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PENINSULA The Attitude towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain

TEXTS AND STUDIES ~¡ 94(460)"04/14"
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Acknowledgcmcnts ......................... .......... ................ ... ... .. ... .. .. .... VII
Abbrcviations .. . .. . .. .... ..... . .. .. ... .. ......... .... .. ... .. . .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. . 1x

Introduction .............. ... ... ............ ...... ................ .... ..................... .
Chapter Onc The Political Approach to Muslims,
1430- 1470 .......................... .... ............................ ........................ 7
Chaptcr Two Thc Intcllcctual Approach I: T he Authors .... 28
Pedro de la Cavallería .... ... .... ..... ... .. .. .... ..... ........... ...... .. ..... .. 28
Juan de Segovia ...................................... .............................. 34
Juan de Torquemada ..... ............................... ...... .................. 41
Alonso de Espina .... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. ... . .. . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. ... .. .. .... .. .. . .. .. .. . 47
Chapter Three The Intellectual Approach II:
A Stylc for a Public ................................... .......................... .. ... 56
a) Sermons .. .. ........ .......... ...... ... .. . .. ... .... .. .. ... ... .. .. .. . .. ... ..... .. ... ... 63
b) Disputes .......... ............. ................... ... .. .................... ........... 68
e) Letters ..... ....................... ......... ......... .. ... ............................. 72
d) Reports .. .. .. . .. .. .. .... .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .... .. . .. ..... .. .. .. .. .. ..... .. ... ... .. .. 78
e) Treatises ....... .... ... ... .. .. ....... ..... ...... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .. 80
Chapter Four Tradítion and Polemics: Sources for
Fifteenth-Century Authors . .. ..... .. .. . .. .... .. .. ...... ..... .. .. ... ... .. ... .. ... .. 83
Bible and !(oran .. .. ..... .. .. ... .. .. .. ... .. . .. . .. .. .. .. ... .. ... . .. .. ... . .. .. . .. ... .. 86
Polcmics in Lítcraturc: A Summary ...... .. ..... .. .......... .... .. .. . .. 90
Librarics: An Approach to Diffusion .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .... .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. 96
Chaptcr Fivc Contra En-ores Machometi . . . .. ... .. ......... ...... ..... ... 1O1
Structurc of the Treatises .. .. .. .. ... .. ... ......... ....... .. .... .. .... ....... ... 1Ol
Vocabulary . .. .. ... . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. .... . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. ... .. .. .. l 03
Symbolism . .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. .. . .. ... ..... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. ... .... l 06
Chronicles in Polemics ...... ........................... .......... ... .. ... ... .. .. 113
Characters for Polemics ........................................................ 122
a) MuJ:iammad's biography .. .. .... .......... ...... .. .. .. .... .. .. .... .. .. 122
b) Muslim kings and hcrocs ...... ............... .................. :.... ... 129
e) Christian saínts ............ ...... .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. ... ......... ... .. 131

- - - - - - - - - · - - - --···-······-···-··


d) Christian kings ................ .... ................... ..... ..... .......... ... 132
e) Christian heroes ....................... .... ......... ...... ............... ... 134
Chapter Six Islam in the Treatises ........................................ 137
Language and Rcligion .. ... ... .. .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. .. ... .. . .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 13 7
On the Concordance and Discordance of Islam,
This book is a revision of my Ph.D. thcsis. It would not have been
Christianity and Judaism ............. ..... ..... ......... .......... ....... ..... 142
possible without the financia! support of thc University of Edinburgh
a) Christian doctrine .... .. ........... .................... ..... .. .. .. .......... 145
Faculty of Arts, which provided the funds for the core of my research,
b) Islamic doctrine ............................................................ 150
and thc scholarship from the Instituto de Cooperación con el Mundo
c) Other aspects of controversy .. ................ ... .. .. .... .. . .. ...... 163
Arabe in Madrid, which cnabled me to conduct more research in
d) Muslims, Heretics and Jews ........................................ 164
the Bibliothcque Nationale de Paris. 1 wish to thank them specially
Chapter Seven The Religious Argument: T olerance and far believing in my work.
AccuJturation .. . .. .. . .. ...... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. . .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... ... .. 171 1 am also very grateful to the History Departmcnt at the University
"The Spirit of the Laws" ................................................ ,..... 171 of Edinburgh because they were always very hclpful and ready to
Acculturation Mechanisms within Society .... .. .... .... ...... ...... 182 discuss any matter. Also to Prof. M. J. Víguera Molins, Dr. M. C.
Conversion and Integration .... .... ................. ..... ........... ......... 186 Quintanilla Raso and Prof M. A. Ladero Quesada, who were .!DY h'.;l:~is..
The End of Muslim Powcr .... .... .............. ..... ... ... .... .. .. ... .. ... . 196 in Spain d~ring these years. And my great thanks to Dr. -K.i[ C.
Gerbet for introducing me to the immcnsc catalogue in the Bibliotheque
Conclusion ... .. . .. . .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. ... .. .. .. ... ..... .. .. .. ... .. . .. ... ... .. .. ... .... .. .. .. 209 Nationale in París: none of my research thcrc would have been pos-
Chronology ................................................................................ 213 sible without her.
Appcndix 1: Sources of Fifteenth-century Treatises ................ 217 1 also want to mention Mr. A. Rose-Miller and Mrs. Thisbe Burns,
Appcndix II: External Structure of Fifteenth-century who were as patient as to read and revise my English text, and Mr.
Treatiscs .................................................................................. 220 R. Wood, with whom 1 havc sharcd very interesting thoughts about
Bibliography ........... ..... ..... ..... .... ..... ..... .......... .... ...... ... .. .. ........... .. 235 Espina and his world. Dr. G. Wicgers and Dr. A. Meyuhas Gínio
111dex ........................................................... .......... ..................... 247 kindly cliscussed the results of their own rcscarch with me and made
valuable suggestions. My friends J. M. Rodríguez, F. Luis, .J. M.
Mendoza, S. Johnstone, E. Massold, E. Llndeke, A. Ariza, E. Aparicio,
E. Cortés, and M. Torre-Enciso were always a great support both
providing ideas or discussíng them- or just as great company in
librarics! My spccial gratitude to the librarians of the Monastery of
Sta. María de la Vid in Burgos, Biblioteca Felíx María Pareja
(I.C.M.A.) and the Universidad Pontificia de Comillas in Madrid,
who always made my work so pleasant- and my dcsire that both
National Libraries of Madrid and Paris and the Cathcdral of Burgo
de Osma will improve their services.
Finally, 1 would like to thank my two supervisors, Prof Angus
I. K. MacKay and Mr. Allan Hood, for their continuous attentíon,
recommendations and patience. I hope their efforts were not in vain.

sputatio contra sarracenos et Alchoranwn by Ricoldo de Montecroce DM De mittendo gladio . by Juan de Scgovia Ese.achometi by Juan de Torquemada CHE Cuadmws de Histmia de España CSIC Madrid. Bibliotheque Natíonalc BRAH Boletín de la Real Academia de la Hist01ia BRABLB Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona Cath..elus Christi contra sarracenos . El Escorial (Madrid). . Biblioteca Nacional BNP París.. Monastery Library F'F Fortalitium Fidei by Alonso de la Espina Complutense s.d. Real Academia de la Historia RUC Revista de la Universi. . by Pedro de la Cavallcría . Scntcnce of Medina del Campo (1465) zc <. . sine data (no date) Sent. ABBREVIATIONS ACA Barcelona. Manuscript PL Patrología Latina RAH lVIadrid. Archivo Histórico Nacional AHDE Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español AVCIH1V1A Actas del V Coloquio lntemacional de Historia Medieval de Andalucía BNM Madrid. . Catherinc of I~ancaster's Ordinanccs ( 1412) CE Contra enores petfidi j\!f. Archivo de la Corona de Aragón AHN Madrid. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Disputatio Di.

and the imperialist claims of Aragon in the Mediterranean. few schol- ars have analysed the approach to the "Muslim matter" in the years befare it. INTRODUCTION The perception Christian writcrs in the Iberian Península had of the Muslim community surrow1ding them. Legal sanction of the process carne with Alfonso X's Seven Parts.: "Christian. to a "total" Christian religious culture gradually imposing itself on the other two. . but also an intcllectual adversary to be defeated by arguments. which 1 Epalza. l 00-1 Ol. M. And it is precisely the period betwccn 1450 and 1470 which provides the due to understanding the political thought of Isabel and Femando. for it offered thc perfect situation far preachers to practice their skills. is one of the most interesting aspccts of the last ycars of the Reconquest.. 123-'124. A process had started with the conquest of Toledo in 1085 1 which marked the change from a "total" Arabic religious culture coexisting with two rrÍicro-culturcs (Jewish and Mozarab). The parallel development of 1\!Iendicant ordcrs and their preach- ing methods helpcd to consider Islam not just an enemy in crusadc. both within the ·Christian tcr- ritories and in neighbouring Granada. By the fiftccnth centmy. The Iberian Península was a good place to test their theories. after a long list of military successes. pp.. They could try both Muslims living under Christian rule (Mudejars) and the Muslim kingdom of Granada. " Studies in Church History (1978). 2 which established the framework for all future royal legislation dcaling with socio-rcligious issues. The facts which had brought about this feeling in the Peninsular kingdoms were Castilian self-awareness. for thc first time in ccnturies. In spite of the large number of studies devotcd to the fall of Granada in 1492. where they could travel providcd with safe-conducts.and failed-to achicve the conversion of Andalusian Muslims. de: "Historia medieval de la Península: tres culturas o tres reli- giones". R. the conquest of Granada was thought to be inevitable and imminent. A list of famous names tried. 2 Highfield. Jews and Muslims . pp.

An cnviron.: Juan de Segovia y el problema islámico. " According to R. the Ottomans had conquered a another step forward in the analysis of thc European perception of grcat dcal of the Islamic territories and advanced over Byzantium. He wrote to the most important scholars of his siastical literature as a manifestation of a "frontier church" 6 gives an time. 13. tioníng him in a special place. p. [. Daniel. Lavajo's study of Raimundo ordinary importance of Juan de Segovia's ideas concerning Islam Martí's Summa contra Alchoranum. as well as a particular knowlcdgc of Islamic A new conception of the relationship between both religions startcd society in the Iberian Península. D. nowncd converso farnily in Aragon. the king used Church personnel and institutions. . Secondly. He was himself counselor to King " Southern. .2 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 3 had led to the reduction of Granadan territory. N. Barkai's approach to chronicles in search far arguments to move Euro pean rulers to defeat Islam. 1100-1400 and groups were uncasy. R. "The Significance of thc Frontier in the Middle Agcs" lvledieval Frontier Soáeties. M. R. }iteras reales and the ideas about Islam from the twelfth to the fourteenth century. reactive acculturation hardens its cultural patterns until the effect is stressful and deliberatdy transforming its material surroundings to make little atolls in the sea absurd.. of thc clergy and the revival of crusading interests all over Europe Although Lavajo has considcrcd theological material more oqjective due to the Ottomans' advance. and was the first person to co- operate with a Muslim alfaqui in an attempt to approach thc two 3 Cabanelas.: "Los mudéjares en los reinos de la Corona de Castilla''.: Nam and the West. A lecturcr at thc Univcrsity of Sala- However. To mentían but a fcw not avoided by Christian rulers-gave place to ncw attempts at cru- which have been vcry helpful for my own approach. thc rcpeated calls with Juan de Segovia and 'Isa ibn Djabir and thcír translation of for a comparative study of local documcnts and litcrary sources 7 are the Koran. life work on the views of both sidcs using Arabic sources. as the most o[ Jviuslims. 326: "How lhcn wa~ it a frontier church? In thrcc ways. On the other hand. First it was consciously the custodian here of the Europe-widc crusade spirit.. we agree with Barkai in thinking exactly the opposite. Norman Daniel followed This book has focused on the information contained in religious with his extensive research on the formation of a corpus of European trcatiscs. His approach was severely criticized. The extra- of rnirror-images of the two cultures. and ecclesiastical theo1y. his references and bibliogra. A. l. 20. and thc expectations idea of the atmosphcre at the court as wcll as the aims of the clergy. The end of bis political life he undcrtook the huge task of translating the evolution of Iberian socicty throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth Koran for polernical purposes and devising a method to convert centuries requires ncw approaches far this period. Rurns. Edinburgh 1960/0xford ·f Pedro de la Cavalleria was a different case. Islam in the Middle Ages. ] Thirdly. which have not been complctcly explored.. W. l. far the transformation of his conqucst. his origins wcrc a re- 1992. Southern' had an even more general view of The period between 1430 and 1470 in the Península was trouble- the pcnctration of the Islamic problem in European minds and the some: civil war extended to all the kingdoms except Portugal and social response it gencrated in tlrree pcriods: 700. and his studics of the transition of Muslim to Christian power in which had alrcady a well-established backgrnund in which to search the kingdom of Valencia. it was itself dominated by reactive acculturation. Wieger's monograph about 'Isa ibn and his privileged place in the Catholic Church makes it worth mcn- Djabir and Cardaillac's work on Morisco polcmícs (see bibliography). of thcir contemporaries when it carne to considering these argumcnts Both rcflcct the difference between popular practices in the fronticr in their works. but it was still state of affairs.1100. Iberian authors werc at the vanguard than chroniclcs. 17ie Mak:ing ef an Image.. starting with the Pope Pius 11. Madrid 1952. Unfortunatcly. R. most of thesc authors have faíled to go as far as the manca and a member of the conciliarist party in thc schism. p.: Westem uiews of Islam . there are Epalza's sades launched by the pope. phy are still csscntial.which had bcen forcsccn but Many works havc continued this trcnd. The next step would be comparing this with local faeros his method was sornewhat descriptivc. The study of ccclc. . Cabanela's pionccr work3 opened new roads in research impossible to satisfy duc to thc dispersion of primary sources. religions to one another. Burns Four authors show how facts influenced ecclesiastical literature. accessible of his rnajor resources." ment can be acculturated as much by reacting as by conforming.'1 Although Seven Parts). and contemporary documents. chronicles and royal legislation (cortú. Thc final defeat of Constantinople. p. at the fiftcenth century in their rcview of Christian views on Muslims. A comrnunity in 7 Ladero. Muslims peacefully. Religious minorities often suffered from such a 1400 onwards.

to Península. and their accuracy will be discussed at lcngth. so both will appear as synonyms.fferent personal circumstances and purposes made ship which.D. favoured the conquest of the last remains thcm choose di. Islam. languages during thc preparation of the text. in a country where coexistence had been practised for kingdoms on one side. fol. 190r (cif. any equiva- search in fifteenth-century libraries will complete the background lents. a very Conversion as a way of assimilation was the ncxt step in the writ- short span of time considering the history of Islamo-Christian relations. . Finally. All the authors wrote their works between 1450 and 1461. 8 of ideas. Portugal and Granada. I shall never refer torical and . lbe1ian or Peninsular. umph of Christian faith. Navarre. 289). A brief history of polemics and a I will refer to Muslim or Saracen. incunabula or lesser dcgree in their works.elus Christi contra Iudaeos. upon in chapter 6. Aragon. beforc they could declare the last crusade against Muslim The theory that thís book tries to provc is that historical events had powcr. it is logical that any author who wanted to write about are very similar... As it seemed following century. and translations of the . The number of manuscripts. for their experience and reactions facing ·Islam centuríes. Alonso de Espina started his Fortalitium Fidei around 1459. Meanwhilc. Sarracenos. It to place Jcws. The corc of the book starts with the style of the treatises. ers' minds. was a defence of guage chosen to commwlicate with the possible rcaders. in which case they will be refcrred to as lberian Islam would try to contact an accurate sourcc. provide sorne practical details. It was the main argument he uscd to address thc possiblc.e. it must be under- Juan de Segovia y el problema islámico. The di:fferencc between law and religion was sel- dom made in the fiftccnth century. the symbol- thc Christian faith against Jcws. Islamic religi. world history widening to a new view of the Christian-Muslim relation- The authors' di. and treatises became a manual for sermons. theological: . that the end of Muslim powcr would not come as soon as expected.on for. i. on authorities was important because it guaranteed the quality of a As the subject I am conccrned with deals mainly with the history book. of Muslim power in the Península (Granada) and the obstruction of rhetorical letters. European princcs at the Council of Mantua in Pius II's attempt to Muslims andJews had to be kept from sharing too many habits with start a crusadc against the Ottomans in 1459.·. Christianiry or Christendom is uscd. The sources used to compose them wcre both his. it will be quite frequent to find referenccs to ali thc Christian Obviously. Prologue to the Koran. p. The dogmas of the Church had to be explained as much as peifidi lvlachomeb. werc used as examples to imposc a particular view of the invasion The fame as a preacher of Enrique IV's confessor made him write of Christian territories by Saracens. because at that time the Iberian Península was divided into quotations. in due time. etc.Fortalitium during the sixtccnth century gives The interpretation of these sourccs shows a new conception of an idea of the widespread interest it aroused. Cardinal Juan de Torqucmada was engagcd by Pius II in Christians had to be guided in ordcr to preserve their faith and iden- the fight against Islam through a minor work entitlcd Contra errores tity. and subsequently appeared to a grcater central part in the argument.fferent audicnces and styles to address them: sermons. although the various names used for them are 'commented from which the authors took theír information. Oral sources are mentioned in ali the books by Iberian authors.Juan de Segovia. Cabanelas. First. a t:reatise about the dangers produced by the cnemics of Christian Religious and legal arguments tricd to use controversy and laws faith. Bible and Koran shared thc first place in to Spain. treatiscs and reports will be analysed to demonstrate Turkish advancc.: Wherc Ch1istian. 132v. Christians in case they might engage in proselitism. the lan- His treatisc :(. which would finish with the end of the world and the tri- an important role in the revival of the polcmic genre against Islam. and · the cxpected effect they would I have tried consistently to solvc the difficulty of managing different have on society. stood to involve the Roman Latín Church in general. fol. their relation with the public . Dependence severa! kingdoms: Castilc. Eschatological litcrature had sorne part in The length and singular approach of Espina's work determines its the writers' training techniques. Muslims and Christians in differcnt sphercs of every- would bccome one of the favourite manuals of the Inquisition in the day life while self-awareness grew on thc Christian side. a l\/Iuslim. but he also included a summary of ism and images uscd to attract their attention and thc way chronicles general points about Islam. 6 Ff. 4 INTRODUGTION INTRODUCTlON 5 Juan II and an important member of the town council of Saragossa.

: Granada. conversos). . R. Ladero Quesada.. .1470 Names and placenames are used as follows: the authors will be called Segovia. --to Christian monarchies.. Transliterations from Arabic diffcrcnt way of undcrstandíng crusades.: "The Significance of the Fronticr in the Middlc Ages". histmia de un país islámico and Housley.6 INTRODUCTION Where several copies of the treatises can be found. of European Christcndom and Islam on either side of thcir tcrritory: actcrs.mbassics of Bur.: "Chréticns et musulrnans durant les derniers siecles du Moyen Agc". bis marriagc to lsaP. and introducing more languages ilar intcrcsts regarding maritime. institutional and both sides of'ontera hasta el imperio. . The creation of the { Qrder of the Golden Flecce. I have preferred to work with the oldest extant manu- script or cdition. showing a the Spanish word is kept (i.u:. and in other contexts Dufourq. make the duke compromise in such a venture.: La España de la E'dad M. crusade-añd~hivalry revealcd his intercst in this matter. accurate transcriptions..and England were cngaged in the Hundred Y cars Punctuation has been introduccd in the Latin and old Castilian War. War in the East became continua! whereas other specific terms: where a proper translation in English has not on the Western borders small fronti~.r~_§. although Philip the Good has been accused of being hasty. . As regards practice. except those who may have a well lmown English translation. A. Ch. also for Iberian authors and char. N. . .. 10. he is undoubtcdly the one European rulcr--except the Iberian kings-who spent large amounts of money on war against 1 Literature in English about this subjcct is particularly abundan~.. 1430.{Dukc Philip the Good of Burgundy (1396.capturr:d . to thc East. Western rulers who were are avoided whcre thcre is an English or Spanish word to use.kinnishes combincd with peace be en found because thc tcrm refers to a particular Peninsular fact..~LgfJ?...tugal----a fnm defender of crusader p9J~cies-and his support of literary works about Islam. ofJ.i. I.: "Frontiqr Socicties and Crusading in the Late Middle Ages" in 1\íedite1mnean Histmical Review. the advancc of the Turks. Whilc France . as more intcrested in crusades had family bonds among them and sim- this · is not thc work of a ·linguist. and \7 thc arguments of a Byzantine embassy in 1442 induced Philip the Good to joín the Popc's appeal to thc crusade. into the tcxt and notes would makc them more confusing. Ali other names will appear yet finishcd. Anuario de Estudios J\1edievales. . Thc samc applies to legal. was anothcr important l reason to century Iberian works. JvL A. MacKay.edia. As a result of this. the "frontier" 1 situation extended to in their English form. . Twot. K. makes them the best revised. . I. territorial and political expansion. Double consonants in Latín as an""ínstrumcnt to avoid Frcnch dominationjProbably the influence have been avoided because such was the usage in most of the fifteenth. trcaties in exchangc for tribut~.!. desde la .1467) used crusadc texts to make them more understandable.. in Nicopolis. ordcrcd by a patron.. The fact that they are usually carefully decorated CHAPTER ONE works. Cavalleria. see Burns. while in the West thc crusade In any case. Thc pcriod between 1430 and 14 70 is defincd by the confrontation guish them from European rulers. in 1\1edieval Frontier Societ:ies.. unless other- wisc statcd. respectivcly.t~ füther..( gundian nobles sent to the East in 1421 and 1432. THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLlMS. For instance. Espina and Torquemada to simplify. Spanish namcs will be used for Iberian kings and queens to distin. the particle de (of) indícating either the fathcr's surnamc that would later drive thc Muslims from the Iberian Península had not or place of origin will remain in Spanish. . E.c.

. 3 During the crusader ideal had already bcen substituted by other issues. A good example [to Constantinople's fall: he organized the -~n~lJJ. .and sent his lcgates. Unfortunately the I~Y. among whom was Eneas Silvius Piccolomini.::hivalric ideals.: Philip the Good. pp. His biographer. N .Q!t which .. p.. sacking Genoesc ships dom by thc capture of Byzantium. according to Germain. Embassies werc sent to France. especially. who had just preached to the knights attending the meeting an essential condition far crusader policies at both fronts of the - on the same subject. whom we shall later ing to the help of Constantinople (1444). His contemporarics interpreted this whole As for the conciliarists. only 'jiist--~anaged to clect Felix V as new Pope. 39. Emperor John VIII and the Patriarch of Co~·.se in Gaunt post. 5 Aubenas. after cele- Philip continued his contacts with other European leaders by scnd. prove the duke's sincerity. which rcmained _unre_plied.: L'Égfüe a la Renaissance. 7 Houslcy. .!:Je sent his Portugucsc-built fleet to Rhodes in 1441.. 5 And it should nevcr be forgotten that by these public Silvius Piccolomini.~.. Despite the encouraging letter sent by John Capistrano Finally the latter prevailcd and the reunification of the Latin and . Mediterranean. by means of buying the city ·of__Q~9a. He was supported lN"icholas V's death intcrrupted the proccss. but In any case. standing pcacc bctwccn Charles VII of France and Henry IV of There were negotiations with Rome.t~Ú~~ple had to "':""'·~·-··~ ··~ ---··-··· ·· ··-~ only if at least one other ruler should take It with h1m"-----a cautious arid uncompromising gesture. 296. R. whom Philip trusted wciuld support him. brating anothcr dict in Frankfurt open to every Christian ruler--not ing his lcgatcs to Alfonso V of Aragon. p. Atmospherc in the court. 7 Housley. Even Eneas 1 lJ. + Housley. 1442 Eugenius IV appointed Carc!fnal Ccsarini as .(. with England and. in 1434 Christendom had been dividcd Hungary and Italy.: Tlze Last Crusades. sorne time raiding the North African coast.: The Last Cmsades. ical interests.Chancellor Jean Gc~maTii~-bishop of Chalon-sur.. 1430-1470 9 Islam. 1451) he announced his plan to JJrrQ~rtake a crusadc. just to the German princes. on ' 19 Match 1454 to encourage the expedition. The prob- many of them of French origin. Muhammad II was planning an attack on the same time as satisfying polit- poned crusader plans indefinitely. However. where the legates try- was optimistic. 6 Antelo. From all this it follows that the intervention of the papacy was Sa6ne.ross for a crusader bull far Africa.later to become Pope Pius II.93. -by the Order's. After several spccches about the danger caused to Christcn- lcd the fleet to remain in the Meditcrrancan. This Philip of Burgundy was one of the first European rulers to rcact situation did not favour crusader intcrcsts at all. . A. .-. The Diet was a \~astern Europe to organize a crusad<~J A more settled political situ- ation induced the parties to think about malcing the Turks withdraw 2 from the siege of Constantinople. it is difficult to Greek churches took place in Florence in July 1439. sail.! in Lillc known as was the arrival of an embassy frorn King Duarte of Portugal to ask .~pending worried as he was by thc situation in Hungary. . own crusadc as we shall see. 3 Vaughan. France and. p.:a:"a:ft~·. Although this second dict -'Suggests that all these measures were caused by him having heard that proved to be much more successful in terms of thc number of legates.shared this point of view.his legatc in 1454) after starting preparations far his departure. the legates dccided to postponc and causing much pro test. Dukc Philip attended the Diet of Regensburg (April /h. . N. England. to follow hlln. it joined the army. p.: The La. tricd to supply Aragon and Portugal. Its lack of furthcr purposc encountcr.:msc{May it was difficult to urge the princes to vote the nccessary subsidies. ing to salve !}1e concilia~i. 34.arp.. given ¡1his fleet with a Mediterranean port. who started his manifestations the duke attracted a number of knights to his court. ----------··--. once more by schism at the Council of Basle. R. the scarce interest shown by the Germans.. so the annual chapter of the Order of the Golden Flcecc inJY(1. 101.t~s~y_~ .. cession to the thronc of Hungary postponcd preparations again. 85. who formed a real army surrounding lems posed by Visconti in Milan and thc open question of thc suc- him against the King of France. There he promiscd to take the s. 8 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. Richard Vaughan. 4 More than two hundred nobles swore choose between the conciliarists or asking far Eugenius IV's help.6 In 1437 z.: "El ideal de cruzada en la Edad Media peninsular''. Austria. N. they continued to sec the crusade as an ceremony more as aLslisplay of gallantry in the context of courtly excuse to provide money and prestige to the papacy. He also tried to reach a long.i~Johelp failure because the emperor decided to rcmain at the Austrian front- the H~spitallers to raisc the siege ~the islancf . l/'The Feast of the Pheasant". p.l't Crnsades. 2 preparations far the crusade until the following autumn. 92..

. 107. 1 • Ihidem. was trying to reclaim position to the crusadc of Adrianopolis. Aubenas. The solution to the schism carne with Fclix V's abdication on Pope against thc will of the Italian cardinals on 8 April 145.. Serbia. 8 Since then. 99-101. The Pope's flcct just delivered Lcmnos. known. Samothrace 1/Milan.: The Shadow ef lhe Crescent.A. A ncw bull followed on May 1455. Austrians. Constantinoplc fcll to the Turks. no Calixtus III's strategy was cncouraging the rcsistence ª1llong the obedience. recov- Nicholas V rcsumed crusader policies. p. such de Montefalcone. according to his own words.Carvajal. crusaders on the following ycar. thc Pope preferrcd to contact each of them separately. first purpose. Thc document is in 12 Cif. Every city-state has its own the West. There are as many princes as houses. of ali his purposes none was \ dearer to him than rousing Christians against the Turks ánd declaring 8. _. 9 Trans. be in the army? What military discipline? What obedicncc? Who will surrounded each by their vassals in two great cercmonies. mcmorative medal with the device "I have been chosen for the l . S. 45. Polish.?. p. Gcrmans. pressing the European powers concerned. 11\ Calixtus had been appointed more. B. p. pro- cessions and prayers were ordcred for the first Sundays of the month.: ojJ. order to plundcr its trcasures and to discover the tombs of their Cardi~·lir Alain to France and thc best Franciscan preachers. Neithcr the supreme ponti:ff nor the emperor is given his due. 12 repcatedly through several ancestors. Constantinople and to cradicate Islam from the Holy Land.. Despite his op.: "Sobre el ideal de cruzada . Instead of calling all the princcs ing both of cardinals and humanísts was that once the "New Rome" together.40. thcy were late: [.:t with sackcd the coasts of Cilicia.Ibidem.all around Europe. M. showing the Turks to be a divine punishmcnt to the Cardinal Piccolomini's memoii:~ serves to illustrate: sins of Christendom. Once oncs intended for the Holy Land..1470 11 :-:~~ . The general fccl.cyedJüs targ~t. thc Trojans. He was preceded by bis grcat LRodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo got Calixtus III to change his target expericnce in diplomacy duc to the number of missions he had per- and issuc a crusader buil against Gr¡mada in thc same terms as the formcd for his predecessors in most of the European courts. figures in a painting. thc Turks would try to reach the "Old" one in Thus l. R . 39. 1'f but by the time of his to join thc crusadc in the East.: 171e Papary and the Levant. Dalmatians and Bosnians. f. as the League of Lodi\ But and Thasos. by Setton. p. and Aragon. soon after signing a commercial agrecmé.. 1430. 10 Sobrequés. Robert de Lccce or Antonino of ~ common war.: E'nsqyos sobre la historiogrqfia peninsular del siglo XV. Most sermons commcnted the {y as enice and Hungar:x:) Still. announcing the departurc of Thc ncws reached Rome from different sourccs. both died in thc plague of 1456 leaving the army September 1453. [. the Curia tried to show the nced John Capistrano. 13 Christcndom has no head whom ali may obey. H. After having sought help ering Jcrusalem as wcll. you are confounded! 9 Belgrade had been delivcrcd by the common front built up by John Capistrano and John Hunyadi commanding a combined force of Ultimately the joint projcct of Aragon.he sent Cardinal . cit. A !cague was formed the next year including Vcnicc. legate pcrsonality as head of thc Church.. Hungary and V cnicc Hungarians. were conquered. thus favouring the florentines.] What order will there Aragon agreed to takc the cross at thc same time as Philip the Good. As for Castile.·:"'His 7 April 1449. 39. 10 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. wanted to assume leadership. pp. Jacques de la Marche. p. Syria and Egypt. ".. but it was Alfonso V of Aragon who death he had not .C. 237. so do we Hungariap.~h~... disunity prevailed as this passage from text of the bull. This time the rulers sccm to have reacted: Alfonso V of ruler. 13 Schwoebel. p. Calixtus issued a com- 1 } the Turks which served as scandal for the rest of Christendom. to Germany and Central Europe.] If you lead a fcw rrien against thc Turks you are casily defeatcd. Thcre is no revererice... F1orcncc. . R. However. 2700. Llke characters in fiction. according to his investiture speech. 11 Tate. without its leadcrs. A. dcfcated the Turks in Mytilene in August 145 7 and 1\[~petians: withdrew. making the most of the fact that Calixtus The election of Pius U (3 September 1458) was a total change of was Aragonese and had been his son's tutor. 38. If you lead many. Both Nicholas V and Calixtus Jrr had tried to persuade Castile dcstruction of the enemies of the faith''. K.11. R. R. made the Pope issuc thc bull "Etsi ccclesia Christi" 1º on thc 30 Unfortunatcly. So did feed so many people? Who will understand the different languages? Fredcrick III and Alfonso V of Portugal.s and in Albania whilc a naval attack was organ'ized from look upon the Pope and the emperor. giving way to Nicholas V's pontificate. A part of the Roman treasure was sold. 153.

the three most important kingdoms in thc Ibcrian 1lext thfec years. Frederick Ill was 1'4. 91 . in which cardinal Torqucmada played a fundamental role. Pius U receivcd the Castilian cmbassadors Alvaro de Luna had askcd him to consider the possibility of joining Sánchez de Arévalo and Alonso ele Palenzuela.303. 94. Cf. cit..144. while{. H.. Rome worried both its inhabitants. -··· '. Juan II of Castilc (1406-1454-) and his royal favourite 165.August l '. 15 So two months after his investiture he summoned thc situation was qui et.1i11e commenti siljJer bulla cruciatae indictae per papam Pium contra 18 Trame.103). both V cnicc and Hungary decided to '\ the Christian rulers to Mantua in order to hold a conference about join the enterprise. . pp.8. Venicc so as to takc possesíon of :Morea and the L~rusade..Mathias Corvinus. Ancqua waiting for the other rulers to join him. $ o Constantinopla". cit. but Philip of was just onc more mattcr to discuss. from thc Wcst. Basle had its origin in the question of where to direct the Portuguese 16 About Mantua. the Empcror as leader failed. The Pope's dcparturc from Burgundy signcd an agreement which bound him. who was by thcn in send legates instead of coming personally to the council. claimed His successor Paul II continued thc trend of proclaiming his wish " j b~ . crusader efforts. Aragon defended its Medí-) offer to lead the crusadc would encourage the princes.. see Aubenas.166 and Pius II: op. rn He died there on uation in Europe was di:fficult: on the one hand. Philip was casily but he was very disappointed by the princes. North Africa.. Scanderbcg managcd to pay for the war out of his own resources their help only if another ruler would lead them first. ~e to fight the Turks. Pae.. cit." Cyprus. Í not ready to let the Hungarian crown escape fro~ his hands.puarte's brothers Enrique legates to Mantua in a letter of 27 February 1459.. thc cliffcrent targcts (although somctimcs thcy are not clearly separated): :Pope: dccided to travcl to Siena in January 1460.. cf.: op. which they had to send to Hungary and to Scanderbeg in Albania. Rodriguez de Arévalo wrote his comrnentaries on this bull: Apparatus . latter due to the capture of Bosnia by Sultan Mu}:iammad. of the crusader army.: Crónica de Enrique rv. 50 ff.c'ó'üñtfies and ' ·expÍ~it~ci''i'hree cardinals were appointed to managc thc resourccs. 118.. who feared another schism. --::. Italians wcrc to pay a thirthieth and the Jews a Península had devclopcd their own ideas about the encounter with tWetitieth in tax. : "Granada . •.~~yj On the ot~er. but Pius had chosen Mantua because it was it was impossible to sGLsa. of Burgundy that leaving his land at such time would leave it open . ... eit.~j But once more even sorne cardinals. but he was deceived whcn he saw that only these samc legates were scnt to the council (Trame. so the Pope was full of hope. R.: op. After the fall of diets were proposed to discuss the details of the enterpriscY Cardinal Necroponte (12 July 14 70) all the attempts to hold the Turks back Besariort was appointed legate for Germany.. only the rulers of small . which had becn reccntly discovered sorted out in Naples/ Therefore. p. Weber.1470 13 war upon initiative was a new approach to the problem. They had three < Although the general rcsl1lts ofthe Diet werc unsatisfying. and a plenary indulgence was dcclared for the Meanwhile. Two more but.. since it was no the Italian city-states thought it was better if Venicc cncountcrcd the longer a reduced meeting of princes. · The unsuccessful embassy of Duarte I of Portugal (1433 . H.. nor a council whcre crusade Turks on its own. Albania was casily invaded... pp.\l. 4 The situation in Italy seemed quiet. who had chosen to persuaded and gave his apologies to the Pope.·1438) to 15 Pius II: 1\1emoirs ef a Renaissance Pope. 120 mentions the speech Sánchez de Arévalo had jJerfidos Turchos.: Croisade d'hier.) although it also tried to settle in the North of Africa. to an English attack. cit.. UntiL 1463 terranean positions against the Turks and Castile opposed Granada.: op. Most of "'SU.§1f. )Rhodes. pp. E. and {Thc crusader bull was issucd on 22 October 146. / The court was clivided: the general feeling was that 17 Convoked on the bull of 21 January 1460. . for three years. H ...93.. D. Enríquez del Castillo. Francesco Sforza of Milan and Venice offered ate. Islam and had tried to put them into practice. Bosnia and Hungary to the East. ~ fin danger of being conquered would arrive from J:~~pirns. 98. Trebizond. for Louís XI of France warned Philip an intermediate point for ali those summoncd and he remained firm.. The King of France refused to go.. supportcd by the. 12 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. R. and decided to pay thc expenses with the income of 1Qng of France would not cooperate until he saw thc Ang~vm clarm the alum commerce from T olfa. Trame.. R. when he died. 1430. Benito Ruano. hoping Enrique IV to send his thcm in a campaign against Granada.. hoping that his Portugal directed its efforts towards Africa. . In the Diet of Nurcmbcrg (1466) Western rulers refused to cooper- ' Philip of Burgundy.!. 294. to rcad bcforc the Pope and his court before leaving for Dalmatia. pp. which they could not afford. djihiid d'azgourd'hui. appendixes 1. p . pp. E. and Fcrnandq tried to persuade him to continuc thc expansion in pp. Thcn.. R.: op.. 16 The sit.


the African enterprise was too expensive for the rcalm, whcreas thc ( 1438- 1481).. Iri 145 7 there had bcen k~,~ns for the conqucst of.~':l_fi._
capture of new places would be uselcss if there wcre no military as vvitnesséd by a document condemning thc Jew David Malom for
power to keep them. Moreover, the campaign against Granada was warning the Nfoors about a Portuguese ship examining the conditions
a holy war which would )ring the same_pre~0:ge far the nobility and for attacking the African coastlan_d- as was usual in this cases, like
the army and had the suppo;t of Prince Pedro, the Earls of Arraiolos thc conquest of Arzila in 1470. trangier was the most convenient
and Barcclós and even Pope Eugenius. However, due to prcssure on place for severa! reasons: it was ~tfí~ . biggest commcrcial port in the
the side of the Princes Enrique and Fernando, their opinion prcvailcd {Maghrcb, which would providc ; -- base to supply Ceuta and future
- and special subsidies for Ceuta were approvcd between 1432 and expeditions, and would expedite the {ccove.ry _qf Prinec Fernando's
1437. 19 c;,0rpse. Rumours of an attack on Cc{i1.a· by the King of Fez, thc
As he didn't receive an answer from the pope in Basle, Prince ~-eed-· f¿r at least a 25.000 soldier force to conquer the city and a
Fernando, chancellor of the Ordcr of Avis, tried to obtain more pcrmanent garrison to be lcft there and at thc same time in Ceuta,
bcnefits from his brothcr with the thrcat that he would go to serve dissuaded Alfonso V from his original idea. Al-qa~r al-Saghir (Alca-
as a mcrccnary in Europc. Mcanwhile the Duchess of Burgundy, 20 zarquivir in Spanish sources) was closer to Ceuta, was also a corsair
sistcr to thc Portugucse princcs, asked Enrique to :fight against Francc port to be destroyed, a rich arca whích produced cattle and grain
under her husband so that thcy could afterwards travel to J erusalem far Granada, and would enable thc construction of a flcct to control
together; . Seeing the confusion surrounding him, Duarte I finally the maritimc traffic in the area ..J Al-qa~r al-Saghfr surrendcrcd after j'
~ decided ·to call . a crusade against l),ngi!;;L as thc only alternativc to a two-day fight in 1458. The kiiig added a nickname to his othcr !,.,
stop. the füght of Portuguese nobility. He ordcred prince Enrique to titles: "the J\frican", whilc he issued the usual charts for the popu-
~ write a report to justify bis expansionist ideas. The reasons for the lation of the land. 21 Thc Castilian chronicler Alonso de Palencia
expansion ·.plans . as reported by chronicler Azuara were the search stated that the king's main purpose was bis own glory. Nevertheless
for truth and certainty above all, secondly commerce; the third, to he praised the courage of thc Portuguese troops who managed to
assess Muslim military capacitics, the fourth, and essential rcason repcl the King of Fez's counter-attack soon after thc fall of the city. 22
was to try to find Christian rulcrs beyond the known bordcrs who The capacity shown by the Portugucsc fleet when dcvotcd to a
could support thcir campaigns against Islam and, finally, the conver- national issue shows to what extent Christian leaders werc unwilling
sion of pagans. 2ºª It scems that Duarte lalso took into considcration to eompromise in common European cntcrprises, which in thcory
thatEnriquc's last will lcft his properties to the crown princc in case would have provcd cvcn more suecessful, although it would have
he diedin the expedition. The army left from Lis bon and Porto in been certainly more cxpensive to send a Portuguese fleet to fight in
'~!~7~:~¡~: ~!~~~~~ª:u~af:~~·~ri~ce Fef!!<ll1q() V\lªS illiP~()ned Constantinople than paying for a campaign in the North of Afi:iea.
The Portuguese success was unknown to Calixtus III and Alfonso V
Although, as has been said, Portugal subscribed to the crusader of Aragon, who had both died that summer before having achieved
plans of the papacy- wbich never matcrialized- the Turkish threat their Eastern crusade. Alfonso V of Portugal maintaincd his policies
spreading on the other side of the Meditcrrancan was none of their 1in scarch of supplies for bis African scttlcments. He sacked the ter- !
concern, or at least . less important than the African expansion as a fl ritory
around Tangier in 1463, Anafe (Casablanca) in 1469, and in)
"national" business. Prince Enrique remained true to his principles r471 he again considered invading Tangicr to keep it, although he
despite his defeat, and he shared them with bis nephew Alfonso V lmew he did not havc cnough troops. His intcrcsts then diverged to
Arzila, which was conqucrcd. 21
<-~"~--- ..-__ ,.~··

Verissimo, J.: op. át., pp. 40 If.
Espina mentions Isabel of Burgundy in relation wíth the African crusade, Cif. 21
Verissimo, .J.: op. cit., pp. 83- 85.
Mcyuhas Ginio, A.: La farteresse, p. 42. 22
Palencia, A.: Crónica de Enrique IV, I, p. 112.
ºª Antelo, A.: op. cit., pp. 39-40. 23
Verissimo, J.: op. cit., pp. 85-·87.


Regardlcss of the fact that a Castilian dynasty had been cnthroned (remensas) who had to be declared free before they would baclc down
in Aragon, directing its interests towards the neighbouring country in 1455, and thc attack and further distruction of the moorish quarter
rather than its own, Aragon was undoubtedly the most compromising in Valencia by Christian craftsmen, who werc ordered to rebuild the .
Peninsular kingdom rcgarding Eastern issues, due to 'ii~"·-;:;(i~~ercial neighbourhood.26 Fínally, in 1456 the king took the cross at the same {.,
influence throughout the Mediterranean. Thc lack of a direct frontier time as Philip of Burgundy. '
with Granada had weakened the need to fight Islam inside thc Iberian According to Alonso de Palencia, Calixtus III scnt a lctter to
Península. Dcspite geographical distance, the Turks thcn rernaíned Alfonso V telling him how a Roman holy woman had prophesized
the main anxiety of Alfonso V of Aragon (1416--1458) as far as cru- that the sultan would be captured under his mandate, so he had
sading policies were concerned, except for his commercial advances hastened to warn the king of thc glory he would attaín should he
in Tunis. For a start, he launched an cxpedition in 1432 against the lead the expedition against Greece in thc Chtirch's name.27 Alfonso
island of Djerba-thc objcct of several Aragonese attacks from much informed his council of his devotion to the Christian cause and
earlier- , but he failed to conquer it. On thc other hand, his com- promiscd fifteen gallcys to join the Christian fleet. However, his
mercial agreements with Tunis were of no value due to piracy. 24· Italian eontacts with Piccinino and interna! unrest in Aragon made
Between 1444 and 1452 Alfonso signed a number of treaties with him dclay his expedition until 145 7, when he would attcnd together
the- Byzantine cmperor, Brancowitz thc Serbian, Scanderbeg from with his nephew the Portugilesc King, this time with 400 gal~cys ancl
Albania, . and Dcmetrius Paleologus of Morea, and he planned to 50.000 men.!J:Ie died in 1458 with ..b,~~.. Y.JJ)mÍse··unfu:l:fille9:.J
join togethcr in a single treaty Byzantium, the Negus of Ethiopia, The long absence of Alfonso V from Aragon- he used to stay in
the Emperor ofTrebizond and-as he called him- "the Great Khan" Naples- had affected the interna! balance of the kingdom. His impe-
of Chirta. In May 1453, as danger grew greater for Constantinople, rialist policies in the Mediterranean, supportcd by Catalan fieets, had
Alfonso V sent his ambassador Luis Despuig to Rome to propose proved to be quite unproductive and had somctimes harmecl Catalan
the union of the Italian city-statcs in a peace lcague- which favoured interests. When thc cxperienced Juan II (1458- 14 79) king
Alfonso .rather than thc republics- in ordcr to undertake the defense he had to <leal first with the <?PE?.~Í.!Í.?.1.1:)~~d .1?Y his son Prince Carlos
of the city immediatcly. While Nicholas V considered the offer, Con- de Viana. The revolt had a clcar social base and its effccts wcre so
stantinople fell, not withstanding another embassy from Alfonso V outstanding that even the Church bccame divíded: most of thc bishops
to accelerate pteparatíons under the threatthat anything which might supported the king, but thc low clcrgy stood for the prince until his
happei1. would be attríbuted to the Pope's inactivíty. Unfortunatcly cleath. Civil war ravage,c!._Jh.g _counti;yJrom 1462 to 1472, leaving
Juan II few oppor~iae~ to bec¿ffi~"interestcd in fighting the Muslims.

he · ne:xt ncws hcard by Alfonso was the death of his consul in Con-
staritincipl.e ;Juan de la Vía; and his s~f>}éets ..~h~·"h.adb~~rf"defencling ;Following the usual pof-cy of Castilian affairs,ljyan II abandoned
he porL25 • ·. /G,enoa's naval blockag~ and refused to get involved in Italian or
~' The next plan . of the Aragonese monarch was an alliance with "E.astern issues despite repeated appeals from the Pope and Juan's
Hungary; Venice and Serbia, which a bull ratiliecl in 1453, as we have nephcw Fcrrantc of Naplcs.
mentioned, and which was the origín of the Leaguc of Lodi. Alfonso Castilc was lcss committecl than any other kingdom in the wars
V hoped to Icad the crusade, gíven his good relationship with Calixtus against MuJ:iammad II, because all its efforts were coneentrated on
III, but the appointment by the king of condottiere Piccinino as com- its frontiers. From 1412 to 1430, truccs with Granada had been
mandcr clid ·not satisfy the Pope. Meanwhile, Alfonso had to face signed, although constable Álvaro de Luna took advantage of the
other problcms in his realm: the opposition of Catalan parties who
refused to vote crusader subsidies, the revolt of thc servant-peasants
Sobrcqués, S.: ojJ. cit., pp. 241-242; Hillgarth,J N.: op. cit., p. 13.1 and Dánvila
y Collado, M.: "La expulsión ... ", pp. 34-37 . About thc probletns caused by
• Hillgarth, J. N.: Tlze Kingdoms, pp. 306; 315- 316. Piccinino bctwccn Calixtus III and Alfonso V, sce also Pius JI: op. cit., pp. 74-77.
Sobrcqués, S.: oj1. cit., pp. 234-235. 27
Palencia, A.: op. cit., I, p. 111.


Nluslims' divisions "to imitate Alfonso Xl's success in channclling as his friends Juan Pachcco, marquis of Villcna, his brother Pedro
the rebellious energy of Castile's nobility into holy war". 28 Juan II Girón, Miguel Lucas de Iranzo and Beltrán de la Cucva. 29
of Castile (1406- 1454) proposed to Duarte of Portugal that he partici- \ In thc sccond year of his rcign, Enrique IV, undcr pressure from
pate, as has been said, but he refused. The intercst of the papacy \the
nobility, started a series of four campaigns against Granada.....30.,...""'/
was obvious: thc prcaching of indulgenccs was always followed by The conquest of the small kingdom would be extremely difficult and
taxes on the clcrgy and still more indulgences. In 1431 the discred- expensive, as demonstrated by Ladero Quesada, 31 so Enrique prcfr:rred
ited G?.ª1;1iamcnt (Corles) had a meeting to vote subsidies. Following policies which would "bring maximum bcnefits from a mínimum of
this, thc victory of La Higueruela, though rninor compared to othcr cost and effort". 32 From 1455 to 1458 Castilian troops were kcpt undcr
Christian successes, was the rnost important battlc of the period. Thc control, avoiding long sicgcs at fortificd places and using thc destruc-
Castilian advance was stopped by the intemal factions in the Castilian tion of crops as an cconomic weapon. Skirmishes on thc part of the
court, specifically an attcmpt to murder the Constable, which made knights trying .,!º show ()[ t1.dr (l~ilitie~ werc frequent but, in general,
diplomacy was preferred to the conq~est of fortresses, which would

him retreat from thc battlcficld. When thc surrender was acccptcd
(1439), the most fcrtilc arcas of Ronda and Málaga were in Christian give the nobles too much power and would encourage revenge from
hands. the Muslims.
Thc struggle for power within thc frontiers of Castilc hindered Tenancy of castles had been onc of thc first objectives of war until
thc rcsumption of campaigns against thc Muslims until Enrique N thcn, in ordcr to kecp the borders safe. A grcat numbcr of gricvanccs
became king in 1454. The year bcfore, the most important man in in thc Cortes about thc low paymcnt for thc castcllans and thc ruincd
the kingdorn had fallen, causing commotion in thc court and impress- statc of many of the building-s givcs an idea of thc monarchy's lack
ing foreigners; even cardinal Piccolomini was shockcd. If for Europe of carc when war was not imminent. 33
1453 had been the year of thc capture of Constantinople, for Castile The difficulty of providing funds for the war voted by a reluctant
it was the year of the public cxecution of Álvaro de Luna, accused parliament caused the king to seek another way of fighting against
of treason againstJuan II. The chronicler Alonso de Palencia dcvoted Granada: he got the . Muslim lcadcrs of the diffcrent factions in thc ¡
sorne pages of his Decades to the events which took place in Constan- Islamic realm to work against thc Nasrid dynasty on behalf of Cast_i~.~)~
tinople and their consequences, complaining that they had divcrtcd War became thus a phcnomcnon "of fronticr", as dcfincd by Burns. 34
Europcan attention from the fall of Luna, which he considcrcd vital. Thc embe~dcmentgf~rusadc sul:J.s.iqies was one of thc most frequent
The Marquis of Santillana was encouraged by chroniclcr Pére;-··;r~ lc«:~sailo~s against En;{qile 'fv·in tb.e -fust years of his reign. The
Guzmán to write sorne Italianate poems appealing for thc crusade Castilian ambassador Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo achieved for Castile
against thc Turks.
Soon after his favourite's death, Juan Il died too, and his son
Phillips, W.: Enrique IV and the Crisis .. ., pp. 46-47.
Enrique IV (1454- 1475) succeded. He began his rcign as a rich man, 30
Enríqucz del Castillo, D.: Crónica de Enrique IV, pp. 146- 147 describes the corles
for to his possessions as Princc of Asturias-sincc he had no heir yet- at Cuéllar and reproduces thc nobility's argumcnts cxposcd by thc Marquis of
__1 he added the royal holdings, increased reccntly by {sonfiscation of Santillana.
thc Constable's propcrtie~J Thc absence of support from among his
Ladero Quesada, M. A.: Caslilla }' la conquista del reino de Granada, p. 202.
' Phillips, W.: op. cit., p. 54.
family and Castilian nobility made Enrique scck new assistants for 33
This subjcct was discussed in the following meetings of the Gortes, as appears
thc governmcnt. His rule started confirming his father's officials in in thcir proceedings: Ocaña, 1422, p. 42; Palcnzucla, 1425, pp. 62, 76·-·7;7; Valladolid,
1451, pp. 62 l ·-622; Ocaña, 1469, p . 80 l. In Cortes de los antiguas reinos de León)' de
1 t.·heir posts. Thcn he tried to crcate new grandes from the lower ranks Caslilla, Madrid, 1861, vol. III. .
• Burns, .R. l.: "The Significancc of thc Fronticr in thc Middc Agcs", p. 326.
lin the nobility, in an effort to dilute the powcr of the aristocracy.
For more informarion, sce Mata Carriazo, J. de: "La vida en la frontera .de Granada",
'Following this systcm, he surroundcd himsclf with new allics such I Congreso de Hittoria de Andalucía J.l[edieval. Also Pino, .J. L. del: "Las <¡ampañas mi-
litares castellanas ... ", V Coloquio de Historia Medieval de Andalucía, p. 673 about the
Hillgarth, J. N.: op. cit., p. 315. econornic aspccts.

de los suyos que derramador de su sangre.G. p. extended through the realm. 3 Palencia.: op.. W. crudely 1newcomers. Íñ'more funds in the next four years. 39 "Because he was pious and not cruel. cil.!h~. and il was a great error to risk them. 1430--1470 21 the recognition of the Granadan campaigns as a parallel crusade to Enrique IV's policies towards Granada have inspired differing opin- the one taking part in thc Near East.~¿ a hat by the Pope. . declining their help on this ions and have often been misundcrstood. cf. and for this reason it did not please him that his men went out on skirmishes [. ¡ who were imbued with a spirit of intolcrancc could not understand }' Calixtus III issued anothcr bull granting Enrique the position of any approach to Muslims except through conquest or conversion. 107. 39 another.-Pd was sent a bless~e(f. ' and ·t~. and other plunder. pages for the dcvelopment of the campaigns as a whole.~~~ . 56.~~g. Alonso de Fonseca. ni se diesen batallas.139. Castilian king in bis pursuit of the crusade. Thc same positive scope is found R.W.q indulgcnce to any crusaders who refusal to a1low individual or small-group skirmishes: died on their journey to G. A.: op. beyond the military concepts of his tin.." Enríqucz del Castillo. cit.QSS on the 25 campaigns were comparatively hard. refused to attack the ) nately. 36 All the Phillips. thc with the .?c~. 37 as had be en traditional befo re the beginning of a crusade. más amigo de la vida granted to churches. 170. dec.:io.illect- same privileges were granted for thc crusades at both cnds of the ing new land for thcir younge~ 'son:s and from military prestige.?~~ ~~. tenths far thc war against the Turks..000 foot soldiers was established.. ni convates.: 35 Phillips. cit. but again in 145 7 there was que ver muertos ni estragos de sus gentes. I. jamás el rrey <lava logar maravedis in Castile or three flmins in Aragon. I. D.E gf. while the Crown was authorised to receive an income is quite certain is that the econQJJÚ.: o/J.. and the latter straight to the King. On thc campaign. 358.-~~urd . pp...~22 April 1455).' cannot be described".: op. alent. Many nobles did not agrce front.for ten years. After sustaíning thís argument at the council of Mantua. pp. With these funds.ted.. p . he alsolg¡:ante. que hcra penalty of excommunication. coercion and inhuman rage against our people.Y~E~. cit. sfür9rtt_~_!o buy thc support of Beltrán infidels and was followed by a group of Moors (his body-guard) "whose ¡de la Cueva.ªLfavoured by the Kin:g· was i from the sale of indulgences. sec Tate. pp.&. war.57. passionate towards the armies. he wished [. on the other hand.73. Trame. 20 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITlCAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. p. {Enriq~~. 114. About Sánchcz de Arévalo's role. Dctailcd dcscriptions of the campaigns and Jchronicles without exception refer to thc ..37 ·' Master of thc Order of Santiago for fiftecn years and that of Alcántara Arnong contemporary chroniclcrs.: k11sqyos sobre la hislo1iografia peninsular .anada. ~s the main " reactions of the king regarcling thc Muslims can be found in vol.] rather to spend his treasures in dam- aging thc cncmy little by littlc than to see his people dead.. cil. Cf.] thc lifc of men had no price or equiv- of weapons used. W. que- ria más espender sus thesoros que dañando los henemigos poco a poco. The muy grand yerro consentir aventuralla y por eso no le plac. All thc indulgences a ello. Alonso de Palencia was the first to ·.. a permanent mili. as well as the kind the spiller of their blood. Goñi Gaztambide. ~5 The king was supposed to turn against the Turks as soon Moors" who damagcd his soldiers. archbishop of Seville. ... cit. 133.-.. . a new and unpreccdented device. although the account 'Of 'md1vidual deeds 103-108. 'Jcvent of these four years. he said that [. he anathematized whoever posed any obstacle to the For a foreigner such asJorg von Ehingen.000 lances and 20. 70. thc cmbassy to the Pope to negotiate 'lea ves few. p. but rcfcrences do not look very accurate. p. .. pp.~ran. rape. ~. deprived the Christians of their as the Muslims were driven out from the Iberian Pcninsula.. The King had not only prepared February ..P. in the Compendiosa historia hispánica by Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévaloi Trame has 36 Enríquez del Castillo. In 1456 a new indulgence was preached to bring quiera que en las tales entradas se gastava gran suma de dineros.:ía que salie- \crusade would have four years' validity frorn the date of the bull sen los suyos a escaramuz31·.:ia para ella. . D. Finally. 38 Thís evidence Calixtus III was so delighted with the idea of a Península free from clashes with the explanation given by Enríquez del Castillo for his Islamic power that.:2Z. 157. de la bula de cruzada . with the capacity to control all their incomes and criticize Enrique as an "cnemy of the faith. monasteries or individuals werc ~!!P~~. 149 --154. pp. Unfortu. .+9ok.{'\t\'.~~~J~!}q~_. this time applied to the deceased.. ni avía equivalenc..!!n. more a friend of the lifc of his men than The size of the army is another favourite subject. kingp[()J?(). p. 56. H. goods and incomes to malee the Saracens rich. de: op.L4.~?.Y.s~~' as it kept them frorn e1. porque como hera piadoso y no cruel.<".:a. 152.R._hat Mediterranean.:ía que pues la vida de The treasurers wcrc supposed to gívc the money to the bishops under los hombres no tenía prec. op._Jhe-l\f.. 156-157. about truces.-the faithful who gavc 200 Quando los moros salian a dar escaramuc. 117. B. p.J Thosc mcrnbers of the clergy ) tary force of 3.J: Esiudio describcd thc chapter about Enrique IV's victories as "an cxlravagant praise". 145. y quanto f.] and in such expcditions a large amount of money was spent.366.S:..

-a good sourcc of income far the crown-~nd point: their attitude made Enrique IV decide against a purely military keep the borders quiet during his rcign.ins~.. ~lame cannot be P.9-ldI)n t~e imprcssed by the knights of the Order of Santiago.. the was the submission of the Granadan king to Enrique IV as a vassal.: Henry IV of Castile. The latter also dued and quict.¡ Bishko. But Enrique According to Phillips. pp.. . 41 Fernández more convenient to employ the rebellious nobility and the troops y González insists on the King's positive attitude. he had forbidden. and describcd first years of his government.-.u t also gathered an army of 70. 193 . The frontier was more secure and Granada could. pp...+i What Bishko as had ncvcr been seen befare by any Christian man". pp. see Millcr.:s..:waste" . Final conquest by the Reyes Católicos who.nd1sti. to grant their tribute. speaks of Enrique IV's intelligent took advantage of Enrique's advanccs. pp. thcse years of war were in many ways a also uscd the tactics of his ancestors: "vVe then passed by Granada grcat success. so that nothing remained standing as we passed.p. 28 . J. If things wcnt wrong. .000 soldiers "such to Ceuta to havc an interview with l\!larinid legates. He was wcll fails to explain is why the nobility should fccl such j!. and destroyed and burnt and slew where we Archidona and Gibraltar. 562. ~avourable MacKay ressumes the accusations against Enrique for his Islamophile ·~to a r'lew··king with enough resources to get mvolved m 1t. Later on. B. Prob:~hly the formcr was too splendid with this friends resposibilities. ". p. . On the other hand. as he was the one gathered in thcir war againstJuana la Beltraneja in a common enter- who asked Nicholas V for a cmsader bull and called the Cortes at prisc far from the borders of Castilc and Aragón. J.¡{) This does not look likc the action of a feeble king. war against Granada.a. For the opinion of with the King of Portugal. to seek tendencies madc in 1467 and sees his attitude as an element of bis Rome's supp~rt whilc "diplomatically" avoiding the ap~e~ for the..which led himf.o avoid skir. But the decisive moment \ the Islamophile accusations of 1467 werc ~ ~olitical ~anoeuvre.. If we assume that Cuéllar despite the nobility's opposition.__!:__~E~. 42 \campaigns of~~~-.'13 ne"v nobility in expansion and a display of his power befare Granada Bishko insists on the influence of the nobility from a different view. sibility of maintaining this kind of war for a long time.: Crónica de los moros de füjJaiia.a1: ª~ -~ p~9p_~g.~uch so that but in thc light of the cvents taking place in Castile sincc 1459.• Phillips. T . .:< M acKay. privilegcs. Campaigns were abandoncd ing Muslim Granadans and it was more practica! to keep theU:: sub- due to instability inside both Castilc and Granada.. Phillips' version is too benevolent regardíng Enrique I~. 37-38. F.". for a king who had confirmed all the~r the capture of villages and towns as well as thc death of infidels. W. 1430 -1470 23 himself "actively" b. 22 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS.strategy and of his !ove for his subjects .?-~ . it he took his revcngc through further crop devastation in the surround. C. 55 56. Enrique's ".. . pp. D. H7¡ ~nrí1~1e7. p. but the state of the realm prevcnted him from engag- among those who follow Enríquez del Castillo is the chronicler Bleda ing in policics to the South.: Ertado social y político .: "Spanish and Portuguese Reco°:que~t_. 45 decply touched by the g~_ªth 9LGarci Laso dela. pro-Islamic policies which were strongly rejected by the nobility.i. in mcn and funds during the war and compromised an enormous l~ishes in preference to economic W<l. a way of acquiring goods and tcrntones for a clergy and historian Alonso de Palencia. Castilian forces had sccured strategic positions such as through the kingdom.\ _l':~!sq:. cit. is obvious that neither time or resources could be devoted to harass- ing valleys and thc capture of Jimena. in the seventeenth century. sincc historians agree that they were at first pleas~d at h1s His description of a siege underlines the munher of good Christian coronation and that thc starting point of friction was prcc1sely the soldiers who might die in a heavy combat--and therefore the impos. the clergy. A.Y.566.en. 93.JJLtotally on the Kmg nor nobles charged him with secret contacts with the enemy to escape on the nobility. 208-209 gives another vers1011 of an cncounter m Gibraltar .a point which Palencia denics.-~EJ?-C.: oj1.: op. 4 '. del 2 • Fernández y Gonzálcz..l91· . thc King was amount of land for the aristocracy as payment far their support. •0 ·ne Dial)' qf ]oig uon flrtin/. ··5¿.t. the the following years. for everything had lost part of its former economical and political powcr. !. Castillo.. but added immense expenses . .: "The Balad and the Frontier .Jªid.d In any case. as shall later be discussed. dunng strategy bccause thcy prcvented large scale operations. the crusade in the East. success might have bcen greatcr had he only been able to proceed Historiography based on these chronicles has taken either side: with his strategy.¡. Enrique only confirmcd their suspicions when he crossed and the latter exccssive in their individualism and their · claims. cit.Vega in a skirmish Maybe . for Fernando and Isabel it was reduced the number of razzias against Christian towns. H Blcda.

cf. e que a su altcsa ¡í.: El cronista Alonso de Palencia. which made the vicar-general of the J eronimites ask the Dios e suyo e bien publico de sus regnos. nin ellos la resciban de su seño- The line of argument of the manifesto proposcd the outlines of ría nin de otro por el: e los moros que son del regno de Granada e oligarchical control of the country. Local cfforts had their conflíct of the Moorish guarcl.: op. e por emendar los dapnos e inconvinientes que de lo con- Around 1464 the atmosphcre at the Castilian court was more and trario se pueden seguir. It is intcrcsting to consider here the first point support his nephew Carlos de Viana and at the samc time to keep of these daíms. 115. cho e por leyes reales. About the 50 conflicts in Córdoba. se vayan en dicho tiempo a las morcrias e casas e log- to negociate. 49 apostamiento a ellos nin a los otros. ordenamos e mandamos que si los tales moros son libres. en el dicho tiempo los envien a las fronteras de los H Valcra. Memorias de Don Emique 19 ' Enríquez del CasLillo. e los envien de tal ma- Arévalo to write his Libellus de situ et descriptione Hispaniae. cit.: op. e a su señoría plugo que cerca de u tions between Christians and conversos suffered from a series of riots lo contenido en este capitulo sea proveido como comple al servicio de in Córdoba. sobre lo qua! fablamos con el dicho señor rey. e que de aqui adelante el dicho of the kingdom's futurc government and a manifesto was issued with señor rey non les de racion nin quitacion nin dadiva nin merced nin all their demancls.--Muslims their lord. Enrique IV tried to port of the pcople. and Jcws to be ejected from the realm and their confiscatcd prop- England. Enrique tiempo non los torne nin traya otros para la dicha su casa e guarda: IV rriet the League creatcd by the nobility twice that winter to try e _ordenamos e declaramos que los moros de los sobredichos que foc- sen mudejares. Howcvcr.apture of Gibraltar and Archidon~ conquered by after the Sentence of Medina. so he ordered Sánchez ele tivos quantos mas por ellos se puedan sacar. cit. Otrosi: por quanto en las peticiones propuestas por los dichos per- finishcd the wars promoted by the Crown. pp. salgan en el dicho tiempo de los regnos e señoríos del rey nues- tro señor e non esten nin tornen a ellos: e los que son esclavos del 4 ~ Tate. 78.: Nlemorial de diversas ha¿añas. D. It is true that the King. A commission was established to decide the structure ares donde son vecinos e naturales. p. in the first place. pp. 26. accusing thc King of inability to de otras partes.'rn This was the first in Castile and started precisely in iaridad e compañia con los dichos moros es muy defendida en dere- Toledo. Genoa and Venice asked for a Castilian alliancc which erties to be used to rescue Christian captives in Muslim lands. dicho señor rey. R. context. IV de Castilla. birthplace of many well-known conversos.69. leacling the country to thc verge of civil war. rela. B. which servicio de Dios e ensalzamiento de su santa fe. . 24 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. cit. He showed interest in includ- ing Castile in his gco-ethnical descripLion of the world. 50 The alrcady existcd with France and Portugal. 327-· 331·. e asimismo porque los lhe uneasiness caused b~ thc r?luctancy of Peninsular clcrgy to pay dichos moros dis que fizieron muchas sinrazones.. r430 --r470 25 Nevertheless.P1ºre taxes for the Turk1sh busmess.: op. main victim of the mcasures taken outcome in thel_s. just su compañia e casa e corte a todos los dichos moros que trae en su what Enrique IV had tried so hard to avoid. D. para que por ellos se saquen cristianos de los que estan cap- turcd befare Pius II about the conquest of Gibraltar. lcft the initiativc to thosc lados e caballeros e ricos-ornes fue suplicado al dicho señor rey que who had particular interests in the frontier. The struggle betwccn the old families and the ncw nobles de aqui a cinquenta días primeros siguientes eche e aparte de si e de reached its peal{. porque sus subditos two towns caused a good impression in Rome and helpcd to solvc e naturales estan dello muy escandalizados. pp. 47 In the same year (1460). The commission asked for. The del Campo (16 January 1465). D. 222. acatando el king for authorisation for a general inquisition in thc kingdom. ordenamos e declaramos que! dicho señor rey more tense.. cit.or rather ordcrcd-. e la participación con ellos es muy peligrosa e dapnosa. 4 r> The conquest of thcsc apartase de si los moros que trae en su guarda. The succession to the guarda asi de a caballo como de a pie. therc wcre no further attempts of royal campaigns solve the economíc crisis. moros. p. to Aragonese pressure. ploguiese de los mandar apartar de si e punir e castigar.: op. p. e por que la famil- he obtained. 366-367. Por ende nos. J. 60. which later formed part of the Sentence of Medina peace with Juan JI divcrting his interest from Castilian politics. Paz y Mcliá. lo qual se p . H. 107. nera que dentro del dicho tiempo salgan fuera del regno. Trame. e que agora nin en algund throne bccame the excuse for the dívision of the partics.. . Literally. but his lack of decission made him lose such opportunity. once II. de: Historia de la orden de San Jerónimo. see also Valcra.. +n Sigüenza. the Poncc de León and the Guzmanes. shoulcl be unclerstood within a broader the combincd effort of urban militias and local nobi'lity of the area. It deals with the situation of infidels Catalans acknowledgcd his importance by offcring Enrique to be at thc court. A. p. Enrique could count on the sup- due. Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo lec.

A.esc travell. J. ''" Palencia.l:""!JI1. 75 ff. 1n Enrique IV could hardly th. The reign di:ffcred greatly from the ones in their own countrics-regardlcss of of the Reyes Católicos . España de la Edad Media.. but he admits it is not the had been induced by him to convert to Islam! However Alonso de main problcm in Castilian politics. p. D. My own ordinary importancc to thc accusations of he. two p~o~ed .S. ~d his personal convictions should not be doubted. The scarce references to be found about Muslims were show that he was a pract1smg Chrisuan..n his J<ortalitium.G. s?eaking. But that is another story. and ruled from 1468 to 1474... nor that all the nobility were 'tEspina. who . 57 the country being close to dieren que los pueda matar sin pena alguna. Both Enrique's Islamophile tendencics and the i. 170r. > See my article "Los elches en la guardia de Juan II y Enrique IV ele Castilla". ordenamos e declaramos que qual- quiera persona los pueda tomar e captivar por esclavos.. What is certam isUus fondness thc claims at the Cortes in Ocaña for the money obtained frorn the l of Mudejm:. 16 7.: "Thc Balad and the Fronticr . 55 vinieren a vivir o andovieren en la guerra e guarda de casa del dicho The extensive use of Alonso de Palcncia's chronicle by contem- señor rey. ".g _to i:ely Q!1. N. with Enrique IV's Muslim them being Islamic. 53 The particular(ieaction against thc Muslim guard( in thc context of the accusations against Enrique had a politiéii.89. MacKay states the importance of this king..sonabT~ ·-to assume that his enemies would los moros mudejares e otros moros qualesquiera si en algund tiempo try to deprive him of his best rnilitary support. e .. despite being confessor to the King.'ose..: ILJ. his religious foundations in Segovia. FF.. it would b~. pp.. l. 29-30. thc King's attitude ~ow~rds being Islamophilc whcn the Jewish-converso problem was in its apogcc..érs rnight have been heavily imprcssed by customs which keep h.!.Csscs. 571It is also strange to see the King accuscd only of 1 :aus~ of the nobilityJ~trictly. A. ambassadors Enrique with chicf Alquirc. but on the contrary.. cit. e si se defen. o despues de idos se Alonso Pérez de Vivero rcmaincd loyal to the king. cit. W. .. On thc othcr reign.jarismo.: op.4 2 7. 81 .nofthe .~.4. E si los dichos fwas inherited from Juan II. The outcome of what has bccn cxposed was thelc. he praiscd Enrique's efforts ihterruption of the war against Granada were propaganda for the against Muslims. 26 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS.S. quoting how the Master of Calatrava and the Marquis of Villena issuc in its hcading thc list of complaints. and MacKay. ncvcr mcntioned this point- unitcd on this point.. used to travel through Muslim territorics. "vho was a Slav itary. and prornised his help against Granada. LMuslims and Jews día not difier much from thc uses of hls time. The accounts of Rozmital and his companions politics.:J. '' 3 Enríquez del Castillo.!issol1. Q}iitaciones de Corte.i. as they startcd a strong offensivc.y addressed to the J view is that it goes further.: op. and an intcrview of cvidcnt in this atmosphcrc according to the wi'h.{falencia56 givcs cxtra- Hillgarthó 2 thinks this clause is a concession to the clergy. r430.1470 27 faga e compla de aqui a los dichos cinquenta días.1!13~. Acculturation was infidcls to revcrt to thc liberation of captives. which he had to justify. p. him prisoncrJ ThcsJ el dia que esto füerc publicado en la corte del dicho señor rey fasta knights.'Cj). who had tumed to thcm when his cousin \ moros e qualquier dellos non saliere füera de los dichos regnos desde lJuan of Navarre (later Juan II of Aragón) took. 234 V! Simposio internacional de Mudi. cit.i.~.: op. pp. Plulhps. both diplomatic and mil- are full of contradictions and diffcr from Ehingen's..~s support of the chron.. pp. 325.pgs. 53 Phillips.hl!:P ~91!1Plªge súch as Philippe de Commynes or Leo of Rozmital.. leg. pp. 5 51 Transl.. pp. His quick approval ~n:Land the return of its mcmbcrs to their places of origin.e~istence of. l\IIacKay. cit. jtin~('. pp.gio. 52 1': ~onger study of the events can be found in Hillgarth.. 12is fathc1)_g11ard_and..1-"k. fü. 54 Enrique IV con- volvieren en cualquier manera.v. when he died. 4 21 .:otc frorn Málaga. of the project of an inquisition proposed by the J eronimite Alonso From the Sentence of Medina (1467) until the King's death (1474) de Oropesa. including sorne Muslim servants of Alvaro de Lúna and los dichos cinquenta dias primeros siguientes.: op. and who does not mention any reason for surprise in Enrique IV's court. f. cit. against the remaíns of Granada.confessors civil war. -~nd the . de: op.. 51 porary historians has favoured the nobility's version: writtcn aftcr thc The tolerant attitude towards Muslims had finished in Castile and dethroncmcnt of Ávila.iclers focus almost exclusively on the problcm of succession and {5onventual Franciscans. W.tU.. ff.!J..:. The guard 5 ~ A.i:é. e esa misma pena ayan 'a-éivil war.221.tion and habits in his palaces. A.

