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PENINSULA The Attitude towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain

TEXTS AND STUDIES ~¡ 94(460)"04/14"
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Acknowledgcmcnts ......................... .......... ................ ... ... .. ... .. .. .... VII
Abbrcviations .. . .. . .. .... ..... . .. .. ... .. ......... .... .. ... .. . .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. . 1x

Introduction .............. ... ... ............ ...... ................ .... ..................... .
Chapter Onc The Political Approach to Muslims,
1430- 1470 .......................... .... ............................ ........................ 7
Chaptcr Two Thc Intcllcctual Approach I: T he Authors .... 28
Pedro de la Cavallería .... ... .... ..... ... .. .. .... ..... ........... ...... .. ..... .. 28
Juan de Segovia ...................................... .............................. 34
Juan de Torquemada ..... ............................... ...... .................. 41
Alonso de Espina .... .. ... .. .. ... .. .. .. ... . .. . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. ... .. .. .... .. .. . .. .. .. . 47
Chapter Three The Intellectual Approach II:
A Stylc for a Public ................................... .......................... .. ... 56
a) Sermons .. .. ........ .......... ...... ... .. . .. ... .... .. .. ... ... .. .. .. . .. ... ..... .. ... ... 63
b) Disputes .......... ............. ................... ... .. .................... ........... 68
e) Letters ..... ....................... ......... ......... .. ... ............................. 72
d) Reports .. .. .. . .. .. .. .... .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .... .. . .. ..... .. .. .. .. .. ..... .. ... ... .. .. 78
e) Treatises ....... .... ... ... .. .. ....... ..... ...... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... ..... .. 80
Chapter Four Tradítion and Polemics: Sources for
Fifteenth-Century Authors . .. ..... .. .. . .. .... .. .. ...... ..... .. .. ... ... .. ... .. ... .. 83
Bible and !(oran .. .. ..... .. .. ... .. .. .. ... .. . .. . .. .. .. .. ... .. ... . .. .. ... . .. .. . .. ... .. 86
Polcmics in Lítcraturc: A Summary ...... .. ..... .. .......... .... .. .. . .. 90
Librarics: An Approach to Diffusion .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .... .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. 96
Chaptcr Fivc Contra En-ores Machometi . . . .. ... .. ......... ...... ..... ... 1O1
Structurc of the Treatises .. .. .. .. ... .. ... ......... ....... .. .... .. .... ....... ... 1Ol
Vocabulary . .. .. ... . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. .... . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. ... .. .. .. l 03
Symbolism . .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. .. . .. ... ..... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. ... .... l 06
Chronicles in Polemics ...... ........................... .......... ... .. ... ... .. .. 113
Characters for Polemics ........................................................ 122
a) MuJ:iammad's biography .. .. .... .......... ...... .. .. .. .... .. .. .... .. .. 122
b) Muslim kings and hcrocs ...... ............... .................. :.... ... 129
e) Christian saínts ............ ...... .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. ... ......... ... .. 131

- - - - - - - - - · - - - --···-······-···-··


d) Christian kings ................ .... ................... ..... ..... .......... ... 132
e) Christian heroes ....................... .... ......... ...... ............... ... 134
Chapter Six Islam in the Treatises ........................................ 137
Language and Rcligion .. ... ... .. .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. .. ... .. . .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 13 7
On the Concordance and Discordance of Islam,
This book is a revision of my Ph.D. thcsis. It would not have been
Christianity and Judaism ............. ..... ..... ......... .......... ....... ..... 142
possible without the financia! support of thc University of Edinburgh
a) Christian doctrine .... .. ........... .................... ..... .. .. .. .......... 145
Faculty of Arts, which provided the funds for the core of my research,
b) Islamic doctrine ............................................................ 150
and thc scholarship from the Instituto de Cooperación con el Mundo
c) Other aspects of controversy .. ................ ... .. .. .... .. . .. ...... 163
Arabe in Madrid, which cnabled me to conduct more research in
d) Muslims, Heretics and Jews ........................................ 164
the Bibliothcque Nationale de Paris. 1 wish to thank them specially
Chapter Seven The Religious Argument: T olerance and far believing in my work.
AccuJturation .. . .. .. . .. ...... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. . .. ... .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... ... .. 171 1 am also very grateful to the History Departmcnt at the University
"The Spirit of the Laws" ................................................ ,..... 171 of Edinburgh because they were always very hclpful and ready to
Acculturation Mechanisms within Society .... .. .... .... ...... ...... 182 discuss any matter. Also to Prof. M. J. Víguera Molins, Dr. M. C.
Conversion and Integration .... .... ................. ..... ........... ......... 186 Quintanilla Raso and Prof M. A. Ladero Quesada, who were .!DY h'.;l:~is..
The End of Muslim Powcr .... .... .............. ..... ... ... .... .. .. ... .. ... . 196 in Spain d~ring these years. And my great thanks to Dr. -K.i[ C.
Gerbet for introducing me to the immcnsc catalogue in the Bibliotheque
Conclusion ... .. . .. . .. ... .. .. ... .. ... .. ... .. .. .. ... ..... .. .. .. ... .. . .. ... ... .. .. ... .... .. .. .. 209 Nationale in París: none of my research thcrc would have been pos-
Chronology ................................................................................ 213 sible without her.
Appcndix 1: Sources of Fifteenth-century Treatises ................ 217 1 also want to mention Mr. A. Rose-Miller and Mrs. Thisbe Burns,
Appcndix II: External Structure of Fifteenth-century who were as patient as to read and revise my English text, and Mr.
Treatiscs .................................................................................. 220 R. Wood, with whom 1 havc sharcd very interesting thoughts about
Bibliography ........... ..... ..... ..... .... ..... ..... .......... .... ...... ... .. .. ........... .. 235 Espina and his world. Dr. G. Wicgers and Dr. A. Meyuhas Gínio
111dex ........................................................... .......... ..................... 247 kindly cliscussed the results of their own rcscarch with me and made
valuable suggestions. My friends J. M. Rodríguez, F. Luis, .J. M.
Mendoza, S. Johnstone, E. Massold, E. Llndeke, A. Ariza, E. Aparicio,
E. Cortés, and M. Torre-Enciso were always a great support both
providing ideas or discussíng them- or just as great company in
librarics! My spccial gratitude to the librarians of the Monastery of
Sta. María de la Vid in Burgos, Biblioteca Felíx María Pareja
(I.C.M.A.) and the Universidad Pontificia de Comillas in Madrid,
who always made my work so pleasant- and my dcsire that both
National Libraries of Madrid and Paris and the Cathcdral of Burgo
de Osma will improve their services.
Finally, 1 would like to thank my two supervisors, Prof Angus
I. K. MacKay and Mr. Allan Hood, for their continuous attentíon,
recommendations and patience. I hope their efforts were not in vain.

