi

Germany of the music (and person) of Igor Stravinskyoffers important in-
sightsin this regard.The Nazi regime was not opposed in principleto modem
music, though the lack of a consistent music policy, coupled with conflicting
attitudes on the part of the various culturalauthorities,led to much anxiety
for those musicianswho supported modern music. The situation was espe-
ciallycomplicatedwith regardto the music of foreign composers,particularly
during the aggressivelyxenophobic earlyNazi years,when very little foreign
music was performed.This was to change as the economic and politicalsitua-
tion grew more stable, and as Germanyonce again began to look toward its
Many foreign composers, including the antifascistBart6k, were eager to
profit from Germanperformances.But Stravinsky,the most prominent mod-
ernistof the period, was the chief beneficiary.His Germansupporters-whose
activitiesrevealvaryingdegrees of politicalcommitment-were of crucialim-
portance.Thanksto their determination,Stravinsky'smusic graduallycame to
enjoy considerablesuccess. Critics sympatheticto modern music articulated
the ideological underpinnings of this success: Stravinskywas a raciallyand
politicallyacceptablecomposer, whose tonally based music displayedsuitably
"national" characteristics.Though he was never officially promoted, and
though opposition continued to surface occasionally (most publicly in the
"DegenerateMusic" exhibition of 1938), Stravinsky'smusic achieved a rela-
tively secureposition in the culturallife of the Third Reich, a position it main-
tained up to the outbreakof WorldWarII.

The Late WeimarPeriod

Stravinskyplayed a vital role in the vibrant musical culture of late-Weimar

Germany,where his music was widely performed and hotly debated. "One
says 'Stravinsky'and means modem music," commented a criticin 1932, "or
one speaks of cacophony, soullessnessand anarchyand means Stravinsky."4
The composer was also in considerabledemand as pianist and conductor in
performancesof his own works, despitehis high fees and the increasinglygrim
economic and politicalsituationduring the finalyearsof the WeimarRepublic
(see Table 1).5

4. Sn., "Strawinskyim KonigsbergerSinfoniekonzert,"Ostpreufjische Zeitung, 5 November

1932. All translationsnot otherwise identifiedare those of the presentauthor.
5. Stravinsky'sGermanpublisher,WillyStreckerofB. Schott's S6hne, Mainz, was largelysuc-
cessful in obtaining the fees Stravinskywanted, though, as he noted in his letter of 13 February
1931 to the composer, "the requestedfees are for these times extremelyhigh" ("die geforderten
Honorare sind fir die heutige Zeit auferordentlich hoch") (Sammlung Igor Strawinsky,Paul
SacherStiftung, Basel;hereafterPSS). Aware that Stravinsky'sdemands might cause resentment,

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 527

A significantnumber of the composer'sGermanengagementsinvolvedthe

radio stations of Berlinand Frankfurt.From its beginnings in the mid 1920s,
German Radio had assumed a leading role in the promotion of new music.
Modern composers were frequent visitors.They gave interviewsor lectures,
played or conducted their music, or attended performancesof their works by
the stations' symphony orchestras.(See Table 2 for a list of Stravinsky'sradio
recordings.) In his 1935 autobiographyStravinskypraisedthe "enlightened
activity"of the Berlin and Frankfirt stations, noting in particular"the sus-
tained efforts of the latter'sadmirableconductor, Rosbaud, who, by his en-
ergy, his taste, his experience, and devotion, succeeded very quickly in
bringingthat organizationto a very high artisticpitch."6
The Austrian-bornHans Rosbaud, who took over the music department
and the newly establishedFrankfurtRadio Symphony Orchestrain October
1929, was fast acquiringa reputationthroughout Europe as a champion of
modern music. At FrankfurtRadio during the early 1930s he regularlycon-
ducted works by Schoenberg, Weber, Berg, Hindemith, Bart6k, Stravinsky,
Debussy, and Ravel.7In April 1932 Willy Strecker,Stravinsky'sGermanpub-
lisher, sent the composer details of two studio concerts that Rosbaud was
planning for June in honor of Stravinsky'sfiftieth birthday.8The first of the
two broadcasts,a chamber-musicconcert, took place on 19 June. Following
an introductorylecture by Rosbaud,the Octet, Piano-Rag Music,Pribaoutki,
Three Pieces for String Quartet, and Ragtime were performed. Frankfurt
Radio's birthday celebrations concluded with a concert performance of
Mavra on 23 June. The composer, accompaniedby VeraSudeikina,drove to
Frankfurt for the occasion;9 the performance was broadcast throughout
The FrankfurtRadio concerts were not the only birthday celebrations
planned for the Frankfurtarea.A festivalscheduled for 8-10 June at nearby

Streckersuggested on 30 September of that year that the composer lower his fees for the ap-
proachingBerlinRadio engagement, "so that it can't be said that foreignersare receivingunusu-
allyhigh fees while Germanartistscan't find work" ("damitman nicht sagen kann, die Auslander
erhaltenungewohnlich hohe Honorare, wihrend die deutschen Kiinstlerkeine Arbeit finden")
(PSS). Ever the diplomat, Streckernoted that the good will thus obtained would be well worth
the financialsacrifice.
6. Igor Stravinsky,Chroniquesde ma vie (Paris:Denoel et Steele, 1935). The translationis
from Igor Stravinsky,An Autobiography(1936; New York:W. W. Norton, 1962), 138.
7. Further,see Joan Evans,Hans Rosbaud:A Bio-Bibliography (New York:Greenwood Press,
1992), esp. 9-25. Stravinsky'sfirstvisit to FrankfurtRadio in 1930 markedhis introduction to
Rosbaud, for whom he maintained a lifelong admirationgranted to few "interpreters"of his
8. Streckerto Stravinsky,26 April 1932; Stravinskyhad requestedthis informationin his letter
of 22 Aprilto Strecker(PSS). See Robert Craft,ed., Stravinsky:SelectedCorrespondence (hereafter
SSC),vols. 2-3 (New York:AlfredA. Knopf, 1984, 1985), 3:232-33.
9. SSC 2:191 n. 14. Strecker had informed Stravinskyon 13 May that Rosbaud (i.e.,
FrankfurtRadio) was preparedto cover the composer'stravelcosts (PSS).

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528 Journal of the American Musicological Society

Table 1 Stravinsky'sPerformingEngagementsin Germany,1929/30 to 1932/33

Date Place Work(s)

1929/30 Season

23 Jan. 1930 Berlin (Otto Klemperer) Capriccio

26 Jan. 1930 Berlin Radio Conducted Le baiserde la fee, Apollon
30 Jan. 1930 Leipzig (Klemperer) Capriccio
6 Feb. 1930 Diisseldorf Conducted Apollonmusagete,
Suites 1 and 2 for small orchestra,

1930/31 Season

25 Oct. 1930 Mainz Conducted Apollon musagete,Fireworks,

Suites 1 and 2, FirebirdSuite
31 Oct. 1930 Wiesbaden Conducted Baiser,Suites 1 and 2,
4 Nov. 1930 Bremen (Ernst Wendel) Capriccio
6 Nov. 1930 Berlin Radio Piano Sonata
7 Nov. 1930 Berlin (Ernest Ansermet) Capriccio
13 Nov. 1930 Munich Conducted Octet, Suites 1 and 2,
Rag-Time, Pulcinella Suite
24 Nov. 1930 FrankfiurtRadio (Hans Rosbaud) Capriccio
4 Dec. 1930 Nuremberg (Bertil Wetzelsberger) Capriccio
9 Dec. 1930 Mannheim Conducted Baiser,Suites 1 and 2,
15 Jan. 1931 Berlin Conducted Pulcinella Suite, Suites
1 and 2, FirebirdSuite

1931/32 Season

23 Oct. 1931 Berlin Conducted Apollon musagete,

Violin Concerto (Samuel Dushkin,
world premiere), Petrushka
29 Oct. 1931 Halle (Georg Gohler) Capriccio
9 Nov. 1931 Frankfurt Conducted Petrushka,Violin Concerto
23 Nov. 1931 Darmstadt Conducted Petrushka,Suites 1 and 2,
Scherzofantastique, FirebirdSuite
1 Dec. 1931 Cologne (Hermann Abendroth) Capriccio,Violin Concerto (Dushkin,
cond. Stravinsky)
14 Dec. 1931 Hanover Conducted Petrushka,Violin Concerto
(Dushkin), Scherzofantastique, Firebird

1932/33 Season

28 Oct. 1932 Berlin Radio Recitalwith Dushkin: PergolesiSuite,

Duo concertant(world premiere).Also
conducted Violin Concerto (Dushkin)
4 Nov. 1932 Konigsberg (Bruno Vondenhoff) Capriccio
23 Jan. 1933 Hamburg (Eugen Pabst) Capriccio
2 Feb. 1933 Munich Recitalwith Dushkin: PergolesiSuite,
Violin Concerto (violin and piano), Duo
concertant,transcriptionsfrom Le rossig-
nol, Firebird,Petrushka(program also
performed in Danzig on 2 Nov. 1932)

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 529

Table 2 Live Recordingsof Stravinsky'sPerformancesMade by GermanRadio Before 1933

Date Place Work(s)

26 Jan. 1930 Berlin Apollon musageteand Le baiserde la fee (excerpts).RRG

229/30 and 231/34 (SchallaufnahmendesDeutschenRund-
funks, no. 2677)
6 Nov. 1930 Berlin Piano Sonata. Bin 238/40 (SDR, no. 2838)
23 Oct. 1931 Berlin Violin Concerto (Samuel Dushkin, world premiere). Bin
1241/46 (SDR, no. 2592)
6 Nov. 1931 Frankfurt Petrushka(rehearsalexcerpts). Ffin 262/263 (SDR, no.
9 Nov. 1931 Frankfurt Violin Concerto (second and fourth movements). Ffin
248/50 (SDR, no. 2593)
28 Oct. 1932 Berlin Duo concertant(with Samuel Dushkin, world premiere). Bin
210.2801/04 (SDR, no. 2730)
desDeutschen 2 vols.(Berlin:Reichsrundfunk-Gesellschaft,
Rundfunks, 1936 and
1939) (SDR).
Note: Thesediscshaveapparently
not survived,thoughcopiesof the Baiserrecordings(butnumbered
83/86) weresentby BerlinRadioto the composer(Funk-Stunde 20 January1932 [PSS]).
to Stravinsky,

Bad Homburg was to have presentedas its crowning event a performanceof

Renard under Rosbaud'sdirection. Financialdifficulties,however, forced the
festival'scancellation.10A further disappointmentwas in store for the com-
poser, for Stravinskyhad expected Rosbaud'sJune concerts to include a per-
formanceof OedipusRex." On 31 May Rosbaudinformedhim that, since no
Frankfurtchoir had studied the work (which had not yet been performed in
that city), it could not be preparedin time. Rosbaud assuredthe composer
that he would program Oedipusthe following autumn, during Stravinsky's
next visit. Political events intervened, however; Stravinsky'sbirthdayvisit to
FrankfurtRadio proved to be his last.
The wave of nationalismand antisemitismthat swept Germanyduring the
summer of 1932 brought the National Socialist German Workers'Party 37
percent in the Julyelections.With 230 out of 608 seats,the NSDAP was now
the largestpartyin the Reichstagand its leader,Adolf Hitler, a serious candi-
date for the chancellorship.Widespreadxenophobia, combined with the bleak
economic situation,had a chilling effect on Germany'smusicallife, especially

10. Streckerto Stravinsky,26 April and 13 May 1932 (PSS). For furtherdetails on the pro-
posed Bad Homburg festival,see Streckerto Stravinsky,26 October 1931 and 23 April 1932;
Rosbaud to Stravinsky,23 November 1931; and Stravinskyto Strecker,22 and 25 April 1932
11. Stravinskyhad written to Streckeron 16 May 1932, "I will be in Frankfirt on 23 June.
Everythinghas been settled with Rosbaud, who will do Mavra and OedipusRex" (PSS; transla-
tion from SSC 3:233). Stravinskyhad also suggested that the conductor KarlMariaZwiBlerat-
tend Rosbaud's performance in preparationfor his own proposed production of Oedipusat
Darmstadt(Stravinskyto Zwifler, 1 June 1932 [PSS]).

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530 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

with regardto the employment of foreign artists.12Stravinskyobtained only

four German engagements for the 1932/33 season (see Table 1). His plans
had originallyincluded a recital with Samuel Dushkin at FrankfurtRadio.
Indeed, Rosbaudhad hoped to securefor Frankfurtthe world premiereof the
Duo concertant.13By mid-September Stravinskyhad heard nothing from
Rosbaud or his agent, Detmar Walther,concerning this recital,"on which we
were firmlycounting," and asked Streckerto "give them a prod."4 His pub-
lisher'sreplywas a sober one. "These are very unfortunatetimes: because of
the politicalsituation,conductors and concert agents approachforeign artists
very hesitantly,"he wrote.
Rosbaudhimself,becauseof hisAustriannationality, main-
is havingdifficulties
taining position at the He
Radio. told me thatif he wereto engageyou and
Dushkinor [Beveridge]Websterat thistime,he wouldbe dismissedimmedi-
ately.Twicealreadyhe hasbeensummonedto Berlin,wheretheyhaveoutlined
forhimthe conditionsunderwhichhe willbe allowedto keephisjob.
Streckerfelt that, while conditionswould improvewhen the politicalsituation
stabilized, Rosbaud's case reflected "the nervous tension that prevailsin the
whole of our artisticlife."l5
Shortly thereafter,Stravinskyreceiveda similarletter from Walther,stating
that the Reichsrundfunkkommissar had refused to give FrankfurtRadio per-
mission to engage the composer.To proceed without this permission,Walther
noted, would be to risk losing one's position. Cancellationsof German en-
gagements were widespreadat this time. Dushkin had written to Stravinsky
the previousmonth, "In the last two weeks Milsteinand Piatigorskyhave had
fifteen concerts canceled in Germany, and, for the same reason (Hitler),
Horowitz does not playat all."16
Toward the end of October Rosbaud himself wrote to the composer. He
revealedthat following the June performancesin Frankfurta "virulentcam-
paign" had been launched "not only againstthe performanceof your music,

12. Typicalof the times was a motion brought forwardby National Socialistsin the Prussian
parliament.Pointing out that foreign artistswere working in state theaterswhile "largesections
of the German artisticcommunity are without bread," the motion called for the cancellationof
contracts with non-German artists "at the first availableopportunity." See "Buntes allerlei,"
ZeitschriftfiirMusik99(1932): 711.
13. Rosbaud to Stravinsky,25 October 1932 (PSS). Detmar Walther,Stravinsky'sFrankfurt
agent, had informed the composer on 19 July of his negotiationswith the radio stationsin both
Berlinand Frankfurt;on 11 September,when it appearedthat BerlinRadio might not be able to
meet Stravinsky'sfees, the composer himself suggested to Waltherthat Frankfurtgive the pre-
miere (PSS).
14. Stravinskyto Strecker,14 September1932 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:234).
15. Streckerto Stravinsky,19 September1932 (PSS;translationafterSSC3:235 n. 28, where
"Dushkin"should read "you and Dushkin").The AmericanpianistBeveridgeWebsterwas at that
time living in Europe.
16. Waltherto Stravinsky,30 September1932 (PSS);Dushkin to Stravinsky,22 August 1932
(PSS;translationfrom SSC2:298).

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 531

but also againstme, as the conductor and organizer."As the nationalisticwave

had reached its peak, the radio administrationin Frankfurtand Berlin had
warned him that "any further performanceof non-German music, without
exception," would cost him his position. It was thus impossible for him to
schedule a performanceof Oedipus,as he had promised, or to offer Stravinsky
an engagement. "I can only hope that you will realize, dear Mr. Stravinsky,
that in this case the circumstancesare strongerthan all my efforts."He was, he
continued, looking forwardto the upcoming elections, in which "one hopes
that this chauvinisticmovement will receivea setback."17
The National Socialists did in fact suffer reverses in the elections of
6 November, losing 34 of their 230 seats. By the end of the year Rosbaudfelt
optimistic enough to invite Stravinskyto FrankfurtRadio for a May engage-
ment.18The next month, while en route with Dushkin to his Munich recital,
Stravinskystopped off in Wiesbaden,where he and Rosbaud discussed their
plans for the spring concert. The date was 30 January1933, the very day
when Adolf Hitler was named chancellor.Three weeks later Rosbaud was
forced once more to rescindhis invitation."The day on which I last saw you
in Wiesbadenbrought us a new government,"he wrote.
In the meantimethe situationhas clarifieditselfto the extentthat I musttell
you, withmy most bitterregrets,thatfor the presentit is totallyimpossibleto
inviteyou to a concertatFrankfurt
Radio.None of us knowshow muchlonger

17. Rosbaud to Stravinsky,25 October 1932 (PSS): "Ich habe Ihnen nicht erzahlt,daS nach
der Aufiihrung IhrerKammermusikund der Mavra in Frankfiurt eine mailose Hetze eingesetzt
hat, die sich nicht nur gegen die Auffiihung IhrerWerke,sondem gegen mich als den Dirigenten
und Veranstaltergerichtet hat. Als dann die sogennante 'nationale'Welle im Juli und August
ihren Hohepunkt erreichthatte, wurde mir von der Direktion und von Berlin gesagt, daB jede
weitereAufflihrungnichtdeutscherMusik, ohneUnterschiedund ohneAusnahme,meine Stellung
kosten wiirde. Eine Vorbereitungdes 'Oedipus' oder Ihre personlicheVerpflichtungwaren un-
moglich.... Ich kann nur hoffen, daf Sie, lieber Herr Strawinsky,erkennen werden, daf in
diesem Fall die Verhaltnissestarkersind als all mein Wille. Nun hoffen wir alle auf die Wahlenim
November. Man hofft, daI3diese chauvinistischeBewegung einen Riickschlagerhalten wird."
(Rosbaud noted that he had written Stravinskyan explanatoryletter during a visit that summer
with Anton Weber in Bad Fusch [not Bad-Fischau,as given in SSC 3:234 n. 27]; the earlier
letter seems to have gone astray.)
Bertil Wetzelsberger's fiftieth-birthday tribute to the composer in Nuremberg had also
arousedopposition. On 16 June 1933 the conductor sent Stravinskya copy of a programhe had
conducted on 17 March of the previousyear. It included two commemorativeworks: Haydn's
Symphony No. 95 ("Zur Feier der 200. Wiederkehrvon Haydns Geburtstag")and Stravinsky's
Petrushka("Zum Geburtstagdes Komponisten: 17. Juni 1882"). Wetzelsbergerwrote that his
audience was scandalizedthat he should consider Haydn and Stravinskyas equally good com-
posers (PSS).
18. Rosbaud to Stravinsky,telegramof 31 December 1932 (PSS). In a follow-up letter writ-
ten that evening, he noted, "In the meantimethe generalsituationhas also changed somewhatfor
the better, such that even at the radio station one slowly dares to breathe a little more freely"
("Inzwischenhaben sich auch die allgemeinenVerhiltnisseetwas zum Besserengeandert, so daf
man auch im Rundfunkallmahlichein wenig aufzuatmenwagt") (PSS).

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532 Journal of the American Musicological Society

he will still be able to keep his position; things will get even worse if after the
elections Dr. Goebbels, as is likely, becomes head of radio. I cannot tell you
how unhappy I am, dear Mr. Stravinsky,that you cannot play here at present.
But you will see that all my best efforts here accomplishednothing...... Let us
hope for better times.19

The Nazi Years

The drasticallyaltered political and artistic climate that followed the Nazi
takeoverdid nothing to lessen Stravinsky'sinterestin performancesof his mu-
sic in Germany.Financialand artisticconsiderationswere of primaryconcern,
but the composer'seasytoleranceof the Nazi regime was also the resultof his
reactionary political views during this period, coupled with a prejudice against
The changesin the composer'spoliticaloutlook throughout his careerhave
been describedby Robert Craftunder the apt title "Stravinsky'sPolitics:Left,
Right, Left."2'As a young man Stravinskyheld liberalsympathies,but his po-
liticalviewswere radicallyalteredby the RussianRevolution,which "separated
him from relativesand friends... as well as from his entireformativeworld."22

19. Rosbaud to Stravinsky,19 February1933 (PSS): "Der Tag, an dem ich Sie zum letzten
Mal in Wiesbaden sah, hat uns eine neue Regierung gebracht. Inzwischen hat sich die Lage so
weit geklart, daf ich Ihnen zu meinem schmerzlichstenBedauem sagen muf, daf es vorliufig
ganz unmoglich ist, Sie zu einem Konzert im FrankfirterRadio einzuladen. Es weiigkeinervon
uns, wie lange er seine Stellung uberhauptnoch behalten kann; das alles wird noch schlimmer
werden, wenn nach den Wahlen wahrscheinlichDr. Gobbels [sic] Rundfunkkommissarwerden
wird. Ich kann Ihnen nicht sagen, wie unglucklich ich bin, datI Sie, hochverehrter Herr
Strawinsky,augenblicklichhier nicht spielen konnen. Doch Sie werden sehen, dai hier all mein
guter Wille nichts vermag.... Hoffen wir auf bessere Zeiten!" (The translationgiven in SSC
3:235 n. 28 is faulty:"I cannot tell you how unhappyI am ... that soonwe will not bepermittedto
play your musichere"[emphasisadded].) With regardto the boycott of foreign musicians,Craft
comments: "Nevertheless,in April 1933 Stravinskyreceived a personal invitation to attend an
'internationalcongress' in Bayreuthin August" (ibid.). The congress in question was the "II.
InternationalerKongreigdes Welt-, Musik- und Sangesbundes," held in Bayreuth on 17-20
August 1933. The communication of 19 April is not, however, a "personalinvitation," but a
mimeographedletter sent-from Vienna-to all honorarymembersof the society (PSS).
20. As Craft has noted, "politicaland financialwisdom were synonymous for Stravinskyin
1933" (Vera Stravinskyand Robert Craft, Stravinskyin Picturesand Documents [New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1978], 553 [hereafter SPD]). The most extensive investigation of Stra-
vinsky's antisemitism to date is provided by Richard Taruskin, Defining Russia Musically:
Historicaland HermeneuticalEssays(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1997), 454-60.
21. SPD, 545-58. Craft claims that Stravinsky's"obsessive, almost pathological need for
order" predisposed him toward fascism (SPD, 551). See also Richard Taruskin'sreview-essay
"Backto Whom? Neoclassicismas Ideology," 19th-CenturyMusic16 (1992-93): 286-302.
22. SPD, 550.

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 533

The composer's attractionto Italianfascismand his personal admirationfor

Benito Mussolini are well known.23In 1930 Stravinskywas quoted as saying,
just before his firstmeeting with II Duce, "I don't believe that anyone vener-
ates Mussolinimore than I. To me, he is the one man whocountsnowadaysin
the whole world.... He is the saviourof Italyand-let us hope-of Europe."
After meeting Mussolini, Stravinskycommented, "This pilgrimageto Rome
will remain one of the happiest events of my life."24 In October 1933
Mussolini acknowledged Stravinsky'sbirthday greetings and the following
Februarythankedthe composer for a score of Duo concertant.25 In the spring
of 1935 Stravinskywas received by both Mussolini and his foreign minister,
Count Galeazzo Ciano. According to an interviewpublished in II Piccoloon
27 May of that year, Stravinskyand Mussolini discussedmusic, art, and poli-
tics. "I told him," Stravinskyis quoted as saying, "that I felt like a fascistmy-
self."26Stravinskylater presented Mussolini with an inscribed copy of his
autobiographyin "profoundadmirationfor him and for his work."27Until the
outbreakof war he regularlyconducted and performedin Italy,and in at least
one instance accepted "with joy" a request to begin a concert with "Gio-
vinezza,"the Fascisthymn.28
Stravinsky'sadmiration for the Fascists did not extend to their brown-
shirted counterparts.29 With an eye to his Germanroyalties,however, he was

23. On the particularattractionof Italianfascismfor Russianexiles, see Taruskin,Defining

Russia Musically,450-51. See also Stephen Walsh, Stravinsky:A CreativeSpring. Russia and
France,1882-1934 (New York:AlfredA. Knopf, 1999), 520-22. Up to the mid 1930s Stravin-
sky's sentimentswere sharedby a great many artistsand intellectuals.Modem-minded Germans
were impressedby Fascistsupportfor the avant-garde,especiallyafterthe Nazi takeover.Heinrich
Strobel,for example,commented wistfullyon the Italiansituationin his reviewof the firstMaggio
Musicalein Florence in May 1933: "One came to the conviction that the Fasciststate follows all
artisticmovements with the strongest interest, and one observed with admirationthat it even
shows a deep understandingfor the ideas of the avant-garde.Special credit certainly goes to
Mussolini,who knew from the very beginning how to win the support of Italy'smodem artists"
(Melos12 [1933]: 207).
24. Alberto Gasco, Da Cimarosa a Stravinsky(Rome: De Santis, 1939), 452; quoted in
HarveySachs,Musicin FascistItaly (New York:W. W. Norton, 1987), 168.
25. SPD, 662 n. 8.
26. SPD, 324 and 551.
27. Stravinskyto YurySchleiffer,14 July 1936; quoted in SPD, 552.
28. SPD, 552.
29. Stravinskyhimself came face to face with Nazi violence during his visit to Munich with
Dushkin in early February 1933. The composer, Vera Sudeikina, and Erik Schaal (a young
Munich businessmanand photographerand a fervent Stravinskysupporter)were harassedby a
group of Nazis, who shouted antisemiticthreatsand physicallyattackedSchaal.Stravinskylaterre-
counted the incident, though mistakenlygiving the date as 1932. See Igor Stravinskyand Robert
Craft, Dialogues(Berkeleyand Los Angeles: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1982), 51. The com-
plaint lodged by Stravinskyand Schaal that night came to nothing, for a general amnesty was
declaredshortly afterthe incident (Schaalto Stravinsky,15 April 1933; see also Schaal'slettersof
14 June and 15 August 1933 [PSS]). The ringleader of the group, an "old fighter" ("alter
Kimpfer") named Wernervon Alvensleben,was later arrestedin Vienna and sentenced to three

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anxious not to antagonize the Nazi authorities.Thus in August 1933, when

Otto Klemperer,Bruno Walter,and the writerStefanZweig askedhim to lend
his support to a small touring opera company employing refugee artiststhat
was to be establishedin Vienna, Stravinskyturned for advice to his Russian
publisher, Gavril Gavrilovich Paichadze. "Is it politically wise vis-a-vis
Germanyto identifymyselfwith Jews like Klempererand Walter,who are be-
ing exiled?"he asked.30The composer did decide to support Klemperer'sen-
deavor,becoming an advisorto the company in November of that year.31He
was less obliging to other German-Jewishmusicianswho requested his help,
however. Shortly before the Nazi takeover,Stravinskyreceived a letter from
the principalflutist at FrankfurtRadio. On Rosbaud's advice, Justus Gelfius
askedfor Stravinsky'sassistancein finding a position outside Germanyfor his
Jewishwife, an experiencedharpistwho was no longer able to find employ-
ment in that country.32Stravinskyseems to have ignored the letter. In the
springof 1933, Joseph Rosenstock,who had been fired from his conducting
position in Mannheim, asked for help in finding guest engagements.33
Although Rosenstock was a staunch supporter and Stravinskyhad guest-
conducted his orchestrain December 1930, the composer seems not to have
replied.34His indifferenceto the plight of German-Jewishmusiciansis consis-
tent with a prejudiceagainstJews revealedin his correspondenceof this pe-
riod. In a letter of June 1933 to Fyodor VladimirovichWeber, director of
Berlin'sRussischerMusikverlag,Stravinskyexpressedsurprisethat he had re-
ceived no proposalsfrom Germanyfor the coming season, "sincemy negative

yearsfor attemptingto kill a prominent government officialin the Tyrol. On 9 December 1933
Schaaltook advantageof a businesstrip to Prague to send Stravinskya full account of this affair,
including a newspaperclipping (PSS). Schaallateremigratedto New York,where two of his pho-
tographsof the composerwere used as illustrationsin the firstAmericanedition of Igor Stravinsky,
An Autobiography(New York:Simon and Schuster,1936).
30. Stravinskyto Paichadze, 7 September 1933 (PSS; translationfrom Taruskin,Defining
Russia Musically,458). "Here one hangs one's head in shame for the composer's selfishnessand
callousindifferenceto the fate of friends,"Craftwrote ("Jewsand Geniuses,"in Small CraftAd-
visories.CriticalArticles1984-1988: Art, Ballet,Music,Literature,Film [New York:Thames and
Hudson, 1989], 276; firstpublished-despite the volume's subtitle-on 16 February1989 in the
New YorkReviewof Books).
31. SPD, 662 n. 9. Originallyknown as the Independent InternationalOpera, the organiza-
tion developed into the SalzburgInternationalOpera Guild, which toured with Sir Rudolf Bing
as administrator.
32. JustusGelfiusto Stravinsky,27 December 1932 (PSS).
33. Joseph Rosenstock to Stravinsky,2 April 1933 (PSS). The Austrian-bor Rosenstock
(1895-1985) directedthe opera of the JudischerKulturbundin Berlinbetween 1933 and 1936,
afterwhich he moved to Japan,where he conducted the Nippon PhilharmonicOrchestrauntil
1941. At the end of the war he emigratedto the United States.
34. Rosenstock'srequest for help from RichardStraussin a letter of 12 April 1933 was simi-
larly unsuccessful.See Michael H. Kater, The TwistedMuse:Musiciansand TheirMusic in the
ThirdReich(New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1997), 95.