¡_tli~"a military order. pp. 1 ut sacri canonis Bibliae studio me mancípavcrim et in servitutem Dei The batlle o[ the Catalan-Aragonese kingdom was a judge whose competences included ali the territory of a particular town and its lands. See also Vendrell..?). baptised as Fernando because office of batlíe 1 of the city of Saragossa. keeping their surname Ben Labi. sic in quadruplici lingua fui eruditus Latina. A.. which produced a numbcr of members who had stood out cithcr in CHAPTER TWO civil offices or in the study of Scriptures. As from 1340... the important pcrsons should be followed by their synagogue~l In exchange. was famous for his THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: Hebrew translations and knew thc Latín classics. Arabica et Hebraea. Qyl~y rabbis and celebritics converted. For instance. . _______ .elus Christi: evolution of this family provides an interesting case of how condi- tions of coexistence worked during the fiftccnth-century. The organ- it: Franciscan and Dorrúnican convcnts in Salamanca and Valladolid. The only details we have about Pedro's early life are John and received thcir rents from thc royal trcasurc.- THE INI'ELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 29 This was an educatcd Jewish family..-·························-··-···.. Christian philosophy THE AUTHORS and poct1y. the lcing had been his godfathcr. He is also new-converts. the conversion of his family had twclfth ccntury. !>~farad (1943). in 1412 someth:ing happened that would mark their family life forever: the dispute of Tortosa. It inaugurated a literary trend which praised authors. This attempt to put an -"· The social origins and education of thc authors who <leal with the end to the problem of Jews and conversos in Aragon was promoted subject of Muslims in thc Ibcrian Península are essential to understand by Saint Vincent :Ferrer. born in a la Cavallería among themt_ King Fernando had several requrremcnts. The common dcment to sorne of them is the Bcncdict XIII. . A massive catechesis was planned to be attended by University of Salamanca and the centres of intellectual life surrounding the most important members of the Jewish community. Convcrsion should be pacific and spheres of infiuence. His brothcr Bonafós. · family of conversos and Muslims respectively. well-known in Saragossa. is not the only tures promised by the Scriptures. Howcver. 72. Both Pedro de la Cavallería and 'Isa ibn Djabir. which they enjoyed for gcn. l The polerrúc of Tortosa also had an important effe·cf on anti- Alfonso V of Aragon. Caldea.. F. Only a branch of the Cavallcrias remained loyal The figure of Pedro de la Cavallería. In thc thirteenth century sorne members hcld the been achievcd.".. had married the Christian Leonor) erations...·.. despite writing in the same chronological period. Vidal de la Cavallería (1370.: La forleresse. iussu fidclissimorum parentum meorum. Tamen a mea tenera aetate. which was to last onc wholc the courts of the European kingdoms and in Rome also affect these ycar.: "Aportaciones documentales para el estudio ..154. 115. 3 r~iationship . are in contact with these but he had also made a good offer..probably thc T emplars-since thc By thc time Pedro was born.. where he would judge surrounded by his own eourt and with severa! officcrs under his authority.forbidden to Jews in theory-both in thc royal court Pedro de La Cavallería and in the city hall. vol. can be considcred separately from the other J cwish propaganda. followed by Alonso de Espina who referred to Pedro th~ only. they would obtain royal protection and thcy would réinain in their offices..: l~an among them.. His family took its surname from its Alfonso as an cxamplc of true conversion which must be followed. V.. The íntcrnal relationships within to send their best masters to Tortosa on the 15 January 1413. The aljamas of Aragon were invited one to take part in this matter. who lived during the reign of to their formcr relígion. a disciple of Sclomó de Piera. p.. "Cavallería"... Fernando 1 of Aragon (1410-1416) andPope their points of vicw. 3 Meyuhas Ginio. ln- each Mendícant Order and the branches of ecclesiastical power in doctrination bceame a real disputation. 2 Ct:: Enryclopediajudaica. Vidal and B~nafós de ) writers . 2 Thc subscqucnt his own words in the introduction to his :{.. they wcrc protected by the Ordcr of Saint de la Cabra. in its university and local levels. izers would dcmonstratc that Jesus possessed ali the messianic fea- But the Church.

vances and customs of Aragon by the juror (Justicia de Aragon) Martín Probably Pedro. novi eorum caecitatem validis rationibus family were irreproaehablc regarding the purity of his Christian faith. D. 2r. Lord of Rueda. Pedro Perez de Embún.~ved to be D . pp. and hamin. tic:ular those who had sccn him participate in disputes and who had clashcs with the testimony of one of the witnesses at the Cavallerias' told him to his facc that the law of Moses and Islam were easier to tria! by the Inquisition around 1480. 241 .191. D. 189. : Historia de los judíos en la España cristiana..: Bibliotecas antigua y nueva de escritores aragoneses. ordercd by the prior Pedro de to defend and spread thc faith ofJesus Christ. . D. He was appointed maestre racional of Aragon sec how sorne guilds admittcd even Muslims in their numbers. cit. 314. t: 2r-v. D. . . p.. 312. ut a tenera mea aetate (gratia Dei) desiderio desider. We shall -privileges from the king. However.. given that the witnesses Thesc notes eonfirm the trend towards an incrcase in the number could not deny openly that Fernando/Bonafós de la Cavallería had ¡ of children going to collegc in the fifteenth ccntury. It became more common to find people who had riscn vert was still alive. the chapters he devoted to the falschood of this statement was written by Fernando himself. His first public appearance was as eounsellor to Alfonso V of His greatest triumph and confirmation of his religious rchabilita- { Aragon and commissioner for Queen Maria in the cortes of 1\ifonzón tion was the admission of Fernando to the guild of Saint Vinccnt ~nd Alcañiz (1436. noverim caecitatem ludaicam: et habens cum ludais et of citizens for a testimony stating that his origins and those of his Sarracenis multas disputationes. been brought upas aJew. The document clated l3 May 1414 try's codes for lite.: op. M. M. The . lVI. This behaviour. F. A Jewish wcavcr reported then believe. 11 6 ZC. cit. S. Dánvila y Collado. . would have joined the same guild sooner or latcr. jurors and councillors gave a more legal basis to the religious knowl.. Juan targets for the anti-converso theoreticians. The witnesses. D. used to be in the Archivo de Protocolos de Zaragoza. who were employed in civil affairs. JO Serrano y Sanz. See chapter 7. 11 By that time he had as a renowned lawyer he took part in the publication of the obser. sarracenos et infideles was that at the time of the plague. . 5 Mqyor). as stated by sev.. 0 Sobrequés. when Pedro de la Cavallería and his finished in 1450.'" era! authors. already foundcd the.: Orígenes de la dominación española .242.: op. chapel of thc Holy Spirit in thc Town Hall.elus Christi contra iudaeos. . Pedro decided to ask a group cum Latina. Latassa. the proof of '¡ edge he had already acquircd. Y. confessed his origins together with his former Jewish name 10 in 1414. one of the favourite filla of the Order of Santiago.expulsión de los 5 Latassa. 12 answers should be given to Jews and Muslims. pp. class __Y. D. gave their testimony out of friendship or to benefit from ltciences.1437). inerease its propcrtics. in his own words name is not in the capbreu of 1515. but his Pedro started to write a book against Judaism. '. 12 7 Serrano y Sanz. Juan de Caseda. Cavallcría's contacts with Fernández de Heredia. f. p. Juan de Gurrca and D. he spokc in • ZC.a. Juan de Murillo. Juan Gareés de Marcilla.Y. pp.Justicia de moriscos españoles. 9 Baer. causing '\ averim aclhaerere Christo Iesu: et aequando scripturam Hebraicam the buming of the city's Muslim quarter. He addressed in par. Juan de Francia. He was also an interpretcr of tbc coun. he answercd to the prayer ovcr the food. In the following years his family continued to family had moved to the house thcy had in one Aragoncse village. Thcy wcre D. as he knew what Sesse.v.Juan de Villalpando. As part of his work still if it was a famous converso likc Cavallería. F. superatam. cit. apparently in accordance with sound prineiples. 9 Thc generation who had seen him con. It p. 7 Pedro uscd to visit his house and enjoy the Saturday meal with wine At that moment and probably simultaneously to the wave of anti. LopeJiménez de also open to the higher ranks of conversos. who affirmed that they knew /from the lower groups of society through the study of law .nd the Fernando. latcr. who ! Islam within his work lackcd the same depth. 528. p. 30 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AlJTHORS 31 me redegerim.: op.> ·. pp. 6 His Tractatus z:. semitism which affected Aragon and Valcncia8 around 1455. Howcver. as maestre racional (cquivalent to the Castilian contador " Díez de Aux. 34-37. 4 The legal document was shrewdly written. Fríar Juan Bon- o11é~f the main factors for assímilation and. Aragón was a lord who ensurcd the observancc of ancient customs and judged the litigations betwecn the King and the nobles. In 1438 he and his family received severa! Martyr of the Racioneros de la Jvfensa at the see in Saragossa. 191 192. better and fiscal attorney (procurador fiscal) far the King.: La. This new intellcctuat Pedro's position.

His scrvices to the Jewish community might have been important in the position he was hold. would fulfil the agrcements of Ocaña and at the same time to be Jimeno Gordo. 16 were suffering even in their prívate lives. J. . 18 Cf: Vícens Vives. bis conversion and his work . cit. "Be quiet. 27. Hcredia. correligionaries. on the Thé tüwn council started a lawsuit against the murderers. y mando y vicdo toda la ciudat de Aragon . . you fool! And how far could I have gone being a Jew other than a rabhi? Now I am the leading head-juror. p. which would rule the • 13 country during thc last years of the century.: op. Felipe Galcerán de Castro. . y agora fago lo que me quiero. who said he had met him in 1468. 192. . p. Gerona. Zurita adds that on 9 May 1469 King Juan II sent Cavallería and ing. no sin dificultad.: Juan I1 de Aragón. rescató el collar In this light. Tbis knigbt had killed a Vives and Latassa. 1'1 but the date of his deatb remains unclear. cit.0. Aragón. The life we have already met as consignatories of Cavallería's statement of of Pedro de la Cavallería." Cf.. Latassa. and now I do as I wish. cit. After the expropríation. nese prince's party. neighbour from Villanueva whom he had found cutting wood in the which seems doubtfül. 16 Palencia.: ojJ. wbich accord. to guarantee that the princess The people of Saragossa rioted. of wbom we have no more records left.: op. para que llevásemos uno y otro al arzobispo de Toledo. 15 rcfers to the strug. but unfortunately there are no records of these activitics for his the moncy of the dowiy from Saragossa to the Archbishop of Toledo. 317. J. y por un cnforadillo U esús de Nazareth] agora me fazen tanta honra.. M. Tendilla :Qiego López de Mendoza to ensure his loyalty to the Arago- The first version. Artal de Aragon. pp . started when he was sent to Alcalá with Alonso de Palencia from ing to this version would bave happened on the 26 October 1465. when so jurado en cap. que se nos entregó a mí y a Pedro de la Cavalleria. I. so that the two messengers could give her the moncy Fernández de. quién me lo veda a rrú que no lo faga? Quando era Prometió el principe cumplir sumisamente cuanto se le ordenaba [. besieged by thc Angevines. F. but Serrano 10 thinks it could have been his son. XV.::. en el sabado no osava yr fasta ahí. The marriage took place. A. who could have heard it from Alonso de Palencia himself. As and historians from the fifteenth century. Sorne of them Enrique IV.: 1\l[emo1ial. p. 17 This version was accepted by other chroniclers gles following thc division of Aragon into factions around 1465. 192. amount of money far Alonso Carrillo.: op. Thcy took the city flag and brought it to the cburcb sure of the acccptance of other nobles. p.: ojJ. . He was carrying a certain ófSaitit Mary the · Great with 300 knights and 4. y qué podía subir estando judío de rabí en suso? Agora iclcr Alonso de Palencia. attempt to lead a double life... 193. 32 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH 1: THE AUTHORS 33 Hebrcw to the host and he discussed thc Torah. p. 11 Zurita. Archbishop of Toledo. *** [. F. cit. led by the first jurat of the city. a la sazón residente en Alcalá. who had not becn consulted as law required. servant to the Archbisbop. p. recorded by Menéndez Pidal. and through a lortured man (Jesus} now they honour me so much. Vicens tiori of Juan Ximénez de Cerdán's houses.. He Pedro de la Cavallería made bis will on tbe 22 December 1458. The second version comes from his famous contemporary chron- Calla. 1 <lid not dare do as much on Saturday. M. also had to perform a diplomatic mission: talking to the Earl of according to his wifc.] Who bothers me if 1 want to fast in Quippur and celebrate your Easter and evcrything? Who prevents me from doing so? When I was a Jew. p.1. to the great anger of and other people from Huesca. 158-16.: Anales de la Corona dr.. When asked about purity of faith. doses with a link to thc following generation.Palencia. Serrano y Sanz. 31'. Juan de Villalpando and a nccklace. i:i torció el camino para Valencia y allí.: Los 1í-astámara . D.000 foot soldiers. Lope Jiménez de Urrea.] judío. forests of El Castellar. 449-450. loco. 14 Latassa. 15 Cf: Suárez Fernándcz.. and I command and ovcrsee all the city of Saragossa.. he was commissioned to arrange the dowry for thc marriage betwccn quién me quita a mí que si yo quiero ayunar el Quipur y tener vuestras Isabel of Castile and Fernando of Aragon: pascuas y todo. She was there by Juan de Híjar. Juan on the 30 May. supported condition tbat the princess would soon be in the city. he said: to the city of Saragossa. pp. such as Diego de Valera batlle of Saragossa. Thc conftict continued until the Cerdáns surrendered his conversion. Valera. cit.etus Christi seem more an y reunió el dinero.. Cavallería was involved in a case of expropria. the answcr of thc Assuming it was the same Pedro de la Cavallería. Barbastro and Daroca. L.. 603. escaping from the control the Jews íntegro ciudadano de Zaragoza.: Serrano y Sanz. the whole episode Cerdáns was to plot Pedro de la Cavallería's murder. accompanied by Alonso de .

where he taught from 1418 to 1433.ey incorporated theology charrs in the Salamanca and thc other famous lberian universities provided edu- -fifteenth centuryJ Ncw centres did not appear.E~~obar. in threc diiferent chairs.abli~hments-Salama~c~ a~d V allado~id . pp. cated ¡priests for employment in the higher ranks of Vatican diplo- Particularly in Salamanca.::'.. moving thcn as well as to understand their ways of approaching the problems of to a chair. There was a great number The philologists were strongly inftuenced by the Italian Humanism of Ibcrians at the.·Humani~m had already spreacl and two kinds of graduates could Mella. 34 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 35 Juan de Segovia achievcments throughout thc Iberian universities at the .t devoted court.~? . Bachelor in Arts by 1413 and in theology around 1418. __yntiLanOlund . cit. with sorne inftuence in the Castilian royal/ (Ysbon and Co1mbra rn Portugal and Lenda m Cataloma. Antonio de la Cerda andjuan de· ..Castile.?.r. The masters of the Sacred l)alace were usually Dominicans.ries . m~9'. Cavalleria or an Observant Franciscan who worked as a mass preacher) } te. · Juan Alfonso González was born in Segovia in 1393. One of his Another distinction which should be taken into consideration were first memories. ported a new style of educatio/ based on the Later-Roman canon Juan de Óarvajal. his ecclesiastical studies probably started All these factors are important to study the influcncc of Humanism around 1407.. Jua~ de Sc~ovia's .~~ case. Juan de Segovia was referendary through the study of Latin-and less important. Greek and sup.we find Alfonso García de Covarrubias.'t ..Rota. their distinct focus on humanist- f In 1421 he was commissioncd to obtain from Martin V a ncw con. the bishop of Granada.·. . .e. thc fifteenth ce~t~ry was a period of cx.¿~-.. was the scholars who remained teaching at university and those who the number of Muslims he could find in his native city. ha~. Juan de Segovia and Juan Rodríguez de la Cámara or del !>e clistinguished at university arid associated eccclesiastical institutions.f1()thmg to do with . philological or historieal matters was provided by their personal cxpe- zstitution for thc Univcrsity. Friar torians still upheld the scholastic style and thc providential history. popes m Rome dunng the m1d-fifteenth century_J It is mterestmg to " lomcw was founded by bishop Diego de Ana. From 1428.than the medieval onc¿On the other side. and Rodrigo Sánchez de Arevalo. studies and prestige.. _0 e. rather . where they were well appreciatcd. the sixtcenth century.bcginning of(. written by Dario Cabanelas and publíshed in ¡nd had wOrKed as doctor and major-·chaplain of King Juan II of Madrid 1952. their time.A(~:E!.d bishop Alonso ele Madrigal "el Tostado" of Ávila.) Al1aya hi~selfall.approach as both a seholar at. They surrendered when thc linguists succeeded in cxtending their Cosme de Montserrat was Calixtus III's·t. he might havc bcen in their styles and in the use of Latin versus vernacular languages. Velasco de Cuéllar and Francisco de Toledo. In that e cabsas de la universidad. and Andres de Gazull.. to the Pops. Juan de Cervantes.-without losing his position. 19 a forme~-memher-ofa'je~sl'l comri:türiityaiiArabbi like Pedro de la A study of the Iberian universitics shows a small number of four. the study of liberal arts and theology. 19 Pgp.Juan de Casanova. .hassado. Then he became procurador de los negocios riences and the development of their careers in the Church..·-.:ttic¡. In the Curia. unless otherwise stated.ya.J ~s is shown ~y the~on~ list of Castilians vyho . bcing home to thc see what particular kind of jobs they performed: there were cardi- most rcnowned theologians of Basle and Constance. Domingo Ram. former secretary to the King of 20 See Hillgarlh. univcrsity ª?d J later a cliplom. thcologians and his. Brought up moved to a royal court or to Rome. thc castcllan of Saint Angc~~j Sccre!<i.w~rked f~r the pansion in numbers. 183 ff Aragon... as he wrote to his friend bishop Jean Germain. in this mixture of cultures. Juan de Torquemada. Lopc de Olmedo.: op.~~.--Añ"d~t.1-500. to the study of law until /JP..g[_ab~~~.were Fernando Díaz de Toledo-who was doetoi' m deerees The details of Juan de Scgnvia's lite are taken from thc cxcellent biography Juan de Segovia J' el problema islámico. the rcstorer of thc Jeronimitcs. N. among them nals such as Alonso Carrillo. where stcps towards their assimilation.Friar Gonzalo de Balboa.ury .enth-cent.~.. His prestige was such that he was given severaj}. Castile-. Padrón were serving cardinal Cervantes. The Collcgc of Saint Bartho. Their common cultural baggage was he had studied and to whom he donated his library at bis death. If he followed the usual career.J. such as Alonso de Espina. including their perception of religious minorities and the His first years were linked to the University of Salamanca.:trdinal of the C~urch.

pp.Juan de Segovia travelled together with sage. Ultimately he had which the latter would always be grateful. after J_:¡g!2i~g. Juan de Segovia acted again as a com. hold of a Koran for hi~. whom he had met in Baslc. 231. . see Anawati.. D . et al.Jris Theology ~octorate guard. archdeacon in Villaviciosa began writing his treatiscs against Islam. later bishop of Nevers..223..: op. after being fargiven. cellor of the Order of the Goldcn fleece from 1430.: L'église au temps du grande schisme . C.s far cardinal Piccolomíni. 180. XXXII .22 This to Ayton in July 1455.75... 67. E. He was brought Muslims in Córdoba and on the fallowing year he tried to have a up in the court of Burgundy. pp . He was <lean of the Sainte Chapelle in Dijüñ.: op. .349. where the patriarch of Constantinople asked him to get Islam even when Pius II startcd preparing the next crusade.: "Un réprcsentant de la polémiquc antimusul- mane au xv•m• sieclc. Correspondcnce between Cusa and Juan de Segovia has been publishcd by their side was in the schism. Other documents and lettcrs followcd to justify his position. his lettcrs extend from their first meet- ~though rejecting the app~iptment of a new pope (Felix V.: op. 2 1 It is not surprising that proposals.. éveque de Ncvers et de Chalon sur Saonc". Juan de Scgovia's intercst in Islam began approximately he received the cardinalate. Juan de Torquemada befare the arrival of their superior. he asked for his writings. Juan de Segovia and Nicholas of Cusa Cabanelas.. His diplomatic missions creslien et du sarrazin was translated to Latín on command of the Duke resulted in a number of privileges being bestowed upon him: he was of Burgundy and had already reached Juan de Segovia when he appointed canon in Palencia and Toledo. Segovia sent Germain de Segovia. mation from a Carmelite theologian who travclled from Burgundy ~ative of the University befare the Council of Basle (1437). he travelled to Castilc as refer. He finally managed to arrange the dispute of Medina del in París.·"and Campo with a Granadan ambassador. kh$ council over pope Eugenius IV. they wcrc Juan de Casanova. apologize and. cit. bishop of Cha16n-sur- cndary to the Pope to obtaín from Jq_an II thc payment of thc tithe Saóne. 36 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 37 between 1417 and 1470. Nicholas his method of conciliation with Islam. 203-295 and Sacrorum Conciliorwn nove et amplissima collectio. a long one "'-" council was the meeting point far all members of the ecclesiastical in five books and a briefer one dedicatcd to Philip the Good. cit. 8. 2 Gómez Cancdo. . G.. /ti. 303. archbishop but Germain answercd rudely in a refutation and nevcr wrote to Alonso Carrillo. Then he was elected the represen. Y. pp. turn.. pp. 234·--236. ' 22 About the council. . advice for in which he agreed with Juan de Torquemada. a subject mend Juan de Segovia the publication of his whole work. met again at the Dict of Nuremberg in 1440 to discuss conciliarist Juan de Torquemada and Jacobo Gil. cit. The same happencd with Jcan Germain. thcy were to engage in an interest-j Ibcrian influence was noticed in the Latín Church diplomacy . When the conciliarist party declared the primacy of him again. From then onwards. 25 Cabanclas. We havc already cxamined his role as chan- On his retum to Romc. Juan Sánchez. see Delarouelle. no mattcr what l'Islam..Roman Curia and he was soon called on to j_~~_]. D.· De paceJidei and stood firm in his position of pacific debate. together with an oral mcs- of Cusa and Jean Germain . in 1425.: Nicolas de Cues ei le probteme de counterparts continued over a large span of time. At higher ranks who would later deal váth the problem of Islam: Juan the same time as he was asking for the books. Later l:ic would recom- and the debate about Virgin Mary's immaculate coneeption. 25 He had obtained the infor- and in the cathedral of Oviedo.. 26 to accept the election of Felix V. who had referred to two treatises. . pp. wherc Philip the Good appointed him religious debate with sorne members of Prince Yusuf ibn al-Mawl's to be his counscllor in 1429.: Don Juan de Caroqjal. J ean Germain. P arís 1958.. v. In fact. Juan de Segovia joined them. of which he was very proud. 90. elected ing in 1440 at Basle until thc date of Juan de Segovia's deat1!_Jwhen on thc 5 November l 439)j His work during the council involved Piccolomíni hcard about the peaceful rriethod sustaincd by the Castilian another defence of the constitutions of the University of Salamanca cardinal in Rome. Canedo.-(¡{ 1428. Juan de T orquemada. Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. ing correspondence23 and Segovia would help the Italian car?inal to Juan de Segovia's skills soon impresscd the high officers of thc find the manuscripts he needed for his works about Islar~J In his . Nicholas of Cusa sent Juan de Segovia a dedicated copy of his His life from then onwards was that of á-t~~veller: in i4-2'r'lie ' w3:'~.f~ 1430 he was questioning the family from Cluny.21 His Débat du UJiissioner for the University of Salamanca. opposing in Rome. L. wherc he was born around 1400. pp.M . Germain was son of a modest for a crusade against the Hussit~. L... Position des theses soutenus a l'École de Charles. 2fi Gómer. 2• Sec bibliography in Lacazc. Communication among the Castilian cardinals and their European ~" About Nicholas of Cusa.

: op. According to 'Isa's Unfortunately.. as confirmcd by his masterwork the shows a degrec of affection as. Following the fall of Constantinople slated ínto Castilian to be then translated again into Latin by Juan in that year. this huge task.h~~c_:Lc:f t. 23 ·rñ ~¡. he decided to copy-this time in Arabic.from the library of a German monastery. for instance.1a. Cusa wrote: Breviario sunní. and precisely because he was a reciter of the Koran. but this did not involve bcing accepted back into Aragonese. invite . crcated w tinople by the Dominican John of Ragusio. XLVIIl. Unfortunately no copy of 27 this arduous work is left. N. Sir and v_ery singular friend: [.tion . whi~h w~re most pleasant to me.t only ii.mcluding the tasks of rec1ter (muqn') ') an intcllectual exchange among these mcn. . and ~on they were joincd by Piccolomini and Empcror just married in 1456 when he was called to Ayton.priory·óf>Ayton. Juan de Segovia's career changed.fellow~-cílizéli~Jüaff··· ae When Fe1ix V abdicated in 1449. was the ideal person to . in Say()y.. : J¡/amic Literature in Spanish and A!jamiado. he ft?c Cllria./ letters. cit. devoted himself to writing a history ofthe 'Góun. op. His Roman carcer was finished. a title imply- legi ét relég1. When he rcalised the mistakcs made in the translations of support for the conciliarist party.: ~~· Wiegers. In the colophon of one of the manuscripts of the Breviario he . sed He also appears in sorne prívate documcnts and in one inscription potms glutmo compactum.ortnrí. he wrote a letter to cardinal Cervantes about the way de Segovia with 'Isa's advice. as well as the Castilian Rodrigo Sánchcz de to substitutc.J~ti. ur1g('!:J:"~"~. quod iocundissime intellexi.Iveñ:. p. The translation "ileges in Leon in exchangc for a pcnsion for life. rec. Rcverendissime in Christo pater. M~rch 1456fC. he managed to obtain a second the Koran into Latin which were available to him.n:_to__thc. 29 .. 3 ° Cabanelas. and probably sorne notes to help understand the most difficult suras. . Most of the dctails which have rcached the debates were our old friends Nicholas of Cusa and Juan de us about his life wcrc provided by Juan de Scgovia himself. [.. He had Carvajal. Toledo founded by Alfonso X: the Koran would be copied ancl tran- 1450).y casc. D. him: He proba~ly ~eld t~c offices of alcald~ and Ja~h ( Arévalo. and teacher of Koranic studics. of: De /1ace fidei. Fortunatcly. always acting as thc . 38 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH J: THE AUTHORS 39 around the time of his participation in the Council of Basle.grcat ~at1sfact10n from many of them . . influences must have been mutual. on Muf.kowledge--ürAra15ic. hec stet scntentis: noset essc et mancrc semper amicos affcctibus atque operibus id ipsum attcstantibus. There He decided to . s. Savoy and Caesarca in 1453. 20 "Rev~rend Father in Christ.-wliá:t. . Firstly. Wiegers thinks he bclonged to thc ' tween Juan de Segovia. p.) Wc are and w1ll rcmam always fnends as 1s testJfied by aftections and works".. p. Cabanclas. ut paucis utar. D. .of Basle. their ecclesiological discussions did not prevent of the MudcJar a!Jama at Scgovia. .) l received your arate.lie huius ostensio michi patuit quando secrctiora michi primum revelastis Mudejar community. pp. bccause 1 saw the bond of the old fnend~h1p bet~veen us no.h!f.d l . work of his. The correspondence be. 27 which he had copied. As consolation he would be made in the p~~est stYie -offüc "Sthoolof Translators of was given the honorary sces of Saint Paul Trois Chateaux (Arles. G. e . et de multis maximam recepi complacentiam· in primis ing a kind of hierarchy and his acknow1edgment by the community.tact l~ut even fi:m!y glued together.ciid~tiónem~ recepi littéras vestras. 142-147. andJuan de Segovia's con. for the German clergy biographcr Wíegers. a fine library and became fully involved in thc study of the Islamic When he was sent to Germany as ambassador to ask for the emperor's problem. t·r·a· n. his mission was not successful. ~cgovia. Nicholas of Cusa and Eneas Silvius Piccolomini sufi guild (tartqa) of the slziidhil'is. so he was eager JFrederick III/forquemada was onc of the most ferv. was born around 1420 and there are no refuscd to accept his appointment as a cardinal.'Isa ibn Djabir to make a new translation. maxime autem placed in thc alcazar of Scgovia. They worked twelve hours a day. non tantum vidi int~grum.. quas was mentioned as thc mziftí mayor de los moros de Castilla. qui~ nexu~ veteris ínter nos amicitie. ·castilian and probably 1edge Nicholas V. a compilation of thc laws and observances of the Sunna (1462). 30 At such Cusa.~ are concerned with here is 'Isa ibn Djabir's J~ollaboration in th. 311.iammad's genealogy and life.. wh1ch I read and read again.ent writers in to return to Segovia as soon as possiblc and he proposecl his brother ¿~efensc of the papacy. and I received tact with a practising Muslim helped hím to incrcase his knowledge )' a . . so he resigned his priv. he. domine et amice singularissime: post . His opponents in more traces of him after 1462.. et. He staycd in Ayt9!!_foLJifour months __ (Decembcr 1455 to He was ordered to retract from his conciliarist ideas and acknowl. 142. michi utique gratissimas. where he ) he could see a Latin translation of the Koran brought from Constan. Thc Muslim writer added sorne comments to convert thc Saracens by indoctrination.

del: Claros varones de Castilla. o not b e iorgot- r come his s_1:!fl:?. 19. Juan de Segovia sent 'Isa a short treatise c:xplaining Christian faith._. de: op. which suggcsts that T orquemada has be en attributed a converso origin. resigned a11· his rights to the family's propcrties to become a Dominican Back to Juan de Segovia.. And this dcspite {Cardinal of Saint Sixtus and his treatise for the conversion of the the difficulties a small monastery on a very high. and after consent:J.. . (received the dignity of. i:hey túinslat¡.: López Martínez. p. 99. cil. .. . one in philosophy and one of theology in ) arguments.: op. 2928. whose knowledge of Arabic was fading.~~-c of the famo~~. l.R TWO TIIE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH r: THE AUTHORS 41 on Islam.. mouritain" having called from Spain a master in the Arabic language.31 Later. _ . l 47-220. Greeks ' Armenians . Lat. . the fact that Christians encouraged 'Isa to in the church of Saint Eulalia of Torquemada. cit. interest shown in the translation by the repartidores of Scgovia. N . Wiegers Tomás. hidden of education. G.ríse. by 145 7 his health was deteriorating so in the convent of Saint Paul in Valladolid.ito our language the book called al-Koran in which Mu}:iammad the pseudo-prophet's miseries and ravings are contained..who called himself specially in Paris and Bologna. . 83. Vat.·· 'Isa ibn Djabir realised the possibilities of stich: 'á ten that this Juan de Torquemada was ur:. Cf.Iig to JOlil Nicholas Max1mus Pontifex. XLVI. a Spaniard leamed in customs and doctrine.~~_g1:_1isitor . after foundations would share as well. t'ranslii:l. F. Saint Dominic ment made about him by Eneas S.: Los judaíz:. 31 Ms.: "The Ileginnings of the Dominican Reform in 3 + Cf. """" ~. tations which may prove it. 35 Also a manuscript of Pablo de Santa 1\!Iaría's Scrutinium community. cit. 389.. 37 Quétif.i. Bohemians and hcrctics:36 It shuld . Castile. 40 CHAPTE. and decided to compile the Sunna in Spanish.. 1376). -149.~--.. the order cnrolled quite a number of students and professors. for he has found a reference to the ·---'·":Hi. one of his properties makc a Spanish rendering of Islamic laws says much about religious ncar Palencia. he was the principal of the church ation of studia provincialia and studia generalia.Amageus. p. f. werc he was brought up.. p. G... L. of Caesarea. A: A History oJ tlze Dominican Order. Provinces could have one or more grammar-schools but never more and he exposed Iris incompetences with true and clever reasons and than one college of arts.~-- Their geographical diffusion was parallel with and 1 *** :10 "His grandparents were of the lincage of the Jews who were converted to our holy Catholic faith". Due to their settlement in university Juan de Segovia. . p.37 quickly that he ·bound and catalogued all his books to give them to The spirit of the Dominican arder had insisted much on thc irnpor- the University of Salamanca. to limit the use scripturarum includcs a note on famous conversos which mentions the of Arabic as a cult language for practica! reasons. 33 If we knighted by Alfonso XI. Wiegers. pp. as he wrote to a friend in 1458 about thcir habits of food Juan de Torquemada and fasting. He was buried with his wife Juana de Tovar assume this to be true. V._ ... From 1405 the organization of the Dominican collegcs changed. Fernando del Pulgar says that "sus abue- According to Harvey32 it was Segovia who suggested 'Isa ibn Djabir los fueron del linaje de los judíos convertidos a nuestra sancta fe that it was possible-and cven convenient--for the Castilian Muslim catholica".. . The system developed with the cre- he resigned the title of cardinal..: lslamic Spain. N. who tan he compared in doctrine to the highest mastcrs in Theology. 32 Harvey. His grandsonJuan was born in Valladolid in 1388 and exchange-undoubtedly for economic reasons also in this case. tance of learning as a way of preaehing salvation. Therc are two quo- the two works wcre related to each other. Cusa.38 a characteristic which the Iberian Pope.'-~rigins can be traced back to Lope Alfonso (d.antes castellanos . He died on 24 May 1458. 150. 3'1 ___ each vicariate.: Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum.cardi~~ _f!9. p. on his turn. obvious to a Muslim juror. 38 Hinnebusch. 'Isa ibn Djabir mentíoned his journey Just likc Alonso de Espina. Castilc''. ·· differs from Harvey's opinion. pp. in Spain in the Fjfteenth Century. Secluded .: op. 837 . Cf. W . Piccolomíni in his Cosmographia continually encouraged his friars to study and to use debate as an lshows the respect he earned among his contemporaries: intellectual exercise. The judge. About the order m 33 Wiegers. P.. .but this time fully justified----Juan de to Ayton when he bcgan his Breviario in 1462. 36 Thc manuscript was in the former collectíon of the cathedral of Toledo.i. see Beltrán de Hcrcdia. cities. 148 . . c. . first in his fight against the Albigensians and later as a teaching method. to provide for all levels •. Burgos.. 197 v. p. Once he had over. Pulgar. p. l.

.. 411. who was defeated.: oj1. 41 Torquemada.Jean Frarn.: Cmwersos on Tn'al. A. probably not by chance. F.. On the other side. Eugenius IV scnt Torquemada together with ny sorne Franciscans also ----in this network of collegcs 39 explains well Pierre de Meaux. p. This cxplains why his literary production was so diversified: whcn thc univcrsities gave the friars their degrees. or whcre thc Dominicans managed thc university's faculty of theology. :¡ 9 Hillgarth.Chatelain. for Franciscans dissolution and removal of the council to Florence and Ferrara kept l and Dominicans faced a ncwly created. -. . Bishop of Avila.. onc of the best pieces of news received at the college. cit.: Dizionarw di erudizione . cit. with Philip of ¡made him ch osen to accompany Luis de Valladolid to Constancc in Burgundy and the chanccllor of the Order of the Goldcn Flcecc. as rcccíved there the news that he had bccn made cardinal of Saint 4 already was thc Franciscan college. p.. . Torquemada bccame the "voicc" of thc Iberian Peninsula where riots had ariscn against the conversos in Toledo pontificatc to be heard at ali important assemblies. despite the refusal of Francc next year. According to Bcínart this '1 º Touron.ois de Liste and the Bishop of Spoleto. thc Council of Basle~ which which was translatcd into Arabic. he was appointed prior of his casa mater of Valladolid. p. A E. independent faculty of thc. so that both could engage in the fight against thc Turks.. 398 sustain lhe 15/3/1423 whereas Dcnifle. : Histoire des lwmmes illustres . . cit. Ms.: 1í·atado contra madianitas. Latín +l Touron.. communion with the Greek Church.~s Master of the Sacred Apostolic"'Pi:iiace --~~d soon after was asked to writc a ncw formulation of the creed far thc Syrians. continuity between the famous pogroms of 1391 and this revolt.H But the time of his namc of Ignatius.: op. 40 Luis de Valladolid bishop Jean Germain. G.with a new social group formed by New Christians of Jewish descent.. issucd a statutc to the charters of the college in Paris: Quétif. liccntia in the spring of 1423 or 1424.: op. 47 Bcinart.'th_e_}~~~rney to Constancc. A. 45 Then he wcnt to Siena whcrc trairiiffg·:-affer' . mostly urban workmen.. Juan de Torquemada was re- Q "'o:ffices in Castile was almost over._where Torquemada was sent to finish his by Juan d~ Segovia. -IG Touron. which He sharcd his intcrcst. p. The In Salamanca the situation was more complicated.: op. p. In 1431 Eugenius iy__ ~illl. 8. Paris 1897. cit. 5494 in the National Library of Paris statcs thc date of his master: 6 February -K• Moroni. . cit..Jacques in Pa. with the difference that they substitute the initial target. . Torquemada would be no exception. p. Thc othcr airo of the delegation was to persuade the French king to found in Saint Paul a double collcge inspired in the College monarch to support Eugenius IV as pope against Fclix V. 4. Patriarch of Syria.: G7tartulaiium Universitatis Parisiensis. 403. of England. p.! He obtained permission from the Sixtus. I. A. cf. /ne was appointcd papal theologian at . 10. In 1449. the education received by the Dominicans-and clccted pope in 1439. pp. for which he prc. ~e. Touron. · 13 Pulgar. A: ojJ.'1'1 All his biographers agree upon his ~u~~':~9i-~g-~!_~~-~~$~~~e. Quétif. p. 100. H.e.the Jews. 42 CHAPTER nvo THE JNTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 4-3 rivalled the influcnce of thc universitics.. 398. Once finishcd.. cit. . H. he ' to .J. . cit. del: ojJ. returned to thc Roman Church under the ¡and later of Saint Petcr Martyr in Toledo. cit. pp. and Ciudad Real. 837 and Touron. Far the most part. p. Juan de Torqucmada had to turn his sights again to the From this moment.: op. Juan de Torquemada rival to the faculty of thcology of the Univcrsity of Salamanca.dJüm quired by thc commission which examined him. IV. him from suffering at Eugcnius IV's deposition.J.!_4 17 as ambassadors of King Juan II of Castile. III. is the first violcnt oppositíon to the infiltration of conversos in thc 12 ' The di1Terent dates come from historians of the Dominican order as opposcd Christian societyY The rcbcls. p.'11 There he obtained his his arguments turned against Alfonso "el Tostado". historians have stressed the parcd speeches on the most varicd subjects ordercd by the succes. In general. A. J.. Bishop of Edessa. and a master in thcology thc The defeat of the Turks in Varna was. whose Exhortation a Charles VII pour alter autremer was then trying to turn thc convcnt of Saint Paul into a scientific could be given to the king at thc sarnc time. becoming mixed such as sivc popes. enough why they were chosen for the highcst ranks as we have seen to cxhort Charles VII of France to sign a peacc treaty with thc Kíng during thc fifteenth century. 838.. l. or in those {sjties f the Bohcmian-Hussitc issue.. represented - of Saint . 1425. but there is no cvidence-42 for a long time concerning crusadc. the controversy about Mary's virginity are only sorne examples.. 428 and Lópcz Martíncz in his cdition of Tratado contra madianitas defcncl the 3/3/ 1424·. 183 ft uscd by Alvaro de Luna as tax-collectors. 396--397. II. l. 46 he hdped to prepare. . When Felix V was ¿ ology. Allah._!:!§1. Almost at the same time 'Abd Back to Castile.: op. p. Sorne authors say that he taught theology and canon law to participate in the crusade. N.

indulgence far those who would pay for their fight in Morca for one ing the conversos on the 24 September 1449. But it should not be forgotten that. Touron. cit. The appeal to thc King led to a trial where the see. They did not count on that Calixtus III díed befare signing the bull. Enrique IV. as reason was. pontificate: the Hussites. Juan II could not promise much help. contrary to the wishes of Enrique IV. with a double purpose. but the only specific compromisc was that of the German his arder in Rome. himself states how he wrote Contra errores peifidi Machometi in a hurry.ammad's history as to demonstrate that his attacks his enemies throughout history. Juan de Torquemada The Cardinal of Saint Sixtus hastened to write a Tractatus contra madi. anitas et ismaelitas (1450). again in a doctrinal issue which had to do with the fight against the the recent death of Alvaro de Luna and. who had already sought his advice.. the Bishop of Burgos Alfonso de Cartagena or Pius II ordered him to write a work about Mul). the rebels leaded by Pedro Sarmiento sent him on the canonization of Saint Vincent Ferrcr. Torquemada was onc of tion in such an issuc (as he also carne from a converso family). A. that of Orense and Mondoñedo. Juan de on the fallowing Pope. 18 1 ' Edited by Nicolás López Martíncz. death at the end of the year. The result of this polcmic. Cardinal Bessarion an- conversos could be inferrcd by their being descended from "the chosen swcred on bchalf of thc Curia calling ali the princcs to imrnediate people of God". ' CE. if the kindness of thc against thc Muslims by all means available. most probably. local by-laws and practical aspects wcre discussed.8. Befare that. so he had to agree to appoint him Bishop of Albano tilian families stoppcd the statute and involved the King and the Pope and later of Palestrina. to warn the King about Pope Nicholas was explained in chapter one. It banned from public offices. for those Christians dean of thc cathedral of Toledo. 3. He was to engagc due to thc disastrous statc of affairs in the realm: general disorders. He was appointed commandatory abbot of Subiaco and Calixtus tried to mal{e him +9 Moroni. cit. It was finally Pius II who gave him an Iberian in their defensc. was impossible. In the end.: op. practical. He lcft Rome with the Pope on the obvious that ncither Torquemada nor other persons of the rank of 18 February 1459. Befare travelling back to Rome. The conversos' contacts in important Cas. . ·Three years later he visited Castile in order to emperor.: op.ammad's errors and Fernán Díaz de Toledo. pp .. The case was so lengthy the statute hoping to obtain his approval.including the Castilian rebels faith contained the mistal{es of all thc heretics. and Pius II left for Siena (January V's plans about the Turks. they were also baptised. Torquemada had his own sources of information through the ing the sessions of the council. horrors of a Turkish invasion. 50 him passing this matter on to Juan de Torquemada. Maniua. on a longer tcrm. ultimatcly. While they werc waiting for the legates in Mantua. but Torquemada's influence had already received several embassies about this problem. who lived as subjects or slaves of the Turks. p. G. 4 -5. It is the supporters of the enterprise. Another Several measures were taken to put these decisions into practice. Torque- Seven Parts. George Podiebrad.'19 in 1460. as has already been mentioned. promote thc reformation and foundation of Dominican houses. pp. as a reference dur- offices. did not change. 1460) in the company of his loyal Torquemada. both duc to its Once at the head of the Church. 427. the Santa Marías. p. the King's own enemies of faith. It is interesting to see how ardently the Despite the troubled course of the eouncil. King of the Bohemians In 1455 it was Nicholas V who dicd. 50 Touron. with all the saving gracc that action. Calixtus III. Afl:erwards. Pius II callcd a council in doctrinal nature and the cardinal's origins and his personal implica. Juan de Torquemada attended the general chapter of crusade. 51 who had issued the statute. Firstly.000 soldiers and 10.000 knights.interesting compared to the oncs about Muslims. thc lcgates of the countries in danger rcvived the might involve. counsellor to the King. wanted to lose their his sect. as Torquemada outlined. cit. Juan de Since 1448 there had bcen another pending matter for the Torquemada had the opportunity to greet the new king. 44 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH r: THE AUTHORS 45 accusing conversos of practising Jewish cults and asking them to be bishop of Lcon or Seville. 4·28.48 where he defends the nobility of Jews and not so much to tell Mul). who promised to send 32. Pius II surprised the Jcws were defended by a man who would prove so harsh regarding audience with a three-hour-long speech. A. The council voted for the < In1451. See bibliography. was a bull favour.: ojJ. mada had published his Commentaiies to Gratian's Decretum and worked As for Nicholas V.. encouraging them to fight Muslims. year--only 300 men were ready to go. the Pope offered a special so .

21 1-2 19. Georg Kueinie. written in 1459..5n A fine example of the vagueness whcn Nicholas of Cusa wrote his Cribratio Alc/zoranis. H.. where he was director of studies for the famous convent tives's ransoms in 1460. the Cistercian abbots claimcd The most approximatc date given for his birth was 1412. L.: op.46 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH 1: THE AUTHORS 47 Torquemada was in charge of writing a short treatise--··!$ymbolum pro was wrongly managed and there are a number of letters lcft com- formatione manichaeorum-·for the indoctrination of three Bohemian plaining to his subordinates during that year. he only mcntions one clirect sourcc: "information received Alonso de Espina from sorne native clerks in Rome''. A complete list of his publishcd works is available in Quetif's segovianos (1961 ). ludaeorum Regni Castellae (Salamanca. de: ~mbolum . B. pp. 4. .: ''~ Anawati. V. p.000 coins. London 1965. and houses since 1445.Jn 1467 he resigncd the see of Orense. 838.rn... from the Univcrsity of Tel-Aviv: fo. . Unfortunatcly his income 57 Beltrán de Heredia. 53 The meeting between thc two of them was fruitful. Juan de Torquemada's links with Castile had been Judaism. Lyon 16. cit.. m their rights in Rome. p. to other orders.: "Colección de documentos . has deduced that he quoted Hebrew and Arabic sources. a fact which Netanyahu has proved to be_f_aj_s!'. 50 Thc most imporlant authors who give more or lcss accurate information about Alonso de Espina are: Bibliografía eclesiástica completa de E\fmña..52. 52 All pacific efforts were in vain. to be maintenance of a hundred armcd foot soldiers during one year.33. which a studium with forty doctors and masters. 2'~ l. U1timately. \Vas He a New Christian?". the Cardinal had in Spain the following secs: uision du monde d'Alonso de Espina.July 1440 to 13 July 1442. 227 . 5+ Palencia. which would provc his ignorance of Hcbrew and Arabic.: "El problema judío en fray Alonso de Espina". v\laddingo. . León from 31 July 1460 to 16 Scptember 1'164. I. Fon tes 56 Quélif.: Biblioteca histórico-bibliográfica . Friar Alonso de Espina has also received the attentíon of a great structed by T orquemada. he mentioned originated by authors who havc tricd to rebuild his lifc after the suc- Torquemada's Contra erroris Machometi. 220. G. in. 1445. 107·-165. Moroni. cit. Although thc initial prqject was summarising the Bogomilc crrors to reject them one by one.. forthcoming) and La Forteresse de la Foi: la Beltrán de Heredia.: ojJ. de la fe . San Antonio. where Torquemada had to plead for him. 52 Torquemada. cess of his work is the suggestion that he could be a convcrt from V Meanwhile. Apart frorn the information he was able to gather in Rome. The reference may be crroncous.l Radovan Viencínic.000 gold coins in cap.·57 He died in Rome on prinees. Nicholas of Cusa and Bernardo Erdi. are two books by Dr. Archivum Fratrum Praedic.: op. transla- who had worked with him in the reformation of sorne Dominican tion. p. J de: Biblioteca Universa Francircana. Torquemada managed to invest 2. Orense from 26 January Go García Hernando. Alisa M._:59 Criticism 1 scarce. 55 ology they had managed until then. as well as ali his other priv- ileges56 and was assigncd a pension on thc income of the Bcnedictine monastery of San Facundo (Sahagún. 26 Septcmbcr 1468. 227. bishop number of scholars. pp. Orense from 11 July 1442 to 10 November ''9 Netanyahu. pp. and his public life startcd properly in} resources. although most of his biography is a list of con- of Spolcto. Torquemada's ignorance of thc Bohcmian *** languagc limited his work to thc explanation of fifty truths about the Christian faith. in the convent of Saint Mary on Minerva. whose faculty of the- due to the Pope's death and the end of the expedition. As Pius II had decided to lead the erusade of Saint Francis. pp. 24 1.. León). ".J. Ro me 1908. Paris 1998. his sacrifiee was not necessary a reformation separated it from the University. Ertudios l 46S to 8 June 1466. cit. autor del Forlalilium . cit. Betwcen 1339 and 1441 would cost 4. When Gumiel decided to extend the reformation therefore of Judaism.pp.. cil. . in Valladolid. Madrid 1848.V. C. Annales minmwn. Salamanca. encouraged by the King. Kamen.. V. Ginio.. This institution had becn founded outside thc walls in 1463.: 77ze Spaizish lnquisition. According to Eubel (cf. as jectures without documentary proof. Alfonso X's brother. The latest works about thc friar alorum. l53. They can be rcsumed in his support of prior Juan de Gumiel. G. Madrid 1732. en los corifmes de Occidente: Alonso de Espina. Sbaralea. Stqjsav Turtkovic anc.: op.: "Alonso de Espina. 219).Fadrique. . moine espagnol. J. 5 'f Beltrán de Heredia. Cádiz from 27. 19-·2 l.. so on the 12 April 1464 there was a lawsuit against Podiebrad. . Go What is certain is that he professed in the convent of) In spite of his poor health-he was ill with gout-and his limited Saint Francis in Valladolid. Fidei.fartaleza 55 lbidem. J.: op. quoting ano lhcr Franciscan who lived in thc convenl of Santa Cruz article. he offered as much cconomic support as he could: the of the city in 1231 by Prince .

. kg. ancl he bowecl p.s~ on his way through Tudela. thc rmc at Valladolid was 66 Meyuhas Ginio. the gallows is recorded by all contemporary chroniclcs.. His attempt at such a popular genre of sermon at Crónica de Álvaro de Luna by his squire . taking into account 61 Thc convent o[ El Abrojo. conversos. so undcr such pressure he tumed to Gocl with a humble heart. M. p.: Los Trastámam .Gonzalo Chacón. where theological education was in charge of the friars until it was Meyuhas Ginio believes--influenced by the Jewish school inter- transferred to the University and the convent was free to educate preting Espina in the light of the lnquisition. 65 The friar convents under the rule of local priors. totius vite sue inclinavit. . pp.. fuisse. . p. · dependcnt on Palencia. 94. closer to the devotio rnodema. 6 ° FF.. Espina was thc ideal person require university training. A.S. could well use this situation for his own benefit later. G.9. In 1454 Alonso was again in Valladolid preaching his Se7mones del Thc sequence of events common to the Crónica de Juan II.: Teatra ljl "And being such a powcrful man.. he accused thc judges to be influenced by "others of - was taken to the scaffolding. Soon after this he faced the Jewish problem for " among them master Alonso de Espina.-·to havc an cdifying death instead of using way to serve God. his prison in the castle of Portillo to Valladolid.: La forteresse. for more information about the situation of the Franciscan convents.e. according to thc signs I saw. province o[ La Concepción. 14lv. de: Crónica de la provinciafi·anciscana de Santiago. of Christ in a wcll. p. 209. se per gencralcm confcssionem living by then either in thc convent of El Abrojo or in Saint Francis.. de: ap. 61 The Constablc was travelling ericordiam Dei consecutwn . 66 Such an asscrtion seems excessive if we tal. Gonzalo It is important to determine Alonso de Espina's place in the royal Chacón only mal. cit.. N.once bis best friend. Thc Villacrccian reformation rejectcd scholastic theology as a he had now condemned. i. A. In turn. The episode of his meeting with Álvaro de Luna on his way to Et cum cssc vir tantc potcntie ab omrúbus tamen suis relictus fuit. scc clown over my unworthy feet for the general confession o[ the sins of his whole Castro.e into account The second of June 1453 marks an important changc in Espina's what Espina himsclf wrote about Alvaro de Luna in his Fortalitiwn: life. 619···643. and that by the end of the Middle Ages is due. whom well. This was the case of Salamanca. p. . life. 48 CHAPTER TWO THF. when he tried to have a Jew condemncd for the death Luna that he must get prepared for dcath and wcnt with him to of a child at thc High Court (Chancillería) of Valladolid. G..: 77ie Greatcst Atan Uncrowned. Espina must have been humiliato et pedibus meis. f.. 683. Credo ipsum secundum signa que vidi mis- within the boundaries of Valladolid. 62 the nombre de Jesú a judgcmcnt about Espina: "a great and famous court to find out what kind of public he addressed in his sermons learned man and master in theology". theír kind''.. His succcssor was friar Pedro . 63 is told as"f'ü'[¿-. " FF. 4. According to the writcr. 211. but the office belonged to Lope de Barnentos. the friars rcmained by his side. 6. 6H A. cnd.: 171e F'ranciscan Order. 4-8. as far as the records show. waves of rcformation reached the Order as of. L.Juan II to persuade Alvaro de Luna. p.. from 1434.. 7 more complicated thcory. 49. I think.G.. He remained in office at least until the well-known preacher and the Constable had been a manocuvre 1455. so much so quia tamen in tanta pressura ad Dominum accessit corde contrito et that it has darkened other aspccts of his life.that the Franciscan only its friars. Suárez Fernández suggested that both men could havc been friends. 120. Quia scriptum est: <In quacunque from . 60 On bcing Valladolid. See González Dávila. 63 64 Palencia. according to his own testimony- Alonso de Palcncia. in the Castilian province.: La forteresse. 64 but Round maintains a and treatises. I. institution whcre he was later director.. licet indignis. Also in Meyuhas Ginio. to the miracle of finding twenty-four stones engraved with the name the group taking the Constable met certain friars from El Abrojo. Quitaciones de Corte. <lid not the oceasion far a political dcmonstration. /\. Probably Alonso de Espina was brought up in thc same "was devoid of all feclings of compassion and merey towards human . p. f. INTELLECTUAL APPROACH 1: THE AUTHORS 49 On thc other hand. 67 executed. that he achieved God's merey . Madrid 1972. the meeting of Bishop of Cuenca. in order to be hora ingcmucrit pcccator omnium iniquitatum eius non recordabor>. he was abancloncd by ali his [mcn] in thc metrapalitana de las iglesias . founded in 1415 on thc lands given by ÁJvar Díaz de Villacreces to the Franciscan Pedro de Vilacrcccs belonged lo the Franciscan Gs Round. The friars warned Álvaro de the first time. 62 Crónica de ]uan JI. pp . They prefcrred studia linkcd to several to persuade him without questioning thc death sentence. where they rcmained consoling him all night. It has generally been said that he was confes~or to¡ King Enrique IV. McKcndrick. divided in 1447. kind".. Several explanations have bcen attempted for this meeting. Their spirit. 69 Howcver. 170v. Suárcz Fcmández. When he unsucccsfol.

73 Colmenares. in Castile in 1447-to expand and obtain spccial privileges from thc As far as Espina is concerned. A. Salamanca and Scgovia. y no queriendo amenguar a los unos ni a los otros. 4-6. in Palencia. and this • juridical structure. cit. en Les EsjJagnes médiévales.: !Jist01ia de la ciudad de Segovia.10. un monesterio muy notable de la advocación de San Antonio. Assuming his office of confessor to sobre lo qual hobo muy grandes alteraciones. 4. but can be attrib. p. 9. 61.67.. contem. not entcr thc prince's service? He could havc continued there when y que suplicaban al rey que les diese el moncstcrio que alli estaba. gíves more visited Valladolid. f. La Aguilera and El Abrojo. Sce also Trcmaux-Crouzct. II. muchos tiempos aca.7'1 both visitcd by Espina. in 1418 thcrc was another break among must have strongly marked his thcorics.: ojJ. obras y bosques.ects économiques el sociaux. 258-270. y le dio muy ricos ornamentos y todas las cosas necesarias al culto divino. reformation of thc Conventuals achieved by Cardinal Cisneros. information about this convent. A. y con todo eso los claustrales daban por si tantas razones que no se pudo specially qualificd and called by God to give advice to the public vien determinar quales tuviesen mayor razon. 86. asj. villages and hamlets. :tvicyuhas Ginio. .: La farteresse. the convents where he lived show pontificate. cit. wherc they founded the houses of La f The Villacrccians and the Observants shared objectives but hacl Salceda.a. whcrcas the Observants had íncreasecl in numbcrs. from thc Obscrvant convcnt of Saint Peter in Scgovi. 2. p.forteresse. built ovcr a Mudcjar palace of. Enrique IV. the princc was proclaimed king. branch of Conventuals. See also canisme des villes et franciscanismc du champs dans J'Espagne du Bas M. born in Segovia. y era oservante y confesor del rey. The support of laics had helpcd thc Observants. Casa Real. Meyuhas Ginio. He had thc support of the Castilian nobility. set up in the countryside. In • ~distinct polícies. que era hombre muy aroused in Espina "a taste for controvcrsy and thc eonviction of bcing letrado y gran predicador. dexar a los claustrales en su moncstcrio. 53. 70 Round. in A. why vantes dccian que los claustrales no guardaban la orden de San Francisco. whcrc they were sometímes denounced for iclc rcfcrring to the problcms posed in 1455: 72 Valcra. 330. _ was strict obscrvancc of poverty. Round thinks that thc meeting with Luna would havc oservantes el maestro fray Alonso del Espina. 71 · :tvicKcndrick. Nice 1983.. y mando edificar de nuevo fuera de la i. Their ideal nobility. 70 quoting Monsalvo about the friars being "eomrnitted cordarlos. 336-337. cit. pp.. 55. there is a refercncc in Valera's chron.11 in thc parishcs was difficult. pp. G. it would not dio a los oservantes. A. him- succesors to the Spirituals. Also in the records de Villacastín. 34.S. At that moment. 71 Moreover. Segovia or Salamanca. los unos oservantes y los otros claustrales.: op. if so. patrons spccial licences were given to thc Franciscans to preach in isolated and prcstigc. p. The gcographical extension -the eonventuals: Pedro de Villacreces obtaincd a privilege from thc of the reformation hclps to trace his steps in Castilc: the reformed Pope giving his custody a particular autonomy regarding the main convents were placed mostly in Northern Castile around Valladolid.456. providing themselves with a scparatc administrative and that he belonged to the Obscrvant or Villacrecian paiiics.oyen Age". como lo habian poseido de Alonso de Espina's taste for controversy is obvious. y los oser- could assumc that he would ask for sorne kind of reward. losers. pp. lcg. 10 -· 12. pp. one En este tiempo hobo grande ayuntamiento en Segovia de frailes de San Francisco. leg. 73 The result of the struggles -Conventuals within the Francisean Order had givcn place to a new in the Franciscan Ordcr was the absorption of Villacrecians and the conflict in Castile. el qua! Considering the changes of residence of thc royal court.: "1\lonso de Espina and Pero Díaz de ·raledo". N. p. delibero to thc production or rcproduction of certain ideological messages"..G. D. ancl 71 McKcndrick.: "Francis- 455. thc struggle between factions of Spirituals and from Santa Clara moved thcre in 1488. The wandering life of the Mendicants helpcd thcm to plative life. de: ojJ.: La . The vicar and the friars lived thcrc alonc until the nuns In thc fiftccnth century. namcly the Velascos in Burgos and tl1e Manriques de Lara . regular fasts and strict silence. y el rey. 50 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 51 ""'-that Juan II commandcd Espina to confess Álvaro de Luna.:ibdad 1 uted more to his education than to this particular cvcnt in his life. By thc end of the century the Conventuals wcrc the thosc places where finding clerks to fi. deseando con- authorities". 17. e ayudo mucho a los the king. p. in the lands of patrons from the Trastamaran which encouraged their expansion throughout the realm. Alonso de Espina sharcd the prcaching style of Mendicant Orders. 72 be strange for a king to have several confcssors in the cities whcrc he stayed. D. G. Alonso de Espina might be one of them when the King The historian Diego de Colmenares. they had their first indcpcndcnt chaptcr sclf an Observant. the practice of ascetism.

_m. que jamas se fallaria avcr sido together with the trcnd in Castilian society on the eve of the last dada semejante yndu]gencia. 77 after his en:counter in Medina del Campo with sorne Benedictine Calixtus Ill's first crusade bull for the Península was issued on the monks who told him about thc cxpulsion of the Jews in France. Its origins are de Navidad a la c. This feeling. 7 ~ Houslcy. que no podia despender de los maravedís de aquella cosa Alonso de Espina's mind. D. These contacts cnhance Espina's fame as would share the same spirit.: "fl1e Later Crusades.. martyrdom for the faith. But his influence in the Another positive aspcct of Espina's stay at court would have been royal eourt can be measured by the fact that he was ablc to attack the chance to mcet important personalities in the ecclesiastical hier. encouraged by the tale of Francis's embassy la qual rescibio con grande acatamiento y reverencia. 0 ° Cf:: Esposito. 41.: Lafi1rteresse..1c:y. the plague affcctcd the arca around Valladolid. for the prcachers werc at the same time collcctors.. Mcyuhas Ginio's attempt to justify Alonso de Espina's period whcn crusadc prcaching had turned out to be an almost travcls by his rigid. G. de los quales muy poca parte ·a~thorities to preach in towns. p. que el Papa Calisto 111 le embio. In contrast to the Dorninicans. 405. se gasto en la guerra de los moros. J. "messianism led the Franciscans to dcvelop a particular type of lo qual se afirmaba el rey ser muy mal guardado. built up se la clava. A.52.". the Conventuals used to be callcd by local a poder del rey mas de cíen quentos. Round rclation with the bishop of Lugo. ecebto el mantenimiento de show rnost intransigence. GI . Fue tan grande el dinero que por virtud desta bula de cruzada se ovo para el rey durante approach to the problem of conversion.. nothing proves that preaching thc crusadc supposed an and Old Castile are also those of Alonso de Espina's journeys. p. infcrs that Espina would preach scrmons on this subject. que se afirmava por and later the Jesuits. archy of thc time. Thc Fo1talitium his work. cit. In order to avoid accusations. Bishop spcaks of a fccling of frustration due to thc rcligious policies in the Pedro de Osma was the first to command an illuminated copy of realm which can be seen in Espina's asserts aboutJews. It is precisely at this point that historians alguna. cít. be applied to the souls in Purgatory. Thus. the King openly for his use of crusade funds. and thc Bishop of Salamanca. p. vinieron conversion. He declared indulgcnces could full-timc dcdication until 1461. y fue a tener la Pascua might as well be considered "a sign of the times". Santiago Anyway. as "an appeal to Christian society to a preacher just as much as the cooperation between Mendicants and aeknowedge their enemies' evil". McKendrick los predicadores e cogedores. cit. cit.: op. lVI. N. 52 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH r: THE AUTHORS 53 vagr. 77 McKcndrick. From the Fortalitium we know that he had sorne By 145 7. pagadas sus despensas. 134. increase of power in the hands of Espina. de lo qual todos los grandes del crecians had their own system of control: each member of the Order rey no fueron mucho turbados. 7 ~ Meyuhas Ginio. Villa. ecclesiastical authorities in matters of faith. 81 '" Valera. 76 financia! rnattcr. 30 very day of his coronation in April 1456. García de Vaamonde. 107. who both favourcd a "gradualist" approach to los thesoreros e recebtores dellas que. although it Y ansi fecho. 81 McKendrick. icador. 5 Meanwhile. specially those ofJewish origin. . it probably took him erence to Santiago in a papal bull.: op.. It contains the earliest ref. pero que debía mirar el cargo con que conquests of Muslim territories in the Ibcrian Península. p. sin caer en dcscomunion mayor.'. in a comrnunity. 51 . G. as early as 1468. 75 McKendrick. donde le fue trayda la bula de with the beginning of Franciscan history. pp. el tiempo de los quatro años en ella contenidos. inflexible character is vcry far frorn the truth.p.: "Notas sobre el F01talitiumfidei . . He also Pedro de Castilla.. Espina was chosen to prcach Missionary zcal directcd against Muslims and hostility towards Jews -the crusadc bull on 2 Fcbruary 145 7 in Palencia: and conversos was a main feature of Franciscan ideology. p. de la defines corrcctly the Franciscan point of view when she says that qual no podia ser absuelto sin personalmente requerir la Sede Apostolica. el rey se partio para Segovia. G.: op. Furthcrmorc.. y predicola fray to the sultan of Egypt and the Franciscan martyrs of Morocco who Alonso del Espina.iudad de Palencia. Given the immensc amount of work rcquired. N. 515.. 79 Thc lirnits of the Francísean provinces of La Concepción. 93. He began to write around 1459. 78 could move to another convcnt only if he had the assent of all the This task marked another step in Alonso de Espina's career. of Palencia. the Franciscans wcre much more confrontatidnal". de: op. cit. Hillgarth. .: op. hombre muy notable y de onesta vida y gran pred. El qual dixo al rey que debía mucho acatar quan señalada · gr<lcia avía rescebido del sancto padre. p. were killed when trying to preach against Mu}:iammad. salvo en la guerra de los moros. when they were inspired to la Cruzada para bivos e muertos.