Real Academia de la Historia RUC Revista de la Universi. Scntcnce of Medina del Campo (1465) zc <. .dad Complutense s. Catherinc of I~ancaster's Ordinanccs ( 1412) CE Contra enores petfidi j\!f. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Disputatio Di.d..achometi by Juan de Torquemada CHE Cuadmws de Histmia de España CSIC Madrid. Biblioteca Nacional BNP París. ABBREVIATIONS ACA Barcelona. by Pedro de la Cavallcría . ... Archivo Histórico Nacional AHDE Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español AVCIH1V1A Actas del V Coloquio lntemacional de Historia Medieval de Andalucía BNM Madrid. .elus Christi contra sarracenos . Monastery Library F'F Fortalitium Fidei by Alonso de la Espina Ms. by Juan de Scgovia Ese. El Escorial (Madrid). sine data (no date) Sent. Archivo de la Corona de Aragón AHN Madrid. Manuscript PL Patrología Latina RAH lVIadrid. .sputatio contra sarracenos et Alchoranwn by Ricoldo de Montecroce DM De mittendo gladio . Bibliotheque Natíonalc BRAH Boletín de la Real Academia de la Hist01ia BRABLB Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona Cath.

" Studies in Church History (1978). but also an intcllectual adversary to be defeated by arguments. And it is precisely the period betwccn 1450 and 1470 which provides the due to understanding the political thought of Isabel and Femando.: "Christian. In spite of the large number of studies devotcd to the fall of Granada in 1492. They could try both Muslims living under Christian rule (Mudejars) and the Muslim kingdom of Granada. for thc first time in ccnturies. both within the ·Christian tcr- ritories and in neighbouring Granada. R. the conquest of Granada was thought to be inevitable and imminent. Jews and Muslims . 2 which established the framework for all future royal legislation dcaling with socio-rcligious issues.. de: "Historia medieval de la Península: tres culturas o tres reli- giones". is one of the most interesting aspccts of the last ycars of the Reconquest. . few schol- ars have analysed the approach to the "Muslim matter" in the years befare it. Legal sanction of the process carne with Alfonso X's Seven Parts. The parallel development of 1\!Iendicant ordcrs and their preach- ing methods helpcd to consider Islam not just an enemy in crusadc. The Iberian Península was a good place to test their theories. after a long list of military successes. to a "total" Christian religious culture gradually imposing itself on the other two. for it offered thc perfect situation far preachers to practice their skills. 123-'124. l 00-1 Ol. where they could travel providcd with safe-conducts. which 1 Epalza.and failed-to achicve the conversion of Andalusian Muslims. 2 Highfield. and the imperialist claims of Aragon in the Mediterranean. INTRODUCTION The perception Christian writcrs in the Iberian Península had of the Muslim community surrow1ding them. The facts which had brought about this feeling in the Peninsular kingdoms were Castilian self-awareness. A process had started with the conquest of Toledo in 1085 1 which marked the change from a "total" Arabic religious culture coexisting with two rrÍicro-culturcs (Jewish and Mozarab). M. pp. A list of famous names tried.. pp. By the fiftccnth centmy.