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attitudetoward communism and Judaism-not to put it in strongerterms-is

a matterof common knowledge."35
Stravinsky'sdesire to continue his connection with GermanyafterJanuary
1933 was not at first reciprocated.As a prominent modernist he had long
evoked for vilkischopponents the spectre of "music bolshevism,"a phraseto
which the Russian-borncomposer was understandablysensitive.36Added to
this was his foreignness,his close associationwith Germany'straditionalen-
emy France,and the persistentrumor that he was Jewish-one that had circu-
lated long before the Nazis made racial"purity"a prerequisitefor securing
German engagements.37Thus Stravinskywas a naturaltarget for the favorite
(and largely synonymous) epithets of the ultraconservatives:"atonal," "bol-
shevist,""international,"and "Jewish."
But severalfactorswere to work in Stravinsky'sfavor.Though rumors to
the contrarycontinued to appearsporadicallyafter 1933, he was raciallyac-
ceptable. Nor were his openly stated political views likely to give offense.
During his visit to Munich in February1933, just daysafterthe Nazi takeover,
a Germannewspaperquoted the composer as saying, "Unfortunately,I must
continuallyemphasizethat I am in no sense a revolutionary,either in my gen-
eralviews or in my art, and I was never a Communist, materialist,atheist, or
Bolshevik,as is frequentlysaidof me."38
Certainworks, such as the "barbaric"Sacredu printempsand the "Brecht-
ian" Histoire du soldat, had long evoked strong opposition in the vilkisch
camp. With its jazz (or, more accurately,ragtime) rhythms,Histoirehad been

35. Taruskin,Defining Russia Musically,458. Examplesof Stravinsky's"negative attitude"

are peppered throughout his letters of this period. See, for example, the excerpts published in
Walsh,Stravinsky: A CreativeSpring,192, 300, 333,372, and 515. Walshnotes that "Stravinsky's
most shamelessoutburstsof anti-Semitismwere usuallyprovoked by questions of money" (ibid.,
621 n. 21).
36. For an investigationof the term and the role it playedin Germanmusicalpolitics between
the wars, see Eckhard John, Musikbolschewismus: Die Politisierung der Musik in Deutschland,
1918-1938 (Stuttgart:VerlagJ. B. Metzler, 1994). In 1931, when Heinrich Strobel was inter-
ested in preparinga Germantranslationof BorisAsaf'yev's Kniga o Stravinskom(A Book About
Stravinsky)(Leningrad,1929), Streckerassuredthe composer that it would not contain any "bol-
shevist tendencies" (Streckerto Stravinsky,27 March 1931 [PSS]). Ironically,while Stravinsky
was being labeled a Bolshevikin Germany,in the Soviet Union his music was attackedas fascist.
See Lev Lebedinsky,8 let bor'byza proletarskujumuzyku(Eight Yearsof Struggle for Proletarian
Music) (Moscow, 1931), 41-42; quoted in MarinaLobanova, "NikolajRoslavetz:Ein Schicksal
unter der Diktatur,"in VerfemteMusik:Komponistenin den Diktaturen unseresJahrhunderts.
DokumentationdesKolloquiumsvom 9-12. Januar 1993 in Dresden,ed. JoachimBraun,Vladimir
Karbusicky,and Heidi TamarHoffmann (Frankfurt:Peter Lang, 1995), 164.
37. Stravinskytook pains to deny these rumors.On 21 December 1931 he had writtento the
Revue de Paris concerning a report in a recent issue, "I am not Jewish, and there is no Jewish
ancestry in my family" (SSC 2:84-85 n. 3). See also his letter of 2 February 1916 to Serge
Diaghilev(SSC 2:22).
38. "Ich bin kein Revolutionar.Ein Gesprachmit Igor Strawinsky,"MiinchnerTelegramm-
Zeitung und Sport-Telegraf,2 February 1933; quoted in Robert Craft, ed., Igor and Vera
Stravinsky:A PhotographAlbum, 1921 to 1971 (New York:Thames and Hudson, 1982), 22.

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536 Journal of the American Musicological Society

the focus of conservativeattackever since its Germanpremierein 1923.39But

most of Stravinsky'smusic had gained wide acceptancein Germanyby 1933.
His reputationwas furtheredby recordingsof his works, especiallythose that
featuredthe composer himself as conductor or pianist.40That Stravinskywas
an important influence on the generation of German composers to come of
age during the late Weimarperiod was a fact frequentlyacknowledged(or de-
plored) by critics during the Nazi years,4lwhile the more accessiblestyle of
his 1930s music did much to soften all but the most entrenchedopposition, as
we shallsee.42
Stravinsky'sGerman supportersproved to be a powerful asset. Foremost
among them was Willy Streckerof Schott's, the composer's chief publisher
during the 1930s; he was aided by other Stravinskysupporters-whether con-
ductors, performers,composers, or critics-as well as by the composer him-
self. There fell to Streckerthe delicate task of furtheringStravinsky'sGerman
interestswithout antagonizing the ultranationalists.He found it necessaryto
move with specialcare, since during the Weimarperiod Schott's (in addition
to publishing the works of Jewish composers such as Ernst Toch, Bernhard
Sekles, and Matyas Seiber) was responsiblefor Melos,the progressivemusic
journal that anti-modernistsmost loved to hate.43But Schott's was also the
publisherof RichardWagner,the composerwhom Adolf Hitler reveredabove
all others, and the head of the firm, Ludwig Strecker,Sr., was one of the few
people still alivewho had been Wagner'spersonalfriend.44

39. See Joan Evans, " 'Diabolus triumphans':Stravinsky'sHistoiredu soldatin Weimarand

Nazi Germany,"in The Varietiesof Musicology: Essaysfor MurrayLefkowitz,ed. John Daverio and
John Ogasapian(WarrenPark,Mich.: Harmonie ParkPress, 2000), 179-89. Histoirewas regu-
larly attackedfor its theatricalconception, which was typically-if anachronistically-vilifiedas
40. Stravinsky'sColumbiarecordingswere not widely circulatedin Germany,however, a fact
lamented by the composer on 20 November 1930 in a talk delivered at FrankfurtRadio (his
notes, misdated21 November, arepreservedat PSS). Shortlythereafterhe repeatedhis complaint
to an unnamed Nuremberg reporter ("Plauderei mit Strawinsky,"8 Uhr-Blatt, 3 December
1930). See also Electrolato Strecker,22 August 1934 (copy at PSS).
41. See, for example, Fritz Stege's review of Boris Blacher'sOrchester-Capriccioin "Berliner
Musik,"ZeitscbriftfiirMusik 102 (1935): 1246.
42. The distinctionbetween Stravinsky's1930s style and his earlierworks was drawn, for ex-
ample, by Herbert Gerigkin his 1938 record reviewsfor Die Musik.Whereasthe Octet (1923)
still came close to the spiritof "Jewishmusicaldegradation,"Jeu de cartes(1936) had "more in
common with our background." Quoted in Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (New York:
St. Martin'sPress, 1994), 100.
43. In 1938 the by then defunct Melos,along with its editor, Heinrich Strobel,was specifically
targetedat the "DegenerateMusic"exhibitionthat took placein Diisseldorf.
44. "Personal-Nachrichten,"AUlgemeineMusikzeitung69 (1942): 66. The occasion for this
notice was the diamond wedding anniversaryof "GeheimratDr. Ludwig Strecker"and his wife,
who received handwritten congratulationsfrom the Fiihrer. On Schott's preeminent position
during the Nazi period, see Levi, Musicin the ThirdReich, 159-63.

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Unofficial boycott
At the end of March 1933 Streckerinformed Stravinskythat his name had
been placed on a list of Jewish composers compiled by a "Kultur Kampf-
bund," an organization"whose aim is to advanceGermanart above all other
art and to suppresseverythingJewishand Bolshevik."45This watchdog orga-
nization, the Kampfbundfur deutsche Kultur (Combat League for German
Culture), had been founded in 1929 by Alfred Rosenberg, the chief ideo-
logue of the Nazi Party.46During the stormyperiod that directlyfollowed the
Nazi takeover,the KfdKwaged an activeand extremelyeffective(if unofficial)
campaignof terrorismand intimidation.47Streckerwas not unduly concerned
that Stravinskyhad been classifiedas Jewish, since he was certain that the list
had been hurriedly drawn up by "inexperiencedpatriots" ("unerfahrenen
Patrioten")and would be checked by higher authorities."Even Hindemith,"
he noted, "is included on the list, as a 50 percent music bolshevist(for his ear-
lier works)."48Although Strecker expected only limited damage from this
"propaganda,"he askedStravinskyfor a written statementthat could, if neces-
sary, be submitted to the authorities.Streckerhad spoken with Hindemith,
who believed that "in mattersof art, reason will very soon regain the upper
hand"-an optimisticview sharedby many Germansduring the earlymonths
of 1933.49

45. Streckerto Stravinsky,29 March 1933 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:236 n. 29, which
containssubstantialexcerptsfrom this letter,albeitin a ratherfree translation).
46. The formationof the Kampfbundwas announced in the ZeitschriftfiirMusik96 (1929):
95. Its aim, as stated in 1932 in its periodicalDeutscheKultur-Wacht,was "to reject both the ap-
pointment of artistsof Jewishparentageand origin, as well as a typicallyJewishinterpretationof
great German works" (quoted in Oliver Rathkolb, Fuhrertreuundgottbegnadet:Kiinstlereliten
im Dritten Reich [Vienna:OsterreichischerBundesverlag,1991], 101). Though its influencede-
clined sharplytowardthe end of 1933, duringthe springand summerof that yearthe Kampfbund
was instrumentalin the process of Gleichschaltung (coordination)of the arts, thus helping to set
the culturalagenda for the Nazi period. See Alan E. Steinweis, Art, Ideology,and Economicsin
Nazi Germany:TheReich Chambersof Music,Theater,and the VisualArts (Chapel Hill: Univer-
sity of North CarolinaPress, 1993), 23-28. Alfred Rosenbergwas the author of Der Mythusdes
20. Jahrhundert:Eine Wertungderseelisch-geistigen Gestaltenkdmpfe unsererZeit(1930).
47. See Fred K. Prieberg, Musik im NS-Staat (Frankfurtam Main: Fischer Taschenbuch
Verlag,1982), 36-43.
48. Strecker to Stravinsky,29 March 1933 (PSS): "Auch Hindemith ist mit 50% als
Musikbolschewist (fur seine fruiherenWerke) auf der Liste aufgefiihrt." Strecker informed
Hindemith of these events on 5 April 1933 (GeoffreySkelton, Paul Hindemith:TheMan Behind
theMusic[London: Gollancz, 1975], 106).
49. Streckerto Stravinsky,29 March 1933: "Hindemithselbst... glaubt, daf die Verunft in
Kunstsachensehr baldwieder die Oberhandgewinnt."A comment in Strecker'sletter of 18 April
1933 to Stravinskysimilarlyreflectsthe attitude of many "unengaged"Germansduring this pe-
riod: "Thismovement has so much that is healthyand positivethat one can regardthe artisticand
other consequencesquite calmly"(PSS;translationafter SSC 3:218, which incorrectlygives "that
no one can regard").

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On 14 April Stravinskysent Streckerthe requested genealogicalinforma-

tion.50He also included a stronglyworded statementconcerning his political
views, a document that was to prove of crucialimportancein his future rela-
tionship with Nazi Germany.To counter the charge of "music bolshevism,"
Stravinskypointed out that he had not returned to Russia ("What would I
do there?") and elaborated on the comments he had made in Munich in
Februaryof that year:"I loathe allcommunism, Marxism,the execrableSoviet
monster, and also all liberalism,democratism,atheism, etc. I detest them to
such a degree and so unreservedlythat any connection with the country of the
Sovietswould be senseless."51
Strecker suggested that the composer also send this information to
RussischerMusikverlagin Berlin. He considered it "beneath [Stravinsky's]
dignity" to publicize the statement "prior to an official attack," which he
thought unlikely;Hindemith, he added, shared his view. Noting that Pierre
Monteux had played a Stravinskywork in a recent Berlin concert, he con-
cluded that the attendanceof governmentofficialswas "a sign that the higher-
ups have quite reasonable views."52Though "non-German art" would no
doubt suffera "temporarysetback,"Streckerfelt sure that "as always,what is
trulyworthwhilewill againassumeits rightfulplace."53
At the end of the 1932/33 season, as the intense xenophobia of the
regime's earlymonths slowly abated,Streckersaw even more reason for opti-
mism. "Here in Germanythe situationis beginning to clear,"he reported to
Stravinsky.Though he had had "some ratherharshcorrespondence"concern-
ing "your'degenerateBolshevikart,' " he believedthe dangernow to be over.
He was sure that the new guidelines being worked out would "prove to be
quite rational"and that Stravinsky'smusic would resume its former position.
"The people in the leading circleshave great insight," he assuredthe com-
poser, "and understandthe need to present the good things that other coun-
triesmay have to offer."54
Yet despite Strecker'srosy optimism, there were no concert plans to an-
nounce as the new season approached.In October, as the firstfull season of

50. Stravinskyto Strecker,14 April 1933 (PSS). The originalletter, along with a typed copy
and a Germantranslation,is preservedin the archivesofSchott Musik International,Mainz (here-
51. Translationfrom SSC3:236.
52. Strecker to Stravinsky,18 April 1933 (PSS; translation from SSC 3:236-37 n. 29).
Monteux had conducted Petrushkain his BerlinPhilharmonicconcert of 5 April 1933.
53. Strecker to Stravinsky,18 April 1933: "Ein voriibergehender Riickschlag auf nicht-
deutsche Kunstwird zweifellos eintreten,aber das wirklicheWertvollewird nach wie vor die ihm
gebiihrendeStellung einnehmen."
54. Streckerto Stravinsky,20 July1933 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:237 n. 30). On 3 August
Streckerwrote to explainthe unusuallylow royalties,noting that Germantheaters"haveavoided
presentationsof practicallyall foreign works in the past six months" (PSS; translationfrom SSC
3:237 n. 30). The postscript,conveying Hindemith's greetings, was added not by Strecker,as
claimedin volume 3 of SSC,but by the composer himself.

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the Nazi era was getting under way, Streckermet with Rosbaud, who once
again was hoping to be allowed to invite Stravinskyto FrankfurtRadio. In a
move clearlyintended to head off any opposition, Streckersent the conductor
copies of Stravinsky'sstatement of 14 April.55Earlyin the new year Strecker
informed Stravinskythat the opera houses of Frankfurtand Mannheim had
promised to stage Firebirdthe next season; otherwise there was little to re-
port.56On 12 MarchStreckerattended Furtwangler'shighly successfulworld
premiereof Hindemith's Mathisder Maler symphonyin Berlin. Recognizing
that this performancewas of "extraordinarysignificancefor the recognition
of modern music," Streckerhoped, as he wrote to Stravinsky,"that this vic-
tory will also reopen the Germanstages and concert hallsfor your works next
At the beginning of the 1934/35 season, Streckerreported that the opera
Mathis der Maler would be ready by the end of November and that he ex-
pected from "this great work the decisivevictory for modern music that we
badlyneed."58Both Furtwanglerand Rosbaud,he reported,had plansto per-
form Stravinsky'smusic in the winter season. "I certainlyhope that they will
then be followed by other conductors who don't dare to be the first."59
Streckeradded that Rosbaud, if he receivedpermission, "would even like to
do an entire evening of your worksin Berlinwith you as soloist."Waryof pro-
voking opposition, Streckerthought it might be wiser to wait a little longer.
"Leavethis to me," he suggested. "It would be best if you did not undertake
anythingin Germanywithout letting me know."He also advisedStravinskyto
postpone his plans for a German edition of his autobiographyuntil he had
been "rediscovered"in that country.60

55. Streckerto Rosbaud, 12 October 1933 (Schott's).

56. Streckerto Stravinsky,30 January1934 (PSS).
57. Streckerto Stravinsky,14 March 1934 (PSS): "Die Auffiihrungwarfir die Anerkennung
der modemen Musik von ganz auferordentlicherBedeutung ... Ich hoffe, dafi dieserSieg auch
IhrenWerkenfur die nachsteSaisonwieder die deutschen Biihnen und Konzertsaleoffnet."
58. Streckerto Stravinsky,2 September1934 (PSS): "Bis Ende November wird die Oper fer-
tig sein und ich erhoffe mir von diesem groBenWerkden endgfiltigenSieg der modemen Musik
den wir notwendig brauchen."As is well known, the world premiereof the opera took place in
Zurichin May 1938; it was neverperformedin Nazi Germany.
59. Ibid.: "Furtwanglersowie Rosbaud haben mir versprochen, im kommenden Winter
Werkevon Ihnen zu spielen,und ich hoffe bestimmt,daf andereDirigentendann folgen werden,
die es nicht wagen, den Anfang zu machen." Streckerplaced considerablestore in Furtwangler,
Germany'sleading conductor.In his letter of 14 March 1934 he had noted, "Forthe time being,
[Furtwangler]is the only one whose position is sufficientlystrong to influence general opinion
and trends"(PSS;translationfrom SSC3:266 n. 80).
60. Streckerto Stravinsky,2 September 1934: "Wenn es Rosbaud erlaubtwird, mochte er
sogar einen ganzen Abend IhrerWerkemit Ihnen als Solist in Berlin machen ... UberlassenSie
dies mir und untemehmen Sie am besten nichts in Deutschlandohne mich es wissen zu lassen....
WartenSie mit einer deutschenAusgabe, bis Sie hier (wohl im nachstenJahr)'neu entdeckt'wer-
den!" Streckerseems to have alluded to Rosbaud'splan in his letter of 30 January1934 to the
composer: "I'm planning further propagandafor you with Rosbaud, concerning which I shall

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Rosbaud was surelyencouraged in his intentions by a statement issued by

GermanRadio authoritiesat the end of July 1934, which indicatedthat there
This in no way signaled a
was no racialor political objection to Stravinsky.61
general acceptanceof Stravinsky'smusic, however, for while it was left up to
the individualradio stations to decide which works to program, the decision
had to reflect a "cleardistinction"among the variousperiods of Stravinsky's
career.Thus the responsibilityto avoid works that might be deemed inappro-
priatewas on the programmersthemselves.Strecker,ever cautious, may have
persuadedRosbaud to abandon his plans for a Berlin concert; at any rate, no
such event took place. The conductor did have one small satisfaction,how-
ever. On 26 August he arrangedfor Leopold Stokowski's1930 recording of
Sacreto be broadcastover FrankfurtRadio, though at the inconspicuoushour
of midnight.62This seems to have been the only occasion on which a work by
Stravinskywas broadcastthat season by German Radio; otherwise his music
was "completelyignored" ("vblligignoriert").63
The Sacrethat was heard in Berlinsome three months laterwas one of the
few performancesof Stravinsky'smusic during the earlyNazi period. The pro-
longed applausethat greeted Erich Kleiberand the Berlin Philharmonicon
14 November was widely interpretedas support for both composer and con-
ductor. Champions of moder music were delighted. Heinrich Strobel de-
clared that Kleiber had "broken the Stravinskyspell," while Hans Heinz
Stuckenschmidtopenly celebratedStravinsky's"victory."64 Streckeroptimisti-

write more when the plans are somewhat furtheralong. One must proceed slowly in order not
to upset things" ("Mit Rosbaud plane ich eine weitere Propagandafir Sie, iiber die ich noch
schreiben werde, wenn die Plane etwas vorgeschrittensind. Man muf langsam vorgehen, um
nichts zu verderben. .") (PSS). Rosbaudwas a frequentguest conductor in the Germancapital,
both at BerlinRadio and with the BerlinPhilharmonic.
61. ReichssendeleitungA 2 b, Berlin, statement of 27 July 1934 (BundesarchivKoblenz,
R78/691). The radio authoritieshad almost certainlybeen sent a copy of Stravinsky'sApril 1933
statement, either by Streckeror possibly by Rosbaud, to whom (as we have seen) Streckerhad
sent copies the previousautumn.
62. See the program listingsfor 26 August 1934 in the SiidwestdeutscheRundfunk-Zeitung.
This broadcastwas laterused as ammunitionby Stravinsky's(and Rosbaud's)enemies, as we shall
63. WalterSteinhauer,"Rundfunkund drohende Vermassung,"Melos13 (1934): 196.
64. Heinrich Strobel, "Musikin Berlin," Neues Musikblatt,December 1934, 3. (The Neues
Musikblatt,edited by Strobel until 1939, replacedMeloswhen the latter ceased publicationafter
the summer of 1934.) Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt,"Sieg Strawinskys.Kleiber-Konzertin der
Philharmonie,"BerlinerZeitung am Mittag, 15 November 1934. Kleiberwas also praisedin the
pages of the FrankfurterZeitung ("KleiberdirigiertStrawinskij")on 17 November. For further
detailson Stravinsky'sreception by the Germanpress,see Joan Evans,"Die Rezeption der Musik
Igor Strawinskysin Hitlerdeutschland,"ArchiviirMusikwissenschaft55(1998): 95-97. Kleiber's
performancewas the firsttime that Sacrehad been programmedin Berlinsince Furtwanglercon-
ducted the work in February1930. Ironically,during the earlierperformance,half of the audience
in the Philharmoniehad walked out. See Hans Mersmann, Hans Schultze-Ritter,and Heinrich
Strobel, "Die Situationin Deutschland,"Melos9 (1930): 348.

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 541

cally informed the composer of Furtw'ngler's intention to stage Firebirdat

the BerlinStaatsoperduringthe coming winter.65
Shortly after Kleiber'sconcert, a public statement in support of Stravinsky
was made by none other than RichardStrauss.According to the unnamed re-
porter for Nuremberg'sFrinkischerKurier,the presidentof the Reichsmusik-
kammer affirmed Stravinsky's"pure Aryan background"and declared "the
'culturalbolshevistIgor Stravinsky'" to be nothing more than a fiction. The
report concludes, "RichardStraussemphaticallyand definitivelydeclaredthat
the Russian Igor Stravinskyis known to be enthusiasticabout the ideas of
Adolf Hitler."66Streckersent Stravinskythe clipping,noting that it was being
reprinted throughout the country. Though seemingly embarrassedby its
tone, he felt that the article'seffect would be beneficial."This,"he declared,
"is partlya result of the informationyou put at my disposala year ago"-that
is, Stravinsky'sstatementof 14 April1933, which Streckerhad apparentlysub-
mitted to the Reichsmusikkammer.67 Supportfor Stravinskyduringthis period
also appeared at a more grassroots level. In October the composer sent
Streckera pamphletcontainingan articleentitled "Warummeine Musik nicht
geschitzt wird." This appearedunder his name in the 12 July 1934 issue of
Das Tha-Ga-Blatt,a weekly pamphlet published for its customers by Thams
und Garfs-Geschafteof Hamburg ("KennerdrinkenTha-Ga-Kaffee!").68
Despite Kleiber's success, Strauss's reassurances, and the optimism of
Strobel, Strecker,and others, the composer'ssupporterswere not yet success-
ful in breaking the unofficial boycott. The Berlin Philharmonic'sSacre re-
mained one of a handfiulof performancesof Stravinsky'smusic that season and
the sole German performanceof the work during the Nazi period. In July
Streckercomplainedto Dushkin about "the unfortunatepresentsituation,"in

65. Streckerto Stravinsky,postcardof 17 November 1934 (PSS). Furtwangler'sStaatsoper

plans fell victim to the well-known "Hindemith affair,"in which the conductor soon became em-
broiled as the result of his article in support of Hindemith in the 25 November issue of the
DeutscheAlpemeine Zeitung ("Der Fall Hindemith"). See Michael H. Kater, Composersof the
Nazi Era:EightPortraits(New York:Oxford UniversityPress,2000), 37-39.
66. "RichardStraufifir Strawinsij,"FrankischerKurier,28 November 1934. (The "Russian
Igor Stravinsky"had obtained French citizenshipthe previousJune.) Stravinskylater referredto
this "curious document," in which Strauss defended him "against the charge of cultural
Bolshevism,but entirelyfor the wrong reasons"(Igor Stravinskyand Robert Craft, Themesand
Episodes[New York:AlfredA. Knopf, 1967], 35-36).
67. Streckerto Stravinsky,30 November 1934 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:237 n. 30).
68. Both Stravinsky'sletter of 17 October 1934 and Das Tha-Ga-Blattof 12 July 1934 are
preservedat Schott's;a second copy of the publicationis found at PSS. The articleis an abridged
translationof "Pourquoil'on n'aime pas ma musique. Une interviewd'Igor Stravinsky"(Journal
de Geneve, 14 November 1928), which in turn apparently translates an English
("CopyrightLondon GeneralPress").Under its Germantitle the interviewhad appearedduring
the Weimarperiod in Musik und Gesellschaft: Arbeitsblatterfiir sozialeMusikpflegeund Musik-
politik 1 (1930): 169-72.

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542 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

which Germanywas "temporarilyinaccessible"to Stravinsky.69 His letter was

occasioned by Schott's interestin securingthe publishingrightsto Stravinsky's
most recent work, the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos, a piece destined to play
a crucialrole in Stravinsky'ssubsequentrelationshipwith Nazi Germany.

Breaking the "Stravinsky spell": the Internationales Zeitgenossisches

Musikfest, Baden-Baden
A thaw in the opposition toward Stravinskyand his music began to take place
during the 1935/36 season. This can be attributedto severalrelatedfactors.
The turbulenceof the earlyNazi period was by now giving way to a more set-
the coordi-
tled (if more shackled)situation,as efforts toward Gleichschaltung,
nation of all aspectsof Germanlife in accordancewith Nazi policy,bore fruit.
Also important was the resolution in Goebbels's favor of his long-standing
and acrimoniousbattle with partyideologue Rosenberg over the direction of
the country's culturallife.70Though the Amt Rosenberg continued to act as
ideological watchdog, the propagandaminister could now pursue his more
pragmaticapproachto culturalissues.The economy was improving,which re-
sulted in a lesseningof the xenophobiathat had characterizedthe earlyyears.71
Germany was thus ready to resume its cherished role as cultural leader.
Foreign music and musicians, subject to racial and political considerations,
now began to be heardagainin Germancities.72
Especiallysignificantwith regardto Germany'snew outward-lookingatti-
tude were the circumstances surrounding Berlin's hosting of the 1936
Summer Olympics. Months of preparationwere dedicated to ensuring that

69. Streckerto Dushkin, 31 July 1935 (Schott's):"wirmiissen nun leider mit der augenblick-
lichen ungliicklichenLage rechnen, unter der vorlaufigsogar ganz Deutschland fiir Strawinsky
verschlossenist." The speed with which Stravinsky'smusic was excluded from Germany'smusical
life after the Nazi takeover is dramaticallyreflected in the pages of Die Musik. Whereas in
1932/33 Stravinskywarrantsforty-sixentriesin the index, the number for 1933/34 drops to fif-
teen, practicallyall of which pertaineitherto passing(usuallyderogatory)comments or to concert
reviewsfrom foreign correspondents.
70. On the rivalrybetween Rosenberg and Goebbels, see Reinhard Bollmus, Das Amt
Rosenbergund seine Gegner:Studienzum MachtkampfimnationalsozialistiscenHerrschafssystem
(Stuttgart:Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt,1970). In 1934 Hitler had appointedRosenbergthe party's
ideological supervisor("Beauftragterdes Fiihrersfir die Uberwachung der gesamten geistigen
und weltanschaulichenSchulung und Erziehung der Partei und gleichgeschaltetenVerbande").
His departmentwas referredto as the "Amt Rosenberg."
71. Although fill employmentwas not reacheduntil 1938/39, in 1936 the high unemploy-
ment inheritedby the Nazi regime dropped for the firsttime below 1928/29 levels (Kater, The
72. An effort to resume internationalcontactshad alreadybeen made on'6 June 1934, when
Richard Strauss inaugurated the Standiger Rat fir die internationale Zusammenarbeit der
Komponisten (Permanent Council for InternationalCooperation Among Composers). Clearly
meant to replacethe InternationalSociety for ContemporaryMusic (ISCM), whose Germansec-
tion had been dissolved in 1933, the PermanentCouncil organized music festivalsin Germany
and elsewherebetween 1935 and 1939.