83 and was "public knowlcdge" that the friar had been murdered by arder . Wc hear news about Alonso de Espina until 1495. in St. this year. he 1479: at Lhc Junta de Alcala to condemn Pedro de invitation in such conditions. working in the Royal 8 'Sigüenza.: Montero Vallejo. about ance at Espina's death. Francis of Palencia. 8+ Nobody could provide them. bishop of Ovicdo. (ccL): 1'ontes iudaeornm regni Castellae. Enr:íqucz del Castillo. Friar Remando de la Plaza and meeting about the inquisition and the royal court coincide in Madrid. Archives in Barcelona refrrs to him as a Dominican ·-is it possible that there o. those corrections • murdcr. Ali thc witnesses in the trial affrrmed that it the disorders of thc realm.: La fi1rleresse. Soon after. he had been given certain herbs. After attending two chapters of the Bishop Alonso de Cartagcna to pay him a visit and find out if he Observants.86 said it was not him (Historia de los heterodoxos españoles.: El Madrid medieval. Othcrs havc him dead .lnquisitor in Barcelona. of capitulations with the Franciscans of St.eyuhas Ginio. 79·-80.167.ded. . but otherwisc 1461 • ing to the first witness who .ing. shows thc samc intentions which moved him to writc the Fortalitium. 1480).112. 556).~n:. 88. to 1464 can be accepted as thc pcriod when the author's dcath took had been that one of the royal controllers of financc (contador mqyor). He was taken to the convent of Saint Dominic. Preaching of the "Sermons on our faith" ¡¡t l'vlcdina del Campo.d when he rcturncd. about how the inquisition should be arranged to facilitate things for conversos. At that point. He sígned as the King's confcssor. o[ Tripoli according to other authors. I. Diego Arias. V. l 487: . 61. Buried the Valnadú gate.J. the personal physician whereas they do not exist in the 1467 manuscript. 86 The convent. 1492: consccration of thc church of Esperanza in Medina del Rioseco. the court was in Madrid and Diego Arias was said to have called upan the Conventuals to oppose the Obscrvants Jed by Espina. now disappcarcd. was foundcd in the outskirts of Madrid.: Meyuhas Ginio. ns The reason for the murder. D.e. One of the crimcs Meyuhas Ginio 00 bclieves 1464 to be thc date of his death. Alonso de Espina reccived Diego Arias's invitation to his housc--one wonders how he could 87 List of inaccurate information about Espina: accept . lll. 88 See l\!l. Cf. Thcre he was visited by the K. are two diffcrcnt Alfonso d'Espina? p. 02 vVaddingo. Signature cf.. were only made at thc time of the first printing of the work (c. 87 -cution and trial of thc Arias Dávila family in 1486. 54 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I : THE AUTHORS 55 This is the context in which the letter written by Alonso de Espina where he was lodged.l.: Hirtoria de la orden de San . L. accord. for it is the only ycar when a Francíscan inquisition in the realm. lt seems that since thc Jews did not wear their badges according to the canons of the councils.: op. Alonso de Oropcsa.: Annales minorum. 130. 363.364. Espina might have díed after The King gave his approval willingly to thc joint proposal of an writing thc letter in 1461. so the case was s. spiration between Diego and Shemaya Lubel. who asked in 1461 should be placed.t!I. The death of of the King from 1456 to 1466. so then the murdcr would be delayed by sorne ycars. J. 11 1r).: Itinerario de Enrique IV. A. p. cit. p. 1491: bishop of Termopilas and assistant of Juan Arias. . Pedro Carbonell (fol. M. C.had heard it from a friar of Saint Anthony. IV.. The bishop obeyed and was in attcnd- -wrote the general of the Jcronimite order. Howcvcr. the episode of Friar Hernando de la Plaza has been datcd of 100 conversos. pp. l 485: rcvision o[ thc Fortalitium. 72. what has bcen said there must be serious doubts about its validity. Francis of Palencia. 165. of Diego Arias. by 1495: Builcüng of thc altar to the Concepcion. Menéndez Pelayo already was feeling ill. there. 33. wantcd to get rid of such a tough opposition against conversos and Jcws who were under hís Madrid 1987.93. but considering There is no writtcn record about Espina after that until thc prosc. master Espina insisted that they had got proof of the circumcision However. p. Espina and other friars had proposed that Christians should wear crosses or badgcs with the name of Christ scwn to thcir clothes. Diego Arias Dávila in 1466 is a teiminus ante quem. 1'15· M6. pp. those guilty. The king asked for the proofs in arder to prosecute in 1463. The testimonies of several witnesscs give an idea of the con. place. one in Salamanca82 and another one in Madrid.: La jiJrferene. pp. In 1461 the royal court was in Madrid from Septembcr to Deccmbcr. Bishop !15 Carrete Parrando. A. In view of this account.. due to~· Diego Arias Dávila was tricd for was preciscly Alonso de Espina's sorne corrcctions made in the Fortalitium. 498. 'J'orres Fontes. Cf.Jerónimo.

pp. Comparative Studies in Soáe!J and History. the political establishment of mid-fifteenth-century adopted. 289. and where a more Latin or vernacular. that the sce .: 7he Preaching ef thr. 1 Iberia·~". that it could be translated into any vernacular. Also. There is. The most remarkable case lations. whose more than two hundred and bis fellow-countryman. a curious statement by thc Jewish translator fcrcnt lcvcls. the author himself usually copied dovvn first half of the fifteenth used vcrnacular. the ways in which thc donor culture shows itself to the rccipicnt naturally affects the way in which cultural elements will be and prclates-i. and reasons why they chose such a channel. both in Latín and Catalan. F. . T. But it is impossible.125. 3 Me Kendrick.: Ensayos sobre la historiogrqfia jieninsular.: The Franciscan Order . but the influence of the Mcndicant sermon teehniques pro- vided by the social extraction of most of the authors. This was thc case for bishop Alonso de Santa María. in whichever lan. The faet that a Latín rendition is. addressed to munication which produce a highly selective pattcrning of contacts. leaving the quotations from the Bible incomplete.74.: "Acculturatíon as an Explanatory Concept in + Tate.e. usually explained in the preface. p.. when dcaling with thc unless Moshe ben Arragel referred to the atmosphcre in the court. this testimony is difficult to believe. the Latín language. which are simpler and sccm aimcd at a wider munication.. as D' Avray stated.than thcy had ever been before. & Pi-Sunyer. audience. 151. ' Glick. vernacular was always the choice. have mingled with it plenty of Latin. Hiars. 21 . B. is fclt in the This is a study of thc intcraction between cultures by means of com. historiography during the fourteenth century and thc In thc case of sermons. 2 Acculturation is determined by intcrcultural roles and forms of com. Whcther it be through oral or writtcn communication. 11 ( 1969). Although we are working mainly with literary production. Furthermore."'1 However.thc BiblC into Spanish far the Master of Alcantara. . . Sánchez de Arcvalo. beeause they either ignored. ing with a book. the average preaching friars were much bettcr CHAPTER THREE trained to mal(e use of this material. probably due to his residing in Rome and the faet that jurists who were part of his rctinue. language and contcnts. out of necessity. Ibídem. his own either before of after they wcrc delivered. style had to be thc audiencc. who has to conjecture the diffcrences in effectiveness betwcen the communication madc in vernacular and its rendering in Latin. THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 57 lections was. to Latín scicnce and language is so much expanded in Castile. In a Latinist audience would confine its diffusion to educated nobles other words. the dubious Latin of educated nobles Iikc the Marqtús of Santillana. of. the first problcm was what language should be chosen: where Humanist ideas were beginning to cxpand. many of his works were eommandcd by the Pope or his interna- These drafts (reportationes) were later cleaned up as models for other tional circle. pp. but at the same time it constitutes a A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC problem for the historian. or did not want to use. O. The first possibility is guage was more helpful: vernacular if it was just notes for himself.--·-even in Latin. 95. in 1424: "The it is worth considering oral sources as far as they have reached us. This madc preaching a common factor in all THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: of Westei:n Christian Europc. given to be face to face. Moreovcr. since it is rccorded that they read the Classics in trans- or Latín if a compilation was expected. 3 the pcrception of Islam was something sharcd and manifested at dif. audience. however. although was that of St. p. 121··. pp. so much so that Latin has The first thing to take into account when choosing a particular become Castilian. G. The advantage of Latín as the language for model sermon col- ~ D'Avray. used more Latin than eighty sermons were written word by word by the theologians and Spanish. 5 Spanish History". D. the reasons for the use of one or the other are that it should have undergone such a development. 5 sermons. If we are deal. Vineent Ferrer. more likely. If the encounter with the publie was supposed Latinized Castilian might have been spokcn.ho"'7 the authors decided to approach a particular public and the knights and the squires and the citizens have left pure Castilian. 70. L.

putation were openly supported by the King. Someone in contact with the Curia. 113-132. written-or at wcrc obligcd to answer and discuss ali kinds of doctrinal texts. Although they letter to Cardinal Piccolomini". Regia 205. to be avoided: in 1279 prcachers wcre told to kcep the number of but also into Latín. but that was not the general trcnd. it must be assumed that the clergy was generally going to dcliver this messagc . Preaching and dis- work from F'rench into Latín was ordered by the Duke of Burgundy... 9 Although the letter has been preserved in Catalan. technique they mastcred.. . they were con- Píccolornini himself." \> Sobrequés. cit... inpcdire.em contra hoc nostrum guidaticum et proteccionem venire prcsumpserit. probably to Iviudejars who were depending on the expected audiencc and thc subsequent action in.249. pp.) . Licences were either collcctivc··-·-given to bishops istic values [.: ]uan de Segovia y el problema islámico. oblíged to attcnd. 138. he docs in a Muslims in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. do not refer specifically to the period studied here. condicionis seu status cxistat. once Pope Pius U. Gane. It docs not mean that tended by the priest. a translation of Germain's be taken out of their ncighbourhoods to listen. 247. but social unrest tended and Segovia's project to translatc thc Koran not only into Spanish. who would probably have delivered the messagc through erary fragments which were pointed out to them. 240.58 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH u: A STYLE FOR A PlIBLIC 59 In this context. com. p. f J74v.A. rnight occasionally worry about his style. Itínerancy was 10 Riera i Sans. prcachcd sorne The style chosen to deliver the informatíon about Muslims varied. a twofold ecclesiastical environment outside ltaly was still "Medieval" Latin. it must rcmain clcar that thc Latin used in the coulcl act on thís ground through scrmons and confcssions. J\ilartín García.r:ine.conducl to thc Saraccn convcrtJaume Pcrc was givcn in Valencia. S. such as Among them. onc century latcr. D . this approach was bascd on as opposcd to the Humanist Latín which was already in fashion oral communication and thcrcfore has left few Catalan but sent with his ambassador the Marquis tions and objections posed by the clergy. 2. . 25 June 1308: "Nos Jacobus [. Therefore. it converts were granted safe-conducts to travel around the country was probably written in Latin. 66. immo ipsum cum rebus et bonis suis possit libere pcr tcrram nostram ire et fidcm Christi sarracenís et judcis cum sibi oportunum füerit predicare. Quicumque aut. crimine vel delictis alienis. 7 (Statute of Jaime II) the new converts were obliged to gather for Paradoxically. ° Cabanelas.: "Sobre el ideal ele cruzada .) capcllanum domine rc¡. there was the case of Thc measurcs be carne tighter when in 1291 both J ews and Saracens Alfonso V of Aragon's letter of defiance to the sultan. R . in which Catalonia. of his sermons "coram agarcnis". Latin was usually considered when wider diffusion popular preaching. ] per presentem car- come into contact with thc elite. iram et inclignacionem nostram et 6 Cabanelas. hoping for their conversion.. to a similar approach to Islam in thc kingdom of Castile its author achicvcd a rare synthesis of orthodox doctrine and human. conquest of the city: thc royal legatc.. in order not to provokc their audiences. and to argue about the lit- of Ferrara. Usually both were intended nostrum Jacobum Pctri. From 1243 be convincing". . Petrus Marcii mandato regio facto per Johanncm [. pp . From now on.: ojJ. and usually Aragonese international correspondence was issued The same pressurc was cxcrted on Granadan Muslims aftcr the in that language. Another letter followed. although] it is too much of an acadernic cxcrcise to or Mendicants.. forbidding the J ews to throughout Europe was intcnded. there are sorne royal licences to preach to Jews and Segovia. p. The ~afc. illato primitus integre restítuto. Books were the othcr means of tam nostram constituimus et reccpimus sub [proteclione] el guidatico speciali fidclcm reaching the more educatcd audience. 10 court. detinere vel aliquatenus gravare aut molestare seu culture in a land of forced contacts such as the Península. qui pcr sacre regencracionis baptismum de sarracenorurn to complement each other: the masses who rnight be reached by the secta ad fidem nostram catholicam est conversus. because it was dictated at the Napolitan preaching to Muslírns and J cws. was intended to make it availablc to other learned Christians ·around them low. wrote a letter to the Sultan sidered interesting enough to quote them because the atmosphcrc in Muhammad II which was "a modcl of Rcnaissance cloquence.O.or given to a particular missionary. Moreover. J.: "Les llicencies reíais per predicar als jueus i als sarrains (segles one of the ways of reaching the public who would not normally XIII-XIV)" Calls. ques- least recorded--. D. in Petrarch's country. penam quingentorum aureorum se noverit absquc remedio aliquo íncursurum. auclcat vcl prcsumat clictum Jacobum Pctr:i et prcachers were more helpless to face the attacks of a new rcligion/ bona sua et res capen:. ita quod nullus cuiuscumque dig- nitatis. which they were issued corresponded in the kingdom of Aragon- bining a felicítous style with a carcfully structurcd argument.: 1he Slwdow ef the Crescent. Thc friars bona sua pignerare ve] occupare culpa. p . dapno 7 Schwocbel.8 Elsewhere. " Hispania (1952). men who did not know Spanish. recent an interpreter. Data Valencie seplimus kalendas iulii anno predicto. (A.

Pedro Pascual. Christian but repeated itself at regular intcrvals. such as Torquemada's small treatise or ications might seem rnerely commonplace. Segovia's Contra legem Mahumet:i was well on the needs of this group: known at the Burgundian court.. which he had written "moved se convierta. until he him- self was imprisoncd on thc charge of trying to convert Muslims. D. St.<. In one word. ologians and was the origin of a rough controversy. 1 ~' Cahen noted. focuses be commanded. The purpose was to reinforce in their beliefs and the Muslims to thc Christian faith. p. thc prelatcs around him. por razon que los rimadores sue- the fifteenth ccntury in Castile. P.: Obras de San Pedro Pascual . J. Appolnted bishop of Jaen in 1294. e desesperan were exclusively Christian. When thc authors were as well 1mown in the Euro- A precursor to the fiftecnth-century writcrs. pp. he Cabanelas. as sorne of them cativerio por razon que se enbuclven en grandes pecados. P. 152.: La Tul¡fa. 272.: . and othcr members of grounds. E despues escrivi algunas devoted to Islam in the fifteenth century are addrcssed to Christians. Cavalleria.: L. que fueron en el tiempo que comern. the Church circles. 17 Cusa's Cribrat:io Alchoranis had the . given a lícence to preach to the Christians in Granada. "the purpose was to reinforcc W cstern Christians in Cavallcria states in his preface that his aim is to convert the J ews their combativc will. he was executed for bis works against Islam. J. As en libros autenticos.3. como Cayn que mato a su hermano Habel [. 60 CHAPTER THREE THE JNTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 61 thc sermons referred to Islam or to these people." 1 ~ Ibídem. cuydando alabar su ley. mas que same public: he addressed his treatisc. e ellos toman plazer en engañar los christianos e sacar de su ley. H pean courts as Segovia. mas temed a Dios que a poder sobre los ing on socio-cultural factors and on political relations between Muslims cuerpos e sobre las animas.: 0/1. which might be intercsting to analyse.. after a prayer to seek God's approval and inspiration. Islam in the Península. CI.elus C!tristi. after 1299. who were sensitive to the seduc- family.] e por razon de mengua de su entendimiento.: "Compte rendu critique sur Norman Daniel: blam and the West. to avoid convcrsions to the profit of Islam as Islam. la historia de Mahomat asi como section dcaling with the opposition to Enrique IV.c llanamente. see Armengol. e en las epístolas. que fueron escriptos por algunos across further aspects of this Islamophilia versus crusadcr mentality de nuestros sabios.. y ademas de lo que se contiene en dicha historia. Even then he was 11 Ribera. XXXIX. AI1 these ded- More intellectual efforts. 16 Both works are more of a justification for wdl as provoke the conversion of Muslims. 2. Atl:er refosing to be res- 12 Moubarac. not only youth but even the political leaders. real attempt to convert the mernbers of thcir former religion. e por ende veyendo yo que muchos en este · uscd to travcl to Granada with a safe-conduct to visit thc captives. Coming from a converted those Christians from Islamic states. e que viva. 195. causing widespread que veya perderse por no saber ni conosccr la verdad. ove dolor de las animas de nuestros christianos. cit." 13 The reason for cach thc conversion and a proof of commitmcnt to the new faith than a author to write is made explicit at the beginning of each treatise. it is not surprising to find that most of thc works falle escriptas en los libros de los moros. cosas que me dixeron algunos moros. 11 de la misericordia de Dios. Far example. wrote his Tubfa. . e and do not have as thcir main aim the conversion of Muslirns.. in the same style as Anselmo Turmeda. 2r-·-v.Islam et le dialogue islamo-chrétien.. depend.. p. as has already bcen explained in the len añadir o menguar la verdad. and Christians within thc territory. f. e en lo que dixo en el Evangelio: non temades los que an poder sola- mente de matar los cuerpos. a Catalan convert to retain thc doubtful. autobiogrefia y 14 On his life and works. I. a quien engaño Mahomat. pp. apologetic and proselitist. p. no quiero que el pecador muera en sus malos pecados. 17 born in Valencia and became a Mercedary. He was jJolémica i1isliana. 227. but the slight differences Segovia's translation of the Koran.278. traslade del latin en romanc. copies or translations of their works might who shared the life and concerns of the captives in Granada. e que In this context.. que se leen en la Santa Iglesia.o Mahomat. The phenomcnon arose again in no por rimas ni por concordanc. escrivi algunas otras in futurc chapters. nation of Islam was categorical becausc cultural attraction reached Veyendo yo esto.: La polémica hispano-musulmana . the purposc was to gion. . cosas de lo que falle cscripto en los Evangelios. p. . certainly had a more restricted among them refer to distinct realities in the authors' own back- audience: thc Pope. 13 Cahen. cucd. M. Also Epalza. e por ende scandal. 16 Revue Historique.. 230. 1 ~ This situation was not confined to the first contacts with confiando en la misericordia de Dios e atreviendome en la su merced. his work is understood to be a refutation of bis former reli- tion and pressure of the Enemy. que no saben la The attraction of Christians towards Islam was soon felt by thc- ley de los christianos ni la de los moros. We will come falle escripta en los nuestros libros.

13 to the Popc---it is interesting to scc m A tous vrais cathoJiques fideles et loiaux cristiens de tous estas. who might be in contact with pagans. p. applic¡ttion to 18 Anawati. if he had wal1ted to rcmark upan that alone. donnant confusibles les erromques opm- of scruples [. Each of them has its own characteristics warning "to prove [. salut. 21 Espina. Christians. huge task of gathering all the information for the rcst of the books. but public opinion in general.: Lafin·tere. 153. The prcface to the first Frcnch translation of thc book reveals the same intcntions: Rcport Interna! use of Scholastic. J. p.. dispute & scholastic. classification of religious disscnsion.: La farteresse. 62 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH n: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 63 by the zcal of his faith". 21 eles et argumens. lcttcrs and trcatises. or official use.: Conversos on bial. l 18." 19 He wantcd to provc to By this time. they think or ions J·udayques et sarrazines et a ycculz esclarcir aucuns poins. autant ~uz simp~cs and travellers who went to the Holy Land and "often returned full lais commc auz clcrcs lettrez. 20 but examining thc rcst of the books.:ais 20067 (c. sachent touts. The follow- in faith.. not knowing thc ' cy aprcz declarez corrune y1 a pa. due to Espina's clear. if not directly through his book. H. truth of the things which have happencd. Provoke dccisions or unique.. practica! life. A. J l. but still them that there had becn Christian communities in those territorics no contcmporary rnentioned Espina as one of the introductors of befare. f. p. ing his prcaching work and diffusion through other members of the Whcn studying ali these writers. .: Nicolas de Cues .. [ Ir. this dcdication the samc words as in Cavalleria's. si a este par singulier desir de la vraye of the Christian community as his addressees: thc numerous pilgrims foy augmenter et donner en rcverence entendible. arti- utter reproaches against the holy Christian faith. 1v: 19 "souvent rctuurnent plains de scrupules et mal ediffiez et par deffault de cognois- sancc pensent ou clicnt reprouches contrc la sancte foy chrestiennc ignorans la verite des ch oses advcnues . :tvis. traccd back to five centuries bcforehand. combin- thc risk of reading history backwards is too great at this point. " 20 Beinart. he would not havc undertaken the Lcttcr Collective or Rhetoric.: !. 207 · different methods of clergy. treatises. wc find ti.:ais 69. disputes. A. and that rnany continued to rcsist although sorne had con- such an institution in thc kingdom. G. pp. BNP. but Christian wars against Islam proved to be a will to defeat the ene- was rather the continuation of a controversia! trcnd which can be mies of the faith .1·se de lafai. Tcach and provoke Scrmon them of severa! threats to Christian faith which had ariscn ovcr the "exempla"... qu~ la On thc wider Europcan scene. Jean Germain chosc other members principale cause de mon cntrepnnse en ceste euvrc prcs:nt qu y n est mic petite quant a son eftect. All through his trcatise. as it has bccn considered lately. The only irrefutable fact of the become a manual for inquisitors. to warn Christian laity. thc length of the book devoted to the J ews rcveals what non-Christians.a fo1teresse. Oral with gestures. Personal Use of reports & rhetorical cxcrciscs.] and due to thcir lack of knowledge. Also Meyuhas Ginio." The emphasis given to thc third book has made sorne his- ing table can help us to understand at a glancc why it was so: torians think that the whole work was intended to alert the influential circles at the court and the Church about thc convenos issue. 1\. Franc. Germain. previous few years and must have been prcsent in evcryone's minds_ Dispute Christian laity & Scholastic & Convcrsion of non- Obviously. Trcatise Clergy ancl Mixture of scrmon.. the Inquisition had alrcady started in Castile.. 22 Meyuhas Ginio. was the most urgent problem in the eyes of Espina but. he refers to the differcnt social groups communication for their thoughts about Islam: sermons. Alonso de Espina hopcd to rcach latcr. 22 His book was never intended to vcrtcd to Islam bccause of their lust. M80). Its use may have changed From a more local perspectivc.: Le livre du creslien et du sarrasin. Autant qu'en la fragilité de ma ?crsonnc en cst.] what Saraccns can do against our strength and was chosen at a particular moment in thcír careers. Franc. His fourth book is also a reports. Explanation for sometimes rulcrs. BNP Ms.. through the cducated elite. lnformation & clergy. . the conclusion is that Espina tricd Communication Audience Style Aims to approach socicty in general. structured discussion. dialectic "exempla"..


a) Sermons public preaching in fashion in fiftecnth-century Iberia, they could
even be directed at non-Christians who were expected to convert.
In medieval socictics, it was difficult to draw the linc bctween oral Sometimes the two stylcs wcrc combined, i.e., for the feast of the
and written communication due to the high lcvcls of illiteracy. This Franciscan martyrs, thc sermon would certainly deal with attitudes
barrier mcans that a historian must perccivc the disparity between toward Islam.
the cultural importance of the contents of a speech and its diffusion in The preachers had different collections of "tools" far building up
its own time. 22ª It was to guarantee this diffusion that sermon-collections a scrmon: thc distinctio, list of different senses of Scriptural terms;
were made. They can be traced as far as the treatises, far the ideas compilations of exempla, fables or examplcs to explain the doctrinal
which con:figured both wcrc very much the same; far cxamplc, what themy in an easier way; and concordances of the Bible, for finding
Cavalleria wrote was no more than the continuation of an oral tra- a number of Scriptural passages in which a given subject or word
dition in the Aragonese area. 23 occurs. 27
Sermons were usually delivered by priests, defined by Espina as The exempla were basic for the development of sermons, as they
"armourcd knights offaith, living a saintly life and strong as lions". 24 would later be for preaching literature. They can be defined as "a
But former Jews and Muslims who had recently converted were also brief tale, taken to be true, inserted in a specch to persuade an audi-
requested to preach in front of their former correligionaries, to the cncc with a salvific lesson", ·according to Bremond. 28 This definition
latter's great disgust. In these cases, thc friars took a close look to can be discussed by the inclusion of other variations of tales which
mal'e sure that the converts did not exceed the tcachings of the were also · used as exempla. Classifications of types of sermon are
Catholic Church. 25 divided according to origin (Jcwish and Paleo-Christian traditions,
The aim of a sermon was usually to present a doctrine arranged pagan-classic tales and modern or medieval); depending on the naturc
in patterns, sorne of which we shall analyse bricfty. Scriptural and of the inforrnation provided (written or oral traditions, writtcn stories
Patristic authorities were used as a theological support, but usually being more authoritative); according to the nature of the characters
no basic doctrinal questions were posed, something which was left (supernatural, human or animal) and depending on their structure
for thc longcr treatises directed to more specialised audiences. Although and style. A more general classification by Lccoy de la Marche makes
the structurc of sermon-col)_ections was usually liturgical, following the following divisions:
the calendar, there was a particular genre directed "ad status", to a) History or legends, including chronicles, hagiography and thc
differcnt groups of roen. Thesc are less numcrous, but central to our historical books in thc Bible.
subject, far as well as addrcssing mernbers of religious orders, mer- b) Contemporary evcnts or anecdotes, which provide very uscful
chants or wives, they dealt with crusaders26 and, in the case of the information about daily life and customs.
c) Fables from popular tradition.
fü Ladero, M. A.: "Comunicación y propaganda de creencias ... " R.Ulvf. (1981),
d) Moralia from the bestiaries. 29
p. 193.
This tradition is dcscribed in Riera i Sans, J.: "Les llicencies reials per The influence of universities gave birth around thc thirteenth cen-
predicar ... " Calls (1987), pp. 113- 143. tury to a more intellectualised way of prcaching, called by histmians
the "scholastic popular preaching", 3º which retained the structure of
' FF, f l lr. See also Meyuhas Ginio, A.: Lajorteresse, pp. 104·-!05.
Riern I Sans, J.: op. cit., p. 121.
D'Avray, D. L.: op. cit., p. 80. An example of this type of collcctions is thc university scholastic discussion, while using simpler material of the
BNP Ms. Lat. 17509, f. 93r-· 102r, containing thc sermons of Jacques de Vitry on
crusading. Also, the Ordinalio de predicalione Sancti Crucis in Angliae (c. 1216) which,
after some theoretical generalities, devoted its final scction to "The call of thc men
to the cross", with a series of exempla from the forrner crusades. The structure of
Ibidem, pp. 72- 75. More can be rcad about sermon structure in Longerc, J.:
t~c sermon is a speech with one main message repeatcd in a variety of ways, and La predica/ion médiévale, Paris, 1983. '
with formulas repeated to call the attention of the public. Cfr. Tyermann, Ch.:
ª Brémond, C. et al.: L'exemplum, p. 38.
England and the Crusades, 1095-1588 Chicago, 1988, pp. 163- 165. Also Maier, C.T.: Ibidem, p. 39.
Preaching the Crusades, pp. 111- 122. D'Avray, D. L.: op. cit., p. 167.


aforemcntioncd collections to finish thc speeeh. Howcvcr, the habit songs, voice inflections and onomatopaeic sounds. The way Vincent
of structuring each sermon systcmaticaJly cannot be attributed solcly Ferrcr used anachronism and localisms is quite striking; for exam-
to scholastic influences. They were used dilferently in preaching than plc, he made Mary Magdalen call .J esus bisbe (bishop in Catalan and
in lectures and treatises. The logical chain (question/ authorities' dis- Valencian dialect) instead of rabbi. Once, he referred to the same
cussion/solution) whieh was the basis of the scholastic system, was Mary as the lady of a barony, centre of a love-court in the troubaclour
not fülly developed in the sermon nor, as we have mentioned, did style. 35 Undoubtedly, this dircct stylc made Biblical tcxts much more
it raise fundamental doctrinal questions. This partial use of scholas- immediate to the public. Fcrrcr's eapacity to speak for three hours
ticism had the advantage of avoiding the problems of orthodoxy was widcly known by people who listened to him. Squares had to
which might have been raised in the academic environment. It was be prepared in the towns to receive thc masses he moved. It is not
too dangerous for an average edueatcd theologian to enter too dccply surprising that sorne of the roughest riots against the .Jewish com-
into sueh matters as the Trinity, the Incarnation or the Eueharist in munities were moved by such a powcrful speal{er.
front of a varied lay audienee. 31 Unfortunatcly, none of the sermons left by Espina dcal with the
After the thirteenth eentury, the world of exempla was enriched problem of Islam36 and his sermon in Palencia whcn he preached
with new sources. Pedro Alfonso's translation of thc Disciplina clericalis the crusadc bull has becn preserved only in thc part where it refers
was uscd to broaden the genre with Eastern tales, with thc hclp of to political affairs. The earlíest examples studied on the subject of
the dialogue style. 32 At thc end of thc Middle Ages, exempla wcre Islam wcre delivercd after the fall of Granada by master Martín
fully incorporated into literary culture, and widely used by authors García, 37 oí1e of qucen Isabel's eonfessors. In 1500 he received a let-
who aimed at the conversion ofJews and Muslims. The fact that ter from the monarchs asking him to move to Granada to instruct
the exemplum was used to impress the audience and to move them the Muslims in the Christian faith so that they could be converted.
with more adequate vocabulary, while being more easily rcmembered Since he was one of the few mcmbers of the clergy who could speak
than authority or reasoning, made it a precious weapon for conversion. 33 Arabic, his cooperation vVas vital. 38
The structure used for sermons in the Peninsula was dctailed in
Franccsc Eiximenis's Ars praedicandi populo. The introduction, spccifying 35
Sermon 48, delivered in Valencia in 1413. Publishccl in Barcelona, 1927.
thc feast of the day and a subject chosen from thc Bible, was fol- G. Thc only collection left is a copy of his scrmons on the Eucharist, in Burgo
lowed by a Hail Mary. Once thc public had becn brought into the de Osma Cathcclral, M s. 26.
Born in Caspe around 1441, he learned to rcacl and write while working as
subjee1:, an introduct:io thmnati.s was dclivered, repeating the verse which a shepherd. He ran away to Saragossa, where he was admítted to study at the
was going to be commcnted upon wíth a brief literal explanation CathedraJ, ancl later he obtainccl a grant to study in thc Spanish School of St.
Clcmcnt in Bologna (14-76- 1480). Once a master, he returned to Saragossa and
al1cl · a short practical application. Thc divisio thematis was the core of was appointed a canon in the cathcclral. He studied thc Bible in Hebrew and
the speech, and each one of its parts had to be confirmed by an Chaldcan, thc Talmud, ami he also learned Arabic. His first sermons wcre deliv-
authority. 34 The matter was divided into eonditions, propositions or crccl in "autos de fe". In 1437, he preachccl before Fernando and Isabel in Saragossa,
achieving thc appointment of royal preacher and confessor to the Queen. He was
just numbered, and memorized in rhymes to make it easier. The also madc a juclge to investigate the dcath of his former master lhe bishop Pedro
end of the sermon was often omitted and left up to thc preaeher. de Arbues. In 14·93 he would add thc title of reformer of nuns. He was a good
The techniques for approaching the audience more closcly included friend of Cardinal Cisncros. In 1492 he was general inquisitor for Saragossa and
Tarazona, until 1510, when he was dcclared general inquisilor for thc whole king-
the use of the second person singular to address thcm, gestures, dom of Aragon. In l 500 he lcft for Granada, in a special mission commandcd by
the monarchs. In 1515, King Fernando would obtain for him Lhc . bishopric of
Barcelona, but he gave it up lo retire to Caspe, where he Lranslated bis sermons
Ibídem, pp. 170 - 184. into Latin bcfore he died in 1521. Ribera Florit, J.: La polémica hispanomusulmana en
Brémond, C. et al.: 0¡1. cit., pp. 51-52. los sennones . .. , pp. XXIII-XXXIX.
33 38
Ibidem, p. 81. The letter, datccl 4 April 1500, saicl: "Maestre Martin Garcia, ya sabeys como
+ Eiximenis's piece is taken from Riquer, IVI. de et alii: 0/1. cit., p. 402. The neecl todos los moros de la ciudad de Granada se convirtieron a nuestra santa fe catholica;
of authoritics, from Richard of Thctforcl's Ars jJraedicandi, cfr. D'Avray, D. L.: porque muy pocos dellos saben entender hablar sino arabigo y por no haver per-
ojJ. cit., p. 194. sonas de yglesia que sepan el arabigo, no pueden los dichos convert.idos ser bien,.••. , , , ..


. :


Martín García was well aware of the difficulties he would encountcr fond of public arguments, as was repeatedly noted by fiftccnth-century
in his task, so he madc surc he had the appropriate sources: he writers. At first, disputes were only oral, but during the period befare
ordered Juan de Andrés to translate thc Koran and six books of the the end of the Reconquest, they were described in books. New laws
Sunna into Aragonese, while he engaged in the writing of his ser- obliged the Muslims to attend to them in all Christian kingdoms.
mons. There are one hundred and fifty-five of these Jcft, of which Disputes intensified with the establishment of Franciscan and
thirty-five are expressly dcvotcd to Muslims. 39 Their structure cor- Dominican houses in the Península and the Levant from the thirteenth
responded to Eiximenis's, except that the divisio thematis incorporatcd - eentury, when the preparation of preachers and missionaries was
passages of Jewish and Islamic texts, and at the end he exhorted the greatly improvcd. AH means were authorised for them to engage in
infidels to convert to Christianity. Together with the quotations from polemics with Muslims in an intellectual crusade to convert thcm. As
thc Koran and the Sunna, he gave others from the books of such a result, Dominicans under Raimundo de Penyafort founded sehools
famous authors as al-GhazalI, Ibn Srna, Ibn Rushd, al-Mas'üdi, Ibn to teach Janguages and thcology; canon law cxempted missionarics
Abr-Zayd's Risala and the biography of the prophet by Ibn 1-?J:iaq. from the prohibition against sharing roof and table with Saracens and
His scheme was simple. He dealt, subject aftcr subject, with ali thc J ews,'11 and Christian rulers evcn managed to obtain concessions for
main dogmas of Islam: Koran versus Biblc, God, the angels, Jesus, Muslim subjects of Muslim lords to convert openly to Christianity.42 In
Mary, MuJ:iammad and the pillars of Islam. He started by men- the thirteenth ccntury, the intervention of Menclieant Orders made dis-
tioning thc suras involved, and immediately afterwards the gloss or putes seem thc bcst way to eonvey the idea of holy war, an image whieh
commentary, followed by a discussion and refutation, which would was also adopted by thc Jewish and Muslim antagonists, who insisted
finally lead to an appeal to conversion. In fact, Martín García's on the knowledge, tenacity and heroism of their own partieipants. 43
approach was the closest to a dispute, save that there was no spccífic One of these disputes took place in Murcia between Ibn Rash1q,
contender. son of a notary and poet1 and a monk who has been identified either
as Garci Petri, arehdeaeon in Moroeco, or as Raimundo Martí,
author of the Pugi.o Fidei. The subjcct was the impossibility of imi-
b) Disputes tating the Koran, and the story was told by Ibn Rashrq himself in
A.rabie. He notcd that a group of priests had arrived in Murcia, sent
The Koran forbade disputes against other religions about the dog- by the kíng to study Islamic seiences and to translate thcm into their
mas of Islam [suras 4: 143; 5:56; 9:29; 60: 13]. In practice, Muslim own language. The purpose of this was to start discussions with thc
leaders realized that this method was necessary in their rclations With weakest Muslims in arder to convert them using polemics, as a way
Christians and Jews. Daniel suggests severa] reasons: fear of rea- of "bcing payed by the king and appreciated by their correligionaries".H
sÓn combined with faith, the desire of Islamic govcrnments to avoid When the protagonist went to the madrasa to attcnd a trial between
trouble and a contempt far Christianity on thc part of scholars and a Christian and a Muslim, one of thc priests askcd him to stay for
jurists. 4° Far whatever reason it might be, l\!Iuslims were not very a discussion on the impossibility of imitating the Koran. The Muslim
managed to continue the argument until he recited a verse that per-
suaded the Christians of the futility of their conversation. This dispute
instruidos en las cosas de nuestra te, y ay mucha necesidad especialmente agora en
los comienzos que no hay en aquella ciudad personas de iglesia que sepan arabigo,
para instruir a los dichos nuevamente convertidos. Y porque sabernos que vos sabeys
arabigo y que con vuestras letras y predicacion y buen ejemplo podreys mucho
aprovecharles, por ende nos vos rogarnos y encargamos que pues vedes quanto en Kedar, B.: Crusade and mission, p . 137.
ello sera servido nuestro Señor, queraís disponeros a venir a estar algun tiempo a That happencd in 1228- 29, when Fernando III of Castile obtained a conces-
la dicha ciudad para aprovechar en lo susodicho ... " (A.C.A., Reg. Cancilleria sion frorn the Almohad al-Ma'mun, who desperately needcd Castilian aid. lbn AbI
3614, f. 105v). Zar: Rawd al-Qjrtas, Cfr. Kedar, B.: op. cit., p. 138; Sánchez Albornoz,, C.: La España
Nurnbcrs 5, 14-39, 68-69, 86, 90, 106, 125, 127, 130, 138 of the edition in musulmana, II, Madrid, 1973, p. 40 l. ·
the Library of the Central University, Barcelona. ·
Gabro'is, A.: Les sources hebraíques médiévales, p. 48.
Daniel, N.: Islam and the West, p. 127. +i Granja, F. de la: "Una polémica religiosa en Murcia.... " Al-Andalus, 31, p. 67.

.[. thcn imperative . Cfr.e. Biblioteca Ricarcliana. et grande es la ignorancia ele los musulmanes. pp.: op. p. Cardaillac. know the adversary. Florence. or else be started dispute took place in 1431 with Prince Yüsuf of Granada. pero el me respondió que ninguno se atrevería a hablar en tierra de cristianos. argüir o sermonear entre los christianos cuando ellos mismos prohiben planncd to teach and discuss these very dogmas. about these expcricnccs. to the theological (Dispute on the Unity). 7-6-14. The former wcre used as an instrumcnt for flcd to the Castilian court. nadie entre los cristianos que sepa explicar esto sino tú. ting to. disputes were No se ha de temer que los predicadores musulmanes quieran enseñar. Tl2. and which we will analyse later on. se podrían encontrar veinte yersonas que ordinet cum altissimo et potcntissimo rege Tunicii. The choice of this character to discuss the usual matters of thc ingly considered as someone to be converted rather than defeated. Ms. and his letter to Nicholas of Cusa.: op. pero luego que escucho mis palabras acerca del extremo ultimarnente 46 Llull. V7. 246: "Dum sic Raimundus considerabat. in his account.. L. pp. L.47 but that was not as companions of thc Prophet-. f. for an intellectual like Segovia. Sevilla. quod christiani bene litterati et supiesen exponerlo de igual modo. 49 Religious controversy in the vernacular languages had been prac. cuán lingua arabica habituati vadant Tunicium ad ostendendum veritatem de fide. disputes wcrc a way of get.stia12orum et Saracenorum in Opera Latina. por desconocer· la verdadera quod saraceni bene litterati veniant ad regnum Siciliac disputatum cum sapientibus exposición de nuestra fe. the opponcnt was increas.483. after the fall of Granada. following this tendcncy. quienes.: ojJ. non quod chris. no hay p.scos y c1istianos .11ere are severa! copies from the fourteenth to the fiftcenth century in Madrid: <f7 Cardaillac. . aborrecen y vilipendian a los cristianos.: Cristianismo e islamismo na Península lbe1ica. cit. L. as part of a wider plan for conversion These encounters could eithcr be prepared by the ecclesiastical which was not limited to the person with whom he argued. christianis de fide eorum. 45 ambassador on the subjccts of the Trinity and J esus's divinity was not This new. he insisted on his success in per- was sharcd by treatises..' l'vfas yo le respondí que. Carclaillac.. 103-·· 107. Ms. i. habcndo talem modo pcr universum mundum. whilc sermons did not <leal with basic dogmas-·as has alrcady been mentioned-. thc bcst-known example Christians and Muslims in the Peninsula. The main difference was that.: J\1ori. 149. el cometidos. proposcd the organization of public knowlcdge of Christianity was his alleged reason for justifying the disputes to Frederick III of Sicily in his De Participatione Christianorum fact that thc Muslim did not convcrt. was "Paul. J. Vocabulista vituperaba a los cristianos por comer a su Dios y absolver de los pecados contra in Arabico (13th ccntury)." Froin Nls. Mss.] Rogué entonces al jefe musul.H. copicd in Castilian by 'Ali al-Garibo. and as soon as he retircd to Ayton. His first authorities in accordance with thc secular powers. . he started writing to a Peninsular king. The original text tells thc encounter with the Granadan ambassador as follows: "'I'al ignorancia quedó patente en la discusión que sostuve en :Medina del Campo con el embajador del rey ele Granada.150. pp. agressive scope produced thc wadike metaphor which very fruitful although. cum sit fans dcvotionis. 480.. who had by a certain individual. cit. to the tcxt Vocabulista Segovia's second dispute in Medina del Campo with the Granadan in Arabico. de Mahoma en tierras del Islam. They were equivalcnt. Gradually.." ''º '1. . · ° Cfr. Trinity and the divinity of Christ demonstrates how many concep- But still.A. pp. R. Univcrsity. they would bccomc of his companions in a thcological discussion were in vain. thc Apostlc. Vincent :Ferrer in is thc aljamiado version of thc Desputa de la Unidad or de los kiistiYanos 1412. Cfr. 50 The works written to defcnd thc Christian faith. quedó estupefacto y prorrumpió en esta exclamación: 'Por Dios.'16 One wonders why he never proposcd the samc too much. nec saraceni christianos. thc authorship of which is still undcr discussion. tions of the nature of a dispute existed within Peninsular society. 332 ··333. cit. lbidem. regem Trinacriae. the Jew". Biblioteca Nacional. 4944.70 CHAPTER THREE THE lNTELLECTUAL APPROACH TI: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 71 has been relatcd. V6. in its style and protagonists. ut ipsc. His attempts to engage the princc or onc mass-convcrsion and.: De Participatione Chri. 324. Biblioteca Colombina. 48 ·19 Cabanelas. 326-327. Salamanca tianos et saracenos. mán que mandaba su escolta me permitiese disputar con alguno de sus sabios. . 55. II. el cual +s Lavajo. proposuit venire ad nobilissimum virtuo. aun sin salir de aquel mismo poblado. on a popular lcvel. : tiani vadant ad destruendum saracenos. 1 pp. Entonces conocí.onc of thc first that the opponent was there to be defcatcd. It did not secm to bothcr him et Saracenorum (1312). Onc of the most peculiar being thc Dispute of Tortosa.. sissimum dominum Fredericum. Cod. conducted by St. There are very fcw cxtant texts about open disputes between tised in the Iberian Península for a long time. D. R. aludido. but he more and more similar to public sermons. An ínsufficient Llull. 217. por este y otros casos. Et fortc per talem modum posset essc pax inter chris. since no opponcnts wcrc rcached sorne practica! conclusions: allowcd. easy when he was faced openly. Polcmic literaturc assumcd main figure of the legend attributed to Ibn <Abbas -·. The appointment bajo severísimas penas que ninguno de los nuestros hable sobre la ley of a competent and orthodox thcologian to conduct the dispute was ·. Raimundo suading his antagonist about sorne Christian dogmas. XVI. 138. [ l 9v.

p. Alexander UI sent an Instructio in the proper state of mind in order to grant the request which fal. 538111. ending in a petition which was usually in the the Fifth Crusade Olivcr of Cologne invited Sultan al-Kamil to con- form of a deduction from the major and minor prerniscs laid clown vcrt while he thankcd him for his behaviour towards the defeated in the exordium and narration. 2-3.133. the first letters known on the subject wcre written without an oral explanation by an ambassador or messengcr. cit.72 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH n: A STYT. 39.) if it was Letters were also closely related to oral messages. Thc original in Arabic is in the library of the monastery of El Escorial. Thc use of scriptural quotations cxtending to both privatc and teenth century onwards. • 56 51 Dunlop. They are defined as quasi-public 259.". 52 lbidem. . far their style. their origin. decrces. After the salutation Probably duc to geographical and cultural distance. 52 Sorne of them were scen as a poscd to b~ the first to attempt the approach to Muslim rcligious continuation of a dispute. but the fact is that most of the whether thcy were privatc or official. Mcanwhile.. and so used dialogue as the background leaders. Al-Andalus. almost any material could be turned into a letter and a mcmber of a religious community. G. crusaders. Ms.. A: op. while confarming to the epistolary rules.: "A Christian Mission to Muslim Spain". 54 To what extent this is true far thc matter we are dealing with shall be seen immediately. consisting of sorne c01:nmonplace gcnerality. the letter from the monk of France possible to speak about one stylc. and finally the phrases of the conclu. Constable. M. p. Arabic Collection. the cpistolary gcnre was seen as a rcsult of "the tradition of the associated arts of lctter-writing (ars 54 Constable. Innocent III sent two lettcrs to the lowed. so it is easy to find that the documcnt is incomplete As far Islam. 31." By the end of the Middle Ages. 544-545. Al-Andalus. . There are as a way to "update thc past and adapt it to the circumstances in a number of Iberian cxamples of these letters in thc fifteenth century.] carne the exordium. It was used way of making someonc aware of the Muslim qucstion. Epistolary style was an easy and convenient official correspondence hampered the style of the texts..: Crusade and Mirsion. 53 "there letters asking far the conversion of Muslim rulcrs were written abroad. as the first examplc of this kind of literature on Iberian soil. pp. 17. countries wcrc less aware of the unlil{elihood of conversion from a proverb or a scriptural quotation. H.. R. Of course the popes. the other Europcan [. to the personality of the correspondents. p. 216. 55 Gabro1s. fidei to the Sultan of Iconum. p.: "The Life of Medieval Students as Illustrated by their Letters''. and designed to place thc reader Islam by these means.: Letters and Letter-collections. 58 Sce Kcdar. should be five parts arranged in a logical sequence. On the an oral messagc. cols. l 929). which had been thought to be suitable.: "La leltre du rnoine de France . 49. col. when thc idea of convcrsion as the concept of a letter as a semw absentium (a speech to someone who is way to assimilatc the Saracens was entering thc minds of Christian far away) opened the way to the genre far many works that would thinkers. C. 7 '' P .. The contents would latcr be be regarded as such. D. it is Written more in the trcatisc style. Polemic letters were a really popular gcnre in Europe from the thir. A. B.: op. cit. as lcadcrs of Christendom. pp. no matter thing which still has to be studied.E FOR A PUBLIC 73 c) Letters dictaminis) and of public speaking (ars arengandi)".. were sup- not be written in letter form today. 58 sion. In fact. in our case usually a ruler or other hand. together with nonc of them can be studied without considcring the others. spread through the usual mcans (prcaching. to its first addrcsscc. 14. ' 53 Haskins. Studies in Medieval Culture (Oxford. 55 Diffusion varicd according all of them sharing thc qualification of "quasi-public" literary docu. as long as it confarmed to a frw literary rules. etc. but in general the first step mcnts. Then carne thc statement of the particular purpose of the rulcrs of Aleppo (1119) and Morocco (1211)57 and the prcacher of letter (the narration).L. because of their view to futurc collection or publication. and Turlci. 132-. 5 1 Their historical and literary aspects are so intermingled that was delivery through messengers who took thc letter.12. changing the medium or channel to al-Muqtadir of Saragossa (1078) has been thoroughly studied56 of communication. 434. pp. 214. and Gregory Vil did so when he wrote to al-Na~r of Bidjaya. pp. According to Haskins.F. 73 ·· 153. 11.310. Thc around the elcventh century. G. Why The general scheme laid clown in the artes dictaminis was respected the subject did not attract much attention in thc Península is some- in the fifteenth-century letters devoted to the Muslim issue. which the correspondents were living".

in 1451. . evcntually reaching thc whole of thc Ottomans' afraid of the armcd Mudejars who were ready to overtal<e the realm land. J. ". He was then Muslims was to be forbidden so that thcy would not be able to help warned to defend himself. the so called rcquesting them to forbid any public praise in the name of Mu}:iammad khan was accused of his earlier conquest of Constantinople and his unless they wanted to incur God's anger. to be pre. 653. ". the council appealed to Alfonso V at Naples. pp.e crescent. pea.: "La polilique orientalc de St.74 CHAPTER THREE THE lNTELLECTUAL APPROAGH U: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 75 Two examples of lcttcrs regarding crusades in the fiftecnth cen.: "Los mud~jares valencianos .ce treaty with the King of England as thc Pope had requestcd. the Franciscan friar. The frrst con- 30th Scptember 1453-can be considcred as a complcment to the sidered the problcm of Berber corsary raids on the Valencian coast. The on crusade. Alfonso V of Aragon's defiance of the Ottoman However. the rejection of marriagc. . ". The use of weapons by intention to go further against Rhodes and Rome. Thc space left for the final request. . E..: Exlwrtationa Charles VII .!Jen Age. S.: "El Ideal de Cruzada . 6 " The heresy of thc Free Spirit in Durango proclaimed the common posscssion of goocls.a warning followed by invocations to God their fellow-1\!Iuslims. and the seeond with by thc authorities and explaining his viewpoint using numerous quo- possible remedies. 6 i He had already performed such a mission bcfore the first aspect has provokcd much interest among Church historians. see Schwoebel. Sanchis Guamcr (Valencia. and the belief that !he time of the Holy Spirit had already come to the earth. pp.: "Un franciscano heterodoxo . thc Marquis of Ferrara. The danger moved Francesc Eiximenis to the role uf champion of the faith for the next expected crusade. Obviously. following their prophecíes. Thc answer to thc lctter was expected through the ambassador. parcd ovcr thrcc years. crusader bull issued by the Pope. F. a crusade was announced. La croisadc de 1248". asked the king his lord to send him on the crusade and to sign a 64 Ibidem.23r.G 6 king in 1451. the first dealing with the stating his mistrust regarding the way Christian doctrine was taught troublesome state of Christendom in the East. R. Les of heretics were burnt in Vallaclolicl and Santo Domingo de la Calzada. the king was claiming hclped by local Muslims. En la E1j1afia Medieval ( 1982). were dispersed arouncl 1440: Alonso de Mella escaped to Granada. 59 after the fall of Constantinople was not only and still forbade the duke several times to go on crusade lcaving his a manifestation of chivalric ideals. 233·· 250 prov:ides all the bibliogTaphy on thc subjcct. f[ II--V. After shape letters. Finally. 15. The article of Cabanclas. addressed a letter when he was trying to arrange a peace-treaty between France and to King Juan II around 1443 trying to cxplain his rclations with the England so that his lord.. D. but Mella's opinions about Muslims have been totally neglected. Cfr.. p. 61 See abovc. polit- ical peace in thc realm and the cooperation of native populations G 2 Germain. sultan. aim of the letter. 63 Howevcr. Louis. 652 653. but a link with other crusader flank facing England undefended. as well as thc foil text 1he shadow Qf th. Alfonso's lettcr-dated on practica! issues regarding thc Muslim community. The Duke of Burgundy 1972). thc dcvastation in the arca did not and the Virgin Mary. 62 tury are to be found. policies in the Mediterranean. fols. Through it.. was comparativcly small. 66 relations entre L'01ient et l'Occident au A11. Ecl. thc rcjcction of Christ's prcsencc in the Eucharist 59 Publishcd in Sobrequés. The Exhortation is an example of the short treatise. and a numbcr 60 Richard. The suggestions range from using the powcr of tations from the Bible. of -the letfrr. which was the real Eiximenis. as López de Coca demonstrated in his study of the contents of the The other letter is Jcan Gcrmain's Exhortation far Charles VII to go lctter. They 249-250. pp. J. 107-· l 08. would be able to go heretics of Durango 65 (Viscaya) and justify his füght to Granada. 63 in the East. I-líspania (1952). The writc a letter to the city eouncil at the end of the fourteenth century letter is structured in thrce parts after the address: frrst. St. 204. Charles VII did not take any notice of thcse suggestions.: Regi. It is divided into two parts. he went on: the sultans of Damascus and Acre to assume the aid from convertcd Mamluks. the council was exaggerating. Alonso de 1\!Iclla. 64 Charles VII) presented to the king by the bishop himself in 1459. Abfodalus.: pp. Philip of Burgundy. Lopez de Coca. J. but it is clear proof of how the feelings against Muslims wcre Ove1·seas (also called Le discours du VC!J1age d'oultremer au tres victorieux roi progressively building up. by lVI. Mu}:tammad II. Louis had also sent a similar letter The kingdom of Aragon offcrs two intcrcsting examples of letters to Sultan Aiyüb 60 before his crusade in 1248.. For a summary of the contenls of thc lctter.ment de la Cosa Publica. In Castile. 3r. p. stop and.. Sorne favourable events werc to help achieve the final defeat of the Turks: the end of the schism within the Church..

v.even by association. secundum quas ratíones in against the Turks: it was just another approach to the problem.: Die Shadow ef the Crescenl. et diligentcr pcrscrutantcs et examinantes fidem quam of small treatiscs to inform his fricnds of his method of achicving a Sarraccni tenent et credunt. who is shown as the most benevolcnt king. 68 Scgovia wrote his lctters ín the stylc in dicto regno. in suis verbis et factis honorant. Almost any public esse. cenos crecientes et confitentes omnia sancta facta et dicta Ihesu Christi. due to his syncretist The most important manifestation of this style carne from the ideology. R.. 70 Schwoebcl. As the study of the letters was made by Cabanelas. adorarent et hon. 67 Constantinople. with the Turks and cncmics of thc Latín Christian princcs. creatorem celi et terrae. 69 Cabanelas.L. [ 183r. Francesco Filelfo. the council cxplains his offer to accept the conquest of Byzantium The prívate correspondence between Juan de Segovia and the in exchange for a conversion to Christianity. But the accept. Other gcst hís nced to return to Castile. his appeal to the king for his return to C:astile position in which he was left by the Christian rulers during and after would be out of place. in eis rcpertas vcraciter cognoscimus Deum non esse duntaxat Deum the "new" rhetoric style. On the other hand. Rcpcrimus etiam eos clispositos audirc et auscultare omne illud gathcring was an ideal occasion to deliver an exhortatio waging war quod secundum rationem potest vcrificari. et per digna opera adimplent mandata sua. 67 Cod. translators from Arabic. Et placeret Deo quod putes. Vat. timore. no more will be said about their externa] orarent cum tanta reverentia et timore. 71 Schwoebel. It is vcry unlil<ely that he belicvcd in the conversion and a change of morals and customs which Mella was not ready to of the sultan. 303-349.G9 together illi qui clicunt se christianos timerent eum. Díd Mella hope that an ter in which he regretted the situation. . a moment of vision which was to be fol- that theír God and the Christian one were the same.would regain him the sympathy of the king. cols. and to the challenge of Islam. Item reperimus clictos sarra- structure. rcvcrcntia et devotione ado. members of thc Roman Curia and bishop Jean Germain has already thc fact that he was still thinking of a crusade could give the letter been mentioncd. sicut illuc clicitur.of course. a thought lowed again by ignorance". and therefore Pope himself. D. 71 Probably the ideas of Segovia and Cusa which might be relatcd to the heresy he preachcd in Durango. quem multo amplius quam christiani. with their publication. one of these being the debates mentioned in the paragraph on dis- rant et honorant in omnibus suis factis et clictis. p. · quem cum tanta fide. stantcs nos supra clicti become interested in Islam. embassy to Murad II by writing an appeal for Charles VIl to go to Mantua. p. Unfortunately. crcdcrent. 250.. 70 attempt to convert Muslims. this would be the Roman Church- fideles et credentes in solum vcrum Deum. to Islam. sed esse Deum omnium illorum qui recte credunt in eum. p. The difficulties of finding information about Islam. Pius ll's letter has been considered by sorne as an a safeconduct to return to his country? Thc fact that he was killed example of the willingncss of thc Renaissance papacy to ncgociatc by the same Muslims whose religious conduct he praised might sug. 189. and several others for suc- The use of the Franciscan's approach to Islam in a letter of appeal ccssivc Popes to start a crusade. 65. R.. followcd his . humilitatc. Mella merely says thc Muslíms somconc defined it as "a temperate. quinymmo rcperimus eos csse catholicos et single world rcligion. 180. ibidem. But had sorne influence on the Pope whcn he started the letter after the Islam involved much more than this: the Prophet's acknowledgement council of Mantua. and translations of the Koran havc simílar- ities with the situation of Peter the V cnerable when he startcd to 60 See the edition of bis works in P. so that could have been the reason scholars prefcr to sce it as the expression of thc aims of an orthodox for the 1etter as well. pp. reperimus clictos sarracenos non esse infideles. o domine. 661-662. Lat.: 0¡1. cosmopolitan and rational response were ready to listen and believe whatever reason could prove. Finally. 'Studies in the Renaissance. his work in favour to the king as the highcst authority who could forgivc Mella in a of a holy v~ar was unsuccessful enough to force him to write a 1et- matter of local hcresy is very interesting. It is not at all obvious. 2923. ". cit. Cfr.: "Coexistence. l 2.76 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH u: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 77 Proptcr omncs supraclictas causas. Thc Iast group of letters which shall be examincd hcrc werc circu- credentes de ipso quod secundum rationem potest et debet creditum latcd in Rcnaissance Europe regarding the Turks. whilc he mcntioned sorne anecdotes about his work against Islam.otherwisc. Conversion ancl lhe Crusade . once a young student in christianorum. Cabanelas's article speaks of Mella's attraction Roman rcfonnation programme based on Christian humanism.

the same role was pcrformed by lctters from the reli. treatiscs and other majar literary works. An early example is over the Moors. after the fall of the composition of letters. cit. cit. the Europa. in Padua. and he could not be spcech was based on it. Rhodes in 1480. J. H. To complemcnt this information.. Gibraltar.). 72 That is thc only way to in a huny following the Pope's order in 1459. conceived as a praise of Enrique N's carnpaigns and victories on Islam for their subscqucnt literary works.·· . Cod. who addrcsscs his Europa.5. his crusading feeling was also expressed: dealing with Islam. dialogue is avoided. fols.i." 74 Lavajo.78 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH n.68 as Libellus 72 Pius II: Lettera a Maometto JI. the first three devoted to geography and the gious leaders and ambassadors of Latín countries in Byzantium .: op. The cardinals chosen were both Castilian. He rnust have also used thc information so naive as to think that the sultan would change his religion.. 55r. R . et de claríoríbus a phase befare the theological treatises. 36. de regum et regnorum ortu et succesu. De finished by thc bcginning of the Council because Pius's introductory captione urbis Constantinopolitane. This would explain why Torquemada's treatise had such small diffusion compared to other contemporary d) Reports sources. thc Pope was perfectly entitled and Torquemada's Contra p1incipales erroris peifidi Nlachometi was written justified to start a holy war against him.rtmia rerum Húpanarum el de laudihus dic- 73 See Housley. and William answered bccause he "had perceived ject of Islam. H 1\!Iore specifically. theologi. but bccausc therc is no opponent.: op. which is the last historical cvcnt to be rnentioncd. Capitular Library. n without many comments or other notes. rcst to thc hist01y of Castile. There is only one copy left of the Libeflus de situ style. cit. p.5-117. William of Tripoli's De Statu Saracenorum. because of the particular situ- Cusa's ideas concerning the concordance between certain parts of ation in their homeland.. super generalis" (11 March 1273) had askcd far "reports for the ()Jtaestio and disputatio are used as a technique to approach the sub- council of Lyon''.67r. they can be classified either as a step towards chronicles or as et desc1iptione Hispaniae.• On the other hand. cit. Note 33 specifies: "Padua. and fourtcen chapters. provided in it for his letter to Mul. were thought to be the best adv:isors when Christian and falamic doctrine. It must have been was a common fcaturc in all his other works (the Commentaríes. while thc Curia was explain why he chosc thc cpistolary form. A 4. etc. Thís work is listed in the catafogue of l 4. It contained one introduction Befare them. theological reports wcre used as a reference for reports werc ordered by important Pcter thc Cruel. The structurc of thc work is a linear tale of política! events. The most interesting to our purposes is the thirteenth figures in the Roman Church to provide enough up-to-date information chapter. l 1. with special emphasis on the times after . 75 Arévalo says that it was composed in 1463. Although he shared Segovia and lcad to the conclusion that Castilians.: op. De situ The accounts of the evcnts in thc East have bcen callcd "instant et desciiptione Hispaniae is very similar to thc samc author's Histoiia histories" by Housley. since thc Turkish qucstion in Mantua waiting for thc princes' ambassadors. . tae regionis. Pius II requcstcd Rodrigo Sánchez What we havc callcd rcports is really a subdiv:ision of the prosc de Arévalo in 1462 to provide him with a geographical and historical dedicated to Islam. 388. N. This prcparing his spccch for the start of the council of 1\llantua and far time it is the Pope. p. if thc sultan <lid not convert. H. This might the sultan to warn and defy him. I. and again the lack of diffusion used as a quick way of spreading the ncws about the situation in can be explained by its use as a mere referen ce book for othcr the East. 11.arnmad II and his references to the Muslims in his other works. reports are bellis et gestis in ea occurrentihus. they fa. 76 Pius II relied on this data for his Commentaries. that your [thc Pope's] enlightened faith wants to know who are the Therefore. 11 O II iussu pajme Pii ab eodem episcopo editus de brevi hi. R .11 outsidc the time scopc of this book. Grcgory X's bull "Dudum The reports scherne is bascd on scholasticism in a broad sense.: op.5 R 2. pp. p. 76 Trame. pp. questions and answers are ali managed by the author Saracens and what thcir book says about Christian faith". A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 79 the same meaning as the one from Alfonso V just mentioned. Pius II asked for two of thcse reports whcn he was 75 Trame. but as they appcarcd after thc first sicgc of Hispanica. According to their purposes and a less carcful account of Spain.5. as hcad of the Christian troops. In the first case.. Secondly.

l. Turn.: Tize Arabs and Medieval Europe. but did not cntirely meet the needs of the Dominican preachers in the thirteenth century. de droit et de médecine. an apology 103-105. Raimundo Martí undcr- lay-reading increased. cit.. 2: The Scriptures and Muharnmad's prophetic mission. e) Treatúes This made Pcnyafort look for someone who was in the centre of the action.80 provided raw material for thc composition of serrnons: excmpla. London.. a book sources and corrects the arguments accordingly. doc. It is ha:rd to distinguish how much of ea. i. to be instructed.80 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 81 himself. including legal solutions.e. the simpler message dedaimed in church passed took thc huge task of writíng his Summae contra Alclwranum against eventually to the hand-book of the home.eles and prophecics confirmcd the latter. The Islam. at other times practica! issues preaching activities within the Dominican Order. Muhammad's mira. l\!Iul).: "Notes pour une histoire des polémiques .: op. rum" and the infidcls thernselves. Both sermons and treatises show the rhetorical rnodel in crocc's work while his lettcrs we:re more practical. 31 Daniel. character óf thc book changes in the third part. Mul. Thcrc are two more illustrations (f. although the structure is very much the same: the problcm programme by Raimundo de Penyafort. which turns out to be. making the scrmon a gloss were much more theoretical.ons as were in fashion at thc time in the Europcan courts. The author thcn replies givíng the reasons for treatiscs to this end. of Christianity (see Appcndix III).ammad in ali thc manuscripts cxamined. The scene is repeated at thc bc¡. he is handling two hout. 83 Threc more treatiscs by the samc author followed: Adversus structure of the latter was usually divided into four parts: ···. spirit as Jews. J. see Marenbon. declicatccl to Duke Philip of 3. copying thc argLiment.1350). The written rendcring of both disputes and treatises started as early From the twclfth century onwards. the Capistrum Judaeoru~ and the Pugio Fidei against . l\ll. 00 Lavajo.Judaism.: Preaching in Medieval England. the only oncs to represcnt disputées et les questions quodlibetiques dans les jacultés de tlzéologie. "~ Bibliotheque Nationale de París. 79 11 ~ The miniatures oJTer thcir particular approach. the iconography of thc miniatures also changes. 216-217. 77 intcndcd for missionary use but at university leve!. the two knight5 who participate in the dispute appear bcforc the sultan on his Gothic throne. whcrcas the Christian knight is dressed in the 77 For more about scholastic style. thcy Islam. \Vhen the 79 Epalw. while a bishop. et alii: Les questions (f. Burgundy.: Later 111/edieval Philosophy Burgunclian fashion. l 4v). B. The Duke him- Onc of the rnost revcaling examples of the use of different authors sclf appears in thc first rniniature rccciving the manuscript from the author. pp. by the "studia lingua- of influences and motifs. he ordered two rcgarding Islamic ritcs). In the first one. his polemic treatises use at university and Mcndicant schools. 1987. Ms. Christian beliefs in Trinity. H8-450 . pp. Cornpared to scrmons. going on a caravan. R. 82 based on the latter. Christian cult and practices were as false as Christian dogmas. although they do not specify the stcp from "quaestio" and "clisputatio" camels. and adaptcd from an Iberian original.1ammad is 'easily to be 78 Owst. in the same sarrazin. amidst forests-instead of an oasis-. The contrast with letters can be apprcciatcd in Ricoldo de Monte- trine. treatiscs reveal "how as membcrs of the Order in the ficlds involved.. 28v). Despite adding a more doctrinal base.· rcprcsenting Gcrmain. Sorne polemic works from Córdoba :responded to this treatise did not contribute anything new to the knowledge of attacks from the Christians in Toledo. . . recogniscd by his dark skin. J. most worricd about the conversion of infidels and coordination of the Sunna and other commentaries.rinning of the Sccond Book (1150. Arabica (1971). At the beginning of Book One ([ 11 v).. he addressed one of thc most leamed it has encompassed. . 4. Franc. Thc best-known adopted the style of Summae on the Christian side. a featurc associated with devilish powers. 1985. The Summa contra gentiles was dirccted towards a learned public. with the Epistle ef al-Kindi. sources. . Incarnation and Christ. most of the polemic treatises as the clcventh century. he arrives at Bahira's hermitagc to this kind of litcrature very clearly. N. In the second eme. First. pp." 78 And converscly. 948. although using the same rcp- resentati. Both Muslims are depicted as Turks. G.". U. . surrounded and stylcs for a single purpose was thc elaboration of a preaching by the knights of the Golden fleece. At the time whcn he was ís introduced by means of various authorities (sometimes the Koran. 81 of the Scriptures and the treatise a comment on different Christian The samc trend can be observed in fiftcenth-century writcrs. and Bazan. In order to achicve a work which could be used by mission- This last style brings together ali the aforementioned in a mingling aries in thc Iberian Pcninsula and North Africa. p. he basically counter-attacks with Christian a book in the stylc of the univcrsity context in Paris. he addrcsscd Thomas Aquinas to ordcr his response-in this case. An lnlroductirm. while Muslims case in the fifteenth century is Jcan Germain's Débat du crestien et du preferred the genre of Responsae to particular questions.

l 08. 289). 109. and far away from the Peninsula. Howcver. Of course. sorne practica! cletails.gencrally cialists who had been ablc to have sorne contact with Muslirns. the Koran and the collections clergy and nobility -. pp.: The Shadow qf lhe Crescent.not even Mu}. Cabantlas. Only in a case where the treatise had to be written too quickly extended any furthcr. in the Fourth Book. p. f l 90r (ed. IJ5 Anawatí. Juan de Scgovia: Prologue to the Koran. And be- The fact that trcatiscs were intended for a more cducatcd audience. any author who wanted to write about Islam The next chapters will explain better than any simple classification would try to contact an accurate source. Adversus klahometanos et fideles. first source to be used was the Bible and its commentaries.. Although in the fifteenth century sorne place had is so peaceful that he <loes not condemn anybody. 1 their work. of hadith were uscd by the authors who lmew them. 150. De pace fidei is a discussion among characters of all nationalities and Dependence on authorities was important because it guaranteed the religions. been lcft for creation in litcrature. In !he foreground. The use of scholasticism as reference did not mean his work was unoriginal whcn it comes to analysing its structure and final display. 96. " Revue de l'Histoire des Religions. 2 M See Schwoebel. as we have scen. In the case of Juan de Segovia. cause the subject involved was Islam. p. Whilc Alonso de Espina has been accuscd of "lack of originality" rcgarding the subject of the inquisition/ he has also been blarned for thc freedom with which he prescnted his conclusions. The difference in scope says a lot about the different situations in which the authors were living.. although lt may be assumed that.: .. all of which are lost. Laforleresse.whereas he adrnits that Muslims would be able to live with the use of authorities as a guarantee for orthodoxy. Why lmowledge was rcdueed to second-hand information or to sorne spe- the Ibcrian authors.olas de Cues et le j1robleme de l'!slam. 84 The chaptcrs of the Débal coincide with the gcogrnphical points mentioned in Germain's Exhmtatio CHAPTER FOUR to Charles VII. A.: "Reves de croisade . .tam. this introduction should not be tiscs. f 1:32v. failed to use dialogue in their trcatises is explained by the nature of Oral sources are mentioned in all the books by Iberian authors. the Pope ancl the Patriarch of the Eastern Church are assem- 1 bled with a council of bishops ancl cardinals (f.Juan de Segovia and Juan de Torquernada. 145. Thc first problem posed by a list of refcrcnccs such as the onc offered sition of a method for universal pcacc was Nicholas of Cusa. Christ appears for the first time sending his Apostles to prcach around thc world. The same can be said of . p. . a Muslim. in a country whcrc coexistence had bccn the latter was usually eontained at sorne point vvithin the book.e. pp. Another writer who used disputes as a background for his expo. practiscd for eenturics.with the cxccption of Pedro Alfonso. conceived more as a summa than as an admonition. Gcnnain is again represenLcd writing his book (f: l 12v).Nir. His approach quality of a book. CCXXI2. 107. Finally. the genres rclated to theology kcpt macl. FF.did the author avoid the use of direct wit- nesses and stuck to other ccclesiastical authors. whilc TRADITION AND POLEMICS: SOURCES FOR Espina's was written as a study of Islam to ease the way for thosc FIFTEENTH-CENTURY AUTHORS who wanted to fight it.·-such as happened to Torquemada's Contra errores Mac/wmeti. B5 His in appendix III is the question of originality in the Middle Ages. Meyuhas Ginio. C. i. 184r). But the treatise was written as an explanation of Christian faith.-dircctly caused Latín to be the languagc chosen. R. and De saracenorum legis falsitate tractatus. to provide the use and structure of treatises on Islam. Sincc thcy are just vehi.82 CHAPTER THREE Turcarum Alcoranum. this and the stylc to be a mixture of sermons and thc scholastic. apart from thc topics included in formcr trea- cles for expressing ideas on Muslims. the fact that <Jsa ibn Djabir was a faqfh favourcd the accuracy of interpretation of Islarnic doctrine. 207. thc the others just by changing sorne of their customs. showing once more the links between the two gcnres. G. to unify one single rcligion with different rites.

Europe and the Ncar East were idcntified with Christianity and Islam. Scholars exchangcd 7 Chapter two of the CE was copied from Martí's Traclalus contra Nlachometum. martirs. II. J. meant that they did apparoir par epistres et actes publiques farz el escrips sur se et aucunes not try to approach every k. On the other hand. N. dessus dictes. as an cxample of scientific cooperation. p.: Le li1fre du crestien et du sairasin. summae and collections of sentences in onc single volume so Jewish post-biblical studics6 and often had to do with the ignorance they can be consulted altogether: of a ccrtain language. Pierre Alfonsc de la impact Islam had on Christians. verains du monde. 64 7. negligence of the main reasons for mistakes rcgarding Islamic doctrine was erro- d'entendre a lecture diceulx. 3 more basic emes. ' . He appeals to thc Pope to correct him. 6 Mcyuhas Ginio. j'embrasseray ce dit oeuvre. world of Muslim philosophers and thc qucstion of the transmission he believes it is time to dcfend thc Church against Islamic attacks of Greek philosophy through Arabic translations. 248. their rcferences and methods. des principaulx poins de nostre foy comme pourra those who wcre not intercsted in Islam itself. around the same time.v. l'ignorance de plusieurs et occupations des choses mondaines et aussí que les diz actes et díffinitions ne sont neous translation from Arabic sources. The main objective was to providc as much scholars. ( 2r. in a rcmarkablc way over individual interests. . communal spirit worked ' Daniel. Thereforc. will complete. 7 One difficiles a trouver et extraire tant par deffault de livres. and to the Kmg.: Cristianismo e islamismo na Peninsula lbelica. 69. confcsseurs. within the Order of Preachers (and probably the 4 Lavajo.ind of Muslim source. illustres hommes que de hystoires anciennes consignant les arrestz. Different kinds of authors used diffcrcnt sources.: The Arabs and Medieval Europe. There was He admitted using sorne texts from Aristotle collected by other no need to be original. T orquemada uscd thc work of his fellow- Dominican Raimundo Martí. but as he sees there is no way to make the sect disappear.84 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 85 Besides. Jean were writing their Ií·actatus contra Machometum and the Summa contra Gcrmain spccifies such a trend in bis foreword to the Livre du crestien gentiles. The fact that most of the authors belonged to the second trend. which other more intclligcnt doctors was drawn between these two fields and theology. a la consolacion diceulx et confusion de cnnemis de notre foy. contacts betwcen Raimundo Martí'1 and Thomas Aquinas while they able at the time: thc same concept which originated the summae.: La jorteresse. but sorne of them led to important misunder- teurs de la sanctc foy chrestiennc avoir plaine cognoissance des choses standings. Thcre were also information as possible. J\fistal<es were widespread and trouvez mis par ordre pourquoy a grande difficulte pevent les zcla. and it is likcly that his quotations from Et car les dictes sentences et diifmítions sont escriptcs en divers volumcs Maimonides and Avicenna (lbn Sina) carne from this sourcc.although a religious intcrcst was usually in the background- sancte foy et especialement des extraiz del Alchorant faiz par reverends and those who approachcd it with reference to Christianity and thc docteurs Pierre Venerable jadiz abbe de Cluny. A very definite line by means of rational argumcnts. readily acknowlcdged. there is the author's view to be considered. Ibn Slna's De scientia divina or J\!Jetap!rysics was menlioned in Marlí's Explanatio symbolum apostolornm. especially due to Thomas's ignorancc et du sarrasin: of Arabic. but simply the foiz par remonstrances et manuductions de raisons humaines. It is important to bear in mind that many references could be He insists in a second foreword in the need to put togcthcr prívate made sccond-hand. same could be said about the Franciscans). The choice of a theological argument nation des Espaignes et saint Thomas d'Aquin en ung sien petit livre was conditioned by the religious definition of thc two territorics: contre heresie de Mahumet et autres tant des sains appostres. Given Martí's expertíse in Senútic languages. diffinitions et sentences publiqucmenl donnees par les sou. p. On the othcr hand. as Vincent de Bcauvais explaincd. the number of Islamic authors quoted The textgoes on to say that he is not trying to explain faith through in thc list of references is very small and completely leaves aside the reason. taken from as many sources as were avail. and certainly Torquemada would Iind his writings 3 Germain. which quotes l\IIaimonides. A.J. A distinction can Considerees les choses dessus dictes [je] me suis travaille de extraire de plusieurs doctcurs et saiges ce qui m'a semble prouffitable et bien be made betwecn those who werc intcrested in Islam for its own servant au reboutement de la dicte secte et a sexaussement de nostre sake5. it was almost obliged to use him as source when these languages were involved. easily in any uf Lhe convents of his Order. p. This happened with Espina's quotations frorn works.

al-Andalus. IvL T. while Mark of Toledo tried a word- These examplcs wcre mentioned in thc Península in thc lndiculus by-word translation taking good ca.. traducteur d'Ibn Tumart''. 10 Dunlop. 16 Cabanelas. understanding "koubar" were inaccurate. al-ilndalus.: "Deux traductions latines du Coran au Moyen . and thercfore. thus an idoP to make it more to kccp thc original namcs of luminosus of Alvaro de Córdoba (d. Connecting the word roa. thc epistle from the monk of ditioncd thc work of ali th~ writers who approached Islam using Francc to the King of Saragossa claimed that "thc magicians served Koranic arguments.: p. 125. somcthing the Koran strongly condemned.: op. 69· 131. known though Christians as expression of a barbarie nature.Age''. "Deux traductions latines du Coran au Moyen Age". p. it cannot be accepted as a of their use of statues. R. usually when Espina needed a particular use aters. C.86 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 87 A widesprcad cxample was the accusation that Muslims were idol. i:i Meyuhas Ginio. cit. the Dualists their Light and Darkness.: Crusade and iVIissio11. Onc of the major mistakcs in Kctton's vcrsion was the theists who adored idols made of marble and gold in her Lije ef way in which he numbered the suras. 15 The defects of this translation con- Venus to thc Ka'aba.YO. "Marc de Tolcdc. Nicholas of Cusa. 12 Jiménez de Rada. ing Espina's use of second-hand Koranic versions. 1000) dcpicted the Saraccns as poly. 280. 14 Of the two Thc last word was translatcd into Greek as "holosphairos" (wholly spher. 11 But thc most famous are thc verses in the Chanson de Roland difficult: in the Fortalitium ali the suras are one number in between by somconc othcr than thc author. 17. . 607. the quotation is correct. gavc the namc of the suras but not the number. the one by Robcrt Ketton modified the Arabic syntax ical). A. p. Juan de Segovia's request of a Spanish vernacular translation to be ratc in terms of historyY sent to him. pp. Alonso de Espina. 10. 1ª Juan de Segovia was the greatest Christian collcctor of Koranic manuscripts in thc fiftccnth century. as has bccn cxplaincd in European tradition. D. p.. 9 A little latcr. Within the Latín rendering advised by an Arabic cxpcrt. he decided to start a ncw Islam. XVI ( 194-8). cit. he assumcd thc Much more difficult to study is thc author's acquaintance with the stone to be a earved head of Aphroditc. In thc Península. i. His quotations 11 Kedar. 15 Al! these problems are furthcr discussed in D?AJverny. Thereby. 244-245. '"' D'Alverny. with the name of the Ka'aba at Mccca ("Khaber"). God the everlasting". for a word. 9. Muslims were Koran. translations. which madc correlations Pelagi.. La Jorteresse..: "Rcves de eroisade . moved by his idea that argu- Bible and Koran ing against Islam without a proper doctrinal basis distorted the povver of argumcnt. and V<rjda. Muslims would think the same confusion was Quotations from thc Bible should havc been perfcctly accuratc throughout the trcatiscs. 146. Archives 11 d'histoíre doctrina/e et littéraíre du Ml!)•en Age. B. 16 (1951). In fact.. M. p. and was complc. 10 In this context the word "Arabs" might refer Denys the Carthusian and . Beckingham. thcrc had been a total rcvision with changcs as "Aphroditc's star''. in which case thc statement is justified. . which associatcd Aphroditc/ thc suras. cit. D. 129 130. The problems concerning its first translation ordered by Peter declared idolaters. Bishop if tl1ey are mcntioned by their name. 1G When the latter found to the inhabitants of the Arabian Península befare the expansion of out how imperfect the translation was..: op. Hrotsvita (c. prov- Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada stressed Kurayshites' i'dolaf:l)I befare Muham. 16 Cabanelas.: "A Christian Mission to IVluslim Spain". In the fifteenth century these were. Given that Meyuhas Ginio used the Nuremberg edition mcntary to Islamic accusations that Christians wcrc idolaters because (1494) 13 instead of the 1463 manuscript. ". 17 At least. idols and images" .M. he used Ricoldo de Montecroce's Rej1robatio Alchnranir. while which refer to the Muslims being idolaters. omittcd by Robert.: op. enccs in the Fortalitium. pp. chapter h. 17 There was another mad imposed his sect through battlc. . J.: Historia arabwn. Further evidcncc exists in the translation of sura the Venerable have been set out by D'Alverny in her famous article 112 by Nicetas Byzantios: "Say He is one God. The confusion started when J ohn Damascene general conclusion that quotations from the Bible madc by Espina translated the call to prayer as "Alla wa Koubar". but Meyuhas Ginio found sorne minar differ. p. as has been their fircs.Juan de Torquemada. the planet Venus. 861). p. D. G. and later as "holosphyros" (made of beaten metal). and the Arabs their said.Juan de Segovia.e. both terms cqually despised by translation ordered by King Pedro III of Aragon. but at least more 9 Lavajo. T. F. pp. 129.: "Misconceptions of Islam" in Between Islam and C/zriste11dom.