Cabanela's pionccr work3 opened new roads in research impossible to satisfy duc to thc dispersion of primary sources. M. most of thesc authors have faíled to go as far as the manca and a member of the conciliarist party in thc schism. Edinburgh 1960/0xford ·f Pedro de la Cavalleria was a different case. l.. . Secondly. there are Epalza's sades launched by the pope. far the transformation of his conqucst. Lavajo's study of Raimundo ordinary importance of Juan de Segovia's ideas concerning Islam Martí's Summa contra Alchoranum. Burns Four authors show how facts influenced ecclesiastical literature. }iteras reales and the ideas about Islam from the twelfth to the fourteenth century. Barkai's approach to chronicles in search far arguments to move Euro pean rulers to defeat Islam.'1 Although Seven Parts). the king used Church personnel and institutions.1100. Norman Daniel followed This book has focused on the information contained in religious with his extensive research on the formation of a corpus of European trcatiscs.: Westem uiews of Islam . chronicles and royal legislation (cortú. N. Religious minorities often suffered from such a 1400 onwards. D. The study of ccclc. thc rcpeated calls with Juan de Segovia and 'Isa ibn Djabir and thcír translation of for a comparative study of local documcnts and litcrary sources 7 are the Koran. as the most o[ Jviuslims.: "Los mudéjares en los reinos de la Corona de Castilla''. To mentían but a fcw not avoided by Christian rulers-gave place to ncw attempts at cru- which have been vcry helpful for my own approach. the Ottomans had conquered a another step forward in the analysis of thc European perception of grcat dcal of the Islamic territories and advanced over Byzantium. starting with the Pope Pius 11. . 20. A. accessible of his rnajor resources. and was the first person to co- operate with a Muslim alfaqui in an attempt to approach thc two 3 Cabanelas. R. The extra- of rnirror-images of the two cultures. of thc clergy and the revival of crusading interests all over Europe Although Lavajo has considcrcd theological material more oqjective due to the Ottomans' advance. 326: "How lhcn wa~ it a frontier church? In thrcc ways. [. 17ie Mak:ing ef an Image. A comrnunity in 7 Ladero.: Nam and the West. Iberian authors werc at the vanguard than chroniclcs. Islam in the Middle Ages. Madrid 1952. He wrote to the most important scholars of his siastical literature as a manifestation of a "frontier church" 6 gives an time. and thc expectations idea of the atmosphcre at the court as wcll as the aims of the clergy. 1100-1400 and groups were uncasy. and ecclesiastical theo1y. The next step would be comparing this with local faeros his method was sornewhat descriptivc.. A lecturcr at thc Univcrsity of Sala- However. Rurns. reactive acculturation hardens its cultural patterns until the effect is stressful and deliberatdy transforming its material surroundings to make little atolls in the sea absurd. tioníng him in a special place.which had bcen forcsccn but Many works havc continued this trcnd. phy are still csscntial. which have not been complctcly explored. p. Muslims peacefully. His approach was severely criticized. The end of bis political life he undcrtook the huge task of translating the evolution of Iberian socicty throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth Koran for polernical purposes and devising a method to convert centuries requires ncw approaches far this period. R. l. On the other hand. of thcir contemporaries when it carne to considering these argumcnts Both rcflcct the difference between popular practices in the fronticr in their works. Wieger's monograph about 'Isa ibn and his privileged place in the Catholic Church makes it worth mcn- Djabir and Cardaillac's work on Morisco polcmícs (see bibliography). life work on the views of both sidcs using Arabic sources. but it was still state of affairs. Thc final defeat of Constantinople. 13. R. p. W. ] Thirdly.. " According to R. Daniel.2 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 3 had led to the reduction of Granadan territory.. and contemporary documents. as well as a particular knowlcdgc of Islamic A new conception of the relationship between both religions startcd society in the Iberian Península. First it was consciously the custodian here of the Europe-widc crusade spirit. An cnviron. at the fiftcenth century in their rcview of Christian views on Muslims. religions to one another.: Juan de Segovia y el problema islámico. we agree with Barkai in thinking exactly the opposite. it was itself dominated by reactive acculturation." ment can be acculturated as much by reacting as by conforming. Unfortunatcly. Southern' had an even more general view of The period between 1430 and 1470 in the Península was trouble- the pcnctration of the Islamic problem in European minds and the some: civil war extended to all the kingdoms except Portugal and social response it gencrated in tlrree pcriods: 700. his references and bibliogra. p. nowncd converso farnily in Aragon. "The Significance of thc Frontier in the Middle Agcs" lvledieval Frontier Soáeties. . He was himself counselor to King " Southern. and his studics of the transition of Muslim to Christian power in which had alrcady a well-established backgrnund in which to search the kingdom of Valencia. his origins wcrc a re- 1992.

Fortalitium during the sixtccnth century gives The interpretation of these sourccs shows a new conception of an idea of the widespread interest it aroused. Portugal and Granada. treatiscs and reports will be analysed to demonstrate Turkish advancc.. was a defence of guage chosen to commwlicate with the possible rcaders. First. umph of Christian faith. The di:fferencc between law and religion was sel- dom made in the fiftccnth century. a t:reatise about the dangers produced by the cnemics of Christian Religious and legal arguments tricd to use controversy and laws faith. Navarre. lbe1ian or Peninsular.·. fol. 289). any equiva- search in fifteenth-century libraries will complete the background lents. Eschatological litcrature had sorne part in The length and singular approach of Espina's work determines its the writers' training techniques. the symbol- thc Christian faith against Jcws. on authorities was important because it guaranteed the quality of a As the subject I am conccrned with deals mainly with the history book. it must be under- Juan de Segovia y el problema islámico. Aragon. Islamic religi. of Muslim power in the Península (Granada) and the obstruction of rhetorical letters. 190r (cif. languages during thc preparation of the text. Oral sources are mentioned in ali the books by Iberian authors. i. and subsequently appeared to a grcater central part in the argument. upon in chapter 6. to Península. in which case they will be refcrred to as lberian Islam would try to contact an accurate sourcc.fferent personal circumstances and purposes made ship which. 132v. and their accuracy will be discussed at lcngth. world history widening to a new view of the Christian-Muslim relation- The authors' di. Sarracenos. 6 Ff. Finally. for their experience and reactions facing ·Islam centuríes. ers' minds.: Wherc Ch1istian. European princcs at the Council of Mantua in Pius II's attempt to Muslims andJews had to be kept from sharing too many habits with start a crusadc against the Ottomans in 1459. I shall never refer torical and . It was the main argument he uscd to address thc possiblc.elus Christi contra Iudaeos. Muslims and Christians in differcnt sphercs of every- would bccome one of the favourite manuals of the Inquisition in the day life while self-awareness grew on thc Christian side. The dogmas of the Church had to be explained as much as peifidi lvlachomeb. fol. 4 INTRODUGTION INTRODUCTlON 5 Juan II and an important member of the town council of Saragossa. A brief history of polemics and a I will refer to Muslim or Saracen. favoured the conquest of the last remains thcm choose di. incunabula or lesser dcgree in their works.fferent audicnces and styles to address them: sermons. Bible and Koran shared thc first place in to Spain. Alonso de Espina started his Fortalitium Fidei around 1459. The sources used to compose them wcre both his. Cardinal Juan de Torqucmada was engagcd by Pius II in Christians had to be guided in ordcr to preserve their faith and iden- the fight against Islam through a minor work entitlcd Contra errores tity.. The corc of the book starts with the style of the treatises. their relation with the public . All the authors wrote their works between 1450 and 1461. Cabanelas.on for. which would finish with the end of the world and the tri- an important role in the revival of the polcmic genre against Islam. Prologue to the Koran.Juan de Segovia.D. so both will appear as synonyms. but he also included a summary of ism and images uscd to attract their attention and thc way chronicles general points about Islam.e. Christianiry or Christendom is uscd. As it seemed following century. that the end of Muslim powcr would not come as soon as expected. the lan- His treatisc :(. theological: . It to place Jcws. The number of manuscripts. Meanwhilc. it will be quite frequent to find referenccs to ali thc Christian Obviously. in a country where coexistence had been practised for kingdoms on one side. and · the cxpected effect they would I have tried consistently to solvc the difficulty of managing different have on society. in due time. Christians in case they might engage in proselitism. 8 of ideas. it is logical that any author who wanted to write about are very similar. because at that time the Iberian Península was divided into quotations. although the various names used for them are 'commented from which the authors took theír information. and translations of the . and treatises became a manual for sermons. . Dependence severa! kingdoms: Castilc. beforc they could declare the last crusade against Muslim The theory that thís book tries to provc is that historical events had powcr. a l\/Iuslim. etc. stood to involve the Roman Latín Church in general. a very Conversion as a way of assimilation was the ncxt step in the writ- short span of time considering the history of Islamo-Christian relations. p. werc used as examples to imposc a particular view of the invasion The fame as a preacher of Enrique IV's confessor made him write of Christian territories by Saracens. provide sorne practical details. Islam.