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 543

foreign visitorswould be favorablyimpressedwith the achievements,particu-

larly the culturalachievements,of the New Germany.Significant,too, were
the activitiesof the numerous organizationsdevoted to new music that sprang
up throughout Germanyduringthis period. Frankfurt'sArbeitskreisfur Neue
Musik was especiallyactive on behalf of Stravinsky'smusic, as we shall see,
while similar groups existed in Berlin, Munich, Essen, and Diisseldorf, at
whose concerts one could hear music by composers from all over Europe.73
Thus Stravinsky'sgradualacceptance,diligentlypreparedby his supporters,is
largelyattributableto Germany'sdesire, after the isolation of the early Nazi
years,to rejointhe Europeanculturalcommunity.And what betterway to sig-
nal this desire than by allowing Germanaudiencesto hear again the music of
Europe'sbest-knownmodem composer?
Michael Katerhas suggested a causal connection between the improving
fortunes of Stravinsky'smusic and Hindemith's gradual eclipse after 1935,
with many Germans,Nazi and non-Nazi alike,now "lookingto Stravinsky"to
provide "welcome inspiration"for Germany's young composers.74Such a
direct link is unlikely,however,for while it is true that Germansof varyingde-
grees of politicalinvolvementsupportedStravinsky'smusic, the more ideolog-
ically committed could hardly have accepted him as a model. Surely they
would have agreed with Herbert Gerigk, a leading Nazi musicologist, who
saw no reason to exclude Stravinsky'smusic, yet warned againstusing him as
an "ideal"for Germany.Stravinsky,he wrote, represented"a folk traditionfor-
eign to ours" ("eines uns fernstehendenVolkstums");as a Russian and an
Asian,he "mustnever be consideredone of our culturalcircle."75
Stravinskyhimself was to take an active part in what the German press
would soon refer to as his "rehabilitation."In November 1935 he informed
Strecker that he was considering his publisher's invitation to visit him in
Wiesbaden,especiallysince it would provide an opportunityto make on-the-
spot concert arrangements:"I would be so happyto resume my musicalrela-
tions with Germany."76

73. Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat,297-98.

74. Kater,TheTwistedMuse,183.
75. Herbert Gerigk, "Musikpolitische Umschau," Nationalsozialistische
(1939): 86. Gerigk'sposition as head of the music divisionin the Amt Rosenberggave him access
to the vast cultural-politicalarchive from which he was to draw in compiling (with
Stengel) the now infamous LexikonderJuden in der Musik:Mit einem Titelverzeichnis jiidischer
76. Stravinskyto Strecker,17 November 1935 (PSS): "Je seraissi content de
relationsmusicalesavec l'Allemagne."This sentence is curiouslyomitted in SSC 3:238 (end of
firstparagraph).(The remainderof this letter as publishedby Craftbelongs in fact to
letter of 29 December 1931, other excerpts from which are published in SSC
3:229-30.) On
1 December 1935 Stravinskysent Streckera follow-up postcard:"Did you receive
my letter of
17 November?"("Avez vous recu ma lettre du 17 nov.?")(Schott's).
Stravinsky'sdesire to look
for Germanconcerts that seasonwas also prompted by his decision to cancel a
tour. The visit to Wiesbadendid not takeplace, however.

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544 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Just at this time, Baden-Baden's GeneralmusikdirektorHerbert Albert

was organizing,with the support of the Kurverwaltung(spa administration),
an internationalfestival of contemporarymusic scheduled to take place on
3-5 April 1936.77 Invited to perform at the festival, Stravinsky sought
Strecker'sopinion.78His publisheradvisedhim to accept, adding that if per-
mission from Berlin could be obtained, Rosbaud would schedule an engage-
ment for him at FrankfurtRadio as well. There was also the possibilityof a
second concert in Frankfurt,given by "young modem musicianswho are all
enthusiasticsupportersof your art."79These musicianswere members of the
recentlyformed Arbeitskreisfur Neue Musik, whose artisticdirectorwas the
composer GerhardFrommel.80
Stravinskywas keenlyinterestedin the proposed Germanengagements, es-
pecially the Baden-Baden concert, at which he and his son Sviatoslav
(Soulima) were invited to performhis Concerto for Two Solo Pianos.81That
he was willing to considercancelinghis South Americantour if Baden-Baden
were to make up the 7,000 francshe would lose is evidence of the importance
with which he invested his first public appearancein Germanysince 1933.82

77. The parallelsbetween the new Interationales ZeitgenossischesMusikfestand the annual

festivalsof contemporarymusic at Donaueschingen and Baden-Badenthat had been a highlight
of the Germannew-music scene before 1933 were not lost on the festival'sorganizersor, subse-
quently,its reviewers.
78. Musikdirektion Baden-Baden to Stravinsky,5 December 1935; Stravinsky'snote to
Strecker(writtenat the bottom of the letter) is dated 6 December (PSS). In his replyof 9 Decem-
ber, Streckernoted that it was he who had provided the organizerswith Stravinsky'saddress
(PSS). A letter of 12 February 1936 from MusikdirektionBaden-Badento Strecker(Schott's)
indicatesthat the publisheralso provided documentaryinformationthat Baden-Badenneeded in
order to obtain permission for Stravinsky'sappearance.Presumablythis included Stravinsky's
statementof 14 April 1933.
79. Streckerto Stravinsky,9 December 1935 (PSS): "mit jungen modemen Musikem, die
alle begeisterteAnhangerIhrerKunstsind."
80. On the Arbeitskreisfiir Neue Musik, active between 1935 and 1943, see Eva Hanau,
Musikinstitutionenin Frankfurtam Main, 1933 bis 1939 (Cologne: Studio, 1994), 123-28. A
formerstudent of Hans Pfitzner,GerhardFrommeltaught at Frankfirt'sHoch Conservatorybe-
tween 1933 and 1944.
81. Negotiations concerning his planned South American tour prevented Stravinskyfrom
giving the festival organizers a definitive answer at this time. He wrote to Strecker in mid-
December: "Wouldyou be so kind as to inform them that my silence is due onlyto thesecircum-
stances"("Auriez-vousla grande obligeance de leur faire savoirque mon silence n'est dutqu' a
cettecirconstance")(Stravinskyto Strecker,postcardof 15 December 1935 [Schott's]; emphasis
original).A letterwrittenon Stravinsky'sbehalffrom Parison 18 January1936 to Musikdirektion
Baden-Badencontains an apology for the delay (Stravinsky'scopy of the letter is unsigned); the
previousday Baden-Badenhad writtento confirmhis in-principleacceptance(PSS). The organiz-
ers no doubt followed Strecker'sadvice in suggesting the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos;in his
letter of 17 November to Strecker,Stravinskyhad expressedan interestin performingthis recent
work (PSS).
82. Stravinskyto Strecker,18 January1936 (PSS). The amount ("sept mille francs")is incor-
rectly given as "700 francs"in SSC 3:239. On 24 JanuaryStreckerwrote that he had forwarded
Stravinsky'sproposalto Baden-Baden(PSS).

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 545

The festivalorganizers,however, responded that 7,000 francs(the equivalent

of 1,100 marks)was "an honorariumwe had not reckonedwith" and offered
a combined fee of 700 marksfor Stravinskyand his son, plus traveland accom-
modations.83Streckerstronglyadvisedthe composer to acceptthese terms. In
additionto being "a splendidbeginning for your art in Germany,"the festival,
which would be attended by the country's most influential music critics,
would also be advantageousto SoulimaStravinsky'sbudding career.84
On 20 JanuaryStreckerinformed Stravinskythat Rosbaud was expecting
any day to receive permission from Berlin for the engagement at Frankfurt
Radio. The Firebirdsuite had recently been played on tour by Furtwangler
and the Berlin Philharmonic,he noted, and this, combined with Stravinsky's
Baden-Badenand Frankfurtappearances,"shouldbreakthe spell and clearthe
way for furtherperformancesof your worksin Germany."85 Baden-Badenalso
required official of
permission, course, but Streckerwas sure this would be
given "immediately and without difficulty."86His optimism-and Baden-
Baden'seventualsuccess-was undoubtedly due in part to the fact that a cer-
tain Herr Ludwig, who was in charge of the relevant department of the
PropagandaMinistry,was an acquaintanceof Herbert Albert, the festival's
"I am very moved by the interest you have taken in my reappearancein
Germany,"Stravinskyreplied, "this Germanythat was alwaysso attentive to

83. MusikdirektionBaden-Badento Schott's, 24 January1936 (copy at PSS): "Das ist ein

Honorar, mit dem wir nicht gerechnet hatten." In his letter of 20 Januaryto the composer
(which crossed in the mail with Stravinsky'sof 18 January)Streckerhad preparedStravinskyfor
the possibilityof a smallhonorarium:"Baden-Badenand Frankfurtwould thus be a good and im-
portant beginning, even if for the presentnot much more than the travelcosts were to be gained
financially"("Baden-Badenund Frankfurtwaren somit ein guter, wichtigerAnfang, selbst wenn
finanziellzunichst nicht viel mehr als die Reisekostendabei herauskamen")(PSS).
84. Streckerto Stravinsky,25 January1936 (PSS): "es [wird] ein glanzenderAnfang fur Ihre
Kunst in Deutschland sein." Stravinsky'sson had made his professionaldebut in Barcelonain
November 1933.
85. Streckerto Stravinsky,20 January1936 (PSS). Translationfrom SSC 3:238 n. 33, where
the phrase"Baden-Badenperformances"is incorrect.By "Veranstaltungen" Streckerrefersto the
two concerts planned for Frankfirt plus the single Baden-Badenengagement. At no time was
more than one Baden-Badenperformancediscussed.Rosbaud had recentlysent Streckera confi-
dential communicationof 9 January1936 from the Reichssendeleitungindicatingthat their in-
vestigationof Stravinskyhad not yet been completed; a typed copy of this document is preserved
with Strecker'sletter of 14 Januaryto Rosbaud (Schott's). Streckerwrites, "I am curious [to
learn] what the inquiry about Igor will yield" ("Ich bin gespannt, was die Untersuchungen ...
iiber Igor ergeben werden").
86. Streckerto Stravinsky,25 January1936 (PSS): "doch zweifle ich nicht daran, dafi sie
ohne Schwierigkeitensofort gegeben wird." Stravinskyrepliedon 27 Januarythat 500 markswas
the "absoluteminimum"he would accept for the radio engagement, and that he would be "very
grateful"if the amount were somewhat higher ("Bien entendu la somme de RM 500 pour le
Rundfunkseraitl'extreme minimum que je vous seraisbien reconnaissantd'agrandirtant qu'on
peut") (PSS).
87. MusikdirektionBaden-Badento Strecker,12 February1936 (Schott's).

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546 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

my music. For this reason I gladlyaccept the proposalfrom Baden-Baden."88

At the end of JanuaryStreckerinformed Stravinskythat the second Frankfurt
engagement was to be an orchestra concert, conducted by Bertil Wetzels-
berger,for which Streckerhad suggested Capriccio.He would try to obtain
the highest possible fees from both Wetzelsbergerand Rosbaud,he promised,
but the most important thing was to obtain official permission, for these
concertswould have a "decisiveinfluence"("ausschlaggebendenEinflug")on
Stravinskywas nervous about performing Capriccio,which he had not
playedfor some time. "Wouldit be possible to let me conduct this concert in-
stead ofWetzelsberger ... ," he asked, "and for my son to play my Capriccio
or my firstConcerto under my direction?"90 Streckerproposed insteada solu-
tion that he felt would be agreeableto all participants."Perhapsyou could
conduct one piece, in order to let Wetzelsberger. . ., for diplomaticreasons,
conduct a work as well."91The importantthing, he added, was that Stravinsky
takepartin the concert.
By mid-FebruaryStreckerhad good news to report. After taking up the
matterpersonallyin Berlin,Rosbaudhad finallyobtainedverbalpermissionfor
the radio engagement; written confirmation was to follow shortly.92That
Streckerwas well awareof the precariousnature of the entire venture is evi-
dent in his reaction to Stravinsky'srequest that his son Theodore design the
tide page of the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos,which Schott's was preparing

88. Stravinskyto Strecker,27 January1936 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:239). Stravinskyre-

quested that both Baden-Badenand FrankfurtRadio obtain authorizationfor him to take his fees
out of the country.Suspectingthat it might be difficultto comply with this request,Streckersug-
gested in his letter of 1 Februarythat Stravinsky'sfees be sent directlyto the Hamburg-America
Line to pay for the composer's travelexpenses on the S.S. Cap Arcona to Buenos Aires (PSS).
Stravinskyrepliedon 8 Februarythat his farewas being taken care of by Athos Palma,directorof
the Teatro Col6n, and repeatedhis demand that he be allowed to take his fees out of the country
(see SSC 3:240). Three days later Streckerinformed Stravinskythat he had submitted the neces-
89. Streckerto Stravinsky,30 January1936 (PSS). The Austrianconductor Bertil Wetzels-
berger (1892-1967), a longtime supporter of Stravinsky,became director of the Hoch Con-
servatoryin 1933, replacing the Jewish composer BernhardSekles. Between 1926 and 1930,
Wetzelsberger,despite local opposition, had presented the Nuremberg premieres of Firebird,
Petrushka,Pulcinella,Le rossgnol,OedipusRex, Histoiredu soldat,and the Octet (Wetzelsberger
to Stravinsky,12 April 1930 [PSS]).
90. Stravinskyto Strecker,1 February1936 (PSS): "Serait-ilpossible de me laisserdirigerce
concert a la place de Wetzelsberger. ., et mon fils jouerait mon Capriccioou mon premier
Concerto sous ma direction?"
91. Streckerto Stravinsky,3 February1936 (PSS): "VielleichtdirigierenSie selbst ein Stiick,
um Wetzelsberger... ebenfallsein Werk aus diplomatischenGriinden zu uberlassen."In SSC
3:240 n. 37 the translationis faulty:"Perhapsyou will agree to conduct a piece yourself,then, and
haveWetzelberger[sic] presentyou, too."
92. Streckerto Stravinsky,14 February1936 (PSS).

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 547

for publication.93Streckerrepliedthat, though he would personallybe happy

for Theodore to do the drawing,he was concerned that it would appeartoo
modern, "since here in Germanyeverythingmodem-influenced by Picasso,
for instance-is unacceptable.With such a drawingyou would perhaps give
the criticsa welcome, if purelysuperficial,reasonfor rejection."94Ever careful,
he suggested a "neutral,inoffensivelittle vignette" ("eine neutrale,unangreif-
bare kleineVignette"). A week later Stravinskysent Theodore's stylizedpen-
and-inkdrawingof four hands,which eventuallyappearedon the cover of the
score. "I like this vignette very much . .. ," he commented, "and I would
hope that this sketchwill not upset anyone."95
Just days after informing Stravinskyof Berlin'sin-principlepermissionfor
the FrankfurtRadio engagement, Strecker received a letter from Gerhard
Frommel, organizer of the orchestraconcert, informing him that the city's
Musikbeauftragterwould not allow the event to take place.96He would have
taken a chance and gone aheadwithout permission,Frommel noted, but the
involvement of the municipalorchestramade this impossible. He would like
to try to arrangea chamber-musicconcert instead,in which case he would not
apply for permission, but simply inform the authorities of his intentions.
Though the Musikbeauftragtercould object, Frommel was certainhe would
not-probably because the official in question was FrankfurtOpera's Inten-
dant, Hans Meissner,himselfa member ofFrommel's Arbeitskreis.97

93. Stravinskyto Strecker,16 February1936; on the same day Stravinskysent Streckera copy
of the lecture on the concerto that he had preparedfor the premiereof the work in Paristhe pre-
vious November (PSS). The lecture is published in EricWalterWhite, Stravinsky:TheComposer
and His Works,2d ed. (London: Faber and Faber, 1979), 581-85. "Translateit into German,"
Stravinskysuggested, "and I could perhaps show it to the Rundfink" (translationfrom SSC
3:241). It was in fact used as programnotes for the Baden-Badenconcert.
94. Streckerto Stravinsky,18 February1936 (PSS): "da man z.B. bei uns in Deutschland
alles Modere, etwa von Picasso Beeinflusste,ablehnt. Sie wiirden mit einer solchen Zeichnung
unter Umstanden den Kritiker einen willkommenen schon rein auferlichen Ablehnungsgrund
95. Stravinskyto Strecker,25 February1936 (PSS): "J'aimebeaucoupcette vignette ... et je
veux espererque ce dessin ne derangerapersonne."Streckerrepliedon 27 February,"I find your
son's drawingvery originaland do not think that it can give offence to anyone"("Die Zeichnung
von Ihrem Sohn finde ich sehr originell und glaube nicht, dai irgend jemand daran Anstog
nehmen kann") (PSS).
96. Frommel to Strecker,16 February1936 (Schott's). Musikbeauftragter(politicallyreliable
music representatives)were appointed by the Reichsmusikkammerto regulate and control con-
cert life at the local level.
97. On Hans Meissner,see Hanau, Musikinstitutionenin Frankfurtam Main. Frommel also
reportedto Streckerthat he had recentlygiven a lectureon Stravinsky,illustratedwith music from
Persiphone-a work that had not yet been performedin Germany.In the December 1936 issue of
the NeuesMusikblatt,Frommel's student Hugo Puetter,who had also studied with Alban
recalled the "strong impression"made by this lecture ("Der FrankfurterArbeitskreisfiir Neue
Musik,"2). Frommel'slecture, "Neue Klassikin der Musik,"was publishedunder the same title
the following year by L. C. WittichVerlag,Darmstadt,and reviewedby Puetter in the November
1937 issue of the NeuesMusikblatt.

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Troublewas also brewingat FrankfurtRadio.Aftermeeting with Rosbaud,

Streckerreportedto Stravinskythe next day:
Rosbaudtold me that undergroundintriguesagainstyour appearance at the
radiostationhaveunfortunately surfacedagain,even though he alreadyhas
permissionfromthe top radioadministration,
aswellasfromthe Reichsmusik-
kammer.For thisreasonhe will go to Berlintodayto clearup the matter.By
TuesdayI hopehe willbe ableto giveme a definitiveword.98
Concerned that Frommel'sunsanctionedchamber-musicconcert might elicit
furthercontroversy,StreckeradvisedStravinskyto restricthis engagements to
Frankfirt Radio and Baden-Baden.With luck, these would result in offers of
orchestraconcerts for the following season. As for financialmatters,Rosbaud
was still working to arrangethings to Stravinsky'ssatisfaction."You cannot
imagine,"Streckersighed, "how many difficultiesare connected with all these
issuesat present."99
On 25 FebruaryStravinskyagreed to perform at both Baden-Badenand
FrankfurtRadio.100Two days later Rosbaud telephoned Streckerwith the
good news that everything was now arranged, and the following week
Streckersent the conductor the uncorrectedproofs of the Concerto for Two
Solo Pianos for his comments.101Everythingwas now approvedfor Baden-
Baden, he reported to Rosbaud, including permissionfor Stravinskyto take
his fees out of the country in French francs.102But despite Rosbaud's assur-
ances, Streckermust have suspectedthat the situationat FrankfurtRadio was
stilluncertain,for he continued:

98. Streckerto Stravinsky,22 February1936 (PSS): "Rosbauderzaihltemir, dabileiderwieder

unterirdischeIntriguengegen Ihr Auftretenim Rundfunkeingetretensind, obwohl er bereitsdie
Genehmigung der obersten Rundfunkleitung,sowie der Reichsmusikkammerhat. Er wird des-
halb heute nach Berlinfahren,um die Angelegenheit zu klarenund mir bis Dienstag hoffentlich
endgiiltigen Bescheidgeben konnen." In the springand summerof 1936 these "undergroundin-
trigues"were to flareup into a personalattackagainstRosbaud,as we shallsee.
99. Ibid.: "Siekonnen sich nicht vorstellen,mit welchen Schwierigkeitenalle diese Fragenau-
100. Stravinskyto Strecker,25 February1936 (PSS; see SSC 3:242). ApparentlyStravinsky
had not yet receivedStrecker'sletter of 22 February,since he indicatedthat for lackof time he had
decided not to acceptthe orchestraengagement.
101. Streckerto Stravinsky,postcardof 27 February1936 (PSS); and Streckerto Rosbaud,
5 March 1936 (Schott's). Strecker asked Rosbaud to return, along with the proofs, the
"Strawinsky-Stammbaum," that is, the genealogicalinformationsent by the composer to Strecker
on 14 April 1933, used by Rosbaud in his attempts to obtain permission for the composer's
102. Craft's statement, "Permissionwas finally obtained by Streckeron March 25" (SSC
3:240 n. 39), is incorrect. On 27 FebruaryStreckerinformed Stravinskythat he had just heard
from Baden-Baden that permission had been granted (PSS). On 10 March, in response to
Stravinsky'sletter of 7 March (see SSC 3:242-43), Streckerreplied that he had asked Baden-
Baden to send the confirmationdirectlyto the composer; MusikdirektionBaden-Badendid so
the following day (PSS).

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I am convinced that Stravinskyis of the view that the agreementwith the radio
station is settled and will not subsequentlybe altered.Without this second en-
gagement, for which indeed all the leading authoritieshave given permission,
he would not come to Germany.Therefore the fee is due in any case, especially
since, as you well know, for reasons of friendshiphe is making extraordinary
concessions to the radioin this respect.103

Strecker'ssuspicions proved to be justified. Two days later, when he tele-

phoned FrankfurtRadio to ascertainthe exact time of Stravinsky'sconcert, he
learnedthat the engagement had been canceled.'04
The Baden-Badenconcert took place on Saturdayevening, 4 April.105 The
Concerto for Two Solo Pianoswas the finalwork on a programthat included
Conrad Beck's Serenade for flute, clarinet, and strings, Wolfgang Former's
HarpsichordConcerto, Paul Graener'sCello Concerto, and Jean Francaix's
Piano Concertino.106In the year of the Berlin Olympics,the organizerswere
carefulto avoid emphasizingthe politicalaspectsof this internationalfestival.
Customary greetings were cabled to the Fihrer,107but the printed program
entirelylackedpartysymbolsor messagesfrom partyofficials.Stravinsky'sper-
formancewas widely reviewed in the German press. Though remarksabout
the "soulless"qualityof the music or the "cold passion"of the performance

103. Strecker to Rosbaud,5 March1936 (Schott's):"Ichbiniiberzeugt,Strawinsky stehtauf

dem Standpunkt, daf derAbschlugmit dem Rundfimk perfektist undnichtnochnachtraglich
geandertwerdenkann.OhnedieseszweiteEngagement, dasja von allenmaggebenden Stellen
genehmigtwar,wareer nicht nach Deutschlandgefahren,so dag das Honorarunter alien
Umstandenfalligist,zumaler,wie Siejawissen,demRundfunk in dieserBeziehungausfreund-
schaftlichen Grindenauferordentlich entgegenkommt."
104. Streckerto Rosbaud,7 March1936 (Schott's).In a letterof 4 September1936 to
Stravinsky, Rosbaudcommentedthathe wasfamiliar withthe composer's recentworks,butonly
fromstudyingthe scores-an indirectreferenceto hisunsuccessful effortson Stravinsky's
He added,"HerrStrecker willcertainly
havetoldyou somethingof thisandI myself,whenI see
youagain,willgivea fullaccount"("HerrStrecker wirdIhnenwohldariiber einigeserzahlthaben
und ich selbstwerde,wennich Sie wiedereinmalsehe,ausfiihrlich dariiberberichten")(PSS).
Stravinsky andRosbauddidnot meetagainuntil1951.
105. An eyewitness descriptionof Stravinsky's
performanceis providedby Frommel,who in
an autobiographical sketchof 1976 recalledthatthe composer'sappearance wasthe sensationof
the festival.He describedbothStravinsky's pianoplayingandhis famouslymanneredstagebow
as "peculiar": "He poundedon the pianoat sucha volumethatone couldhardlydiscernthe
transparency of the music.His deep bowsin frontof the audience,witharmscrossedoverthe
chest . . ., broughtto minda circusdirector.It wasa cleverlittlepieceof mimicry[mimische
Kabinettstuckchen] of whichthe audiencecouldn'tget enough"(PeterCahn,WolfgangOsthoff,
and Johann Peter Vogel, eds., GerhardFrommel:Der Komponistund sein Werk[Tutzing: Hans
106. Stravinsky playedthe secondpianopart.On 12 December1943 he asked
RemiGassman, who wasorganizinga concertin Chicago,to "tellthe pianistwho willplaywith
me my DoubleConcerto,thatI willplaythe secondpianoas I alwaysdo for a good reasonto
betterleadtheensemble"(SSC2:467n. 7).
107. Friedrich
W. Herzog,"MusikderVolkerin Baden-Baden," Die Musik28 (1935/36):

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were not lacking, criticalcomment was largelyfavorable,with one reviewer

defending the concerto's "machine-like rhythm" as an important form-
defining element.108The spell had been broken, exulted the normally cau-
tious Strecker,and the way opened for the return of Stravinsky'smusic to
Robert Craft has claimed that Stravinsky appeared in Baden-Baden
"againsthis will and under pressurefrom his German publisher.""0But im-
plying that Stravinskywould have preferrednot to appearin Nazi Germany
and statingthat he did so under duressseriouslymisrepresentsthe facts.From
the published correspondencealone it is obvious that Stravinskyactivelyso-
licited German engagements;indeed, Crafthimself earliernoted Stravinsky's
"eagerness to perform in Germany."111Of course Strecker was keen for
Stravinskyto return to Germany,but it was certainlynot necessaryto "pres-
sure"him.112To his publisher'ssurprise,Stravinskywas even willing, afterthe
FrankfirtRadio performancehad been canceled,to travelto Germanyfor the
Baden-Badenconcert alone. This appearanceremained Stravinsky's"unique
concert in the Third Reich" not because he was reluctant to perform in
Germany,but because suitable engagements were simply not forthcoming,
despite the combined efforts of Strecker,Stravinsky'sother supporters,and
the composer himself.l13
Crafthas also claimed that "by choosing to play the piano ratherthan to
conduct [Stravinsky]managed to avoid all personal encounters."1l4 This is

108. Ibid., 783 ("soulless");St., BadischeLandeszeitung("cold passion");Alfred Burgartz,

"Baden-BadenerMusikfrihling. Die Ergebnissedes IntemationalenzeitgenossischenMusikfestes
(vom 3. bis 5. April)," Die Musik-Woche, 18 April 1936, 6 ("machine-likerhythm").The second
review was one of eleven excerptedby Strecker(without title or date) and sent to Stravinskyon
21 April 1936 (PSS); authors included such well-known names as Heinrich Strobel (Berliner
Tageblatt) and Robert Oboussier (DeutscheAUlgemeineZeitung). Criticism of the neoclassical
style as "soulless"and "cold"was of course nothing new. Both terms are found, for example,in a
piece of doggerel by A. E. W. Miller of Leipzig, publishedin the October 1930 issue of the ven-
erable (and increasinglyright-wing) Zeitschriftfir Musik:"Atonalismusseelenlos / Und kalte
Sachlichkeit,/ Der Nigger Jazz, der GernegroS,/ Die stampfendurch die Zeit" (p. 821).
109. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 April 1936 (PSS). The Zeitschriftfir Musikdevoted a column
and a half to the concerto when it was publishedthe following year,with the enthusiasticreviewer
characterizingit as one of the most imaginativeand forward-lookingworks of the time (Walter
Hapke, "Musikalien:fir Klavier,"ZeitschriftfirMusik 104 [1937]: 662-63).
110. Craft,"Jewsand Geniuses,"276.
111. SSC2:251 n. 51.
112. Far from pressuring the composer, in at least one instance (to be discussed below)
Streckerdeemed an engagement unsuitableand advisedStravinskyto turn it down.
113. The quotation is from Craft: "[Stravinsky's]unique concert in the Third Reich took
place at the insistenceof B. Schott's Sohne" (SPD, 554). Stravinsky'sBaden-Badenconcert
not the only performancein Nazi Germanyin which the composerparticipated,though it was his
only publicappearance-that is, if one discounts the recitalthat he and Dushkin gave in
three days after the Nazi takeover.In February1938 StravinskyrecordedJeu de cartesin Berlin
with the BerlinPhilharmonic.Craftseems to miss the point when he comments that "recordings
are not public performances"("Jewsand Geniuses,"276).
114. Craft,"Jewsand Geniuses,"276.