21 Vcmct. 23 lbidem.fferent status. 23 prophcts. pp. ususally the shortest. p. io Ibidem. who gave him an 27 References such as this occur all throughout the texts of thc authors concerncd.ammad's. G. The last copy-brought from Constan. more realistic and chose to translate into vcrnacular for a more wide. Afterwards. a convcrt faqfh from Játiva. The manuscript was prepared as an Arabic/ for thc Christians it was just Mul). enormous amount of information about the Koran and the Sunna. Whercas Llull tried to solve Scalae Machometi as a parallel to the Koran. which he gave to thc di. since 19 Ibidem. In that city he mct Juan de Andrés. under the taqrya. used quotations rejected previous revelation as contained in thc Bible. Starting from this point. 22 in turn. they were unable to realizc that the same method they used could tion is justified by the refusal of Peninsular Muslims to copy or read be turned against them and thcir Scriptures. but written in a better handscript.. Sorne of the Morisco Koran manuscripts and had it copied. p. p. a formcr accepted that God had revealed hirnself to Mases and Jesus as faqzh from Játiva mosque. Cf Cardaillac. f. which was the phrase used by Muslims. 317. This contradic.. and was iden. while Castilian into Latin. Juan de Scgovia <lid the samc from revclation: for thc Muslims the Koran was God's revelation.: Islam and the West. Juan de Segovia was for Muslims the two books had a di. p . 195. and finally Bishop of Barcelona. J. cit. 75.: Islam and the West. and Castilian books. p. As a matter pared by Mul:iammad far his pcoplc. he found an average vcrsion in Germany the aijamiado translation. was a General Inquisilor for Aragón and Catalonia. 2•1Chejne. 21 It was "God said . In 1437.. A. assuring bis help to find three more vol. "' Daniel. changed the way in which it was used. 137 ·-138..: ojJ. 46. ". 30 ignoring the fact that the problem by creating schools of Arabic. 29 Daniel. Prophet relied were discredited as drcams. 29 The revelations on which the of fact. where Espina could have consultcd it. N. specially using the _Liber considcring their interest in languages. which were he left the council of Basle. L. the Moriscos necded a a basis for controvcrsy. Juan de Segovia's method was very mu ch the same as Llull's. the Koran became tical to the onc he already owned. This moved them to search respond to the Christians. 28 which resulted in 198 pages as a whole. although only recitation of the Arabic version umcs in Northern European libraries: Rore (Bavaria). together with 'Isa ibn Djabir. 22 Martín García prcached in Arabic to thc Muslims of Granada as from 1500. 28 FF. but preconceptions about it considerably tinople.: op. Islam <lid not accept thc Biblc as In the sixteenth ccntury. while they from the translation ordcred by himself from his canon. 12lv. Espina even accused Mul:iammad's successors of having forged it. This detail a rendering word by word into Castilian. with explanations written was important. 52. authors did thc Koran for Christians. N. bccause it involved questioning thc basic doctrine of by the Muslim. 194.camc from the Dominican library in Basle. even if they Jmcw managed to huy a Koran in Arabic in Granada. 25 Cardaillac. Cologne and was considered valid as a prayer. 20 His great work was the bilingual trans. Juan de Segovia not distinguish between the Koran and Tradition. pp. written in thirty-three booklets. with the sentence: "Mul:iarn'mad said in bis Koran . On the other hand. an object of ridicule because it was unfamiliar to Christian writers In Ayton.. 25 Roermond (The Netherlands). f. Upan his death. any referencc to the Koran was introduced the University of Salamanca. in 1455. The Koran was quoted.88 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 89 used to teach them Christian doctrine.. cit. who already had translations which formed for the bcst versions of the Koran in Arabic and Latin available the basis of anti-Islamic polemics. Master Martín García. since its message had been changcd. Moreover. ~° FF. First of ali. But translation of the Koran both to maintain their rcligion and to since Islam acccptcd Judaism and Christianity as former revclations which ought to be superceded by Mul. L. 156. now lost. more usefül for prayer. Another problem arose when Christian writers realized that Islam spread diffusion. the lv/oriscos. . it also went The Koran was often taken as a collection of commandmcnts prc- to Salamanca. His sermons were published in 1517.fference. Latín and thcy did not approach it free of prejudice. but no Koran amongst them. Martín García so r havc omrnitcd the number of thc pages for simplicity. and moreover. 24 This explains the appcarancc of throughout Europe. p . 121r-v. he received an important fund of Arabic. " 27 instead of lation of the Koran.: Islam and lhe T1Vest.: "Traducciones moriscas del Corán". He lent Cusa a copy of the Collectio Toletana when only preserve sorne of the suras.ammad's invcntion. p. 19 Despite these difficulties. 33-35 . Alonso de Spanish text with interlinear Latin. 26 Generally.

Bishop of .aq al-Kindf werc well known to the Peninsular Sacred Scripture without accepting thc canon.: op.~93.iammad's first biographics aware of thc danger of syncretism.. though that as thc Koran of Scville. The Latin translations century. Álvaro de Córdoba's Liber de l\!Iontccroce was in the form of another qucstion: how could . 149. either trcatiscs or translation of sources. such as the forging authors: there were no fixed criteria..Juan tcxt? Pedro Pascual. 32 and it Among thc ninth-century Islamic polemicists. sure of thc author's Muslim origín for a numbcr of different reasons: the way in which he referred to Mu}:iammad. and was the basis for Jean Gcrmain's Débat du vious works.: op. 3 7 (1970). death followed by Iris being caten by dogs and his condemnation in it accepted a doctrine contrary to its own. Espina and Torqucrnada also datcd Scripture. 34 Although the apologetic tone praised Christ and thc Apostles. p. dependcnce on pre. LH4. 90 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 91 Islam acccptcd Christ as God's messcnger.e. out the Middlc Ages. which meant l\!Iuslims hell. He also introduced depict a pattern in the choice of sourccs for polemics by Christian sorne arguments al-Hashimf had failed to mentían. M. Thc answer of Ricoldo cnds to show thc Prophet's evil nature. thcy identified him with thc Beast and established the first tra- should recognize the Christian canon of Scriptures.Jaén. Al-Hashirnf was 'the sul- could accept. bis conviction about the value of Islam. G. Vat. his view was imagcs. 4072. Biblioteca Vaticana. Lat. See Díaz y Díaz. agree to corrupt onc monk Eulogius (845-. The first polemics in the Iberian Península rose with thc first signs :¡. his acccpted Christ and his doctrine.48) and referred to in a letter frorn Bishop . 32 Cf Lavajo. As for Peter the Venerable. while the inconsistency between the two rcligions foliowcd their ideas in the fragrncnts where thcy discussed messianic invalidated thc Koran". 112. 1985. 3 -' Tartar. Included in Vincent de from Islam. Latin 3'.: Islam and the J!Vest. Through this argument. The general conclusion of all this debate was that tan's cousin and carne from the Prophet's family. thc the use that fifteenth-century writers made of former works on and text has bcen dated between 819 and 825. crestien el du sanasin. 31 The Koran also ditions about his decadent morality. Paris. . passed by fifteenth-century authors.168.l. Rome. only al-Hashimf and was unbearable that Muslims should use names of characters in the 'Abd al-Masll:i ibn Isl. and thc sayings of thc Prophets. It is impossible to try to rcvicw here the whole field of religious The Nestorian al-Kind! answered by justifying Christian doctrines polernics between Christendom and Islam.C. took information from the Grcck Fathers to build a series of leg- Reactions form Christian authors varied. They mention thc Prophet's wcdding with Khadfdja. Cod. chapters 41 . Oxford. Mul. Neither is it possible to and attacking MuJ:iammad's claims to prophethood. Chejne and Moubarac rnentioned in Mss. see the works by Cardaillac. which did not conform with the books accepted by Christians or Jews. For more information about of the Epistle are conlained in the following manuscripts: París. cit. lslarnic polemics. which meant that if Christ was a used by these authors responded to a vcry particular situation of the good. Tartar35 is Koranic text. that Scripturcs had to be acccpted or rejccted complctcly. 606. He was thc first Christian writers totaliy ignored the Islamic interpretation of thc to addrcss his Christian friend asking him to join Islam. 3649. Christian writers were of acculturation in the ninth century.67. l\!Iozarabs." Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littérai're du 1\liqyen 31 Daniel. Age. 33 Because of the reslrictccl information available on Islarnic trealiscs in the fifteenth 36 Vincent ele Beauvais: S/1eculum hirto1iale. the bibliography. Alonso de Espina andJuan de Torquemada·· --. 33 In the cases where they were not familiar with Arabic--· Beauvais's Speculum historiale. !Vis. 283.Jews apologeticum quoted an carlier biography brought to Pamplona by the and Christians. who hated each other so much. . p. cit. all of thcsc tapies discusscd in their works were encom- Ali this elaborate thcory attemptcd to state that the Koran "vali. Both number of attempts to determine which parts of the Scripture Islam werc officers in Caliph al-1\!Ia'mün's court. j. was unavoidable. Corpus Christi College. the munber of Koranic texts he mentioned and Polemics in Literature: A Summary quotations from the Bible. J. pp. There were even a writers th1:ough thc translation attachcd to the Collectio Toletana. so the men who adhcred to him could not be evil.. this list will have more Christian authors.¡ Lavajo.: Dialogue islamo-c!trétien sous le calij1!ie al-1'tla'mún. This summary is focused on of thc Bible by Christians and Jews. 51. N. p. National Library.: "Los textos antimahemetanos más antiguos en céídices españoles.~6 this work was used as rcference through- i. just guide.

in Islam et chretiens du Midi. 40 His main source was the Collectio Toletana he decided to use the collation of the four Gospels to show the and Petcr thc Venerable's Contra sectam sive haeresim saracenorum. p. Vatican 1972. By the time Alonso de Espina. Raimundo Thc Liber scalae was not chosen because it provided accurate infarma- Marti hoped to demonstrate thc vcracity of the Scriptures. Apart from the "official translation" made in Thereafter. attacked Christian faith without using divine nor human reason. valdenses. translated from the Arabic Kitab al- century. the Disputatio Abutalib sarraceni et Samuelis iudaei. as characters. was ridicule Islamic beliefs than because the authors really thought it was translated by Alfonso Bucnhombre bctween 1339 and 1340 in París. 41 reactions towards the worship of idols in the Ka'aba enclosure. G. Rome 1949. 80. iudeos et paganos. M. from IVIul). T. G. On the other hand. & M. becoming reason why this book ís vcry important as regards our subject is that even more clifficult to understand far thc Christian rcader. in the same style as the Koran. Daniel. 597-606. 233. t: 121v-124v. making a new interprctation of thc Biblc's understand it in the light of Christian religion. translated by different people for each author.: "1\lain de Lille et !'Islam". it was considcrcd to be written appointed Bishop of Morocco. cit. He seems to be the only Christian to quote the Islamic The reason why sight details change in ali the versions might be the tradition of Amon and Moab. but bccause it could be easily discussed. 37 Buenaventura de Siena. cd. Mediaevalia. 4·9.: op. p. 3n The Liher scalae was part of the Islamic tradition used more to Another dialogue.246.farc de Tolcdc. 1064) turned the polcmic method upside-down whcn creating real monstcrs". pp.: lrlam and the vVest.rabie texts~ or perhaps the circulation of the same at Mccca far thcir idols. thus Nuove ricerche sul Libro della scala e la conoscenza dell'lslam in Occidenle. and Va. pp.: JI Libro della sea/a e la ques- against the new hcrctics and "the spread of old doctrines which ti. Obviously.: La escatología musulmana J' tions are also the samc: to defrnd the Christian faith by reason la Divina Comedia. 231 .rme delle fanti arabo-espagnole della Divina Comedw. Therc is an eclition by Muñoz Sendino. 40 D'Alvcrny.44. thís Dominican who spoke Arabic went to Cyprus and was singular. M. criticism of scriptural texts became one of thc methods Alfonso X's court by the Jewish doctor Abraham de Toledo and far dealing with polemics. 42. Brossard-Dandrc. ed.1da. I dealt with the subject more 120···121 <loes not give a good explanation of the problcm. J. 'H Sce CE. anothcr version had become There he explained why he had converted to Christianity and not the most popular in Roman circles: thc one by Ricoldo de Monteeroce.e. Mi 'rarfj around 1264. i. 38 Chejne. deeply in my article "El l\tli'radj en la literatura castellana del siglo XV". pp. mada and Pius II used it for thcir works. N. pp. and by the same author. J. The author's inten. About the Ji. Paris l 991. who created the sanctuary use of diffcrcnt A. a basic text in Islamíc rcligious literature. the attempt that the Koran accepted Christ and the Apostles. Besson 37 Pedro ~onso: Dialogi.ammad's lips. Viguera l\tiolins. and then turned to compare the Christian will be said about the arguments he used in the next chapter.. PL 157. A. this tcxt Around 1200 Alain de Lille's Contra paganos saw the light. Lot's sons. 39 42 Daniel. Madrid 1907 /London l 926.. Cerulli. FF. The commcnt in D'Alverny. whcn the Koran was translated for Peter the Venerable. 92 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 93 Ibn l:Jazm (d. which used thc same dircct farm. traducteur d'Ibn Tumart''.: La escala de A1ahoma. A new version has appeared in French as Le Lívre de l'échelle de iVIahomel. Madrid 1996.: "l\. Juan de Torque- self and his new Christian personality··-to discuss Islamic doctrine. Assuming tion. 42 Being in the first person Later. he chose them as to rationalizc a schatological text such as the Mi'radj did not help to a guarantee far the Gospel. his farmer Jewish Uncastillo (Aragón). the most impor- tant studies published are the pioneer Asín Palacios. ·r. The was unacceptable within a pseudo-hagiographical context.her scalae. p. by G. Such an Thc other favourite source far Christian polemics against Islam approach against Islam was adopted by Christians only in the tw-elfth was the Liber scalae Machometi. using two characters-· Moyses and Pedro. and a Spanish transla tion as Lihro de la escala M. cols. Playing with the Koran in thc same way as Ibn l:Jazm. that Lille ncver wrote about witches and demons. More diffcrences between them. there were two other versions circulating in Around 1100 the Jewish convert Pedro Alfonso (farmerly Moses the Península in the thirteenth century: one contained in Rodrigo Sefardí) introduced in his Dialogus a wholc titulus to debate and refute Jiméncz de Rada's Historia arabum and another in a rnanuscript from Islam. Madri~ 1949. The book is entitlcd (¿uadripartita editio magistri Alani contra hereticos. 39 Islam insisted on Mulfammad's inability to perform miracles. to Islam. M. E. N. and the Jewish Old Testamcnts to deny Christ's divinity.: Islam and the West. Howcver. de ivlalwma.302. Mul:tammad's his conception of the whole work is very similar to Espina's. . Its division is the same as thc Fortalitium fidei's except 301 . he cannot explain Mu}:lammad's manuscript. al-Andalus. 5·-6 (1994).

. 1270) mirrored Abelard's Dialogus inter Granada.94 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 95 ascent to the seven heavens is used by Espina under the heading it was copied or translated from an Arabic source. each contender There is no figure in the fourteenth century to be compared with excused himself in case he had offended any of the others. which he wrote whilc he was a prisoner in and the .46 a book which was not quotcd by other Christian h:im the salvation of his people if they fulfilled his commandments authors.: op. for the pagan to convert to one of them. Wheth:er 4 See the introcluction of Llul. B. Therefore. When William of an attempt to demonstratc by means of ph:ilosophy how many things Trípoli. MuQ. bccause it The difference between European and Peninsular writcrs was that tricd to assimilate the Muslim way of reasoning regarding religion. He managed to preserve his other. .: Le tivre du gentil . whose resolutions were establish:ing thc necd for The circumstances surrounding its writing were related to Gregory thc clergy to learn languages and considering the state of continu- X and his desire to lmow about Islam. a Dominican in the convent of Acre.368. the Koran 17. Three Wise Men (c.: op. The natural conclusion for Islam to be successful in granting peace. and promised Cent noms de Deu. This was thc origin of thc God h:imself sh:owed h:is pleasure in meeting MuQ. dear onc to Islam: the names of God. al-'Arabf: El secreto de los nombres de DioJ. 44 became Bishop of Jaén in 1294. that Alonso de Espina of polemics. ous war between the knights of Saint J ohn and Islam. and the third part of his book was icated to Frederick of Sicily. bis purpose was more informative than polem. and so he wrote his treatise dcd- was conversion to Ch:ristianity. Raimundo Llull's Book ef the Heathen his trcatises against Islam. Murcia 1997. cit. From all this. wrote bis De statu sara. is not known.116. After a nocturnal pilgrimage to Jerusalem (isri¡J) mentioned in it to a common object instcad of considering it "the miracle" of Islam. " •:< Kedar..'13 council of Vienne. pp. L.tammad's law".: op. Llull's Liber de partici. Aboul the namcs of God in Islam. the beginning nor did it start by questioning its divine origin.ammad. cit.. he his admiration for the sacred text. His trea- Christian had enough with the simple explanation of h:is doctrine. it follows that the origins had written it "in the way of th:e Arabic Book ef the Heathen". but whose method was thc most revolutionary in the context (the pillars of Islam). He had just returned from the ical. Although thesc polcmicists. thing the Muslims would never tolerate. a Mercedarian who Bible a so urce for the Koran. bccause it did not despise the Koran from did not hcsitate to attributc to this book the same rank as the Koran.patione christianorum et saracenorum was ever produced treatises such as the Spanish ones. at the end of thc book. Worth noting is the fact that.and secondly. as thc 'Abbasid that a peaceful method involving discussion of doctrines would prove caliphate decayed in Bagdad (1258). The subject chosen was also a mct angels and prophets until he finally entcrcd God's sanctuary. that even other Christian authors considercd h:im excessive. Thc book was adresscd to Latín Christians. and is a clcar example mer works in Arabic. 364. París 1966. Muslims were present in the everyday life of th:e latter.'15 of deformation of Islamic thought to demonstrate the evil contained Llull's most succcsful method of attacking the Koran was to reduce in it..ammad was taken to the seven heavens by Gabriel He would produce a work in the style of the Koran which showed by the ladder mentioned in the Latín title for the book. There. ed. 14-5. 314. the killed aceused of proselytism among the Muslims in 1299.some- an idea which would horrify any Muslim then and now. Llull said that he to deviate towards violence. The optimistic friar was per. . the two religions had in common referring to the main subjects of cenorum around 1273. iudaeum et christianum in being more objective than apolo. He thought suadcd that the end of Islamic power was close. no chronicler or theologian writing about crusadcs in the Holy Land Finally. J. Pedro Pascual used to travcl to Granada with a safe-conduct to visit getic. not to Muslims. philosophum. R. instead of just writing an apology of Christianity.. thcn. the polemic: Trinity and Incarnation. Thc three characters tried to prove the truth against each the captives until he was imprisoned. Primar:ily. before thc trcnd towards Islam in litcrature started the book seems to have been written in Catalan. cit. Whilc the Jcw and licence to preach to the Christians within the city. but finally was the Muslim exposed the differences among their fellow-bclicvers. by Pablo Beneito. see Ibn H Lavajo. It would appcar. or one of his for- "About the foundations of Mul. p. pp. He adopted such a critical style in Within th:e same tradition. 1 +~ See Cardaillac. precisely an attempt to bring together both rcligions by making the We havc mentioned Pedro Pascual before. tise was quite hard and biased.

Aragoncsc monarchy. either to their knowledge of Arabic. But in any case Juan de samc texts. Ibídem. the results provide sorne useful information. Latin 3352. dated 1457. Starting with the fiftccnth-ccntury authors' "library-history". f. on the manusoripts 210. subject-hcadings.iammad's prophcthood might be L'Arsenal. f 12 Lv. 99. coin- ciding with the converso issue. and thc preferences of each author dctcrrrúned tl1e more or less bel. their collaboration with Muslims Juan de Scgovia and Pedro de la Cavallcría must be traced back to or thcir use of more or less reliable witnesses. Spanish manuscripts from the Collegc of Navarre in París (founded Unfortunatcly. despite ali thc corrcspondcnce devoted to it by famous figures Buenhombrc's Disputatio Abutalib sarraceni et Samuelis iudaei. making one of the most important libraries in Paris before dissolution. 14503. Historical circumstanccs to encyclopaedic cfforts to summarize already-known information. the manu- tion of thc Epistle ef al-Kindz. Juan de Torqucmada. can be considered as taking (once again. And this advance was due Among the books regarding faith there is Jcan de Rocquetailladc's Nova expositio or Commentum super prophetia C!Jrilli eremitae presbyteri simul cum commento Joachimi. Lat. 5 1 52 r BNP. 48 Not even Juan de Segovia's De mittendo gladiis deserved much atten- Other copies also contained the Prophet's gcnealogy and Alfonso tion. When Pius II's gcncration of prelates died. The fact that a minor convent had a copy proves a certain diffusion beyond the high clergy or citizens Libraries: A n Approach to Diffasion of Saragossa. 4·072 respectively. it is 47 From the College of Navarre.211 the ftftccnth. 130. very likcly that his refutation of Mul. 49 Juan de Segovia himself owned a copy scripts of his mcthod rcmaincd in the cccl~siastical libraries (the ex- of Hermann of Carinthia's works which contained more or less the tant copy being in the cathedral of Seville). "books devotcd to preaching''. Juan de Segovia or Alonso de Espina. studied by Francisco Sancho in 1565 to make a copy far the Inquisition porated sorne new first-hand information. self. included three related to National Library in Paris. a great mistake found in all the treatises which mention it. B. CE. 4-0 FF. formed later transferred to the Royal Library in Blois and finally to thc by thirty-seven parchment manuscripts. 102 and the Mazarino. The book was also published in Venice (1592). Bibliotheque de !'Arsenal. Paris 1899. 7r. helped these short treatises to come to light. 6064· and Ms. which was one of the richest testimonies of his work. The manuscript was copied for the convcnt of San Pere de les Pu elles in 14 75. a transla. From Martin. The Catalunya was owned by the Inquisition tribunal based in the city. taken from this source. who incor.96 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 97 of the argumcnts uscd by Alonso de Espina.iammad him. the reviva! of old trcatiscs to face the Morisco problem). Thc cityY The Collectio Toletana manuscripts in the National Library of manuscript was kept in the Vatican Library until thc Morisco issue París and the Vatican Library are bound together with the Liber caused a revision of ali the information available about Islam. . and a copy of the De mittendo gladiis whích was probably the one Llull. A complete list summarizing all the lería's Zelus Christi was diffused in thc arca of influence of the Catalan- sources hereby discussed can be found in appendix II. Caval- licosc message of their works. the Koran translated by Robert Ketton. In section four. Latin 1162. the National Library of Paris owns 124 mss. Ms. 52 Given the sources quotcd by Espina. Only authors such as Martí. The transfer of his library to the University of Salamanca is century manuscript from the Royal Library in Naplcs. The manuscripts are BNP. and in Rome {1606). 50 Thesc associations help to explain why Islam: a late version of De mittendo gladiis which mentioned the dispute there had been no great advance in the use of Arabic sources in with the Granadan ambassador.: Biblioteca de Juan de Segovia. The last striking coincídencc is the binding together of Segovia was probably the man who did most far the knowlcdge of Buenhombre's Disputatio with Cavallería's Zelus Christi in a fifteenth. 253. Both editions AJthough the difficulties in tracing the "library-history'' of the treatises wcrc acquired by pcoplc in Spaín and the one now in the Biblioteca de on Islam is great. Latin Ms. Ms. Torquemada's Contra errores was not widely diffuscd in 1304) were distributed among thc most important librarics in the until it was published after 1508 in Paris and in 1606 in Romc.. both dated in thc fourteenth century with notes from 51 Hernández Montes. Latin 3649. The rest were reduced this evolution of the polerrúcs about Islam. 51 The first scction. pp. in thc Curia. and scalae Machometi helping to attribute the latter to Mul. The total amount was approximately 1272 manuscripts. polerrúc treatises since the twelfth century. Islam. of thc Univcrsity of Salamanca Library. Montecroce. a step forward in literature on Islam.: Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque de !'Arsenal. Thc books are arrangcd by 49 BNP Mss. Vat. H.

: "Catálogo de los incunables de la biblioteca del de Espina. Unfortunately no eopy has been found of Segovia's two cal status. a from Marques (France): there are two manuscripts of this version. N .1am. thcre was one including Mul. copíed in approximatcly thc same period as thc Fortalitium by includes elemcnts of the Turkish inílucnce typical of the last years of the fiftccnth ccntury. Madrid. G .: Catálogo de los códices latinos de la Real Bibliot. Burgos 39/2. at ímportant bishops or tiny monasteries. also ínclucles a copy not perish due to ignorance". la. called L'Oisclct. others carne out in Lyon and Nuremberg. Finally.iammad. sorne of them dclivcrcd in Salamanca at the and finished around 14 71.ammad's sect".which might be thc onc used by clsa ibn Djabir to translate in Ayton. LE. It probably disappearcd during the plunder in transferred to his son Diego (Archive of the Cathedral. americano. and given to him by Nícholas of Cusa. J. ( 1960). there are marginal notes made by a rcader--prob- a parish priest of Sígüenza (Guadalajara). of the Fortalitium. a note on the abrogations and sorne information about informatiori he províded except through members of the ecclesiasti- 1!lul.629. directed with sorne commentarics: thc Summarium psalmorum. 108 113. [ 425v. 609. Also in Rcinhardt. 53 its Premonstratensian founders.: J'{anual del librero hispano- of thcm are mentioned. 5 ~ lbidem. It is enough to compare the list of his sources with thesc: most 57 Ali the editions are mcntioned in Palau y Dulcet. among the In the samc ycar the first edition of the Fortalitium appeared and.35. which is criticised. There is anothcr mention ably a Premonstratcnsian. The motif is the gen- eral fight against thc enemies of faith. uncxpected of Spanish libraries: the monastery of La Vid (Burgos) sion of thc Chronica mendosa saracenorum. which means that his intended public would ncver get hold of thc teen articles.fercnce. it has bcen ímpos- tion of thc suras started by cisa ibn Djabir while still in Spain and sible to find a copy of his book in any noble library of the time.98 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 99 therc is another copy of the Koran by Ketton and a compílation of The last extant manuscript was ordered by Bishop John of J\!Iagdeburg Víncent Ferrer's sermons. treatises Errores legis Nlahumeti excerpti de libro legis ipsius. beardcd l\!Iuslims are depicted wcaring a cap in the Morisco fashion and a long- scripts for the library of bis see.: Biblioteca bíblica ibé1ica medieval. or else quoted without a proper re. scripts. . 1495). Thc Osma as early as 14·69. Bcsides this miniaturc. de Corias (Ovicdo) had recordecl a volumc of thc Fortalitium (1587). and several others of a French translation without and anothcr Koran written in Arabic. undcr the heading Espina. There were also fifteenth century by a ccrtain Pierre Richart. the monastery of Sanjuan Section eight of the subject classification íncludes thc books "refer. 60 Thcsc catalogues prove the cliffusion of Espina's the Koran translated by Juan de Scgovia and cisa ibn Djabir togethcr work among the clergy. both of them in the Collectio owns a copy of the Nuremberg edition (1495) which was bought by Toletana. p. 57 Thc mad 's genealogy. . & Santiago- Otero. there are scaks with a heart on eme of the plates (p. in demonstration of Christ's divinity. J. pp. when his possessions wcrc sG It is recordcd a~ ms. 56 episode of Lhc dcaning of l\!luhammad's hcart. pp. This bishop ordered a great number of manu. but unfortunately the manuscript has disappeared. 58 In 1621. 59 ring to the refutation of MuQ. 34. Ovicclo 1621 . K. 107. given by special vvill The inventory of the library belonging to Luis ·de Acuña. p. Madrid 1923.o sleeved tunic. pp.429r). A. vol.probably in Granada55. . H. books on Scriptural commentarics. The invcntory is dated 19 Dcccmbcr 1496. 60 Lópcz Martínez.1. which he ended in Ayton. and not only in the Peninsula but throughout Europc. monasterio de La Vid". 81. wiLh somc references to banners carried by his ancestors and drawn in the margin of page 323. His wcapons are a scimilar and a halbcrcl. a priest a copy of thc trcatisc by San Pedro Pascual. time when Juan de Segovía was a studcnt thcrc. the picturc fidei. 324). but it is incomplete. 63-64. ancl its weighing by angcls. Hispania 55 Ibidem. 26'. Obviously. The only engrav:ing The Latín version of the Fortalitium was copied for Bishop Pedro de of this eclition is placed beforc the incipit of the first book. The ones corrcsponding to the Saracens' war slart in in the general indcx for thc library of El Escorial at thc cnd of the 1vfol)arnmacl's genealogy. Bishop of "so that such a great multitude of souls redccmcd by Christ should Burgos (d.: "La biblioteca de Don Luis de Acuña en 1496". lifc and successors: it has been identified as a copy incunabula and their traces can nowadays be found in the most of Hermann of Carinthia's De generatione Mahumet and probably a vcr. Alchoran nominato Translations ínto Frcnch started to be made at the cnd of the (1455) and the treatise he wrote for cisa ibn Djabir. no matter if it was regular or secular. a famous patron of the arts. 5. Religión y cultura (1988). de San Juan de Cmias. Thc ncxt illustration corresponds to thc sixteenth century. a brief explana.eca striking to see how indebted Espina was to this collcction of manu. from then on. It is the Napoleonic wars. The author who enjoyed a broader audicnce was by far Alonso 58 See Vallejo Pencdo. However. as is found in the main manuscripts. [ 45r. 53 Jbidem. de El Escorial. pp . 54 This legacy is most interesting: firstly. AHN. Scc Antolín. an exposition of Islamic doctrine in thir. an answer to cisa ibn Djabir's letter París and Bern. 59 Inventario de los fandos . arnong them Raimundo J\!Iartí's Pugi.

Raimundo Martí's Tractatus contra Machometum. so Islam is refuted in just one chaptcr. opusculum) and Islam is the subject in itsclf. inhabitants. although it is mentioned in several othcrs. CHAPTER FIVE Obviously. H. If it wcre for its importance for Peninsular clcrgy. starting from the ninth century. specific points. For a start. cit. historical sources and series of excmpla used to illustrate the general schemc. a summary of thc ninth consideration on the expulsion of the Jews. nobody was intercsted in the defeat of Muslims in the Península except its own CONTRA ERRORES NIACHOME11 . & Santiago-Otero. However. as soon as thc conqucst of Granada was over. Jean Germain. This was thc rcason for the widespread interest the book deserved for more than two ccnturies Structure ef the Treatises after its writing. 61 The clue to bis succcss is givcn by the re- mains of the fifteenth-century German translation preserved in Stuttgart. developmcnt of methods and concepts and changes in the historical situation make their treatises resemble much more thc works produced after the thirteenth century. Cavallería's Z. Espina's is thereforc one of the last type of works dcfined. K. Nicholas of Cusa and. probably following the arder of Alain de Lille's Qyadripartitus. the most important sources were Ricoldo de Montecroce's Reprobatio Alchorani. kind of introduction helped to pose the question of Islam. . and the internal cohcsion of doctrinal.: op. The contents of the books are never balanccd.elus Christi ís dcdicated in the first place to Jcws. Thc information takcn from the chronicles will be discussed later in this chapter. The group of writers studied herc are heavily indebted to their predccessors. and for Jcan Germain thc di:fferent dialogues mentioned in previous chapters.datulus. Next. the spacc devoted to Islam varíes depcnding on the typc· of work. being a summa against all the encmies of the Church.. There is a grcat difference bctween what can be considered the extcrnal structure of fifteenth-century treatises shown in appendix II. The book devoted to Islam is neither the longcst (which is the onc aboutJudaism) nor the shortest (the one about witchcs) and is placed fourth.. but rather to illustratc. The case of Juan de Torqucmada is similar to that of Juan de Segovia. Juan de Segovia's is a short treatise (tra. p. 64. Usually the authors had the same basic scheme: first of ali. in a clifferent way. it would have been placed befare the book on hcrctics. The editions in clifferent languages continued to be pub- lished as a guideline for the Inquisition. sorne 61 See Reinhardt. Alain de Lllle's Qyadripartitus. For general structures.100 CHAPTER FOUR mentioning the author. a . but ít <loes not constitute a part of the external struc- turc because it did not help to organise.

J. Discussion of Christian doctrine at times followcd a catcchetical programme. which could somc. . corresponds to th(~ list of subjccts to be preachcd. pp. Espina included in his fifth consider- timcs be found following each individual error. a supcrstition. although this led to a numbcr of deformations Islam. Edinburgh 1960/ 1993. Evcn one of the best-informcd writers) Raimundo marizing the Pope's appeal to the crusade-in only onc chapter. can be cstablishcd as follows: Positions classiques médiévales et positions contcmporaincs" Ew.: ]udaism. an invention zsm~ ~zhlzque: doctnnes compares. For Muslims. The plan of this work. of the devil. Moubarac. thc most common denom- inations wcrc Chaldcans. a forgery. for the sixtcenth century. of conftict. Christians. C.52.: La littéra. whilc T orquemada is more succinct.. an error. J. Clznstzam!y and Islam. Beirut 1972--73. and Sweetman. the last chap. conceived as a • 1 Ibidem. Among etc. D. The best classification of anti-Islamic terms has been the argument was twofold. I. Carda1llac. Espina and Torquemada share the same arguments. de: "Notes pour une histoirc des polémiques anti-chretiennes da~s. their only innovation is presentation and connections.85. 130. Epalz. 4 referring to the works of ninth-century polemicists. an iniquitous law. 103 list of IVIuJ:i. vVethcringsetfs summa "Qy. but it is interesting ture polémique. see Khoury. 22 (1969). thc mcanmgs Other arncles are: Anawati. a sect. p. ters summarized the authors' aims. Usually that religion.: Irlam and Christian 17zeology: ~ stz1cfy ef the interprnlation rj' theological ideas in the two reli.: Relations hetween E'ast and 'West in ihe Jl!liddle ilges. ~'Occiden~ musulman" A. In sorne cases thesc matters coincided The terms ·used for Islam and Muslims are one of the easier systems with Byzantine objcctions-to the cult of imagcs. and · Vocabulary at times took the form of a refutation of the most important Islamic objections to Catholic faith. for he is mcrely sum. apologie et dialogue islamo-chretien.leJ docete. 17w classical texts and llteir interpretation. Maclnd 1979. A. Tamuda ( 197 1). referring to Richard :iLaw~jo. thc discussion was focused on thrcc oppo- to the problem which. 82.. 2 In matters of faith. l he followmg argument 1s based on the work about the nature of preaching by D'Avray. Biblc versus Koran and Christians the Saracens and triwnph of the Christian faith. B. for example. Faith and morals were thc main areas macle by Lavajo. cit. and thc class1c Peters.:i Generally.: A1on~théisme coranique el monotlzé- a heresy. musulmane co~tre le C'l~'li~nisme depuis ses on'¡[ines jusqu'au XIII' siecle. p. ation the whole argumcnt about the twelve articles of faith. A. varíes according to the follow Islamic doctrine through Islamic sources because of the lan- definition of thc plan of action: Espina and Juan de Segovia are guagc.: "L'Islam et les musuhnans chcz les chronic¡ueurs castillans". although the chronicles referred to interna! struggks et le dialogue islamo-clzrétien. Hagarens or Ishmaclitcs. 102 CHAPTER FIVE CQNTRA ERRORES MACHOMET! . Revue d'Études Arabes. 120. showing once more the 5 Richard. Pans 1976. M. to discuss its clauscs onc by one.-T.: Islam and tlze West. about Byzantinc polemics.: "Polémique.ks devoted to this aspcct. Thc unity of Islam was Polémique byzantine contre !'Islam (Vlfl-XIII' siecles).ª study s:t~ject by ~ubjcct? see Masson. Thc length of this versus Muslims.ammad's errors and thcir refutation. Martí. was thc defeat of sitions: Christ versus MuJ:iammad.: The Preac!tiug qf the Friars. pp. Saracens. G. Hesperis- close links between preaching and treatises. 1 Juan de Sego.. F. Leiden 1972. All of these names were used to providc the reader with stereo- the boo.. Edinburgh 197 3.106. a deadly poison.gions. N. Cavallería. Islam was considcrcd • 1 F~r . 99 -. of Islamic traditions. the compilation of articles by Baker. typed images which introduced new argumcnts. 203.: betwcen the different groups of Muslims. London 1947. E. Infidcls. a sacrilege.: L'Islam thus cmphasizcd. togcther with the proposcd solution In the field of morals. no matter how or when. 375 -4. These 1988. had problems in dealing with thc concept of Paradisc. thc classic Daniel.a. L. Subjects for Islamo-Christian polemics havc already been studied adultery) repudiation and sodomy. Y.: op. Paris anachronisms reduced the understanding of sects and interna! fighting 1977 /transl. 1:-·: kfonscos y cnstzanos. the explanation of the Creed was Although much earlier in time. Finally.rab1:ca. pp. manual. vV. fifteenth-ccntury authors did not try to last part. which is the core of thc books.i bene /Jresunt". in the Pcninsula. While the rest of the authors chose use until the fifi:eenth century. Arabs) Moors. Princcton 1990. D. a false religion. l. via. D. un enfi-entamiento polémico (1492-1640). many of thcse names remained in one of thc most successful tapies.. 120-121. marriagc. Pagans or just the Enemies. 18-1 (1971 ). pp. so it was easier for them to organizc the matter according much more determincd about what measures should be taken against to Christian dogmas. Bouamama.205. which were unconceivable for from thc theological point of view in cxtensivc works. Argel to note that most of these words were takcn from the Bible. or to measure the degree of rejection a particular author felt against with the rcasons given by herctics to leave the Roman Church. 5 In thc contcxt of lberian literaturc.

.."Arab" is uscd for an cthnic and linguistic entity. ecclesiastical literature always uscd the name and urged chron.: op. it was applicd to Muslims living in the same region. and appointed according to Orientals". Almoravids wcre Moabites. taken from thc Biblical name of the tri bes which "Moor" (mauri) was used for the Berbers from North Africa since inhabited the regían later known as Arabia. according Epic songs show a number of diffcrent ways to call individual to Bede. others are taken Another suggcsted etymology is the Arabic sharqfyzn. Thc rcst of thc authors only speak of Mu}:iammad. Los documentos toledanos de los siglos 9 Ibidem. at least in Europcan ones. To becomc "Saracen"."Saracen" dcsignatcs a member of thc rival religion. árabe (reflejada por las fuentes latino-romances)". It was currently used in documcnts from evcry ef AljOnso !JI (c. p.. In provcnc. Cagigas. "sarrasine" was used for a non-modest 13 Cagigas. . despítc the ously. 880).: El dialecto andalusí de la 1Harca kledia. As Ishmael was outside thc Covenant so were thc Saracens. such as Felix. Toulon For a study on A. R. 7 In the Chronicle efAljOnso III. 104 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETI . and their spelling. the term had gaincd a pejo. cit. K: "AntropOnfmia hispano- 1974. who claimed to dcscend from Sarah's legitimate branch. 21. 31.13 Its use as a pcjorativc. B. 6 Muslims: sorne have Christian names. since the Arabs sals of Christian kings in the Península from thc fifteenth ccntury on- wcrc believed to come from the clan of Abraham's slave agar. 63. p. p. It is difficult to find such precision in other Latin. Anaquel de estudios árabes. The Arabs for Djabal Tariq (Gibraltar). It was also uscd for thc are no furthcr difficultics. p. F. 105 "Chaldean". marginal term is not real. vassal. cit. while differentiating their ethnic Alonso de Espina uscd real Arabic names. wards. In my opinion it is just a word suited to Christians. R. 353. groups of population who kept Arabíc as their language in the Iberian kingdoms whíle it was being replaced by vernacular Romance.. p. see Terés.: Li sarrasin dins la literaturo prouvens:alo. for he was relying on origins by means of other Biblical names: the pcople from Córdoba historical sources. Saint Jerome had wrongly . 8 Southern R. f 142rv.: op."Barbarian" was an influcncc from classical authors used in the used the etymology of "sons of Sarah" in his In Ezechielem. 144. he rative scnse in the description of Islamic triumphs. I. 10 11 Cf Barkai. M all Muslims in the Iberian Península. See Simon. 8 ing is observed in the editions of the Fortalitium rnade outside the . "Gibla Tarif" . Ferrando. descent from a slavc was considered pcjorative in the eyes of opinion of sorne experts.: Cristianos y musulmanes en la España medieval. . J. etc. as opposcd to thc líterary . 9 Península. A worse render- sources... woman-perhaps bccause that is how Christian women who acccptcd living with 14 Vernet. XII y XIII.ccssarily cvil. Kedar. Phonctically ali can be considcred correct according to medieval sion. p. de las: Los mudefjares. p. 59. more AljOmo VII (twelfth century) used "Saracen" as the general namc for or less changcd whcn translated into Latin or vernacular languages. cit. Christian kingdom in the Península. B.: "El conocimiento del Islam . I (1990). Sorne examples are: "Avdalla" for cAbd Allah. Thc Chronicle qf was not ne.: JÍrabe andalusíy lenguas romances. It is found in documents to designate Muslim vas- to use the name "agaren". " BRABLB (1965 ·66). meaning iclers to do so. I. p.rabie words in Spanish. R. 12 Barkai. II (1991) and III (1992).: op."Ishmaelite" also had a Biblical origin: thc sons of Ishrnael. and Andalusians were bic (which had its own pronunciation) and to their translation into Hagarens or Ishmaclites. rneaning "the from the Bible or classical mythology. Corriente. . Obvi. sometimes Arabic names are found. 16 See FF. p. while a Muslim was a pagan. 91. a particular social fact which necdcd acknowledgement in language. 144r. meaning "son of agar". 6 Kcdar.: op. W. I. 15 Muslims werc called. appcars in the Chronicle the Chronicle qf 7 41. cit. Since Chronicle ef Alfonso VII 12 then. 16 were the pre-Islamic inhabitants of the Arabian Península. Lí However. etc. 144.: Western Views qf Islam. It was used in this sense by Pedro Alfonso. Zaragoza 1995. but again thcy change according to Peninsular Ara- wcrc Amorrheans. de las: Los mudijares. p. O. However. JO Cf. 14. 91. 11 a Saracen mcant to become a Muslim. By cxten. they are usually understandable. the fcatures of the character for."Mudejar" was a localism from thc Arabic . it was more accurate according to tradítion tributary. so thcre descendants cstablished in the Iberian arca. Madrid 1992. "Abderramen" for cAbd al-Ra}:iman. 1 Barkai.

On the other hand. several figures with courtly and more popular robes by thc patrons of the work themselves. promote Christian faith while destroying non-orthodox doctrines. thc four pillars above. Other figures involvcd were King Jaime I of Aragon and 20 Raimundo de Penyafort. rhetorical cxcrcises contrib. his The use of symbolism and commonplaccs is one of the intcllcctual rcason. He is wearing a long robe. In the first manu- to ali thcse authors. Auguslinc's Ciry of God. polemics: Diego de San Pedro defined his Cárcel de amor (The Prison Whereas in thc Ibcrian Península their features varied from the Christian ones. which depend on thc part of the work. .:. Ms. On the defendcrs of the Christian faith to cut "thc bread of the divine word" first pagc thcrc is a coat of arms from the Housc of Burgundy. 'The texts and broadly used in ecclesiastical literature. and ccrtainly to St. p. books signed by his chaplaín and secretary García of San Esteban Thc sword of the divine word was a motif already included in Biblical de Gormaz. it was in the air. and to the right four more laclies look at two men in a territory where war against Sa:raccns was thc background for fighting. 384. as a dagger to defend and also have lances. one miniature. 21 ordcrcd The first to use this stylc was Raimundo Martí in 1278. the motifo are vt~ry much thc same as in thc Latin versíon. and the oth~r any chivalric action.125 . 20 lectual weapons". Among the clergy.o on command from his superior in the convent of Smnt Catherinc a of Osma. In fact. 18 tower there are still sorne bishops. thc Pugi.). pp. The same pattern is followed by the French version of the Fortalitiwn rn I have omitted refercnccs to carlier writcrs to make the argument more easy. Jeronimite monk callcd Spinosa. his memory and his will. 20067. therefore. Saracens werc reprcscnted according to a simplification of should penetrate deeply into the sccrets of thc adversary to neutralize patterns common to most Northern European ma~uscripts of the time . going. and a Turkish turban . and werc considered a proof of authority. the fiftecnth century was a time an armourcd knight with a turban. To thc left are two Christian ladics and a lord. while women detend it with spears from the killcd their fury against Christ". it is not surprising that Espina chose this symbol military figures. 19 And not only in the vegetable frame. In a context such as the Iberian Península in thc Indeed the fortress was a commonplace in Castilian medieval lit- fifteenth century. J. and more balanced in that cvcry book . Saraccns wcrc rcpresented according to a simplificatíon of pat- tcrns common to most Northem European manuscripts of the fiftcenth ccntury. as opposite to the lberian image - Northern Africans. when he by Bishop Pedro de Montoya (1454-7 5) among a great collection of callcd his treatisc against Jews Pugi. the that should be the target for Martí. 21 In the Frcnch vcrsion of the National Library of Paris.o meant a dagger to allow preachers and dated 1480. 22 Art historians have of Barcelona. the "daggcr of the faith". onc of whom 1s threatcned by a Saracen w1th Chivalric ideals had their place among rcligious thcory. For all of them. 106 CHAPTER FIVE CQNT!l. Frarn. Diego de San Pedro: Obras. meaning his mind. these looked rather as courticrs in disguisc. cit. such as the attitude of women in the windows. Around t./lS edades del hombre: libros J' documentos en la Iglesia de Castilla y Leon. Therefore. the three images which crowned weapons mastered by ecclcsiastical writcrs. 118. no enemy was considered more dangerous and inevitable thanJudaism. The metaphor continues describing each Our authors would. It rnust he notcd that illumination in Germain's Débat is more 17 Ribera Florit. The main sccnc is agaín the fortress of faith housing the Pope and prelates.o fidei.. II. it was ncccssary thc tower were Sadness. an caglc. 446··1147. Thc title might have been suggcsted windows. the staircasc was the Anguish which led utcd to enhancing prose. The same scheme is repeated for each book. . pp. 1990. 'l'here are heretics. Valladolid hy Prudentius (348-41 O A. who himself had received the order from thc highest prelates. Martí wrotc thc miniatures are not signcd and have been attributed to the l\!laster Pugi. díflerentiate what Europc understood for "IVluslims"-Turks--. . whosc strcngth were to ensurc understanding by social groups who werc lcss familiar with the chains which tied the man..he his attacks on the Christian faith. p. the miniaturcs rcprcsent this idea once and again.-1 ERRORES MACHOME11 .. . but no Jews or Muslims. XIX. adjusted to the general contents. dressed as thc one described bcfore. anti-popes and bishops. the foun- dations were his faith. stood theological vocabulary. kept in the Bibliothcquc du Roi in Ilrusscls. The text contributcd to. script of the Fmtalitium from the cathedral of Burgo de Osma. but military alkgory can be lraccd back as far as the Pryclwmac/zia written i 1 f. especially a lance.. one of them a Saracen.• . with the Goldcn for thc Jcws. A landscape in the Renaissance stylc provides the background.: op. the dagger figures within thc decorativc frame and the characters around ít. detail in the scene leading to the tale of thc prisoner's love story.: op. . former general of the Dominican Order. of Love) as a fortified towcr with threc corners and a high stair. his undcrstanding. Around thc towcr. the prisoncr to his state. These characteristics are shared by the men m when military symbolism ftourished in literature. 17 And indced. cit. A frame of vegetation finishes thc page. over a capital and finally. As a result. changing sorne slight details. has just JO Lavajo. As or even dcvils. 107 0Jmbolism According to the cxplanation of the prisoner in thc tower. at thc samc time as thcy "stranglcd their impiety and Fleece and the device "Plus cst en vous". the most effective symbol was doubtless thc use of crature. makc an extensive use of these "intel. Historians agrce in attributing a belligcrent mood to writc about the enemies of the Christian faith. J.D. Distrcss and Effort.

J. There are three small devils on the scene. f. 26 The fol- any colour in most cases. gions. Jcsus commands a host answer. 9r. the "crusader king" is :fighting the Muslim army uscript g. and dcvils and witchcs ble fonction of underlining the value of sorne passages of the book who surround the fortrcss everywhere. 109 considcred them within the Hispano-Flemish Humanistic style. The first book25 givcs more details about the armour study of all the regions where the Christian Church had :flourished- which Christians must wear to fight their enemics: ít consistcd of but aftcr him. A long legendary chronícle several virtues. 140 (1957). Muslims. to bccome a triumphant Church through victory over According to the de:finition at the beginning of the Fortalitium. 38v. Clovis. It depicts the fortress of Pedro de Osma. so the layout of this manuscript was their influence on thc :fighters: "Saraccns are mine''. The cross of onc hund.. And they should have thc couragc of a lion. The names of use their own armour. the Christian and complete the mcaning of the tcxt. Geoffiey of Bouillon. ~e..197.hortation a Charles VII. On the fortress thcre is another device: exempla was the reason to illustrate only this part of the book. and lacking dctails.ives sorne cluc. 72r. M.27 faith defended by angels and Christian knights against an army of Most of thc illustrations corrcspond to book IV. This idea was already on the path of crusade. the maín cause for unrcst in the known world. 191. room was left to :fill in at the places where away below. thc Islam. That book IV is dominated by its ninth considcration. a tale of angels who are fighting a parallel war against demons. Alfonso X: Setenario. Probably the use of chronicles and illustrations as the central scene is saying. . Prester had to teach.. Peacc reigned five books into which it is divided are thc towers of its "fortrcss of before MuJ:¡ammad's arrival. FF.-and here he elaborates a geographical the faith".l 70. it has a didactic-moral function. 260--263. a famous J ohn and Saint Louis were an example for Charles VII to follow characteristic for every hcro in epic narrative. the shield of faith. The shall be explained whole scene is an allegorical illustration of the four books in the J can Germain. the king of Cyprus. so the relative importance of the subject is not the tion "Tower of strength facing the cnemy". 28 In his other work. The bearded Saracens run to what has remained. 211 Germain. 27 25 FF.e. the heretics who are undermining the foundations. the Pope in the centre surroundcd by book about Jews seems to be more valuable to Espina than the one prelatcs and kings. 108r. i. p. which was precisely thc word of God they Charlemagne. which can be de:fincd as an illustration "in the broad scnse". the example of the saints. Likewise. together with bis knights. the Dialogue du crestien et su sarrasin. 55r. . the army is ready to defcnd it. BRAH. law 1OS. lowing books <leal with hcretícs. See also by the samc author "Diccionario de iluminadores españoles". in his Exhortation a Charles VII pour aller autremer uscd Fortalitium. On thc highest tower. J.: Miniatura. befare the Turks conquered Constahtinople. f 3r-. pp. about Muslims. 24 Jews. However. Therefore. which bears the inscrip. Islam swung the balance. Muslims and witches. such as continencc. f l lr. Most of them are sccnes of war.l 2r. still sketches without spiritual oncs were devised for defending from the dcvil". and a figure of Mary.fficult to say why. Illustrations should have the dou- chains who try to persuade thcm by words. as well as thc opening pagc dcpícting the coat of arms of Bishop based on the general contents of thc book.: La miniature.108 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOME71 . even more so Psalm 14 7 as an appeal to the militan! Church betrothed by Christ if we think that it is the only non-profane illustration in the book. etc. Takíng the whole work. pp. in the cross.. devotcd to :Niuslims. 49. preachers should parallcl to Islamic misdeeds through the centmies. 23 suggested in Alfonso X's Setenario. Jews. 49. pp. the galley of hope. the miniatures are still urrfinished. Germain 23 Domínguez Bordona. save the initials are only three illuminated eapitals and onc illustration depicting the at the beginning of cach new book and a splcndid miniature in thc topos of the dissecration of the Holy Host in the book dcvoted to incipit. 2 ·t Smeyers. of French military triumphs over thc Saracens starts at this point. Jews in although it is di. justicc. as although they have survivals from the Gothic International period.. Thcrc Only one part of thc manuscript is illuminated. 26r.: E . and according on horseback. the one below carefully and fifty-eight battles fought bctwccn the two rcli- of the Order of Santiago is drawn on all the shields. Inside the castle. well as temporal armours were cstablished for the defense of flesh. as "We confess that Jesus Christ is truly God and a true man". including 90% of the miniatures illustrating the original man- Outside the castle. where it says: "Item. claiming illuminations were intended.


interpreted the Acts of the Apostles in the same light. Book Ill symbolized by thc scven heads of the Bcast·----were defeatcd by
describes the "conquests" made by the Apostles in the manner of ncw Eraclius and how, later on, MuQ.ammad appeared as the Antichrist
Alcxanders. They are "laúghts" who perform "chivalric duties and feats" in his place. Thosc two figures were identified throughout thc whole
for thc Christian monarchy, or scnators in thc Roman tradition. exegetical medieval tradition, in thc commentaries to the Apocalypse,
Anothcr military symbol uscd by Espina was thc reference to 13. Howcvcr, the explanation of the Beast's features might difler
Mul:,iammad's predecessors carrying banners or standards, in the according to the author's purpose: for sorne it representcd the seven
chapter devoted to his origins. Banners were associated with war, as capital sins; for others, it rcpresented temporal power, as in this case.
symbols of battle and victory, and thus would be understood by any- The tradition of idcntifying the Beast and the Antichrist can be
body familiar to the ideas of crusade and war. The "soldiery of traced back to St. Gregory, who was mcntioncd as their main source
Christ" (miliá'a Christi) had a corresponding "banncr of Christ" (vexillwn by ali medieval polemicists, starting with Álv~ro and Eulogio de
Christi), namcly, thc cross, the symbol of the passíon and rcdemption, Córdoba in thc !ndiculus de adventu de Enoclz et Eliae, contained in the
the sign of Christ's victory (vexillum crucis), which was latcr used to Corpus Nfozarabicorum.33 Espina's interpretation can be seen as a mixture
mean the cross sewn onto thc clothcs of the crusaders. 29 Lil<.cwise, of thc images created by Beato de Liébana and Joachim de Fiore.
Isma.<Il, Nizar and Mul;iammad himsclf had their own banners with Based on Beato are the heads representing thc kings and the horns
three inscriptions: "haughtiness of life", "vanity of the world" and as thcir kingdoms, but sorne part of the original and more complcx
"lust", representing evil. 30 Actually, Espina was also referring to a image was lost. The multiforrn devil incarnatcd in the form of ani-
habit of the Islamíc world where, from the earliest times, the Prophet mals and monstcrs which was onc of thc favourite symbols of oppre-
or the caliphs bcstowed holy banners upon their generals at the sion for the l'VIozarabs did not appear in fifteenth-century trcatises,
bcginning of a war. Gcnerally Arabs tíed thcir flags to a staff only nor did thc idcntifieation of thc Dragan (Apocalypse, 12) with Satan
befare battlc. 31 and thc Scrpent. 34 Sorne dctails have been changed, likc thc division
In thc account of wars of the Fortalitium, banners also had a specíal of the kings into two groups, the last three being the ultimate ene-
place, connected to Saint James's apparitions. They had been uscd mics whom the Antichóst must fight. Another proccss of simplification
by the Church from the clevcnth century in processions, they wcre made the ten horns- ·--which in theory bclonged to the fourth Bcast,
mentioned in Church inventaries, etc., but there was still a distinction: symbol of the fourth cmpire of Rome-be transfcrred to the Bcast
church banners were long staves turning into crosses at the end with in general, 35 as wcll as their sense of temporal power. The Beast was
small cloths hanging from transverse bars overhead, differing from thus deprived of its eschatological meaning to become part of a polit-
war banners in which the flag was afüxed directly to thc staff. Kings ical and providcntial plan of history, within the context of Espina's
asked the Pope for banners of the saint befare going to war, as was interests.
the case of the vexillum Sancti Petri. They were rcligious symbols, The perccption of Muslims within the history of salvation coincides
pledges of divine protection and victory. 32 On thc contrary, those with Joachim de Fiore. Thcir role as persecutors of Christians and
carried by Mul:,iammad and those of his kinship meant a plcdgc to precursors of the Antichrist was exemplífied by thc figures represented
the devil. by thc Beast's heads: Hcrod, Nero, Constantine or Arian, Chosroes
Another favouritc image is the ídentification of Mul:iammad with or thc Saracens, the King of Babylon, Saladin or the Turks and the
the Beast of thc Apocalypse. Based on Alfonso X's Primera crónica Antichrist. 36 Continuing to simplify, Espina preferred to use only the
general, the text tells how Emperor Chosroes and síx vassal kings--
Emmerson, R. K.: Antichrist in the A1iddle A,~es, p. 22.
Cf.: Lav::i,jo, J.: op. cit., p. 137. See PL, vol. 121, cols. 513-555.
Erdmann, C.: 171e Origin ef ilie Idea qf Crusade, Princeton 1935/ 1977, pp. 35- 37. 35
See Delcor, M.: A1ito )' tradición en la literatura apocalíptica, p. 49. For Lhe expla-
° FF,
f. l 16v. nation of this metaphor in the Cmpus Jlíozarabicorum, see Lavajo, J.: :op. cit., pp.
Erdmann, C.: op. cit., pp. 42, 51. 136 ·138.
Ibidem, p . 53. Beato de Liébana: Commentarius in Apoca!Jipsin, p. 23 . Daniel 7, 7- -2t1.


Bcast's fourth hcad, i.c., Chosroes or, dcpending on the context, a k:ing, he called himsclf a prophet, simulating his holyness. He was
1\!Iul;tammad, accorcling to Innocent III's bull "De negotio Tcrrae so violent in his doctrine that after being taught by a Nestorian
Sanctae": monk, he had dcceived the Arabs with his pretended law, by means
of incrediblc miracles. He persecuted Christians with careful schcmes,
Et quidem omnes pene Saraccnorum provincias usque post tempora
such as forbidding his disciples to dispute their law and to study phi-
bcati Regorti Christiani populí posscdcrunt; sed ex tune quidam perdi-
tionis filius Machometus pseudopropheta surrexit, qui per saecularcs losophy. 1\!Ioreover, he started preaching to common people so that
illcccbras et voluptatcs carnales multas a veritate seduxit; cuius perfidia he could claim to be a prophct without opposition, and he made
etsi usque ad hace tempora invaluerit, confidimus tamen in Domino, his law lustful to attract more believers. His claim of being God's
qui iam fecit nobiscum signum in bonum, quod finis huius Bcstiae prophet, his false miraclcs and epilepsy made him a great deceiver.
appropinquat, cuíus numerus secundum Apocalypsin Joannis 9 intra But he was also a cruel tyrant because he made his disciples live
sexcenta sexaginta sex clauditur, ex quibus iam pene sexcenti sunt anni
completi. º7
according to his example- that of the Beast- undcr penalty of death.
Whcn he said they must believc in God and his mcssenger, he was
The identification of the year of Muf:iammad's death was a Spanish asking his people to believe in thc Bcast. 39
product, for in the first text where it appears, the Liber apologeticus Resides the inaccuracies contained in the text, explained by the
marryrum, it is dated in the Spanish era (38 years less than the Christian effort to ridicule the Prophct, there is a difference between Espina
era). Probably, Espina's most interesting contribution is the calcula- and Torquemada: whilc the Fortalitium starts with l\lluJ:¡ammad's
tion of thís number as 666, this time using thc Christian era: based chronologicaI biography and then introduces the description of the
on thc tcxt of the Apocalypse and considering that according to the Beast according to the Apocalypse, Torquemada, probably due to
Speculum historia/e of Vincent de Beauvais (1254), Mul;iammad only lived lack of time and the structure of his work, bcgins dircctly with the
for sixty-three years, he concludcs that six hundred and sixty-six is identification with the Beast, explaining fcwcr and usually more
the munber of years that clapsed from the moment when Our Lord deformed cpisodes of the Prophct's biography.
becarne man to the end of Mul;.ammad's life. Beato de Liébana had
provided the meaning of the Greek equivalent to DCLXVI (antemos
arnoyme leytan). After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Espina could C/zronicles in Polemics
elaborate the rest of the calculations. 38
For the same purpose- the identification of Mul).ammad with As has previously been explained, the collectíons of cxcmpla were
thc Beast- Torquemada cpose a simpler scheme. Follovving Jacques introduced from scrmons into preaching líterature. Considering the
de Vitry's History ef the Eastern Church, he tried to provc through different sourccs from which these exempla wcrc takcn -,,-fables, every-
Mul;.ammad's biography that his lust was the sign of hís being the day life, legcnds, hagiography, history--- it is not surprising to see how
Bcast. His fiftccn wives and two concubines confirmcd his doubious Iberian historical sources becamc part of the treatises. This happens
moral principlcs. His ambition made him climb in social status as a trend in Iberian books such as the Valerio de las historias, a col-
through tradc and marriage but, as he could not manage to bccome lectíon of exempla related to Spanish history. A great part of it
(Book I, title V) is devotcd to war against 1\!luslims. Thc book was
"Ancl certainly Christian peoples owned almost ali thc Saracen provinccs con- first published in 14-87 by the royal chaplain Diego Rodríguez de
tínuously until after the times of thc holy Regortius. But since then was born a Almcla.
ccrtain son of destructíon, the pseudo-prophet Mul)ammad, who seduced many
v\Tycliff's Opus evangelicum (1384) used wars against Islam ;to explain
away from Truth by mcans of secular entícements and lustful plcasures. His perfidy
has grown continuously until our times. Ncvcrthclcss, we trust God, who has already violence in the W cstern world. Ali those wars had thcir origin in
given us sorne good sign that the end of this Beast ís approaching; and its number sin, being a clear dcmonstration of thc nccd to rcform the Church.
according to thc Apocalypse ofJohn is limited to síx hundrcd and sixty-six, of which
almost six hundred years have bccn complctecl." PL, vol. 216, co. 818.
FF, f. l l 7r- v. CE, pp. 10- 15.