As a result of this. accurate transcriptions. . K.6 INTRODUCTION Where several copies of the treatises can be found.: Granada.. also for Iberian authors and char. JvL A. I.1467) used crusadc texts to make them more understandable.u:.: La España de la E'dad M.( gundian nobles sent to the East in 1421 and 1432. As regards practice. R. 10.. Transliterations from Arabic diffcrcnt way of undcrstandíng crusades. Ch.~LgfJ?.capturr:d . The creation of the { Qrder of the Golden Flecce.mbassics of Bur.. Whilc France . and introducing more languages ilar intcrcsts regarding maritime. Double consonants in Latín as an""ínstrumcnt to avoid Frcnch dominationjProbably the influence have been avoided because such was the usage in most of the fifteenth. and \7 thc arguments of a Byzantine embassy in 1442 induced Philip the Good to joín the Popc's appeal to thc crusade. institutional and both sides of Christendom. . Ali other names will appear yet finishcd.: "Chréticns et musulrnans durant les derniers siecles du Moyen Agc".. THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLlMS. of European Christcndom and Islam on either side of thcir tcrritory: actcrs.. into the tcxt and notes would makc them more confusing. see Burns.i. and in other contexts Dufourq. War in the East became continua! whereas other specific terms: where a proper translation in English has not on the Western borders small fronti~. was anothcr important l reason to century Iberian works. as more intcrested in crusades had family bonds among them and sim- this · is not thc work of a ·linguist. bis marriagc to lsaP. although Philip the Good has been accused of being hasty. trcaties in exchangc for tribut~.. 1430. Western rulers who were are avoided whcre thcre is an English or Spanish word to use. For instance.: "Frontiqr Socicties and Crusading in the Late Middle Ages" in 1\íedite1mnean Histmical Review.edia. makes them the best revised. histmia de un país islámico and Housley. .t~ füther.1470 Names and placenames are used as follows: the authors will be called Segovia. . Thc samc applies to legal. --to Christian monarchies. the advancc of the Turks. make the duke compromise in such a venture.: "The Significance of the Fronticr in the Middlc Ages". the particle de (of) indícating either the fathcr's surnamc that would later drive thc Muslims from the Iberian Península had not or place of origin will remain in Spanish.{Dukc Philip the Good of Burgundy (1396.tugal----a fnm defender of crusader p9J~cies-and his support of literary works about Islam. ordcrcd by a patron. desde la . showing a the Spanish word is kept (i.c. to thc East.!. . Thc pcriod between 1430 and 14 70 is defincd by the confrontation guish them from European rulers. he is undoubtcdly the one European rulcr--except the Iberian kings-who spent large amounts of money on war against 1 Literature in English about this subjcct is particularly abundan~. .. while in the West thc crusade In any case. . in 1\1edieval Frontier Societ:ies. conversos). Espina and Torquemada to simplify. ofJ. E. Twot. Ladero Quesada. I have preferred to work with the oldest extant manu- script or cdition.. the "frontier" 1 situation extended to in their English form. Anuario de Estudios J\1edievales. . except those who may have a well lmown English translation. crusade-añd~hivalry revealcd his intercst in this matter..kinnishes combincd with peace be en found because thc tcrm refers to a particular Peninsular fact. I.r~_§..'ontera hasta el imperio. . Spanish namcs will be used for Iberian kings and queens to distin. unless other- wisc statcd.. respectivcly. territorial and political expansion. MacKay. The fact that they are usually carefully decorated CHAPTER ONE works. . in Nicopolis. Cavalleria.and England were cngaged in the Hundred Y cars Punctuation has been introduccd in the Latin and old Castilian War. A.