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misleadingon two counts. There is no reasonto assumethat Stravinskywould

have been reluctantto conduct in Baden-Baden,had he been invitedto do so.
He had specificallyasked to conduct the ill-fatedFrankfurtorchestraconcert
and on severallater occasions declaredhimselfwilling to conduct, as we shall
see. Nor did the composer "avoid all personalencounters"in Baden-Baden.
"Allthe young composersare excited about meeting you in person,"Strecker
had written to Stravinskyshortly before the festival.115Among these was
GerhardFrommel, whose Suite for Small Orchestrawas performed,and who
laterremindedthe composer that they had spoken for severalhours following

"New possibilities"

"People are now less fearful [of presenting your works]," Streckerwrote to
Stravinskyin earlyJuly 1936, three months afterthe composer'sBaden-Baden
appearance. "The boycott has been broken and new possibilities un-
earthed.""7But there were few new developments to report, and the situa-
tion was stillfarfrom stable. "The influentialpeople in the importantpositions
change from one day to the next," Streckernoted, "and contactsthat one has
establishedturn out a few weeks laterto be outdated."'18
The first of the "new possibilities"arose just three days after Stravinsky's
Baden-Badenconcert, when Hans von Benda, artisticdirector of the Berlin
Philharmonic, approached Stravinsky about appearing as soloist under
Furtwanglerthe following season.119A second "possibility"placed Strecker
and Stravinskyin a distinct quandary.On 6 July 1936 Streckerreported that

115. Streckerto Stravinsky,26 March 1936 (PSS): "Allejungen Komponistensind gespannt

darauf,Sie personlichin Baden-Badenkennenzulernen."
116. Frommel to Stravinsky,May 1937 (PSS). Frommel vividlyrecalledtheir meeting in his
autobiographicalsketch of 1976: "The gnomelike little man in a long coat, large spectaclesand a
bowler hat seemed like a figure from another world. The night hours passed in a relaxed and
cheerful mood. Stravinskywas talkativeand responded with pleasure to my many carefullydi-
rected questions.We connected immediatelythrough our admirationfor Bellini, [an admiration]
sharedby only a few of our contemporaries.Brucknerhe knew only by name, Pfitznernot at all.
Mussolinihe admired;the subjectof Hitler was not mentioned" (Cahn, Osthoff, and
Vogel, eds.,
117. Streckerto Stravinsky,6 July 1936 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:243 n. 42).
118. Streckerto Stravinsky,6 July 1936: "von Tag zu Tag ander sich die einfluflreichen
Leute an den wichtigen Stellen, und Beziehungen, die man gerade angekniipfthat, erweisensich
wenige Wochen spaterals uberholt."In SSC 3:243 n. 42, "Beziehungen"is incorrectlygiven as
119. Hans von Benda to Stravinsky,7 April 1936 (PSS). Benda was head of Berlin Radio's
music departmentduringthe Weimaryears;his progressivemusic
programminghad been respon-
sible for Stravinsky'sfrequent visits. Benda requested that his query be considered
since Furtwangler,who was out of the country,had not yet been consulted.
Nothing was to come
of this plan, though Stravinskyand Benda may have discussedit
during the composer's visit to
Berlin in February 1938 to record Jeu de cartes;Benda's business card is
preserved among

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552 Journal of the American Musicological Society

Berlin'sJuidischerKulturbundhad requestedpermissionto mount a produc-

tion of Histoiredu soldat.The JewishCulture League had been establishedin
June 1933, after hundreds of Jewish theater artistsand musicianshad been
dismissedas a result of the Civil ServiceLaw passed in Aprilof that year.This
law was the first of many measuresthat resulted in the eventual exclusion of
Germany'sJews from the country's culturallife. Performancesby Jews were
restrictedto those sponsored by the JKB and given before exclusivelyJewish
"I did not consider it wise to tell this organizationpointblankthat we do
not want the work presented," Streckerreported, "so instead I demanded
100 marks per performance-a price I was certain they could not pay."121
Streckerhad given the JKB Stravinsky'saddress (the composer was still on
tour in South America),but he stronglyadvisedhim not to make any conces-
sions. After reminding him that performancesof Histoirehad occasioned at-
tacks on his music in the past, Streckerwarned that a performance under
Jewishauspiceswould also animatethe old rumor that Stravinskywas Jewish:
"if you permit the Jewish Kulturbundto perform it, your enemies will glee-
fully term you, as well as your art, 'Jewish,'spoiling everythingwe have man-
aged to nurture."122
Two weeks later, realizing that performancesunder the auspices of the
Kulturbundwould be unlikelyto attractattention outside the Jewishcommu-
nity,Streckersoftened his position. "I have fixed the condition that permission
must be obtained from the German Reichstheaterkammer," he wrote.
"Shouldauthorizationbe granted,we could agree to the performances,which
would take place in the Jewish quarter,exclusivelyfor that audience, and, I
made sure,would not be mentioned in any newspapers."123 At the end of July
he reported that the official permission had arrived, and he requested that
Stravinsky,"asan exception," allow "a small reduction" of the But the

120. On the JKB, see Prieberg, Musik im NS-Staat, 78-106 ("Musik unter dem Davids-
stern");Kater, TheTwistedMuse,97-103; and Akademieder Kiinste, Geschlossene Der
JiidischeKulturbundin Deutschland1933-1941 (Berlin:Edition Hentrich, 1992), a catalogof the
Akademie's eponymous exhibition, 27 Januaryto 26 April 1992. The JKB was disbanded in
September1941, when most of its remainingmemberswere arrestedand deported.
121. Streckerto Stravinsky,6 July 1936 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:243 n. 42). A compari-
son of Stravinsky'sGermanroyaltiesduring this period confirmsthat a hundred marksper perfor-
mance was indeed higher than the usualfee.
122. Ibid. Streckerseems not to have known that, although the JKB'sguidelinesencouraged
performancesof music by Jews, works by non-Jewishcomposers were also regularlyperformed.
Up to February1938, for example, only half of the orchestralworks and oratoriosperformedby
the JKB in Berlinwere written by Jews (19 of 39); in Frankfirt and Breslauthe proportion was
even lower (15 of 45, and 10 of 31, respectively).Herbert Freeden, JiidischesTheaterin Nazi-
deutschland(Tiibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1964), 126. Though restrictionson Germanmusic were
progressivelyapplied,music by foreign composers,including non-Jews,could be performeduntil
the JKB'sdissolutionin 1941.
123. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 July 1936 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:243 n. 42).
124. Streckerto Stravinsky,28 July 1936 (PSS):"Mit dem JiidischenKulturbundwerden wir
uns, da die offizielle Genehmigung der Theaterkammervorliegt, einigen konnen. Wenn der Brief

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composer, fearfulof "losing all of the ground that we have gained," was "in
no hurry" to agree. He reminded Streckerof his earlieradvice (i.e., not to
make any concessions), adding, "I am unawareof any subsequent develop-
ments that may have changedyour attitude."125
Strecker'schange of mind was prompted by politicalconsiderations,for the
fact that the Kulturbundhad been grantedofficialpermissioncast the affairin
a differentlight:
If we refusednow, our refusalwould be interpretedas an explicitact of un-
towardJews.Abroad,thiscouldhaveunfavorable repercussions for
you. In America,for example,it wouldsurelybe knownthatyou refusedthe
GermanJewsa performance evenafterthe Germanauthorities agreed.126
Not surprisingly,Stravinskyfound his publisher'sargument persuasive;per-
mission was granted and the production went ahead. Directed by Wolfgang
Fraenkel, Histoire was performed in Berlin on 4 November 1936 and 23
January1937, with a GastspielinBreslauon 17 January.Ironically,it was to be
the only Germanproductionof the work duringthe Nazi years.127
Streckerlearnedin the summer of 1936 that the Berlin Staatsoperwas in-
terested in mounting a production of Le baiserde la fee, a work that had not
yet been staged in the German capital.128He greeted this welcome news as
proof that the regime harboredno objection to Stravinsky'smusic. "Thissuc-
cess," he added, "we clearlyowe to Baden-Baden."'29Stravinskyconfirmed

eintrifft, teilen Sie mir mit, dai Sie 'ausnahmsweiseunter diesen Verhaltnissen'eine 'kleine
Reduktionder vertraglichenRm. 100.- uns wunschgemai erlauben.'"
125. Stravinskyto Strecker,1 August 1936 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:243-44). Craft's
statement, "EvidentlyStravinskyhad not yet receivedStrecker'sletter of July28" (SSC 3:244 n.
44), is puzzling, for it seems clearthat Stravinskywas respondingto Strecker'srequestfor a reduc-
tion in fees containedin this letter.
126. Streckerto Stravinsky,3 August 1936 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:244 n. 44).
127. Schott's royaltystatements, 31 December 1936 and 1 April 1937 (PSS). For more on
this production, as well as on additionalperformancesof Stravinsky'smusic by Berlin'sKultur-
bund, see Evans," 'Diabolus triumphans,'" 182-84. Performancesof Stravinsky'smusic outside
of Berlin can also be documented. On 24 October 1935, for example, Hamburg's Kulturbund
audienceheard RichardGoldschmiedperformthe Serenadein A, while on 20 November of that
year, also in Hamburg, BernhardAbramowitschplayed the piano transcriptionof the "Danse
infemale"from Firebird(programsarepreservedat the Leo BaeckInstitute,New York).
128. The German premiereof Le baiserhad taken place (under Klemperer)on 23 January
1930 at a Krolloperconcert; the firststaged performancewas given by Magdeburg'sStadtheater
(under Walter Beck) during the early months of the 1932/33 season. See RussischerMusik-
verlag'sroyaltystatementsfor 1932 and 1933 (PSS);and L. E. Reindl, "Igor Strawinskij:Kufgder
Fee (Magdeburg,Stadttheater),"Die Musik25 (1932/33): 284.
129. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 July 1936 (PSS): "Diesen Erfolg haben wir bestimmt Baden-
Baden zu verdanken."Hindemith regardedthe Staatsoper'splans as a favorablesign in terms of
his own hoped-for "rehabilitation." See Claudia Maurer Zenck, "Zwischen Boykott und
Anpassung an den Charakterder Zeit: Uber die Schwierigkeiteneines deutschen Komponisten
mit dem Dritten Reich," Hindemith-Jahrbuch 9 (1980): 101. Hindemith's optimism was short-
lived, for in October a ban was issued on performancesof his music.

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554 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

that RussischerMusikverlagwas indeed drawingup a contractfor the "happy

event" ("faitrejouissant").He also reported that he had been invited to con-
duct one or two performances in Berlin of Firebird and Petrushkawith
Colonel de Basil'sBallet Russe in October of that year.130Strecker,however,
expressedseriousdoubts about the suitabilityof this engagement. "The Scala
is a varietytheaterin which, it is true, balletsand other artisticallyworthwhile
performances are given," he wrote, "but very many acrobats and other
variety-showattractionsalso appear."'31He felt that Stravinsky'sfirst appear-
ance in Berlinshould be under the auspicesof the Staatsoper,the BerlinPhil-
harmonic, Berlin Radio, or some other organizationcommensuratewith his
artistic position, not in the "second-class environment" ("zweitklassigen
Rahmen")of the Scala,and certainlynot for the low fees that the BalletRusse
would pay him. Streckerassuredthe composer that a much more appropriate
and worthwhile engagement would be found; the Baden-Badenappearance,
he added, "was extremelyvaluablein this regard."'32As usual, Stravinskyfol-
lowed his publisher's advice: "unless the conditions change," he wrote, "I
shallcertainlynot presentmyselfunder those circumstances."133
The most immediateresultof the breakingof the unofficialboycott was an
increasein performancesof the two popular early ballets, especiallyFirebird.
This perennialfavoritehad been among the few Stravinskyworks performed
during the earlierperiod.l34Now the RussianFirebirddanced more and more
frequentlyon German stages;at least eighteen productions of the ballet took
place between 1935 and 1940.135The renewed interest in Stravinsky'smusic

130. Stravinskyto Strecker,1 August 1936 (PSS).

131. Streckerto Stravinsky,20 August 1936 (PSS): "Die Scalaist ein Variete-Theater,in dem
allerdingsauch Ballette und andere kiinstlerischwertvolle Auffihrungen gegeben werden, aber
doch auch sehrviel Akrobatenund sonstige VarieteAttraktionenauftreten."
132. Ibid.: "SelbstBaden-Badenwarvon diesem Standpunktaus auflerordentlichwertvoll."
133. Stravinskyto Strecker,22 August 1936 (PSS): "a moins que les conditions changent je
n'iraisuirementpas me produiredansces circonstancesla." (This letter is incorrectlyidentifiedas a
telegram in SSC 3:244.) According to Craft, the Ballet Russe performances of Firebirdand
Petrushkawere conducted by Antal Dorati (SSC 3:243 n. 43).
There is no evidence that the Berlin critics, who praised the Ballet Russe's 1936 season,
looked askanceat the Scala. See, for example, the otherwise unidentifiednewspaperreviews by
Edwin von der Nill ("Triumphdes Temperaments.Ovationen fur das RussischeBallett in der
Scala") and Walter Steinhauer("Die Tanzwelt steht Kopf. Zweites Programm des Russischen
Ballettsin der Scala")preservedat PSS. Rather,it appearsthat Streckerconsideredthat conditions
were not yet right for Stravinsky'spersonalappearancein the Germancapital.Indeed, when a sim-
ilaroffer was made the following June, by which time Stravinsky'sGermanposition had become
more secure, Strecker himself abandoned his opposition to the Scala (Streckerto Stravinsky,
21 June 1937 [PSS]). Nothing came of this invitation,however.
134. The Firebirdsuite was the only work of Stravinsky'sto be broadcastover Germanradio
during the winter of 1936. See Walter Steinhauer, "Vom Rundfink," Neues Musikblatt,May
1936, 4. On 3 August 1936 Streckerreported that he was alreadynegotiating with two or three
theatersconcerningperformancesof Firebirdfor the coming winter (PSS).
135. Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat, 54. Towardthe end of 1936, in an attempt to make Stra-
vinsky'smusic more accessibleto amateurperformersand hence to increasehis popularitywith
the general public, Schott's had preparedfor piano solo a "Volksausgabe"of "Berceuse"and

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extended to his more recent works as well. On 5 June 1937, the Germanpre-
miere of Persephone(in German translation)was presented at the Landes-
theaterBraunschweigduring a festivalof contemporarywritersand composers
(Festwoche zeitgen6ssischer Dichter und Komponisten). One of very few
stagings of the melodramaduring the 1930s, the production was under the
musical direction of Ewald Lindemann;three performanceswere given that
season. Following opening night, Intendant Alexander Schum reported to
Stravinskyon the profound effect of the work. His sentimentswere echoed by
Hindemith, who along with many German musiciansand criticstraveledto
Braunschweigto attend the premiere.136Persephonewas favorablyreviewed
throughout the country. Lindemann outdid himself, exclaimed the Braun-
schweigerNeuesteNachrichten;the performancewas simply the highlight of
the festival.Regardlessof how one felt about Stravinsky'smusic, commented
Die Musik-Woche's Alfred Burgartz(hedging his bets), this score, "considered
purely objectively," was a masterpiece. Strobel, writing for the Berliner
Tageblatt,praisedthe theaterfor tacklinga difficultnew work: "Such courage
and idealismare the pride of the Germanart theater."'37Streckerwas under-
standablypleased by the work's Germanreception. Comparedto most of the
French and English critics,he wrote, "here one actuallyseems to have prop-
erlyrecognized the statureand significanceof the work."138
The breakingof the unofficialStravinskyboycott was a welcome develop-
ment for Frankfirt'sGerhardFrommel and his Arbeitskreisftir Neue Musik.
The second programof their 1936/37 season was devoted exclusivelyto the
work whose Baden-Badenperformancehad paved the way for this success:
the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos.139Friendsof new music pronounced the

"Rondes des princesses"from Firebird."As of yet there is ... nothing for the generalpublic that
they can play,"Streckerwrote, "and this is the reason for the exclusivityof your works. In the
arrangementsall difficultiesare intentionallyavoided, and I believe that the attempt at such a
'people's edition' is worthwhile" ("Es gibt bisher .. . fir das grof3ePublikum nichts, was man
spielen kann und hierin liegt der Grund der ExclusivitatIhrerWerke.Bei den Bearbeitungenist
mit Absichtjede Schwierigkeitvermieden& ich glaube, der Versucheiner solchen 'Volksausgabe'
lohnt sich") (Streckerto Stravinsky,14 December 1936 [PSS]).
136. Alexander Schum to Stravinsky,telegram of 6 June 1937. In his reply Stravinsky
thankedall who contributedto the performance'ssuccess (undated telegramdraft).Hindemith's
postcardto Stravinsky,written afterthe premiereon 5 June but postmarkedBerlin,28 June, also
includes comments from Lindemann, Josef Witt (who sang the role of Eumolpos), Gertrud
Hindemith, and others. These materials,along with a program of the premiere, are preserved
at PSS.
137. The quotations are from a pamphlet containing excerpts from seventeen German re-
views, publishedby RussischerMusikverlag(PSS).
138. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 June 1937 (PSS): "Man scheint hier wirklichdie GroSe und
Bedeutung des Werkesrichtig erkanntzu haben." Stravinskyhad conducted the world premiere
at the ParisOperaon 30 April 1934.
139. Hugo Puetter, "Der FrankfurterArbeitskreisfir Neue Musik," Neues Musikblatt,
December 1936, 2. Frommel gave a lecture on Stravinsky,which was followed by an
the concerto by pianistGeorg Kuhlmann.The work was then performedtwice Frommel and
Kuhlmann.According to Hanau (Musikinstitutionenin Frankfurtam Main, 126 n. 328), the

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556 Journal of the American Musicological Society

evening a complete success.140Toward the end of the season Frommel sent

Stravinskya warmly inscribedcopy of his recentlypublished Neue Klassikin
der Musik,in which he praisedthe older composer as the filfillment of classi-
cism in music. The essay,Frommel wrote, was proof of the indebtedness of
Germany'syoung composers to Stravinsky.141 Nor was Frommel the only
German composer to contact Stravinskyafter 1936, now that his music was
being heard again. Rudolf Buske, a twenty-two-year-old Berlin composer,
wrote to expresshis admirationand to elicit Stravinsky'sopinion on a toccata
he had written,which was scheduledto be broadcastthe next month. The fol-
lowing October,just daysafterthe high-profilepremiereofJeu de cartesat the
Dresden Staatsoper,Stravinskywas contacted by John Philippson,a German
writer who wanted the composer to provide music for his pantomime fairy
tale, Hanka, oder die Wunderblume.142 There is no evidence that Stravinsky
responded to either request.

"Artistic rehabilitation": the European premiere of

Jeu de cartes in Dresden
Stravinsky'sApril 1936 appearancehad takenplace relativelylate in the season,
after many concert and theater organizershad alreadydecided on their pro-
grams for the coming year. Thus the full effects of the lifting of the boycott
were noticeable only in 1937/38. More performancesof Stravinsky'smusic
took placeduring this season than at any other time duringthe Nazi period.143

two artistshad worked on the concerto for six months before the performance-that is, ever since
Frommel had heard Stravinskyand his son perform the work in Baden-Baden. Other works
scheduledfor performancethat seasonincluded Stravinsky'sOctet.
140. Puetter, "Der FrankfurterArbeitskreisfiir Neue Musik."The FrankfurterVolksblatt of
21 November did not share Puetter's enthusiasm. Though it commended the performersfor
theirefforts,it consideredtheir talentssquanderedon this work ("Wheredoes culturalbolshevism
begin? Where does oversophisticatedintellectualismcease?We know the answer") (quoted in
Hanau, Musikinstitutionenin Frankfurtam Main, 126).
On 6 July 1936 Streckerhad informedStravinskythat severalpianistshad expressedinterestin
the concerto (PSS). At least one furtherperformancecan be documented. On 3 and 4 February
1938 Hertha Kluge-Kahnand Pal Kiss presented the first two movements in a Braunschweig
Hauskonzert.On 11 FebruaryKluge-Kahnsent Stravinskytwo reviews of the occasion, noting
that she and Kissplanned to performthe complete concerto in Hanover the following month, as
well as in Berlinthe following winter (PSS).
141. Frommel to Stravinsky,May 1937 (PSS).
142. Rudolf Busketo Stravinsky,8 May 1937; and John Philippsonto Stravinsky,17 October
1937 (PSS). Philippson assured Stravinskyof his "Aryan"background (transcriptionof letter
kindlyprovidedby IngridWeston).
143. Opposition still remained,of course, especiallyin ultraconservativecircles.A typicalex-
ample, an antisemitictiradedirectedin part againstSchoenbergand Stravinskyas the most promi-
nent composers of "degenerate"music, appearedin Der SA-Mann on 18 September 1937, a
translationof which appearsin George Mosse, Nazi Culture:Intellectual,Cultural and SocialLife
in the ThirdReich(New York:SchockenBooks, 1981), 47-53 (see esp. 51-53).

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At the end of September 1937, Strecker informed Stravinskythat he

had been included in a FrankfUrtexhibition of modern music by foreign
composers that was now about to be shown abroad.144The exhibition,
"SchopferesMusikleben des Auslands,"took place in conjunction with the
annual (and, as it turned out, final) festival of the venerable Allgemeiner
Deutscher Musikvereinin Frankfurtand Darmstadtin June 1937. Organized
by Albert RichardMohr, cofounderwith Frommel of Frankfirt'sArbeitskreis
fir Neue Musik, it featured composers from seventeen European countries.
Under the title "Das zeitgenossische Musikleben Europas," it traveled in
October to The Hague.l45
"Happily, there exists here in Germany much interest in your works,"
Streckerreported in the first week of October, "and if nothing unexpected
happens you can be very satisfiedwith your acceptancehere."'46The Berlin
premiereof Le baiserde lafee at the Staatsoperhad been a fine success,despite
a "renewedminor attack"("emeute kleineAttacke")in the pressjust priorto
the performance.This attack,Streckerbelieved, was less worrisome than the
"overzealousness"of the composer'sfriends;cautiousas ever,Streckerconsid-
ered "anysensationjust now to be undesirable."147
On 13 October 1937, shortly after Le baiser opened at the Berlin
Staatsoperand less than six months afterits world premierein New York,the
first European performance of Jeu de cartes took place at the Dresden
There is reasonto believe that this work was composed as much
for Germany as for Balanchine's newly formed American Ballet, which
commissionedit. Stravinskyhad begun work on Jeu at the end of 1935, a pe-
riod when, as we have seen, he was impatient to resume his contact with

144. Streckerto Stravinsky,27 September 1937 (PSS). Stravinskywas represented in the

exhibition by the manuscriptof the piano score of his Violin Concerto, which he had earlier
given to his publisher.(In SSC 3:253 n. 56 the date of this letter is incorrect,as are detailsof the
145. Hanau, Musikinstitutionenin Frankfurt am Main, 141-42. In preparationfor the
showing in The Hague, the organizers asked for an additional Stravinskymanuscript from
Strecker,who forwardedthe request to the composer in his letter of 27 September;there is no
evidence that Stravinskycomplied.
146. Strecker to Stravinsky,6 October 1937 (PSS): "Hier in Deutschland besteht er-
freulicherweiseviel Interesse fir Ihre Werke und wenn nichts Unerwartetes geschieht, k6nnen
Sie mit der Anerkennungbei uns sehr zufriedensein."
147. Ibid.: "Es ist der UbereiferIhrerFreunde,vor dem ich Angst habe. Jede Sensationhalte
ich augenblicklichfir unerwiinscht."The translationof the firstsentence as given in SSC 3:253
n. 55 is incorrect ("What I fear most is the anxiety that [such articles] may produce in your
friends"),as is the date of the letter: for "one week later"read "one month later."The produc-
tion, which opened on 2 October 1937, was choreographedby Lizzie Maudrickand conducted
by Herbert Trantow.The evening also included the world premiereof RudolfWagner-Regeny's
Der zerbrochene Krug. For a reviewof both works, see KarlH. Ruppel, " 'Der zerbrocheneKrug'
als Ballett,"NeuesMusikblatt,October 1937, 5.
148. The first concert performance of Jeu de cartes had recently been conducted by
Stravinskyin Venice on 12 September(not 14 September,as given in SSC2:321).

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Germany.149 The composer'scomments on the originsofJeu de cartes,as pub-

lished in their firstformulationin his Themesand Episodes, areintriguingin this
regard.After attributinghis interestin the ballet'ssubjectto childhood mem-
ories of the casinos typical of German spa towns (an atmosphere vividly
evoked in the master of ceremonies' "'trombone' voice" that opens each of
the three Deals), Stravinskywrites:"It will have to be admittedalso thatJeu de
cartesis in many ways the most 'German'of my works. Its period and setting,
if I had chosen to identify them, would have been a Baden-Baden of the
RomanticAge." The numerous borrowings,for examplefrom JohannStrauss
and (famously)Rossini, are "partof that picture,"snippetsoverheardfrom a
"concertby the KursaalBand."After allowingthat the work's marchrhythms
and its "now somewhat painful"humor might also be considered German,
Stravinskycontinues, "I cannot say to what extent I may have been awareof
this at the time, or to what degree(unconscious,in any case)the musicmay have
beendesignedforGermantastesand Germanaudiences."'50 Curiously,most of
these comments were replacedin the revised edition by the single, brusque
sentence, "The score was not designed for any particularaudience."'15It is
certainlytrue that the ballet's "German"aspectsrelate more to externalmat-
ters than to the music itself,for despite the Viennese allusions(and the ubiqui-
tous master of ceremonies), the sound world of Jeu de cartesis more Latin
than Teutonic, owing little more to the Germantraditionthan what Stephen
Walshhas referredto as the "slightlysouped-up Beethoven sound."'52All the
more striking,then, is the extent to which Stravinsky,in the earlieredition, as-
sociatedthe originsof this work with Germany.
If Jeu de carteswas "designed for German ... audiences"(consciouslyor
otherwise), it is possible that other workswrittenduring this period were simi-
larlyaffected by Stravinsky'seagernessto reestablishhis position in Germany.
In discussingthe composer'sless adventurousstyle of the 1930s, Walshpoints
out that during this period Stravinskybegan to receive commissions from
"conventionalinstitutions,"especiallythose in the "artisticallyconservative"
United States, in response to which the ever practicalcomposer showed little

149. Accordingto his laterrecollections,StravinskybeganJeu de carteson 2 December 1935,

that is, shortlyafterhe had writtento Strecker(on 17 November) requestingengagementsfor the
coming season, and just days before he received the invitation from Baden-Baden. See Igor
Stravinsky,Themesand Conclusions(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress,
1972), 44; this volume includes a revised edition of Stravinskyand Craft, Themesand Episodes.
The balletwas stillvery much in progressduring the next autumn (it was completed on 6 Decem-
ber 1936), a time when Stravinskywas eager to follow up his Baden-Badenappearancewith fur-
ther German successes. (Interestingly,Stravinskyclaimed that the passagefrom numbers 189 to
192 was composed while he was en route to South Americain Aprilof that year-that is, just days
after leaving Baden-Baden [Themesand Conclusions,44].) Correspondencewith Streckercon-
cerning Germanperformancesof Jeu began in September1936; see SSC2:317.
150. Stravinskyand Craft,Themesand Episodes,34-35; emphasisadded.
151. Stravinsky,Themesand Conclusions,43.
152. StephenWalsh,TheMusicof Stravinsky(London: Routledge, 1988), 184.