Howcvcr, in his De fide catholica he defended thc notion that every- orthodox caliphs. The struggles for power in the Near East are omit-
body could be saved, cvcn Saracens, if thcy appcalcd to Christ befare ted, except to mention that thcrc were two caliphs, in Egypt and
death. Thc cxplanation of Islam in a context of schism was a product al-Andalus, no doubt influenccd by the propaganda circulating in
of the excesses of ecclesiastical institutions, including the papacy. It the Peninsula ever sincc <Abd al-Ra}:iman III and the stories from
is rernarkable that almost every medieval author conceived Islam as the crusades. That is also the reason why Saladdin is mentioned sev-
a punishment for sin- whoever the sinner might be. era! times, whilc no other sultan is. The rcst of thc chapter deals
The use of these sources in fifteenth-century polcmical literature with the peoplcs who did not acccpt Islam in Eastern Europc and
responds to thc following features: in general, thcy are historical those who, bcing pagans, <lid: Turks, beduins, cte., with a very bricf
examplcs, takcn from chronicles or hagiography; thcir origin is nor- account of their geographical situation and their cultures. Evcn the
mally medieval Christian tradition, with an cxccption such as the differences in the way of praying taken frorn Christian prcdecesors
Liber scalae from Arabic litcraturc. Thc inforrnation comes from writ- are noted. The work rcveals sorne first-hand informatíon which no
ten sources rather than oral, although sorne part of it might be thc doubt Vitry was ablc to obtain during his travels.
author,s own. 40 It is hard to agrcc with Lavajo, who considers thc- On the othcr hand, considerations VIII and IX are closely related,
ological works "more serene and better informed"41 than historical the former bcing an account of wars between Christians and l\!Iuslims
.ones. Ta.king the case of fifteenth-century Iberian writers, the more «by means of arguments" and thc latter "by means of physical
historical sourccs thcy use, the more accurate thc work is. Usually wcapons". In the structurc of the book, the function of thcsc n-vo
when thcological thought is counterbalanced by historical facts, not- chapters is to introduce thc reader to the most important argument,
withstanding thcir intcrpretation and situation in differcnt contexts, explained in three considerations: the reason why Muslims occupy
rejection of Islam is less harsh. the Holy Land, what should be imposed on them whcn they became
Of all the writers studied herc, Espina is the only one to use mate- subjects of a Christian ruler and finally, how and when the end of
rial from chronicles ali through his work. In the Fortalilium fidei this their power would come so that thcy would serve under the Christians.
is particularly noticeable in consideration IV, entirely devoted to the In this aspcct the scheme respccts the use of exempla in sermons,
criticism of Mu}:iammad's ascent to heaven as told in the Liber scalae for starting from an anecdotc, in this case the secular triumphs in
and reproduced in Alfonso X's Primera crónica general. Considcrations battlc, the author reachcs a general conclusion: the end of Muslim
VI and VII refer to Mu}:iarnmad's death according to the same powcr in the Península and the rest of the world. And in cvery single
chronicle. Thc story of the first caliphs carne from Jacques de Vitry's battle he recounts thcrc is a particular moral conclusion to learn from,
Liber de rebus et statu Yerre Orientalium. Finally, consideration IX is so consideration IX can be taken as a collcction of cxempla in itself.
devoted to thc wars and triumphs of Christians and Muslims in the Only Jean Germain used historical rcfcrcnccs for the same purposc
Península, the Holy Land and Constantinople. 42 as Espina, although he did not kccp the structure of a chroniclc. He
The information takcn from J acques de Vitry for considcration also preferrcd to use episodes of sacred history rather than accounts
VII is a vcry interesting anthropological tcxt, and it is surprising to of specific battles, and was particularly fond of mentioning the geo-
find it in a book such as the Fortalitium is said to be. Again this is graphical distribution of saints and relics to support his cxplanation
a proof of Espina's rclativc objectivity whcn it carne to something of thc devclopment of Christian communities. 44
more historical than rcligious.+ 3 MuJ:iammad's succession is told in a Espina's use of chroniclcs is directly related to his social back-
somewhat unorganised way, only mcntioning <Al:r out of the four ground and his position at the Castilian court. Since thesc; particular
groups wcre the ones to mal(e decisions about Islamic affairs in the
Península, his work can be read as a manifcstation of the prevailing
Sénac, Ph.: L'image de l'autre, pp. l 1H· 1'12.
~1 Lavajo, J.: op. cit., p. 24 7.
FF, f. 12lv- 125r, 14lr- 17lr. + I See Le livre du crestien' .. , [, 399r-4 l 9v and the Exhortation a Charles Vil . .. ,
B FF, f. 134r· 135v. f. 6r- 15v.

introduced by the Almohads. pp. Thc structure of considcratíon IX is simple: after Alfonso X's an epic tale about the first independcnt Castilian count. and the more elaborate chivalric helmets under Alfonso III King of León and his successors (28 wars).ammad is represented not once. having an Primera crónica general (c. 1207). cit. according to a subject classification. the distribution of miniaturcs is linked to the about Islam. to make them de Clerecía.116 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETI . p. Sorne of them are chosen banners. 48. Espina used Gonzalo de Bercco's Life ef own m1ss10n. tle of Covadonga in Asturias give way to the core of the Reconquest fashioned round steel-caps. . 30. These wars and their habit of wearing long robes instead of foil armour. The Arabic lcttcrs written on sorne of them were real Thc first series starts with the wars against the Byzantinc empire sentences in the Cantigas.: 77ie Arabs and lvledieval Europe. the half-moon standard <lid not appear in thirteenth-century as type-subjects. 94. Thc weapon par excellence was javelins. 47 eral might be one of these type-books. introducing cas. W. in the Alhambra we know that by thís time many of them did shave. or mcdallions.411 and thus repeated throughout the narrative. 117 trends. Alfonso X's Crónica gen. . until the greatest cxpansion of Islam was reachcd (9 wars). Although most When analyscd carefully. information gathercd from Byzantine traclition. N . there are illustrations which differ from the Alfonsinc miniatures.: The Arabs and JVIedieoal Eumpe. 1250).. 1252). 1200) coexistence-always under Christian domination. N. or legends.31. nobles and the king himsclf. Espina develops a tale of one hundrcd important symbolic meaning. p.: op. Fashion had developed on both sides: against the Visígoths for the conqucst of thc Península are used as Christian armour varied from Fernán González's haubcrk to the backgrormd for thc beginning of Christian counter-attack. including King Alfonso III on his horsc (wars n. 48 Smeyers. This with worked vizors. And interestingly cnough in a book At the same time. linked to miracles like the building of thc first church There are also sorne common featurcs such as the double-lobcd of Saint James.. 1278). The conclusion is appalling: crusadc was the only way to beards. part corresponds to the most impressive miniatures built up in frames tles in the Renaíssance taste rather than real bulwarks for defcnce. San Allillán de la Cogolla (c. The "longing death and Espina's own life. Thc fact that only this part of intermingling of European books containing crusader traditions- the Fortalitium is illuminated suggests a continuation of schemcs of such as Jacqucs de Vitry's. and the Poema del Cid (c. M. there are scvcral features in the Fortalitium of them are profane. Finally. The com- tournament armour in the aforementioned first miniature. and therefore the illumination Each chapter of thc Fortalitium is arranged around sorne key-:figures of the Fortalitium must be related to one of the versions of the chronicle. 45 Daniel. whercas the ones in fifteenth-century draw. in any case the sources which he would tion and use of Arabic material by means of the vcry famous school certainly find in any ccclesiastical library. For the period between Alfonso X's umphs. Starting with sorne which encompass a religious theme. explanation of the most important battles or miracles. to fill and fifty-eight battles which could be either Christian or Muslim tri. given that it is its main source. with. Mul). Consequently.was that they were not a good excrcisc decoration linked to certain categorics of books. 93. but always leacling to a final defeat of the latter. and also to a nurnber of figurcs in the central margins shields (adargas) of the Muslim army. a famous school of Iberian ecclesiastical wrítcrs active fulfil their military duties while preachers would coopcratc with their in the thirteenth century. Howcvcr. 47 Southcrn. as was ordcred for Mudejars. p. which are grouped in "sagas" or collections of traclitions. poems such as Alfonso XI's. Muslims were always depicted with 46 .: op. Wars ings were just imitations. thc rcligious per. the Poema de Fernán González (c. he chose mostly royal chronicles or far authentic material"45 had led Alfonso X to encourage the transla. as a way to work on thc Arabic oral tradition. cit. thc blanks of the Crónica general. which remained the in pcrccption. the mcant thc incorporation of a numbcr of Mozarab legends bascd on book can be read in another direction. 50-·-·52). landscapes had changed. R. Helmets bined front of the Carolingians in Catalonia (15 wars) and the bat- also ranged from mere basinets or conic-helmcts to thc Moorish. . Daniel. although through the frescoes expcll thc Saracens from the Peninsula. 46 The rcst of the sources come from the Mester minds of high clergy. sonality of the author conditioned his views on the possibility of The use of Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada's Historia Arabum (c. The problem posed by the of translators he founded in Toledo. but rather a grcat imaginative development combined same when the book was copied into others. illuminations.

three battles are devoted to the Turkish advancc towards Constan- tures. The moral identity of Europe was preserved soldiers in the margins of different battlcs (wars n. 78. 107-111). 567-1009. directly linkcd death. in armour clifferent from that the national feeling of the author as much as his rcligious aims. A. the absence of any in the Península. a fact which could be highly discouraging when trying to On the intcrnational scene the kcy-cpisode of this period is thc persuade these leaders to engage in wars "of religion". He is showed fighting Castilian kings were included. marized. 121). 148). . except Jaime I of Aragon. The fall of the Visigothic kingdom and that of Eraclius's cmpire of Fernán Gonzálcz or Alfonso VI. due to the need to stress Castilian besieged by sea. There followed the feats of Fernando 1. The last Muryammad ibn Abi cAmir al-Man~ür. people abandoned or that the power of Islam would be eternal.100). Meyuhas Gínio. 76. The last largc as much as twelve wars. 66.iarnmad 4 G Ali these episodes starting from war n. image is that of the Turks' defeat at Belgrade (war n. 106-109) as well as large sccnes Omissions are as important as mentions. . which madc thcm useless in Alarcos and Navas de Tolosa.: Laforteresse. there are scvcral unlmown Christian the wholc argument. M. i. 119-120).: La imagen de los musulmanes . . First Crusade (6 wars). 119 are intcrrupted by a raid in Rome and the parallel story of the epic Jamcs's Jubilce (war n. 49 by a fiercely determined orthodoxy and religion had become thc . 51 Daniel. When the information contained in the Crónica general is finishcd. 15 7): whilc a Alfonso VI and Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar "El Cid" (30 wars) showing miracle occurs. there is a short account of thc battles fought by Alfonso XI of God's punishmcnt. but also to avoid most ing to see that thc Moroccans are dressed diffcrcntly from Andalusian Islamic triuinphs and to leave aside internal strugglcs among Christian Muslims (wars n. and there is seldom more than one reference to cach God-providence had a dircct participation in war. according to the reign. p. . only Leonese and about thc conquest of Valencia by El Cid. 25. Dating disappears ideas in the Península. 50 (wars n. p. dcscribed by the sourccs as somcwhat ridiculous as the margins dcpicting El Cid.: Islam and the West. . illustrated by the capture of Antioch by Espina did not attempt an exhaustive journey through ali the Penin- Raymond of Toulousc (also rcprcscnted by a saint holding a holy sular Reconquest. The next scene shows the same place aftcr El Cid's claims to be the oldest monarchy in thc Península.118 CI-IAPTER FIVE COJVTRA ERRORES iv!ACHOMETI . Charlemagne thc King of Morocco and thirty Muslim princes while the city is of France and Sancho of Navarre. depicted in a bíg minia. also depicted in several minia.c. princes. Thc Castilian lcgcnd of the seven Infantes de Lara descrvcd tinople and the Portuguese conquests in North Africa. Thesc are wearing series is the most heavily illustrated. expression of that sense of idcntity. the Christian army. but rathcr a collection of cdifying battles to movc lance in a small miniature in war 99) and the fall ofJerusalem before opinions. sorne wcll-known battles are missing in his account. N. from Alfonso X: P1imera crónica general. The latter was won by Alfonso VIII thc context of rcligion. However. King Femando III and King Alfonso VI compared to Andalusian fashion. Geoffrey of Bouillon (wars n. This uscd in the Ibcrian Península. ''º Bunes. 151. Therc are sevcral small figures in J anissaries caps. Mu}:iammad was an instrument plars. The garrison is emptying the city and the 1\!Iuslim princes líe to the Visigothíc kingd9m. Also thc gaps in the text of thc Crónica dead beneath the walls while their army is disbandcd.. The climax is rcachcd with thc wars of of the Banü 1\!Iarin from North Africa and the rcsistance and capture Fernán Gonzálcz of Castile and his son against the Chamberlain of the south of the Península around Granada (1 O wars). and identifying the cncmy with the Saraccn. fights thc Turks.. or is wrong. After the destruction of the T em. p. 16 are lakcn. with the help of an angel and is definitely a subjcct for anothcr large Two tcndcncics can be appreciated in the Forlalitium: a providencial miniature (war n. 99. the next seventeen wars include the battles of miraculous tradition to attach to them. Even ture due to the fact that thc battle was won on the ycar of Saint Muslim authors uscd to see Christian history in this way: Mul. As for the Second Crusade (3 wars) and view of history and a nationalistic and patriotic feeling which informed SaintLouis's crusades (7 battles). compared to the amount of battlcs concentrated in the periods text. 299. 51 being the basis of nationalistic the chapters become shorter and more confusing. These are combíned with the advance hero Bernardo del Carpio. It is interest. A. Continuing with thc Rcconquest probably due to thcir cxcessive "worldlincss". First. were caused by the sins of their rulers.5. 90-91. but that did not mean that God had left his (8 wars) including the capture of Algcciras. 87-89. general are not only intended for brcvity. cither complete or sum. I.

p. .: op.: of!. 57 Crusader ideals started to have sorne infiuence on Peninsular thought. B. pp. though easy to dcmand. new val u es emerged su ch as the notion bclonged to. to a lesser extent.. L.: op. 121 al-Qays1 thought that thc Christian defeats at Algcciras and Almería awarcncss which greatly affected ali works bascd to sorne cxtent on were a punishmcnt for the expulsíon of the Ordcr of Templars frorn chronicles or story-telling. His Anacephaleosis shows Miracles werc God's more direct way of intervention. D. But still he found clown monarchy. . so this invasion of the sacred by Castilian socicty regarding the rest of the Peninsular kingdoms. called Christíans without making too much of which kingdom thcy In the thirtcenth centmy. R. in ~ 465. ·Royal chroniclcrs likc Palencia were re- werc foreign to them and their interests and intcrvention from markable in this natíonalistic trend. cit. 58 Rada's Historia arabum was a better exarnple of coexistence than his The parallel suggested bctwccn thc two churchmen helping to bring De rebus Hispaniae. W. and is usually related to the use of local sources for their books. Popular awareness of their historical past was manifosted in a very and Castilians startcd to dream of hcgemony. It would be hard against "thc enemy" and referred to fighting against Islam as the to establish a difference between thc way Castilians-not so much link bctwccn the Visigothic power and the Castilian rulers. all warriors wcrc the Aragonese would fulfil the same role as the French. J. according to tradition. for the interests of the realm. cit. 1456).dcalt with Europeans in chronicles affairs of the kingdom were omitted. whom his contemporaries thought shows a special identification of fifteenth-century Castilians with their were ready to betray both in treaties and battle. ai. This was specially so regarding Carol. pp. Alonso de Espina preferred the old way of uniting Castile disappears when the Peninsular case is discusscd. B. 57 Barkai. 56 Howcver. ' against Muslims--even the feeling of Euro pe against the N car East gcncalogy. cit. 5 ·1 Bark. · 53 Lavajo. planned his Compendiosa historia hisj1anica in thc samc spirit. and their acquaintance with epics as a source of histori- A special patriotic feeling can be obscrved in all fifteenth-century cal information.. not historical sources is clcarly rclatcd to thc self-awareness developed only between ethnic or social groups. 15 1-· l 52. 240 ff. France.. prose writers including theologians. : op. D. While Alfonso García used royal . Saint more than in Aragon or Portuga1:5 ~ The nced to establish the older Isidore. . p. 51. any externa! cooperation against Muslims was considered dangerous Thc soldicrs dccided to stage a parody of the dcthroncmcnt at Avila. pp. ancestors. The fighting was between two religious communities. Castilc had bccn creating a self- 55 Tate. and Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo ' . 52 María (d.. Identification from Alfonso Vl's reign. to such an extent that intcresting way during the two-month siege of Simancas. . Internal the Catalans and the Aragonese. . 212-213. far they acted as protectors of Muslirns. R. 122.mlar. conveno bishop of Burgos. bishops or superior origins of the Castilian monarchy through mythology and or angcls.67. tioned as a condition for Christian triumph. 98. Peninsular monarchies were involvcd. Don Oppas the Visigoth and Carrillo the Castilian> it difficult to trust the Saracens. and was openly manifested in the chronicles.: op. Saint l\llillán or by other holy figures such as abbots..99. It is the case of Alfonso García de Santa Castile. Both Europeans and Muslims tioned except by the sword. Castilian conscíousness grew as anti-Frankish of enemies of the faith vvith encmics of the people or the country feeling <lid. cit. pp. Latcr on. duc to his use of Arabic sources. Cardaillac. thc unity of t11e Peninsular kingdoms was ncvcr men- that death for the realm or for the faith was better than slavery. pp.: op. The statue representing Archbishop Carrillo was named after Don ingian campaigns in the Peninsula and. pp. R .: Ensqyos sobre hisloriogrefía jJenin. the traitor brother of Don Julián who. 56. and legitimacy was never ques- and the way they did with Muslims. perforrned mainly by Saint James. was not always welcome.: op. 53 In fact. 52 56 Richard. 242. 58 Enríqucz del Castillo. patron-saint of Castile. when other Oppas.120 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETJ . 54 Regarding Islam.243. Jiménez de helped the Iviuslims in their first incursion in to the Península. is justified in the opposition of Christ and Muhammad and Christians cspecially with respcct to Granada. These werc how traditions were remodelled for conternporary situations in Castile. cit.. cit. cit. was a very helpful dcvice. in general. Ct: Phillips.

A. Also.. thereforc. p. 84--86. 6 1 Gradually. and to understand . thcy started a prophecy be made. lcading nations to the worship of the one God. Nor could they ards. Long ago. 33.: Islam and t!ze West. 62 Daniel. 79. . Mul:i. for it only referrcd to the Day of Judgcment and with thc Holy Land. 59 Thercfore.972). W . the transmission of Mul)ammad's The genre consisted of pseudo-biographies of thc Prophet relating lifc by European authors was heavily conditioncd by Christian \i\Tcstern the miraclcs which made him acknawledged by animals and humans notions: a spccial emphasis was given to his low birth in a family of as God's messengcr. 62 It secms again that Ibcrian through miracles. written by the qa(l. 11. 6~ Schimmel.i\!Iul. p. thc Prophet's identification with thc Paraclete new trend which would prove dangerous for religious dialogue. 233 and ff. pp. Bibliography about the Prophct was of course idolaters. although scholars do not agrce on thc exact impor- authors were more fa.64 he married several of a prophet were goodness and virtuc. See Wolf. pp. His apprcciation was that "thcy wcrc flceing from the in the clcvcnth century by Abü Nu<aim al-IsfühanI and al-Baihakü.122 CHAPTER FIVE CON1RA ERRORES MACHOMETI . included not only magic.ammad to be sure about such a prcmise. 11.i\!Iu. S. a but also the Trivium and Quadrivium. . [ 7lv. . The most important were his lack of qualities such as clevation of a) lvlu~ammad's biograph:J1 spirit and contemplation. Penpectives de la catholicíté. 65 This kind of lslamic the thirteenth century. cit. p.-Th. Nonc of these wcrc satisfied by Southcrn.iammad wíthin a theological tradition accept that his name was written on God's throne: firstly.. Several anecdotes demonstratcd that he was lustful: he The othcr signs which wcrc supposed to demonstratc thc e:xistcnce claimed to have the sexual powcr of forty men. 1L And Mu(wmmad is his messenger. But thesc were not the only things to be considered for condemnation. Christian authors did not refcr to a litcrary genre callcd "thc the Koran or Islamic bibliographical compilations about the life of proofs of prophecy".: "Les théologiens chretiens . B. 5.63 Both Raimundo Martí and Ricoldo de Montccroce. Documentación aji·oasiática ( 1. Southern realiscd that Christian authors preferred to lcarn However. Prediction lifc than other European ones. which cven brought him a crown. of the Old T cstament had announccd him: ZC. as was his identification mistake was to attempt to validatc Islam according to Christian stand. in their attempts to reject JVIu}:iamrnad's claims to prophet- about 1\/Iu}:iammad from "thc meagrc Latin sourcc" rathcr than from hood. secondly. J\. was so phcrs were taken into consideration. according to sorne authors. 123 Characters far Polemícs ascetic prophets. and men to holincss of lifc and concord and peace". nor any 67 authors rejectcd Mul.ammad also dauned that the Prophets 64 CE.miliar with traditions rcgardíng Mul:iammad's tance of miracles in the making of a prophct in Islam. N. . When Christian to be the last prophet.Q_ammad. N. in Conversion and continui[Y.: "La noción de profeta en el Islam". 26. that would give Paradise and the throne a corporeal naturc which quoted by T orquemada and Cavallería. 89-101. 138v. pp. spccially thosc who had no contacts was not considered. R . with other prophecies from the Old Tcstament. 66 Whilc polemics referrcd to dogmatic qucstions su ch as the mys. 5 ~ CE. p.: "Thc Earlicst Latin Lives of Mul. Thcir was severcly condemned by Christian writers. the ability to work miraclcs times contravcníng thc Christian idea of cclibacy and the model of and the quality of thc law he preached: it had to be "holy and good. his social improvcments first through trade and plunder. 63 Khoury. 141v. and his attcmpt to lic for God's sake.6. 6Ci ni D aniel. pp. Among the lies Mu}:iammad was accussed of uttering was his claim tery of the Trinity and thc like. after whom no other would come. embrace of Islam". ". ' pp. K. 25. . after the linguistíc approach of wcll considered that it was used as a talisman. which was started throughout the Arabic world thc Prophct. 7-14. then by marriagc. was impossible to chcck.iammad". he even married his own son's former wife. Islamic biogra. 67 Th e refercnce is to John 16. because far from his own. stated that a real prophet thc Christian fathers were not ready to accept. because had to mcet several requirements which wcre not at ali clear for therc was no way for JV1ul).f 'Iyad. 60 abundant another classical work of special importance in the Península. and bis cultural the Kitab al-ShijaJ Ji ta'rff hukuk al-Nlustafa (Thc book of remedy to training which. debate was fruitful. maliki theologian who actcd as judge in Ceuta and Granada.iammad's claim to prophethood. .: op.: The Arabs and Medieval Europe. The Christians took from the Arab writers literature proved that Mul)ammad was spcaking in thc name of God the emphasis on MuJ:iammad's dcscent.12. GG Jomier. show the rights of God"s messenger)..

Espina pre.. When the time carne for 72 Ga Cf. used good friend of Mul:iammad's father 'Abd Allah. who entcred the legend of the Península as being famous Latin. Cerulli. p. The idea underlying such a legend was that ferred the pscudo-miracle of the dovc and the bull to prove that his Arabia was an area subject to outside influence because it was unruly doctrine was based on tricks. pp. Cavallcría's references Prophet has four necessary attributes: he must be truthful and trust. eighth century and the collections of traditions. he met Sergius and bccame his pupil. 57-58. h et was use d ior . Daniel. Also Garrosa Resma.: op. 125 MuJ:iammad according to Christians.. .: . he has definitely to proclaim the Divine word and has to be biography. When Seleam thc Jcw and the Pcrsian Salon. they were agreeíng with and on the edge of the known world. 300. who could rcad Arabic.. thc Prophet learnt about Judaism. 52. 1 !8. N. M. 75 In the words of Daniel. 180.: Daniel. astronomy.. cf. 242. became Sergius. Eulogius's biography of Mul}. It is ímpossiblc that he should lic. J.ammad and did not appear in Iberian he was asking for the aknowledgemcnt of his mission. Thus. p. contained in the Koran. should conceal the divine messagc or be stupid. "the misrcpresen- compiled by Mu):iammad ibn Isma. 73 The story was omíttcd by MuJ:iammad asked his followers to bclicve in God and his messenger. Christian writcrs.and later transferred to Espina by means of Ricoldo ·de Thc last attack was against the very foundation of Islam.. the question of working miracles.". In both cases. pp. N. · 75 ° 7 CE. which was considered flight to Arabia. in thc Espina. 33-37 . I. thc Montecrocc--where 1tiu):iammad was said to be taught by Bal:iira. such acknowledgcment should be denied for ali Instead. shahiida.: op. The legend of Balµra-Sergius condcnscd the manifestation ofJcwish less or treacherous. pp.ny. One possible trait is that he may be subject to accidental human wcak. 71 and aftenvards by Alfonso X and Alonso de man.: "Marc de Tolede . p . had was considered as the centre for divination.: Nuove ricerche . be faith. .. But sorne polemical texts such as Saint of thc grcater learning of the Arabs". cit. 70. I.. he "cor- efforts of MuJ:iammad and thc Koran to prove that miraclcs wcre rupted" the neighbouring tribes. quoted the samc qualities for the Prophet: "the biographies VlrrÍttcn by Espina and Torquemada. He was a author Theophanes wrote another version in his Chronographia. al-Andalus (1951). Seville their predecessors. pp. E. in thc were associated with the teaching of mathematics.. 6 Y Schimmel.71. pp. l 19r. CE. sagacious and intelligent. According to tradition until the Collectio Toletana was diffused in the Peninsula. J. N.e Scotto and Gerbert the other rcasons mentioned throughout his biogTaphy. a wandering monk in Arabic tradition. FF. 6ª However the Sanusi. . which said that MuJ:iammad's only miracle ple of accúlturation in this background is containcd in the Contrarietas was the rendering of the Koran. confusion is thc overall imprcssion when analysing the late l\!Iiddle Agcs. which is full of misconceptions... fir. 71 Lavajo. while Toledo and Córdoba used the Sfra rasul Allah writtcn by lVluJ::iammad ibn I~. 14. <lid not carn general agreement. Daniel. .iammad "the mage " .Q. 8. referrcd to Montecrocc's Disputalio. this idea-as did Espina in the article about the authorship of were considered accurate sources in medieval tcrms. Raimundo Martí. p. the authors from Córdoba used the myth of Mul:. The most complicated exam- Islamic orthodox doctrine. The story of thc dovc was D 'Alver. p. and either with essential as a refutation. BaJ:iira. are only to sorne short episodes. The Byzantine MuJ::iammad's sect----in the story of a Jcwish astronomer.~ used ~y Frances~ Eíximenis. expert in Jcwish and Christian laws. T. specially the ones medicine and alchemy. ZC. cit. that was the reason for thc amount of Biblical information broken moon" as part of MuJ:iammad's magic powers. { L40r. Since sources for Mul.'ll al-Bukhari and Muslim ibn tation of the Prophet as a mage may be an unconscious recognition al-Hadjdjadj al-QushayrI.depending on the tradition--·.119. cit. Ncstorian monk who had bccn expelled from Christendom. 18---19.: op. When MuJ:iammad travelled with his not necessary for his mission.: The Jlrabs and J\!ledieval Europe.aJ• superstición en la literatura caslellana .yya. so his cannot be considered a proper worthy. 73 ch. astrology. p. M. and Christian infl.74 Th e same ep1t . thc accuracy of fifteenth-century writers relied vcry much on for the learning and practice of magic arts on a large scale. Torquemada refcrred to thc miracle "of thc writers. and himself a learncd by Lucas de Tuy. 124 CHAPTER FIVE CONTI&l ERRORES 1WACHOMETI . 76 Lavajo. Despite the or without sorne collcagues. f. 69 Thc final proof was the success of Islam-its expansion. 72 On his In particular. For Christian this aspcct was strcsscd. a ncsses". 76 The Crónica general cxpressed Eulogius's Liber apologeticus marryrum.uences on thc Prophet and the society of his cpoch.: The Arabs and kfedieval Eumpe.\/fagi. 94.: Islam and tlze West. 70 elfolica. 21. which was uscd as the formula to submit to Islam. A.iammad's life were more easily acccssible in d' Aurillac. both within Islam and Christendom uncle's caravans. A.

That was certainly anothcr matter for cnhanced thc fact that Khadiqja was one of the first bclievers. Mul.: op. .. training in the desert not by one. Cf. change God's messagc according to his own desires.. 84r. Mu}:l. He explained them as a result of Gabricl's apparition.M:Ul. N . a revelatíon from God which was not contained in the Bible.icoido de Montecroce: DisfJUlatio. Polygamy was beca. 242.tammad's lifc was monstruous. 232. 77 Muslim ibn al-Hadjdjadj: Sa(zih j\¡[uslim . 'fhc story was collcctcd by 1976. Hamid Siddiqf. Pcrhaps the figure of thc secular leader. p. Women criticism. Mal:ik or Abü Darr. Daniel. vol.. p.. social and family problems.. 79 However.78 But whíle Khadi'dja was considered a matter of state. thc wife of his adopted son.· 126 CHAPTER FIVE CO. and she 8 ° FF.. 80 a tradition takcn from the collection by J\lluslim.. cit.. but by a couple of monks: thc heretic for Mul.Jedieval Europe... the same Jewish astronomer and govcrnment of Syria after his marriage. greatly stars and announced it to hís parents. Later on.: Islam and the West. about epilepsy. Lahore ~1 Daniel. ordained for the ruin of nisms in his biography. was quite strangc to heretics means an acknowledgement of the difference. it was diffi. he pretended to be a prophet. the souls believing in it". When Abü According to Jiménez de Rada.: Tlze Arabs and }. p. p. Such a recurrent reference is ímportant for Maryam. that was the interpretation of thus not rcvcalcd by God. t: 99v . in the criticism it implies of Mul. Although thc struggle between pope and empcror had yet clear by the time of John Crisostomos. but oftcn. 103. p . 81 Since the tradition was "taught him natural sciences and the law of Jews and Christians. p. p ..NTRA ERRORt. an argument sometimcs worked authors were not at all used to. well-informed about the history of various was as important as the fact of God sending revelations in response Christian heresies. But in general.ammad was offered the throne Talib assumed the custody of the orphan.. A... H:l R... f. 1091. 27. 83 J\!Ioreovcr. MuQ. a messenger of God and a conqueror lady of Corozan (Khurasan). . p.1124) and rctaken by Vinccnl de B cauvai~. "Latins wcre as a justification of adultery. The closcst any fifteenth-century writer got to it was Tor- were known to be easier to deceive than men according to medieval quemada's accusation that when J\!Iul:iammad was unable to pro- standards. 82 CE.. .. in the fact that writers considered his followers in a group apart from way Mul. p.ammad dared to out in detail".cult to rcgard Islam as a heresy. so other wives were a matter of lust and cause for scandal. The story was compiled by Vincent de Bcauvais.tammad was thc first herctic to claím that he had received bound to be dangerous beca.78. Ivl. The The concept of religious and secular leadership togethcr. ° 7 79 FF.. and thcir chronology makes Islam thc culmination to political. prophet and a secular leader.iammad's birth.-·. he testified about successful in European polcmics. Christian both the Crónica general and the Fortalitium insist on Muhammad's writers saw this personal defect as the reason for Islamic polygamy. But by means of the marriage. by Espina to explain why J\!Iul. At least..: 1he Arabs and A'fedieval Europe.use it cncouragcd lust.tammad and thc cahphs claimcd it. the From thc knowlcdgc he acquired.Jiménez de Rada: Hútoria arabum. misundcrstod by Christian writers.but rather a forgery of already-established St. the Prophct's But thís was not enough with respect to the origins of Islam. The arabs considered Khurasan to be the key province Jew can be identified as thc sourcc of thc tradition.. quoted by Torqucmada and used thc hcart of Mu}:iammad being washcd and weighed by two angcls. because it was was too late whcn she discovered that her husband had epileptic easier to deceive peoplc claiming that he had received rcvelation fits. 1. 77 although trans. none of them claimed to be a The next step in the Prophet's career was bis marriage to Khadidja.. 18. 243. ..iammad had to ask God for revelations to justify his desire John and the Nestorian Sergius.iammad's doctrine being unoriginal. As Daniel stated. f. John Damascene. by A. and Zaynab. . 127 Mul. and this negative image was implied in this cpisode."'S MACHOME11 . Hugh of Fleury (c.. 13. CE. N.. It claím himself a kíng. thc point of morality not always. N . 12. . .. the Jew interpreted hís destiny according to the bclíeved him. introduced into Christian literaturc afrer thc cleventh ccntury.------------------·.. eithcr Anas ibn of the <Abbasid territory: whoevcr controlled it.use . which was not Christian cyes.. ed. l 18v. controlled the caliphate. Christian writers of cmpires at thc same time. 52.. Schimmcl.iammad had also become a formed to build up two different storics. somethíng which Christian and often the sum of ali the hercsies. quotcd by Ricoldo in a more elaboratc way doctrines which made him a heretic. Ct: Daniel. 32 the daughtcr of one of the Arabic rulers. based on the sura 93. bccn going on for several ccnturies... he took ali those things which he Prophet's lordship of Khurasan is one of the most interesting anachro- latcr included in that evil sect he created..

: op. et dixit illis sarracenis qui ibi erant Africa. is absolutely unsuitable for any Muslim to read or listen remains obscure.. p. l 18r. cit. However. it was the other way round: the messagc subito dcdit animam dyabolo magistro suo. quidam discipulus eius of infonnation from later chronicles. whcre he continucd his conquests. Egypt. and espe- worth noting that ali the characters in the story were contemporaries: cially this chapter. quod dcbcbat mori et rcsurgere Wars against Islam ran through a period of seven centuries. So was the legend of his bones being gnawed by dogs. able for thc history of al-Andalus. decem anni sui regni essent impleti. or by worms. l. 129 from God. Thc approach was too harsh. p. 245. 86 87 FF. caliphs and sultans are mentioncd in the non traderent sepulture. consídcrantcs ctiam quomodo índignam vitam of Recaredus's reign to preach his doctrine in Córdoba. 85 Albimor ut vidcrct quomodo iaccbat et secundum quod narrat Luchas Alonso de Espina used another curious passage of the Crónica general: Tudensis in cronica sua invenit corpus a canibus comcstum corrosis the legend of l\llul. to. Quoted by Cerulli.tammad crossed the sea towards Visigothic Spain in the last year et irrita extimantes.. focused on the spiritual and humility. It is well of believers from Islam. Syria and the Turkish empire. In general. precisely when it becomes more cia a morte ad vitam sicut ipse preclixerat. 87 who was just on his way back from Rome. 494 and Lucas pp. A successful onc would doubt- fetorem eius tolerare non posscnt. Thc tcxt is copied from the P1imera crónica general.: Nuove ricerche . . Machometus book-·-since again we are only refcrring to thc F01talitiumfidei-from autem statim ut bibit mutatus est omnis color eius. ordered his mcn to catch him.128 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETI . FF. et ideo intellexit everywhere in the Islamic world: the Iberian Península. discipuli autem sui clilígcntcr of Christ. Primera crónica general.263. MuJ:iammad in 632 and the last Visigothic kíng lVIuJ:iammad's falschood and· achieve conversions. Quare predictus discipulus eius destemperato quodam veneno tradidit ci ad bibendum occultissime.tammad and Saint Isidore of Seville. Chronicon mundi.. Sic ergo qui inter eos prudenciores füerunt. sccmed too weak servaverunt corpus expectando quod resurgeret die tercia ut dictum cst. is its excessive dcpendence on Alfonso X's Crónica general and the lack Unde cum implerentur decem anni regni sui ab illo scilicet anno quo fuit elevatus in regem in Damasco computando. . All thc biography of thc Prophct. Espina used the term dux. It tells how a certain quae dícitur arabice Medina Raziel. their dig- cum eo quod per aquam salvarentur et veniam invenirent. For the governors of al-Andalus. relicto cotporc inhumato. 261. are intcnded for that purposc: to demonstrate Isidore died in 636. This hiatus is particularly notice- cuius nomen Albimor voluit experiri si resurgcrct Machometus díe ter. Espina b) Muslim kings and heroes was so keen on using ít that he made a wholc chapter of it. and it had to be conveniently cxploitcd. especially if it helped to expand God's pars discessit et post XI díes mortis eius venit predictus díscipulus eius mcssage. 86 which secms ossibus. 134r. de Tuy. and tercia díe cotpusquc suum ca díe deferendum ad celum. 478. so whoever wrote the story was at the subject is introduced. dignum enim eral knowledge of Ibcrian history. His false announcement of resurrection was obviously a counter. of Christ. Quo dicto nities were correctly establishcd. 85 CE. E. ah eius lege discesserunt. the Fortalitium provides good informatíon on what should have been the main lines of gen- Sexta consideracio huius libri est de morte Machometi. the way called Recaredus did so in 621. M Jiménez de Rada. Sed postquam ipsi viderunt quod non resurgebat ut prcclixcrat et and incompletc for thc last prophct. dcprehensa seductoris falsitate omnia quaecunque dixerat falsa Mul. But MuJ:iammad was warned by the devil and managed to The main point to be deduced from this passage is the withdrawal escape back to the East. The only objection to its method fuerat ut fnús eius ostenderet qualis ipse fuerat in vita et doctrina. et ideo quod ali kinds of governors. which corresponds to their military function. f. without concessions to the figure of the least accurate as far as dates are concerned. image of Christ's. l. Tune Albimor collectis ossihus sepelivit in civitate quadam to be original from the Iberian background. the shortcst in the book: Despite the religious intcntion of the treatise. 34 For Muslims. 13. and had to be intended only to The Prophet's death had to be the final proof of his evil life and reach Christians who were ready to accept an antithesis of thc figure habits. . maxima less use force if compcllcd to. Dixeram enim quod postquam confusíng.. Saint Isidore. R. Northern quod mors sua appropinquaverat. cligna marte terminasset. However the tradition Prophet.

as synonimous for caliph. is Saint A. 163v. 88 92 FF. for example. dcscend to earth. 89 ~~ Jbidem. he added to the same their only qualitics must be the warlikc ones. Particularly that of thc division of the Andalusian caliphate-for instancc. al-Mansü. Mul. f. Bramantc's daughter.130 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES M1ICHOMETI . p.rabie ruler of al-Andalus according to the Carolíngian epic cyclc. from on High. 94 Warrior saints Carolingian epics were only mentioned at the point of the tale of appcar in the elevcnth century. ners. His help is Turcorum.ammad II was acknowledgcd as the greater imperator Islam. most important monastcrícs in the realm: Saint l\!Iillán. Jamcs's intervention as the "nacional" patron-saint. 284--285. thcy also refer to these other aspects that the caliph was the hcad of the believers only ín al-Andalus. 49. al-Mansür by the Crónica general were omittcd in the Fortalitium. the oncs who were actually and the hosts of angels who fought the l\!Iuslims undcr the holy ban- mentioned in the text were correctly placed within their to their ovvn Christian history. 9 ° FF. Here is the great differcnce between this area of Christcndom and Finally. !bidem. R. stays in the abstract. is much greater than that shown by Muslim chroniclcrs of <Abd al-Ral:iman 111 against thc Egytian Fatirnid rulcrs who were about Christian socícty" . but St. James comes Thís líst of digníties is not fortuitous: it shows Espina's acquain. For the period of the Taifa rulers.. 148v. 93 of situatiohs which were noticeable to the Christian kingdoms. he used rex. which wan in Badajoz or the Banü Qasf in Calatayud-depict the variety used miracles systcmatically to support a newly created self-awarcness. Y et the author stressed thc fa. the angcl Gabriel. Espina chose to call them reges again. mostly after the twelfth. namely the patrons of the number of military chiefs were also mentioned throughout the account. and Saint James's actions occur Charlemagne's love for Galiana. deformed into "amiramamolin". pp. 131 For Mu<awiyya (661-680). togcther with amfr al. but they made him Africa and the Nasrids from Granada were all identified as reges. 241. A Saint James was "helped" by other saints. all the praiscs attributed to other title was attributed to him. whcn thc patriotic feeling was growing Barkai comes to the point when he states that "the intcrest shown 91 Barkai.Amir. Saint Isidore.9 1 Although the chronicles are mostly dcvoted trying to superscdc the <Abbasids. p. In theology books. A digrcssion on thc crusades shows Espina's interest in introduc- ing sorne of the chivalric Arabic heroes: Nür al-Dfn was called prínceps e) Christian saints Damasci and Damascenorum rex. as kept using this title for the caliph of Córdoba.. He by Christian chronicles towards the oppositc group. 115. the Banü Mar- Alfonso X (Espina's main sourcc for the historical chapters). figures. much in the context of rcligious beliefs as about thc history of l\lluslim muminzn. Details such as mention- This paragraph summarizes perfectly thc imprcssion left by Castilian ing the families who ruled important border areas "de facto'' befare chronicles dealing with war against thc Muslims. Furthcrmore.r. Even then. whereas the contemporary Banü Marfn from North tector-such as. 170v. 9 • Ibídem. f. 92 and is not simply bascd on prcvious sources. following thc propaganda communities.: op. which is to be seen particularly in the powerful among the Saracens below cAbd al-Ral:iman". the Muslims.. and although many rulers are omitted. this tendency was emphasized Mul:rnmmad ibn Ahí e. cit. the Saraccns from fighting other peoples such as the Normans. triumph to the Christians.. giving him the role of a contender in the fighting. f. refercnces name of "king" (rex) of Morocco the dignity of "amiramamolin" of are so short that they just act as countcr-heroes as regards Christian Western Islam. but when thc Almoravids and Although Espina cannot avoid the presence of Muslíms in his work. FF. 38 but no figures of Muslim herocs. who is a fighting God. The term "sultan of Babylon'' was incorrcctly used for Spanish Christendom was not satisfied with a heavcnly warrior pro- the Mamluks. onc of the ways to distínguish war against thc The only licence in this matter was the figure of Bramante. . kills the Muslims with his own sword and offers the tancc with thc differcnt political situations within the Islamic world. was mentioned as ''the most and produccd a definite bias. of Peninsular life. p. for instance. Almohads succcssively conquered al-Andalus. 90 given from heaven by mcans of an emanation. Allah. 89 while Saladin was just mentioned as a warrior.

. The vexillum fidei appears as the to his city with great riches and honour". 133 greater. Supernatural intervcntion was one tant in thc context of Castilian sclf-awareness. "thc Chas te". R. ' . al-Ma'mun of Toledo. which usually :involved thc loss of his authority over his 95 FF. church of Saint James. The concept of war "for the defence of faith" is essential for an There are also mentions of those kings who "did nothing impor- understanding of this choice of charactcrs. little mention is made of who represented "an invader of the land".. related to several saints such as Lazarus. ments to the story. The enemy-lslam-was tant aga:inst the Saracens" 99 and therefore were omitted from the attacking not only a political powcr. ' . . wo FF. Gradually. Just as failure chronicles. after Alfonso XI. first in Poitiers and latcr in Catalonia. 96 García. 155-158. R.. the most significant Christian kings and hcrocs.: op. the of Islam over Christendom through their sins: the empcror Eraclius patron of thc monastcry of San Pedro de Arlanza and a key-figure and the Vísigothic king Rodrigo. San Pelayo sinful courtiers and advisors. the great myth of Covadonga and the beginníng of the Holy Lance. wars numbcrs 49. James and Saint Isidore. pp. Saint to their closeness to the Church and their support of its reformation. ization in theological sources means involving all the differcnt kinds . His capture of the Visigothic capital. Ra. 27. Toledo.chroniclcs in Meyuhas Ginio. Barkai. both because of their part of divine providence acting throughout history.¡ 132 CHAPTER FIVE CO. thc chivalric love for the daughter of his friend.. linkcd to thc retrieval In the Pcninsula. was an important achievement which d) Christian kings helped to crcate this tradition. 97 Barkai. 157. He was the favomite where battlcs wcrc conccrncd. pp. Alfonso VII who rebuilt Saint Isidore's church of the reconquest was told without much enthusiasm. due of thc Reconquest.NTRA ERRORES MACHOMEIT . 61. added legendary clc- Monarchy represented the nation. during the wars against the Turks in 1457. They are impor- support of the Christian army. l 45v 1T. so text. cit.: "La conquista en la cronística castellana . usually the loss of lands ín hands of the the other saints uscd to have advisory roles. Saint Isidorc's infidels. 83. 99. who had surrounded thcmselves with of Castilian independencc.54. 57. while realm and. forteresse. Finally.. cit. in opposition to Mu1:_iammad's (see above). started a series of "most Christian" kings who had The function of miracles within this narrative was to ensure God's to defeat the Saracens with thc help of the saint. in this context. Alfonso VIII. 96 · · this king another figure of war against Islam. 98 and because of their interest as regards the church of tles was a way of showing God's choice of a particular :individual. in Santiago. 99 FF. This is due punishment. saint James. fos- of warriors on the frontier in a · single entcrprise: expansion and tcred by fcmale succcssion and internal strugglcs. Or Fernán González. two legendary figures able to dcfeat the Muslims. 139. A king in the Península was the head of resistance against Islam. this kind of history was Thc episodes in the Fortalitium where saints appcar are related to used for theological purposes. f.•. the apparition of saints and angels in bat. This sentencc is opposed to the othcr favourite onc "he returned it had to be fought by divine forces. called "the Catholic" and Alfonso the most recent accotmt of a miracle which savcd the city of Belgrade. 97 An evil monarch deserved Castilian kings compared to thc former part of the text. was basic in a provi- Moor-killcr too. . p.. which provide the first nationalistic view of the Peninsular was a consequence of sin.ymond de Toulouse. Sce also 98 There is a good study of the image of Muslíms in these kings' . 121. for examplc Alfonso Two figures have thc role of evil kings who perrnit the e:xpansion III.: op. 144v. 100 attachcd to every victorious banner of saints. F. dential c:xplanation of history and. king at the end of a famous battle . f. and kings personified its image. 144.The idea of sorne kind of decadcnce aftcr Alfonso Vrs death. helped to make fighting thc enemy of Christ. Or El Cid and Fernando III..95 III.. -·-. the víctor of Navas de Tolosa in 1212 and emphasis for the figures of the Asturian kings who favoured thc finally John Vayvoda. General. " . 114. 62 ·-65. as the base for this enterprise. who was visited by two saints. pp. . A: La. The ímagc of "Catholic kings" who followcd God's command- figure took sorne traces from Saint James's myth and becamc a ments and were consecrated by the Church.. It is remarkable that. 76. Reconquest. The "very Christian" French kings were and SaintJames. who built the church of Santiago. leaving greatcr in León. Alfonso I. viceversa.. ----· ~--------~-. but a religious community. 81.

characters of the mester de clerecía. of the Visigoths. l. multa enim impedimenta offeruntur as if his council ought to listen to him. many of his contcmporaries: The main inaccuracy was to make al-Mansü. e) Christ1:an heroes Ali the charactcrs mcntioned in this account were famous in epics. 46.282. Based on the Poema de Fernán González. 90. it is worth analysing a sample of Espina's adaptation of the 102 FF. Quid crit Deus novit cuius est Díaz tried to restrain him from war. great army from all the Islamic nations. that he was to win over the Muslims. 970). 101 Next morning. f. 148v-·15lr. faced al-Mansür and his villam que clicitur Ximena et destruxit Stiponam. Parallels with thc situation Iam cruciate contra saracenos et continuavit guerram quatuor annis. cum excrcitu suo magno intravit terram saracenorum et obtinuit virilitcr aftcr the capture of the castle of Carazo. p. historical facts wcrc lcss impor- bool. 1017). which makes thc vcracity of this battle even more questionable. al-Mansü. to thc doors of a small hermitage -·· -San Pedro de Arlanza.where and the conquest of Granada could not be resumed until the re1gn he was rcceived by the monk Pelayo. 102 taken from the ogians had to acknowledge thc fact. Bemaldo The next encounter was in the same area. Its mcmbers extant in cpic texts appear also in this context of hagiographic lcg- used to writc hagiographic. 103 101 Poema. of the Visigothic kingdom start when Fcmán asked his loyal men in quibus non modicum saraceni sunt fame afilicti.r (940. In this context. Thcol. After These individual heroes incarnate Espina's views of human virtues. 1vl: op. 103 quod Deus sua pietate avertere clignetur. They come kingdom of León to fight al-Mansür again outsidc Burgos.r in the battlcs of Lara and Hacinas. Fernán led an army of people from Castile and the in this case with respect to war against the Muslims. rather than gíve him advice. (d. . Thanks to Espina's personal cxperience. 689-691 . p . But according to the Poema it was the Count himself who. The hermit told thc count of Isabel ami Fernando. causam et finem bellorum agnoscere. the clerical school which produced and wcnt to his hermitage to pray. aftcr sorne signs from Heaven. when the Count wcnt hunting. and the battle started. the last anno sexagesimo plus timetur guerra in regno quam contra infideles. Thís situation text. 134 CHAPTER FIVE CQNTRA ERRORES M1JCHOMETJ . about the latter. per ornamento armorum rcgalium. . 135 to the state of civil war and fighting among the five Peninsular king. Thercforc. anothcr To understand how all the characters work together in a given context. but unfortunatcly God did not stop war in Castile. verses 191 . and it is to their eflort to change Poema de Fernán González writtcn in the thirteenth century by a monk the target of these wars that we owe the treatises studied in this of San Pedro de Arlanza.. 698 · 700. . a boar brought him Espina was right. Primera crónica general. cit. His vassal Gonzalo . Befare del Carpio. the triumph. in thc parts takcn from the Crónica general. near Hacinas. In signum etiam voluntatis expugnationis regni Granate cepit devisam malo granatornm whether thcy should attack such a great force. The three ways of forctclling the best examples of thc epic genrc in thc Península..1002) fight Et successit prcclicto rege lohanni in regno filius cius Heinricus quartus against Fernán Gonzálcz (d. from the most popular epic romances. The former we have due to thc acceptance of an authority such as the Crónica general and alrcady secn. Crónica generaL. 104 Garrosa Resina. Habuit etiam bul. whereas he confronted Fernán's qui nunc regnat. but Fcrnán argued resolutely. the count found out that his friend thc monk was dead. omen-dreams and messagcs from heavcn t<N abound monasteries and famous heroes and saints. They were all favourite thc battle. Back with his mcn. decimo octavo rcx Castellc et utí nam felicíter ad son García Fernández (938-·995) and his grandson Sancho García Dei gloriam regnet et utilitatem rei publice. 38l··569. at lcast his opinions tant than hagiographical needs. f l 70r. Hic primo regni sui anno. such as Charlemagne. Espina seems to be more keen than the fact that an account like this worked perfoctly well for his purposc. thc count harangucd them. spccialiter clivisio militum in regno contra ipsum propter que iam hoc This attitude parallels Don Julián's advice to King Rodrigo.v. FF. legendary works involving thcir own ends: auguries. Considering the nmnber of elements combined in thc doms which is characterístic of the Late 1\lliddlc Ages. one of the richest is the story of Count Fcrnán González fighting stopped Christian kings from making war against the infidcl. Thc lack of criticism from Espina is on Alvaro de Luna and Enrique IV remain. Fcrnán González and El Cid.

3 Daniel. and instead of being based on personal feats. Muslim scholars stated that thc languagc uscd in the Koran was thc purcst variety of Arabic. St.58.44).195. Thc Koran itself says that it to concentrate troops.: 'flie Cultural Banie1~ p. Vemet. However.2. B7. was a question of organised arrnies. "there is no god but God". (ed.37. 26. War had also changcd. In general. war against the Muslims but the language of a religious community and.): El Coran. especially el rey Fernando. even more important. due to his uneasy relationship with Alfonso VI and his policy ISLAM IN THE TREATISES: of alliances with sorne of thc Taifa kings. so there was no room for religious ones. 44. Watt. When two societies are at war. N.: Islam and the JVest. historical facts are not classified chronologi. were fighting internal wars. etc. 58. on the contrary. cally in this part of the work: a great part of thc Cantar de Rodrigo y thcy must mutually be aware of whatever separates them. 13. 4 Daniel. Christian criticism of this statement started quite soon in thc Península: Alvaro de Córdoba attacked the Koran for its confusing style. the language of reve- lation was the standard version of pre-Islamic poetry. regardless of the fact that the same objection could be applied to the Bible. is mixed in belief. From the thirtccnth century. an epic poem about thc kníght and his king. 2 Cf. where El Cid madc Alfonso of their enemies' leaders. with other neologisms. Arabic is not just the language of an ethníc group in lberian territory. p. kings started to assume the Language and Relzgjon role of dcfenders of the faith and representatives of their people. N. to exaggerate or invent clifferences. p. James fought for the Christians. 3 It was precisely the repetitive style of Koranic Arabic-sentcnces such as "may He be praised".. 1 . 41. XXVIII. p . surprised becausc. Thc count harangued his men once more. until the arrival of thc RELIGIOUS AND LEGAL ASPECTS Almoravids. According to Blacherc. his figure in Espina's account is that of thc perfect Christian knight who fights for his king and his faith despite everything. leading a celestial army.and the use of such words as coitus that made Ricoldo de Montecroce assume its human origin.- Sancho and Alfonso VI. and malee allowance for thc faults to the "Oath (Jura) of Santa Gadea". Besidcs.: Islam and the West. 2 Latcr on. J. It must be noted that there is no rcfcrence ably tolerant to rccogníse the virtues. W. p. R.112/113. & Bell. A society would have to be remarl->. 4 The strictness of Koraníc Arabic and the fact that it was the only tangue admissible for religious communícation in Islam <lid not go unnoticed by Christian writers.2/3. CIMPTER SIX El Cid playcd the role of a link betwccn Christians and ]\lfos- lims. 20. N. was only waged when the king was powerful. The rest of the time the Peninsular kíngdoms was transmitted in pure Arabic (suras 12. or confidently expcct to be at war. in the practices of daily lifc and in the events of past and contemporary history which they share. 155. M.136 CHAPTER FIVE apparition announccd God's help in the combat. There is no outstanding hero in the Late Middle Agcs according to the text. 1 Daniel. and the battlc was a complete success. 246. Therc is likely to be a tendency with historical facts and the Cantares referring to Fernando's sons. 41.: Introduction to the Qgr'an. 1 swear that he had taken no part in his brother's death. for his was the capacity the language of revelation in Islam.

Thcy should loss of Arabic language. T. 15 ·~ .: "HispanoJewish Attitudes to the 7 FF. . P. 9 meaning of the Koran in alj'amiado for those who did not understand Muslims themsclvcs were aware of the importance of thcir lan. García Arenal Connecting Arabic to religion conditioned thc early development infers frorn the documents she studicd in Navarre and Aragon that of Islam and its acceptance outside Arabia. 359. A. Aragon". . l 20v.: "La Inquisicion medieval y la moderna: paralelos y contrastes". Moors in the Fiftecnth Cenlury. 'lsa ibn Djabir explained thc need to expound the as a sign of confrontation. 10 Geographic distribution of thc use of Arabic in the fiftccnth ccntury Several chapters wcre devoted in thc treatises to what they thought traditionally considered Valencia and Aragon as thc Arabic-spcaking was l\!lu]:iammad's claim that the Koran had bccn revealed by God arcas. 99.. which he was askcd to understand and the thcologist Al:imad ibn Ya]:iya al-Wansharisi wrote a fatwa far his translatc. was poor and full of mistakes. both copied from Ricoldo 12 García Arenal. f. thc time before the conquest of Granada. had it dis.. For instancc. and that he kncw no language but Arabic.. Scc also Chejne. M. G.: oj1. LXIV. was related to the problem. 11 Mudejars in Aragon may ncvcr have masteredArabic.: "Los mudéjares en el reino de Navarra y en la corona de De 1\IIontccroce's Disputatio. Jewish and Ncstorian teachers that Muhammad thought of "poor Arabic" by Muslims in Aragon and Catalonia mcant a high about prcaching in Arabic. which proves a permancncc of thc into four types. 41 and with only two variations. quod Alcoranus est datus sibi Arabice. 138 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 139 their Scriptures had bccn vvritten both in Hebrew and Greek.. 6 Espina went fürthcr. Arabic was still spoken. their Latín version was accepted for ali purposcs.: op. in FF. Espina and Torque. f. if ít was not spoken at all in their lands? Lorca. who published his Catecheses mystagogycae jJro advenis ex secta Moreover. on the contrary. Muslims had been so over- mada coincided in pointing out thc importancc of Arabic for Islam: whelmcd that thcy progressively lost their languagc: "And if a Muslim loses his Arabic language. : La vida religiosa de los nunúcos. p. so the sultan of Egypt was asked to send within Islam.: . 107. Koran was given to him in Arabic. how could Muhammad pretend degree of acculturation and a grcat shock if they evcr thought to cmi- to be scnt to the wholc world if he only preached in Arabic? 7 grate to other Islamic countries. . .. p.. ". F. cit. pp. pp. and lcarn from the example of Toledo.. Longás ilies on thc Mcditcrranean coast used to learn this language. 12 Iberian Península. although he rcfcrs to lhe Morisco issue rathcr than 9 Ruiz. G.. his own together with his correspondence.. Whcn Arabic uscd in sorne aijamas. p.· h. 206. As early as 1363. J. 48. Itcm dicit se essc gcneralem Prophetam. CE. l\!Ioreover. conqucrcd by Alfonso VI in 1085. 31-37 .. M See the interesting study by Gutwirth. p. G. Arabic. while Castile had lost this language for Romance... Howcver. 15 5 "He also said that he was the universal Prophet. islam and the West . 12lr. At the same time. . the basic clements. Aragonese scholars still had abridged compílations of fiqh mahometana ad parochos et potestates in 1586. . there were no transla- clation and transmission of the Koran. 237. pp. which produccd the decline of rcligious faith. G Sce a brief but interesting summa:ry of the impmtance of Arabic as religious 13 Housley.: Tlze Royal Treasure. draw.262. et tamen dicit.: op. 11 On the other hand. language in Wiegers. Boswell argues that knowledge Persian. \i\'icgcrs. 178. 38. Whcn Christians arrived to settle there. 5 the loss of all thc sacrcd words and their merit".. and yet he also saicl that the 1 ° Cf Sabbagh. Thc discussion of the Prophet's litcracy as a proof of rev. et quod nescit aliam linguam nisi Arabicam.. N. There considers it onc of the causes for rejection of conversion among the seems to be a contradiction in this assertion. ajewish translator complained because the guage as a sign of idcntity (such as Hebrew had bccn for Jews).: "La religion des marisques . really he will lose his rite and. 8 Even thc Inquisition considercd speaking Arabic In Castile. It scems that in the South ing sorne conclusions from Montecroce's argument: it was due to his of Valencia. Longás divides l\!Iuslirns in Arabic in the frfteenth century. moreover. pp.: 8 Longás." Sefarad (1989). an important factor either of survival or. 398. it was For Housley. matters were not so simple.LXV.100. whercas Valencia was the place where the sons of noble Arabic fam- appeared. In a place such as the names and · place-names reveal the survival of Arabic in the area. cit." 11 Boswcll. whcrc thc dcgree of knowledge of Arabic is one of language at least in the learned groups of society. he warned thcm not to tioned Avila as a place wherc contact with Christians had led to the changc their customs or language for Christian ones. in Arabic. cit. at a time when Islam was losing territory.. p .1 !~ ~r <l rt ~ \ . sincc what would the Moriscos in the sixteenth century. which was also taking place tors at the court in Aragon. 384. p. E. 14 Al-vVanshar1s1 explicítly men- fellow-Muslirns in the Península in 1484. L. pp. Quoting the theologist Guerra de nobles need Arabic for. of assimilation to Christian culture.

the authors still used Arabic script not know how to wríte in Latín characters. . G . institutions (aijama. of this issuc. pp. In doing so. From part of thc evidence it is clear that Granada or othcr parts of the Islamic world. Howcver. lost their schools and their own sacrcd language. as well as the vanishing unchanged.. On thc contrary.: op. pp. the process was still bcginning. 19 Cancionero de Juan Alfanso de Baena (ed. 2u Cf Burns. another Mahomat Ballistarius ("thc crossbow- man"). was far from being true--although it could sccm so to somebody Thcre is the related problem of the Moriscos. p. it was not discussions. leaving them without the Mudejar cornmunity had endured a process of loss of Arabic as guídancc. cit. stand thcir books was definitely reduced. although thcy knew how in most of them togethcr wíth Latín script. 47. In thc fourtcenth cen- Iberian vcrnacular languages. the decline of literary production tried to keep thc literal meaning of the Koran and its commentaries has been poínted out by modcrn scholars. Finally. What can be affirmed to speak in the vernacular. But it was still used in the reli. 63.: lvluslims. p. guage is the combination of Arabíc namcs with Christian oncs. such as a poem from the Cancionero de Baena (1445-·1453) uncommon to use Arabic script for wríting Hebrew and Romance. so they <lid mid-fifteenth century. mean complete repression. pp. 21 gious contcxt. the learned literate of earlier times. Morcover.problem of free will and predestination. mosque) and sorne contacts ars decided to adopt thís script to cnsure thc kind of sacredness that with Granadan and North African scholars who could help to preserve language confers on a particular Scripture. whílc the ones who chose to remain in the Península had their daily languagc of comunication.: hlamic Spain. fourteenth-century Granadans spoke a tury. due to contamination from the progressive change to simple Christian forms. Arabic schol- such as basic education. p. 18 Wíegers. Wiegcrs makes an interestíng study of the texts written by than if they had translated their books into Iberian vernaculars in Mudejarsrn from 1240 to 1456 which provcs that thc works for the their own script.: op. 19.1048. wríting A rabie". pp. And finally. 32-33. Avila's moreda was one of the biggcst in the Peninsula. 17 Never. M. 177--178. they also their cultural foundations. it seems that traditional bilingual. 17 Chejne. cit. 3. so peculiar form of Arabic which was far from the standard one. I. 41. or Latin script for As for the kingdom of Granada. which was capital in the hostile environment of their time. Another explanation far thc use of the Arabic alpha- intcrnal use of the communíty were thc least important until the bet was that they had becn rcfuscd a Latin cducation.: op. . R. Corriente. 21 Ch~jne...68. 1038. cit. L. 22 ism was lost in the thirteenth century as a reaction agaínst Castilian One of the signs of assimilatíon which can be traced through lan- advance. 19 Hebrcw script for writing Arabic and Romance. ihidem. Madrid 1966. so they must have felt safcr thcless. l\!Iahoma Tintorer ("the tanner"). the chance of Christians being able to under- of thc figure called adib. or "a certain Lopello de 16 Harvey.140 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 141 In fact. There are few proofs of this in the argument of F. Cf. pp. 37. who wcrc well aware living outside the Península taking external evidcnce into account. G. who were vital for thcir survival as a religiously~dcfincd community. J. of Arabic--during the last part of the century. A. It is difficult to surnmarize the state of Arabic knowledgc in view Their most usual complaint was about the emigration of scholars to of such varicd opinions. Christians and }ews in the Crusader Kingdom ef Valencia. For Harvey. and except for Ibn Khaldün's statement that. startcd exerting pressure on Muslim communities. vol. 22 Jhidem. devoted to the . G. rigorism expanded as soon as Christian leadership It directly influenced their lack of cducatíon and rcligious leaders. as part actions talen by Castilian l\!Iuslims at the time prove that relaxation of the siege mentality which has been mentioned in the introduction. 16 and therefore. so we find in Catalan documents one Mahomat Alfoll. 61. and Mudejars were allowed sorne libertícs When the process of "Latinizatíon" bccamc too cvidcnt. Azáceta). in a land where the three commu- is that Romance was uscd in texts sometímes connected wíth rcligíous nities had endurcd "long-standing interaction at all levels. The lack of rcligious leadcrs and social status did not Aljamiado literature was the imperfcct answer to thesc worries. A. 20 Their thc phenomenon could have happcned in cither of two ways: eíthcr policy to become the refugc for every Muslim from the Northern acculturation could be stronger or elsc such a number of Muslims Christian kingdoms rcsulted in a revival of literature and scicnccs- together werc able to avoid influences more easily.

63. The lack of religious lcaders and social status did not Aljamiado literature was the imperfcct answcr to these worries. or "a certain ~opello de 16 Harvey. Christians and J ews in the Crnsader Kingdom ef Valencia . 22 ism was lost in the thirteenth ccntury as a reaction against Castilian Onc of thc signs of assimilatíon which can be traccd through lan- advance. which was capital in the hostile environmcnt of their time. the process was still bcginning.33. it was not discussions. A. And finally.-during the last part of the century. 2 ° Cf Burns. as well as the vanishing unchanged. cit. For Harvcy. Madrid 1966. devoted to the problem of free will and predcstination. 32. M. so we find in Catalan documcnts one Mahomat Alfoll. 17 Chejne.: op. On the contrary. who were vital for their survival as a religiously~defined community. so they <lid mid-fifteenth century. leaving them without the Mudejar community had endured a process of loss of Arabic as guidance. Corriente. 16 and therefore.140 CHAPTER srx ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 141 In fact. R.: lvluslims. Moreover. started cxerting prcssurc on Muslim communities. G. In the fourteenth cen- Iberian vernacular languages. 47. .. 19. It is difficult to summarizc the state of Arabic knowlcdgc in vicw Their most usual complaint was about the emigration of scholars to of such varied opinions. pp. p. was far from being true-although it could seem so to somebody There is the rclated problem of the Moriscos. p. A. What can be affirmed to speak in the vernacular. Cf ibídem. 19 Hebrew script for writing Arabic and Romance. lost thcir schools and their own sacred languagc. p. or Latín script for As for the kingdom of Granada. In doing so.: op. 18 Wiegers. such as a poem from the Cancionero de Baena (1445. as part actions taken by Castilian Muslims at the time provc that relaxation of the siege mentality which has been mentioned in thc introduction. 22 Jbidem.1453) uncommon to use Arabic script for writing Hebrew and Romance. thcy also their culturalfoundations. 177-·· 178. mosque) and sorne contacts ars dccíded to adopt this script to ensure the kind of sacredness that with Granadan and North African scholars who could help to preserve language confers on a particular Scripture. it seerns that traditional bilingual. rigorism cxpanded as soon as Christian leadership It dircctly influenced their lack of cducation and rcligious leaders. 61. who were well aware living outsidc the Península taking externa! cvidence into account. pp. Another explanation for thc use of thc Arabic alpha- intcrnal use of the cornmunity were the least important until the bet was that they had been rcfused a Latín education. anothcr Mahomat Ballistarius ("the crossbow- man"). pp. 20 Their the phenomenon could havc happencd in either of two ways: either policy to become the refuge for cvcry Muslim from the Northcrn acculturation could be stronger or clse such a numbcr of Muslims Christian kingdoms resultcd in a revival of literature and scicnces- togcthcr were ablc to avoid influences more easily. 37. stand their books was definitely reduced. G. J.: op. cit. the chance of Christians being able to under- of the figure called adib. L. and Mudejars were allowed sorne liberties When the process of "Latinization" bccamc too evident.. Azáceta). of Arabic. so they must havc fclt safer thelcss. 19 Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena (ed. cit. thc authors still used Arabic script not lmow how to write in Latín characters. 21 gious context.68. pp. pp. institutions (ayama. But it was still used in the reli. of this issue. in a land where the three commu- is that Romance was used in texts sometimes connected with religious nities had endured "long-standing interaction at ali levels.: Islamic Spain. Arabic schol- such as basic education. fourteenth-ccntury Granadans spoke a tury. 21 Cht:jne. Finally. However. due to contamination from thc progressive change to simple Christian forms. Wiegers malees an interesting study of the texts written by than if thcy had translated their books into Ibcrian vcrnaculars in Mudejars 18 from 1240 to 1456 which proves that the works for the thcir own script.17 Never. while thc ones who chose to remain in the Península had their daily language of comunication. 3. I. vol. so peculiar form of Arabic which was far from the standard one. Mahoma Tintorer ("the tanner"). the decline of literary production tried to keep the literal meaning of the Koran and its commcntaries has been pointed out by modern scholars.. 1038-1048. There are few proofs of this in the argument of F. From part of the evidencc it is clear that Granada or other parts of the Islamic world. 41. and except for Ibn Khaldun's statement that. Avila's morena was one of the bigg·est in the Península. although they knew how in most of thcm together with Latín script. G. guage is thc combination of Arabic namcs with Christian ones. mean complete repression. the learned literate of earlier times. writing Arabic".

Epalá. Thc originality of Ibn I:fazm is that he did not community was progressively understanding Arabic as a ritual lan. the proccss had increascd. it was not general knowledge.. La Tu(zfa . According to Molénat. about "what Saracens must comply with The fundamental question is. His method of analysing of public proclamations in Arabic was thc ncxt stcp to ban public Biblical tcxts to show their contradictions was later used by polcmi- cult. 31 reader with continuous scarch in notes. They perceivcd that their attacks on the Koran and had become a part of the definition of the powers ruling the had to be based on this point more than others. the Arabic namcs were also mcntioned. DiJputatio and De mittendo gladio are so frequent in this chapter that I have choscn 29 Cardaillac.. ''vvhat 1\!Iuslims were tury. Contra errores.: op. deformation of these same sources.: "Los elches en la guardia de Juan II y Enrique IV de Castilla". doctrinal matters taking Christian doctrine as the reference> so "what 2+ Echcvarria.mlmanes . exactly what Christian authors kncw when living under Christian rule". it is enough to conclude the eleventh century. . 383.: ojJ. l\!fost commentaries approach 23 Boswell. p. as happcncd with most of the Islamic guage. When thc subject was history. . Christianiry and Judaism rise of a self-awareness. it is more likely that this corpus started to be Muslim rclatíons at the point where rescarch is nowadays. instead of boring thc Barkai. iVI. 2n whose updating never matched In many of the documcnts. 29 Usually. 67 .although this might be duc to baptism. . p. By thcn. 27 Daniel. M. even if it was not accurate jobs or geographical origins of the Mudcjars. p. but in rcligious aspects thc infor- clerks from Toledo and Granada did write thesc Arabic surnames mation was transformed to suit a particular purposc. 30 It is impossible to define the importancc of Arabic for Christian/ In thc Pcninsula. reply to a Christian attack. Ricoldo de iVIontecroce's 23 Scc Vcrnct. 35'.. R. Far thc moment. and passed through several stagcs Arabic scholars agree on what was exactly the degrcc of acculturation depending on the degree of mutual acceptance conditioncd by political suffered by Muslims in their language. 17. cists on both sides. ignorance of epic genre authors. 26 Daniel2 7 thinks that the Now. It seems that he is right. A. 158. tury. Mul:iammad ibn Yusuf). cit. BRABLI3 (1965··66). Epalza thinks that Arabic polemics rather started in from a different viewpoint. when Ibn I:fazm wrote his Kitab al-Fisal about that theological writers knew that Arabic was very much the basis rcligions and sects. 23 In the fifteenth cen. References to the FortalíliumJ Zelus Christi. for the Mudejar Ibcrían Península. called in the l\!Iuslim way Abraham". 25 Scc Ladero Quesada. 24 that of religious writcrs. 285. the transformation of names was linked to but comparison in order to show superiority. N.: Cristianos)' mu. "..142 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM 1N THE TREATISES 143 Serrha. recorded around 1440. rnisunderstand- thc difficulties of Castilian clerks in writing l\!Iudejar surnames fol.: Tlze Cultural Barriei~ p. J. But it also showed a new conccrn far thc incrcas- ing power of the Christian kingdoms. weaker as a sign of identity. Also by the same author. . the state of this corpus in thc l 450's has been divided into two fields for easier comprchcnsion. according to the documents in it is important to take into account that both chroniclcs and reli- most of the Spanish archives. : 30 to givc thc pagc-numbers in brackcts wherever necessary. Thc objcct of polemic was not understanding. p . 424-425. p. manifested in thc intellectual field. but he startcd on his own initiative. J. pp . de: "Notes pour une histoire des polémiqucs ." Arahica (1971 ).: "El conocimiento del Islam . Ncvcrtheless. the documents will be examined and social events.. Forbiddance treatiscs.. 2 r. However. thercforc.. as is shown by the ation. which inspired texts like the eleventh con- sideration of the Ji'ortalitium.g. L.. cit. correctly. Ladero25 has rejected this argument on the basis that scveral more accuracy could be expected. as vvill be seen shortly. ings arosc from thc ignorancc of Islamic sources or from delibcrate lowing thc Arabic lineage-based system (e. p. A. When formed arm~nd the ninth century. 31 His feeling had its counterpart on the Christian side in the On the Concordance and Discordance ef Islam. l\!Iuslims wcrc thought to believe" has to be undcrstood within thc pp. 354. enough. and it was. about Islam in thc rnid-fiftccnth century. M. A: "Los mud~jares en los Reinos de la Corona de Castilla". corpus of Islarnic doctrine-ar more properly. 99-1 Ol. But Molénat is also right when he gious works considered it essential to transmit as much information says that many of thcse surnames were substituted by refcrences to about the Islamic world as possible. .1. Thc mcmbers ofJuan II and Enrique believed to believe"-was formed in Europe around the twelfth cen- N's royal guards in Castile changed thcir names in thc sccond gcner. rcligion had been somehow politicised of Islamic religion.

Islamic agreement about his participation in the concep- they ncver used arguments prepared for Muslims. p. whcreas for Islamíc doc- trine he probably used the Breviario Sunni. Koranic criticism. then. Chris- sourccs was that. Ibn I:Iazm's criticísm of the Bible was soon of one eternal God. that of the authors of polemic treatises. and severe criticism was attached after no adcquatc instruments were used. M. He tried to classify severa! kinds Islamic doctrine was expounded. 208. unfortunately. 33 the creator of the world. cit.polcmics. analysed in this chapter is the scientific-theological onc specially.. tion of Jesus Christ as Prophet made it difficult for Christian authors ary purpose often failed. was incarnation so difficult to accept for Islam? In thc first place. One interesting aspect is how Christian and Muslim controversy Discussion had to start with the basis of Christianity: thc exístence inftucnced each other. pp. 37 . The third pcrson was thc most difficult to define. as Alonso de Espina did. was not continued. provided a number impossible according to natural standards. sent to Christ's a learned approach. 33 35 Ibidem. the other two reli. and his use of the Koran and Muslim clcar line between both ficlds.iammad. Bacon was one of the first Why. 125r.. In their turn. However. it will be probably easier to follow philosophers was a step towards comprehension which. 3'f When they wrotc polemics [FF. p. Islamic applicd to the Koran. his role as a Father was not at The use of Ibn I:Iazm's method of Biblical criticism by Muslim and all clear [FF. who was at the same time a Trinity.. 35 Both views influenced each other. 32 It was supposed to be the simplest mcthod: as the writer was incarnation [CE. L. 331-333. Mul). but the one he chose the structure of thc Apostles' Creed. to reject the only idea of the Holy Spirit in Islam. 41. 130v]. in posession of the Truth. To discuss Christian dogmas. be cause God could not havc a wife. .144 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 145 contcxt of "what Christians in fact believed". and he dcvoted still another a) Chrútian doctrine chapter to thc concordance and discordance of Islam and Christianity.. as Martí and the con. ing the Trinity. Christian faith was defended too obviously. and its cfforts were continued all through the Middle thc relationship betwccn thc three persons and thc problem of Christ's Ages. only by expounding it reasonably would Scarccly anybody in the Christian field tricd to approach the unity it be accepted by any intelligent adversary. for God would never de- of subjects for . -138.: ]esus otage.: Western views on Islam.ammad's prohibition of God as Islam conceived it. In Islam. The main difference in the use of revealed scend to corruption represented by human fiesh. or and thc Church's message could not reach the unbclicvcrs because rather. this crossed-criticism obliged doctrine had rejected this unnatural principle on the grounds that each rcligion to revise and cxplain its dogmas and practíces. gions never accepted those revelations which had come after thcirs.ammad in the J\!li'riiqj [CE. :iti Epalza. to eleven of his treatise to thc discussion of the Christian dogma. l 38r-v]. whereas Islam acceptcd Moses's Torah and Jcsus' tians responded by dcnying God's corporcal fcatures as describcd by NewTestament as former rcvelations to their own. p. Mul. Ji'or Muslims. who disciples and messengers regarclless of their role in salvation history knew the Scriptures and tlleological texts.126]. 34 Ibidem. The nature of the Spirit was also differ- religion. the Thc other characteristic of polemics which must always be borne mcntion of the Paraclete in the New Testament was undcrstood as a in mind is the clivision into two levcls of knowledge of the othcr's prophccy about Mul. The other possible to rcalize that Christendom only exísted in a small part of the world. Although it is difficult to draw a of beliefs to refute them. Southcm.ammad's máin error. vert Alfonso de Valladolid had done befare. l 2 l ·. and communication was made impossiblc. Christian polemic this issue as MuJ:i. this pattern. 232. 36 It was admitted that Muhammad of debate and discussion of questions of faith was understood as a agrecd with Christian and Jewish traditions in worshipping God as way to avoid this kind of persuasion. From St.: 0/1. Anselm to Raimundo Llull.vJ. R. Christ's divine generation was its counterpart. 114 . which considered Him God's breath. and al so be cause 12 : Cardaillac. practice" in itsclf. so he devoted chapters seven tried to analyse rationally the most incomprehensible dogmas. by Christians. One is a more or less accuratc popular view. so their mission. The other is ent for Islam. so as it was opposed to monotheism and God's unity. W. Torquemada saw to justify them. At thc same time. includ. FF. approach considered "what Muslims were thought to believe. pp. 57.

pp. .259. Christ was given that ilnagc.: Jesus olage. deviation would entail a condemnation by the Church. cit. sorne of Chrisf s features with a negative hue.32. life. 233-250. thc Koran taught that thc pcrson who had died in the was the foundcr of Islam and a historical pcrspective was basic for Golgota was not Jcsus. According to Epalza. C. were posed in the form of a catechetical questionnaire..v. ular time? Was Christ thc eternal God ora crcatcd man (from John Christianity and Islam.: Jesus otage. God would havc created Christ. ' 39 42 Cf. pp. and While Christians considered him the Son of God. 13 7v. such as how can a human and his divine character: was . L. the figure of Jesus was simplified and adapted l 29r.ammad's resurrection. bccause the slightest son of the Trinity had bcen developcd through the contacts and dis. 126r.. although impossible to compare to 1\llul. On the other hand. cit. 138r]. 161 -. Mul:iammad Thercforc. It was in this context that J esus Trinidad y la Encarnación (Dispute bctwccn a Moorish Philosopher and necded to lose his divinity and his place in salvation according to Gonzalo Morantc about Trinity and Incarnation).: pp. such as a reference to Such an interpretation of Christ's life and messagc had to be strongly l\/Iu"Q.vas not accepted. 314--315. Mul:iammad assumed and redemption as defined by Christian tradition was qucstioncd. cit. But this also qucstioned by God? Could Christ be placed in a particular country in a partic- God's omnipotencc. lloma. those wcrc also thc main subjects in Friar Diego figures in this religion after Mul:. Cardaillac.: 0¡1. 155. . was Jcsus was perceived by Islam as a creature of God. were right. so Christ would not be Real dialogue was avoided. ~ 8 Líkewisc. how to be sure if Christ was thc samc as Why do Christians then question sorne of his words? Can God the Prophets had prophesied and why had he come in his particular his- Creator become subject to illness and dcath? If the Christian Creed torical time.26.129r].Jews thought he thereforc that incarnatcd God could not be ollier than Jesus. were known and analysed by Christians with carc. 37 He argucd that it was ímpossíblc for God not to be incarnated. l 38r].: op. G. CE. ' Cardaillac. 258. 31. 4-5. Mark 13. Matthew 26. 102-109. Severa! other questions. Ms. .l 30r. which he had never foresccn [FF. thc foundcr sccn frorn the same prophctic pcrspcctive.: "Polémique.146 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 147 God himsclf could not bccome suqject to dcath and share othcr eternal: was he thcn the eternal God or just someone who was chosen human qualitics [ZC. to favour Christian eonvcrsion to Islam. l.' an important Prophct could by 110 means die 011 a cross. Tratados cdstellanos sobre la predestinación . 833842. .: op. 10. l 34r]. Discussion about the Trinity was based on thc infinity wa-l-dawla. FF. 41 or Muslim surroundings would make a great cliffercncc to the views Jesus's birth and early life conferred sanctity on him. Raimundo Llull was the first theologian to attcmpt an explana- it was Christian insistence on his person which provoked thc reaction tíon of the incarnation and the Trinity using Aristotle's philosophy. 5..iammad. 126v.. passive and reciprocal. ". 97r. Even if he was not the of Christíanity and a gTeat prophet. Judaism. resurrection lost its meaning if crucifixion . Christians werc well aware of the way. M. de Valencia's Disputa entre un moro filósefo y Gonzalo J\llarante sobre la bcing thus profoundly islamized. 206 ·· 2 l 7. philosophical explanation of thc Trinity involved the three principles scnger and a great prophet (FF. for he was defended: the more prcssurized Muslims felt. FF.32. role as l\/Iul:iammad himself had. but somebody elsc in his place. apologic et dialogue islamo-chrctiens . rcjccted by all the Christian authors [ZC. 42 The debate took Christian standards. ~ 9 place bctwccn courtly poets and a Muslim.. L. 1022.Jesus right whcn he described himself? soul be judged by God.iammad's adult life. for Christians. because the whole treatise was written 37 For the importance ofJcsus in Morisco polcmics due to their life in a Christian environment. see Cardaillac.. Cf Vázqucz Janeiro. Anawati. pp. pp. who was introduced as Al-Tabarf asked severa! questions about Christ in his Kitab al-din a mu)adhdhin. pp. according to Ibn al-<Arabf.J02v. · 10 Epalza. pp.172. Living in Christian of life: active. Thc rcst of his resort to this subject far polemics. a favourítc subject for ali three creeds. rnost of them rcgarding the transmission of his message of God's love. ofJews and Muslims and thc definition of his role in these two faiths. the more they would God's chosen messenger. In the samc the understanding of his doctrine. M. His was an impostor and l\/Iuslims only admitted that he was God's mes.. Biblioteca Casatanense. 43. As prophets wcrc the main In a simpler way. strong prophetic elcments contained in Islam. f. putes among the three rcligions "of thc Book". L. 130 137.39. with as important a political son of God.45)?'1ll Thesc questions The image of Jesus in the doublc role of Messiah and second per. 1 :in Epalza.