standing pcacc bctwccn Charles VII of France and Henry IV of There were negotiations with Rome. 5 Aubenas. l/'The Feast of the Pheasant". especially. France and. Austria.: Philip the Good. it is difficult to Greek churches took place in Florence in July 1439.: The La. who formed a real army surrounding lems posed by Visconti in Milan and thc open question of thc suc- him against the King of in Gaunt post. 1451) he announced his plan to JJrrQ~rtake a crusadc.. who had just preached to the knights attending the meeting an essential condition far crusader policies at both fronts of the - on the same subject..: L'Égfüe a la Renaissance. ing to salve !}1e concilia~i.Q!t which .~pending worried as he was by thc situation in Hungary. There he promiscd to take the s. 1442 Eugenius IV appointed Carc!fnal Ccsarini as . the scarce interest shown by the Germans. . according to Germain. with England and. Its lack of furthcr purposc encountcr. Muhammad II was planning an attack on Constantinople. cession to the thronc of Hungary postponcd preparations again.::hivalric ideals.!:Je sent his Portugucsc-built fleet to Rhodes in 1441.93. .. .. p.(. 7 Housley. so the annual chapter of the Order of the Golden Flcecc inJY(1. by means of buying the city ·of__Q~9a. to follow hlln. which rcmained _unre_plied. but In any case.: Tlze Last Crusades. The Diet was a \~astern Europe to organize a crusad<~J A more settled political situ- ation induced the parties to think about malcing the Turks withdraw 2 from the siege of Constantinople..: "El ideal de cruzada en la Edad Media peninsular''. whom Philip trusted wciuld support him. Atmospherc in the court.. The prob- many of them of French origin.~. -by the Order's.t~s~y_~ . 85. tricd to supply Aragon and Portugal. Even Eneas 1 lJ. p. where the legates try- was optimistic.i~Johelp failure because the emperor decided to rcmain at the Austrian front- the H~spitallers to raisc the siege ~the islancf . after cele- Philip continued his contacts with other European leaders by scnd. He was supported lN"icholas V's death intcrrupted the proccss. they continued to sec the crusade as an ceremony more as aLslisplay of gallantry in the context of courtly excuse to provide money and prestige to the papacy. R. 7 Houslcy.his legatc in 1454) after starting preparations far his departure. sail. who started his manifestations the duke attracted a number of knights to his court. 2 preparations far the crusade until the following autumn.and sent his lcgates. brating anothcr dict in Frankfurt open to every Christian ruler--not ing his lcgatcs to Alfonso V of Aragon.shared this point of view.arp.:a:"a:ft~·. .-. He also tried to reach a long. N. it joined the army.:msc{May it was difficult to urge the princes to vote the nccessary subsidies.t~Ú~~ple had to "':""'·~·-··~ ··~ ---··-··· ·· ··-~ only if at least one other ruler should take It with h1m"-----a cautious arid uncompromising gesture. prove the duke's sincerity. After several spccches about the danger caused to Christcn- lcd the fleet to remain in the Meditcrrancan. His contemporarics interpreted this whole As for the conciliarists. N. Emperor John VIII and the Patriarch of Co~·. 3 During the crusader ideal had already bcen substituted by other issues. ----------··--. .l't Crnsades. Despite the encouraging letter sent by John Capistrano Finally the latter prevailcd and the reunification of the Latin and .later to become Pope Pius the same time as satisfying polit- poned crusader plans indefinitely. sacking Genoesc ships dom by thc capture of Byzantium. 6 Antelo. among whom was Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. R. 4 More than two hundred nobles swore choose between the conciliarists or asking far Eugenius IV's help. just to the German princes. His biographer. own crusadc as we shall see. Mediterranean.. A good example [to Constantinople's fall: he organized the -~n~lJJ.! in Lillc known as was the arrival of an embassy frorn King Duarte of Portugal to ask . England.. 39.. 3 Vaughan. .ross for a crusader bull far Africa. A. Richard Vaughan.Chancellor Jean Gc~maTii~-bishop of Chalon-sur. 1430-1470 9 Islam. However. whom we shall later ing to the help of Constantinople (1444). on ' 19 Match 1454 to encourage the expedition. once more by schism at the Council of Basle. p. pp. in 1434 Christendom had been dividcd Hungary and Italy. Unfortunately the I~Y.: The Last Cmsades. p. 101. 5 And it should nevcr be forgotten that by these public Silvius Piccolomini. + Housley. 92. 296. From all this it follows that the intervention of the papacy was Sa6ne. only 'jiist--~anaged to clect Felix V as new Pope. Dukc Philip attended the Diet of Regensburg (April /h. 34. 8 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. sorne time raiding the North African coast. Embassies werc sent to France. ical interests. p. given ¡1his fleet with a Mediterranean port.6 In 1437 z. This Philip of Burgundy was one of the first European rulers to rcact situation did not favour crusader intcrcsts at all.. the legates dccided to postponc and causing much pro test. N . Although this second dict -'Suggests that all these measures were caused by him having heard that proved to be much more successful in terms of thc number of legates..