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 559

of the radical spirit long associated with his music.'53 Could it be that
Stravinskywas also influencedby his desireto resume his relationshipwith the
(now) "artisticallyconservative"country that once had providedhim with the
largestshareof his royalties?
At the end of November 1936 Strecker requested from Stravinskythe
"choreography"(i.e., the scenario),which had to be submittedto the Reichs-
theaterkammer in order to obtain permission to have Jeu de cartes per-
formed.154By earlyJuly 1937 he had secureda number of performances,with
Dresden to give the first staging of the ballet. "None of our German ballet
companies can comparewith foreign ones," he admitted, but a Dresden per-
formance would be "better than the averagelevel" found in other German
theaters.155There was an additional reason for entrusting the ballet to
Dresden. The new balletmistress,ValeriaKratina,enjoyed "completesupport
from all the officials-which is very important these days," Streckerwrote.
"Thus your work will be presentedunder politicallyas well as artisticallypro-
pitious circumstances."'56 Conducted by KarlB6hm, the Europeanpremiere
ofJeu de cartestook place during the Gaukulturwoche,the regionalartsfesti-
val organized and supportedby the Nazi Party.'57The balletwas a "reallybig
success,"Streckerreported. "All the important, modern-minded criticswrite
enthusiasticallyand greet the work and its successas your artisticrehabilitation
in Germany."158

153. Ibid., 161-62.

154. Streckerto Stravinsky,26/27 November 1936 (PSS). Stravinskycomplied on 2 Decem-
ber, sending "the synopsisof the action in French and the scenarioin French and English, to be
translatedinto German, in case you need them for the piano score and orchestrascore" (PSS;
translationfrom SSC2:318). Though his work was not credited, the piano score of eu de cartes
was prepared for Schott's in Paris by the (Jewish) pianist and composer Erich Itor Kahn
(1905-56), who until April 1933 had been Rosbaud'sassistantat FrankfurtRadio.
155. Streckerto Stravinsky,6 July 1937 (PSS): "Alle unsere deutschen Ballette k6nnen sich
mit den auslandischennicht vergleichen;aber Dresden ist eine groSe Biihne und die Auffihrung
wird besser sein wie das Durchschnittsniveau an anderen deutschen Theatern, an das man
gewohnt ist." Streckerpreferredthat Jeu be introduced in the provinces before reaching Berlin
(Streckerto Stravinsky,26 September 1936 [PSS]). In fact, although concert performanceswere
subsequentlygiven in Berlin and elsewhere, Dresden's production was to be the only German
staging of the work during the Nazi period.
156. Streckerto Stravinsky,19 July 1937 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:252 n. 53, where "Ihr
Werk"is mistranslatedas "her work" and the date is incorrectlygiven as 19 June). On 22 July
Stravinskyreplied, "Delighted to have the Germanpremierein Dresden" (PSS; translationfrom
157. Jeu de carteswasgiven a total of seven performancesin Dresden that season:on 13, 19,
and 25 October; 4 and 11 November; 1 December; and 17 January(Schott's royaltystatements
of 31 December 1937 and 31 March 1938 [PSS]). The programalso included ballets Richard
Mohaupt (Die Gaunerstreiche der Courache)and JuliusWeismann(Landsknechte),both of which
were conducted by ErnstRichter.
158. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 October 1937 (PSS): "Die Dresdener Auffihrung war ein
ganz groier Erfolg ... Alle wichtigen, modern eingestellten Kritikerschreiben begeistert und

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560 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Streckeralso commented on the Germantranslationof Stravinsky'sautobi-

ography,which had recentlybeen published-fully two yearsafterthe original
French edition.159The delaywas no accident.As we have seen, in September
1934 (that is, before Chroniquesde ma vie had appeared),Streckerhad ad-
vised Stravinskyto postpone a Germanedition, which could only have aggra-
vated the animosity toward the composer evident during the early Nazi
period. But by 1937 the climatehad changed. Now the composer'sautobiog-
raphy,albeit with a number of politicallymotivated cuts, could safely appear
in Germany.160 The book "has met with much interest," Streckerreported,
"and should help to dispel rumors."161 And indeed, criticsdrew attention to
Stravinsky'sadmiration for German music, his Russian background, and-
crucially-his unequivocallyanticommunistviews.162Thus the favorablere-
ception of Stravinsky's Erinnerungen contributed in no small way to his
Concert performancesof Jeu de cartesfollowed the Dresden premiere.'63
At the end of November, Streckerinformed Stravinskyof a "fine success"in
Hamburg, though for "unknown reasons"the Munich performance,which

begriiien das Werkund den Erfolg als Ihre kiinstlerischeRehabilitierungin Deutschland."Stra-

vinskyreplied to Strecker'sletter of 21 October 1937 the following day, requesting a program;
Streckeragreed on 26 October to bring both programand reviewswith him on a plannedtrip to
Paris(PSS). In fact, Schott's published a brochureof reviewsofJeu, so that, as Streckershrewdly
put it, "in futurethe criticsknow what they can write about it" ("damitdie Kritikerwissen, was sie
in Zukunftdariiberschreibenkbnnen") (Streckerto Stravinsky,19 November 1937 [PSS]).
Stravinskylater noted that "the greatest success of the music was in Germany"and referred
specificallyto the ballet's"greatstage successin Dresden" (though he mistakenlygave the year as
1938) (Stravinskyand Craft, Themesand Episodes,35). The referenceto Dresden does not appear
in the revisededition (Stravinsky,Themesand Conclusions,44).
159. Igor Stravinsky,Erinnerungen, trans. Richard Tungel (Zurich and Berlin: Atlantis-
Verlag,1937). On 23 April 1937 L. SchwannDruckereiund Verlagof Dusseldorfhad written to
Stravinsky,hoping to arrangea meeting in Parisbetween their representativeand the composer
(PSS). It is tempting to speculatethat the Germanfirm may also have been interestedin publish-
ing the work.
160. The German edition contained two substantialcuts. One involved Stravinsky'scaustic
remarkson the BayreuthFestival,the other his (largelyfavorable)comments on Jewishviolinists.
See Joan Evans, "Some Remarks on the Publication and Reception of Stravinsky's Erin-
nerungen,"Mitteilungender Paul SacherStiftung9 (1996): 17-23. Oddly, although the passage
dealing with Bayreuthwas restored after 1945, Stravinsky'scomments concerning Jewishviolin-
ists were not. They arelackingin all Germaneditions of his autobiographyto date.
161. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 October 1937 (PSS;translationfrom SSC2:502).
162. See, for example,Edwinvon der Nfill's comments in his reviewof the Berlinpremiereof
Le baiserde la fee ("DurchschlagenderErfolg des Staatsopem-Auftrags.Der grofe Ballettabend
im Hause Unter den Linden," BerlinerZeitung am Mittag, 4 October 1937). See also Evans,
"Publicationand Reception of Stravinsky'sErinnerungen,"20.
163. One week before the work opened in Dresden, Streckerconfirmed that Hamburg,
Berlin,Munich, Munster,Stuttgart,and Wiesbadenhad alreadyscheduledconcert performances
(Streckerto Stravinsky,6 October 1937 [PSS]).

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 561

Clemens Krausswas to have conducted on the fifteenth,did not take place.l64

The work was performedin Wiesbadenon 14 January1938, while the Berlin
Philharmonic'sperformance(under Eugen Jochum) ten days earlierhad gar-
nered "unanimouslyfavorable"reviews.165
The performanceof Jeu de cartesin Munster on 20 May 1938 was con-
ducted by Hans Rosbaud, who at end of the previous season had left
FrankfurtRadio to become Mtinster'sGeneralmusikdirektor. Rosbaud's de-
parturefrom Frankfiurt was directlyrelatedto his involvementin the plans to
bring Stravinskybackto Germanyin 1936. On 26 Februaryof that year-just
four days after Streckerhad reported to the composer concerning "under-
ground intrigues" at FrankfurtRadio-the Gestapo questioned Josef Felix
Hess, the station's second Kapellmeister,concerning Rosbaud. An ardent
partymember (and storm trooper)who had long despisedhis superior'smod-
ernist sympathies, Hess denounced Rosbaud. Describing him as having a
"Jewishmanner"("jiidischeArt"), Hess pointed out that Rosbaud "had re-
cently negotiated with Stravinskyin order to engage him and his son for a
piano recital."166He also brought to the Gestapo's attention the fact that a
Stravinskyrecording had been played at Frankfirt Radio, an apparentrefer-
ence to the broadcastof Stokowski'sSacrein August 1934. The radioauthori-
ties came to Rosbaud's defense and relieved the second Kapellmeisterof his
duties. Hess then took the radio station to court, where in the summer of
1936 he publicly repeated his accusationsagainst Rosbaud. Hess's dismissal
was finallyupheld, but the widely publicized affaircontributed to Rosbaud's
decision to abandonthe politicallysensitiveatmosphereof FrankfurtRadio for
the relativeseclusionof provincialMiinster.167

164. Streckerto Stravinsky,27 November 1937 (PSS): "Kartenspielim Konzert hatte auch
in Hamburg einen schonen Erfolg. Die Miinchner Auffuhrung fand aus mir unbekannten
Griinden nicht statt." The Hamburg performance (under Eugen Jochum) took place on
22 November. Strecker had sent Stravinskydetails of the planned Munich performance on
26 October (PSS;see SSC2:321).
165. Streckerto Stravinsky,14 January1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:257 n. 60). Carl
Fischerconducted in Wiesbaden.Jochum's Berlin performancewas to have been conducted by
Furtwangler.Streckerfelt that Jochum "treatedthe work too romantically"and looked forward
to Stravinsky'srecorded interpretationof the work, which, "in Germany at least," would be
acceptedas "the authenticone" (translationfrom SSC3:257 n. 60).
166. "Rossbaud [sic] [ist] noch in jiingster Zeit mit Strawinskyin Verhandlungengetreten,
um ihn und seinen Sohn zu einem Klavierkonzertzu verpflichten"(ArbeitsgerichtFrankfurtam
Main, "In Sachen Hess [vs.] ReichssenderFrankfurta.M.," 3 July 1936,2). A carboncopy of the
twelve-page document is preserved in the Hans Rosbaud Collection, Hans Moldenhauer
Archivesat WashingtonState University,Pullman,Wash. Other relevantdocuments are found at
the BundesarchivBerlin(Reichsmusikkammer files, "Hess, Josef").
167. An account of the affairappearedin the FrankfurterZeitung on 13 June 1936 ("Eine
Kiindigungam ReichssenderFrankfurtvor dem Arbeitsgericht").Accordingto this article,which
was reprinted the following day in several other German papers, Hess described Rosbaud as
"the embodiment of the typicalJew" and claimedthat he understood music "in a Jewishsense."
The account that appearedin the Berliner Tageblatton 14 June is reprinted in Joseph Wulf,

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562 Journal of the American Musicological Society

"Too great a sensation"

The acceptanceof Stravinsky'smusic after 1936 did not extend to Stravinsky
the performer.Conductors and concert organizerswere well awarethat the
"prize-fightelement"implicitin a personalappearancewas likelyto arouseop-
position.168Although a number of promisingleads developed in the wake of
his Baden-Badenvisit, and although his supportersdid their utmost to help,
Stravinsky's1936 engagement remained his only public appearancein Nazi
In August 1937, encouragedby the successof Persephone in Braunschweig
and by the extensive plans for the 1937/38 season, Stravinskyagain at-
tempted to secure German engagements. Having alreadyagreed to conduct
concert performancesofJeu de cartesin Venice, London, Amsterdam,Naples,
and Paris, he now thought to add Germanyto his itinerary."What are the
possibilities of my conducting a certain number of concerts this winter in
Germany,including Jeu de cartes,with Frankfurtas the base?"he wrote to
Strecker.169 His request was unfortunatelya little late, Streckerreplied, since
most of the season's programs had already been decided upon. But he
promised to contact GustavFinemanofWestdeutsche Konzertdirektion,who
might be able to arrangesomething. Two days laterhe relayedan encourag-
ing message:engagementsin Berlin,Munich, Minster, and Wiesbadenmight
still be possible.l70Stravinskyimmediatelyinformed Fineman that he would
be "quitehappyto conduct in Germanythis season."As for his fees, he wrote,
"My wish is expressed with the words 'as much as possible'-'je mehr je
besser'-, and in any case not less than a thousand marks."171 Westdeutsche
Konzertdirektion responded that the Berlin Philharmonic, the Leipzig
Gewandhaus, the Frankfurt Museums-Gesellschaft, and the Hamburg

Musik im Dritten Reich: Eine Dokumentation (Giitersloh: Sigbert Mohn Verlag, 1963), 375
("Ein Fallin Frankfurtam Main").
Rosbaud regarded Muinsteras an interim move, since he hoped to find a position in the
United States. In this he was unsuccessful,despite the support of a number of influentialfigures.
These included Arturo Toscanini,Arthur Judson (of Columbia Artists), and Stravinsky,who at
Rosbaud'srequest provided him in September 1936 with a letter of recommendation(see SSC
3:239 n. 35). Rosbaudremainedin Miinsteruntil 1941, when he accepteda position in German-
occupied Strasbourg.He spent the final months of the war at Munich Radio's Bayreuthstudios.
See Joan Evans, "Hans Rosbaud and New Music: From 1933 to the EarlyPostwar Period," in
DeutscheLeitkultur Musik, ed. Albrecht Riethmiiller and Michael H. Kater (Stuttgart: Frank
Steiner Verlag, forthcoming), and (in the same volume) Boris v. Haken, "The Case of Mister
Rosbaud:Die Fortsetzung einer Karriereim Nachkriegsdeutschland."
168. The quote is from Walsh,Stravinsky: A CreativeSpring,479.
169. Stravinskyto Strecker,2 August 1937 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:252).
170. Streckerto Stravinsky,4 and 6 August 1937 (PSS).
171. Stravinskyto GustavFineman, 8 August 1937 (PSS): "je seraisassez content de diriger
en Alemagne cette saison. ... Mon desir s'exprimepar les mots 'le plus possible'-'je mehr je
besser'-, et en tout cas pas moins de mille RM."

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 563

Philharmonicwere all interested, but would prefer that Stravinskypostpone

his engagements to the following season, since programs for the 1937/38
seasonwere alreadyset. Stravinskyagreed. "If I stayin Europe next year ... ,"
he wrote, "I am readyto accepta Germantour as conductorof myworks.In the
event that I go to America, it would still be possible for me to come to
Germanyand give this seriesof concertsin the autumn of 1938."172
In mid-November Stravinskyreceived from the same agency an offer
to conduct a concert on 10 July 1938 in Bad Nauheim for a fee of 1,300
marks.173Streckeradvised him to accept the engagement. There were still
"strongantagonismsand animosities"to contend with, he wrote. "Not many
people dare to engage you, since they expect to produce too great a sensation
and therebyopposition."But, Streckerfelt, a beginning had to be made, and a
concert at an internationalspa would be a good start. Even without the addi-
tional concerts that the organizershoped to obtain for him, it would "pave
the way" for a more extensiveengagement the following season. "Conditions
here areunusual,"he added, "andmany currentsexistwhose meaning and in-
fluence aredifficultto assess."'74
Stravinskyaccepted the offer.175But once again trouble loomed on the
horizon. As in Frankfurttwo years earlier,plans for the composer's personal
participationran up against local opposition, and permissionfor his appear-
ance was denied. Streckersent Stravinskythe news at the end of April. In an
attempt to discoverwhat lay behind the refusal,he had queried the Reichs-
musikkammer;its advice was "not to force the issue." The officialin charge
happenedto be "an avowed enemy of your music, as well as an influentialper-
son," Streckerexplained."If we were to request that this refusalbe lifted, the
case would be made into a precedent for an overall injunction againstyour
works."176"Unfortunately,"he added, "thereare so many differentdirections

172. Westdeutsche Konzertdirektionto Stravinsky,28 August 1937 (PSS). Stravinskyto

Westdeutsche Konzertdirektion, 5 September 1937 (PSS): "si je reste en Europe l'annee
prochaine..., je suispret a accepterune tournee en Allemagne commechefd'orchestre de mesoeu-
vres.Dans le cas que je m'en ailleen Ameriqueil me seraittoujourspossiblede veniren Alemagne
et de donner cette seriede concertsen automne 1938" (emphasisoriginal).(The date of the letter
is incorrectlygiven as 7 Septemberin SPD, 553.)
173. Finemanto Stravinsky,15 November 1937 (PSS).
174. Streckerto Stravinsky,27 November 1937 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:254-55 n. 57).
175. In his letter of 7 December 1937, StravinskyaskedStreckerto convey his acceptanceto
Westdeutsche Konzertdirektion(PSS). On 16 Februarythe agency confirmed to Schott's the
composer'sfee of 1,300 marks(Schott's). On the adviceof Henri Jourdan,culturalattacheof the
French Institutein Berlin,Stravinskyrequestedthat Bad Nauheim arrangeto have his fee paid di-
rectly to him in France,thus circumventingthe restrictionson taking currencyout of Germany
(Stravinskyto Strecker,27 February1938 [PSS]). Stravinskyhad met with Jourdanthe previous
week, when the composer was in Berlinto recordJeu de cartes.Also present at the meeting was
Telefimken'sartisticdirector,Herbert Grenzebach(not "Grenzbach,"as given in SSC3:259).
176. Streckerto Stravinsky,29 April 1938 (PSS). Streckermistakenlywrites 29 May. The
translationis from SSC3:262 n. 72, where the date is incorrectlygiven as 20 April.

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564 Journal of the American Musicological Society

and currentsin Germanyat present that it is wise not to push through any-
thing by force." The Nauheim organizerswere "very unhappy" about the
decision, but, he concluded, "there is reallynothing that can be done about
No protest seems to have been raisedconcerning Stravinsky'svisit to Berlin
in February1938 to recordJeu de carteswiththe BerlinPhilharmonic;signifi-
cantly,this was not a public appearance.Following the successfulpremiereof
the work in Dresden the previousautumn, Telefinken had offered Stravinsky
a recording contract.178 As usual, the composer sought his publisher'sadvice.
"Is this a serious,qualityfirm,"he asked,"and,if so, what termsshould I set?"
Streckerencouraged him to accept the offer, pointing out that a recording
with Telefimken,the largestand most powerful record company in Germany,
might also sparkpublic interestin his other recordings,which, since they were
neither made nor advertisedin Germany,remained "practicallyunavailable"
("so gut wie nicht erhaltlich").179 On the morning of 8 December 1937, dur-
ing stopover in Berlin while en route to concerts in Tallinn and Riga,
Stravinsky met with Telefunken officialsand worked out a contract.180He re-
turned on 18 February to make what was the premiere recording of the
work.181After hearing the sample discs, which were sent to Parisvia diplo-
matic pouch, Stravinskypronounced the recording excellent.182He was less

177. Streckerto Stravinsky,29 April 1938: "Es herrschenleider augenblicklichsoviele ver-

schiedene Richtungen und Stromungen in Deutschland, daf man klug tut, nichts mit Gewalt
durchzusetzen.Man ist in Nauheim sehr ungliicklichiiber diese Entscheidung,gegen die sich lei-
der wirklichnichts machen laft." Stravinskyseems to have doubted that the engagement would
take place;on 30 April he replied, "I was certainthat the Bad Nauheim affairwould end in a re-
fusal"(PSS;translationfrom SSC3:262).
178. Telefunkenplatte,Aufiahme-Abteilung, to Stravinsky,29 November 1937 (PSS).
179. Stravinskyto Strecker,1 December 1937 (translationfrom SSC 3:255); and Streckerto
Stravinsky,3 December 1937 (PSS).
180. Stravinskyto Strecker,18 December 1937 (PSS; see SSC 3:255). An eight-point state-
ment giving details of the recording project is contained in Grenzebach'sletter of 15 February
1938 to the composer; the final contract was sent by Grenzebach on 7 March (i.e., after the
recordinghad been completed) (PSS).
181. Stravinskyto Strecker,17 February1938 (PSS). On 3 JanuaryStravinskyhad written to
his publisher,"I am waiting impatientlyfor the letter from these gentlemen giving me at least an
idea of the dates (in February.. .) when the Berlin Philharmonicwill be free to record Jeu de
cartes"("Avec impatiencej'attendsla lettre de ces messieursme donnant au moins une idee des
dates [en f6vrier . .] ou la Philharmoniede Berlinsera libre d'enregistrerJeu de cartes")(PSS).
The work was recorded on 19 and 21 February(TelefunkenSK2460-2). "Everythingwent very
well in Berlinat the Singakademie,"Stravinskyreported to Streckeron 27 February."I was very
happy to record my Jeu de carteswith that magnificent orchestra"(PSS; translationfrom
3:258). The BerlinPhilharmonicknew the work well, since (as noted above) they had performed
it under Jochum'sdirectionthe previousmonth.
182. Stravinsky's verdict was communicated to Grenzebach in a postcard of 4 April
(Grenzebach to Stravinsky,7 April 1938 [PSS]). On 24 March 1938 Henri Jourdanhad in-
formed Stravinskythat the discs had arrivedat the Frenchembassyin Berlinand could be picked
up in Parisat the Ministere des AffairesEtrangeres,Quai d'Orsay (PSS). Stravinskyshould
hesitateto callon him, Jourdanwrote, if he could be of furtherhelp-an offer that the composer
was shortlyto take up.

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 565

pleasedwith the time it took-nearly five months-to obtain his fees. "Diffi-
cultiesconcerningengagementsby foreign artistshave once againarisen... ,"
Streckerreported in earlyApril. "At presentwe must be constantlyprepared
for all kinds of surprises."'83
Stravinsky'sportraitwas given pride of place in Telefunken'sApril catalog.
Hans Reimann assuredcustomers that this music could be enjoyed even by
"untrainedears" ("ungeschulten Ohren").184His comment that "whoever
loves Tchaikovskymust love Jeu de cartes"("werTschaikowskyliebt, mufi das
'Kartenspiel'. . . liebgewinnen") echoes a persistenttheme. Edwin von der
Nill, for example, who characterizedLe baiserde la fee as "back to Russian
Romanticism,back to Tchaikovsky,"describedJeu as a "complete retreatto
old Russia."'85It is deeply ironic that despite the composer's efforts to dis-
tance himselffrom his Russianroots duringthis period, Germancritics,listen-
ing to his music through a filter of "blood and soil" ("Blut und Boden")
ideology, praisedits perceivedRussian,hence suitably"national,"qualities.
Stravinsky'srecording of Jeu de carteswas greeted with keen interest in
Germany and contributed, along with the German publication of his auto-
biography,to the high profile that his music achieved during the 1937/38
season.186By the end of June, well over a thousand copies had been sold in
Germany187-thisdespite the negativepublicitygeneratedthe previousmonth
by the composer'sinclusionin the "DegenerateMusic" exhibitionin Diissel-
dorf (discussedbelow). Not surprisingly,the recordingalso attractedinterna-
tional attention, with at least one reviewermaking pointed referenceto the
circumstancesunder which it was made. Given Germany's attitude toward
modem music as shown by its treatmentof Hindemith, wrote a French critic,
the coupling of Stravinsky'sname with that of the Berlin Philharmonicwas
not without a certain irony. It was also ironic, he noted, that Jeu, with its
Viennese allusions,paid tributeto a country that since the recentAnschlussno

183. Streckerto Stravinsky,8 April 1938 (PSS): "Es sind inzwischen schon wieder neue
Schwierigkeitenwegen Engagements auslandischerKiinstlerentstanden ... Wir mussen augen-
blicklichauf mancherleiUberraschungenstandig gefait sein." Grenzebachhad hoped (unsuc-
cessfully,as it turned out) to be able to send the money through diplomaticchannels(Grenzebach
to Stravinsky,14 January1938 [PSS]). On 28 March Stravinskywrote Grenzebachconcerning
his advance(PSS). Having heard nothing by 6 April, he asked Streckerto investigate(Schott's).
(Since the date is missing on Stravinsky'scopy of this letter, it appearsin SSC 3:259 as "[Early
April 1938].") Only on 5 Julycould Telefunkeninform Stravinskythat permissionto transferthe
funds had finallybeen obtained; one week later a check for 13,629 francs(1,040 marks),drawn
on a Frenchbank,was sent by the DresdnerBankto the composer (PSS).
184. A copy of the catalog is preserved at PSS. The recording was released on 1 April
(Grenzebachto Stravinsky,7 April 1938 [PSS]).
185. Edwin von der Nill, "Zwei Deutsche und Strawinsky.Ein Hohepunkt der Sachsischen
Gaukulturwoche:Deutsche Urauffiihrungvom 'Kartenspiel'im Rahmen des Ballettabendsder
DresdenerOper," BerlinerZeitungam Mittag, 14 October 1937.
186. For reviews of Stravinsky'srecording of Jeu, see RichardPetzoldt, AllgemeineMusik-
zeitung65 (1938): 381; and Herbert Gerigk,Die Musik30 (1937/38): 782.
187. Telefimkento Stravinsky,26 July 1938 (PSS).