40:67. FF. 165. especially where it says the Koranic version of the figures of Jesus and Mary . Nfoses and bis successors were Saracens. 44 46 Cardaillac. pp. Believers had thc oblig.: op. The building of as belicved by Ibn I:Jazm. Only aftcr this episode took place was Isaac's birth announced parts of the Bible. probably The Virgin Mary was chosen as another favourite controversia! duc to Christian and Jewish polemics. . was discussed author considcrcd it appropriate. 3:30. Still.ul:iarnmad within these same Scripturcs which thcy and Muslims claimed to descend from him. CE. 14 7. it was Bcing a prophctic-based religion. ZC. L.176]. and thc :Niuslim's part was cut whenevcr the Jesus's virginal conccption.. 169. at Cana [Koran 5:109. see Daniel. scveral verses.'16 At the end of thc Middlc Agcs sincc this idea appeared in De generatione JV!achometi. 4 ~ that cvcn thc lattcr could be savcd through thc Koran [sura 46:28-31. a main point being that Noah.Montecrocc. by mak.: La Tu[ifa _. 148 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 149 in thc third pcrson.: Jesus ota. but thc formcr insisted considered corrupt. 214-219. pp. 43 Jomier.220. of centuries. given their hatred for each othcr and thc Mary with Mariam. 126r--.: Disputatio. their sto. This left room for the Islamic interprctation of certain chosen sacrificc. M. sin: why would God creatc man with a sin? Why should man commit Torquemada emphasized the fact that Nfary could not possibly have sin if he were good from the beginning? Tbis contradiction implied such an impure tbing as menstruation. From thc tcnth century onwards.. p. As an institution.mate branch. ZC. Nor could thcy acccpt hazard or predcsti. . justified by God leaving crcation to go its own consoled by Jesus was rcjccted on the grounds that Christ could not way (CE. The Koran teaches that man was created out have spoken at that time. Finally. that thc attacks of Islam were clirected. 137v. First. whcrc both rcligions agrccd. Moses's sister [Koran.141r]. or else they had changed them physi- tion of thc figure of Ishmael. 66:6. N. 130v. 137v]. they sought a Meccan sanctuary by Abraham was dcnicd [CE.121. p. R . ZC.133]. by Luke. 41]: both Christians referen ces to M. Abraham. Only one Christian writer. to softer condemnation. Evcn diffcrent views they had about their sacrecl Scripturcs [CE. S. and was also used there were two theories on this subjcct: cither the Christians had in the Fortalitium [l l 6v]. Islam statcd that God guided rejected on the grounds that it had spoiledjesus's mcssagc by a work men in their path towards bim through guides sent from heaven. and this statement was also New Testament states that he performcd none beforc thc wcdding discussed by Torquemada [suras 16:4. For a longer explanation. 115. l 93 ff. 154. nor was she accuscd by her that God had created evil. likc thc convcrt al-Tabarf in bis Book about Religi. Certain texts in the Koran insist on the idea that the ation to obey them in ordcr to please God. 140r]. to Abraham [CE. somcthing which Christian authors could neighbours of commiting adultery-in fact. . ~:. classified in different ranks.Test. FF.: "La noción de profeta en el Islam" Documentación Afro-asiática (1972). 32:8. thought into a number of stages. +7 Epalza. 57. 7:72. as did al-Ghazzail.165]. analyzed accurately dcmons and dj1nns. thc Islamic version of other creatures--angels. Islam answered by attempting a rchabilita. it was against the Church as the image of Jesus on earth CE. 130.on on being thc lcgiti. sce . 12lr]. Goldzíher. Muslim theologians developed this ries were also different in thc Koran. M. 109. Their mission was to erences to Mul. becausc the of a clot of blood or a drop of fluid.iammad. 140r. CE. Thc wholc family trcc was traced and the State (Kitab al-din wa-l-dawlii).ing him the object of Abraham's cally. 22:5. cit. [Koran 5:52. William of Trípoli. For thc argumcnt of jewish prophets not beíng Epalza. delcting ali ref- whose arrival was a privileged time in history.70. quotíng I. modi:fied the sense of the texts. 126. l. 35: 11. from total corruption of the texts. since Islam had partly accepted the importance of her role in that the Bible could not be forged and corruptcd at the same time the history of salvation. the Koran was accused of confusing by Christians and Jcws. ZC.· The Gospcl had bccn misinterpreted.117.34.33. 139v]. thus making his first miraclc. 57:27]. 78-90. on the grounds of the conccption by the Holy Spirit or "divine breath" Muslims demonstratcd total ignorance of the concept of original [CE. p.: Islam and the f!l. which Muslims understood were implied in bring men God's commandments and advice. 57-69. 43 Although Islam admitted Bible had been corrupted by Jews and Christians throughout history all the prophets in the Bible. Thc story of her giving birth under a palm-trec and being nation in history. 19:16. t: 84v. Finally. Saracens. 44 thc theory of a change in the general sense was accepted.129]. 2.47 Christian vvriters maintained topic.was sevcrcly criticized. 164.127v. this question is suggestcd not admit [CE. 220-223.

probably thcy ínvolved the figure of a pricst bctwecn God and man. and no that which concerns thcoretical questions. and the four self had dcclared to havc false passages. whereas ali that but. this overview is enough to realize what points Christian was false was due to Muhammad's evil. cit. and the Tradition. ali the othcrs are false ciation. Judaism. where suqjects tend to way. for thc Last Day. Its metaphors. Koran seldom appear. Sec also Montccroc(:. 120r]. in the case of concubines). Sacramcnts were strange to Muslim eyes because bcr of Muslim scholars had worked to arrangc the Koran. Thc most characteristic approach was that of Nicholas of Cusa in This list of misconceptions of Christianity could be made much his Cribratio Alchorani.150 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TR. . malikite. p. true faith which must be bclicvcd as a whole. Christian authors can show thcir contempt for and thcrcfore do not grant salvation-such is the case of Islam.: Disp11tatio. Evangelists was one of the proofs that the Gospels had becn inspired They also refuted the possibility that revelation carne as an answer by God to several people in diffcrent places. C.: op. namely Sabelians. thc inspired by thc dcvil [FF. the Church had been divided into several sects [FF. R. R. in thc eyes of Christian theologians. the idea that a num- On the other hand. ~ 11 Cardaillac. Islam and Christianity had placed the F'irstly. But. for example. s . Torquemada Ali the treatiscs studied dcal with two aspects of religious controvcrsy: reactcd by arguing that nobody could be saved but thc just. probably. based on the Koran. p. f. . 52 Anawati. i. 130v ··l3lr]. ~· 1 Montecroce. according to Tradition. No Christian could accept a Scripture which l\!lul. but his own:12 Whereas quotations from the Biblc are abundant. p. 8lv. exccpt in thosc chapters quotcd from very probably becausc thc most important in the Península was only the spccíal authors like William of Trípoli or Ricoldo de l\!Iontecrocc.ammad and his followers were compared Thesc commentarics were combined with the arguments takcn from to the sects which had spread from Christendom. bccause it could not stand corripar- ison with true Revelation. 345. 50 Daniel. Usually. cit. ~ 0 proof for Muslims that the Gospels had bccn intcrpreted and changed Thc other big question about the validity of the Koran was abroga- by the authors. 130v. CE. 6. FF. belief (Koran 2:4. This would be too long and tedious were true. 145. chaptcr 4]. Islamic doctrine itself. sincc l\!Iu}:iammad did not authors did discuss out of Muslim criticism of Christian sources. 119r]. from one revelation to another [FF. 124v. [FF.: Disputatio. N cvcrthelcss. scek God's glory. 171. was not accepted [FF. N. Scc . l 19vJ.: 11·/am and tlw West. This would make God a liar. the Koranic statement that everybody could be saved within his own b) lslamic doctrine . Son of God.EA TISES 151 If Christians claimed that the existence of four versions by four historic-apocalyptic images49 were sorne of the objections [FF. quoting a largc part of the treatises. where he tried to read the text ín a Christian l~nger.iammad him- thc Torah and thc Christian rendering of the Bible. 80v.: op. Islamic sexual practices. MuQ. thcrc is no clear differcn.Jom1er. 274.: Disputatio. L. 51 Also. Thcrc is only onc practices connected with daily lifc. tice was in fact. despite condcmnation of ccrtain attitudcs by thc The point of Islam was to serve as a warning to prepare believers Church (namely. finding ín the Koran traces of Christian beliefs. a fact which dcprived it of legitimacy and cohercnce. Arians. G. 119r-v].c. the discontinuity of suras. thc Biblc. 121 r-v]. f.. Such was the feeling of Ibn I:Iazm. Gospcls among thcmsclves.was the excuse to assumc that it was valuc for salvation disappeared since the rcsurrection of Jesus.. nor wcrc law schools. and the lack of •19 .. those from thc Sccts within Islam wcrc not acknowledged. Manicheans. 84v. the uniqueness of thc Koranic style was qucstioned [ZC. regarding Jews and Christians) was severely critic- izcd as a dangerous error which encouraged sectarianism. same emphasis on this eschatological aim [FF. for he changed his mind and creeds. Thór a refcrcncc to its compilation.Niontccroce. . If something be repeated in different places. [ 79v. 48 Espina quotcd from l\!lontccrocc that only three thousand words were Anothcr qucstion of prestige was pointed out by Muslim thcologians: true in the Koran out of twclvc thousand contained in the book after its foundation. the same point was the to actual human problems. etc. which is not rcasonable [CE.154].: Nicolas de Cues et le jJrobleme de rlslam. it was necessarily taken from thc Gospel. but ncvcr realizc how similar Christian prac. However. on the other hand. and criticism of religious man is just but he who belicves in the true God. whcn he compared tion. 131r-l32r]. R. p.

: lrlam and the West. Faith--manifested in thc scntcncc "I confcss that thcre is Onc from the beginnings of Islam. the word "creation" meant making something implies a ccrtain acknowledgement of sincere devotion in Muslims. Espina did not use it as a dialectical Although both religions saw history as a path to Paradise or con. Espina goes as far as saying that he had bcen informed by some- Creation as presented in the Koran was not acceptable for Christian body who had bcen in Granada shortly befare [FF. was regarded by l\!luslims as fate.iammad is his messcnger"-··· -was dcfinitely not enough philosophical explanations with thcologi. which every author who had lived in Islamic countries had realised. It is strangc to think that any Christian writer would omit demnation. was brought into had been askcd to pay homagc to Adam as God's favourite crea. weapon . 13lr. and would not have any reason to be about the current religious practices of Muslims within the territory. like the sky.cult whcn analising whether Adam's soul is mainly an acknowledgement of God and future life. and confession was a portion of God's. pillars of Islam would provide the basis far a holy life. Likewise. made of firc. 8lr]. According to thc Koran. not sccm to be much worricd about the shahada in itsclf. had touchcd the moon and made it darkcr [CE. Al1 thc authors wcrc deeply struck by the physical nature of this Paradise·-. which was made up of smoke coming from steam. or if cvery human soul had been madc out of this belief was considered enough to be saved. síncc was that of Paradise as dcscribcd by Mul. This madc Daniel have also notcd that the Koran itself was the main source Torqucmada compare Mul. 53 Things without constructions. A as the Church had consídered them sínce thc third ccntury. Espina The last. And the Koran itself and its commentators ture. 119v. but other authors likc saw as providcnce.ammad to Dcmocritus and Epicureus. Although far salvation [ZC. The criticism on this subject had been thc samc 115]. 172. which is quite un.iammad [CE. difficult to explain the character of such a person within Islam. 145-154]. 169-174]. but was following: angels could not be corporeal. his Prophet as the first condition to attain salvation. p. But the worst was to accept that angels itself about faith not bcing enough for salvation. . FF. which could not be provided by Islam [CE. 154-168]. The Monotheistic religions are usually exclusive regarding salvation. 53 Daniel. 139r.152 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 153 Christians could not accept that Christ would not be the Judge. out of nothing. He dísagreed on thc a minister was needed-like thc Friday sermon in mosqucs. 13lv·-132r. They number of prejudices also played an important role in thc discussion. 130. But even where of his treatise to this suqject [CE. or Usually th~se writers who livcd without any contact with thc Muslim the sun and the moon madc of the samc light exccpt that Gabriel population tended to be more critical towards Islamic rítcs.133]. physical appearance of Paradise. 187-207. Disputatio. Thc abscnce of sacraments and priests in Islam made attracted much more attention. 120v]. so Torquemada devoted six chapters it difficult far both rcligions to compare their rituals. For a start. 110-· Christian tradition. FF. ZC. 132v]. The Koran spoke about things made out of othcrs. This was absolutely impossiblc taken that angels stand betwccn had alrcady emphasizcd this acknowledgement of an only God and God and man. ·angels were unaware of God. The only means to achicve it was real lmowledge God's throne in heaven. However. for they werc pure souls and they wcre needed to hold lcss for salvation. The of the names of things bcfore Adam namcd them.understood as a divine arder governing Christian authors in the Península took good care to be infarmcd creation-would not e. but spiritual. could not possibly commit sin. criticism related to the end of the world el. thcre was another difforence in orientation: what Christians such a proof of Mu}:lammad's depravation. created [CE. for this argument. so it would be Adam who should honour them. 145-154]. although the five of a single original souL These are complex philosophical qucstions. 138r. Islam qucstion became more diffi. baptism and the other sacraments wcrc the way to Paradise does not even try. and topics were repeated combining God and Mul. It seems that the question of angels and demons [CE. and a garden of delights-. as opposed to the spiritual joys promised by that he would stand befare the tribunal as did cvcry man [CE. as the Fathers of the Church the sccond part of the Liber Scalae cxplaincd in seventeen titles the had stated long befare. the Islamic controvcrsy. and Espina Christians.. This theologians. 13lr.xist. nor could they die befare the day of Recitation of the shahada was widcly knovvn and considered use- Judgement. long discussion which had taken place within the Christian Church acceptablc for T orquemada. 174-1 76]. for but Torquemada merely mcntions them [CE.

60 When MuJ:iarnmad forbade thc use with success well after thc fiftccnth ccntury. thc call to praycr was forbidden in ritual purity. It was also considered a rcproach to Christians Preliminary ablutions wcrc traditionally accepted as a means for and an act of solidarity against them. it could never rcplace baptism [FF. thc But Christians seldom knew what Islamic prayers consisted of Sorne call to prayer was considered as much a social as a religious ritual. each othcr. churches/mosqucs werc thc first controversy between Islam and Christianity and continucd to meet target in conquest and razzias. who did not practice 56 Epalza.iammacl's commandment. ~aliit (praycr). who followed sura 2. although he givcs both the same namc: utc thcse precepts to MuJ:iammad. 59 New Castilian legislation on this matter was issued by baptism-. . to heavcn as the origin of the five Islamic prayers. but it was ncver fully implemented. . whcrcas for Muslims. For many also used water to wash the interior of man. Bunes !barra.: La imagen de los musulmanes . Aragon and punished with the dcath penalty. . 60 235-237. 58 Being a public proclamation of the Prophet. 58 See Fernández y González. M. but none mentioncd settled in a neighbourhood as opposed to thc Christian community raka. becausc water was unable to clean internal faults. paradoxically. This was again suspended by the bishop two suppose that Muslims used ablutions for the remission of sins. F. l 32r]-which.154 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATJSES 155 he <lid not devote a single page of commentary to it-leaving it in thc same habits. the cult of thc Moon and Venus. Lateran Council. so it led to a number of laws externa! cleansing. 59 Boswell. . .: 11"/am and the T1Vest.377.. ut patet. pp. they knew about which inv<?lved the participation in praycr of a whole community the reading of the Koran and repetition of verses.--it was just "The baptism of Saraccns only consists of an ablution of the body a classical error in Christian treatises. polemicists compared thcm to the monastic hours.iit or other gestures which might havc surpriscd them. % Espina added the famous rccommendation of mak- favour of the argument about thc call to prayer. bcing dcprived of the Alcorano. As soon as their prccminence was a fact. instead of the Koran-. [ 132r: "Baptisma vero saracenorum solum se cxtendit ad ablucionem membrorum proptcr inmundiciam corum ex coytu vel egestione. pp. Strictly spcaking. It seems that From now on. 264.. and then reduced thanks to Moses's interccssion. we shall be following thc Fortalitium in ils list of he realized thc differcnce between washing before praycr and Christian Islamic precepts. suggesting a l\lluslim source which has not ing.. p. mosques were ancient Christian churches which Francesc Eiximenis related Islamic tastc for water and baths to l\lluslims had transformcd. A. J: The Rf!Yal 7i-easure. But an oral agreement with the king was reachcd in 135 7 (ghusl. substitutc for confrssion..rnmmad's ascent [FF. 31. drawn from the need for ritual purity aftcr sexual intercourse and and later rcvcalcd to David. IvI. Espina's first mistake was to attrib. they to help this practice and uscd to drink a lot of water at Mu}.: Estado social . " J\!facel ·lania Joan Ji'uster. wore broad robes sidered it an outrage. Eiximenis also noted of bells just to differ from Christians-so it was said-the latter con- that Muslims used to wash thcmsclvcs very often. 376. 5·5 Most important Churches and mosques became the symbol of two religions facing of all. de: "Un logos cristia .. Washing was seldom mentioned in relation to prayer. Another particularity is the arder members after their becoming dirty due to sexual intercourse or eat- used by the Franciscan. but they wcre considered unsuitable for providing from Christian rulcrs. . or perhaps the information brought by sorne clerk Christian writers often tllought that Muslims saw ablution as a travelling in Muslim lands. The line was According to Tradition. thc samc as bells as opposed to thc mu'adhdhin. Thc fact that both employed water made Christians in cxchange for payment. 218-219.. pp. Solomon.--like ycars later." 51 Longás.: op. ing ablutions with sand where water was not availablc.. This commonplacc had bccn uscd since the bcginning of ter from what sidc of the conflict. living sidc by sidc. one for befare praying.. Christian chroniclcrs.ü. p... first ordered to Ali public manifestation of Islam had be en forbiddcn in the IV be fifty by God. p.which never existcd in Islam.. haptism.). 139v]. The Cow. cit. and that was the most criticized aspect of ablutions Cathcrine of Lancaster in 1433. In 1311.. 55 For a longcr discussion on the subject. to the outragc of Christians. except in thc Moorish nor was thc distinction made between different types of ablution quarters.. N . which in Christianity required confüssion befare mass each time of thc day:14 The Liber scalae refers to Mul. 57 FF. . Jacob and Jonah. No mat- eroticism. see Daniel. both of whom inspired their mosques entailed an offcncc on the part of Christians. wuef. P. as appears in the Koran" _57 been located yet. was first pcrformed by Adam. 64.

cañas in Spanish) consisted of a hanged target pp. l 32r]. beast-fights. it was sccn as a good augury for thc to Islam.lan.v]. rfjihiid was considered as onc of the means used by playing al-tabla (with lances). They soon found new ways. 263. 62 The gamcs took place in the two main squares in Granada (al-Ramla and al- Tawwabin) and within the precincts of the Alhambra. 61 the cult of idols at the Meccan sanctuary. Another aim of pilgrimagc was the visit to the Prophet's shrine- ing during the day and eating at night. Espina to criticise Muhammad for having accepted them at <Umar's fasting and prohibitcd food were often mentíoncd in trcatises. On following ycar. mcntioned this possibility. The chroniclers who mcntion these entertainments 63 Boswcll. Violence was rejected by Christian authors as being opposed to More practica! issues were described. because it <lid not convey the idea of self-renunciation and Neither Torquemada or Espina.: "Las fiestas profanas y Montecrocc. 132r]. The annoyance of Muslim communities. Howcver. and more difficult for the VI/e werc taught to fast. Alonso qucstioning [FF. About the aforemcntioncd thrce precepts. . it would be done without wcapons [FF. Since the expansion of Islam. in which he is worth no more than being the last disciple .91. After that. which convert Pedro Alfonso had transmitted the Arabic traditions about are mentioned in inquisition records. pray and give alms infinitely long befo re the authorities to control. which was attacked with lances.: Disputatio. Moveinent of vast numbcrs of people with a amazing sect of thls Mul]anunad. local pilgrim- Torquemada only madc one comment: age had increased and was both easier for people living in such a distant corner as the Iberian Península. age and pregnant women. . who could not He kncw about the exemptions admittcd for the ill. and lapidation were rituals known to Christian clergy. 63 thcm complete freedom at night [CE. based on the celebrations Christ's message of love. cit. 62 theology (if this existed in pre-Islamic times) could accept bis doc- trine at first.lammad religious cause within thc boundaries of Christendom attractcd too as thc first master in thosc things. also celebrated the night when the Koran descended from Hcaven. l 32r. fully undcrstand thc new meaning of these pagan customs. Espina's discussion was quite de Espina rcfcrred to took place in thc kingdom of Granada: the night of the Feast. On the wholc. l 20r. 54. FF. a custom which has been recorded by Mu}:iammad to attract followers to his cause. See Al-Abbadf.. the moon calendar [FF.: op. much atterition. 86r." 1Hücelá11ea de Estudios Arabes y Hebraicos XIV-XV. vvho His criticism focused on accusing Mu}:tammad of encouraging the allowed pilgrimages to the shrines of IVIuslim saints in Godalesc and Arabs' lust by trying to constrain them during the day while allowing forbade the practice of charging them to cnter the mosque to pray. R. l 33r].156 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 157 answercd by stopping the call to prayer [FF. those on pilgrim. 90. Two traditions wcrc quoted for Another díssuasíve weapon imposed by Pedro was to forbid Muslims the origins of the Festival: the feast was institutcd by Mul. the use of weapons to attain the enemy's conversion. were it God's will to convert somebody the animal befare its death. thus to cornmemorate Abraham>s sacrifice of a ram instead of hís son. [CE. kings were more tolerant within their realms. 64 were lbn al-Khatlb and al-Maqqarl. to thc great Pilgrimage to IVIecca was considered from severa! viewpoints. such as playing the bugle. p. thc king and his knights went jousting and the other hand. P. 34]. No Arabic expert in contemporary Muslim chroniclers. f. Stop> stop wanting to sce Mul. they were refused thc opportunity to visit Mecca.: op. as was traditional in Christian or rather the place where his body was supposcd to be buried. like Pedro the Great of Aragon. accurate as far as Islamic sources are conccrned.ammad from outsidc the city to eat meat from the Moorish quarter. M. . If shc saw was quoted as saying that. and dcscribcd thc dctails of fasting [FF. writers. Circumambulation scended from heaven. religiosas en el Reino de Granada. 34. Fast (cld al-Fitr) compared to Jewish Passover because both followed making the king's "tolerant" measure just a way to control his subjects. 64 and the Koran the king used to sacrificc a ram and takc it to the queen. but nevertheless criticized the idea of fast. and cven less Pedro de la Cavalleria sacrifice required for fasting.. l 32v]. Espina described the festival of Breaking JVIuslim countries. it making them fast. The gamc mcn. Although Pope Clement forbade it. tíoned by Espina (al-tabla in Arabic. which were reproduced by While the obligation of almsgiving (zakiit) was not usually criticized. when Aragonese Muslims were forbidden to travel to other Following Ramac. l 32r]. horse raccs and jousts with Christians from the valley. cit. as thc month when the Koran de. but he succeeded by persuading simple peoplc who 61 Longás. A prophet was not supposed to encourage whi. There wcrc also bullfights. p.

r. Still more emphasis was made on the repucliation [FF.. No Christian writer tried as long as his military triumphs. DM. J. see Boswcll. As a result. and was therefore absolutely a way to appease their lust. it was could not claim that success rneant divine approval because then any not recommended either for -the education of children nor ce1iainty defeat would involve God's abandon. and in the same way many common to all religious writcrs. kili the adversaries of God. the re. M.: Disputatio. Thc information. whosc ment was thc mcthod chosen by Espina to approach the matter [FF.. specific. Law forbade sexual intercourse between Mudcjars and Christians. l 32v] was taken out of context-the strugglc Alonso de Espina contributcs by justifying the early examples of against pagan tribcs in the Arabian Península. especially aftcr the pagan of parenthood. un-Islamíc. 176--179]: first of all. The next did not consider all these measurcs in their arguments: they left them reasons sccm quite advanccd for his time.158 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREA TISES 159 were ready to follow him in his enterprise as a way to conquer the equality of human beings. According to Cavalleria. were decidedly opposed to the Islamic vicw. The consequencc was endogamy 139v]. 86r. Thc same was applied to marriagc between Christians and apart from concubincs. concubinage. f. Clcrgy used to bccome the wives of Christ". 2: "They course between both religions in every Peninsular kingdom. make prisoners. p. 129. licence given to the prophets. Apart for the sins of Christians [ZC.ammad's evil and a punislunent adultcry if the wifc had marricd another person in between. . drowning. although it was not so one. listed in Aragonesc laws: firc. l 37r]. polyg- rob. "they had Koran and Tradition [CE. 375. with ali their rights. it is against I Gen. In the order of creation. CE. disrcgarding established in Alfonso X's Partl:das. The Ordinance eties. as MuQ. The death penalty was the punishment compare Christian and Islamic theory on this subjcct. that MuQ.ammad clid-[FF. p.: "Los mudéjares de Castilla en la Baja Edad Media". who chose several females. Criticism of polygamy quoting the New Testa~ Muslims. Daniel. ch. CE. he considers men should not be allowed closest territories and impose their tyranny ovcr thcm [CE. slavery. misundcrstanding of thc spirit of djíhad was a fcature love is not possible among many people.187. In this case. FF. ject was marriage and all the legislation derived from it in both the even with Christian prostitutes because. Nforeover. l 19v]. 65 to analysc possiblc motives for the establishment of such an institu- Food prohibitions did not deservc much comment except a simple tion within the Arabic tribal systcm at the origins of Islam. 66 Torquemada startcd by a long considcration about why polygamy There was a whole series of law-codes concerning sexual inter- is unlawful [CE.ammad as saying that his power would last had becn ordered only for carnal pleasure. except for sexual intercourse with Mudcjar women. 133r]. etc. It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that thc favourite sub. giving them thc title of "official" wives. 138r. ZC. 133r. who in any case did not enjoy it as spect duc to the peoplc of the Book. N. l 33r. situation was the most unprotected. Muslims from increasing thc numbcr of "legal wives" in sorne cases. Tartars had triumphed over them. and a whole range of possibilities the fact that concubínage and aclultery were common within both soci. p. it was a commandmcnt to Christians ignored the dhímma institution. due to baptism. and thcrcforc against natural law. A. 186]. 34. given that it Nfontecrocc quoted MuQ. He failed to scc that Christians Torquemada made yet another distinction betwccn polygamy and often used thc same reasoning for their own victories. R.213.ammad had ordered his followcrs "to to distinguish man from the beasts. 207. Criticism of the latter was even harder. IX]. Although comparison to J ewish habits. IVIontccroce. restrictions concerning relatives were well notcd within the Mud~jar community which was at the samc time thc key [FF. only differing in that Islam aliowed sevcral wives instcad of of 1412 maintaíned the spirit of these laws. polygamy unless women were granted the same right. Based on thc principle of 66 Ladero Quesada.: 17ie Rr!JaÍ 1í·easure. and thc statcment that Christians wcre Torquemada might seem quite openmindcd for his time. 344. and to persecutc amy is a step backwards in this construction.: Islam and the T1Vest. Fortunatcly. love helps by Pedro Alfonso. which was generally considered to the world. 176. For Aragón. thcm in every way" [FF. transmittcd again wives cannot be loved equaliy. 246]. an expression of MuQ. to their feeling of iclentity. Holy war was considercd an incorrect way of introducing Islam 79---183] and readmission of wives. Theologians were two in onc flesh". Thc cxtcnsion of this polygamy containcd in the Old Tcstamcnt. Howcver. his opinions permitted ali kinds of food [CE.

143. was connected to Friday observance was ncver found. was orientated from the Península. 119v] told in of prayer would coincide with the Jewish one (West) or the Christian the hadith. such as the story of angels Aroth and Maroth [FF. takcn from other geographical points. The first one speal{s of retalia- grcat contradictions in the Koran. It is quite womcn and children-was emphasized. who got drunk in ordcr to posscs a woman. he probably feared his men would then G Ibidem. The same occurred with regard ZC. whcrcas Christian Friday obscrvance was at first linked to the cult of Venus [CE. 186]. 386. The best reason he could give for Mu}:iammad's strictness was But the best part of the argument is when he takes l\IIu}:i. 132r. p. which had already been of winc if he considered it so dangerous? The answcr to this paradox discussed within the. 63 for fornication as comparcd to Moscs's law [FF. "sodornitc" was considered a grcat insult. p. because it was admitted and con. No further comment is made about these issues. . tion as the penalcy for murdcr. he was awarc that Islam rejectcd it. l 33v]. N. Later on. Sorne writers took and prayer. was strange to Peninsular writers.l 20v. and so on. Ricoldo de Montecrocc was the first to Continuing with social legislation. and not Mu}:iammad's tvvcen drinking and being drunk-which could in fact be considered [FF. upon such trivial affairs. This account one (East). causing disturbances and murders. and influence on weak members of society. CE. without napkins. P. thcologians: how could Mul:iammad promisc a Paradise with rivers The question of thc dircction of thc qibla. about inhcritance. a male witness prevails over female tes- atry madc by the Christian Fathcrs. Islamic law with eighcy whips according to the Breviario Sunni. Still. Mu}:iammad's efforts to be different from the made Torquemada exclaim that such a conduct was in no way pro- two older rcligions would be the cause for his commandment-he per of angels but rathcr of demons. \·ve fmd the following three pre- analyse the problem in depth. to witnesses: in Islamic law. from their heads to place them on the fire. be included in a chapter on rcligious precepts-probably the distinc- lady of Corozan. holding sardines from their tails versus holding them sidcrcd dangerous. 133v].ammad's that the Prophet was trying to preserve peace within his community: desirc for diíference to everyday habits such as sitting at the table Arabs livcd in a hot area. The second In fact. but thcy do provide a new clue to understand- If the crime was adultery or fornication among l\IIuslims. when it <lid precisely the oppositc religious communities. the direction ing. 34. tive argument read on this subject. It is interesting to sce that he did Several popular traditions were introduced into theological reason- not realize that. 344--345. a sin. He considered sodomy as one of the cepts taken from Koran 2:178-182. FF. which was punishcd onc. The cardinal again differenciatcd be- still forgcts it is really a Koranic commandment. l l 9v. Espina says it should look to the South. Islamic world. Inste ad thcy referred to the theoretical bases for Christians versus sitting on the floor (Muslims). 133v]. 69 made fcmalcs inherit half the portion of a man. 67 Christian community. 207-213]. l\!lixture at this level was con. where drinking strong wine would make thcm drunk casily. eating with or which could be applied to intolerance. laws conceded equal parts to both.: Islam and the West. This feeling can be more worrying than simple Llnked to the supposed lust of Arab people was the belief that religious thcorctical controversy for the cocxistencc of three social and the Koran encouraged sodomy. Once again. othcr rcasons were timonies. lapidation for adultery and whípping demned in the same sura. according to the legend of his marriage to Khadidja. Membcrs of sociccy with less peculiar that a theologian of his rank would descend to commcnt power were penalized for unions which thc powerful could afford. forgivcness ing that unease social rclations were starting to creatc among the was granted through payment. dcsire of distinction from Christian observancc of Sunday andJewish The prohibition of wine always posed the samc problem to Christian observance of thc Sabbath. This is doubtless the most imagina- 69 Gayangos. [FF. 138r. pp. 133v] in the context of the accusations of idol. rise against him [CE.160 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 161 to politic al lcadcrs. de: Tratados de legislaúón musulmana. 68 Daniel. or formal given for this choice. such as Friday being the day whcn Mu}:iarnmad explanation is given of why thcsc principles of social legislation should was crowned king. Given that 7 l\IIul:iammad was a tyrant. whcre Mecca the prohibition to involve grapes and non-alcoholic wine [FF. Better informed theologians pointcd to Mu]:iammad's tion was not as precise for thc writcrs as it is nowadays. but many discussions followed.

72 Epalza. 139v·-l 40r]. Miracles could be performed by anyone chosen by God for a Jewish practicc was that they were fulfilling Abraham's law. in order to maintain that it had not been practiscd. given diflerence betwccn adoring a statue and adoring somcthing beyond their preaching skills thcy had to support thc argument [FF. 133. were unacceptable. l 19v-120v. i.e. thcy were clear proof of this state for Islamic popular bath. M. in ordcr to hclp believers to not by thc Koran itself Two traditions were mentioned: the first rcmcmber Him. Jesus was accepted as the great- Arabian Pcninsula..106.. Thc last response was taken back to the origins powcr to pcrform miracles. los ntos JUda1cos_. p . 70 law prohibíted human representation. 105. ch.162 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 163 The mattcr of disputes was classical in polcmic litcrature. . CE. According to Eiximenis. given to him by the Virgin hcrself----. Christian e) Other a.. miracles did not prove oflslam.: ] esus otage. Also Epalza. 0 mad provided by thc Syrian Apology to ridicule the Prophct [FF. M . pp. Islamic answer to the question of why thcy did continuc the faith. Yet. : ]esus olage.: Crónica de Enrique IV. For a start. for he accuscd sorne converws by Torquemada..".nombre de christianos retaxaban sus hijos. which were only permittcd in thc Roman Church. miracles which had to do with saints and lvlary-such as thc story of St. This was rejected on the grounds J esus's crucifixion. Juan de Segovia was one of not understand. pp.Moses's befare the king of practising the ritual in secret. as major ablution was thought Christian writers used the list of false miracles attributed to Muham- to have been when the first Christians became Muslims [FF. and Nicholas of Cusa was ready to follow. IV]. XII.143. Ildephonse's cloak.d ~astifü~. y c_o:i . ch. 206: " .tammad. the Cross was rejectcd onc. Circumcision was in this context an attempt to est miracle-mal(er after Mul. 136~137v. This is the most interesting and accurate piece of the argument. 136vJ. and were nota sign of God's particular preference. i. was that Mul_iammad had becn as an object of devotion. ivl. forgetting that he had already warned Muslirns Muslirns felt the need to counterattack at this point. mainly because Muslims did not acccpt circumcised in his mother's womb. . In relation to this discussion. rcprcscntations other than Islam andJudaism. for a start. . an God's. N. 184. the Koran did not refer to it in the verses quotcd action was both theoretical and practical.138]. while he was having a prophethood. guardando . The sccond had him Despite Mul_iammad's efforts to eradicate miracles as a sign of circumcised by Gabriel once he was born. 74·. 71. and 'Isa ibn about believing in miracles. the matter was this practice dcspitc it bcing recommended only by the Sunna-·--··and settlcd whcn the images were God's. In this schcmc. suplicandole que 7 See Daniel. when many supportcrs carne from the Jewish tribes in thc that Christ was the Son of God. Islam did not conceive the and 'Torquemada did not explicitly defend the samc position. But the final cxplanation was The first recrimination to be made was that Muslims prcserved that. His but. as we have seen in chapter 2 [Dlvl. thcre were others in Christian faith which Muslims could basis to be defended in a public argumcnt. . assimilatc these new converts to Islam. 72 in a clear comparison to lvlary's annunciation. p. 71 writers like Ibn al-Samad al-Khazrajf of Cordoba. de: "Un logos :i mandase hacer mqrns1c1on sobre ello para que füesen castigados. adoration of images. DM. and this particular mission. which was broadly acccptcd. for it linked imagcs of thc Virgin and the saints. gave Espina anothcr controversia! subject to discuss. thc crrors of thc old and the newest laws. it: both wcrc considered idolatry.. vino alli [Madrid] el maestro del Espm~ y fray Femando de la Plaza con otros religiosos a notificar al rey co~no :n sus remos avia grande heregia de algunos que judaizaban." crcstia . rcfutation of Djabir recommended a modilication of the typc of circumcision in miracles was vital to refute Islam?~ On the othcr hand.c. 138. Although Espina CE. FF. D. p.. takcn from Byzantine iconoclasm [ZC. One of thc oldcst issues was the argument about the defenders of such a rnethod. 134r.: !l·Lam aud !he ft11esf. CE. always bascd on But anyonc with an important mission would be likcly to have the scriptural argumcnts. 123v--l 24. The second point was adoring Circumcision was one of Espina's dcarcst subjects. 225. 74 Epalza. while making images of idols was forbidden.~jJects qf controverS)1 thcologians could hardly undcrstand why 1\ifuslims were forbiddcn to Just as sorne aspects of Islamic belief were unclear for Christian the- cngagc in rcligious discussion exccpt if thcir religion lacked enough ologians. 74 70 Enriqucz D. 43]. p.: Islamic Literature . 71 Wiegers. 215-216. l 33v]. unnatural ritual which had becn supcrccded by Christ and his N ew Fifteenth-century writcrs had enough references to this problcm Testament [FF. and thcy did not see how two pieces of wood that no such sign had been announced to the Prophct's mother- could be adored. Espina extended the argument to Jews. . G. for Islamic the Breviarw Sunni.

Ipse namque cum Sabclio negavit 78 "On the error. Tredecimo sics. et sic docuit gentes iudayzare. licitum csse plures uxores habere contra Apostolum Prima Corinthiorum. the confrontation of here. 75 ultima hominis bcatitudo est in comcdendo et luxuriando et in vestibus From its origins. crcature. N. Sixth. Islam was lia sua nichil omnino valet nisi complcat legcm et Evvangelium et lib- rum sibi revclatum.164 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 165 d) Nfuslims) Heretfrs and ]ews quod adhuc demones salvabuntur. p. Quinto dicit quod demones their efficacy from Christ's Passion. et in hoc convenit cum sodomitis hereticis. p. licet sarraceni palientur hoc quibusdam honestis or heresies: exposicionibus. he said that whcn God sent Gabriel to him. Thc evi.. and in this he agreed with the Donatist heretics. as venit cum Manichco. ologians undcrstood Islam in the light of what was happening within septimum. The second step shows the errors of trinitatem personarum in divinis.: op. Septimo dicit by most of their members. he said that the demons could be saved by thc Koran and that." (Gen. It is worth noting that thc. he said that the Holy Ghost was 77 Anawati. of Mul:tammad's law. Islam was considered a sect born out of a mixture precíosis et in ortis irriguis et in hoc convenit cum Cherinto herctico et of Christianity and Judaism. Duodecimo docuit apparent in the late medieval Church. a crcature ancl in this he agreed with Maccdonius.ammad's law. who said that even the devils would be saved. simul in JVIachometo et eius lege recolexít ac renovavit. et denicd Christ's Passion. 711 Secundus pasus ostendit errores legis Machometi.: L'hlam et le dialogue islamo-chretien. Y. 263· 267. Secundo docuit Christum esse puram Mul. 77 convenit cum novacianis et donatistis hcrcticis baptisma reycrantibus. vVhence Sergius the monk. Eighth. he travdled to God and God laid his hands upon him. Fourth. Sexto dicit quod quando Deus misit pro eo Gabrielcm. Sevcnth. pp. Et quia negavit Christi passionem negat omnia and kíll the Antichrist.: Islam and the West. Undecimo docuit indifferenter accipcrc uxores alienum Mul. Decimo ponit in capitulo de Mensa quod fami- insisted on considering it a heresy. vVhencc all the old dregs which the devil had disseminatcd were creaturam cum Arria. after his knowledge of Byzantine tra Apostolum ad Ephesios. fuit hereticus arrianus. It made polemic at once desirable and Spiritum Sanctum esse creaturam et in hoc convenit cum Macedonio. Nono ponit quod monastic movcmcnt were recognized as points in common. cit. his shoulders that the cold carne to his spinal marrow. and he felt such a coldness from the touch of God's hands on 75 Moubarac. and aftcrwards God wíll make Him dic. ancl in that he agrccd with Manicheus. once they eis facti sunt sarraceni et in hoc aliqualiter imitatur Origenem qui dixit hacl hcard the Koran. l\!Iatters such as common dcsccnt from Abraham or thc rare Adam et in hoc omnino neminem imitatur.76 as schism becamc et in hoc videtur conveniri cum nicholaytis hereticis. and in this he agreed with 76 Daniel.. Espina and Torquemada themselves devoted chapters taken from Quartodccímo docuit licita esse sodomiam tam cum masculo quam Ricoldo de l\!Iontecroce to the comparison of Islam with other sccts cum femina ut patct in Alchorano capitulo de Vaca. Et in hoc convenit cum Nazareis hereticis lici- tum pónentibus in nova lege articulum de pluraritate uxoris. he taught that Christ was a plain iudei non occiderunt Christum sed qucndam ci similem et in hoc con. Acromoforts. 2). Quarto dicit quod Deus transtulit Christum ad has been said. G. For he denied with Machometi ut dictum est. who was MUI:iammad's tcacher. scilicet Alchoranum. 192. like Aríus. But still Nicolas of Cusa thought docuit uti lotionibus pro baptismatibus in remissionem peccatorum con- Islam to be a revival of Nestorianism. many of them bccame Saracens. 4: "Una fides.. C. Tercio aserit quod Sabellius the Trinity of persons ín God. Second. he said that the Jews did not kili Christ se sed apparebit circa fmcm mundi et occidct Antichristum et pastea but someonc resembling Him. the rupture of schism. he said that God called Christ to Him but He would appear at the end of the world faciet eum Dcus mori. and in this he imitated Origen to sorne cxtcnt. And becausc he sacramenta Ecclesie quae a passione Christi sumpsserunt efficaciam. quod fr:igiditas pervenit usquc ad medulam spine dorsi et in hoc con- dent relation among the thrcc rcligions "of the Book" was perceived venit cum Acromofortis qui ponunt Deum corporcum. compared to several hercsies until its contents were better known. Byzantine polemicists cum quibusdam paganis. Octavo dicit quod aliqui angeli facti sunt dcmones quia nolucrunt ado- difficult. 157. Undc omnium antiquo- rum feccs quas dyabolus sparsim seminaverat. et ideo docuit circumcisionem esse tenendam et in hoc convcnit cum A classification was complex to work out. he clenied ali the Sacraments of the Church which assumed in hoc convenit cum donatistis hereticis. he saíd that sorne angels . so the terms used for Vieme herctico. Third.i. who male God corporeal. possunt salvari per Alchoranum et quod ipsi audito Alcorano multi ex Fifih. et contra constitucionem perfectam legis naturc: "Erunt duo thc Church in thcir particular time: first. Following this trend. was an Arian heretic. in carne una. later. In the beginning. Unde et Sergius monachus qui fuit magistcr collected and renewed by him in Mul~ammad and his law.ammad ranged from "hcrctic" to "schismatic". quod ipse ivit ad Deum et Deus imposuít ei manus Polemics against Judaism and Islam were usually considered together et tantam frigiditatem scnsit ex tactu manus Dei super humeros eius and used by the same authors in defence of Christian faith. unum baptisma". et in hoc polemics.

against the Apostle: 'One tionship in the mid-füteenth century.. spokc cach other's language 81 and used to share their lodgings. ". 80 5 Sec Southern. 65. as compared to thc Jcwish law. p. as stated in the Koran. pp. thcir rcligi. The deformative tcchnique was influenced by Apoc- menis was sure of Mul:iammad's imítation ofJudaism and its precepts. ]. which was quite reasonable given the rarified which Islam fulfilled. Montecroce. · Hillgarth.Judaism). a very intercsting opinion is Demonization of the encmy was more important in Christian than Francesc Eiximenis's. he always introduccd it as something com. Not only <lid legend with sorccrcrs. 78v. cit. although foundation by the devil. he prescribed the use There are a numbcr of documents from Castilian aljamas to prove this rela- of ablutions instead of baptism for the rcmission of sins. The main argument to . against the the . pher to convert to one of thc thrcc rcligions.cs through Mul. Within the Franciscan approach. one baptism'. he stated that the ultimatc human bealitude is eating. The link was established through heretics. 80 Only in comrnon and diffcrences. R. than Christian ones. pp. and legal works. where a dispute among a Jcw. and in this he imi- of both the elite and commoners. Onc of thc most interesting articlcs cm this faith. it was mcntioned together with the Albigensians. H Ruiz. Meyuhas Ginio also agrees. thc Gospels and the Book rcvcaled to him-namely the Koran-· and so he demons--through two diffcrent wives. Mul.. 127. chaptcr of the Cow. M. looked like demons-this thought was even taken to iconography. whose nature was to be evil.dcny thc qualification atmosphere existing in the Península around and aftcr 1391. . he taught to take indiscriminately the wivcs of othcrs. F. Espina tried to explain why IVfol. f. in La. Prof. In addition to this.. rathcr matic and not a hereti. . R.: op.J ews and IVIuslims wcre dealt with togcther in religious scct.. That is the reason why Alonso de tated nobody. that "moors circumcision. 01 ments. rightly in rny vicw. Muslim sources. and against the perfect constitution of natural law: 'They shall be two in onc flesh'. Lyon 14ll7. thc Sodomíte heretics. he was mistaken in most part of the doctrine. 28r. Onc of the first characteristics attributed to them was their rate religion which <lid not have its roots in Christianity. Apostle. and in this he agreed with thc Novatist and Donatist hcretics subject is Gunvirth. on thc othcr hand. : Disputatio. and the popular belief that their members it had been influenced by hereti.ons wcre dcscribcd in association and a pletely different from its supposed origins (Christianity and . 79 likc Llull's Libre del gentil e los tres savis. 02 or women. . Eixi. and in this he is secn to agree with thc Nicolaite had come frorn the devil himself. but there was no general anti-Niuslim feeling they love each other better than they did Christians. T. he asserted in thc chaptcr of the ..Jews and Law.iammad was really a schis. 237 262.: " Un logos crcstia . Ci4-65 . · Alain de Lille shared thís concept of Islam. alyptical literature. XLIX who repeat baptism. 33 Hillgarth thinks. " 8'1 Thc rclation between the Jews and the diabolic existed in the minds wcrc made demons bccause thcy didn't want to adore Adam. p. pp. common remcdy was sought for their attacks against the Church.: "La Inquisición medieval y la moderna . p.Jewish astronomcr who prophesized Muhammad's birth.: Islam and the Mlest. he taught that sodomy was ailowed both with men (1989). Thirteenth. E.forleresse.. Twelfth. p.: op." :)rjarad. When Peter the Venerable was VVTiting his works opposing Islam. J. . Coming from a mixed socicty in Valencia. but Christian writers used to stress the after the Mendicant approach <lid Islam start to be seen as a sepa. but in a much shorter way. It is obvious that both have points thc Waldensians and thc Jcws. a trace of originality in his time.: op. 166 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 167 However. Ninth. and in this he agrccd with Epalza. Litcrary stylcs ranged from theological treatises to didactic dialogues inste ad of dcnying certain points while agreeing with thc rcst. f. but on the contrary. cit. pp. In De fide catholica contra VVe have seen before how most of the Islamic doctrine was discussed hereticos sui temporis..iammad's taught the peoplc to behave like Jews. formcr. he taught that having sevcral wives was pcrmitted. 188--189.Table Sprcacl that his family was worth nothing if they did not comply with the According to the Fortaütium. a Christian and a l\tfuslim is used to try to persuade a pagan philoso- he had already seen it as a possible danger in the place of Manicheism. 82 of hcrctic was that the Prophet did not confess Islam to be a Christian In general. Fourteenth. N.iammad. f. And in this he agreed with the Nazaritc heretics who allowecl in their 81 new law an articlc about [havingl severa! wivcs. l 19r. n:i Barkai. R. and also taught that circumcision should be ancestors had carricd thc dcvil's banners as idolatcrs and the Koran made. Tenlh. Elcvcnth. 39 and Daniel.c. 152-153. ". but they also to compare with that against the Jews [." FF. having Espina could have chosen to íncludc dcmons in his treatise relating intercoursc and precious clothes and watcrcd gardens. 290. 85 thc hcretic Cherintus and with other pagans. There were four conditions to cstablish hercsy.: "Hispano:Jcwish attitudes to thc Moors. food prohibition-and about thc good relationship might occasionally be cquatcd in popular spccch with devils or in cxisting between Jcws and IVIuslims in his homeland. and in this he agreed with them somehow to Jews and Muslims. cit.. Adam had sired to two raccs . 79 FF. although the Saracens conccal this with sorne honest argu. and in this he agreed with Vierne the heretic.

he had to think of sorne Muslims. P. and Muslims togcther. conversos. all from 1183 to 1457. the blindncss of Jews comparcd to the Islamic issuc? A bricf outline of their position will who dcnied thc arrival of the Messiah.: La forteresse.the way to Christian triumph: chapters 11 and 12 describe since. the gatcs óf Toledo to the Muslims at the collapsc of thc Visigoth king- selves as the continuators of Abraham's law. so his interests werc kingdoms or the North of Africa entered the Pcninsula again with much more concentratcd. A. líved side by side. and six steps in Jewish fool- and in chapter XIV. and they opposed not armed resistence but economical power the obligations of Jews while living under Christian power and their to Christian ambitions. A number of cases from Francc. ways to favour pcaccful Iifc wherever several religíous communitics as shall be secn. 89 On this subject. place at the end of the ·world. ten miracles Abraham's laws are discussed related to the use Islam made of them. 88 thosc from the Holy Land. 89 The purely thcological argumcnt follows the same pattern as the Jews and Muslims should be admitted to livc alongsidc Christians book on Muslims: scriptural commentarics to demonstrate the fulfil- 87 FF. gíven that Saracens saw thcm. which was a much more immediate problcm far him. so it is at his work we should look far common interprc. whcrc he stated thcrc was no hope of salvation ishness. Dcspite the fact that Jews were an unsolved ass:imilation? Conversion through miracles could be a way out for problem for Christendom which provided no model for dealing with those chosen by God to remain. that expulsion would be the best way to get rid of the problem of tations of thc problem. in an attempt Jcws aside because the hope of converting them had vanished long to show . He had already dcalt with Conccrning thc four expulsions. etc. f. L. By declaring Moses's law superceded by Christ. see Mcyuhas Gínio. bcing England and France led the way to Sisebute's dccree (616) imposing of converso origin.: op. but the balance was lost in favour of the Thesc parallclisms in stnicture are combined with intcrcsting de- Jews.149.. the Muslim invaders in 714-here we find the two peoples together Finally.90r. which should conduce Jews to conversion.168 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 169 \iVhat werc thc vicws of our four authors on thc Jcwish problem ment of Moscs's law. thc origins of Judaism. Classification methods than in the socio-religious problem posed by the marginal prevails when dealing with seventeen cruelties commited by Jcws. destruction of churches. whcn they will submit completely to Pedro de la Cavalleria planned his work as a refutation of Jews Christians. torture. He must havc left dred and fifty-cight battles of the De Bello Saracenorum. human sacrifices. 86 Harvcy. f. although with different solutions. He was not living too clase to thc J ewish issuc. Sorne commentary of the Koran which would follow. . Italy about the Messiah and the demonstration of the Trinity were devised and Castile were then reported: poison. Lyon 1'187. Meanwhilc. aim to direct a crusade against the Turks. Germany.79v. p. and conversion or migration. errores. The whole argumcnt dom in the Península. cit. pp. four communities. The Jews' cruelties87 startcd when thcy opcncd attack both religions at the same time. he wished to tails within thc text. Thcsc chapters can be considered a counterpart to the hun- for pagans and Jews within their own rcligions. The style of chapters 7 to 12 can be Juan de Segovia was more interested in holy war and preaching compared to the core of the argument against Saracens. The ideas were better hclp to undcrstand why Espina is thc only author who tries to conceal cxplaincd duc to the deeper knowledge of jeV11Ísh somces and Christian both problems at the same time. His rcferences to Jews only occur whcn Moses and expulsions from different tcrritorics throughout history. 132. of them were excerpted from chronícles. im Ibídem. children's to persuade both at the samc time and establish the basis for thc murders. 64. 75r. Those Jews who had flcd to the Frankish popes had no jurisdiction over the community. Espina was cvcn more intcrcstcd in J udaism than he was once more. polemists that Espina had. firstly because t11e subject was too far away from his practica! Alonso de Espina himself). and others were attributed Juan de Torquemada did not mentionjews specifically in his Contra to witnesses or inquisitors (bishop Alfonso de Vivero of Salamanca. 87r. Was Espina providing historical antecedents to suggest in Islam. 86 sorne of Espina's plans wcre applicable to both groups.

a Christian statc was not supposed to be exclusively Christian. The loss of political power was a difficult issue in a structure whose head. before the end of the fifteenth century. Lyon 1487.2 but the coexisting habits created throughout thc Middlc Agcs slowed clown the trend. TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION wne Spirit ef tlze Laws)' Laws can be read in an extcnsive way. 2 Epalza. p. J. f. vus . p. The aljama had been established for five particular purposcs: to acknowledge de facto Christian authority while preserving an interna! 1 Harvcy. P. living under non-Muslim authorities was not con- sidered in their laws. 1503). it is necessary to study both aspects togethcr. ". It must be taken into account that. l..riati.' But for Muslims.que (1927). royal legislation sharcd a place with ccclesiastical regulations and recommcndations. so that the catholic faith would be confirmed.170 CHAPTER SIX in the name of charity. Clerical writers were well aware of this. the caliph.17. . in memory of Jesus's passion. 9lv. 9 ° FF. AJ:¡mad b. so it can nevcr be forgotten." Journal A. who had himself fied to Oran from Almagro. divine justice could be shown-they were charged with Christ's death-.: "Lcttrc clu moufti d 'Oran aux musulmans cl'Andalousic. '.l Although al-Wansharlshí recommended emigration. they can help to build sorne sort of picture of nearby communities. de: "Les morisqucs.. In a society whcrc religious and laic principles were mixed. 64. See Cantincau. 90 How this situation could be arranged in arder to cause as little damagc to THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: thc Christian faith as possiblc. which tells a gTeat <leal about how people conceivcd theír civilization. and was much more sympathctic lo his fcllow-:Niuslims. was both a religious and a secular lcadcr. L. 3 Closely related to thc loss of Arabic as their distinctive language was the decline of aljamas as the cell of Islamic communitary organi- zation. At the same time. is thc subject of the following section. cit.. the advancc of Christian powcr in the Península should have resulted in emigTation or conversion. l\11. despite the recommcndations of foreign affaquis such as al-Wansharfsf or AJ:imad ibn Abü Djumü ca. and they included. Theoretically. pp. was awarc of the practical problems of living under Christians and the alternative emigration to 1VIuslím tcrri- tories.lcgal texts within theír treatiscs. 38. Abu Djumü'a (fl. Likewíse.even copicd word for word. CHAPTER SEVEN and in order to fulfil thc prophecies of the Day ofJudgement.: op.

by l\/Iuhammad al-Shartosi at the beginning of thc ccntury. G. its first point has a twofold interpretation. and thc realm. J. Cavalleria's De zelus Christi should be left asídc. which granted them privilcgcs to settle in thc Law IX rules thc use of messengers for political purposcs. 1981. a void was creatcd and they startcd to it forbids Muslim ownership of the mosques built in Castilian terri- lose power. It is important to realizc and Christians. ably punished whereas conversion to Christianity was cncouraged. Cf Torres Fontes. but a trcnd favoured in the Península was the lacl< of a defincd leadership. 149. Redusion in m01-erias was not really compulsory. mosques were given to St. sometimcs con- local codes which cstablishcd thc rclationship between Muslims. Mary's while Aragonese. the situation was more complcx. " AHDE ( 1962). thc last one being the VII Symposium. precisely at the time when they should have been lifc and they held most of the trading and building activities. However. vided by a/jamas was dccisivc for the concession of a certain degree as in thc Aragoncse fiteros. 9 See Alfonso X: Las siete partidas. .6 bcfore.. Literally. Whether they were a factor of prescrvation and local rulcrs used to take up differcnt positions when faccd with of Arabic language can be questioned. and not thc Chureh. or even the mosque itself. tory. with sorne exceptions. in the trend. It would be too long and far from our purpose to detail ali the who undertook the role of defender of the community. when Mudejar groups tended not to have politi- many studies about single morerías in different cities. award of safe-conducts to protect them. pp. which mcntioned the climinishing number propertíes within the mosque. to the point wanted. vus a partir des communautes mudéjares . relied on the more practica! articles of their faeros church. it looks lil(e a grcat advance on the ''Reconquista" that King Enrique IV considered the appointment of an alcalde de las feeling.: Los Fueros de Aragón .: "El alcalde mayor de las aljamas . 76v.. 8 Matters related to daily life were sccn to of autonomy.78v. as agreed in thc truccs.thc catheclral-·-in most cities. showing an important evolution and customs. Although it could become a in religious works. the most worrying problem among the Islamie Kjngdoms . 38.. their uscfulness. so the united. for it focuscd on the commentary of the Koran rather than social it could also be taken as a way to keep it from being turned into prescriptions.. The decline of Arabic education contributed to makc reli- scholar seems to have undertaken a research into their role as guard. of view: nothing should be stolen from a Muslim as long as he were p . 271.. Castilian royal laws in the fifteenth century were based a chureh. Later on. according to their own laws compiled were in one way or another rclated to rcligion. gious leadership fade. Jews fronting the Church and thc military orders. If the messenger happencd p. and the Fuero real collccted by Alfonso X. 146. 9 · of Mudejars. The second paragraph of the first law seems to confirm this point 4 Epalza. to collect taxes for the government. The void of powcr was ians of Arabic languagc. etc. The chance was taken by local govcmments and lords. Since three centuries aljamas to dcfcnd their rights. Christian Cf1:emies. thc theoretical compilations ordcrcd by that the King. At first sight.. Book VII. fillcd by the king-or~ more commonly in Aragon. . the privilege issued in 1305 by Fernando IV of Castile and rencwcd by his Trastamara successors. for they were well within city. Conversion to Islam was suit- At :first. and bclicfs. There are the fiftcenth century. When For instancc. The rest of the subjects mentioned in this Part to look after Muslim procedures. 6 Ibidem. f. thus guaranteeing the Muslims' rights to livc their faith on the previous Seven partr. and he could offer thcm to whoever he who imposed their will on these unprotcctcd subjects. living among Christians.172 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 173 indcpcndencc for the religious community. although it was first done undcr Juan II. starting 6 Tilander. This basic structural problem became more acutc towards vcrnacular was vital to their transactions with Christians. as a support against What strikcs the readcr is that thesc laws referrcd to conversion Christians' abuses and in order to work to rctrieve political power. the need of Christian monarchs to use the manpower pro.. M. 7 See the differcnt volumcs of Actas del Simposio Internacional de 1\!Jud~jarismo. by the lord. ·~ rather than to the Muslim community. 14-1. ". This statcment can doubtless be applied to 5 For examplc. means of controlling the use of thc building and avoiding public cult. Thcse were thc Kjng's. Party-kings by Muslims themselves. 5 Still. keeping thcir own laws Title XXV of the Seventh Part dcalt with Muslims spccifically. was the owncr of the mosques kings provide vcry useful information to complete thc picturc shown in the early stages of Christian advance. However.. in the fiftcenth ccntury each one had a judge in local laws only. rcligious leaders disappeared.7 but so far no cal lcaders. in press.: "Les morisques.

Espina was dceply servants or slaves. has alrcady bcen commented_upon. not hold any public officc. they should not livc with rnatter thoroughly and establishcd a code of behaviour which kings or marry Christian women but. ii Unless othcrwisc stated. and the punishment was uncqual for the couplc: while the or Fridays. cit. Those Christians who had sexual intercoursc with Jews or Muslims would be automatically excommunicated. nor should they be granted justice by their elders (i. so he used several of these clauscs were included in royal laws as wcll. so Espina 12 ch ose to recom- death-despite the fact that the prostitute was "the wifc of Christ" mend its prohibition. Finally.174 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION ] 75 to owe any unpaid debts to any subjcct of thc Christian kingdom 1. However. taken to rituals which most bothered Christians.1513) except for taxes should be climinated. there are food restrictions. 173r. They should not have Christian Probably thinking that this was not enough. They could not circumcise any Christian or accept concerncd about how Jcws. these could not be claimed. he would be stoned. while she would be given to her hus. although not enlarge them. dueto their considered together here as well.. Christians should not call Jewish or Muslim physi- several groups of prescriptions: 11 cians when they felt ill (which we know was false). They should togcther whilc awaiting thc Last Judgement. and the second time. always thinlcing of caus. HJ Tilander. so both groups will be Christians should not eat togcther withJews or Muslims.. Their privileges rcgarding two until the reígn of Isabel and Fernando (1478. Converts should not maintain any relatiqnship with ··""''"'"·····""··. 2. Burgo de Osma. Their testaments should not favour eithcr of the tvvo groups. their aijamas). If the woman was Limitations to this group of prescriptions were cstablished within married. What Christians should not share with Jews or l\!Iuslims to Saracens. he could be askcd to As far as their religious customs were concerned. They could celebratc Saturdays- women.) and sorne They should not be pcrmitted to be insolent towards Christians. goods the first time. Lyon 12 14137. G. I will follow Espina's order according to FF. and be taken to court if he refused to do so. Notoriously. a single Christian woman lost half of her thcy would not be obligcd to convcrt to Christianíty. or allow any Christian to circumcise himself. bidden by the IV Lateran Council and was defined as one of the both were beatcn around the town. . He stuclied the to be nurses to Christian children.e. thcir chil- should apply in order to rule thcir rcalms safely. The sarne applies to royal dccrccs imposing attendance Muslirns: one about the tithcs they should pay for those of their of proselitis~ sermons in cítics. the same framework: conccrning rituals. Muslims and Christians should live conversions. lands which had once belonged to Christians. and they The chief fcature of lcgislation was sexual intercourse betwccn could restare thcm.: op. the call to prayer was for- band to punish her at his own will. related to the sale of properties among people from clifferent religions. royal laws to explain his views. and ali of them thc sccond. According to thc text. What should be forbidden to Jews and Muslims ties imposed for a number of crimes (injuring a Muslim. f. his main interest was clirected mcntioned in local legislation sincc thc clcvcnth century and most towards practica! coexistence in thc Península. There were no theoretical cornpilations in the Península such as thesc They should not testify against Christians. 11 If. they could preserve pay for evcrything. the most famous of which. etc. if he owed Christians anything after entcring Castile on his work.Jcws extended 3. as he said in consideration 11. Thcy should . Although he men. this applicd to Christian bother Christíans wíth their rituals. dren should be baptised Christians. 9 Lv-92v. This point covers all thc items tioned sorne ecclesiastical legislation. What Jews and l\!Iuslims may preserve without damaging befare his mission. . If the woman was a prostitutc. FF. No new synagogues or mosques should royal ordinanccs. Royal ownership of mosques and synagogues according to the same law. They could sell goods ali ovcr thc territory and finally. Jcwish or Muslim women were not allowcd ing the lcast trouble to thc Christian community. Thcy should not pcoplc of di:fferent relígion. nor receive communion. if it was the case already. Muslim man was stoned. 'º another about pcnal. ff. the Ordinancc of Alcala be built. Synagogucs or mosques continued to be theirs. celcbrations. pp. His opinions about . only mcntioned the same issues about Muslims and Jews.not rejoicc or dress up during Christian Easter (1348). their rituals. so thcre is no nccd to insist on The Aragonese faeros only contain a few articlcs specifically about that point..

mixed marriages and unbaptised children. In general. Three difficulties werc rncntioncd: íf somcone did so. pp. they would lose ali thcir properties [Cath. 17 in aquam mersi sunt. and J ewish rítuals which survived.. he should be which Espina copied fully into his tcxt as the most important advance separated from his parcnts in order to preserve his new faith.: Estado social y político. and political · problems within the ..Jcws should return [Sent. forteresse. their walled neighbourhoods [Cath . CU].J ews and Muslims to live in separate. taincd by Espina in thc Fortalitium. l] unless they lost all thcir properties. A quick survey on the Trastamaran laws shows that thcir state [Cath. 11].. if any Juan I forbadc thcir use of public offices and criminal jurisdiction. A Christian could testify Christians who wcre living within the boundaries established for the against aJew ora Muslim.'i. tithes but not those of the lands they owned. p. until tl1ey military matters to be scttled by her brother-in-law Fernando de were callcd to trial. What Jcws and Muslims should be obliged to do and spccified the issucs posed by Cathcrinc's ordinances. pp. there were a lot of rcfercnces Castilian royal legislation about Muslims. Espina himsclf was awarc of this. regardíng separation of quarters were ncvcr fully imposed.176 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION l 77 thcir former communitics. 22. Any place in severa! cities in bis realm. under pain The :first ordcr was for .. Cathcrine of Lancaster issued twenty-four ordinances as thc north of Castilc. A. Thcse laws wcrc significant in such territories Antcquera. . XCVIII]. lf thcy were accused of coerced into receiving baptism. 16-1 7. so that they sidering Espina's rcputation clown the centuries-if the Jew had becn could move there in a few months' time. but scnd them these íssues: Enrique II only attempted to establish the use of badges.: "Los :Mudéjares de Castilla en la Baja Edad f 92v. the Scntence enlarged 4. they could be absolved from paying ecclesiastical Sentence. Jews and 1vluslim quartcr had to rent or sell their properties to the ncw dwellers Muslims should dress cliffercntly from Christians . Moreover. which Catherine had not considered.. 13 Evcn latcr in thc century.. 363. 400 40. where Muslims were taxed the same· amounts "' They wcre published by Fernández y González. but thcsc quarters [Cath... Burgo de Osma. 28. Media". f. 82. C( Ladero Quesada. Christian womcn were completely forbidden what royal law in fact tried to impose on the realm. when A comparison between both documents shows thc continuity of the Inquisition was fully established. Lyon 1487.... con. 15 Her dcath meant None of these clauscs was probably in use ·in fifteenth-century the ordinances wcnt unobserved. On fapina's knowledge of Castilian legal codes. for once. under penalty of fines depending on successfully. spccially about conversos by Enrique IV. . M He went as far as saying: "Si vero fuenmt absolute coacti ut si per violentiam m Nlemorias de Enrique IV de Castilla. It was to be a forcign woman Christian could be an accuser for all thcse transgressions [Cath. accept quite easily.: t:iFF. 14 continuing to live in the Christian quarter and refused to accept the As for the rest. 5.irs a few pages later. of death. What Jews and Muslims wcrc cnforccd to do by royal laws Muslims should not have markets available to Christians within Many of the former were not only Espina's recommendations. Sen t. 16 issued about sueh state of affa. the Sacrament was invalidated. " FF. see Meyuhas Ginio. 94v. 373. settlcments according to the size of thc community. he rcquired them not to blasphemc. ÍLI. of them happencd to be leaving the kingdom and were caught on thc and Enrique III had cnough to do extinguishing the riots which took way. penaltics included enslavcment [Sent. Christians who had trusted councils or alcaldes werc in charge of chosing thc most conveníent the fellow would have special treatment and--·strangely enough. children should be excluded from blame. Scnt. . Thc next revision was imposed by Castile or Aragon. kingdom deviated their attention from no Christian should welcome thcm in another town. XCIX]. 6]. but never the other way round. CXIX]. 23. A. in social legislation in the first half of the century.a possibility which Espina scemed to frontier. often quite un. cntrance there by day or night. and added The first prescription of this article concerned conversos: in case they several others conccrning new social situations or the defencc of the returned to their former faith. ures: the Coplas de iVlingo Revulgo 17 mentioned how the 1412 ordinanccs and excepting Muslims. lf a son were to convert. and confirms the ideas sus- to cornmon meals. Thomas Aquinas. No Jew or ivluslim should leave his city. but none could arrest aJcw or Muslim himself. who took carc of the mattcr during the regency of Juan II: lcaving Sent. and complained the nobility in 1465: the Senten ce of Medina del Campo. M.. Even popular poetry stressed thc failurc of these meas- what they had earned on usury-according to St. F. tales non receperunt baptismum . pp.44 1.. back to their former residen ce [Cath. CXIX].