~h~. but it was Alfonso V of Aragon who death he had not . [. so do we Hungariap. Constantinoplc fcll to the Turks. 13 Schwoebel. 1 • Ihidem. Neithcr the supreme ponti:ff nor the emperor is given his due. thc Pope preferrcd to contact each of them separately. cit. 11 Tate. 1'f but by the time of his to join thc crusadc in the East. p. the Curia tried to show the nced John Capistrano. announcing the departurc of Thc ncws reached Rome from different sourccs.40. Despite his op.C. according to his own words. He was preceded by bis grcat LRodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo got Calixtus III to change his target expericnce in diplomacy duc to the number of missions he had per- and issuc a crusader buil against Gr¡mada in thc same terms as the formcd for his predecessors in most of the European courts. F1orcncc.Carvajal. thus favouring the florentines. Jacques de la Marche. 237. Austrians. f. The Pope's flcct just delivered Lcmnos. A !cague was formed the next year including Vcnicc. made the Pope issuc thc bull "Etsi ccclesia Christi" 1º on thc 30 Unfortunatcly. showing the Turks to be a divine punishmcnt to the Cardinal Piccolomini's memoii:~ serves to illustrate: sins of Christendom.. disunity prevailed as this passage from text of the bull.. 1430. Both Nicholas V and Calixtus Jrr had tried to persuade Castile dcstruction of the enemies of the faith''.: 171e Papary and the Levant. 12 repcatedly through several embassics. 99-101. . legate pcrsonality as head of thc Church.:t with sackcd the coasts of Cilicia... was trying to reclaim position to the crusadc of Adrianopolis.Ibidem. If you lead many. p. such de Montefalcone. by Setton.: "Sobre el ideal de cruzada . order to plundcr its trcasures and to discover the tombs of their Cardi~·lir Alain to France and thc best Franciscan preachers. 107. So did feed so many people? Who will understand the different languages? Fredcrick III and Alfonso V of Portugal. This time the rulers sccm to have reacted: Alfonso V of ruler.] If you lead a fcw rrien against thc Turks you are casily defeatcd. p. were conquered. p. Instead of calling all the princcs ing both of cardinals and humanísts was that once the "New Rome" together.. and Aragon..] What order will there Aragon agreed to takc the cross at thc same time as Philip the Good. Calixtus issued a com- 1 } the Turks which served as scandal for the rest of Christendom. Thcre is no revererice.he sent Cardinal .11. 38. 10 Sobrequés.. R. thcy were late: [. Serbia. 8 Since then. The solution to the schism carne with Fclix V's abdication on Pope against thc will of the Italian cardinals on 8 April 145. Aubenas. H. ". giving way to Nicholas V's pontificate. p. no Calixtus III's strategy was cncouraging the rcsistence ª1llong the obedience. . figures in a painting. pressing the European powers concerned.cyedJüs targ~t. M.: E'nsqyos sobre la historiogrqfia peninsular del siglo XV. 39. Once oncs intended for the Holy Land. Dalmatians and Bosnians.A.?. mcmorative medal with the device "I have been chosen for the l .1470 11 :-:~~ . Most sermons commcnted the {y as enice and Hungar:x:) Still. without its leadcrs. of ali his purposes none was \ dearer to him than rousing Christians against the Turks ánd declaring 8.: The Shadow ef lhe Crescent.. However. A part of the Roman treasure was sold. you are confounded! 9 Belgrade had been delivcrcd by the common front built up by John Capistrano and John Hunyadi commanding a combined force of Ultimately the joint projcct of Aragon. R. Robert de Lccce or Antonino of ~ common war. The general fccl. 39. Syria and Egypt. 11\ Calixtus had been appointed more. Gcrmans. to Germany and Central Europe. Polish. 2700. A. K. 9 Trans. Samothrace 1/Milan. dcfcated the Turks in Mytilene in August 145 7 and 1\[~petians: withdrew. wanted to assume leadership. 13 Christcndom has no head whom ali may obey. pp.·:"'His 7 April 1449.: ojJ.all around Europe. 10 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. be in the army? What military discipline? What obedicncc? Who will surrounded each by their vassals in two great cercmonies. crusaders on the following ycar. As for Castile. known. both died in thc plague of 1456 leaving the army September 1453. soon after signing a commercial agrecmé. S. B. Thc document is in 12 Cif. There are as many princes as houses. R. 153. recov- Nicholas V rcsumed crusader ancestors. first purpose. After having sought help ering Jcrusalem as wcll. according to his investiture speech. Every city-state has its own the West. pro- cessions and prayers were ordcred for the first Sundays of the month. Llke characters in fiction. R . as the League of Lodi\ But and Thasos. _. thc Trojans. Constantinople and to cradicate Islam from the Holy Land. p. 45.s and in Albania whilc a naval attack was organ'ized from look upon the Pope and the emperor. thc Turks would try to reach the "Old" one in Thus l. Hungary and V cnicc Hungarians... making the most of the fact that Calixtus The election of Pius U (3 September 1458) was a total change of was Aragonese and had been his son's tutor. A ncw bull followed on May 1455.

Frederick Ill was 1'4. cit. Islam and had tried to put them into practice..1i11e commenti siljJer bulla cruciatae indictae per papam Pium contra 18 Trame. 294. pp. since it was no the Italian city-states thought it was better if Venicc cncountcrcd the longer a reduced meeting of princes. Trebizond." Cyprus.. and decided to pay thc expenses with the income of 1Qng of France would not cooperate until he saw thc Ang~vm clarm the alum commerce from T olfa. ~e to fight the Turks.166 and Pius II: op.. Albania was casily invaded. Most of "'SU. and {Thc crusader bull was issucd on 22 October 146.. eit. . . )Rhodes. R. UntiL 1463 terranean positions against the Turks and Castile opposed Granada... Enríquez del Castillo. Venicc so as to takc possesíon of :Morea and the L~rusade. but Philip of was just onc more mattcr to discuss.. cit. ~ fin danger of being conquered would arrive from J:~~pirns. 120 mentions the speech Sánchez de Arévalo had jJerfidos Turchos.. to rcad bcforc the Pope and his court before leaving for Dalmatia.August l '. see Aubenas. crusader efforts. while{. in which cardinal Torqucmada played a fundamental role. who had chosen to persuaded and gave his apologies to the Pope. of Burgundy that leaving his land at such time would leave it open . They had three < Although the general rcsl1lts ofthe Diet werc unsatisfying. / The court was clivided: the general feeling was that 17 Convoked on the bull of 21 January 1460. North Africa. which they could not afford. Rodriguez de Arévalo wrote his comrnentaries on this bull: Apparatus .!. 98..~~yj On the ot~er. but he was deceived whcn he saw that only these samc legates were scnt to the council (Trame. nor a council whcre crusade Turks on its own. for Louís XI of France warned Philip an intermediate point for ali those summoncd and he remained firm. Basle had its origin in the question of where to direct the Portuguese 16 About Mantua..·1438) to 15 Pius II: 1\1emoirs ef a Renaissance Pope.: Crónica de Enrique rv. The King of France refused to go. which they had to send to Hungary and to Scanderbeg in Albania. thc cliffcrent targcts (although somctimcs thcy are not clearly separated): :Pope: dccided to travcl to Siena in January 1460.. from thc Wcst. p . 12 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. : "Granada . pp. Ancqua waiting for the other rulers to join him. Two more but. latter due to the capture of Bosnia by Sultan Mu}:iammad..: op. Pius U receivcd the Castilian cmbassadors Alvaro de Luna had askcd him to consider the possibility of joining Sánchez de Arévalo and Alonso ele Palenzuela. djihiid d'azgourd' initiative was a new approach to the problem. cf. of the crusader army. only the rulers of small ... --::. rn He died there on uation in Europe was di:fficult: on the one hand. H.303. H .. H. and Fcrnandq tried to persuade him to continuc thc expansion in pp.: op. cit. hoping Enrique IV to send his thcm in a campaign against Granada.Mathias Corvinus. Bosnia and Hungary to the East. 91 .§1f. •.1470 13 war upon them. p. The Pope's dcparturc from Burgundy signcd an agreement which bound him.) although it also tried to settle in the North of Africa.: op.. Pae.: op. Francesco Sforza of Milan and Venice offered ate. D.8.. for three years. Philip was casily but he was very disappointed by the princes. which had becn reccntly discovered sorted out in Naples/ Therefore. 1430.~j But once more even sorne cardinals. cit. the three most important kingdoms in thc Ibcrian 1lext thfec years. supportcd by the. when he died. who was by thcn in send legates instead of coming personally to the council. Aragon defended its Medí-) offer to lead the crusadc would encourage the princes. 15 So two months after his investiture he summoned thc situation was qui et. pp. 94. both V cnicc and Hungary decided to '\ the Christian rulers to Mantua in order to hold a conference about join the enterprise. R. Juan II of Castilc (1406-1454-) and his royal favourite 165. · The unsuccessful embassy of Duarte I of Portugal (1433 .144. Trame.. R. pp. Thcn.. the Empcror as leader failed. claimed His successor Paul II continued thc trend of proclaiming his wish " j b~ .. and a plenary indulgence was dcclared for the Meanwhile. Rome worried both its inhabitants. but Pius had chosen Mantua because it was it was impossible to sGLsa. to an English attack.. .. 118. Italians wcrc to pay a thirthieth and the Jews a Península had devclopcd their own ideas about the encounter with tWetitieth in tax. Benito Ruano. pp.\l. E. 16 The sit. 50 ff. Cf. R.93. appendixes 1. Í not ready to let the Hungarian crown escape fro~ his hands. After the fall of diets were proposed to discuss the details of the enterpriscY Cardinal Necroponte (12 July 14 70) all the attempts to hold the Turks back Besariort was appointed legate for Germany.. Weber. In the Diet of Nurcmbcrg (1466) Western rulers refused to cooper- ' Philip of Burgundy.103). $ o Constantinopla".c'ó'üñtfies and ' ·expÍ~it~ci''i'hree cardinals were appointed to managc thc resourccs. who feared another schism. hoping that his Portugal directed its efforts towards Africa. Scanderbcg managcd to pay for the war out of his own resources their help only if another ruler would lead them first. . -··· '.puarte's brothers Enrique legates to Mantua in a letter of 27 February 1459.: Croisade d'hier. E... so the Pope was full of hope.. 4 The situation in Italy seemed quiet.