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566 Journal of the American Musicological Society

longer existed.l88The growing acceptanceof Stravinsky'smusic was reflected

in an increasedinterestin other recordingsof his music as well. This is already
evident from a reviewthat appearedin March 1938, just before the releaseof
Jeu de cartes,in which Helmut Schmidt-Garre,with a sympatheticmatter-of-
factness, discussed a wide varietyof Stravinsky'srecordings. These included
performancesof two controversialearlierworks, both of which had become
strangersto Germany:Sacre("unbelievablerhythmicprecision")and Histoire
du soldat ("an outstandingly successfulrecording"). Apparentlyunaware of
Samuel Dushkin's "non-Aryan"status, the reviewer singled out for special
attention the "technicallyexcellent"recordingof the Violin Concerto.'89
Streckerhad hoped (in vain, as it turned out) that on his way back to Paris
from his recording engagement in Berlin, Stravinsky might stop off in
Mainz to see the "excellent"new production of Firebird.190 If he could at-
tend, Streckerwrote, it might be possible to schedule an extraperformance.
His appearance"would be noticed in all of southern Germany"and would
provide encouragement for his loyal Mainz supporters. Strecker assured
Stravinskythat his presence would be unlikely to provoke a demonstration,
since "it would alreadybe the fifth performance"(i.e., not opening night).19'
Among Stravinsky's supporters, Strecker singled out the city's General-
musikdirektor,KarlMariaZwiffler,"an unusuallygood conductor ..., who
has now done the Petrushkasuite, the Symphonyof Psalms,and Firebird,one
right after the other. No other German city up to now has dared such a
feat."192Streckercould have mentioned a fact that surely contributed to the

188. PierreKaldor,"Jeux[sic] de cartes,d'Igor Strawinsky,"Marianne, 18 May 1938.

189. Helmut Schmidt-Garre, "Zeitgenossische Musik auf Schallplatten," Allgemeine
Musikzeitung65 (1938): 157. Other Stravinskyrecordingsdiscussedin this review are Firebird,
Petrushka,Capriccio,Symphonyof Psalms,the Octet, and the Serenadein A. Additional reviews
from this period include those by Herbert Gerigkin Die Musik30 (1937/38): 688 (Serenadein
A) and 833 (Octet), and in Die Musik31 (1938/39): 212 (Petrushka)and 265 (Lesnoces);as well
as those by RichardPetzoldt in AMZ65 (1938): 588 (Capriccio)and 758 (Petrushka),and in
AMZ66 (1939): 212-13 (Lesnoces)and 428-29 (Fireworks).
190. Streckerto Stravinsky,28 January1938; the productionopened on 26 January(Schott's
royaltystatementof 31 March 1938) (PSS). Accordingto Ernst Krause'sreview,this was the first
staging of Firebirdin Mainz ("Moderer Ballettabendin Mainz," Neues Musikblatt,February
1938, 4). In his letter of 3 Februaryto the composer, Streckerpraisedthe production, which for
Mainz was "astonishinglygood" (PSS).
191. Streckerto Stravinsky,28 January1938; translationfrom SSC3:258 n. 61. ErnstKrause
must have heardrumorsof the invitation,for in the reviewcited above he noted, incorrectly,that
Stravinsky"is to conduct one of the coming performances."
192. Streckerto Stravinsky,28 January1938: "Zwifilerist ein ungew6hnlich guter Dirigent
..., der jetzt hintereinanderdie Petruschka-Suite, Psalmensinfonieund den Feuervogelmachte.
Eine Tat, die in diesem Umfange bishernoch keine anderedeutscheStadtwagte." On 21 Decem-
ber 1937 Streckerhad reported to Stravinskythat "the performanceof your Symphonyof Psalms,
which I had recommended to our good conductor GeneralmusikdirektorZwifler for the
'Liedertafel'here in Mainz, had a very fine successand made a strong impressionin all the musical
circles" ("dai die Auffiihrung Ihrer Psalmensinfonie,die ich hier unserem guten Dirigenten
GMD Zwifilerfir die 'Liedertafel'in Mainz empfohlen hatte, einen sehr schonen Erfolg hatte

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 567

Generalmusikdirektor's success: Zwifler, a party member, was also Mainz's

On 24 April 1938, just at the time when permissionfor Stravinsky'sBad
Nauheim engagement was denied, the third InternationalesZeitgen6ssisches
Musikfestin Baden-Badenstaged a performanceof Persephone, whose success-
ful German premiere had taken place in Braunschweigthe previous season.
Streckerhad informedStravinskyat the end of 1937 that Gotthold E. Lessing,
Baden-Baden'snew Generalmusikdirektor, was enthusiasticabout the work,
which would be danced by the balletof the Munich Staatstheaterunder Sonja
Korty.Streckerhad askedRussischerMusikverlag,the publisherof Persephone,
to be as accommodatingas possiblein its financialdemands,since "such a per-
formance,especiallyin Baden-Baden,is the best propagandafor the work that
one could wish for."'94
Stravinskyregretted that he could not be directlyinvolved in the perfor-
mance. "I would certainlybe even more pleasedif I could conduct it myself,"
he replied, "but after what you told me, I realize that financialdifficulties

und in alien musikalischenKreisengrofen Eindruckmachte") (PSS). The work was performed

twice on this occasion (Zwiiler to Stravinsky,6 November 1938 [PSS]). The formerconductor of
the HessischesLandestheaterin Darmstadthad long been an admirerof Stravinsky'smusic. After
Stravinsky'sconcert there on 23 November 1931, Zwifilerhad written to him, warmlydeclaring
his support (the letter is undated); on 29 May 1932 he informed the composer that he had
scheduled Sacrefor the 1932/33 season and would also like to perform Oedipus,Lesnoces,or Le
rossignol(PSS). These plans apparentlyfell victim to the deterioratingpoliticalsituation.
193. Fritz Bouquet, "Aus dem MainzerMusikleben,"NeuesMusikblatt,July/August 1938,
9. Stravinskyreplied on 1 Februarythat he was unable to attend the extraperformanceplanned
for 24 February,since he was scheduled to conduct a rehearsalthe next day in Paris:"I am truly
disappointed,for I would very much have liked to attend and to be with you on that day" (PSS;
translationfrom SSC3:257). (He added indignantlythat the Parisrehearsalwas to take place "at
9 a.m.! the pigs" ["a 9 h. du matin! les cochons"; emphasis original].) Just over a week later,
Stravinskycabled Streckerin London: "My concert postponed to 4 March. Can attend Firebird
performance24 February"("Mon concert remis au 4 mars puis assisterrepresentationOiseau
Mayence 24 fevrier") (draft of 10 February 1938 [PSS]). Thus on 13 February he asked
Grenzebachto arrangea stopover in Wiesbadenon his return ticket to Parisfrom Berlin (PSS).
Upon receivingStravinsky'stelegramStreckerimmediatelycontacted Mainz, but it was now too
late to alter the theater'sschedule (WillyStreckerto Stravinsky,10 February1938; and Ludwig
Streckerto Stravinsky,12 February1938 [PSS]).
Plans for yet another 1938 appearancealso came to naught. This involved an invitation to
conduct Petrushkawith Colonel de Basil'sBalletRussein Berlinon 22 and 26 April(Stravinskyto
Strecker,5 February1938 [PSS]): "they'repaying me very decent money," Stravinskyreported
("man zahlt mir ein ganz anstandigesGeld");the mention of money typicallyprompted a switch
from French to German. The invitationfell through when de Basil was unable to comply with
Stravinsky'srequestthat he engage the BerlinPhilharmonic(Stravinskyto Grenzebach,28 March
1938 [PSS]).
194. Strecker to Stravinsky, 21 December 1937 (PSS): "Sie wissen, daft eine solche
Auffuhrung, gerade in Baden-Baden,die beste Propagandafur das Werkist, die man sich wiin-
schen kann." Streckeradded, "You see, I'm even becoming the 'representative'of Russischer
Musikverlag!"("Sie sehen, ich werde noch der 'Vertreter'des RussischerMusikverlages!").

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568 Journal of the American Musicological Society

would surelyprevent such a possibility."195He was less happy to find himself

identified as "Igor Strawinsky(Ruiland)" in the program that he received
several weeks before the performance. In the margin he exclaimed (in
German), "Russian?Not since 1934. Russianmusic?Also not. In what sense
'Russian'?"196 Streckerpromised to forwardStravinsky'scomplaint to Baden-
Baden, assuringthe composer that the mistakewould be corrected.197Ever
mindfil of public relations,he suggested that it would be "diplomatic"of the
composer to send to Baden-Badena thank-youletter stressingboth the "ide-
alisticstrivings"of those involved and the "internationalsignificance"of the
festival'sachievements.Such a letterwould be published,he added, and "thus
would be helpfulto us in the future."'98
Streckertraveledto Baden-Badento attend the performance.'99He judged
the production "infinitelysuperior"to the world premiere in Paris,though
done with very simple means. The earlypressreportswere "entirelypositive,"
and, most importantly,the performance had so far elicited no opposition.
"Even so," he consoled the composer, "it is better that you were not present,
becausedemonstrationsmight, in that case, have ensued, and these would be
ammunitionfor your enemies."200

195. Stravinskyto Strecker,3 January1938 (PSS;translation fromSSC3:256). Priebergis

mistaken in claimingthatStravinsky attendedtheperformance (Musikim NS-Staat,54).
196. Translation fromSSC3:258 n. 63. The program(withStravinsky's comments)is pre-
servedat PSS.
197. Streckerto Stravinsky,4 March1938 (PSS).
198. Streckerto Stravinsky,20 April1938 (PSS;translation fromSSC3:261n. 70). Strecker's
mentionof thepublication of a thank-you letterrefersobliquelyto a requestthatStravinsky had
recentlyreceived.Fullyawareof Baden-Baden's formerimportanceas a new-musiccenter,the
Germanpress,likethe festival'sorganizers, set greatstoreon the "international significance"of
theevent.Thuson 12 Aprilthe Badische Presse
askedStravinsky to contributeanarticleto a special
issueof the newspaper; theyalsorequesteda photograph.On 18 AprilStravinsky testilyasked
Streckerto declineon hisbehalf:"explain to them... thatone canfindin Germany... [one] of
my photoswithoutbotheringme" ("expliquez leur ... qu'onpeut trouveren Allemagne...
[une]de mesphotossansme deranger") (bothletterspreserved at Schott's).Strecker's
attempt mollify the localpress by providing them with usefulcommentsfromthe composer
cameto nothing,for in this caseStravinsky-uncharacteristically-seems not to havefollowed
199. Directlyafter the performanceon 24 AprilStreckersent Stravinskya postcard:
"Persephone a wonderfulperformance and a reallygreatsuccess,unfortunately withoutyou!"
("Persephone einewunderbare Auffihrungundein ganzgroferErfolg,leiderohneSie!")(PSS).
The cardwasalsosignedby GottholdE. Lessing,WernerReinhart(Stravinsky's Swisspatron),
theviolinistAlmaMoodie,andanunidentified person(inRussian).
200. Streckerto Stravinsky, 26 April1938 (PSS;translation fromSSC3:262n. 70). In hislet-
terof 30 AprilStrecker wrote,"Persephone hasreallysuperbreviews!" ("Persephone hateineganz
vorziiglichePresse!")(PSS).Strecker's personalrelationship withSonjaKortymayhavecolored
hisreport,forthoughtheworkitselfseemsto havebeenwellaccepted,criticswerefarfromunan-
imousin praisingthe production.The editorof Die Musikwas amongseveralwho criticized
Korty's"dilettantisch" choreography, as well as her unsatisfactoryperformance in the titlerole
(HerbertGerigk,"Musikfest derAuffihrungserfolge in Baden-Baden," Die Musik30 [1937/
38]: 556).

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 569

"The Stravinsky'problem' : the Entartete Musik exhibition

That Stravinsky'senemies were still a force to be reckonedwith was shown by
an event that took place exactlyone month afterthe Baden-Badenstaging of
Persephone. On 24 May 1938 the exhibition "DegenerateMusic" ("Entartete
Musik") opened at the Kunstpalastin Diisseldorf. It was shown in conjunc-
tion with (though not an official part of) the first Reichsmusiktage, the
volkisch-orientednational music festivalthat replaced the Tonkiinstlerfestof
the AllgemeinerDeutscher Musikverein,which had been dissolvedfollowing
its annualmeeting the previousyear.201 The exhibitionof "degeneratemusic"
was modeled on the "EntarteteKunst" ("Degenerate Art") exhibition that
had opened in Munich in 1937.202The main organizerof the Diisseldorf ex-
hibition was Weimar'sIntendant,Hans SeverusZiegler, an "old fighter"who
while in chargeof Thuringia'sculturalaffairsbetween January1930 and April
1931 had banned from all state-supportedconcerts works of "music bolshe-
vists"such as Hindemith and Stravinsky.203
The aim of the Diisseldorf exhibition, as reported by a young Wolfgang
Steinecke,was to provide a "helpfulcontributionto the mental, spiritualand
moralrenewalof the Germanpeople."204On displaywere photos or caricatures

201. Concerningthe volkischcharacterof the festival,see Heinz Drewes'sstatement,"Zu den

Reichsmusiktagenin Diisseldorf,"AllgemeineMusikzeitun,g65 (1938): 325. Drewes, who was
both head of the PropagandaMinistry's music department and vice president of the Reichs-
musikkammer,contraststhe new festivalwith the elitist gatheringsof the past ("the music is no
longer the concern of a small special-interestgroup, but of the entire Volk")and stressesits all-
inclusivecharacter:art music and folk music, opera and operetta, symphonic music and military
music, as well as music of the HitlerYouth, and so on.
202. Partialreconstructionsof these now infamousexhibitionshave been mounted in recent
years. See Albrecht Diimling and Peter Girth, eds., EntarteteMusik:Dokumentationund Kom-
mentarzur Diisseldorfer Ausstellungvon 1938, 3d ed. (Diisseldorf:Der KleineVerlag,1993); and
Stephanie Barron, ed., 'DegenerateArt": The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany(Los
Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1991). The present-day attention given the
"EntarteteMusik"exhibition, especiallyin terms of concerts and recordings,should not lead one
to overestimateits contemporarysignificance,which in no way approachedthat of its model.
203. Bollmus, Das Amt Rosenbergund seineGegner,34. Ziegler owed his officialposition to
Wilhelm Frick,who in 1930, as a result of the Nazi Party'selectoralsuccessesin Thuringia,had
been appointed ministerof the interiorin the state's coalition government. The actions of Frick,
the first Nazi to hold an important governmentalposition, were to make Thuringia a rehearsal
stage for Nazi culturalpolicies.
204. Wolfgang Steinecke, "'Entartete Musik.' Eroffnung der Diisseldorfer Ausstellung,"
DeutscheAlpgemeineZeitung, 25 May 1938. Significantly,this report by the founder in 1946 of
Darmstadt'sInternationaleFerienkursefir Neue Musik is for the most part restrictedto quota-
tions from the speech by Ziegler that opened the exhibition. Steinecke'sdetailed descriptionof
the exhibition, "Wasdie Ausstellung 'EntarteteMusik' zeigt," appearedon 26 May in the same
newspaper.This article (reproducedin Diimling and Girth, eds., EntarteteMusik, 194) was to
form the main source for the 1988 reconstruction of the exhibition. See Albrecht Diimling,
"'Entartete Musik': Zur Rezeption der Ausstellung in Diisseldorf, Weimar und Wien 1938-
1939," in Beitriige'90: OsterreichischeMusikerim Exil, ed. OsterreichischeGesellschaftfir Musik
(Kassel:Barenreiter,[1990]), 87.

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570 Journal of the American Musicological Society

of "degenerate" composers, performers, critics, and other figures from

Weimar Germany's musical scene, accompanied by "explanatory"placards.
Displayedalso were copies of scoresand books, as well as sound recordings.In
speciallyconstructed booths, patrons could hear samplesof music written by
the composersinvolved.205These included, among many others, Schoenberg,
Hindemith, Weill-and Stravinsky.206
Under a reproduction of a well-known portrait of the composer by
Jacques-EmileBlanche there appearedthe caption: "Who invented the story
that Stravinskycomes from the Russiannobility?"207 This was accompaniedby
a quote from the opening measuresof Petrushkaand a copy of an articlewrit-
ten by "the Jew Alfred Einstein."A placardnext to Stravinsky'sportraitread:
"We respect national art, but we reject the internationalin art. That is the
Stravinsky 'problem.' "208 Included among the "degenerate" scores and
books were Histoiredu soldatand the Germanedition of Stravinsky'sautobi-
ography.209In an introductory lecture entitled "Tonal and Atonal Music:
Their Historicaland RacialFoundations" ("Tonale und atonale Musik, ihre
geschichtlichenund rassischenGrundlagen"),Otto zur Nedden of Jena at-
tacked the "destructive tendencies" of Weill, Hindemith, and Stravinsky,
whose music "consciouslyaims to demolish musicalform, and has stirredup
Nedden illustratedhis lecture with recordedexamples
the basestinstincts."210

205. "The exhibition is arrangedin the mannerof a partitionedgramophone shop with the
exceptionsthat sound proofing and interveningdoors have been omitted... Apparentlythe ob-
ject is to cause nauseathrough one generous dose" (Ralph Barnes,"German'Degenerate Music'
Show Seeks to Restore 'Nordic Melody'. Reich Symphony Orchestra, 100 p.c. Nazi, All in
Brown, ProvidesProperContrast,"New TorkHerald Tribune,Paris,4 June 1938).
206. Composers such as Alban Berg, Ernst Toch, and Josef Hauer were exhibited as "lesser
bolshevist big shots" ("kleinere Bolschewistengrofien").GerhardFrommel, representedby his
Neue Klassik in der Musik, was displayed with the "Theoretiker der Atonalitat" (Steinecke,
207. "Wer erfand StrawinskysHerkunft aus einem alten russischen Bojarengeschlecht?"
(Photographs of the exhibit sent by Henri Jourdan to the composer are preserved at PSS.)
Stravinsky'smemory retaineda more straightforwardversionof the racialslur: 'Judge from this
whether or not Stravinskyis a Jew' " (Themesand Conclusions,44).
208. "Wirachten die Kunstder Nationen aberwir vemeinen die Intemationalein der Kunst.
Das ist das 'Problem'Strawinsky."By using a contrastingcolor for the word "Internationale,"the
organizershighlightedthe word, thus suggesting a communist connection. This implicationhad a
long history.See, for example,the February1924 issue of the ZeitschriftffrMusik,where an arti-
cle written by Adolph Heuss appears under the title "Die musikalische Internationale. Zur
Griindungeiner OrtsgruppeLeipzig der 'IntemationalenGesellschaftfiir neue Musik.' "
209. Steinecke,"Wasdie Ausstellung'EntarteteMusik'zeigt." A photographof a manuscript
page from Histoirewas included as a plate in the Germanedition of Stravinsky'sautobiography-
a curious choice, given the opposition that this work had long evoked from the ultraconservative
wing. Even many of Stravinsky'ssupportersin Nazi Germanydrew the line at this "satanic"
With the exception of the JiidischerKulturbund's1936/37 production, discussed above, no
Germanstage daredto produce it.
210. KarlHoll, "Die Reichsmusiktagein Diisseldorf,"FrankfurterZeitung,28 May 1938.

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 571

from Firebird("InfernalDance") and Sacre,music that he comparedunfavor-

ablyto Sibelius'sFinlandia.21
Stravinskywas dismayed to learn that he was included in the exhibition.
"And this afterthe great successof eu de cartesand Persephone(repeatedthe
day before yesterdayin Braunschweig),"he fumed, "while Firebirdis played
... all over Germany!"212With characteristic single-mindedness, and with a
degree of self-centerednessastonishing even for this supremelyself-oriented
man, Stravinskyset out to obtain an apology from the German authorities.
Following Strecker's advice, he first enlisted the help of Isidor Philipp.
"Knowing that you are personallyacquaintedwith our ambassadorin Berlin,
Monsieur [Andre] Francois-Poncet,"Stravinskywrote to the pianist, "I take
the libertyof askingyou to bring to his attention the following."213He noted
that in Diisseldorf "my musicalactivityand even my person are presented to
the public in an absolutelyinadmissibleway,"and continued:
Underanyothercircumstances I wouldnot havepaidanyattentionto sucha
display.But in the presentcaseI findit necessaryto react,sinceI considerthis
the result of unfaircompetitionon the part of certainmusicalcirclesin
Germanywho aretryingto createan effectiveweaponagainstme andthe ex-
pansionof my musicin Germany, aswellasin countrieswherethe voiceof the
Germanpressmayhavea certaininfluence.
Since this incidentseemed to be partof an ongoing "organizedcampaign,"he
hoped that the ambassadorwould "intervenewith the Germanauthoritiesin
order to defend my interestsas a French citizen and musician,intereststhat
are being severelydamaged."214

211. Given the interest in Nordic music in Nazi Germany,it is not surprisingthat Sibelius
was among those awardedthe Goethe prize by Hitler in 1935 (Levi, Music in the ThirdReich,
35 n. 29). In a series of recordings offered for sale to its members by Rosenberg's NS-
Kulturgemeindebetween 1936 and 1937, contemporarymusic was representedby a single work,
Finlandia (ibid., 146).
212. Stravinsky to Strecker, 27 May 1938 (PSS; translation from SSC 3:265). The
Braunschweigperformanceactuallytook placeon 26 May.
213. Stravinskyto Isidor Philipp,30 May 1938 (PSS): "Sachantque vous connaissezperson-
nellement notre Ambassadeura Berlin,MonsieurFrancois-Poncet,je me permetsde vous deman-
der de porter a sa connaissancece qui suit." On the same day, Stravinskysent Streckera copy of
his letter to Philipp, written "after a conversationwith him (and following your letter of the
28th)" (PSS; translationafter SSC 3:266, which mistakenlygives "our conversationwith him").
Strecker'sletter of 28 May to Stravinskyseems not to have survived. Stravinskywas well ac-
quainted with the pianist, with whom both he and his son Soulima had studied (Charles M.
Joseph, StravinskyInsideOut [New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,2001], 79).
214. Stravinskyto Philipp, 30 May 1938: "J'ai eu la desagreablesurprised'apprendredes
journauxallemandsparvenusici que mon activitemusicaleet ma personne meme y sont presentes
au public d'une facon absolument inadmissible.En toute autre circonstanceje n'aurais
pas prete
attention a une pareillemanifestation.Mais dans le cas present j'eprouve la necessite de reagir
puisqueje considerececi comme le resultatd'une concurrencedeloyalede certainsmilieux musi-
caux allemandsqui tachent de creer une arme efficacecontre moi et l'expansionde ma musique
en Alemagne ainsi que dans les pays oui la voix de la presse allemandepeut avoir une certaine

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572 Journal of the American Musicological Society

Philippagreed to send a registeredletter to Fran0ois-Poncetthe same day,

enclosing a copy of Stravinsky'sletter.215He also gave the composer a letter of
introduction to Jean Marx, an "importantfunctionary"("un gros fonction-
naire")in the Department of Politicaland CommercialAffairsat the Ministry
of Foreign Affairsin Paris.216 Stravinskymet with Marx that very day.At the
latter'srequest,he followed up their meeting with a "shortsketch of the affair
that was the object of our conversation."217 After describing the exhibition
and quoting from reviews that had appeared in the DeutscheAllgemeine
Zeitungand the BerlinerZeitungam Mittag, Stravinskyrepeatedthe chargeof
"unfaircompetition":"instancesof such hostile acts againstme and my music
recur repeatedlyin recent years,and seem to be part of a well-organizedand
well-executedcampaign."As shown by the captionunder his portrait,he con-
tinued, his enemies even "triedto imply"that he was a Jew:"knowingthe un-
fortunate significanceof this question in Germany,I consider this an attempt
to create an effectiveweapon againstme and my work to which I cannot re-
main indifferent."218 Marx arrangedfor a diplomaticnote to be sent by the
French embassy in Berlin to the German Foreign AffairsOffice. It stressed
the contradictionbetween Stravinsky'sportrayalin Diisseldorf and the bril-
liant success of one of his stage works in the German capitalthat winter (i.e.,
the Staatsoper'sproduction of Le baiserde lafee).219
Stravinskynext turned to Henri Jourdanof the French Institute in Berlin.
He demanded from the Reichsmusikkammer,"which organized this exhibi-

influence.Etantdonne que ces actes d'hostilitene se presententpas pour la premierefois et parais-

sent a mes yeux comme une campagneorganiseeet suivie,j'espereque notre Ambassadeurtrou-
vera opportun d'interveniraupresdes autoritesallemandespour d6fendremes interetsde citoyen
et musicienfrancaisqui sont serieusementleses."
215. Stravinskyto Strecker,30 May 1938 (PSS). In his replyof 4 June 1938 Fran;ois-Poncet
assuredPhilippthat Stravinskycould count on his support (PSS).
216. Stravinskyto Strecker,30 May 1938. Philipp's letter of introduction (dated "lundi"
[i.e., 30 May]) is preserved at PSS, along with an envelope addressed to Monsieur Marx,
Ministeredu AffairesEtrangeres.
217. Stravinskyto Marx, 31 May 1938 (PSS): "Comme suite a notre entretien d'hier et sui-
vant votre d6sir,je m'empresse de vous donner ci-apresun bref aperqude la question qui etait
l'objet de notre entretien."
218. Ibid.: "Je suis venu a cette conclusion, vu que les cas de pareillesactions hostiles envers
moi et ma musique se repetent regulierementces dernieresannees et presentent l'aspect d'une
campagne bien organiseeet suivie. Comme le prouve l'inscriptionsous mon portrait,mes adver-
sairesne s'arretentmeme pas devant des insinuationscontrairesa la verit. A maintesreprises,on a
essaye de me faire passer pour un juif.. [S]achant l'importance que cette question a mal-
heureusement en Allemagne, je considere cela comme une tentative de creer une arme efficace
contre moi et mon oeuvre, ce a quoi je ne puis resterindifferent."
219. Marx to Stravinsky,14 June 1938 (PSS). The diplomaticnote from the Frenchembassy
(Pol. II 1742) was dated 15 June 1938; two days later a second memorandum (No. 381) was
sent. (This informationis contained in a letter of 22 July 1938 from the GermanForeign Office
to the French embassy,to be discussedbelow.)

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 573

tion [sic],"a statement ("declarationefficace")acknowledgingits mistakenot

only in placing him "in the category of 'EntarteteMusik,' " but also in sanc-
tioning the "provocativedoubts" concerning his origins.220After meeting
with the French ambassador,Jourdanreplied, noting dryly that "in general
the Reich does not volunteer public apologies," but assuringStravinskythat
the ambassadorand he would insist.221
"[Jourdan]thinksthat I may expect a letter of apology within the next two
weeks," Stravinskyreported to Streckertoward the end of June.222A month
later,having heard nothing, he wrote again to Jourdan."This two-month si-
lence," he complained to Strecker on the same day, "is already somewhat
alarming."223 Jourdanreplied the following week, summarizing(in French)
the officialreplysent by the GermanForeign AffairsOffice to the Frenchem-
bassy.224Stravinskywas also sent a fill translationof the official reply by the
Quai d'Orsay,though he did not receive a copy of the Germanoriginaluntil
September.225 Dated 22 July,it reads:
On the occasionof the opening of the "DegenerateMusic"exhibitionin
Diisseldorfit was expresslypointedout that the exhibitionwas not directed
againstindividualartists,but onlyagainstcertainartisticdirections.The choice
of the materialsfor the exhibition,whichhas sinceended,was the resultof a
purelyprofessional viewpoint.The composerIgor Stravinsky was represented
onlyasone of the pioneersof a certainmusicalorientation,atonality.
Theveryfactstatedin the Frenchembassy'sdiplomaticnote ..., thatdur-
ing the earlymonthsof 1938 a workof Igor Stravinsky's was performedfor
quite some time in Berlin,provesthat the exhibitionintendedto condemn
neitherthe personof IgorStravinsky norhisworkasa whole.226

220. Stravinskyto Jourdan,16 June 1938 (PSS): "qui avaitorganisecette exposition, recon-
naissantson erreurde m'avoirmis dans la categoire de 1'ENTARTETEMUSIK et d'avoirsanc-
tionne des doutes provocants sur mon origine formules en bas d'une reproduction de mon
portraitparJ. E. Blanche."
221. Jourdanto Stravinsky,23 June 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:268 n. 87). Jourdan
enclosed severalphotographsof the exhibition.
222. Stravinskyto Strecker,25 June 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:268). Concerned
about possible fallout, Streckerasked to be kept informed, adding that "a great deal depends
upon the response that [Jourdan]promises" (Streckerto Stravinsky,27 June 1938; translation
from SSC 3:268 n. 87); clearlyuneasy,Streckerrepeatedhis requestin his lettersof 2, 6, 13, and
27 July(PSS).
223. Stravinskyto Strecker, 29 July 1938 (PSS; translation from SSC 3:269). Stravinsky
seems not to have kept a copy of his letter to Jourdan.On 4 July the composer had had a visit
from Jourdan,who hoped for "a positive reaction of some sort" by the middle of the month
(Stravinskyto Strecker,4 July 1938 [PSS]; translationfrom SSC3:268).
224. Jourdanto Stravinsky,4 August 1938 (PSS).
225. The letter to Stravinskyfrom the French embassy containing a copy of the official
Germanreplyis dated 21 September(PSS).
226. AuswartigesAmt to the French embassy (Berlin), 22 July 1938 (PSS):
Eroffiung der Ausstellung 'Entartete Musik' in Diisseldorf ist ausdriicklichdaraufhingewiesen

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This is clearlynot the apology that had been demanded. But although
Jourdanregretted that the statementfailed to addressthe "painfulexhibition
of your portrait" (i.e., the racialslur), he felt that it implied a "benevolent
neutrality"on the part of the authorities.227Stravinskyrepliedthat though the
response was "not all that we had hoped for, it is nonetheless a dissembled
avowal of their gaffe."228To Streckerhe wrote that it inspiredhope that he
would not sufferfurther"humiliation"in the future. "This,"he commented,
"issomething."229It is astonishingthat in lateryearsStravinskychose to forget
entirelythe Germanstatement,in pursuitof which he had expended so much
time and energy: "I lodged a protest with the French Ambassadorin Berlin,
M. Fran9ois-Poncet[sic],"he noted, "but nothing came of it."230
Many German musicians,and not only those conductors and theater di-
rectors who had made possible his German "rehabilitation,"shared Stra-
vinsky's dismay at his inclusion in the Diisseldorf exhibition.231In fact,

worden, dafi die Ausstellung sich nicht gegen einzelne Kunstlerrichte, sondern nur gegen be-
stimmte Kunstrichtungen.Die Auswahl des Materialsder inzwischen beendeten Ausstellung er-
folgte nach rein fachlichenGesichtspunkten.Der KomponistIgor Strawinskywar nur als einer der
Wegbereitereiner bestimmtenmusikalischenRichtung, der Atonalitat,vertreten.
"Geradedie von der FranzosischenBotschaftin ihre Verbalnote.. .angefiihrte Tatsache,daf
noch wahrend der ersten Monate des Jahres 1938 ein Werk Igor Strawinskysin Berlin langere
Zeit hindurch zur Auffihrung gelangte, beweist, daf weder die Person noch das Schaffen Igor
Strawinskysin seinerGesamtheitdurch die Ausstellungabgelehntwerden sollte." (In his letter of
4 August to Stravinsky,Jourdan noted that the statement had been received by the French
embassyon 26 July[PSS].)
227. Jourdan to Stravinsky,4 August 1938. The quotations are from Stravinsky'sletter of
6 August to Strecker,in which he includeslengthy excerptsfrom Jourdan'sletter (PSS;translation
from SSC 3:270). Stravinskycomments, "If we can count on a 'benevolent neutrality'.. .,we
must now determinehow to make the most of this" (translationfrom SSC3:270).
228. Stravinskyto Jourdan,6 August 1938 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:270 n. 90).
229. Stravinskyto Strecker,6 August 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:270). Streckerwas
less sanguine. On 9 August, having read only Stravinsky'sexcerpts of the French summary,he
urged the composer to try to obtain the originaltext-or, "if this is not available,an officialletter"
("oder, wenn dies unmoglich ist, einen Brief als offizielle Unterlage"), along with permissionto
quote it, should the need arise(PSS). (The translationof this sentence in SSC3:270 n. 90 is inac-
curate.) This letter, Streckercontinued, need only indicate that "neitheryour person nor your
work has been denounced and you may count on a benevolent neutrality"(translationfrom SSC
3:270 n. 90). That Streckerwas not optimisticthat Stravinskywould obtain eitheris clearfrom his
letter of 31 August to Hans Rosbaud (Schott's). Stravinskywas attempting to obtain "a com-
pletely umambiguous statement" ("eine restlos klare Stellungnahme"),Streckerwrote, but he
doubted the composer would receiveanythingfurther.
230. Stravinskyand Craft, Themesand Episodes,36. (With minor wording changes, the state-
ment also appearsin the revisededition: Stravinsky,Themesand Conclusions,44-45.)
231. While Jourdan'scomment in his letter of 4 August that all Germanmusicianswere dis-
tressed by the denunciation of Stravinskyis clearlyan exaggeration,many Germans, including
some who supported the "educational"thrust of the Diisseldorf exhibition, deplored the stri-
dency with which its ultraconservativeorganizerswent about achievingtheir aim. The dismayof
conductors and theater directors who-without arousing official objection-had recently pre-
sented Stravinsky'smusic to appreciativeaudiences is noted in Richard Ohlekopf, "Entartete
Musik,"Signalefr die musikalischeWelt96 (1938): 374-75.