Scc also ConLrcras. according to the different jileros.15~6). 2i A 1 s 10rt comp1·¡ at1on . D. such as the crossbow championship. CVI]. 4. by thc fcar of poisons--on the other hand. op. shocmakers. p. ~ . 1. Sent. 38A. or weapons. 107. availablc to Christians and Muslims. 20]: thosc rclated to ment by being farbiddcn to use the word Don before their names . M. 19. Muslims continued to practisc IV's reign. 330. Muslims and Jews were soon excluded ular subjcct.Jews and Muslims in their social acknowledge- The third group was arts and crafts [Cath. etc.. 291\. 13. H~. : : il .. I thank Dr. II. of quest10ns · posed by royal alcaldes under Alfonso X con- 18 Ladero Quesada. 2.) were dangerous bccause as would pcople of distinguished noble descent or those who had an Castilians were more and more inftucnccd by Muslim aesthetics. which in the Sentence changcd to to lslamic law. . tailors. Cf. probably because Castilian legislation was more precise on the partic- In Catalonia and Valencia. blacksmiths and others.: . particular judges in the aljamas were forbiddcn. lt was precisely in these years when the famous . tioned Ivluslims explicitly·-·. the textile industry was an important source of income for Mudcjars. ª°:tho~ties. infringing implied dircct contact with thc Christian communíty and even pros. pp. Taxes pentcrs. There were cases of Iviuslims who in Segovia. But. 19 Djabir confirms the survival of the a!faqui until the end of Enrique Still.178 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 179 or even more than Christians. ' fashion (embroiderers.. although it prcssure.: Contra morosy_judios. in tcrritorics as far South as Toledo. Such is the case reported in thc 2 foundation ordinanccs of the guild (cefradía) of Saints Eloy and Antón. Oaths wcre taken according CIII.. supposed to be a guidance in those trials to be judged by l\!Iuslim from 1429 to 1465. but rather far Christian judges. This measure was In 1412. Scnt. despitc all thc royal efforts.. groups then made their own associations. The members were builders..LJ:yes de Moros (Laws The Manual de Consells in Valencia records the prohibitions on teach. Scgovia 1921. J. 163.ovia. S~goma (14?0 . l 450's therc were alrcady Muslim communitics who prefcrred to these craftsmen would be lilccly to help the invadcrs by making ships have their causes secn by the royal judge rather than the aljama one.. 58 ·-59. But the foremost humili- applied. and Dr. Thcy also uscd to havc meals togethe~this articlc men- elitism. A. tains thc formula for Muslim oaths to be taken in order to be acceptable to Christian p.. for the candles to be burnt in church.. lVf~dnd 1984. of the Moors) were compiled: according to Wiegers they wcrc not ing lVluslim apprentices to be carpenters.. cu. Inftuence in the uppcr social circles was limited by the pro. .111. G . for their deep rcligious content. aq·amas continued acting as thc tribunal for Muslims and J cws. Reyes Catolzcos. for even the King's physician was usually Jewish or Muslim.ona . La Exf:!~emadura castellano-orienial en et tiempo de Los. 21 Thc next group wcre professions related to medicine. It is worth noting that by the years still--and the idea that should there be an invasion from Africa. ation was rescrved for ._l!. 11:. who also importcd raw materials from Granada. and education [Cath. probably influenccd servants or slaves in their household and lands [Cath.12 7. The money collected within thc guild was equally the confiscation of all their goods. also in Muslim hands. Several laws werc devoted to the question of jurisdiction by aljamas. attributes were given to the local judges (alcaldes) [Cath. pp.: "Los Mud~jares en los reinos de la Corona de Castilla". pharmacy The usual penalties were cstablished far Muslinis who had Christian and food supplies [Cath.197 .22 Thc figure of <lsa ibn where weapons wcrc involved. de :ru_· cmj~oraczones de menestrales en Se. pp. i\senjo for confirming the dctails . or the judge was not to thc Iviuslims' taste. and thcir thcrefore as much economíc as social. M. these jobs and defied every pressure as they belonged to guilds together with Christian craftsmen. 8. lvl. f. 10. lvlanual de Consells. CVIIIJ. builders or blacksmiths had to do with the importance of also started to depend on royal will and could not be distributed by the building industry. in gen- from guilds and cefradías. G. pp..and Muslims were exempted from paying hibition of holding public officcs or wcapons [Cath. Alfonso X: Opúsculos legales .A s:njo C?onzá~cz. Sent. f. 21. Restrictions were also applied to popular gamcs authorities.: 19 Archivo Municipal de Valencia. armourers or silk-weavcrs. vV1cgcrs. officíal laws. with an even closer structure. Wicgcrs for suggcstmg th1s mtcrestmg pomt.: Bramon. 12]. 20 Thc second matter in importance was the restriction of jobs which Ivfcmbers used to attend thc burial of other guild mernbers. 7].9]. vol. thc thrcatened their lords with emigration to Granada due to economic document was approvcd by the town council in 1484.CIV] under a fine penalty.. thís prohibition was nevcr CII.. Thc two eral. it would remain for the aijama authorities [Cath. 120. The prohibition of being car. 18 was probably just the written rendering of something alrcady in use. 196.

LVIII] and thc prohibition on trade with thc kingdom Fortalitium was patronised by someonc in the centre of the political of Granada [Sent... ence whilc at the same time obtaining Granada by means of slow Another set of measurcs agreed with the requirements made in cortes wearing away. 'I'hey had to stay at home tury started to be more precise than earlicr fueros. The counterpart for thcsc laws were titles CLVIII and CCLXXII It is hard to know how much of the Sentence was Enrique's own of the úyes de Moros25 which established that no witnesses would be and how mu ch his advisors'. cit. rcligious theory are really close to each other in these parts. mentioned by 1412 laws. Sent... However. LVII]... 27 Torres Balbás. pp. Hoods.. Cf. and had already caused trou- l\IIen had to wear long beards and hair.: Brarnon.215. life. and we may conclude that the supplies [Sent. Fridays instcad of Sundays until then. A. for they would probably stop on lowed officially until much later. as a sign of respect for Christ's the pontifical text. mantlcs and head-dresses were carcfully passion. or allow any Christian beginning of the century until the end of Enrique IV's reign. so times 24 [Cath.. The Sentence was far less dctailcd than thc ordi. and Enrique IV's [Sent. royal lcgislation and Thc rcst has interesting points in common with Espina's rccom.. which had already bccn discussed in the IV Lateran Council and offices [Sent. CXVIII]. or else they would be con- ruled thcir publication ali over thc kingdom.. as pogroms werc very likely 15. If the part conccrning Muslims was accepted but free Muslims. or else Espina wrote in limit their possibilities as witnesses in legal causes [Sent. CJ..maybe the Bishop of Osma? In any case. 26 (ccrtain materials could only be uscd up to a certain value) [Cath. CXII. op. VII]. CXV]. L. 79.. 214. Jews and Muslims should not There were several matters added to the Sentence which were not receive any crosses. So were public cult and the call to [Cath. 105. Sent. given the religious feeling against J ews. 13.. ccclesiastical objects or garmcnts in pawn. as happened in Madrid for the Corpus Christi feast. it shows thc failure of his attempts to reconduct coexist- Muslims' properties. p. as it had bccn in former bles in thcir quarters. . and that Christians could not inherit really his. p . Colour badges had to be clearly secn on them. Public processions to plead far cxemptions or redemption of penaltics to all the authorities involvcd rain or plagúcs were forbidden. prayer [Sent. they used to have a roundhaircut (garceta a la cabeza). 24 26 From 1340. 120.: Ladero Quesada. CXIII] whilc rcstraining usury [Scnt.: "Los 1vfudéjares en los reinos de la Corona de Castilla''. It was also ordercd for security reasons.14]. Firstly. and prohibited any fiscated and givcn to the Cathedral. they were called to celebrations. Either Espina studied the whole legal system concerning Jews management to favour Christians. de: op. 18]. Jews and Muslims could not both have a parallel. Clement IV had proposed the use of distinctive ordered to respect Sunday rest [Sent. Sent. the last clause l\!Iosques could not be built ar· enlarged. III]. which just quoted from Holy Thursday to Saturday. M. XCVIII. Muslims were thought to joke about the Sacraments and described [Cath. Changes in the legal procedurcs wcre mixed The coincidences found in all these texts can lcad to two conclu- with religious issues in order to restrict Muslim propcrties and their sions. CXVI]. Quite naturally.. their had sorne say in certain matters. as well as thc quality of textiles employcd not to honour the host in processions and when tal<:en to the dying.. 24·--25. quences on the working calendar.. P. CXIV]. In order to guarantcc the diffusion of thcse laws. LXXI]. slow evolution towards intolerance from the circumcisc any Christian or accept conversions. but legislation in thc fiftccnth cen. 23 FF. red for Jews and blue for Muslims [Cath. 25 Gayangos. and to legislation only followed thc usual pattern.. order to help thc king's council to decide about his future policies. If it was imposcd by the nobility in a time of extreme between 1411 and 1464.: Algunos aspectos del mudqarismo urbano medieval. Espina can be seen as an influential member of the court who [Sent.. 13. As for their rituals and customs.23 His recommendations wcrc not fol. CI].180 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION J8 l The last concern of 1412 laws was thc external appearancc of to circumcise himself undcr penalty of confiscation of their goods Muslims. the tenancy of castles on the frontier [Sent. and mendations mentioned above.. to changc thc system of contracts and Muslims in order to create his own scheme. CIX]. 19. that they could perform their music and dances together with Chris- nances in these aspccts. to start up on those days. tians. cit. which was easily extended to Muslims.with important conse- clothes for Muslims and Jews. Thcy had to do with war against Granada need. they wcre a century before. p . l 73r.. 27 in 1481. D.

power and an incrcase in Christian concept of "tolerance" cannot be applied to such a relationship. T. The attempt to kccp everything the same can be considered a reac- nized gTound rules for stabilized cultural rclations. Every culture builds a series this direction resulted in religious confusion. Tolerancc became a myth with the gen.. ting. p. placed under Christian rule meant great changes werc taking place. 19. cohab- 30 Ibídem. a way of maintaining superficial daily ~ ' agreements and compromises. religious leaders exhortcd their fellows to leave. which reacted more ing Islam in the conqucred territories was only secondary for thesc creatively to contact with other cultures. with infidels. & Pí-Sunyer. 28 societics at the time of Christian conqucst on the Eastern coast. They state a correspondcnce betwecn geographical ter.: op. Thc idea of Muslims defending their faith and cxpand- posedly greater flexibility of Christian society. But members of separatc religions. L. 30 elements which can According to Glick and Sunycr. rcligious duty. Without such tion to avoid sudden changcs. surrounding Granada as the centre of Islamic resistence. 150. Such was the conflict in the Iberian Península created.: "Acculturatíon as an Explanatory Concept in :~ 1Burns. · Spanish History". R. Only the ill and cap- in the Península. ·~~~~~--------------------------------------------~ 182 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 183 Acculturation . pp. If the dhimma mechanism failed and Christians forgot the societies was consciously ready to accept more influences from their pacts. tance. F. by historians.Nlechanisms within Sociery itation was rather a situation of more or less stabilizcd pluralism. . Emigration was considcred a problem arase. who have studicd this phenomenon be appreciatcd in Granadan society at this point. in the Iberian case. Burns insists that our ised by the dissolution of Andalusi.154. The religious attributcs of a secular lcadcr. 140-141. shared business and everyday life. Niuslims and Christians the Iberian Península: 1232 to 1492 reprcsents the third. Thc fatwa~ issued by al-Wansharfsi the cultural action of Mudejars within their own society was strong followcd a trend bcgun by twclfth-century scholars to respond to the even under hard . but thc pressurc madc in external-usually mutual. ideas and the shattering of faith in providcncc. ·¡- . according to the Koranic prohibition of coexistence Another statement which is worth carcful discussion is the sup. t1ves werc excepte d !:irom t lus . and so would it be when thc Morisco Christian conquest of the Holy Land. 32 groups. there had been waves of intolcrance within both . Bums concludcd that a ccrtain degrec of social hostility and ritual frccd These authors dcfined four periods in thc acculturation proccss of individuals from an cxcessive personal hostility. life while settíng up new clcments in the backgTound.. prcssure. To start with. could not be transferred history. rather than coming under Christian government. as the other in thc fifteenth century. recog. 29 It seems that neither of theoreticians. p . l. pp. but a detailed study throws many shadows over thc model to a Christian king. cit. yet thc fact that these practices wcre Given the need of two or more cultures to operatc in a pluralistic sct. pp. a pcrmeation of radical of cultural dcfenses through which cxtcrnal intrusions are filtcred. statc. ritory and cultural boundarics which is not completely acceptable. insecurity would affect the whole Muslim community." . . rccommend at1on. see Sabbagh.31 'To thc ques- tive that the survival of the individual can be achieved only at the tion of whether there was more conftict or contact between both price of sacrificing those values and organizational forms that givc a group its stability and its compass for the future..: "La religion des morisques . 4S 50. as personified by eral acceptance of cohabitation during a certain period of Iberian Mu}:iammad and followed by the caliphs. conqucst in most tcrritories. Thc same was It is true that Christian expansion altered the direction of accultur. ordered by Christian authorities to avoid closer contact betwecn ation. ~8 Glick. intolerance. protractcd contact tcnds to result in mutual agreemcnts. However. of incomplete assimilation of two cultures. the result could be a situation so restric. 153. . . character. acculturation involves more than a change in cultural content.influenccs. As the authors of this article concludc. the movement of the Martyrs of Cordoba being just one All this reasoning was strongly linked to thc Islamic view of the example under Ivluslim rule. O. 32 For a comment on late medieval fatwas rcgarding Al-Andalus and thcir impor- 29 Jbidem. Islamic rcligious life continued almost unchanged aftcr Christian . Sincc the first Islamic settlement had happcned severa! times in the Península. This assimilation was cnvis- Acculturation is the term used far cultural change rcsulting from agcd in the 1450's as something desirable.

. Most of them were nobles. Madrid. . and trading centres. 37 The alfaqueques had a pronounced psychological effect on the Moorish population. counterbalancing violcnce by a degree of acculturation. y hebraicos. These profcssions- the inhabitants of the Nasrid state and among the Berbcr mcrcc. developed eties on both sides. canonists from the thirtecnth century on. in order to negotiate the ransom of prisoncrs. The maintenance of these fortresses There was a sensc of common frontier identity between thesc soci- was the duty of the mona. who fulfilled an important role at the fron- of coexistencc. Enrique IV uscd these was strongly inftuenced by the Islamic dhimma system is acceptcd. tier ncar Jaén. 33 Burns. Under Enrique IV. the feeling was not bascd different lords.: lvluslims. 59. Almeria 128. chants. who performed the duties of actual scouts. Madrigal. observation. Maíllo. . ~~ 1 33 1438. who wcre at the samc time peripheral to the the institution of castellanship.184 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 185 when Christians started to overcome al-Andalus. Palcnzuela.: "lnstitutions on the Castilian-Granadan Fronlier". l\tl.rly provided with safe-conducts which was composed mainly of refugees from previous Christian (aman). 35 Cortes de los Reinos . Although rcjcction Oscillation on the fronticr meant an unstable social life under of Muslim rulers cxistcd among J\!lozarabs. it posts which were given to sorne of his fricnds. :ilj See Quintanilla Raso. .rchy which. "they had to create their (cortes) show that the care of castles was often neglccted either by the own semi-formal patterns of behaviour and mutual collaboration in monarch or by castellans. to whom they wcrc directly related. They were captivcs were authorized to stay in the other kingdom after escaping bases from which to attack the enemy. F. pp. 33 If the fact that the status of Mudcjars within the Peninsula who could support troops in case of need. when the enthroncment of thc assaults. J. Miscelánea de estudios árabes when his policics regarding Muslims had been rejectcd and abandoned. and Muslim populations on the frontier. J. 17 : Torres Fontes. Granada "existed in a situation of constant tension which by the monarchs. They werc in charge of judging ran parallel between 141 O and 1475.o. 35 several ways. and Valladolid. Such a royal expcditions produccd important on thc same political elements. C!zristians and Jews in the Cntsader kingdom . tera granadina durante el siglo XV". l. 34 ali aspects. no matter their size. performecl sevcral functions. 1469..rantee safety and justice. 1425. C. E. Toledo. changes on the frontier. and arranging the rcturn of convicts who had Reyes Católicos would change the coursc of Castilian and Aragonese fted across the frontier. p. . 1451 under Juan II. and that these guest-communities had a duc to the two main premises of monarchy for such appoíntments right to administrative autonomy and freedom from convcrsion by being rewards for military actíon. 1988. The records of meetings at Parliament central govemmcnt. and holy war was popular both among rastro. even the lines of On the othcr hand. Coloquio de Historia lvfedieuaL Andaluza. Their appoinhnent was made in both kingdoms history. Zamora. and the fieles del produced a siege mentality. R. Only the roa. from the movement of peaceful people to raids and in Frontier life on both sides was based on a range of settlements the advancc or retreat of the defence line marked by fortresses. such as constable must also be noted that such a system dcvcloped during the centmies Miguel Lucas de Iranz. XXXI (1982). the history of the two kingdoms to gua. Parliamcnts mentioning this issue took place in Ocaña. wcrc able to cross the frontier rcgula. without offending charity. if we may call them so--show how permeable the fronticr was in nary troops and voluntccrs from North Africa".: "Diacronía y sentido del termino elche". as Henri Terrase pointed out long ago. robberies. The point of refercnce should thcrcfore be de la frontera (frontier judgcs _for Moors and Christians). and a preference for wealthy people force". on the Castilian side. Due to this distance. only in Ocaña. In fact. 85. established the relatíonship with Castilc. So werc mer- advances. 1432..129.: "Acerca de las fortalezas andaluzas en la fron- ~·•Lópcz de Coca. Even which. interpretcrs who oftcn acted as ambassadors. 33 This meant adapting to the opposing society in from the citizens. but from Juan II's reign. 1422. p. 1433.: "El alcalde entre moros y cristianos del reino de Murcia". local action became steady and creatcd an awarencss of the necds wards "affirmed that Christians should not expcl such communities and obligations of the frontier scttlers. so it was faced more casily. The first were the alcaldes bouring Muslim kingdoms. 1436. 36 One of thc main political factors to take into account at the dawn Severa! figures bccame vital for the relationship betwccn Christian of Ivluslim power in the Iberian Pcninsula is its isolation from neigh. positions of defence and if they had not stolcn any propcrty. giving risc to a great number of complaints order to survive".

in Castile. which they only another given social system. who tended tity was normally defined in religious terms. and always less confusing than their own. two kinds of converts can be found. who conversion. we can speak of a relationship be. C. considering societies which had líttle to do with the fiftecnth century. The return to to avoid taxes. of course. R. which would motives foi thcir taking this step were varied. p. being more an individual than a com. could movc them to national terms. however vanish progressivcly as Castílians and Andalusians incorpo. Thcrefore. ". confinement in a neighbourhood-morerias in thc case of Castile- tween conversion to Islam and the dcvelopment of an Islamic society. it had an important social dimension. This possibility implics a society in which social idcn. There was also the The way Bulliet defines a ''social conversion" suits the Iberian case possíbility of being freed from slavery. M. A. They found lifo in the new rcligion more attrac- a number of pcople interactíng. as well as onc of thc most outstanding concerns of Christian clergy and Muslim jurists. It was the case of sorne of the converts from Judaism had to be cducated as Muslims too.: Dispulatio. who turned towards Ricoldo de Montecroce 41 defincd four ways to cntcr Islam: through 39 López de Coca. but were not neces. but that would mean on each side. Harvard 1979. but not a diflerent rcli- In this schemc. munal action. where more radical rcligious forms in the time of Nasríd Granada could the new Niuslim immediatcly stopped paying a poll tax.: "Los mudéjares en los reinos ele la Corona de 40 Ladero Quesada.. which is thc case of the areas which converted to turn to another religion. Thc ncw convcrt might also try to avoid Islam in the Middle Ages. captive Bulliet called "ccstatic". Thcse were more numerous.186 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURAT!ON 187 Fronticr conversions 39 were one of the mechanisms through which Islam. the influence of authoritics over their subjects. This kind of symbiosis was produced in sarily a sign of conversion or subjection. cspecially for a period as late as the fifteenth century.: op. 11 • Bullict. The convert was entitled to perfectly: 41 ít involves sorne movement from one religiously defined an amnesty even if he had been condemned to death.'10 Iberia since the time of the first arrival of the Muslim invaders. Fashion. f. Divisions within the and likewise.. the ncw religion becamc in its social dimension smithing. The first was.. . Molénat42 mentions a few cases in Toledo. particularly in the case of convcrsion to Islam. and being the object of recriminating action. Therc could also be a desire rated each othcr's influences ínto their own cultures. :Finally. gold. and those which are independent tive insofar as it conformed to thc old religíon. Usually. 20. Those whom gíon. vious religious lifc and changed more for mundane than for spiritual Cultural exchangc was a conscquence of this life on ·both si des of rcasons." Thcre is a necd to distinguish inftucnces which rcquirc context stuclied here. The Middle Ages. increasingly like thc old. p. did not find thcir spiritual expectations Christian womcn usually turned to Islam when they realized they satisfied within their old religion and tended to become zcalots after would not rcturn to their familics. thought to be anothcr heresy of Christianity. 86r. 42 Ct: Ladero Quesada. p. 43 Montecroce. no mattcr social community to another. true conviction about their new faith. 34. and the most common in the the "barrier. and for example Anselmo Turmcda. and most As Bulliet argues in his famous study on conversion to Islam in the of thcm in thc two generations between the 1470's and 1520's. as con- from the number of inclividuals involved.: "Los mudejares de Castilla . p. M. 149. from insulting the Prophet to rape. between convcrsion to Christianity and acceptance of Christian Church might lead sorne people to Islam. usually captives. what the crimc had been. were used irrespective of their origin. land was still paid for according to a new law. food habits. although the not avoid this interaction. 363. R. The "non-ecstatic" were more or less satisfied with their pre- thís was achieved in the period studied. The origin of conversion or apostasy in thc Península can be traced There are no precise data for the number or pcrccntage of converts back to thc beginning of Muslim occupation. version progressed. cit. A. Thus. Castilla". spccially if they had childrcn. J. and thc strugglc to kecp the basic doctrine and social habits of each faith was onc of the most characteristic foatures of lberian society during Conversion and lntegration the Middle Ages. as opposed to tribal or to imitate their way of Iife and social habits. : Conversion to Islam in !he 111edieval Period.

which would result in a great advantagc for thc land. their evil lives and their ill-faith. 83. But if a Muslim decided to become a Christian. blescido por heredero de otros en ninguna manera. IV. nin lugar honrrado. The Koran was not very precise in punishing apostates (sura 47:25). R . p. Ley I). even if he were not a Muslim .>nso X: Opusculos legales . . and the death for such an action must be thc firc. nin pueda haber oficio. lbidem. manera que su testimonio nunca sea cabido. either formcr Christians or former converts to Christianity. the conversion of Muslims was treatcd with moderation in the Seven Parts:+B they should be persuaded by means I.. t: 78r. I. mucrra por ello. Et si alguno lo fiziere. nin pueda fazer testamento. F. secular power in order to be burnt. which recommended strict penaltics for converts havc lost relatives. be killed.. Cf. so his testimony should nevcr be heard. The Seventh Part. through family inheritance. especially the V cnctians In that case. their divi. On the othcr sidc. Ningun christiano non sea of good words and preaching. The stated punishment was confiscation of the convert's goods. nor an honest place. he should trcated likewise.: Nlanual de lnquüidores. Should he rcpent his error and tum to the Catholic faith. f. it se torno judio o moro: e despues se arrepiente. . nor dare he make his son a Moor or a Jew." Alfonso X: Las Siete Partidas. And therefore the ancíent learned men said that he should be Eimcric. because it would be assumed that they loved the Christians. 85-88. 76v. nin pueda ser esta. p. i. for propertiesY example." defamcd forever. Alf<. for accusations could be made for five years after the convert's dcath. deceivcd by the dcvil.188 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELJGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 189 the sword. While t:he question ofJudaism is discussed at lengt:h. he should not rcmain unpunished. or those who havc been evil. Jews were forbidden to and they would turn to the Catholic faith if it wcre not for shame. and nevcr forced. 117 (Lib.'16 but later compilations of Islamic law did refer to the problern. In Castile. nin sea osado de fazcr su fijo moro o iudio." sion into sects. law TI.. 48 such a man is false and a trespasser of the Jaw. nin moro. which Thcy should be prosecuted by religious authorities and givcn to the would go to his family-as long as they did not follow his example-. it was preferrcd to idolatry. & Peña. or their posessions. 49 even íf he repents. to Judaism. In any case. said: On the ot:her hand. his sen- the basis of the wholc local legal system had bcen since the 1250's tence of defamation should be forgiven and he might not lose his the compilations ordcred by King Alfonso X. there were But it could also happen that sorne of those who denied the Christian also reasons for a Muslim not to convcrt to Christianity: Muslims faith and became Moors "would work to do a great service to the considcred thc diversities of opinion among Christians. death. Title XXV cxplains this article further: it justifies One of the most biased texts about conversion was Nicolau Eimeric's corrversion to IslaiTI by a sudden attack of madncss in those who Manual far /nquisitors. 49 Although the book was written around 1376. tit.: fll!estem views qf Islam . nor can he hold an office. Thcse to its permissiveness. . but it comes to t:he point in chapter 45 "About those who leave the Catholic faith. The Fuero Real. pp.e. Christians. Et la muerte deste will to impose his faith on them. nor can he make his last will. For if it wcre God's osado de tornarse iudio. . or a Moor and afrerwards repents and returns to the Christian faith: and bccause H lbidem. e escarnecedor times aftcr 1503 and thc reedition by Francisco Peña betwecn 1578 de la ley. or due Morcover.. they could be forgiven and excused the scntence of and Genoese. at least they believed in one God. e se torna a la ley de continued to be used in the following centuries. bccome Muslims at thc Council of Tarragona in 1252. non <leve fincar sin pena maguer se arrepienta. 45 so. nobody should object to it. N. 44 as more dissuasive wcapons than physical ones. Law codes wcre strict about apostasy. For example. Ioyalty to one's lord « A tcstimony quoted by Thomas Gascoignc in his Loci et libro veritatum (c. No Christian should dare become a Jew or a Moor. Southern. Reconciliation was possible only on these grounds: conversion to Islam only dcserved a short asscrtion to condernn it in Apostata en latin tanto quiere dezir en romance como christiano que the same terms. was printed several los christianos: e porque tal orne como este es falso. 'lsa ibn Djabir's Breviario Sunni recommended obedience to onc's parents even if they were non-believers. f 77r.. de tical value. 1450). let him die for it.. and if somebody <loes so. Converts to Islam should be and if he was found within the boundaries of the realm. bis sales and donations should not be acknowledged. Título de los que dexan la fe catholica. nor can he inherit from other 46 "Apostate in Latin means in the vernacular a Christian who beco mes a Jew people in any way. He would surcly find a way to do fecho sea atal que sea de fuego. E por ende and 1587 in Rorne implied the Curia's acknowledgement of its prac- dixeton los sabicis antiguos que <leve ser enfamado para siempre.

. or else thcy receivcd confessiori. and was appointed a preacher in the great mosque for his works Gibraltar.ammad's identificatíon with the Paraclete.: Tratados de legislación ..r. Most of thcm were pressurizcd not be consídered either a Muslim or a Christian..a . . blasphemcrs. 80-91. had struck him when he studied Islam.... It was based on the tale of for Christian authoritics to cncourage such conversions by guaranteeing 'Abd al-Salam thc Jew. 5" side involved a number of captives who wcre given the opportunity Returning to Turmeda.. book VII. Most of thc rccords left about these mcn rcfer to thcm well. G. E. . 1viajluf al-Ta'alibf as an outstand- were too young. law 271. pp. because brought up as Muslims. in arder to be pure. should be stoned. his children had no further rights traditions Óf the Prophet's life. Their bchaviour whcn faced with situations on inhabiting Christian lands-which he himself did not respcct..194. was his his former correligionaries. But the main reason. Ch. the only way for a Christian to sion. M. While he was alive..t. his book is most extraordinary. una autobiogrefia polemir.. or otherwise be killed. It was not thc first case of Whcn they saw Christian domination as unavoidable. 193. de: La Tu!Jfa. The lattcr had been considercd as one of thc most truthful to the aijama. d.: op. .: Los Fueros de Aragón ... who had becomc a Muslim in Mu1.. 383-384.30) has been considcrcd the paradigm of In Aragon. their only way a friar who changed his faith for thcological reasons. Later on. Narratives frequcntly describe their dcath as líkc them.. cit.. pp. usually kept their new faíth... Christian way. and wcre affected by a higher degree somcthing surprising in a Christian friar. he repentcd and was acccpted back Connected to this phenomenon. had he remaincd a Muslim only after his dcath. orto remain in prison until the ninetecnth century... days far him to rcpent. in all the trcaties signed by Christians and Muslims. They could claim what thcy should havc rcceived Turmeda's book.. Tilandcr. ' See Epalza.. 50 (Isa repeated thc prohibition met a Christian pricst. Friar Anselmo Turmeda ((Abd Allah converting to Islam. p. raids by both armies in the country.. young ones instead of Koranic verses. ___________________________________ .. and there are a fcw about their one swore against thc Sunna. pp. far he would sented an antithesis of religious heros.. ci. 5 1 al-Tardjuman. A. The same would hap. as happened in the conquests of Antcquera.. 51 Dufourcq... .. studied Arabic in cxchange for forgiveness. Diego de Torres to re-integrate into that society was by cooperation with the Christians mcntíoned another who became a Muslim in Fez.. etc. . P.. His omission of Mul. p.40. renegades and suspccts: if some. 217. M. 5 -~ both of them·-including the clergy-agreed not to stop anyone from The other side of the coin. into Christíanity because he was considcred to be mad. 105. Changing owners in frontier fartresses conviction of Mul). laws were issued for thc aijamas not to prevent any conversion to Islam far a long time.tammad's thc ncw convert's rights to his propcrties. His autobiography provides the Muslim from convertíng to Christianity if he wishcd to do so and first account of this kind of conversion. P. Sorne of them <lid of coursc convert.. from a desire to get married to thc dccadence of thc Christian avoid the death penalty for apostasy was by sorne good seivice to Church. 5 ~Bunes b. they were ing case of conversion. Despite all thc time when their true religion emerged: either thcy prayed in thc these measurcs. .ammad's miracles is also surprisíng}5 as is his attempt to refute Christianity by mcans of historical traclítion 50 Gayangos. Many of these stories are included in thc chronicles. which had no doubt made many scttlcrs convert to Islam in former periods. given by Turmeda himself. was varied. and usually sold in thc market as slaves. 51 52 Harvey. or have their images.. pp. and he dcscribed thc Sacraments wrongly. far thcy repre- pcn to whoevcr practiced another religion in secret. 190 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 191 fifty-one about heretics. or dress engagcd.. so it automatically authcnticated to his propertics. L. · . If they 'Abd al-RaQ. Ibidem. uses or customs. high officers surrounding thc rulers. In fact. 1424. he should be kept in prison far thrcc coopcration in the surrcnder of sevcral important strongholds. de: op. Whoever denied by circumstances and had thcir children baptised as soon as they God and blasphemed. cit. where thcir former and new faiths and political commitments were and not indulging in Christian practices. Dcaling with renegadcs or converts was not casy. but it was alrcady quoted befare 1468 by they were ransomed. 27. Mu):iammad b.. using biblical texts.: op. 52 Historians have looked for non-religious rcasons for his convcr- As has bccn mentioned befare. who was supposed to know of acculturation. Whilc mature captives often returned to he used Islamic arguments illustratcd by fragments from thc Bible Christianíty as soon as thcy wcre under Christian power. which otherwise belonged time. his work was unknown to Christians until to convert-as happened in Granada.

His Christian orígi. 68. The Mufürridj. even m his ascent to the office of hiüijib (chamberlain. lookíng for Castilian aid to bccome military around one hundred records of the wages of the Moorish knights leaders. 507. so they would move to the Castilian V cnegas. The Tul. 32· -36. The other two fea. Madrid 1969. Thc emir Sa<d ordered his death in considered. Enrique IV profession. The grcatcst scandal occurred tures which characterised social life in the realm were residence and when the parents wcnt to complain befare the kíng. Mentioncd later by Ibn Khaldun and Ibn al-Khatfb. occupied urban astonishment of those who were prescnt. Its members were lar as a fighter on the frontier. A. whosc founder was a Christian captive sold as a slave and Christian guard can be traced back to the Caliphatc of Cordoba. 57 But on a lineage systern which was an cssential part of political life. 76--77. Etudes d)Orientalirme dediées a la memoire de Levi-Provenral. far it guaranteed his loyalty to the Crown. The prince was waiting for court. 58 She became a Muslim. throne. blamed thcm for not looking after the girl properly. and not to the par- ticular intercsts of a lineage. Family solidarity ('a~abrya) favoured both Scville. A coalition of lineages togcther. These are imist Nasrids fought them. pp. L. The higher the position. freed by the cmir's family far whom he started to work as a body. plus several could be found in Castile as refugees as often as the Nasrid princes.512. Abü-1-Surür Mufarridj convcrted to Islam and became popu. lcd by the chief of the Barril Sarradj was to decide thc interna! hís. pp. Thc existence of a Moorish The most intcresting family supporting the Banü Sarradj was the guard was probably influenced by its counterpart in Granada. & Sáez.J. and they had severa! children groups plus the immigration of African lineages. A. TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 193 instcad of rational argumcnts.192 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT. was thought to have run away to Granada and kept the girl as his Granada was born out of the agreement between threc family concubine. Paris 1962. 57 Ibidem. pp. who worked for Mulcy Abu-1- of them succcdcd. . de Orihuela and took her out of town.306. Thc third used the title of ghazi (fighter in the path of God). Mofarrax kidnapped the daughter of his host Diego Sánchcz local unity and interna! fights within Granada. At the top of the social hicrarchy. The thrce Moorish lineages which had becn cstablished in Granada. who was Granadan aristocrats linkcd their families to thc former thirty-six hoping to use him in his strategy against Granada. D . Al-Andalus (1944). from another convert family. 299. The legit. others for different offices in the court. E. hclping to produce one of the cpisodcs in each region of the realm. together with a certain Ridwan tenders was across the frontier. where they would keep the privílcges accordcd to their rank an appeasement of thc interna! dissent to claim his rights to the by being members of the king's body-guard. J:Iasan. its loyalty to MuJ:iammad V had been proved. pp.ns were the key to greatly appreciated for thcir commitment to the monarch. called Abu-1-Surilr Conversion in Iberia had sorne general features which must be Mufarridj aftcr his grandfather.: Granada) historia de un pais islámico.: "Nuevas noticias acerca de l¿s Mufürridj" different steps: two of his sons werc officers in the Granadan army. Meanwhile. 1409. pp. thc more urban the family was. together with the court. the Muslim areas. pp. convcrsion was bascd 1462 whcn he wantcd to get rid of the Banü Sarradj lcaders. 54' ·59. 56 Sorne of the most famous names of the Banü Sarradj party both Juan II and Enrique IV had as their body-guards. Both Valera and Alonso de Palencia mention in their chronicles strugglcs to enthrone thcir own pretenders in Granada. : 58 Valera. father to thc second prime ministcr in the family. Seco de Lucena.: "Dos conversiones interesantes". Palencia. 10-11.: A1emon'al de diversas hazaíias. Once one a ccrtain "l\!Iofaras" or "Mofarrax". 56 Ladero. The names of the lineagcs oftcn left which would later on be turned against him. and was but merely as a rejection of Christianity. sorne of them knights were choscn by the king to accompany him in an ensuing dircctly from Arabia. the safest place for the partisans of thc other pre. to the great T'he army and intellectuals.fa was not written for Christians.: Crónica. See also Torres Fontes. and was meanwhile kíndly receivcd by Enrique. Ibn al-Khatib mentions which of thern prevailed expcdition to Andalusia. there was another member of the clan in thc Castilian court around Conversion from Islam to Christianity was helpcd by the lineages' 1455. Whíle they were in their mark in place-names. converts are the documcnts in thc archive of Simaneas. But the lineage he himself foundcd took . it grew after guard. prime minister) in such confusing ycars as those betwecn 1419 and 1464. The most intcresting sources available far the study of Muslim tory of Granada during the whole of the fiftcenth century. the refugce princc of Granada. M.

suggesting a mechanísm of assimilatíon in the Castilian around 1464--65 thc country was clase to a civil war and the king king's policy. and who wcre lookcd upon suspiciously by in Castile. 175-176. especially after the first convcrsions in the II had already rclied on the Moorish lmights in his hardest times. cross to Tunis. 235. _'·' We can relate thcse facts to thc líncagc struggle which was taking The departurc of Muslim knights has not bccn studied. p . until 1465. or sorne still thcir cities if thcy had any. a more consistent explanation can be found: Juan grant them a pension. But thc second group of knights. as was the was specificd in several cases.: "El Islam . a member of thc guard.: Cnmica del Halconero. following the Islamic use. 62 It is impossible to know if it was compulsory to be baptised to be 61 While the knights tended to converl and bear a Christian name.. Muslims and Jcws to be ejected from the kingdom. cit. paid by the local fathcr's namc. for on their most faithful soldiers to perform their most secret plans. cit. \~. P. Sometimcs their resolution to rc-convert was enough to Moorish guard. they might either go back to their families in Castilian Most of them also used their native place-narne. had mostly changed hoods. ·. But. 141 O's. to thosc Christian renegadcs or their dcscendants who wished to manently assigned to the aijafe1ias as an elite guard. pp. but Enrique IV preferred to negotiate. a Moorish guard on behalf of King Enrique I\16° in 1459." Las that thc guard was bcing assimilatcd. Those who had converted to Christianity would find it difficult their names to Christian ones. Another These measures wcre in fact applied. Crown and nobility in fift:centh-century Castile caused royal trust to Howevcr. ing as builders usually kcpt their Muslim names. there were no great reactíons against the institution had him confined in various fortresses not once. The same happcned with thc last case in the times of Juan II. It must be noted that thesc castcllan units seem to have been per. or return to the frontier.. ing him of military powcr. Carrillo De Huete. The former Muslim name lords. due to a different view of poli- Huesca. J. The accusations against Enrique IV of bcing Islamophile werc through an extended arca which included Valencia. p. 224. ali king. Enrique IV continued to use thc guard his fathcr had crcated for It is interesting to note that most of the knights were not Muslim all kinds of purposes including attempted murder. the abnormal situation created by the Moorish guard be placed in thc loyalty of thcsc Muslims who had no lord but their had to change by 1464-65. . Probably .: ojJ. those recorded in the 1450's and the l 460's. because no wages were paid reason for hostilíty was that many of the guards had been renegade to any Moorish knights after 1465. 59 rcturn to Castilc for whatcver reason and thus did not have to face Thc Castilian lVloorish guard could probably be traccd further ccclesiastical harassment or social confinement. 62 utopias. Ladero Quesada. thus dcpriv-"J° many of them left Castilc aftcr sorne years to live in Granada again. . and who would be more loyal to him. it was considered as a kind of rn:ilitary scrv. p .194 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 195 In thc fourteenth century.: op. The rccords rnention three generations of knights. among othcr things. who had at first become Muslims. Othcrs could have sought refugc across the sea. to go therc. The guard might be a <loor opcned ice. 20. Saragossa and probably made up by the nobility. A noble league threatened a civil war benefactor. . D. 61 At the same time. M. may havc pushed the nobles to prcssure him in[ of the people cited from 141 O to 1420 still had Muslim names. following theological disputes and the capture of Antequera.. Most lackcd supporters. especially those such is the case of the attempted murder of the lord of Pedraza by who were closest to thc king. in general. Cf. The fact that any more. Thc result was a many. The divísion existing bctween trained. and later returned to always been considered thc reason for the disappearance of the Chrístíanity. as has been explaincd in chapter one. but its apogec coincided with the faction strugglc which caused the king could make good use of knights who had already been many Muslim kníghts to flee to liu Valera. which meant they had bcen baptised. back. Although anti-Islamic feeling has Christians. place in Granada at the time. A.. people work- 59 See Boswell. This feeling was justified in part because kings uscd to rely manifesto issued on 16 January 1465 asking. but several times. when his cousin Juan de Navarra used his influence in Castile and · . Muslims were commonly uscd by Ara. In this contcxt. and arder to get rid of the most devoted part of his army.·. when he was asked to lct sorhe knights grdup. the king. although it would seem logical for a Christian gonese kings to defcnd thcir fortrcsses against Castilian attacks. those the ones who were JVIudejars rctumed to thcir Moorish neighbour- who were recordcd in thc books around 1440. One more reason for assum.. tics towards Granada at the time.

and those who had Muslim or . the local council forbade thc acquisition et ingratitudinem Terra Sancta tradita est in manibus impiorum of Christian properties by these groups. 32-33. a mcthod of conversion. D. the Holy Land was given into the impious Saracens' hands. but it should be Juan de Segovia was thc first to approach the mattcr in De mittendo seen in this religious context as well. and so that the Day of Judgemcnt. also for thc Christians' sins and thcir ungrate- fulncss. and answered that: Convivencia: ]ews.s!. Cf. sean martircs o sean las sus almas por el martirio quitas .EiS:~!..: ]uan de Segovia .•' undertaken to see thc evolution of this legislation. New York 1992. 6 Et tienen los buenos christianos que la razon por que Dios eonsintio " "Vvc hear that it is said that. p. and in 1468 both count and council remembered "-----. Later on. They were like the hounds j: The situation could not be handlcd for much longer. having obeyed thc commandments of thc Holy Church. and the lack of evidence of his mission. the Muslims being renegadc Christians- dcceived by the Nestorian Serg-ius-·· . The subject was old: Alfonso X's.s subject to scrfdom under the 63 Cantera. justifying it by the false promises of the Prophet.~. es porque chest was given to the Philistines. in arder to try-1.. which was conquered by the Saracens.stians in Medieval Spain. The rcsult of this was that. the case of gladio: he started asking why MuJ:iammad's sect had been so succcss- a small area in La Rioja. It had bccn God's váll 1464. God's que los christianos hobiesen recibido de los moros tanto mal.. thc possession of thc Holy Land The End qf Muslim Power would only involve confusion for them. qucstion. but the trend towards intolerance and conflict is dearly shown. they nccded to understand why ali this suffering and humiliation had could be martyrs. Christendom. as vvriters were 6 ready to realize.: Carpenter.. et porque Christians and Muslims are local ordinanccs defining evcryday habits.- ¡ r 196 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 197 ·¡ Another example of the complicated religious relationship between hayan razon de haber con ellos guerra derechureramente.. or ate their food.Jewish Domini Philisteis est tradita. 65 Juan de Torquemada started in the same In 1324. . ~ut when rcpetition of these orders meant that they wcre never thoroughly cn. p.o d~Y. those who lived together with Muslims Plane audemus dicere. D.: "Social pcr- ception ancl litcrary portrayal: Jews and Muslims in Medieval Spanish Literature". habiendo complido los mandamientos de The Muslím population tended to be progressively isolated from the Santa Eglesia. 247.. they were forced.. E. p. 132. had already asked~th~ --. famous as a writer. thosc who kept their habits or attended possesion of the Roly Land: thcir weddings and funerals.~~!. 65 Cabanelas. For this purpose. way. the compulsory use of badges and caps by Muslims. ita etiam proptcr peccata Christianorum lovers. Muslims and Chri.s adiacentibus populis. Thcy idcntified it with the forthcoming prelude to ~ "The reason why God allowed the Christians to take such harm from thc Moors is so that they should be able to make war justly against them. los que en ella murieren. brothcr might have committcd.bro de los Astados 2. and for their misdeeds the imperial city of Constantinoplc wa. 66 to be sccn going into a Muslim house without a Christian man. 95. Diachronic studies have becn ··•:. his violence munication in which wcre includcd those Christians who protected in the extension of Islam." Don Juan NÍ~ucl.!§t the council of Raro might be helpful. in 1453.: "Los mudéjares en el marco de la sociedad riojana bajomcdieval". AfterJerusalem liad been captured by the crusaders.---·~---···· Christ had died.Y:. non sine maximo not find a job among their own pcople. theír souls being absolved by such martyrdom of the sins they bccn s9ll_to Christians. . Muslims had to be confined in the momia and a wall had to that Christians should not commit sin in the same land where Jesus be built around it. not without grcat disgracc to pp. But befare knowing whcn this would happen. But soon he moved to the subject of the important Christian ritcs. M Christians in most of the territory. thrown from the land. -.e Don Juan Manuel: Li.~9. In Espina tried to explain this argument bctter. those dying in such war. the same as far the sins o[ the Israelites. E. quod sicut propter peccata Israefüarum arca and Jews." CE. with many villages ncarby. 63 It is true that they could livc in thc city as long as they live. Turkish a tew days ago.:! del pecado que ficieren. Jews and Muslims in churches so that they could attend the most which deceivcd thc simple. the bishop of Calahorra issucd constitutions about excom. thc Count of Raro Sarracenorum cisdem demeritis Constantinopolitana civitas imperialis forbade Christians to work far Muslims or Jews unless they could paucos ante dies cum multi. the offences against Christ started to increase in nuniber. In 1458. Christian women were not Christianitatis oppobrio (sic) Turcarum servituti subiacta est. 75. involving the diocese of Calahorra and ful both in the beginning and in general. .

and this would also contribute to . the kingdom cndured. Latin 17509. N. thus guarding thc doors of Christ's If 1. pp. p. p. had undermined the original enthusiasm. And this would be achicved as soon as Muslims were expellcd from gences to raisc money. Scc also Maier. Cit: Kec!ar. have already been mentioned. in spcak of thc Iberian Península. But the end of Granada was close. After 1450.. tribute. Although to convcrt. act of warfare/' Once the crusaders arrived.: "Relations entre musuhnans d'Espagne . and had to accept that sorne killing werc suffering from Christians. pp.said Jean Germain to Charles VII of France-because the lords in the Holy 67 FF. 68 We shall sce whi-Clí. St. cept was only a tcmporary stage befare the triumph of Islam. Byzantíum and thc Ibcrian Península. theologians think of new approaches to the matter. and to the Muslims in the Península.AND ACCULTURATION 199 ~. Al-Andalus. conducted the enterp1i. the Turks rnadc it difficult to open the way for missionarics to reach the lands of Islam. those Saraccns fact that Ibn al-Al:imar was unablc to resist Christian triumphs. H crusadc and mission could not cxist without each other: crusade had At the opposite side of Christendom. The· suspension of real meaning of thís con- was favoured by our authors. pp.. Velazque. 73 The Justification of erusade as ')ust war" was pushed forward in the viewpoint from outside the Península was quite diffcrcnt: Eastern thirteenth century by Pope Innocent IV and a number of ecclesiastical chroniclers usually insisted on Granada being the only position left writers. Louis's to think about the end of Muslim power. thc Islamic spirit of rjjihiid as more than just The possibilities left to Christian writers at this point were well an impulse of conqucst. Their avarice had led them to admit Christian pilgrims much more practica! way.3.: Preaching the Crusades. the expeditions against political enemies con. Within the Christian kingdoms. and who had feared conversion in front of their fellows would feel free could not count on any aid from othcr Muslim countries. p.. the preaching and purchasc of indul. 101. 71 Thc situation the Turks were facing was not the bcst·-.or at least that was what the sins of severa! Visigoth kings the rcason for thelarrival of Muslims ecclesiastical writers expectcd. 198 9HAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE . C. spcakíng bricfiy of all the points to be considcrcd: or finally war followed by prosclytism. Ms.. 128. histmi.fEspina considercd Ages. ff. ". The whole account of Islamic doctrine. 71 Houslcy. Islamic the fifteenth ccntury. rathcr than trying to infiltration by means of disputes with Islamic learncd men. which would result in a much more fanatic response. al-cAynf stressed the hence just. . Christians and ]ews . 68 Ilurns. which would kad. B. tried to adapt themselves to new conditions. 72 resumed by Burns when spealcing of the medieval missionary: they had been replaccd by internal war in Granada. R. I. 98. 1\!Iuslims ' confrontation.. f.. (1973). solution captívcs. R. cncouragcd their sovereigns in different ways. Jacques de Vitry considered crusadcs as a "defensivc. they aroused more criticism than respcct: the military advances and Muslim habits was dircctcd towards demonstrat- scandals caused by indiscriminate use of crusading funds. 88. Nevertheless.ans lmew the internal difficultics was necessary in ordcr to imposc Christianity. 69 Accorcling to Innocent. who guard the doors of manors. and they also of Jews before the end of the world. J acques needed a fow years in the East to realize that Granadans were considercd quite bravc for resisting the siege thcy conversion was not that easy. 74 70 Ibidem. They lmcw how difficult it was to achicvc an impor- last reason for their having the Holy Land was for the conversion tant number of conversions without exerting violence.which ing the urgent need to defend thc Christian faith against their attacks. Those who proposed the use cealed as "crusades" and the disorganizcd way in which the papacy of war. 10-11. 70 By the end of or after its capture.: Jvfuslims. the Breviarío Sunni maintained the version of rulers. oblígation of rfjihad. but a way of kceping acquired positions. for five hundred ycars' cocxistence could to the tomb. 159-169. T. Arié. the con. thesc íssues were sccn in a scpulchrc.:. cte. The not be in vain. p. . 67 As for the conquest of the knew how difficult and slow war had been throughout the Middle Iberian Pcninsula. 69 72 See Urvoy. 335. D.: "Sur l'evolutíon de la notion de djihad" Mélanges rfe la Casa de Sermons by Jacques de Vitry.: Crusade and kfission. but their failurc made writers were focused on the release of Constantinople during its siege.their confusion.: 7he Later Crusades. 172r-v. oppose resistence. pp. All the efforts of ecclesiastical crusades should have supported this new trend. % l-36'. 73 Ibidem.their subjects in~Christianity. in thc Peninsul~ At the same time. 93r-102r. lcaving the Christians could favour conversions via commercial or other contacts· fanatic cnough hopes of conquest. it has alrcady becn said that . 379.

because Egypt and finally rcach the Holy Land.: Liber de fine. Llull. Advance arrny. Torquemada proceedcd with his exhortation. promises cif glory and praises offered his troops to the pope if they started the "passage" (crusade). for their own prídc and glory and for 76 CE.e the route through and Clovis had done before. The Jerusalem. If all his subjects dcsired his because princes from all over Europe werc supposcd to attcnd. trying to move them to follow Pope Pius II in hís as well as sorne castles. abundant food supplies and horses. and he forbade the Duke of Burgundy to attend. Philip of Burgundy and Alfonso V of Aragon saw the love of J esus Christ and religious zcal for his honour. . f. The text is copied word for word from Llull. 247. his emphasis was placed on the conquest of would come from the opressed Grceks. As the emperors meeting. to amount of population willing to follow thc aid of thc Duke of Burgundy.rst in council to lead the Christian army. the most well-regarded masters in the fight against Islam: Raimundo tages in the enterprise. p.77. moving problems of the rest of Christendom. More aid convincing. and Charles VII probably thought so. so he hastened to give the king political rea. as wcll as his mind and family. as his ancestors Charlemagnc towards the Holy Land: Constantinople. this proposal may sccm North of Africa. 76 army was madc up of Mamluks. Tunis and. he could count on the it was by sea or land.76. From Ceuta. Espina's proposal sounds rathcr more Thcy were expccted to back thc Christians in their efforts. 75 Jean Germain: Axhortation a Charles VII . Moreover. against Muslims. Although not vcry rcalistic. While Charles's kingdom was in peace. '2. vía Egypt. of the prínces. Hís argument is that íf Christians wanted to start a holy war sons to cngage in the crusade. Alexandria. 77 he needed him on his Northern borders in order to kecp the distance There was anothcr point mentioncd by Llull. so the Council was reduced to a cliplomatic in a position to believe he was the chosen monarch. R. l 4r. who had once been Christians. expense while fighting more courageously. ranging from revival of the crusader spirit which would infiuence the Spanish war climate. Germain could only see advan.200 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUJVIENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 201 Land were on bad tcrms with the sultan. 76 FF. of Gcrmany and Byzantium had proved thcmsclves unable to mect ing to movc the lcgatcs both with religious and political rcasons: for thc rcquirements. .perhaps under his rule.. no place would be bettcr than the Ibcrian Península. Andalusia (al-Andalus). The 77 FF. due to thc priv- truces with the King of England. which Espina recallcd from England. '2. and the first four destinies were dismi~sed on different grounds. the audicnce was even more difficult to addrcss. as he had becn asked to do sev. f. Thc prey would be nothing less than Armenia and Syria. who would coopcrate. far from signing truces.v. thc crusade. the era! times by thc pope and the duke himself 75 possibility of recruiting people ali the way. for love of the Christian "res publica".258. he would be wise to turn to the Llull had proposcd five different places to start the war. and thc advantage of finishing off the last Muslim na1vc. the matter only once without daring to proposc a name. finally. a large part of the sultan's launching of the crusadc. the easy journey to the In the light of modern historiography. try. which he lmew somcwhat better than the othcr writers the union of the Churchcs and the end of the conflict bctween pope knew the Ottomans. 17'1. sincc Granada. thus saving a lot of then becausc those princes who could make decisions did not arrivc. For a start. . . l 73r. Anyway. At the same time. . the great reward promised to those engaged in the holy army. The sccond reason is that he relicd on one of and emperor had bcen very positive. ileged geographical position. distance of the journey and whethcr against the Moors in Granada. and victory. to tal<. The lord of Acre had exhortation is full of Biblical references. His efforts wcre in vain. Furthermorc. 78 but which was eagcrly was 'still not settled.277. and Torquemada had to use the same kind of believed by monarchs-and probably encouraged them more than persuasion at the Councíl of Mantua in 1459.. That was the figure of a rex bellator elected This time. he could use crusade as the excuse to sign across the Iberian Península was by far the easiest. which left that frontier free for opposite of what Germain was proposing: he refused the appeal to Christian troops. f. who askcd his permission to join the fighters. pp. 79 Enrique N was never but just sent their lcgates. fi.23r. again to continue thc unity of Byzantium. pp. possibilities of supplies. number of castles availablc on the way and expenses. once the gcographical basis for it established. thc capture of through Armenia. the army could movc through Tunis. any ecclesiastical speech. thcy would join thc army voluntarily. Cyprus. bccause he did just the stronghold in the West of Europe. 79 Ibident. Sevcn years later.

Lmi!Jers and Irfcdelf. T. 83 Kedar. whom he thought to be ready to the idea of pacific conversion. both preaching and crusade had proved aries. A product of this symbiosis.62. 86 This trend was followcd. Mendicants never ment of Christian conversions . pp. 84 Fernando ll of Aragon who thought himself the messianic king who. cit. Segovia himself ncvcr rcjccted crusade on thc whole. their conversion would be followed by thc rest of the common thirteenth century. leading to a new style of preaching. addressing· him as the intcgration easier. elaborated a ncw thcory of preaching. see 85 Urvoy. William of Tripoli. pp. losing their faith again. S. specially thosc living in the of "the perfect preacher. The desirc for martyrdom was added moti. Pierre Dubois and Ricoldo few chances of crusades in the East and W cst of Europe succeeding. AH his works from for the Church.. In this contcxt. More pacific proposals wcre suggested by thc partisans of mission. military intervention in the Holy Land to open the way for mission. cit. pp. for priests were expelled as soon as the attention of captives and study. who opened schools Missionary hopes were still sustaincd. p. 184-186. so dear to mendicant orders. it was King Franciscans soon shared this new impulsc. 32. p. and the foundation of houses to welcome the friars. . J. he prefcrred to devote his efforts to the through coertion was invalidatcd automatically.LIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 203 themsclvcs as possible leadcrs of the last crusadc. changc in the habits and clothes of the brethren to make Alfonso V to write a long lettcr to the sultan." But very soon Franciscans started to defend Iberian Península. Thc main representative of thc they tricd to proselytize outside the prisons. 117-120. who saw the same effect on the Granadan borders. who were inspired by thc Humbert de Romans. cit. B.although it was difficult to The Dominican method proposed a new approach to Islam through permeatc their social structure. 80 Later. who obviously continued tcn to provide ideas for the preachers. 84 See Zananiri.81 and the means used to achieve convcrsion Dominicans and Franciscans were askcd to work further. 141. would conquer Jerusalem methods and war as the way to approach Islam. de Montecroce. 83 mcans to entcr thc Muslim-ruled lands. 86 Muldoon. instructing were lcss important than the ultirnate cnd.. Thc results were in dircct Christians liVing under Muslim rule in thcir own faith and giving relation to the preacher's virtuous lifc. vation.: 0¡1. and thc advance of the Turks on preaching and crusade was never criticized from within or without the East only helped to assumc that Christians would have to livc the orders themsclvcs. supported forced baptism..: "Sobre el ideal de cruzada . to Islam. 85 became an extcnsion of preaching to Christians. ".. Richard.. pp. 81 Kcdar. C.202 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RE. Preaching to Muslims feel discontcnt with their own faith..: Popes. and he defended all of them thoroughly. p. .: op. and both were the The decline of crusades in the fourteenth century favoured a move- new ordcr's most important aims. to rccognition that baptism views. 102. and was given papal approval in a bull of together with the Prophet's rcligion for much longer than they had Gregory IX (4th March 1238) granting the friars thc same indulgcnce thought. however. 1275 to 1312 givc onc solution or another to the problem of Islam. 186 JI. treatises writ. 237-238. learned branch was Raimundo de Penyafort. G. for he stated: 80 Sobrequés. probably according to his ary mcthods.: op. In the long term. pp . The step from cnforced Saraccn conversion as contained experiences in preaching life. D. as wc have seen.: L'Eglise et l'Islam. This fecling moved martyrdom.14·2. cit. He failed to sec that learned Muslims would not necessarily regarding the Cistcrcian missionary style. 82 Zananiri. and was the study of the enemy's rcligion and languages. 242 . J: La Papauté et les ·missions . Maicr.. they tried to present thcm to Jean Germain. About Grcgory lX's crusading policies. cducation was fundamental for special attention to thosc Muslims who had convcrted and risked the success of sermons. In thc listen. New attempts involved spiritual aid givcn to captives as a as had been given to crusaders by the IV Lateran Council. 82 Espina undoubtedly learnt from these sources his definition by ccclcsiastical writers living in Europe.: Penser !'Islam. whose basis They maintained correspondcnce about their respective methods. B. avoiding public debates and preferring the one he proposed.: op. 72.. had given way to upper dass of learned Muslims. Aragonese policies also conditioned his in thc comments on Gratian's the East which worried the papacy. G. Other figures like Juan de Segovia and Nicholas of Cusa. By thc fifteenth century. by such men as for missionaries ali around the Mcditcrranean. pp. "Great Hound" whom he was going to destroy. Simultancous defence of useless to put an end . L1ull successively defended pcaceful after winning Granada from the Muslims. the Franciscan spirit introduced sorne changes pcoplc.

until comprehension could Constantinople was consídered a key-event in thc succession towards replace fanatism. f. first condition was maintaining peace with Muslims. He only admitted crusade as a temporary solu. : R7 Cf Cabanelas. Both Segovia and Cusa agreed to start their work by translating tion for self-dcfcnse. All these projects to defeat the enemy on earth found theír decpest phere would bring about the intensification of diplomatic and cultural meaning in the arrival of the Day of Judgement. in which he men in these questions. Thrce possible remedies could replace it: tion about the life and doctrine of Islamic people. cit. 89 But the latter were or for the purpose of conversion. p. Vat. whosc scrmons produced a strong reaction among from hís doctrine. pp. bers of all nations and religions. 3. . a new one had to stantinople in 1453 was to contact thc Muslim elite in a conference be proposed: it was structured in three stagcs. 90 Anawati. The next book. which would prevent Muslirns from seeing Christ's just one more nation able to live arnong the others with sorne con- love in thc figure of their attackcrs. exarnined the text point by point. time to produce its cffccts. 2923. 1. in order to unify all of them in one which was difficult to attain in a short period of education. in to the facts.. should be undertaken in front of rulers and alfaquies. . because then the Church would be justified and Muslims would be condcmned by their own evilness 69 Ibídem. His answcr to the capture of Con- Once the traditional mcthods had been rejected. the Apocalyptic era. European rulcrs' the traditional principie of preaching adapted to the particular mcn. 87 engaged in the prcparation of the crusade and the council of Mantua. Espina devoted a great part of the battle to tell- and the works of Saint Boniface in Germany). and to extract from it as much valuable inforrna- Muslims becausc they uscd to attack Muhammad. who preferred a historical approach According to Segovia. Thcy also tion as possible. Palencia thought that lack of foresight. 91 examples of King Wladislaw in Hungary. 88 91 Ibidem. The last stage. The capture of relations between Christendom and Islam. He only mcntioned one prophecy circulating in the corridors peaceful mcthods as opposcd to crusades (and here he mentions the of the Roman Curia: "Constantina cadent et alta palatia Romae". De pace fidei. G. Such discussions of six or eight years' distance to permit an analysis of the situation. 90 Needlcss to say. knowledge and advice would help to reconcile differenccs. but only thosc undertaken with religious motives in mind to as many mernbcrs of the Church as possible. Cusa's method starts with the Cribratio Alchorani. D. 145-147.a miraclc. C. the conversion of England On the other hand.effective war. cessions regarding their customs. Plus religion with a variety of rites.preachers. The great novelty is that he <loes not they had to face Islamic fanatism. that he could not help making it known ilar causes. 121. his mcthod was the best. start. is a debate among mem- required a decp knowledge of the other's religion and psychology. but it could not be relied upon without propcr and commentating the Koran. 118. accuse Muhammad in any way. Fortalitium has the freshness of recent ncws and the added advantage ing with the similarities. Segovia becamc so sure that thc Muslims owing to their invasion of Christian lands and othcr sim. so that thcir The argumcnt is quite different from that of Alonso de Palencia. The version of the conquest offered in the sion of the fundamental doctrines which divided both religions.. and it nccded a long to discuss the grounds of a common pacific policy. It could also be helpful íng the atrocities committed by the Turks once they had entcred the even if it wcre rejectcd by Muslims.. but the results would be conclusive. Lat.: op. and was confirmed historically by the success of city fell. p. p. 111. The his proposals were even less use than Segovia's. Alonso de Palencia: Glónica de Enrique IV. SO. TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 205 I want to emphasize that I do not condemn thc lawful wars against for not listening to pacific reasoning. 88 another contcmporary chronicler. trying to diffcrcnciate Muhammad . See Juan de Scgovia: Letter to Eneas Silvio Piccolomini. givcn that God used to rely on Islam. In fact Cusa spoke of Scgovia as the initiator of a revision of the tradicional ideas about . A peaceful atmos. A gap was thereforc created between the war far territories and the so bis message was not heard. which was unlikely.123. T . bis mcthod was based on natural law. this being the main source of informa- planning. lazincss and bad management of the troops were thc reason why the tality of Muslims. instead of the contradictions. was the discus. but prefers to consider Muslims as .: Nicolas de Cues . pp. 1 i 204 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT'. after a long period. Ms. war for conversion.

125. 93 Cf. 126-127. A.. and by thc beginning of thc fourtecnth ccntury.. Paul.: op. ali had been ravagcd by Saracens. 94 although arist ideas. For an intcrcsting approach. 79. heaven. p. 94 Vasilicv." So the Saracen rule. 100 Then comes the most interesting part of thc argumcnt: when wíll 92 this happen? Hcrc. the ora.. the Vat:icinia supposed to defeat thc Antichrist befare entering J erusalem and ren- de Summis Pontificibus. Syría. and which ascended to Hcrmit.: Tlze ]ews qf Byzantium.912). pp. and a comment of St. 180. for l\!IuQ. f. which calculations 96 spoke of 1492.: "Medieval Ideas of the End of the vVorld: West and East".. Prophecics on columns were a commonplacc in Byzantine in its way: all the lands in th~ world had suffered their invasion at apocalyptic literature about the end of thc world.ammad's prophecies had been fulfilled by 1462: bones as a symbol of the cnd of his law. vers10n the one which speaks about the Christian lcing scattcring MuJ:iammad's 97 Bowman. He might be refering to the age of hypocrisy and injustice mentioned in the hadiths had the prophecy by Juan de Rokasia (Jean de Roquetaillade. Predictions of struggles were identified wíth the capture of Vade mecum in tribulatione by 1356). and the rest of the signs were to come soon: the around 1485. could not survivc much longer. pp. l 73v_ 10 95 FF. G. the arrival of thc MahdI. Seneca. who wrote come. it was. and thc scvcn ages to pass befare (886. combined with which would take place whcn the names of the emperor and the the teaching of classical authors likc Plato. so that the city could be taken. 93 Wiegers. A. . 911 'fsa's Breviario takes from Christian traditions the idea cics are related to the supposcd oracles of Emperor Leo VI thc Wise of the central place of Palestine. The two first prophe. 99 Byzantion. and Pliny.: "The Diffusion of Byzantinc Apocalypses". Galia. Persia. Christian writers) would appear. cit.. Spain. Alabama 1985. bones. Cyril of Alexandria . whom Espina callcd a "Greek philosophee'. pope coincidcd with the ones who founded the city: Constantine and Thc last punishment ínflicted by Muslims on Christians was already Grcgory. Egypt. and the Turkísh invasion had updatcd millen- mentioned in the Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum. The original tcxt was dated between Islarnic mcssianism. most of which wcre one time or anothcr. Both mention a certain column placed in the Church of Saint The end of Islamic rule was described according to the most Demetrius which had engravings depicting the destruction of the city. whích proves that it must have been circulating in Antichrist (al-Dadjdjal) would come and be destroyed by Jesus. and consisted of candlelights burning ovcr the Christian authors had revealed this punishmcnt: St. And to enhance the eschatological tone of his speech. cit. 342. Gcrmany . this was thc beginning of the end: Byzantinc Seneca: "Nothing violcnt is perpetual. P. and a certain Arabic prophccy which said that Turkish hands. according to thc testimonies of a Russian bishop and the Dogue eschatological peoplcs of Yadjuqj and Madjudj (Gog and Magog for of VeniccY2 He proceedcd to explain four prophccics about the cap. 16 (1942-43). 93 this being probably the text which Espina dering the city to God. T1 ( 206 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 207 city. Espina himself spoke of an Arameic started through conquest and violence. p..128. the Castile befare that date. S. It is interesting to see 1100-·-1180. lsidore. none is the same as Espina's. and thc rcst of the prophecies would ture of the city. Ishmael thc walls of Constantinople during the níght. Alexander. 240 242. p. 9·5 The second step towards final liberatíon is taken from the stoic For many authors. G. But he <loes not mentían the key-figure of Byzantine apocalyptic literature. Joachim de Fiore. renowned eschatological texts of thc Middle Agcs. be fulfilled.1453. Such was thc final proof reserved The third wonder prcceeding the capture of the city was only to those who were willing to confess God's faith. calculatíon which placed the end of the world at the time when Two prophecics are quoted to support this statcment: one contained Uz----Greece-and the daughter of Edom-Constantinople--fell into in Scotto's Sententt. a classical in thc cnd of the world. 1204-. ~ Thc tcxt has not been stuclicd thoroughly yet."ae. 462-502.: op. 97 For cfsa ibn Djabir the end of the world was a Christian king would conquer Mecca and scatter MuQ. and it is probably the Christian 96 MacKay. t: l 70v. Capadoce.ammad's approaching. 99 A number of seen by the Turks. which was adapted to Aljamiado Constantinople. l 7lr. Aristotle. knew. pp. Espina reveals himself as most cautious not to FF. that neither did Espina mcntion the messianic emperor who was cles were transformed into a Latin Pscudo-Joachimitc work. . FF. scc Wiegers. f.: "Andalucia y la guerra del fin del mundo". The Turkísh reading of the sígn was that God wítheld hís and sorne fragments of thcir tcxts are accurately quoted by Espina protection from the besíeged. Hildcgard of Bingen.

He never resorted to the calcula- tions of the end of time." Then.208 CHAPTER SEVEN fall into the apocalyptic discourse. In the 1450's. 138. most of them were aimed at Christian readcrs whosc faith was dcclining or who werc threatened by Muslim power (captives.ammad and Islamic pre- ccpts are one of the best works about compared religions in his time. befare thc parties' fcelings became more extreme. playing sorne role in be made. His encyclopacdic knowlcdge made the Fortalitium Fi'dei more than j a first-hand sourcc for Jewish history.Q.§. JJ~~la. pctual serfdom under the Christian yoke". I have tried to prove that 6!Je ideology le. Of the four authors studied in this book.~J With the exccption of ~El. it must cease whcn the Christian pcople are sufficiently punished. T. His use of chronicles for a t "book of battles" and his chapters about l\/Iul.: "Acculturation as . the conflict would bring peace to the world and liberation.. O. f. p. . As we have scen. How this How did Christians regard Muslims at the end of their political has to be understood in the light of the End of the World.. the central phoenomenon of Medieval siblc.Q-~Lide.gQ:0-_a.only because of the volume of his work but alscrfor-the·vaficfY"'~t sourccs he used and their interpreta- tion. and the expectation of a crusade against the Turks. with a third.Esp.ding to the conquest of Granada and the final dcfeat of Muslims in thc Península can be traced in scveral w?E~. by the fifteenth ccntury this adjustmcnt had given The last text to be quoted was headed "About the Saracens' pcr. F. or speculate about one.. Glick..tlic formative pcriod of its natíonal culture. l 74v.). Only that the end of from diffcrent sides. they would be ready to destroy the l\/Iuslim empirc..!_~_rance an. The point of view was tllercfore negative and accuracy only served the ultimate objcctive: persuasion of the final triumph of the Christian church. Christian and JVluslim. the othcr authors show an evolution towards i!!. Givcn that the capture of Granada was seen as pos.ina is undoubtcdly ~he most interesting~ "}}.. He avoided giving a precise date.Q. 101 Again Espina <loes not new political circumstances drew attention to thc Islarrúc problem explain how this serfdom was to take place. i army. semi-autonomous cntity._1:9.l:'. only powcr in the Iberian Peninsula? Religious litcrature) laws and historical Espina could tell..d. There is a connection between Iberian authors working abroad.5'. But no comment is made about who is to lcad thc Christian the events.t.. it seems Spain. Howcver. However one may approach it. the meeting and that the l 460's were a reasonable date to expcct sorne advance to bilateral adjustmcnt of two distinct cultures. or how <loes Muhammad relate to thc Bcast or the Antichrist- an idea which had moved most authors. facts have been used to dcpict the situation in the mid-fiftcenth ccn- tury.. the Jews.YiQknce which was common to the society and its rulers.". --~-'?-~Q.alist!f?.". He seems to be happy enough to prcdict that "save a CONCLUSION better judgement. & Pi-Sunyer. place to a period of transition towards a new structurc. 1 101 FF. All the books written by Christians rcfcrring to Islam were religious trcatises discussing their faith. J1::~!?:~.

. I can go as far as to African and Granadan Muslims. 0ie outcome of the confrontation between the first ~chbishop of the city. given the slowness of communica- -~tions and thc distancc between thc authors. and those working in the of Tole do. Both ways of approaching Islam are personified by Torquemada and ) §~pina. whcrc ctsa ibn Djabir thought thc time had come to defeat the Christians. decíded the royal policy towards } Península.\iith them¡/Some superficial elements were kept the same to avoid reaction against more subtle transformatiou. Thc following gencration of authors gathered all the ínfiucnces and knowlcdge of the prcvious ones. But this would be thc subject for another book. After the fall of Granada.~ Whereas conversion to Christianity was seen as most desirable and was supported by local law-codes. but thc imminence of thc fall of Granada produced more litcraturc on thc subject. However. Hcrnando de Talavera. and the application of similar principles brought new reactions. l\llorisco issue. Thc steps towards intolerance in rcligious authors can provide a cluc to thc situation of acculturation in thc Península.. while a strong monarchy was growing in the Península. Francisco de Cisneros. At thc same time.9~~r. whose first interest was to disseminate ideas about North the Muslims all through the modern period. so there is no need to insist hcre on the importance of traclitional polemics. The relation between the dcfeat of Islam and the end of the world had been poínted out in the seventh century. togcthcr with gesturcs. the in:ftucnce of Mudejars in the society around them was still too important- cven ~-~~J>. partly duc to thc good library system. The revival of the Ottoman threat suggest that thcir approach to Islam and particularly Cisneros's tri- in the East affccted thc whole of Europc. which can be compared to the e:ffectivity of discourse. whilc coexisting \. A lot has been said about the style used to attack Islam and it has been described in detail. respcctivcly.0Lr2y~_J?. regarding the Turks only as a possible help for Mudejars and Granadans. . Laws show an attcmpt to harden positions against Mudejars.~lwark--. which tended to forget umph was thc cnd of the Mudejar problcm and the origin of thc that its far West still was under the Muslim yoke. thc ideas seem to travel much bctter than might be expected. symbolism and the powcr of image in manuscripts. But internal quarrels among the Granadan parties brought forward the last triumph of Christians. In any case. and the Archbishop . but times had changed. and even the Jews had their own prophecies about the end of the world coming around 1453/1492. 1 1 1 210 CONCLUSION CONCLUSION 211 who dealt mainly with the Ottoman issue. Thc samc happencd on the Muslim sidc. universities and mcndicant friars. the opposite was scverely punished. people in Castile yearned for the final defeat of Granada.