the African enterprise was too expensive for the rcalm, whcreas thc ( 1438- 1481).. Iri 145 7 there had bcen k~,~ns for the conqucst of.~':l_fi._
capture of new places would be uselcss if there wcre no military as vvitnesséd by a document condemning thc Jew David Malom for
power to keep them. Moreover, the campaign against Granada was warning the Nfoors about a Portuguese ship examining the conditions
a holy war which would )ring the same_pre~0:ge far the nobility and for attacking the African coastlan_d- as was usual in this cases, like
the army and had the suppo;t of Prince Pedro, the Earls of Arraiolos thc conquest of Arzila in 1470. trangier was the most convenient
and Barcclós and even Pope Eugenius. However, due to prcssure on place for severa! reasons: it was ~tfí~ . biggest commcrcial port in the
the side of the Princes Enrique and Fernando, their opinion prcvailcd {Maghrcb, which would providc ; -- base to supply Ceuta and future
- and special subsidies for Ceuta were approvcd between 1432 and expeditions, and would expedite the {ccove.ry _qf Prinec Fernando's
1437. 19 c;,0rpse. Rumours of an attack on Cc{i1.a· by the King of Fez, thc
As he didn't receive an answer from the pope in Basle, Prince ~-eed-· f¿r at least a 25.000 soldier force to conquer the city and a
Fernando, chancellor of the Ordcr of Avis, tried to obtain more pcrmanent garrison to be lcft there and at thc same time in Ceuta,
bcnefits from his brothcr with the thrcat that he would go to serve dissuaded Alfonso V from his original idea. Al-qa~r al-Saghir (Alca-
as a mcrccnary in Europc. Mcanwhile the Duchess of Burgundy, 20 zarquivir in Spanish sources) was closer to Ceuta, was also a corsair
sistcr to thc Portugucse princcs, asked Enrique to :fight against Francc port to be destroyed, a rich arca whích produced cattle and grain
under her husband so that thcy could afterwards travel to J erusalem far Granada, and would enable thc construction of a flcct to control
together; . Seeing the confusion surrounding him, Duarte I finally the maritimc traffic in the area ..J Al-qa~r al-Saghfr surrendcrcd after j'
~ decided ·to call . a crusade against l),ngi!;;L as thc only alternativc to a two-day fight in 1458. The kiiig added a nickname to his othcr !,.,
stop. the füght of Portuguese nobility. He ordcred prince Enrique to titles: "the J\frican", whilc he issued the usual charts for the popu-
~ write a report to justify bis expansionist ideas. The reasons for the lation of the land. 21 Thc Castilian chronicler Alonso de Palencia
expansion ·.plans . as reported by chronicler Azuara were the search stated that the king's main purpose was bis own glory. Nevertheless
for truth and certainty above all, secondly commerce; the third, to he praised the courage of thc Portuguese troops who managed to
assess Muslim military capacitics, the fourth, and essential rcason repcl the King of Fez's counter-attack soon after thc fall of the city. 22
was to try to find Christian rulcrs beyond the known bordcrs who The capacity shown by the Portugucsc fleet when dcvotcd to a
could support thcir campaigns against Islam and, finally, the conver- national issue shows to what extent Christian leaders werc unwilling
sion of pagans. 2ºª It scems that Duarte lalso took into considcration to eompromise in common European cntcrprises, which in thcory
thatEnriquc's last will lcft his properties to the crown princc in case would have provcd cvcn more suecessful, although it would have
he diedin the expedition. The army left from Lis bon and Porto in been certainly more cxpensive to send a Portuguese fleet to fight in
'~!~7~:~¡~: ~!~~~~~ª:u~af:~~·~ri~ce Fef!!<ll1q() V\lªS illiP~()ned Constantinople than paying for a campaign in the North of Afi:iea.
The Portuguese success was unknown to Calixtus III and Alfonso V
Although, as has been said, Portugal subscribed to the crusader of Aragon, who had both died that summer before having achieved
plans of the papacy- wbich never matcrialized- the Turkish threat their Eastern crusade. Alfonso V of Portugal maintaincd his policies
spreading on the other side of the Meditcrrancan was none of their 1in scarch of supplies for bis African scttlcments. He sacked the ter- !
concern, or at least . less important than the African expansion as a fl ritory
around Tangier in 1463, Anafe (Casablanca) in 1469, and in)
"national" business. Prince Enrique remained true to his principles r471 he again considered invading Tangicr to keep it, although he
despite his defeat, and he shared them with bis nephew Alfonso V lmew he did not havc cnough troops. His intcrcsts then diverged to
Arzila, which was conqucrcd. 21
<-~"~--- ..-__ ,.~··