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although the composer seems never to have learned of it, in mid-June the
PrussianAcademy of Arts came to the defense of its honorary member. The
date, 19 June, suggests that members of the Academy had alreadylearnedof
the French embassy'sprotest, which had been lodged in Berlinjust days be-
fore.232At a meeting of the Senate and Music Department,Fritz Stein, the di-
rector of Berlin'sMusikhochschule,noting that internationalrelationswould
sufferif an artistof Stravinsky'sstaturewere subjectedto public judgment of
this sort, moved that the Academy lodge a protest with BernhardRust, the
Prussian(and Reich) minister of education; the Senate voted to sustain the
motion.233The Academy's action may have helped convince the Foreign
Office to issue, if not the desiredapology,at least a halfheartedexplanation.
Stravinsky'shope that the Diisseldorf "gaffe" would not be repeated
turned out to be in vain, for the "EntarteteMusik" exhibition was not con-
fined to that city. Its predecessor,the "EntarteteKunst" exhibition, subse-
quently went on tour throughout the Reich, and during its appearancesin
Weimar,Vienna, Frankfurt,and Chemnitz in the springand summerof 1939
it incorporatedmaterialfrom the "EntarteteMusik" exhibition.234There is
documentary evidence that Stravinskywas included in at least two of these
In his lengthy report on the exhibition as it appearedin Weimar,the critic
Otto Reuter noted that it included Hermann Scherchen, who, he sneered,
"treatedus to Stravinsky'sHistoiredu soldat" during the Bauhausperiod.235
His racialattackon the composer he savedfor his finalsentences:"Foranyone
who has eyes to see and ears to ear, the 'Stravinskyproblem,' which caused
a real sensation in Diisseldorf, is solved. Whoever saw these unadulterated

232. That the embassy'sprotest becamewidelyknown in Germanmusicalcirclesis clearfrom

Strecker'sletter of 21 September 1938 to the composer: "Quite a few people are well informed
by word of mouth about your negotiations"("Von IhrenVerhandlungenist man ziemlich tiberall
miindlich unterrichtet")(PSS). Stravinsky'selection to the Akademie der Kiinste, Sektion fur
Musik, had been announced on page 242 of the April 1928 issue of the Zeitschriftfiir Musik
233. Berlin, Akademie der Kiinste, Akte 1231, minutes of the meeting of the Senate and
Music Department, 19 June 1938, item 3. The minutes are signed by [Georg] Schumann
(chair)and [Kurtvon] Wolfurt.Also present at the meeting were Amersdorffer,[Emil Nikolaus]
von Reznicek, [Max] Seiffert, von Keussler,[Eugen] Bieder, [Paul] Graener,[Heinz] Tiessen,
and [Max] Trapp. (I am grateful to the Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin, for a photocopy of this
234. The dates of the combined exhibitions are as follows: Weimar,23 March to 24 April;
Vienna, 6 May to 18 June;Frankfurt,30 June to 30 July;and Chemnitz, scheduledfor 11 August
to 10 September, but cut short after the outbreak of war. See Christoph
Zuschlag, "An
'Educational Exhibition': The Precursors of Entartete Kunst and Its Individual Venues," in
"DegenerateArt," ed. Barron,90 and 95. Albrecht Dtimling states that the "EntarteteMusik"
exhibition had also been planned for Munich (" 'EntarteteMusik,' " 90), but there seems to be
no proof that it was actuallyshown there.
235. Otto Reuter, "Entartete Musik," Allgemeine ThiiringischeLandeszeitung,24 March
1939. The Weimarperformanceof Histoireto which Reuterreferstook place on 19
August 1923
in the presenceof the composer.

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576 Journal of the American Musicological Society

pictures will no longer believe that he comes from 'an old noble Russian
family.'" Following the Weimar appearancethe combined exhibition was
shown in Vienna's Kiinstlerhaus,where patronscould hear, as illustrationsof
"degenerate"music, recordingsof Histoire,Schoenberg's Serenade, Op. 24,
and Hindemith's dance pantomime, Der Ddmon.236Since Stravinskywas in-
cluded in Weimarand Vienna, it seems reasonableto assumethat he was also
part of the exhibition in Frankfurtand Chemnitz. Indeed, in its final venue
a reviewer,without actuallymentioning his inclusion, referredto "Strawisky"
(sic)as a "degenerate"composer.237
Given the widespread dismay caused by Stravinsky'sinclusion in the
Diisseldorfexhibition,one might have expected that he would have been qui-
etly dropped from the subsequent showings. In the case of at least one com-
poser, this did in fact happen. Hermann Reutter,who in 1936 had replaced
Wetzelsbergeras director of Frankfurt'sHoch Conservatory,was originally
included on a prominentlydisplayedlist of "degenerate"composers, but his
name was dropped when the exhibition traveledto Weimar.238 Reutter later
recalledthat music of his had also been planned for inclusion in Diisseldorf,
and that it took the interventionof the mayor (in storm-trooperuniform) to
have it removed from the displaycase.239Similarly,paintingsby a number of
artists, including the war heroes August Macke and Franz Marc, as well as
prominent foreignersPiet Mondrianand EdvardMunch, were removed from
the "EntarteteKunst" exhibition afterit reached Berlin.240That Stravinsky,a
renowned composer and an honorary member of the PrussianAcademy of
Arts, remained part of the traveling "Entartete Musik" exhibition suggests

236. "Jiidischer Kunstdilettantismus. Entartete Malerei, Plastik, Lyrik und Musik im

Kunstlerhaus,"Volks-Zeitung, 6 May 1939. Thus it is very likelythat Histoirewas among the "de-
generate" works that patronscould also samplein the other venues-including Diisseldorf.
237. Chemnitzer Neueste Nachrichten, 10 August 1939. (I am indebted to Christoph
Zuschlag for this information,as well as for photocopies of the newspaperarticlesreferredto in
the previous two notes above.) Stravinskyseems never to have learned of this further "humilia-
tion." Although reportsof the travelingexhibition seem to have been confined to the local press
(Zuschlag, "An 'EducationalExhibition,' 90), Streckermust surelyhave been informed. If so,
he took carenot to enlighten the composer.
238. Erwin Kroll, "Verbotene Musik," Vierteljahrshefefiir Zeitgeschichte7 (1959): 314.
Reutter'smusic had long been the object of attackby ultraconservatives.On 10 February1933,
for example, the VolkischerBeobachterclaimedthat it contained "allof the characteristicsin order
to be placed in the category [of] bolshevismin music" (quoted in Steinweis,Art, Ideology,and
Economicsin Nazi Germany,140).
239. See Albrecht Riethmiiller,"Kompositionim Deutschen Reich um 1936," Archivfir
Musikwissenschaft 38 (1981): 271. The inclusion of music by Hugo Distler in the exhibitionwas
similarlythwarted.See KlausL. Neumann's entry on that composer in TheNew GroveDictionary
of Music and Musicians,2d ed. (2001), 7:382-83, at 382. Reutter's recollection that his
was removed from the case before the exhibition opened is apparentlyfaulty,for contemporary
observersnoted the inclusion of his choralwork, Der neue Hiob. See the articlesreproducedin
Diimling and Girth, eds., EntarteteMusik,194-95.
240. Zuschlag, "An 'EducationalExhibition,'"92.

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 577

that his enemies were still influential. Despite the protests of highly placed
supporters, in the eyes of hardcore conservatives Stravinsky remained

"Your standing is entirely restored"

As the 1938/39 season was about to get under way, Strecker informed
Stravinskythat Disseldorf had canceled the production of Firebirdoriginally
scheduled for that autumn. "This may be a purely local move," he wrote,
"sinceit would undoubtedly be a little strangefor a performanceto take place
so soon afterwardsin the very city in which the exhibition was held."241
Indeed, few cities followed Diisseldorf's lead, such that toward the end of
September Strecker could assure Stravinsky that the exhibition seemed
"alreadyto have been forgotten."242While many conductors were still fearful
of programminghis music, Streckernoted, Jeu de cartes-the highlight of the
1937/38 season-had just been performedat Leipzig Radio and was soon to
be playedat Munich Radio and in Karlsruhe(also in concert).243The Firebird
suite was to be performedat BerlinRadio and in Wiesbaden;the Dumbarton
Oaks Concerto, Stravinsky's newest work, was planned for Mainz and
Miinster; and Furtwainglerintended to conduct Le baiser de la fee (i.e.,
Divertimento) in Berlin.244
The fact that Stravinsky'smusic was now occasionallybroadcastis signifi-
cant, for since 1933 GermanRadio had pursueda cautiouscourse with regard
to Stravinsky,neither supporting his music nor banning it outright. True, in
July 1934 the radio authoritieshad declaredthat there was in principleno ob-
jection to his music, but the fact that they did not provideguidelinesconcern-
ing which works were acceptabledid little to encourage performances.And
indeed, despite the attention paid to Stravinsky'smusic after 1936, radio per-
formanceswere to remainrelativelyrare.In 1936/37 the composer was even

241. Strecker to Stravinsky, 1 August 1938 (PSS): "Es kann dies eine rein ortliche
Mafinahme sein, da es zweifellos etwas grotesk ist, dag gerade in dieser Stadt, in der die
Ausstellungstattgefundenhat, so bald daraufeineAuffiihrungstattfindet."
242. Streckerto Stravinsky,21 September 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:270 n. 91,
where the date of the letter is incorrectlygiven as 21 November). The final sentence of the pub-
lished excerpt(concerningStravinsky'sprotest) is also misleading:"you have achievedthe desired
effect, even if the written German responsewas not all that it mighthave been"(SSC 3:271 n. 91;
emphasis added). The final phrase should read "even without the written document" ("auch
schon ohne schriftlicheUnterlagen"). Stravinskystill had not received the official German reply,
which (as noted above) was sent to him by the Frenchembassythat very day.
243. Not Karlsbad,as given in SSC3:271 n. 91.
244. Strecker'sambiguous wording, "Das 'Concerto' wird in Mainz und in Munster durch
Rosbaud aufgefiihrt,"is responsiblefor the incorrectstatementin SSC 3:271 n. 91: "Rosbaudis
conducting the Concerto in Mainz and Miinster."The Mainz performancewas conducted by

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578 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

included on a blacklistissued by ReichssenderBerlin.245That the proscription

in his case was not a blanketone, however,is indicatedby an annotation,"For
furtherparticularscheck with [ReichssendeleiterOtto] Frickhoeffer"("Riick-
frage zu halten bei Frickhoeffer")-yet another example of the lack of clear
guidelinesthat frustratedStravinsky'ssupporters.
On 19 October 1938, in the opening concert of the 1938/39 season, the
successfulGermanpremiereof the Dumbarton OaksConcerto was given un-
der KarlMariaZwifler's direction in Mainz-a fitting location, since during
the previousseason (as we have seen) this little city had successfullypresented
more of Stravinsky'smusic than any other in Germany.246 Even the stridently
anti-modernistZeitschriftfiir Musikwas impressedwith the work, declaring
the second movement in particular"ein kleines Meisterwerk."247Rosbaud
also included the Dumbarton Oaks Concerto in his plans for Munster that
season. At the end of August Streckerhad informed Rosbaud of the "assur-
ance" ("Zusicherung") that "Friend Igor" had received from the authori-
ties.248Though the response was less than Strecker would have wished,
Stravinsky'smusic was, he reported, "not banned and may be performed. In
my opinion, furtherenquiriesare unnecessary."Rosbaudwas to let him know
Rosbaud'sreplyrevealsthe frustrationfre-
if he met with any "difficulties."249
quently experienced by German musicians who supported modern music.
"The Stravinskyaffairis characteristic,"he wrote. "No one wants to take the
responsibility-a straightansweris nowhere to be found." His method of late
was to ask no more questions "and simply to ignore unofficialreports or at-
tempts at exhibitionsof 'degenerateart.' " Perhapsrecallinghis lackof success

245. The list is reproducedin Rathkolb,Fiihrertreuundgottbegnadet,26-31.

246. Priorto the rehearsals,Zwigler sent Stravinskya list of twenty-seven(!) questions about
the concerto, to which the composer dutifilly replied (lettersof 7 and 10 October 1938 [PSS]).
On 6 November Zwifflerreported that the public had been enthusiasticand the press excellent
247. An excerptfrom this reviewwas included in Schott's advertisementfor the recentlypub-
lished score in the NeuesMusikblatt,December 1938, 14. Ironically,the concerto met with con-
siderable disparagement in certain quarters outside Germany. Rene Leibowitz, for example,
attackedStravinskyfor his "insolentborrowing"from Bach (Esprit,1 July 1938; quoted in White,
248. Streckerto Rosbaud, 31 August 1938 (Schott's). Rosbaud almost certainlylearned of
Stravinsky'sprotest concerning the Diisseldorf exhibition from Streckerin Zurich, where both
men attended the world premiereof Mathisder Maler on 28 May, and where Streckerreceived
Stravinsky'slettersof 27 and 30 May.On 27 May Stravinskysent good wishes to both Hindemith
and Streckerfor the performance(PSS;see SSC3:266). Rosbaudwas the only Germanconductor
to attend the premiere,which was pointedlyignored by the Germanpress.
249. Streckerto Rosbaud, 31 August 1938: "Die Tatsachegeniigt aufalle Falle, dafter nicht
verboten ist und aufgefiihrtwerden darf.Man hat m.E. keine weiteren Riickfragennotig. Sollten
Sie irgendwelche Schwierigkeitenhaben und die Auffiihrung seines neuen 'Concertos' beab-
sichtigen, so lassen Sie es mich bitte wissen." Streckeradded, "What a pity that Hindemith is
ineligible, since he's writing one masterpieceafter the other" ("Schade,dafi Hindemith nicht in
Fragekommt, denn er schreibtein Meisterwerknach dem anderen").

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 579

at FrankfurtRadio, he added, "It is better that way, especiallywhen one has

freedom such as here in Mtinster."250The following week Streckercomplied
with Rosbaud's request for a copy of the score, commenting, "I think your
approach-not to askfor too manyparticulars-is the only one possible."251
For unknown reasons, however, Dumbarton Oakswas not performed in
Miinster.252But at least one performance of the concerto in addition to
Zwigler's German premiere did take place: in March 1939 Hans Schmidt-
Isserstedtconducted the work in Hamburg.That sameyearSchmidt-Isserstedt
and the Hamburg Chamber Orchestramade the premiere recording of the
work for Telefunken.253Further concert performancesof Jeu de carteswere
given in Bremen, Braunschweig,and Leipzig (Gewandhaus), and at Berlin
Radio.254Firebirdwas staged in Leipzig, Dessau, Hamburg, and Duisburg,
while Braunschweigoffered a new production of Petrushka.255 Furtwangler
performedDivertimentowith the BerlinPhilharmonicon 12 December 1938
(the only time he conducted music of Stravinskyin Berlin during the Nazi
period), and Johann Nepomuk David presented the Leipzig premiere of
Symphony of Psalmsat the end of November-albeit to mixed reviews.256

250. Rosbaud to Strecker,1 September 1938 (Schott's): "Die Strawinsky-Angelegenheit ist

bezeichnend:niemandwill eine Verantwortungibernehmen, klareStellungnahmeist nirgendszu
erreichen.Ich habe mirjetzt angewohnt, niemandenmehr zu fragenund inoffizielleMitteilungen
oder Ausstellungsversuchemit 'entarteter Kunst' einfach zu ignorieren. Man fahrt damit am
besten, noch dazu wenn man solche Freiheitenhat wie hier in Munster."
251. Streckerto Rosbaud, 7 September 1938 (Schott's): "Ihre Einstellung, nicht zuviele
Riickfragenzu halten, halte ich fir die einzig mogliche." A score of Dumbarton Oakshad been
sent to Rosbaudthe previousday.
252. A review of the 10 February 1939 concert indicates that Rosbaud conducted the
Pulcinellasuite instead (GerhardKaschner,"Hinreifende Orchesterleistungenim Musikverein,"
MunsterischeZeitung, 11 February 1939). According to H. Ensslin, who reported on the
Munster season in the AllgemeineMusikzeitung66 (1939): 503-4, the performancewas a local
253. The Hamburg performancewas announced in the Neues Musikblatt,February 1939,
10. Schott's royaltystatementfor the period 10 June 1938 to 1 June 1939 also lists an otherwise
unidentifiedperformancein Liibeck (probablyby the same forces) (PSS). The recording was is-
sued as Telefiuken E2994-5. Zwifler had informed Stravinskyin his letter of 6 November 1938
that he planned to record Dumbarton Oaksfor GermanRadio at the end of the month, but this
recordingseems not to have been made (PSS).
254. Schott's royaltystatementfor the period 10 June 1938 to 1 June 1939. On 28 January
1939 Streckerreportedto the composer that "Jeude carteswas playedfrequently,and I believeit
will turn out to be a realsuccesswhen the fearof the Kapellmeistersis overcome" ("Jeude cartes
wurde ofter gespielt und ich glaube, es wird ein wirklicherErfolg werden, wenn die Angst der
Kapellmeisteruberstandenist") (PSS).
255. Schott's royaltystatementsfor 31 December 1938, 31 March,and 22 June 1939 (PSS)
(Firebird); and Ernst Brandt, "Festwoche Zeitgenossischer Dichter und Komponisten in
Braunschweig,"ZeitschriftfirMusik 106 (1939): 880-81 (Petrushka).
256. According to royalty sheets from RussischerMusikverlagfor 1938 (the final year for
which an accounting was sent to the composer), Divertimento was also performed that
year in
Kiel, Hamburg, and Stettin (PSS). Horst Buttner'sreview of the SymphonyofPsalmswas entirely

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580 Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky'spiano music was featured in at least two recitalsthat season.

KarlrobertKreiten performed ThreeMovementsfrom Petrushkain Berlin on
13 November 1938, while Kurt Dippner played the Sonata in his Hein-
richshofen recital of 9 March 1939. The critic Friedrich Herzfeld praised
Kreiten's"breathtaking"technique and noted approvinglythat he was "play-
ing Stravinskyonce again."257Berlin audiences may also have heard the
Concerto for Two Solo Pianoswith Hertha Kluge-Kahnand Pil Kiss.258
"I can happily inform you that your standing in Germany is apparently
entirely restored,"Streckerreported to Stravinskyat the beginning of 1939.
"Theyplayyou again,and without any objections."The fill effect would only
be noticeable at the beginning of the 1939/40 season, since most programs
for 1938/39 had been settled on during the "criticaltime" of the Diisseldorf
exhibition. "Evennow you are not officiallypromoted," Streckeradded, "but
if no objections are raisedagainstyour works, then the more timid souls will
slowly begin to performyou, too."259Severalcities were interestedin staging
Firebird,Streckerreportedten dayslater,"among them Diisseldorf!-though
Thus, as theatersand concert organi-
only at the beginning of next season."260

laudatory,describingit as "an essentialpiece of contemporaryEuropeanmusic" and likening its

characteristicdistancing to the "cool as crystal" language of the composer's autobiography
(Zeitschriftfir Musik106 [1939]: 55). WaldemarRosen was less impressed;the choir'sefforts, he
sniffed, could have been put to better use ("Aus dem Leipziger Musikleben," Allgemeine
Musikzeitung65 [1938]: 754-55). The Symphonyof Psalmswasperformed,along with works of
Musorgskyand Tchaikovsky,in a concert of Russianmusic. Priebergstates (without documenta-
tion) that alreadyduring the planning stages one of Leipzig's culturalauthorities,citing "politi-
cal" reasons,had objected to the performance(Musikim NS-Staat, 55).
257. Friedrich Herzfeld, "Aus dem Berliner Musikleben," Allgemeine Musikzeitung 65
(1938): 721. The recitalprogramsare preservedat PSS.
258. See note 140 above. Priebergclaims that the "Berlinpremiere"of the concerto took
place under the auspicesof that city'sArbeitskreisfir Neue Musik, but gives neitherdate nor per-
formers (Musik im NS-Staat, 298). The work was indeed scheduled by the Berlin new-music
group for March 1940 (with pianistsClaudioArrauand ElisabethDounias-Sindermann),but it is
unlikelythat this wartimeperformancetook place.A seasonprospectusis reproducedin Wolfgang
Burde, "Neue Musik im Dritten Reich," in Kunst. Hochschule.Faschismus.Dokumentationder
Vorlesungsreihe an der Hochschuleder Kunste Berlin im 50. Jahr der Machtubertragungan die
Nationalsozialisten,ed. WolfgangAbramowskiet al. (Berlin:Verlagfir Ausbildungund Studium
in der Elefanten Press, 1984), 58-59. Karlrobert Kreiten was hanged for "defeatism" in
September 1943 (see Kater, TheTwistedMuse,221-24). According to Kroll, the pianistPal
suffereda similarfate ("VerboteneMusik,"316).
259. Streckerto Stravinsky,28 January1939 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:272 n. 96). Many
ultraconservatives remained adamant. In his 1939 book Musikgeschichteim Umriss: Vom
Urbeginn bis zur Gegenwart,FriedrichWelter served as their spokesman, characterizingStra-
vinsky'smusic as "rigidmasks,smiling irony,strikingbrutality,conscious lack of feeling, atonality
a la Schoenberg, repulsivesounds, machine and jazz rhythms"(p. 237; quoted in Levi, Musicin
the ThirdReich,100).
260. Streckerto Stravinsky,7 February1939 (PSS): "Als Ballettwird Feuervogeldemnichst
in Hamburg herauskommen.Auch 2-3 andere Stadte wollen es bringen, u.a. Diisseldorf!, aller-
dings erstAnfang der nachstenSpielzeit."

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 581

zations looked ahead to the 1939/40 season, the prospects for Stravinsky's
music appearedvery good. Zwiiler's planswere particularlyambitious.They
included Apollon musagete,OedipusRex, and Sacre,works that for years had
not been staged in Germany.261 The ever-popularFirebirdsuite was scheduled
for Bielefeld (under Werner Goitling), a concert performanceof Petrushka
for Munich (Oswald Kabasta),and Divertimentofor Essen (AlbertBittner).262
The Concerto for Two Solo Pianos was planned for Berlin, as we have seen,
and Rosbaud was attempting to secure Soulima Stravinskyfor a piano recital
in Miinster.263
Telefunken, for its part, had remained keenly interested in recording
Stravinsky'smusic. In March 1939 Herbert Grenzebachreminded Stravinsky
of their discussionregardingFirebirdand Petrushka,which must have taken
place the previous year during Stravinsky'svisit to Berlin to record Jeu de
cartes.264By June, Grenzebachwas hoping to add to the list the much ma-
ligned Sacre, a work that had not been heard in Germanysince November

"Stricken from the concert programs"

The string of performancesthat had taken place since 1936 ended when war
broke out following Germany'sinvasionof Poland on 1 September 1939. On
18 September Peter Raabe, who had succeeded Straussas president of the
Reichsmusikkammer,issued a ban on the music of composers from enemy

261. Zwiiller to Stravinsky,6 November 1938 (PSS). Apollon musagetehad received two
concert performancesin the springof 1936, however,while a third took place the following year.
On 7 April 1936 Hans von Benda reported to the composer that he had conducted the work
with his chamber orchestraon 2 April (PSS). He enclosed an otherwise unidentifiedreview by
"W.M." ("WiedereinmalStravinsky.Ein Abend bei Hans von Benda")on which Stravinsky,mis-
interpretingthe date given in Benda'sletter ("2. ds. M."), noted on the review:"Fev.1936." The
second performancewas given by the ErlangerKammerorchesterunder Erich Limmert and re-
ported in the May 1936 issue of the NeuesMusikblatt("Musik und Musiker.Oper und Konzert,"
p. 10). According to RussischerMusikverlag'sroyaltysheets, a third concert performance(other-
wise unidentified)took place in Berlinsometime in 1937 (PSS). OedipusRex had not been per-
formed in Germanysince Kassel'sStaatstheaterstaged the work in November 1932.
262. Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat, 54.
263. See MunsterscheWochenschau, 23-29 July 1939,7.
264. Grenzebachto Stravinsky,14 March 1939 (PSS). When Stravinskywas invited to con-
duct Petrushkawith de Basil'sBallet Russe during their 1938 Berlin season, he had hoped that
Telefunkenwould takeadvantageof his presenceto recordthe work "withthe latesttechnological
improvements." His Columbia recordings, he noted, were now ten years old (Stravinskyto
Strecker,27 February1938 [PSS];translationfrom SSC3:258).
265. Grenzebach to Strecker,5 June 1939 (PSS). At Grenzebach's request, Streckerfor-
wardedthe letter to Stravinsky,noting: "Thusyou can certainlycount on recordingsin the spring
of 1940, if time and your health allow it" ("Sie konnen also bestimmt mit Plattenaufnahmen
im Friihjahr1940 rechnen, wenn es Ihre Gesundheit und Zeit erlaubt")(Streckerto
9 June1939 [PSS]).