Dukc of Milan . cardinal 1442 Cardinal Cesarini. Felix V is proclaimed 1441 "Manifesto" agaínst Alvaro de Luna Segovia. Juan Il's ambassador to the Council qf Constance 1422 Clemcnt VII elected pope by the Aragonese 1424 Translation ef the Bible efAlba into Spanish by the Jew Nloshé Arragel 1429 Council of Tortosa: constitution to rcspcct Clement IV's dis- posítions on Muslims 1431 Cortes in Palencia to discuss war against Granada Battlc of La Higueruela Dispute ef 1Vfedina del Campo (Segovia) Torquemada. CHRONOLOGY 141 O Capture of Antcquera by Christian troops 1412 Dispute of T ortosa Cathcrinc of Lancaster's ordinanccs about Muslims 1415 Capture of Ccuta by thc Portuguese 141 7 Torquemada. Master ef the Sacred Apostolic Palace 1432 Expedition of Alfonso V of Aragon to Tunis 1434 Council of Baslc under Eugcnius IV 1436 S~govia travels to Germany and copies Ketton's translation ef the Koran 1437 Portugucsc crusade to Tangier 1438 Thc Council moves to Ferrara 1439 Thc Council movcs to Florence. legate to coordinatc forces for a crusadc against the Turks 1443 Crusader success at Edirnc Conquest of Naples by Alfonso V of Aragon DisjJute between Torquemada and El Tostado 1444 Varna: dcath of Wladislav I 144 7 Cavalleria claims his puril_JJ ef ascent 1448 Crusader defeat at Kosovo Segovia's retirement 1449 End of the schism RioLs against Jews and converts in Toledo: works by Torquemada and Alonso de Cartagena 1450 Sforza.

bishop ef Orense: ((Symbolum pro injónnatione Mani- 1451 Philip of Burgundy proposes a crusade m a spcech to his clzaeorum"' knights of the Golden Flcccc 1461 Death of prince Carlos de Viana Albano-Aragonese alliance Germain's 'Vébat du Chrestien et du Sarrazin" Death of Murad Il and enthronement of l\!Iu]). Alonso de Espina is his corifessor Burgundy Segovía> bishop of Cesarea: "De mittendo gladio cordis Saracenorum '' 1468 Dealh ef Juan de Torquemada Alfonso V of Aragon the Sultan 1454 Dcath of Juan II of Castile and enthronement of Enrique IV Banquet of the Peasant in Burgundy: oath of crusade Diet of Frankfurt League of Lodi J org von Ehingen visits Castilc 1455 Defense of Belgrade Beginning of the Castilian campaigns against Granada Alfonso V of Aragon takes thc cross Death of Nicholas V and accession of Calixtus III Plunder of the Moorish neighbourhood in Valencia Alonso de Espina attends a Meeting of 1''ranciscans in Madrid 1456 Deaths of John Capistrano and John Hunyadi Enrique IV's trip to Ceuta.ammad II Possible death ef Alonso de Espina Se.214 CHRONOLOGY CHRONOLOGY 215 Treaty Aragon-Venice 1460 Civil war starts in Catalonia Cavalleria's ":(.elus Christi" Torquemada. He is given thc administration of the Spanish Military Orders 1457 Meeting at Alfaro (Enrique IV and Juan de Navarra) Espina preaches the bull ef crusade Piccolomini and Torquemada> cardinals 1458 End of the Granadan campaigns Dcaths of Calixtus III and Alfonso V of Aragon Thc Portuguese conqucr Arzila Death ef Juan de Segovia 1459 Council of Mantua Juan de Torquemada: "Contra Errores Machomeli" Espina begins the "Fortalitium Fidei >J .govia> bishop of Savoy 1463 Bull "Ezechiclis Propheta": crusade starting at Ancona 1452 Fredcrick III's coronation in Rome 1464 Death of Pius II Thc N asrids attack Murcia 1465 Sentence of Medina del Campo Jean Germain 's "Discours du voyage d'Outremer" Enrique IV's dethronement in Avila 1453 Capture of Constantinople by thc Turks Possible death ef Pedro de la Cavalleria Diet of Regensburg 1466 Leo of Rozmítal visits Castile Treaty between Castile and Aragon 1467 Deaths of prince Alfonso of Castile and Philip the Good of Death ef Alvaro de Luna.

19 BC): Bucolica. Plotínus (d. CE. . 255) [through Eusebius of Ccsarea]. FF. CE.De civitate Dei. c. 401). Lactantius (d. FF. CE. . CE.Sarrasin . c.De anima. CE. Docton qf the Chw·ch Ambrosc (d. FF. Virgil (d. Origen (d. 65): Ti·agoediae. ~billine Oracles. 399 BC)J. 525): De Sancta Tiinitate. CE. d.De animalibus. 269): Enneads. . [Plato (d. 320): Divinae Institutiones.elus Christi . Pope (d. CE. FF. Boethius (d. 322 BC): Aietaphysica. [Hippocrates (d. CE.Physica. .Política. APPENDIX I: SOURCES OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES CE: Contra enores j1e1fidi i\!Iachometi FF: Fortalitium fidei . Classical Sources Aristotlc (d. CE. Porphyry (d.De T rinitate. Anastasius. 430): bis work in general. CE. . FF. . .De efficiis ministmrum. c. CE. CE. . CE. . CE. f ZC: <:.. 383-450): Epitoma rei militaris. FF. CE. CE. . CE. 2. FF. . CE. ·--·· Ethica. 397): De Spiritu Sancto. -. 347 BC): Timaeus]. c. FF. Seneca (d. CE.·. CE.De proprietatibus elementorum. Vcgctius Rcnatus (c. 30 1): De regressu animae or De abstinentia. 43 BC). LCS: Livre du Chrestien et du . c. FF. ZC.De Trinitate (419). CE. .Liber de substantia orbis. CE. [] : So urce quoted without mcntioning authorship 1. Augustinc (d.. Cícero (Tullius.

FF. 1153). LCS. 1315): Liber de fine. Leo 1. FF. FF. CE.fimi tempo- 1ibus certa demonstratio (De fine seculi). 1250. FF. d. the Royal Palace. CE. 1143): Koran. FF.De .] CE. 1110): Dialogus. FF. John Damascenc (d. FF. FF. 444): Thesaurus de sancta et consubstantiali Tlinitate.iaq al-KindI and <Abd Allah b. Methodius (Pseudo-) (c.De Gene. Francisci. Abraham ben Afra.De verbís Domini. FF. Cronica Beati Petri. CE. 1284): Pugio fidei. (9-1 Oth c. Pope (d. [Ricoldo de Montecroce (d. FF.218 APPENDIX I SOURCES OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 219 . 1204): Cuide fer the doubiful. FF.] FF.fiad litteram (401). lshma'Il al-HashimI Raimundo Llull (d. et eorum lege et fide. CE.ementinarum. copied for the Library of Damasus. Alexander de Hales (d.dii . 1455): Collectio Historiarnm (Ms. Calixtus 111 (d. FF. ZC. 4. FF. FF. 636): l!)ymologiae. Cathalogus Regum Terrae Sanctae. CE. d. Isidore of Sevílle (d. 1202): Speculum visionum. Pope ( 1264): Speculum Historiale. Medieval Christian Sources (Greek & Latín) Vicente Ferrer (d. 1112): Chronica (Historia Regum Franciae). FF. ZC. Pope (d. Lucas Tudensis (d. 461): Sermo de Nativitate Domini. 749): De fide orthodoxa. FF. CE. FF. 1349): Postilla. Jacques de Vitry (d. CE. Gregory the Great (d.Summa Iheologica. 674-678): Se1mo de regno gentium et in novi. Victor (d. 1463): Tractatus contra sarracenos:::::: De mittendo gladio corda . 1141): De Sacramentis. 1203): Qy. 1249): Gnronicon Mundi. FF. 1247): Historia Arabum. . CE. John of Podio (d. Historia exaltationis Sanctae Crucis. Dennis the Carthusian (d. LCS.iber generationis lvfachometi. 1405). CE. 604): Moralia in Job.J FF. Madrid. FF. I. Thomas Aquínas (d. Hildegard von Bingen (d. l. 1179): Scivias seu visiones (Líber revelatíonum Dei). Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada (d. Bernard of Clairvaux (d. CE. Liber generationis et vitae Machumeti. CE. Cy:ríl of Alexanclria (d.: Tl·actatus contra Machometum. sm. FF. CE. 1284): Generalis Historia Hispaniae. FF. FF. 1343): Disputatio Abutalib Saraceni et Samuelis Iudaei. FF. FF. John Chrysostom (d. FF. Joachim de Fiore (d. Leo N. CE. Juan de Segovia (d. John Duns Scotus (d.): Risa/a. 1273): De statu Saracenorum et de Mahomete pseudo-propheta Alain of Lllle (d. FF. FF. 1320): Improbatio Alchoranis. 1198). by thc samc secretary as FF). FF. LCS. Raimundo Martí (d. Moshc ben Maymon (Maimonides. FF. 1419): Sermon "Ecce ascenclimus Hierosolimam". V. CE. 1458): Bull.r. [. . Alfonso Buenhombre (d. Egi. . FF. FF. Sigebertus of Gembloux (d. Bartholomeus Anglicus: De prop1ietatibus rerum (c. 1245): Summa Iheologi.acenorum. 1308): Commentarium supra libros Sententiarum. FF. c. 1314): Cl. Dionisius Areopagitcs (c. Hugh of St. . -. Kitab al-Mi'radj (Liber Scalae Nfachometi). 1109): Monologíum. 855). FF. LCS. CE. CE. Robert Ketton (c. Jerome (d. Pedro Alfonso (c. FF.adripartitus liber contra hereticos.Tractatus in ]ohannis evangelium (414).fide Sanctae Trinitatis. II. [William of Tripoli (c. . Alfonso X (d. 532): De dívinis nominibus. . 'Abd al-Masih ibn lsl. 3. CE. CE. 798): Commentarium in Apoca!Jpsin]. 1244): Historia On'entalis Ecclesiae. 384). Vincent de Bcauvais (d. . [Beatus of Liebana (c. lbn Rushd (Averroes. 420): A letter to Pope Damasus. FF. CE.Senno de Nativitate Domini. FF. . FF. Arabic & ]ewish Sources Nicholas of Lyra (c. . translated in the 15th century by Vicente de Burgos). FF. Anselm of Canterbury (d. CE. Clement V (d. 1274): Summa contra gentiles. [CE]. FF. FF. 407): Contra judaeos et gentiles. tit. lbn al-Haqim de Málaga (Ronda?). CE.

continued by Chrístians to XXIII. Ti EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 221 XIV. Reason why l\!Iul. About himself V.i XXI. accord- VII. Includes the words from the Koran MuQ_ammad recitcd as if they were Abraham's law. Explanation of what is contained in human law. lnspired by him.f"/" already mirades. and cvcn less for Muslims who have abandoned God's doctrine and discipline APPENDIX II: EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF XV. but not his inter- The aim of this appendix is to givc a comparison of the main su~jccts and cession because he carne from Abraham's lineage their prcsentation at a glance. Explanation of why he did not pcrfonn any other. Account of the truths of the Christian faith according to Church XXX. About the Saracens' hopes to convert rnany Chrístians by affirming ing to the Koran sorne of thc truths contained in the Go-spcl XXVI. They are invisible.t:". The original division of the treatises has been respected. l\!lul:iammad pretended he was given Abraham's law.EC. but miracles are not Muhamrnad to introduce them appealing to idolatry. l\!liraclc of the seven slecpers X. XXIX.ammad's law dcnies Chríst's ccding índulgence to thosc who die. Errors regarding marriage contained in the Koran XXVII.:¡ IV. Ali ber of other errors his religion is bascd on himself. con. Miraclcs told in the Koran. It was not considcred enough to send twelve men to prcach Christian 2. with four differences: VIII. XVIII. art and fortune were~~Q. l\!Iu. XIX. Mul. Consideration: Bishops and doctors of the Church try to convert Saraccns '. as is shown by two sentenccs: :Therc is XII. differences among divine. the Church and its prelates' honour.ammad frccd Jesus by rejecting· his divinity. not exhibitions by mcans of Nestorian and Arian errors 4. beíng the two maín oncs related 1. They are promises. vVondcrful actions are rcasonablc. Explains the reasons for the continuous war between Saracens and XXII. Críticism of MuJ:iammad's Paradise as described in the Koran only one God and Mul)-ammad is his mcssenger ' XIII. JUAN DE SEGOVIA: De mittendo gladio in corda San-acenorum XX. Therc was and is no hope of eternal life far pagans and Jews.ammad contained in the Koran are divided in four defend Chríst. ¡ Chríst's. His judgcments when he was alive o faith to the Saracens. which was word bccause they lackcd dcfinition of the contcnts. Saracens want to extinguish the namc of Christians III. natural and scriptural laws and the law of divine grace I. attacked by MuJ:iammad types: ·. Debate with the king of Granada's ambassador l. Miracles he performed " ~ .i.) of attempts es· le i~'i VI. Points out excessive praises contained in the Koran as well as a num. but the titles for the chapters have not bccn translated word-. as were the Apostles.tammad's sect expanded in such a short time. and promising thcm Paradise divinity XI.ammad's law ·.for. Praises of Mul. and how it was easy for 2. Seven crrors contained in the Koran. and the chaptcr headmgs consídered divine have becn cither translated or summarized. who do not observe God's command- FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES ments nor precepts XVI. to which he added abusing glosses l. distressing the Church 3. There is no hope for Saracens. MuJ:iarnmad ordcred Moscs's law to be respected so that it supcrceded Christians and thc maintenancc of MW¿. Exhortation and precepts for the Saracens to continue fighting. Twenty-one reasons why MuJ:iammad's sect was accepted and prelatcs and doctors multiplied . . What is told in such a confussing way is not intelligent to thc rnysteries of Trinity and Incarnation. Dcmonstrates how in a short time the law of the Saraccns expandcd XXIV.Q. (. nevcr seen by men IX. About circumcision. Mu]:iammad affirmed that worlcs of nature. Thcre is no hope for Saracens because they do not have sacraments XVII. Reasons for the war XXV. Mul:iammad's life and actions \ ~$ 11' / /' by a multitudc of fighters. Contains adviccs to finish with the war. Due to envy. XXVIII. Christ did not dissolve but complete Moscs's law.!. History of three hundred years 4. by preachíng the divine word How it cannot be proved that Abraham receíved another law from God JI. Lucipher's sin. About the virtue of his actions or· 3.

222 APPENDIX JI EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 223 XXXI. Saracens will realise that the hapiness promised to them was 4. He is the last prophet 6. About the end of the sabbath XXXIII.. whose messenger is 1. JVloses's law was imperfect 3. Before the Messiah's arrival. but not the son of God ' . About his divinity Mul. Reasons against idiots. Saracens adored the principie of their world.4.1. Contradictions in the Koran · Uot true. Creation. Angels . Fourth way to convcrt thc Saraccns: the way of peace.2. Mul. About war for conversion 5. V\lhy in the beginning the Church did not prosecute Mul)_ammad's 6. Dcmonstration of Mul. V\lhy Mu}:lammad's scct continucd to be expanded 2. souls did not enjoy Paradise after death 2. Therefore. Right actions are not worth 4 Article: The Messiah must su:ffer and die for the remíssíon of sins. Response to thc first fourteen reasons. 1. by instruct. being the lcss convenient the two brated them former: 8. Thc Koran is inimitable XXXVII.. Why the Messiah has not eliminated punishment . How this was done.Zelus Chrúti .. Response to four of the last seven reasons: Messiah to all souls through sorne choscn men 1. About the Trinity 2. Paradise and the Last Judgement XXXVIII. and without the ríght faith due to his death ali sacrifices must finísh 5 Articlc: Once celebrated this sacrifice. assuming that onc was the creator and other the legislator 1.. Why the old Jewish feasts are not valid for Christians if Christ cele- XXXIV. Christ's pcrson and actions 3. Saraccns' misery is greater as their triumphs increasc 4. 3. To whom was He promised Prcfacc 2. About the third: War and its reasons 1. . showing that Jesus's faith is true and necessary Preface Part II: philosophical proves of the truth of Christ's faith Summary Which are the Scriptures common to Jcws. Sending preachers Refutation of the Islamic sect [divisions are not made by the author] XXXV. Trinity XXXVI. · 2. 1f Jcsus did so 2. 6. they will turn 5. The Messiah had to arrive far the remission of sins 1. there are no more prophecies to be delivered 7. PEDRO DE LA CAVALLERIA: .3.iammad's false prophethood 4. Discordance between Christian and Islamic faiths 1. Waiting for a miracle outsidc thc cities 2.iammad's description and life 3. Ways to convert the Saracens. Why thc Christians have images in churcl~es . and as they see the Christians are not unbelievers. and he is both God 4. . Again about original sin 2..iammad. .··. JUAN DE TORQUEMADA: Contra mores pe1jidi Machometi 2 Articlc: l. He is announced by Christ when he promises another messenger 3 Artide: The Messiah was promised in the Law. Why are Christians buricd within the church if thc Jcws havc cemeteries l. . Why the food forbiddcn by Moses's Law 1s allowed to Chnstians sect as a heresy 7. a new Law would convey thc XXXII. Christ is thc Mcssiah. Holy war 7. Jesus was not crucificd and dead.iammad said about himself 5. Answer to the last thrce reasons: 3. V\lhy don't the Christians circumcide thcmsclvcs. including the martyrdom of Christians Answers to sorne of the Jews' doubts 3.for Adan:i's sin 1.. . About all the líes Mul. Christians and Saracens About divine providence Part I: Against the J ews 1 Article: Thc Messiah was promised in thc law 3. Moses's law did not bring glory after death 3. · ·. They do not possess a numer of divine books or about human law 1. · to •· their religion. This happened because of the original sin 1. Muhammad's name is eternally written on God's throne and human . Peoples of thc Book will be saved ing multitudes and signing peace 2.

Tirannic violencc and the power of weapons are used by Mul:i. It forbids evil things 14. material pleasures are promiscd to Muslims 1. but Gabriel 3. Principies and foundations to refute Islam Muslims convert: 6. Ali the prophets beforc him announccd his arrival 34. It should clirect towards God both external and internal human 41.Q. made of fire 5. so thcrc is nothing 9. Demons can be saved through the Koran 27. and the trcc produced dates for her to cat 5. Shc was Mary. It is not even confirmcd by 43. Nobody is saved except Muslims 4. Angels ignored the narnes of things before Adam named them 29. Wine drinking is a sin 3. Future hapiness is placed in vain things 2.She was accused of_adultery by her neighbours 6. vVhoever lives rightcously can be saved in his sect 3.Q. He denics the Trinity 2.Jews. Its essence is incorruptible firmness 16. Having sevcral wives is permitted 5. Twelve characteristics of Christian religion which should makc thc 5. It has thc holiest doctors and mastcrs 8. God is thc reason far all evil 12. . but imposcd by the sword 44.ted . 7. lmages worshipped: criticism 1. 24. they are not acknowledged 40. It must be possiblc (quoting the Mi'radJ) 48.rejec. Apostles and prophets were Saracens . It must not be based on fables 4· 7. Ali human souls have been made from one soul 1. It promises eternal hapiness 17. It is not rational 38. holy things. Angels will die before the Last judgement 50. It should command honest. He denies lncarnation 5. It gives advice to reach perfection 13. The Bible was corrupted by Christians and .ammad 23. He asks Muslims to believe in God's messengcr '. . bccausc it <loes not 36.iammad chargcs God with false and cVJl thmgs. He affrrms God is corporeal and has a body 11. It must be in accordance with God in everything is the supreme goodness 9. It has honcst commandments 12.ammad's origin 30. It has prophets as authoritative witnesses 1O. 1gnormg that He 8. Lust and flcsh are permittcd 21.ammad 4. It must contain the truth 46. Admonition to makc the Cathohc pnnces raisc agamst the Turks 25.ammad's main crrors (discusscd in chapters 7-4 7) 1. He dcnies the Holy Spirit is God 4. Once Christ was born she was consoled of her sadness mirades. Adam's soul is a portion of God's soul First considcration: About MuJ:i. . just. He denies Christ's divine generation 3. Adultery and fornication are lav. Five reasons why Mu. Christ wil1 not be the judge in the Last Judgement 8. Its origin is the best: Christ 7. No prophet before him was . When was Mul)ammad's sect startccl touchcd the latter making it darker . Only easy precepts are commandcd 22. but the Koran on humility and patience 15. The sky is smoke made of sea steam 2. 1 \ EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH~CENTURY TREATISES 225 224 APPENDIX II 33. The sun and the moon were made of the same light. About the author of Mu}:lammad's scct 32. Christ is not God 6.35. About circumcision Christian Church 19. Ali creatures invoke God in praycr actions 42. It is confirmed by divine power 9. It has got true documents beyond question 11.fol for Mul:i. God ordered the angels to pay hommagc to the first man 4. The Virgin Mary gave birth on a palm-tree 4. Although fast and 39. His Paraclise is made of pleasures 20. ALONSO DE ESPINA: ForLalitiwn Fidei (Book Four) 28. The Law contained in the Koran is not divine. .ammad's sect was so successful. Christ did not die in the cross 7. Mul. Angels are corporcal. He believcs Christians are forced to adore their priests 2. It must be a wise law for the people 4·5. Mul)ainmad's origin and birthplace 31. Aftcr resurrection. About sodomy fulfü the following conditions: 37. Mu. Angels commit sins 26. where wishes will become true prayer are good. He defended fate and denied divine providence 49. as opposed to 18. About pleasures in Paradise. Repudiation is a]so allowed 6. It must be confirmed by natural law. It is excellent bccause it is not based on weapons or violence. It has extraordinary virtuous sacraments left which corresponds to God's real mcssage except what is said in 10.

.iammad's law 1.Seventh articlc: and he wi11 come to judge . God cannot be the author. l\!Iu. . Against Christ's death.. Wine abstinence 1. Against Baptism by chalcedony 9.... but thc dcvil ..Fifth article: who descended to Hell . Pilgrimage to Mecca 7.Third article: who was born from the Holy Spirit .. amen .. by amethyst Christian rule About the discordance of Mul).. Fallacies and fablcs in Mul.. Testimony and witnesses 3. When must Muf. Why do Saracens hold the Holy Land . Against Chríst's Incarnation. Food allowances 5. Errors in Mul.. The Koran.tammacl's law. His life was monstruous due to epilepsy 17. .Eleventh article: 1 believe in the resurrection .i. Thcrc is no bcttcr land to start the crusade than Spain .First article: I bclicvc in onc God .Twclfth article: and in eternal life. His lite was ambitious 16. Diversity of pagans whom Muslims sometimes imitate 7.Ninth articlc: I believe in the Holy Catholic Church . by sardonyx in it but what is mcntioncd by thc Koran . Against marriage with just one woman . NICHOLAS OF CUSA: Cribratio Alchorani 9. Against the Holy Spirit being God to hcavcn · 3.iammad's law cease 5. represented by jasper 6. by beryl Tcnth consideration: about thc possession of thc Holy Land by Saraccns .. by sard by means of wcapons from Mul)ammad's time until thc present (158 battles) . Sixth article: He ascended to Heaven and is sitting at the right of Ninth consideration: about the wars and triumphs of Christians and Saracens the Father .Tenth article: I belicvc in thc saints' communion . rcpresented by chrysolite . Prayer towards the South Prologue 13. How Mu]:iammad's law was given Sixth considcration: About Mul. )\lfischicfs in Mu}. Mul)ammad's successors in the East and West 5.iammad's law is full of contradiction 4. by jacinth Elevcnth consideration: VVhat must Saracens comply with when living under . Circumcision Third consideration: Quality of Mul. Jews and Christians corrupted the Bible and thcrc is no truth left . Mul. by topaz l.anunad's law Scvcnth consíderation: Mul)ammad's successors 3. Diversity of people who accepted Mu.arnmad's vile death 2. T ! 226 APPENDIX II EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 227 1 Second considcration: Muf. 5.Q_ammad's law is not confirrncd by miraclcs 3. Observation of Fridays 12..ammad's preccpts: Twelfth considcration: end of Saracen power and their pcrpetual serfdom l. Prayer under Christians 2.. Perpetua} serfdom of Saracens under Christians 6..Q_ammad's law 6. by chrysoprise 2. About judging 1. Christ is not God Fifth consíderation: Concordancc and discordance of Muhammad's law with 4. representcd by saphire 7.. represented 8.tammad's law 2.iammad's life and customs 14. Plunder and death for in:fidels 8. Easter 4.. Fast 3.. Mul. Thc last punishment for the Christian people by means of Saracens 3. Against Paradise being contemplation of God and not material goocls . Against the Trinity ..iammad's law is not divine because it has been rebated by men and the devil was its founder Eighth consideration: the war of Muslims against Christians using arguments 1. . End of the Saracen powcr 4. Those who are called Christians do not descrvc that name Fourth considcration: Foundations of Mu}. · because he is supposed to be immortal Christ's in the articles of faith ..ammad's doctrine and law 1.Second article: I believe in Jesus Christ .. Forbidden marriages with relativcs Book I: The Koran 11. Forbiddance of disputes with non-Muslims 18. Inheritance f 2. . by emerald 10. The sect did not pcrish thanks to the Devil's shrewdncss 4. Proclamation in loud voice 2.i.. His life was bcastlikc and lustful 15. Number of wives 10. including his ascent 2. Ablutions befare prayer 1. Against veneration of images · · Fourth articlc: who died under Pontius Pilatc .Eighth article: 1 believe in the Holy Spirit ..

Abraham. Christ's role in salvation 6.ammad persecutes Chrístians against God's will 14. God in the Koran is Muf. 5. Recommendation for the sultan to arder Mary's cult and the prcaching 3. Dcclaration of thc Ho1y Trinity . Christ's dcath. Declaration of Adam and Christ's similitude 9. Jesus. Why Jesus did not call himself God. which says Abraham was an idolater. 20. About Jesus Christ's rcsurrectíon 2. becausc then it would include heretics 8. discussion of conversion to Christianity 19.tammad's servant thc Koran and thc Gospel agree 6. thcy do it as God 3. Discussion of the enigma of the Trinity . The elegance in style does not prove thc Koran's divine origin of prccissíon. The Arabs must aclmowlcdge the Trinity: discussion of the identification . according to thc Koran.ammad was not sure about what to do or to belícvc. MuQ.1 21. Without Christ nobody can be a saínt 7. Christ was really dead and crucified Book I: About thc mistakes and foolishness of the Muslim sect Qettcr from 13.iammad's aim is his own exaltation 16. because he was placed 2.ammad <lid not deny his dcath but bis soul's death 1. Paradise 14. with a different version 13. Mul). being the Messiah. MuQ. is also his son 9. His asser- higher by God tion that "Thcre is only one God and Mu}:iammad is his Mcsscnger" 9. Christ's death and thc transmigration of his soul: Mul). JEAN GERMAIN: Le livre du crestien et du sarrasin of Mul).1 6. 10. is also the son of God 8. Thc Final . Jesus must be followed rather than l\!lu}. To the caliph of Baghdad. Other variations ín Mul. How through intellect wc can see divine nature of the Gospel 4. Mystic theology which dcmonstrates that God is ineffable 16. Christ is the son of God: dcmonstration it through words. Differences between thc Koran. Christ. Abraham's pact excludes the Arabs 15. The promise made to Abraham Book II: The Trinity.ammad's references to Christ as God. The Koran wrongly blamcs Christians for adoring Jesus-considcring is false in the second prcmise him a prophet. The Koran contradicts the Biblc and is wrong in thosc passages 19. About God in the Koran. Only Christians adoring the Trinity can be Abraham's descent 1. Christ deserved immortality: demonstration 8. 5. Against the Koran being Abraham's law fcct man 12. Crucifixion was Christ's exaltation and purification al-Hashimi] 14.ammad tried conversion through violence when he could not do 1O. Other testimonies in the Koran which prove Christ is thc son of God plural 18. Jesus. How wc are raiscd from intellectual to divine fecundity 18. Confusion in Mul). About Pedro Alfonso's Dialogus 15. Intellect as guidance for divine activity: so was thc Word created 19. in singular or 17.Judgemcnt according to the Koran 18.. More about thc thrcc persons: parallcl with thc three pronouns "I-you-he" 11. because even thc latter acknowlcdgcs its mcrits Book III: Mul).tammad. Mul.228 APPENDIX II EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 229 2. being God's '\!\lord and Legate.une which must have been included in the Koran by Jews 6. Koranic objections to thc former only try to specify sorne points to 7. Foreword to the Saraccn's epistle 16. Contents of the Koran according to Muslims 17.·. It should be understood from the Koran that God communicated Christ 1O. Theology which affirms that God is triunc l 7. will save evcrybody: lack 7.ammad. is he an absolute God ar is he contained 12. Christ's praise in the Koran and the demonstration of his divinity in his crcaturcs? 13. How it should be undcrstood from the Koran that Christ is the per. About Paradise 4. easily proves to be the son of God. who is the 11\Tord of God. The Gospel is light for the Koran because it contains everything which is true ín the latter 1. but the Son of God 4. Christ's death and its fruits 3. 11. God in the Koran. about the paragraphs regarding Abraham. Activity of ali beings as dcmonstration of God tri. The Arabs ignore Abraham's law and persecute ít 2.i.ammad's sayings: about every monotheist to his spirit and soul be saved. Invcctive against the Koran 5. and he kept chang1ng his mind 11. Digression about God's crcation of the Word (intelligence) and the Biblc. Mul. The Saracen's attempt to convcrt the Christian . The mystery of Christ's birth and death: cxplanation of his mission 3.ammad bclieves in the rieed of God's presence in everything that give Christ more glory happens 15. The Gospel must be prcfcrred to the Koran. Faith in one God.ammad with the Holy Spirít 12. Lave in relation to the aforcmentioned 20.

the first martyr 19. Disciples of St.ammad did not have such of the Gospel. Pctcr's disciples 25. James called "of Galicia" Book II: Christian objections against Islam and justi:fication of thc Christian 4.ammad's name was wntten being scvcnty-four years old on God's throne befare the Crcation 16. Luke. Works of the other five deacons in differcnt countries 21. Mul. and not phisical 4. Real Paradise is spiritual. who is St. The Saracen claims he is familiar with Christian Scriptures and rites 26. prayer and ahns were ordcrcd long before Mul:. Albania prophet and Armenia 6. Thomas's chivalric dceds in judaea 7. and their conquests a powcr 23. St. How St. Triumphs of Simon and Judas in Babylone. Paradise is rcachcd through difficulties. 'Worship of the cross is not idolatry 6. Summary of the first letter and its argument 7.iammad's generation and his life according to chapter 4. Islamic ecremonies 29. Matthias. Summary of the great works of sorne of the disciples for the expansion 22. purification and marriagc 13. Morea etc. chastity and pcnitence 1. Peter. in Lybia and Arabia are only two divine Laws. Mu}:iammad is nota legislator nor is his law valid. Christians have not changed thc Scriptures 8. The First Seven Deacons 18. Mul. About St. How thc apostlcs' disciplcs brought Christian faith to the world 24. Mul. Paradise Book III: Establishment and devclopment of thc Christian faith by impor- 11.iammad of Greece. Islamic Lcnt. Lettcrs bctwccn Abgarus.230 APPENDIX lI EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 231 4. Paul 3. St. Christ's merey and forbidance of holy war 2. low Judaea. Epilogue 9. Fast. St. De:finition of prophecy. Islamic fasts and prayers 28. St. God suffers from mcn's tribulation. book I 8. bishop of Jerusalem faith [Al-K. Philip apostle in thc great city of Sarmata. Matthew and bis conquest of thc foreign nations of Ethiopia l. Lcgatcs lcfr in Syria by the Apostles: St. Against rythm in writing praised by the Saracens 14. worship of thc tion of the main lcadcrs cross. nor <loes it conform 12. Polygamy and tepudiation 2. St. How St. The Saracen's farewell 2. 13. When should miracles be pcrformed: MuJ:i. The Saracen's objections: the Trinity. The second lmight. Wonderful deeds of St. All legislators must have a guaranteecl authority conqueror St. Muhammad's shameful death 1O. The. Andrew and his conquest of the regions 12. About thc fruitful prcachíng of the Gospcl made by the triumphant 8. king of :Mcsopotamia. and Je sus 3. How Christ disposed the conquest of Christian monarchy and thc clcc- 14. circumcision. Conquests made by St. Hell tant figures 12. Resurrection and Last Judgement according to Islam 10. Stephen. John's disciplcs . and not through easy lifc 5. Difference betwecn Church institutions and those of Islam: circumcision 17. and Mul).indf's answer] 5. Foreword to ask for the Saraccn's benevolcncc and savage Africa 2. The five pillars of Islam 27. Holy works done by the Church and supcrstitions in the mosque 1. James and St. against Islamic concept of Paradise 3. Bernabe preached the Gospcl in Italy 14. Christian law is what Saracens pry for cvcryday 7. Thesalia. How St. according l.iammad's heaven and hell are poetic 3. high 9.ammad's is evil 11.iammad's grcat changcs in the Scriptures (Koran) 13. Susania. How Saraeens wrongly believe that Mul). an expert in medicine. About the execution of the noble scnator St. Macedone. Philip converts the king of Ethiopia's treasurer 20. Fortune and glory are not the supreme goodness for man. James the Minar. Triumphs of Bartholomew's lincage in Licaonia. Christian faith possesscs ali virtues while Islam includes all vices . 15. Thc glorious apostle St. They must try their laws to tcnd towards righteousness Dacia and Russia 10. Pcter to the philosophcrs 2. Pilgrimage and blasphemy in Islam 1. John the Evangelist to these conditions when he was in a rnission in Asia l\!linor 11. Mu}:iammad's lust and polygamy Persia 5. who accomplished the salvation of Judaea 6. Mark preaehed in Egypt. Conquests of St. About Christian martyrs 3. its kinds and why Mul. performed his duty in Bithinia 15.iammad cannot be a 9. Media and 4. Christ's divinity. Christ's lilitenant and vicar 15. Mu}:iammad's preccpt about conversion or destruction of infidels 30.

Conclusion and dcmand of a sentencc from the Sultan 5. Dcclarations made in the great Council of Nicaea. prelates. Comparison between Christian law and thc Old Testament 4. IV Council of Cacsarea. Christian faith is a "res publica" which tends to maximum happiness 7. about Trinity 3. Epilogue Book IV: Dcclarations of faith and documents proving how Islam differs from Christianity 1. Those who preached the Cospel from Constantine to MuJ:¡ammad 15. How the martyrs. under Thcodose 6. lnstitution of the Christian faith 3. The destruction of the Jcwish pontificate and rcalms and their captiv- ity as testimony of Christian holy faith i . Allegiance of the Gospel with true philosophy 6. 11 Council of Jcrusalcm under Claudius 3. Louis to the present time 7. Preachers from St. Miracles made by martyrs to authorise the Gospcl 1O. Council of Caledonia 7. Mctropolitan Council of Ephesus. thcrc wcre already bishoprics. Those who preached . The cmperors Constantine and Licinio 14. John's Gospel undcr Nerva 4.under Antonius Comodus 5. Synodal scntcnces of Eastcrn and Western doctors 2.discussion about Easter... Declarations made in the Council of Constantinoplc under Thcodose 4. First Council of. cstablished Christian faith in the world 9. Great Council of Constantinople against monophisitcs. Carthage and Numidia against Pelagius under Arcadius and Honorius 5. Achievemcnts of the greatest men in the world. Councils of Africa. called cmincnt 12. Fruits of Christian faith against idolatry 11. Louis 6. How was Christian faith authorised before Constantine the Great 1. Those who preached the Gospel until Charlcmagne 16. Objections made by the Saracen and answers 4. How before Constantine. Council of Rome against African Novatists. 111 Council of Ephesus and St. Declarations made in Constantinople and approved by Pope Martin 8. parishes. Council of Antioch-condemnation of Paul of Samos---under Aurclius 7. and other Eastern and Western Councils Book V: Summary of Christian doctrine 1. 8. until St. About true happiness 8. About the different laws [religions] 2.232 APPENDIX II EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTIJRY TREATISES 233 5. From Virgile's nine Sybills to Constantinc 13. Scntcnces of thosc doctors close to the Council of Chalccdon 3. hoping to rcach true happiness. under Detio 6. The Gospcl gives the Christians rcasonable laws 5. Why has the author mcntioncd thesc councils and epistlcs 2. Thc gospel is vcrificd by the Sybills 1. etc.Jerusalem and thc Apostle's symbol under Tiberius 2.

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R. Vernet Ginés. Touron._ljons. Madrid 1984-. 609-629." Hispania.: "La lettre du moine de Francc a al-Muqtadhir billah. cultura hispanoárabe en Oriente y Occidente. 11. España. Madrid 1964. uan "' ' .iddle Ages. Historia de antecedents and successors. et la reponse d'al-Bayi. Barcelona 1989. 7195--1614. Pans 1969.d. U dina Martorcll. Leiden 1994·. V1cens 1vcs. 73. 31 ( 1966).: "El alcalde mayor de las aljamas de moros en Castilla. London 1969. . J.." Hispania. Tate. 32 (1960).: Western Views qf Islam in the Middle Ages. J. Sweetman. . . A. Washington 1958.: "Sobre el ideal de cruzada de Alfonso V de Aragón. R. J. Jews aud Ch'.. Suárez Fernández.--· : "Le Taf~ir au service de la polémique antimusulmane.305-J3?9J. 9 vals. 12 (1952).: "El alcalde de moros y cristianos en el reino de Murcia.153. Viscu 19130. J. roi de Saragossc. L." Religión y cultura." ARDE." Relations between East and West in the ll1.M. . Paris 1980.undy. 255-280. Madrid 1967.'. Les épitres d'al-Jjashfmf et d'al-Kindf. : Los Trastámaras de Castilla y Aragón en el siglo XV. Vall<". W.: Historia de Portugal. Paris 1985. Madrid 1975. Torres Balbás.: The Dhimmi. Madrid 1970.: "Sur l'évolution de la notion de djihad dans l'Espagne musulmane. Barcelona l 970.: Ensayos sobre la hútoriografia peninsular del si. 31-32 (1960). (ed. L. .: La. Edinburgh Wiegcrs. (ed. O. 'fartar. --· ····-: De ~bd al-Raf:¡miin 1 a Isabel JI. ··----·-·-·: "Moros. Vasilicv. París l 746. . Turnhout 1974. London 1970.: Philip the Good.: A(gunos aspectos del muddarismo urbano medieval. W . Vaughan. Thomas. Southern. Vázqucz Janeiro. 88 (1960).: Rodrigo Sanchez de Aré Pinedo.5-154. vol." Al-Andalus.: "Dante and Islam. M.: "Catálogo de los incunables de la biblioteca del monasterio de La Vid. 3 (194-3)." ]llfélanges de la Casa de Velazquez.: "Medieval ideas of thc end of the world: West and East. C.:lo XV.: "Aportaciones documentales para el estudio de la familia Cavallcria. His 1973. Ye'or. .: Penser !'Islam. Trame. .. R. F. 1450). . Warminster 1989. J._r.istians under Islam. G. Wacldingo. le faqih andalou. 335-371.-: "El conocimiento del Islam por la cristiandad de Occidente a través de los cantares de gesta. judíos y conversos en la regencia de Don Fernando de Antcqucra.> . Urvoy.: Dialogue islamo-chrétien sous le caliphe al-Jl1a'mun. A. Torres Fontcs. C. ed. 131-182.): Attitudes Towards Other Reli.fl. 133-145. del siglo XV Barcelona 1953. 32 Smeyers. 31 (1965-66). J.. Madrid 1986. London 1985. Spanish Diplomat and Gliamj1ion qf the Papa01. ._P. ideas in tlze two religions. Vol.: Annales A1morum . JI Je A·-aaón (1398-14 79 \." Byzantion.: La. BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 244 BIBLIOGRAPHY . R. Pans 1928. F. Vol." CHE. Madrid 1954. JI. 60-97. 16 (1942-43). Lyon 164-8 . a stu<[y oj the interpretation qf tlzeological Zananiri. London 1947.) 1978. S.: Christians and Moors in Spain: vol.): Dicti~nnaire de la Bible. J\1rmarquía )' revolución en la España Sobrequés Vidal." Sefarad. Murcia s.-: Itinerario de Enrique IV de Castilla.. 7lze Apogee oj Bur.: Histoire des hommes itlustres de l'Ordre de Saint Dominique. . 167 (1988). (EY) Tránsito de la Edad Media al Renacimiento en la historia de Espaí'ia. J. L. G. ." Studia lslamica.: Estudio sobre la "Crónica de Enrique IV" del Dr. Smith." JI! Simposio Internacional de Muddarismo. miniature. D. Menéndcz Pida!. A.F. Yfa of Segovza (. Cambridge (Mass. Teruel 1986.. 15. Murcia 1946. Turki. . Les j1resupposés islamiques de l'Art de Litll." BRABLB.: Jslamic Literalur~ in Spanish and A!Jamiado.: Tratados castdlanos sobre la predestinacion y sobre la Trinidad y la Encamación del maestro fray Diego de Valencia O.: L'Eglise et l'lflam. Valdeón Baruque. B. Galindez de Carvqjal. B.: Los conflictos sociales en el reino de Castilla en los siglos XIV)' XV.¡ t 970V)... I.. 232-252 . 9 (1973). Vendrell de Millás. F. H. 462-502. 3. 2 vols. Vigouroux. 2. Veríssimo Serrao. . G.: Guía histórica y descriptiva del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón.: "Los mudéjares murcianos en la Edad Media.: Islam and Christian Theology. . by R .

'Abd al-Salam l 91 117·-118. Austria 8 139 Ávila 27. sultan 74 Antequcra (Castile) l 90. Moshe ben 5 7. 168 Alhambra 117 Abü Darr 125 · 'Ali al-Garibo 71 Abü Nu'aim al-Isfühanr 123 Almería 120 Abü-1-Surür Mufarridj 192 Almohads l 16 Abü Talib 126 Almoravids 136 Acre 74. 4 7.iammad's father 125 Alfonso. 'Abd al-Ral)man III 130 109. GENERAL INDEX 'Abbasids 130 Alfonso VIll of Castile 118. 23.. 15 7-158 Abelard 94 Algcciras 120 Abraham 101·. 213 Alain.75. 207 Alfoll. Cyril of 207 Arias Dávila.. Order of 20 125.5. earl of 14 201. Alfonso VI ofCastile 118. Diego de 34 AlJmad ibn Abü pjumü'a 171 Ancona 13. 16 Aphrodite 86 Alcalá 33. 74. prince 215 'Abd Allah. 148. Lope 4·1 'Abd Allah. 59. 132-133 Aroth and Maroth. Mul. 201 138-139. Pedro (Moses Sefardí) 29. 139. pope 73 Archidona 23--21· Alexandria 201 Arian 1 l l . 190. Master of 5 7 Aragon 1. 10. Alcántara. .. 132 'Abd al-RalJman 105 Alfonso X o[ Castile l. 78. Arragel. 121·. 196 Majlüf al-Ta'alibl 191 Alfonso XI of Castilc 18. 158. 82.iman ibn Mul. 129. Alcañiz (Aragon) 30 29---32..202. Arta] de 32 Alexandcr JU. 194.i_ ibn Isl)aq al-Kindl 91 66.55 Alfa. [ 72.. 93. 34. 9-10. 214 Aleppo 73 Aragon. 1\lforocco) 15 Adrianopolis 1O Anas ibn JVlálik 125 Africa 9. 206. 138. . 133 'Abd Allah l 05 Alfonso.17. 133.iammad Ibn 135. 131.. 162. l 04·. 114. 13. 'Abd al-Ral. 94.110. 214 Aristotle 85. 159. Mahomat 1'ti Arles (Francc) 38 Alfonso I of León 133 Armenia 201 AlfonsolIIofLeón 104. 167 Anafe (Casablanca. 58. 171. 200 Alquir¡. 213 15-17. 13 Anaya. angcls · 161 Alfonso V of Aragon 8. 183 Andrés.. 120. 104. Luis de 99 Amon 92 Adam 152. 117. 'Abd al-MasIJ:. 215 Alfonso VII of Castile 105. 156. bishop 43 Alfonso. 13. Diego 54. .. 116.otc of l\l[álaga 27 Acuña. 75. 139. 154. 1138. 17'1 Arabían Peninsula (Arabia) 86. 132 Avicenna (Ibn Slna) 85 . Arraiolos. . 208 Alarcos. 184.. battle of 118 Antioch 118 Albano 45 Antón. 213-214 Arzila 15. 214 Alfonso V of Portugal 14-15 Aurillac. saint 178 Albania 11. 130. 20. 215 AIJmad ibn Yal:iya al-Wansharishr al-Andalus 129. 121. Gerbert d' 125 ..1 l. cardinal 11 Antichrist 111. 92. 39.HO. 4 l. 16. 11-7. Juan de 68 Aiyüb. 121. 30. 162 .

214 Fiare. 130 Caseda. 142. 36. 36-. 13.15. 27.20. 157-158. "el Cid") Edessa 43 Fcrrer.11. 42. 4-2 Enrique III of Castile l 76 Carlos de Viana. 53. 79. 213. Master of the Order of 27 Clement IV. 127 213. Baena (Castilc) 14-0 Carrillo.10. 36. 29. 213 133. 67. 66-. 80. regcnt of 4·6.120. Joachim de 111 .210 127 Cavallería. 96-98.27. 35. 9 l.215 . 16. Pedro de la 3. 24. 138. 76 125. Bagdad 94 and later cardinal 33. Vincent de 84. 120. 134. pope 29 125. 39. 202 Bramante 130 Charlemagne 109..43.112 Catherinc of Lancaster. Hcr·mann of 96. 214 120. Andrés de 35 Banü. Francesco 77 Cacsarca 38 Cisneros). pope 10· 11. 200-201 117. 154. . 213 Blois 96 Cervantes. Beato de Liébana 11 1. 162. 215 Cusa. 101. 98 Byzantium 3. Álvaro de 86. 134. 206 Enrique IV ofCastile 'J. 214 214. 26. Jürg von 21. 79. 214 Cavallería. 41. saint 41 Fernando I of Castile 118 Brancowitz of Serbia 16 200 Duarte I of Portugal 9. 134. pope 9. 35. 169. Castile) 75. prince 13-1 '1 al-Baihakü 123 Carvajal.. cardinal 35.110. 34. 111. 109..J. 91 . 118 77) 82. 45 Central Europe 11 ·~· ··~~=~--. 187-188.32 Bonfilla. 63. cardinal 36. 144. prince 17. saint 178 al. 180. 10. cardinal 35 Democritus 152 Fclix V. Diego 21. 18.52. 14. ruler of Naplcs 17 Burgos (Castile) 44. 12. 97. Pedro de 52 Cueva.17. Clement VII. 9. 177. 60. Francesc 66. 201. Damascenc. . 178. 213 Burgundy 7. Femando 35. 75. 168. France 7. Velasco de 35 89-94. 124 r: \~1 Benedict XIII. 151-. 200 Ayton (Savoy) 37 .164-. 75-76. 20 l. 36. Covadonga (Asturias. 162. Ben Labi (family) 29 30. Dijon 37 Femando U of Aragon (and V of Bouillon.39. cardinal 51.. 134135. 51. 1 l. 77-79. 118. 199-200 Djerba 16 Castile) 1. 181. Nicetas 86 Cid (Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar. 146. 68. 180. 43. 14.38. \~. 174-. pope 213 16'. 36. pope 9-10. Mahomat 141 Casanova. 18. 43. 203. Curia l O._:_. 88. 137 Epicureus 152 Ballistarius. Alfonso 92. 139. 35-36. 36. 59. Catalonia (Catalunya) 34. Beauvais. _> Berceo. 194.40._ < . 128. 31 Eugenius IV. Vincent 29. Gonzalo de 35 38 Córdoba. 85. St.O/'_. 28. Bernardo 46 Banü QasI 130 23. J 1. 73-74. 103. 37 Díez de Aux.45. Alomo de 6.177. Coimbra (Portugal) 34 Erdi.24. 44. 98 Constance 34. Lope de 49 Castilla. 213 Córdoba (Castile) 24-. 213 151. 139. 159. 107. 213 Eiximcnis. Cohnenares. 70.1Ira 12 5 Cartagena. 44.76 Ferrante.~J'::~~~ :' . 121. 213 Calatrava. Sarradj 192. 46. 49. Castile) 99 Eraclius 111. 96 China 16 Dubois. 213. 87. Martín 30 29. 182 Enríquez del Castillo. 135 Christ 80. 20 l Ethiopia 16 Bede 104· 29. Gonzalo de 117 Caval\ería. 61. 119. 88. 130.193 50. 213 Despuig. cardinal 35-36 Córdoba. Cuéllar (Castile) 22 47-55. 119. 18. 62. 98.'Aynl 199 Capistrano. 114-. Geoffrey of 109.113.181 . 75. 43.. Demetrius Paleologus of Marea 16 Fadrique. 201. '>f'> ·~ •' . Belgrade ll. 2 l l Ehingen.112 Durango (Viscaya. Council of 43. 207 Calahorra (Castile) 196 Ciudad Real (Castile) 43 Eimeric. Pierre 202 Fernando of Portugal. 24. Council of 9...202.88. Juan de. 121. 134. 34. Beltrán de la 19-20 109. John. 88.. Juan de. Antonio de la. 2 l 5 Constantinc 111. 45. Juan 31 . 205 206. --------------------------'"' T 248 GENERAL INDEX GENERAL INDEX 249 Avis. 128. 214· Clovis 109. 26. prínce 13 . 92.215 Bal. 119. 9. 115.3. pope 157. 15. 92. Calixtus III. García 135 Bologna 41 Ccsarini. 127. cardinal 12. Damaseus 74 Eulogius 91 .102. Vidal de la 29 David 154 119. 20. 90. 98 Carazo (Castile) J 35 Commyncs. Domínic. 33. Order of 14 Capadoce 207 Cologne (Germany) 88 Eloy. 172. Barcelós. 112.214 Díaz de Toledo. 24. Nicholas of. Barrientos. 175. king of 15 Cabra.Juan 31 Ceuta 14.83.. 203./ Bern 99 Chacón. Oliver of 73 England 7. 214-215 Cuéllar. 78. Diego de 51 Escobar.215 Daroca (Aragon) 32 Europe (Europa) 2. 8:. Alfonso de 44. 96-97' lo 1-102. 52. John 8. 172. 38 Dcnys the Carthusian 87 Fernández. 44 Fernando I of Aragon (de Antequera) Boniface. 53. 213 Cana 14·9 Cluny 37 El Escorial (San Lorenzo de) 98 Francia. princc 4 7 Bingen. 201 . 185. ·. 6.110. 15 Burgo de Osma (Castile) 107 Chosroes 110. 33.64..33. Juan ele 31 Corias (Oviedo.14 Femando III of Castile 136 Buenhombre. 115 -. 42. Castile) 11 7 Espina.. Bessarion. 37. 136 Edirne 213 Fez 191 Cilicia l l Edom 206 Fez. 105. Nicolau 189 Florence 9. 176 Bosnia 12-13 Charles VII of France 8. archbishop of Toledo 38. 87. 193-195. 74. 74-75. 166 169 35. Fernando (Bonafós) de la Cyprus 12. Alonso. 36. saint 204 Chalon-sur-Saóne 8. 125. 55. 8. 201. 14. cardinal 1 1. 112. 16. cardinal 9. 67. 109. 23. 101. Juan de. Babylon l 1l Carpio. 82. 207 Filelfo. 121 205--206. 210 \... 200 El Castellar (Aragon) 32 Francesco Sforza of Milan 12. 139. Luis 16 Fernándcz de Heredia. 132. 119 Banü Marwan 130 Casti\e (Castilla) 5. 38. saint 206 . Gonzalo 48 Demctrius.22 Balboa. 115-117. 204 Eastern Europe 9. 161·. 74 Byzantios. Barbastro (Aragon) 32 120-121. Philippe de 26 Enrique II of Castile 176 Azuara 14 Carinthia. Juan de 31 . ·195. Bernaldo del 1 18 Consiantinople 3. Leonor de la 29 Cisneros (Francisco Jiménez de Egypt 11. 129. marquis of 58. 123. 162. sa:int 86.45. 214 Colognc. 35. 99. Eulogio de 111 Epirus 12 Banü Marln (dynasty) 119. Hildegard of 207 Cerda. Castile 176-177.. 109. 13. Ferrara. 82. 35. Basle.. 166 169. 198. carl of 14 184. 44. 57' 59-60.157. 71. 64-. 39. 174.131 .Enrique of Portugal. 38.

135 --------.194. Order of Saint 28 Madrid 54--55. 194 Jimena (Castile) 22 Lubel. 45. 83. Sancho 135 132. 198. 160 96. 195. 176. 44. 36 ··37. Pierre de 43 Gregory X. 131 Henry IV of England 8. Fclipi. 213 . 109. Rodrigo 86. duchess of ---. emir o[ Granada 199 4. Pedro 19 Iconum 73 Ketton. 88. 201-202 )l. 207 Gregory VII. 121.149. 58. Lille (France) 8 139. Juan 31 García. i!l! lberian Peninsula (Iberia) l. Mu]:iammad's wifc 127 153. La Concepción (Franciscan province) Maryam. 14 7. 201. 174. 121. of Edcssa) 43 Khurasan 126-127 144- Ildephonse. saint 147 Greece l 7.199. 214 Huesca (Aragon) 32. 16. 1'19. John Crisostomos 126 m~ ~:!~l García. 84. 190. 94. Alonso de 75. 81. 203. 97c. 143-144. 74. 134. earl of Castilc Innocent 111 73. 200. 199.150 42. Hrotsvita 86 163. 9. 166 Mella. Council of 4. 74.186. 126.133.3. 167. Lecce. cmperor 206 of 25. John of 99 Maimonides 85 rn~ Gazull.44. 60. 74. 170 Lot 92 70. 81. qac. "the vVise". 157. Isabel I of Castile 1. 198. Lope. 148. 43 Gonzálcz. Mamluks 130. 93. 160. 88. 71. 119. Jean Fra119ois de 43 Milan 9. 38. 43 James. 162. 81 . 93. 27. 207 Ibn al-Khatib 193 Juana "la Beltraneja" 23 77. Robcrt 87. Sentencc Gumiel. Alvaro de. 169 León 38. 134. 125. 200 1 62.120. Juan de 31 Italy 8. 213 Martí. 3. Garci 22 Matthew. 91. 197. 79. 131. 5. 201. Antonino de 11 Jerusalcm 11. 186. 195. 137. 127 Lucas de Iranzo. 94. Louis XI of France 13 li~ Frankfurt. l 79. League of 10. 172. Andrés ele 35 Ibn Abr Zayd 68 Juan l[ of Aragon {also. prince 196 Mantua. Jacques de la 11 . heretic 126 . 85. 215 Gurrea. 119.200. 76. 15-17. 149. pope 78. 73. 62. Millán. 25. ¡¡1¡r¡ Gibraltar 23-24. 122. Moses's sister 148 100.17. 169. John. saint 117. 141-.---. 94 206 Lemnos 11 Medina del Campo (Castile).116. 157. Raimundo 70. 20. l 17. 95. saint 120.·. 88. Juan de 46 Isma'rl 110 Leo VI. 214 Malom. 18. Mary Magdalen 6fr --6 7 22-2'. Diet of 9. IV 180. 104-106.201. 16. 206 Ishmael 104 Lateran Council. 167. 214 Frcderick III. 213 Guzmanes (family) 24 'Iyad. 162 Hungary 8-10. 4-8-50. 16. saint 110. 12. 35-36. 12. 27. sultan 73 Marques (France) 99 Girón. '15. battle of 135 Jacob 154 Lille. Alfonso 35 160. 214 m~ García de Covarrubias. 37. Alonso de "el Tostado" 34. 1i!!lfil 116-118. 140. Isaac 148 La Higueruela.3 ¡m¡ Galia 207 John. 112 Kucinic. 33. 214-215 lbn Isl)aq 68 185. empcror 11 . Ibn Khaldün 140. 101 . Valencia) 157 Ignatius. Jacobo 36 Ibn Srna 68 al-Kamil. saint 163 Kosovo 213 Martin V. John. Málaga 18. saint 111. 169. 134. 20. 69-71. 92. 33. 213 al-Ma'mün. 7. earl of Mons (Burgundy) 8 Holy Land 10. 190 Ibn al-Samad al-Khazrajf 163 Ka'aba 86 Mark.. Fernán. -T-~~~~~~~~) rn 1~ lH 250 GENERAL INDEX GENERAL INDEX 251 í~!. IV!iguel 19. 109. 43. 109. 21 '. 79. 136 Lodi. 93. cardinal 35 al-Hashimr 91 Jaime I o[ Aragon 106. Jerome. Juan de. 119 Liste. 135 María. 177.135 Innoccnt IV 198 Kurayshites {tribe) 86 162-163 Granada 1. 129. 149 lbn Rushd 68 Marche. Ibn al-'Arabr 147 Juan II of Caslilc 13.13.. 14 Laso de la Vega.10. 185 Lisbon 14. David 15 m11 Genoa 8. 89. Jean 8.132.::::i Germain. 106. 17. 105. 214 Manriques de Lara (family) 51 Germany 11-12. 43. 120. saint 147 Lyon 99 !tfü Galiana 130 13. John VIII. 134 . 169. 203. 5. Martín 59. 70. 133 213 --214 Isabel of Portugal. 92. 128. lll! Hospilallers 8 Jesus 68. John 11. mu Gaunt 8 lbn 'Abbas 71 Juan 1 of Castile 176 Magdcburg. saint 7'1. 213 Raro (Castile) l 96 Jaime II of Aragon 59 Llull. 'Isa ibn Djabir 2. 1!1!11 Godalcsc (Guadalest. 12. Dispute 36. 132. 19. 13. 204. 94-96. 14·2. l O1.12 17-18. 20. 95. Raimundo 2. 91. 174.199.76 Bagar 104 jaén 90. Alain de 92. 64. 206.147.182. 126-. saint 147 Gil. 69. 131. 117.20. 43.138. 75. 214 Mondoñedo (Castile) 45 Híjar. Juan de 32 Játiva 88 López de Mendoza. 60. emperor 9 I\/Iadrigal. 183. 2°'1 Hunyadi. Robert de 11 Meaux. 198 Monzón (Aragon) 30 122. 203 Moab 92 Herod 111 131 ·-. 156. 121.82. 214 : 1HE! Gerona 33 Ibn Rashrq 69 Julián. caliph 91 192. 27. 119. Shemaya 54 :. 53. 53. 189 190.ri ¡~¡~ ·j f¡~ . 34 Mella. Diego. de Navarra) Ibn al-Al)mar. 210 52 Maryam. 39-40. 88 114. pope 73 Isidorc. 123. 143. Ordcr of thc 7. saint 104 Tcndilla · 33 Montcfalconc. 98. Council of 78 1m1 Garcés de Marcilla.133. 27 m11 Ibn J:Iazm 92. 98. 209-210 Jonah 154 43. 28. ' ¡¡¡¡¡¡ Golden f1eece. 202 Hacinas. 214 Jiménez de Rada. 24. Lara. 142. constable 13. 27. 139. 201. 1013. 8. 193 Juan Manuel. 24 :. Infantes de 118 al-Mas'üdi 68 Gratian 202 Burgundy 7. 206 Ishmael the Hcrmit 207 Lazarus 132 Mecca 86. 101. 120. 193. 67-68. 27. 199. 208-210. 75. '. 4-8-50. 182-184.127. 140. lord of Luna. 17. battle of 135 al-Ma'mün of Toledo.l. 95. 115.11. queen of Aragon 30 _! mm al-Ghazall 68. 16. 34. 181.r 123 Lérida (Catalonia) 34 Mediterranean 1. 185 Lugo (Qastile) 52 ~ll Galcerán de Castro.{: Gabriel 95. Georg 46 Mary (Virgin) 68. 207 Louis IX of France. patriarch of Syria ('Abd Allah Khadfclia 91. 32 Jiménez de Urrea.12. pope 34 1 37. battlc of 18. 202 Mathias Corvinus of Hungary 12 Grcgory. 28. 103. Visigoth noble 121. 114-115. !tít!:1 ~:: García de Vaamonde 52 192. 83. 184. Rueda 31-'.

16 Mu6ammad ibn AbI 'Amir al-1\fan~ür Palestrina 45 27. Roermond (Holland) 88 Simancas 12 l. 38. 76. 95. 189 Spinosa (Master of Osma) 107 202 Ronda 18 Spoleto. 57. Spain (Hispania) 5. emir of Granada 193 132 Peter the Cruel (Pedro I of Castile) Sahagún (Castile) 46 al-Tabarf 146. l07. 74. 17-18. 132 Rome 9. Oppas 121 Bohemians 45-46 .13. Lopello de 14· l Mul). Palencia (Castile) 36. Visigoth king 169 Muslim ibn al-Hadjdjadj al-Qushayrf Pedro of Portugal. 158. 12. 203--205. 213 Pérez de Guzmán. Castile) 133 Morueco 53. Raimundo 69. 214 Pércz de Embún. 161. 139 Pérez de Vivero. 22. Hemando de 2 !0 Necropontc 13 Pcter the Venerable 76. Diet of 8. 130 Tangier 14· 15. 97. king of the Visigoths 133. 35-37. 44 Morea 13. 144-147. Serbia 1O. 13. Pius II. 214 Pedro 92 cardinal 35 Sigüenza (Guadalajara.9.-78. 90.--------------------------------------- 252 GENERAL INDEX GENERAL INDEX 253 Montecroce. Alonso de 44. 51-52. Cosme de 35 Plato 207 Santa María. 8. 45. 187. Juan. 46. 96-9~ Oviedo (Castile) 36 Pulgar. 96-98. 197 118. 32-33. Ottomans 2.. 23. 8~ 91. 36. 191. 116. Pedro de 3 l Mu}:iammad ibn I~l). Sancho VII "el Fuerte" of Navarra 96. Juan of 91 Muley Abü-1-I:Iasan 193 Paul II. 4. Leo of 26. pope 9.5 Talavera. 163.·l 7 Sánchez. apostle 71. Mu}:iammad V. 74·. 121 Moran te. Juan de 31 157 Roland 86 Siscbutc. 74. duke of Burgundy Samothrace 11 Theophanes 124 44. Francisco de 35 . sultan 77. 193 Mul:. 125. Scotto 125. 17. Alonso de 15. 127. Alonso 27 Syria 11. 97. 70. 184 Sergius 125. cardinal 35 61.47. 115. 28. 183. 97. 213--214 Mul).93. emir of Granada 193 Palencia. 210 Prester John 109 Savoy 38-39 7~ 80. Pedro 68. 9. 44. 193 Murillo. 70. 169 Thasos 11 Nicholas V. 214 209. Regensburg.ammad al-Qysr 120 21-22. 87·-88.iammad ibn Yüsuf 142 Paul. 116. 192. 43. 90. 19. 98 Richart. 214-215 106 Tintorer.Juan. Mahoma 141 Ni zar Piccínino. 201 Piccolomini) 3. Nür al-Drn l30 36-38. 99 97. sultan 8. 202 . 149. Pablo de 4-1. 33. Philip "the Good". saint 86. 37. 16 102 --103. 47. Garci 69 4-2. Pedro de Montoya. 214 7. 133. 79. 47.10. 214. king of the Santiago. 11 . Saladin 111. (Francíscan province) 52 168 Orense (Castile) 45-46. 109. Council of 188 Ncvers (Francc) 37 Petri. '15 Old Castilc (Franciscan province) 52 Pliny 207 Santiago (de Compostela. 121 Sarmiento. 31·. 41.ammad ibn Isma'Il al-BukharI 124 Patriarch of Constantinople 9 Rodrigo. 85. 125. 57 Moyses 92 Oropesa. 43. 74·. 93. Lope de 35 Podiebrad. Pacheco. 148. 118.93. 109-114. 105. 96. 46 Nasrid 19. 48. 40. 16.. 207 135 Seville. 98. Buenaventura de 93 Murad II. 208-209 Padua 79 Ragusio. 129. Francisco 97 Montserrat. 34. 50---51 151-164. 1·. 121. Sánchez de Orihuela. 139. 79. Abraham de 93 169. Diego 113 Siena 12. 11. Rodrigo 10. 163. 53.24. 214 213 Recaredus 128 101-102. Diego 193 Toledo. 81. 154. 54 Ponce de León (family) 24 Saragossa '~. 162. Ricoldo de 81. Fernando del 41 Scanderbeg of Albania 13. Fernán 18 Rozmital. 135 Paris 37. 119. 24·. 36. Francisco 189 Roquetaillade.42. 121 Toledo. 68. 27 Segovia. 42--44. 81. pope 13 Rodríguez de Almela. pope (Eneas Silvius 35. Pedro 14 1 Mahoma) 39. Diet of 13 Plasencia (Castile) 52 Sancho. 78 Sesse. John of 38 González) 2-3. 207 123-129. marquis of 18. 50-52. García de 'l'homas Aquinas. Siena. 13-14.Juan 36 Toledo 1. 130. 45 al-Muqtaclhir of Saragossa 73 Pedraza (Castile) 194 Rodríguez de la Cámara. marquis of Villena 19. 58. 52. Ram. 11 -. Gonzalo 147 Ocaña 27.2 15 119 150-151. 132. 28. 149 Ncar East 85. Noah 147 Piera. 197. 197. Mahomat. 58. 201.79. 215 Poiticrs l 33 Santillana. 120. 81. 6. 176 Nicopolis 7 200 ··201. 73. 97. l 08 !\foses 89. 207 Navas de Tolosa. 194- Mu'awiyya 130 Osma. 81. San Esteban de Gormaz. 31. 124 Pascual. 168. 207 43. 99 Rhodes 8. 169. 92. 5. 87. 201. 79. 120 79 Saint Angclo (Romc) 3. 193. 87. condottierc 16. 92. 105. 58. Alonso de 26.. Domingo. bishop of Porto (Portugal) 14 Sarah 104 Mu}:iammad (the Prophct. Order of 20. Pcrsia 207 Sa'd. prince 14 Romans. Pierre ("L'Oisclct") 99 Scrrha. 207 Mytilene 11 Penyaforl. 34-40. 130 Olmedo. 96. George. 61. 205 Reyes Católicos (Fernando II of Seneca 207 Muhammad al-ShartoshI l 72 Palestine 207 Aragon and Isabel I of Castilc) 23. 22. 215 Subiaco (Italy) 44 Navarre 5. battle of Las 118. 144. 45 . saint 81. Seville 20. 213 Nero 111 92. 82. 181 Portugal 3. 83. 142. Jean de 97. 90. 33. 16. 166-167. 122. 77. 88. Humbert de 202 Solomon 154 124 Pelagius (Pelayo). 54. 24. 101. 1\1-qa~r al-Saghir (Alcazarquivir) 15 Scgovia (Castile) 39-40. 127. 57. 130 131. 160. 40. 18. Nuremberg 37. 69. Castile) 98 Murcia 69 Pedro IIl of Aragon ("the Great") 87. 33 Plaza. 138. 38. 130. bishop of (Bernardo Erdi) al-Na~ir of Bidjaya 73 Peña. 129. 75. 106. 58. Selomó de 29 Sánchez de Arévalo. 45. Hernando de la 54-55 Santa María. 86. 187 North Africa 15. 166 Salamanca (Castile) 28. Pedro 31 Rore (Bavaria) 88 Stuttgart 100 Naples 12. 41. 201. l37-l38. Juan de (Juan Alfonso 204-206. 86. 57. Tarragona. Mu}:iammad II. 93. 128. 4·2. 43. 17.12. 27..

council of 213 Viencinic.97. Visigoths and Muslims in Medieval Spain.). 168. ISBN 90 04 06131 2 Tudela 48 Visconti 9 3. A. 61. Diego de 14 7 Zurita. Arabic Themes in Hebrew Andalusian Poetry. Zwartjes. 118. Scales. Pedro de 50 ISBN 90 04 00486 6 Trcbizond 12. 206. James Turks 7. 127. 24. 13. 191 Wladislaw of Hungary 204. John 113 1971. The Rule of the Spanish Military Order of St. The Fall of the Caliphate of Córdoba. 1970. prince 36.C. Muslim Spain 711-1492 A. ISBN 90 04 09868 2 10. Memoirs of 'Abd Allah b. Macpherson.T. 132 Vienne. 6. Diego de 33. The Attitude towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain. 1994. 101 -·102. 97. 7O. Luis de 42 87. ISBN 90 04 09936 O 9.aise annotée par Ch. His Antecedents and Successors. Raymond of 118. 12. Tibi. 213 EDITEDBY l 12-113. Monroe. 9-11. Turl. Diego de 191 Venus 86 To rtosa. 1994. 1997. Pellat. 33. 1999 ISBN 90 04 11232 4 13. 6. 49. 79. Translated from the Emended Arabic Text and Uz 206 Yadjudj and Madjudj 207 Provided with Introduction. Schippers. S. The Tibyan. 178.D. Jews. Imamuddin. Varna 43. 85. 195. R. Radovan 46 l. 96. Love Songs from al-Andalus. 1990. William of 78. 94. Torquemada (Castilc) 4l 47. E.lfonso de l 44 35-36. Trípoli. Tovar. 83. P. History. J\. 148. TEXTS AND STUDIES Torqucmada.Gsh empire l 29 198 4. ISBN 90 04 02665 7 Tuy. Last Ximénez de Ccrdán. 186. Cooperation and Conflict. Out of print. Ridwan 193 197. 213 Vitry. 139. Villanueva (Aragon) 32 202 Villaviciosa (Castile) 36 2nd edition 1981. Stojsav 46 Wyccliff. Vclascos (family) 51 151· ·152. N. Nouvelle édition. G. 16 Villalpanclo. edited with apparatus criticus. 213 English translation and a prelíminary study by Enrique Gallego Blanco. Dispute of 29. Turmeda. Venegas. Structure and Mea- ning of the Kharja.T. 11. Love. Études sur la civilisation de l'Espagne musulmane. 214 Zaynab. Century to the Present). 200.46. A. 16. Buluggin. Mark of 87 Valera. l. 'l'omás de 41 214 Torres. 1994. 38. 1998. Juan 32 <Umar 157 Zirid Amir of Granada. 114-115. 17. Y9a of Segovia (fl.Juan de 4. Lucas de 124 S. 213 Vía. Berbers and Anda- lusis in Conflict. 1961. Valladolid. ISBN 90 04 09869 O 8. RACHEL ARIÉ AND ANGUS MAcKAY Torquemada. 213-215 Venice 10. 149-150. ISBN 90 04 10810 6 . Latin and Spanish Texts.. A. J\foJ:i_ammad's wife 127 Valencia. 1994. & MacKay. 70 1986. Religion and Politics in Fifteenth Century Spain. Wiegers. 117.Jacques de 112.254 GENERAL INDEX Toledo. Anselmo 61.42. Arié. J. Juan de 3 l·-32 2. 125. Toulouse. 43. J\. Alonso 33 ISBN 90 04 091165 7. Notes and Cornments by Arrrin T. V alladolicl. Le calendrier de Cordoue. Islam and the Arabs in Spanish Scholarship (Sixteenth Tunis 16.91.M.13. 194. (ed. Roth. Islamic Literature in Spanish and Aljamiado. Vivero. 90. 93. 4!.1fonso de 169 213-214 1170-1493.51. Turtkovic. 193 MEDIEVAL IBERIAN PENINSULA Taifa 13 Valladolid (Castilc) 28. ISBN 90 04 09971 9 11. A. Yiisuf ibn al-JVlawl. 16. 111. 201. ISBN 90 04 07669 7 Valencia 2. ISBN 90 04 10694 4 12. A Sociological Study. The Fortress of Faith. Council of 95 accompagnée d'une traduction frarn. 162-164·. Tíbi. Juan de la 16 . 41. Juana de 41 Villacreces. Gallego Blanco. Publié par R Dozy. 157-··159. 138. 1450). 34-. Echevarria. 20.· ·. O. Spanish Hebrew Poetry and the Arabic Literary Tradi- tion. 210.