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582 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

lands.266At a "kulturpolitischePressekonferenz"that took place two days

later, specific referencewas made to Stravinsky:his name "must be stricken
from the concert programs.He is indeed Russian,but has been naturalizedin
France."267 An exception was made for large-scaleworks alreadyin prepara-
tion, but in Stravinsky'scase no one seems to have taken advantageof this
provision. Recordings,however, remainedavailableas late as 1942, when the
Reichsmusikkammerannounced that, with a few exceptions such as Chopin
and Carmen,"the sale of gramophonerecordsoriginatedby enemy countries,
or containing works by authors or performersof enemy status has to cease
within the territoryof the GermanReich." Even then, a six-month extension
was granted in the case of "records containing pre-Bolshevik and French
Stravinskydid not benefit from Germanrecordsalesduring this period. On
2 April 1941 Telefunkeninformed him that they owed him over a thousand
marksin royaltiesfor 1939 and 1940 from his Jeu de cartesrecording. Now
that restrictionson sending mail to Francehad been lifted, they requestedin-
structionsas to where to send the funds. On learningfrom SoulimaStravinsky
that his fatherwas not in France,Telefunkensent "Friulein Stravinsky"a list
of questions. When did Stravinskyleave?Where is he now? Has he acquired
citizenship of another country, and if so, which?269The royaltieswere never
"[I] have a lovely new symphony of Stravinsky'sin preparation,"Strecker
wrote to Rosbaud shortly before Christmas1939, "but at present it is unfor-
tunately out of the question for Germany, since Stravinskyis considered
French."271Confusion concerning the status of Stravinsky'smusic seems to
have lingered, however, fed by the sudden (if short-lived) popularity of

266. The communique was publishedin the AmtlicheMitteilungender Reichsmusikkammer

6, no. 19 (1 October 1939): 57. The ban was directed againstliving composers, as well as those
whose workswere still protected by copyright.
267. "Ausder kulturpolitischenPressekonferenz,"Bd. 1, 20 September 1939 (Bundesarchiv
Koblenz, SammlungSanger,ZSg. 102/62, fols. 1-2): "Von den Konzertprogrammenmiife der
Name Strawinskigestrichenwerden. Er sei zwar Russe,habe sich aberin Frankreichnaturalisieren
lassen."The report added, "In such a case there would also be considerabledifficultieswith for-
eign exchange"("Auchgabe es in einem solchen FalleerheblicheDevisenschwierigkeiten").
268. Amtliche Mitteilungen der Reichsmusikkammer 9, no. 2 (15 February 1942) (repro-
duced in Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat,400); translationfrom Levi, Musicin theThirdReich, 145.
269. Telefunken to Igor Stravinsky,2 April 1941; Soulima Stravinsky to Telefunken,
3 November 1941; and Telefinken to Soulima Stravinsky,28 November 1941 (PSS). (There is
no recordof a replyto Telefunken'ssecond letter.)The composerhad left for the United Statesat
the end of September1939.
270. Afterthe war,Stravinskyremindedthe firm (now Teldec) of the unpaidroyaltiesand re-
quested a full accounting (letter of 13 March 1952), to which Teldec replied on 21 March that
they had lost practicallyeverythingin the war,includingtheir pre-1945 accounts (PSS).
271. Streckerto Rosbaud,21 December 1939 (Schott's): "[Ich] habe eine neue und schone
Sinfonie von Strawinskyin Vorbereitung,die aberleidervorlaufigfiir Deutschlandnicht in Frage
kommt, da Strawinskyals Franzosegilt." The work in question was the Symphonyin C.

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 583

Russian (and even Soviet) music after the signing of the Hitler-StalinNon-
Aggression Pact on 23 August 1939.272Although Stravinsky'snaturalization
of June 1934 was widely known in Germany,he was still considereda Russian
composer; indeed, the perceived Russian (i.e., "national") characterof his
music playeda crucialrole in his acceptance.For this reasonit is likelythat oc-
casional performances did take place after September 1939.273 Questions
about Stravinsky'sstatuswere apparentlystill circulatingfive months into the
war, when on 1 February1940 the president of the Reichsmusikkammeris-
sued a communique clarifyingthe situation: "Severalqueries prompt me to
point out that the Russiancomposer Igor Stravinsky,who is livingin France,is
a Frenchcitizen."Thus his music was not to be performedin Germanyfor the
durationof the war.274
Performancesof Stravinsky'smusic do seem to have taken place after this
date in occupied Paris. The composer himself later noted that "Charles
Munch conducted a performance of Sacre at the Paris Conservatoire in
1942."275This must have happenedaftermid-Aprilof that year,since priorto
that date Stravinsky'sracialstatushad once again become an issue.At this time
there was an especiallypressingfinancialconcern, for Stravinskyhad deposited
many of his manuscriptsin his Parisbank,and they stood a good chance of be-
ing confiscatedif he were consideredJewish.276Towardthe end of 1941, and
in accordancewith the Statut des Juifs of 2 June of that year, Soulima Stra-
vinskysent a statement to his father'sbank attesting to Stravinsky's"Aryan"
status.The banksubmittedthe statementto the authorities,who pronounced

272. But Priebergis incorrectwhen he writesthat Stravinsky'smusic was "especiallypopular"

afterthe pact was signed (Musikim NS-Staat, 54). His view is echoed by a number of other writ-
ers, including Levi, who states that "for a time, Stravinskywas mistakenlyidentified as a promi-
nent representativeof Bolshevikculture" (!) (Music in the ThirdReich, 100). Stravinskyhimself
may be partiallyresponsiblefor the misunderstanding:"my music was played in Germanyup to
and even during the war" (Stravinskyand Craft, Themesand Episodes,36; retainedin Stravinsky,
Themesand Conclusions,45).
273. This can be deduced from a letter of Heinz Drewes to the NSDAP Reichsleitung,
HauptstelleMusik, 3 January1940: "Above all, performancesof works by protected composers
from hostile foreign countries, for example Debussy, Ravel, Stravinsky,must cease" (quoted in
Potter, "The Nazi 'Seizure' of the Berlin Philharmonic,"64 n. 93). Oswald Kabasta'sperfor-
mance of Petrushkawith the Munich Philharmonic,scheduledfor February1940, may have gone
aheadas planned.See EngelbertM. Exl, "OswaldKabasta-Zeittafel zur Biographie,"in '"... mo-
gen sie meinerstillgedenken'":Die Beitragezum OswaldKabasta-Symposion in Mistelbachvom 23.
bis 25. September1994, ed. Engelbert M. Exl and Michael Nagy (Vienna:Vom Pasqualatihaus,
1995), 108.
274. The statementappearedunder the title "Strawinsky-Auffihrungen wahrenddes Krieges
unzulassig"in the AmtlicheMitteilungenderReichsmusikkammer 7, no. 2 (15 February1940): 8.
The communique was not (as is often stated) an officialban, which, given the earlierpronounce-
ments, would have been redundant.
275. Stravinsky,Themesand Conclusions,45. See also Prieberg,Musicim NS-Staat, 399.
276. A list of manuscriptsheld by the Credit Commercialde France,dated 3 April 1939, is
preservedat PSS.

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584 Journal of the American Musicological Society

it invalid on the grounds that it did not originate with the composer him-
self.277Only in April 1942 was Stravinsky'sracialstatus finallyclarified-after
the bank had submitted a copy of the statement Stravinskyhad written for
Strecker nine years earlier.The letter from the CommissariatGeneral aux
Questions Juivesto Stravinsky'sbankreads:
I havethe honorof informingyou thatthereis no reasonto considerM. Igor
Stravinskya Jew.In fact, from the termsof the letterthat he addressedon
14 April1933 to M. WillyStrecker(of whichyou sentme a photocopy)it fol-
lows that his parentsbelonged to the Russiannobility and were of the
againsthima presumption
Russian,establishes of Jewishorigin.278


By the late 1920s Stravinsky'smusic had become an establishedpart of the

German new-music scene, with the composer being accorded enormous re-
spect by German audiences and criticsalike. But because of his high profile,
Stravinskybecame a lightning rod for anti-modernistopposition. This opposi-
tion was to be decisive in the early Nazi period, when the Rosenberg camp
took advantageof the general xenophobia to wage a successfulintimidation
campaign against both the composer and his music. This situation gradually
changed as domestic circumstancesbecame more settled. The agents of this
change were Stravinsky'sGerman supporters, encouraged and prodded by
both Streckerand the composer himself.But for championsof modern music,
Nazi Germany'sculturallife was a minefield,and Stravinsky'spersonalappear-
ance, in particular,remaineda potentiallyexplosiveissue. With the significant
exception of the first Baden-Baden festival,lingering opposition (or fear of
arousing it) prevented performing engagements, and radio broadcasts of
Stravinsky'smusic, in stark contrast to the Weimar era, remained relatively
rare. Still, public performanceswere widespreadthroughout Germany after
1936. There were premieresof all of Stravinsky'smajorworks of the 1930s,
including two separateproductions of the rarelystaged Persephoneand the

277. Soulima Stravinsky to Credit Commerciel de France, 8 December 1941; and

CommissariatGeneralaux Questions Juivesto Credit Commercielde France,3 January1942 (a
copy was sent by the bank to SoulimaStravinskyon 7 January)(PSS).
278. A typed, undated copy of this letter from the CommissariatGeneral aux Questions
Juivesto Credit Commerciel de Francewas sent to Soulima Stravinskyby the bank on 14 April
1942 (PSS): "j'ai l'honneur de vous informer qu'il n'y a pas lieu de considerer M. IGOR
STRAWINSKYcomme juif. II rsulte en effect, des termes de la lettre (dont vous m'envoyez la
photocopie) qu'il a addresseele 14 avril 1933 a monsieurWILLYSTRECKER,que ses parents
appartenaienta la noblesse russe et etaient de religion orthodoxe. En outre, ni son nom ni son
prenom, specifiquementrusses,n'etablissentcontre lui une presomptiond'originejuive."

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 585

prestigious European stage premiereof Jeu de cartes,while Telefunkenpro-

vided the earliestrecordingsof both Jeu de cartesand the Dumbarton Oaks
Concerto. And although Stravinsky'smusic disappearedfrom German con-
cert stages and opera houses during the war years,Schott's continued to pub-
lish his scores, which, like those of Hindemith, remainedin the firm'scatalog
throughout the Nazi period. Thus in the early postwar period, when Hans
Rosbaud and other like-minded conductors set out to reintroduce German
audiences to the internationalworld of modern music, Stravinsky'srecent
scores, unlike those of Schoenberg or Weill, for example,were close at hand.
Thanksto the contactsthat had been maintainedthroughout the Nazi era, the
music of Stravinskywas ready to assume a leading role in the musical life of
Unencumbered as he was by political scruples,it is hardlysurprisingthat
afterthe Nazi takeoverStravinskywished to continue enjoyingthe artisticand
financialgains that German performanceshad brought him. But he was not
the only prominent foreign composer to profit from performancesin Nazi
Germany.An instructive example is provided by the case of Bela Bart6k.
Given his reputation as "easilythe most outspoken antifascist"of the mod-
ernist composers,279it comes as a surpriseto lear that Bart6k encouraged
Germanperformancesof his music after 1933-although, lackingStravinsky's
high profile (and useful Germancontacts),his music neverreachedthe level of
performanceenjoyed by Stravinsky.Bart6k,like Stravinsky,was also interested
in obtaining German engagements. His absence from German concert halls
after 1933 was not (as is often implied) for ideological reasons,but ratherwas
due to a lack of engagements.280Beginning in February1935, Bart6kwas for
severalyearsinvolved in negotiations to perform his Second Piano Concerto
with the Berlin Philharmonicin the German capital.281In 1937, hoping to

279. Taruskin,Defining RussiaMusically,453.

280. See, for example,VeraLampert,"Bart6k,Bela,"sec. 5, "LastYears,"in TheNew Grove
Dictionaryof Musicand Musicians(1980), 2:203-5. Lampertwrites:"The threat of fascismhad
concerned Bart6kfrom the first,and he felt obliged to protest againstit.... After the firstperfor-
mance of the Second Piano Concerto under Rosbaud in Frankfirt (23 January1933) he never
again played in Germany"(p. 203). Lampert'ssubsequent statement that in 1937 Bart6k "for-
bade broadcastsof his music in Germanyand Italy"(ibid.) is also misleading.Bart6k refused to
allow transmissionof his piano performancesover Germanor Italianradio becauseneitherorgani-
zation had offered him performingengagements.
281. Janos Breuer,"Bart6kim Dritten Reich," Studia musicologica36 (1995) (Proceedings
of the InternationalBart6k Colloquium, Szombathely, July 3-5, 1995, part 1): 266-70. An
abridged English-language version of this article (without notes or appendices) appears as
"Bart6kand the Third Reich" in the Hungarian Quarterly36, no. 140 (winter 1995): 134-40.
Curiously,it is the latterversion that is given in the bibliographyfor the entry on Bart6k in the
second edition of TheNew Grove.The author touches but lightly on the composer's relationship
with Nazi Germany:"Since 1933 Germanradio stationshad not offered him engagements;after
two yearsof negotiations to arrangean orchestralperformancein Berlin,he finallyin mid-1937

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586 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

combine the proposed Berlin Philharmonicperformancewith a visit to the

Baden-Badenfestival,Bart6kacceptedan invitationto attend the Germanpre-
miere of his Musicfor Strings,Percussionand Celesta,scheduled for 21 March
in the spa town. Only when the on-again, off-again Berlin engagement was
once again postponed did he cancel his plans to attend the festival.282Al-
though Bart6k categorically(and famously) refused to supply his publishers
with proof of his "Aryan"status, he did not allow his convictions to stand in
the way of his Germanprospects.Not until the Anschlussbrought the fascist
menace close to home did Bartok realize that "there could be no modus
vivendiwith the Nazis."283
A familiaranecdote recounts Bart6k'sreaction to the "EntarteteMusik"
exhibition, in which, as a citizen of a friendlynation, the Hungariancomposer
did not appear.When Bart6klearnedof the event, the story goes, he lodged
a protest, demanding to be included with his "degenerate" colleagues.
Although this "protest" has become a standard item of Bart6kiana,there
seems to be no evidence that it ever took place. The earliestaccount is appar-
ently that found in JosephWulf's Musikim Dritten Reich,where, significantly,
it appearswithout documentation; subsequent writershave been content to
accept it on face value.284Bart6k's papers contain no evidence of such a
provocativegesture,285one that might well have resultedin a Germanban on
performances of his music. And performances there certainly were. The
Germanpremiereof MusicforStrings,Percussionand Celesta,for example,was
followed by well over a dozen performancesof the work-more than in any
other country during the composer's lifetime. Interestingly,at least three of

decided no longer to seek engagements in Germany"(Malcolm Gillies, "Bart6k, Bela," sec. 6,

"1934-40," in TheNew GroveDictionaryof Musicand Musicians,2d ed. [2001], 2:802).
The initial invitation (4 February1935) was issued on behalf of the Berlin Philharmonicby
the Reichsmusikkammer,to whom Bartok directed his reply.Comparisonof the draft with the
final letter reveals that he took care not to give offense. After suggesting the Second Piano
Concerto and requestingthat his fees be transferredto Switzerland,Bartokasked for a guarantee
that he would be paid even if, "as the result of a protest by certain circlesagainst contemporary
music or as the resultof an officialban," the engagement were to be canceled (emphasisadded).
The italicizedphraseswere omitted in the finalletter,while referencesto Bruno Walterand Erich
Kleiber were already stricken from the draft (Breuer, "Bart6k im Dritten Reich," 267-68).
Concerningother proposed Germanengagements,see ibid., 265-66.
282. Breuer, "Bart6kim Dritten Reich," 273. Bart6k learned of Furtwangler'sBerlin pre-
miere of Musicfor Strings,Percussionand Celesta(31 January1938) just days before the concert.
Had he known in time, the composer wrote to Universal Edition from Luxembourg on
29 January,he might have been able to returnhome via Berlinin orderto attend the performance
(ibid., 274). The Baden-Badenperformancewas but the second performanceof the work, whose
world premierehad takenplacein Baselexactlytwo months earlier.
283. Ibid., 279. As Breuer reminds us elsewhere, the composer's well-known statements
denouncing fascismwere made afterthe Anschluss("Bart6kand the Third Reich," 134).
284. Wulf, Musikim Dritten Reich,372 n. 1.
285. Personalcommunicationwith JanosBreuer,Budapest,19 October 1995.

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Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany 587

these performances took place during the war years: Frankfurt (1940),
Dresden (1941), and Berlin(1943).286It is deeply ironic that while the music
of the reactionaryStravinskywas banned in wartime Germany,music by the
antifascistHungarianwas performed-even after the United States, Bart6k's
new homeland, entered the conflict.
Stravinsky'sand Bartok's desire for German performanceswas shared by
many of their non-German colleagues. Indeed, after the xenophobic early
yearsof the Nazi regime, Germanybecame something of a magnet for foreign
musicianswith the necessaryracialand politicalprerequisites.That Germany
wanted to resume its contact with internationalartisticcircleswas clearlyartic-
ulated by the country's leading music critics at the time of the first Baden-
Baden festival. "The German Volkhad to cleanse itself of the intolerable
infiltrationof foreign elements," explained FriedrichBaser, but it was now
readyto resume "on a healthy basis"its mission as "artisticintermediary"to
its neighbors.287And how better to signal a readinessto resume culturalrela-
tions with one's neighbors than by welcoming foreign composers back to
Germany?The extent to which the music of these composers contributedto
the culturallife of Nazi Germanyremainslargelyunexamined.A telling exam-
ple, however, is provided by the annualfestivalsin Baden-Baden.From 1936
until the outbreakof war, a total of thirty-oneforeign composersfrom seven-
teen countrieswere represented.To mention only the best known, these in-
cluded, in addition to Stravinskyand Bart6k:Henry Barraud,Jean Francaix,
Jean Rivier,and Florent Schmitt (France);Alfredo Casella, G. F. Malipiero,
and Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari (Italy); Conrad Beck and Othmar Schoeck
(Switzerland); Arnold Bax and Arthur Bliss (England); Lars-ErikLarsson
(Sweden); Marcel Poot (Belgium); Knudage Riisager (Denmark); Miklos
R6zsa (Hungary); Josip Slavenski (Yugoslavia); and Bohuslav Martinu
What was it about the recent music of Stravinsky,Bart6k,and other foreign
composers that made it suitable for performance in the New Germany?
Contraryto still-prevalentassumptions,there was no single, overarchingpol-
icy toward new music sharedby all Nazi culturalauthorities.As was typicalin
other administrativeareasof the Third Reich, music policy was the concern of

286. Breuer, "Bart6kim Dritten Reich," 283-84 ("Anhang B") provides a list of German
performancesof MusicforStrings,Percussionand Celesta;eight furtherperformancestook placein
occupied lands (ibid., 271).
287. FriedrichBaser, "Musikder Volker in Baden-Baden.Zum intemationalenzeitgenossi-
schen Musikfest,3.-5. April 1936," Die Musik28 (1935/36): 511.
288. See Joan Evans, "'International with National Emphasis':The InternationalesZeit-
genossischesMusikfestin Baden-Baden, 1936-1939," in Music and Nazism:Art Under Tyranny,
1933-1945, ed. Michael H. Kater and Albrecht Riethmiiller (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag,2003),
102-13. Many,if not most, of the foreign composersinvolved attended the festivals.At the 1936
festival,for example, fifteen of the nineteen (German and foreign) composers representedwere

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588 Journal of the American Musicological Society

functionariesoperating within an often bewilderingarrayof competing fief-

doms. The unsurprisingresultwas a situation"riddledwith ambiguities,com-
promises and inconsistencies."289For example, although a tonal orientation
was called for and the influence of that Nazi bugaboo "Negro jazz" was
grounds for rejection, exceptions did occur. As Kater has shown, a "small,
comparativelymodernizing trend" benefited the "atonal" composers (and
former Schoenberg students) WinfriedZillig and Paul von Klenau.Similarly,
works by Boris Blacherthat made use of jazz-likeinflectionswere widely per-
formed, though seldom without controversy.290 What was certainly agreed
upon in the "strugglefor modernityin music"291 was the primaryimportance
of the composer'sracialbackgroundand politicalviews. Hard-coreideologues
were content that new music be written in a late nineteenth-century,neo-
Brahmsianstyle, but less hidebound Nazi leadersagreedwith the demand of
"cultureczar" Goebbels that composers write music that was "modern but
not un-German."292 Though Goebbels was no more able to articulatespecific
directivesfor "acceptablymodern" music than were other leading authorities,
it is clear that the German composer was expected to develop a modern-
oriented yet tonally based musical language, one whose roots were firmly
anchoredin the country'sglorious musicaltradition.
Given the importance of tonal orientation and "national"character,it is
not surprisingthat Bart6k'smusic occasioned relativelylittle protest in Nazi
Germany,for the works of his that were most often performedwere precisely
those in which a relationshipto folk roots is most explicit. This is clear from
the (preliminary)list of German performancesof Bart6k's music compiled
by Janos Breuer, in which the composer's orchestral arrangementsof the
Romanian Folkdancesand the Hungarian Peasant Songsare ubiquitous.293
Bart6k's music was featured at two of the internationalfestivalsin Baden-
Baden. Significantly,Musicfor Strings,Percussionand Celesta(1937) garnered
praisefor its "most convincing nationalcharacter,"while the Five Hungarian
Folksongs,performed the following year,were praisedas "model examplesof
artisticallyrefined and embellished national art."294Indeed, a marked "na-

289. Levi, Musicin theThirdReich,xiv.

290. Kater,TheTwistedMuse,184 and 231-32.
291. Ibid., 177.
292. Quoted in Glenn R. Cuomo, "The Diaries of Joseph Goebbels as a Source for the
Understandingof National SocialistCulturalPolitics,"in National SocialistCultural Policy,ed.
Cuomo, 210. "The National Socialistweltanschauungis the most modem thing in the world to-
day, and the National Socialist state is the most modern state," said Goebbels in July 1936.
"Thereare thousandsof motifs for a modem art in the spiritof this weltanschauung."Quoted in
293. Breuer,"Bart6kim Dritten Reich,"279-83 ("AnhangA").
294. Walter Abendroth, "Internationales zeitgenossisches Musikfest in Baden-Baden,"
AllgemeineMusikzeitung64 (1937): 217; and idem, "Das dritte intemationale zeitgenossische
Musikfest in Baden-Baden," Allgemeine Musikzeitung65 (1938): 299. Abendroth, however,

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 589

tional" character,as revealedin the use of folk-relatedelements, can be dis-

cerned in many of the foreign works performed at Baden-Baden (a point
noted with obvious satisfactionby German critics). This is hardlysurprising,
for much of the music written in the 1930s, both within and outside
Germany,employed a tonally oriented, lightly dissonantstyle, often indebted
to folk music. Whether,or to what extent, foreign composers allowed the at-
tractionof Germanperformancesto temper their more modernist tendencies
is thus difficultto determine.What is certainis that a more accessiblestyleper-
mitted many foreign composersto find an audiencefor their music in Hitler's
Germany.It also made feasible,afterthe earlyNazi years,Germany'sattempts
to reconnectwith the internationalmusicalworld.
As for Stravinsky,we have alreadynoted that criticsstressedthe "national"
orientationof his music. Indeed, "national"argumentson his behalfappeared
in both the conservativeand the officialNazi press.The strongest of these was
written by Richard Ohlekopf, editor of the conservative Signale fur die
musikalischeWelt.In a lead article,Ohlekopf, attackinghead-on the charge of
"internationalism"that had resurfacedat the "DegenerateMusic" exhibition,
arguedthat Stravinsky'sinstrumentation,themes, and rhythmsall revealedthe
"national"origins of his music. Stravinskyhad indeed been influenced by
Paris,Ohlekopf admitted, but at heart he was "fundamentallyRussian"("Ur-
Russe"). That German audiences instinctivelyunderstood this, he claimed,
was evident from the wide popularityof Stravinsky'smusic. Das Volkhad thus
pronounced the verdict, and it had done so "out of a healthy instinct for the
nationalcharacterof this music."295
Ohlekopf's defense was followed by similarsupport from Herbert Gerigk,
writing in the NationalsozialistischeMonatshefte.Like Ohlekopf, Gerigk
arguedfor a "national"origin for Stravinsky'smusic. Given that his comments
appearedin an official party periodical,it is not surprisingthat he prefaced
the "national"argumentwith referencesto Stravinsky's"Aryan"background
and acceptable political stance. Significantly,his wording-"Stravinsky has
always clearly declared himself politically against both communism and
liberalism"-echoed the composer's statement of 14 April 1933, which

pointed out the "atonal"environmentof Musicfor Strings,Percussionand Celesta.For his part,

Friedrich Herzog accused Bart6k of setting out to destroy all bridges to the past. Bartok's
"intellectualconstructions," Herzog sneered, are as empty as those of "the Jew Schoenberg"
(FriedrichW. Herzog, "EuropaischeMusik in Baden. Das II. Internationale zeitgenossische
Musikfestin Baden-Baden,"Die Musik29 [1936/37]: 497).
The performanceof the FiveHungarian Folksongs took place despite Bart6k'srecent (and fu-
tile) ban on Germanperformancesof his folksong-basedworks, a move occasioned by Germany's
decision to reduce royalties for folksong arrangements.See Laszlo Somfai, "Eine Erklarung
Bart6ksaus dem Jahre1938," Documentabartokiana4(1970): 148-64.
295. RichardOhlekopf, "Gedankeniiber ein FragezeichenhinterStrawinskij,"Signalefiir die
musikalischeWelt96 (1938): 642.

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590 Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

suggests that a copy of this by now familiardocument was on file at the Amt

An examination of the position occupied by Stravinsky'smusic in Nazi

Germanyprovides a useful case study in the ongoing attempt to illuminate
what is still a murky corner of twentieth-centurymusic history. Recent re-
searcheshave contributedmuch to our understandingof the place of music in
Nazi Germany.But little attention has so far been given to the role played by
the music of foreign composers in the country's culturallife. Chief among
those composers was Igor Stravinsky.Though pockets of opposition contin-
ued to exist throughout the Nazi period, afterthe earlyyearshis music gradu-
allyassumeda significantrole. This was due in largepart to his many German
supporters,whose efforts were encouraged by the composer himself. Stravin-
sky's acceptancewas also aided by the greateraccessibilityof his 1930s works,
most of which were performed-and well received-in Germany.Stravinsky
was certainlynot the only foreign composer to benefit from Germanperfor-
mances during the Nazi period. But as the most prominent and influential
musical modernist, against whom no racial or political objection could be
maintained,he was-until war intervened-the chief beneficiaryof Germany's
desire to rebuild bridgeswith its neighbors, and thus to regain its traditional
position as a leading musicalpower.

Works Cited

Archival Sources
files. Josef Hess.
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8 Uhr-Blatt(Nuremberg), 1930.
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BerlinerZeitungam Mittag, 1934-37.

296. Gerigk, "MusikpolitischeUmschau," 86. Neither Ohlekopf nor Gerigk argued for the
acceptanceof Stravinsky'smusic in toto.Like manyof his colleagues,Gerigkdrew the line at Sacre,
while the much-malignedHistoireremainedunacceptableto both.

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Stravinsky'sMusic in Hitler's Germany 591

Die Musik,1932-39.
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Marianne (Paris),1938.
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New orkHerald Tribune,1938.
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SiidwestdeutscheRundfunk-Zeitung(Frankfurtam Main), 1934.
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This investigationof the receptionin Nazi Germanyof the work (and person)
of Igor Stravinskyoffers new insights into the issue of modern music in
Hitler's Germany.As the most prominent modernistcomposer of the period,
Stravinskywas the chief beneficiaryof Germany'sdesire,afterthe xenophobic
early Nazi years, to rejoin the European culturalcommunity.Thanks to the
determinationof his supporters,and aided by the greateraccessibilityof his
1930s works, Stravinsky'smusic achieveda significantposition in the musical
life of the New Germany, which it maintained until the outbreak of war.
Modern-minded critics articulatedthe ideological basis for his "rehabilita-
tion": although rooted in a foreign musical tradition, Stravinskywas an
"Aryan"composer with acceptablepoliticalviews, whose tonally based music
Many foreign composers, including the antifascist Bela Bart6k, shared
Stravinsky'sdesire for German performances.Whether they allowed this to
temper their modernist tendencies is difficultto determine.What is certainis
that their tonallybased music allowed many (raciallyand politicallyacceptable)
foreign composersto find an audiencein Nazi Germany.It also made feasible
Germany'sdesireto reconnectwith the largermusicalworld.

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