Verissimo, J.: op. át., pp. 40 If.
Espina mentions Isabel of Burgundy in relation wíth the African crusade, Cif. 21
Verissimo, .J.: op. cit., pp. 83- 85.
Mcyuhas Ginio, A.: La farteresse, p. 42. 22
Palencia, A.: Crónica de Enrique IV, I, p. 112.
ºª Antelo, A.: op. cit., pp. 39-40. 23
Verissimo, J.: op. cit., pp. 85-·87.


Regardlcss of the fact that a Castilian dynasty had been cnthroned (remensas) who had to be declared free before they would baclc down
in Aragon, directing its interests towards the neighbouring country in 1455, and thc attack and further distruction of the moorish quarter
rather than its own, Aragon was undoubtedly the most compromising in Valencia by Christian craftsmen, who werc ordered to rebuild the .
Peninsular kingdom rcgarding Eastern issues, due to 'ii~"·-;:;(i~~ercial neighbourhood.26 Fínally, in 1456 the king took the cross at the same {.,
influence throughout the Mediterranean. Thc lack of a direct frontier time as Philip of Burgundy. '
with Granada had weakened the need to fight Islam inside thc Iberian According to Alonso de Palencia, Calixtus III scnt a lctter to
Península. Dcspite geographical distance, the Turks thcn rernaíned Alfonso V telling him how a Roman holy woman had prophesized
the main anxiety of Alfonso V of Aragon (1416--1458) as far as cru- that the sultan would be captured under his mandate, so he had
sading policies were concerned, except for his commercial advances hastened to warn the king of thc glory he would attaín should he
in Tunis. For a start, he launched an cxpedition in 1432 against the lead the expedition against Greece in thc Chtirch's name.27 Alfonso
island of Djerba-thc objcct of several Aragonese attacks from much informed his council of his devotion to the Christian cause and
earlier- , but he failed to conquer it. On thc other hand, his com- promiscd fifteen gallcys to join the Christian fleet. However, his
mercial agreements with Tunis were of no value due to piracy. 24· Italian eontacts with Piccinino and interna! unrest in Aragon made
Between 1444 and 1452 Alfonso signed a number of treaties with him dclay his expedition until 145 7, when he would attcnd together
the- Byzantine cmperor, Brancowitz thc Serbian, Scanderbeg from with his nephew the Portugilesc King, this time with 400 gal~cys ancl
Albania, . and Dcmetrius Paleologus of Morea, and he planned to 50.000 men.!J:Ie died in 1458 with ..b,~~.. Y.JJ)mÍse··unfu:l:fille9:.J
join togethcr in a single treaty Byzantium, the Negus of Ethiopia, The long absence of Alfonso V from Aragon- he used to stay in
the Emperor ofTrebizond and-as he called him- "the Great Khan" Naples- had affected the interna! balance of the kingdom. His impe-
of Chirta. In May 1453, as danger grew greater for Constantinople, rialist policies in the Mediterranean, supportcd by Catalan fieets, had
Alfonso V sent his ambassador Luis Despuig to Rome to propose proved to be quite unproductive and had somctimes harmecl Catalan
the union of the Italian city-statcs in a peace lcague- which favoured interests. When thc cxperienced Juan II (1458- 14 79) king
Alfonso .rather than thc republics- in ordcr to undertake the defense he had to <leal first with the <?PE?.~Í.!Í.?.1.1:)~~d .1?Y his son Prince Carlos
of the city immediatcly. While Nicholas V considered the offer, Con- de Viana. The revolt had a clcar social base and its effccts wcre so
stantinople fell, not withstanding another embassy from Alfonso V outstanding that even the Church bccame divíded: most of thc bishops
to accelerate pteparatíons under the threatthat anything which might supported the king, but thc low clcrgy stood for the prince until his
happei1. would be attríbuted to the Pope's inactivíty. Unfortunatcly cleath. Civil war ravage,c!._Jh.g _counti;yJrom 1462 to 1472, leaving
Juan II few oppor~iae~ to bec¿ffi~"interestcd in fighting the Muslims.

he · ne:xt ncws hcard by Alfonso was the death of his consul in Con-
staritincipl.e ;Juan de la Vía; and his s~f>}éets ..~h~·"h.adb~~rf"defencling ;Following the usual pof-cy of Castilian affairs,ljyan II abandoned
he porL25 • ·. /G,enoa's naval blockag~ and refused to get involved in Italian or
~' The next plan . of the Aragonese monarch was an alliance with "E.astern issues despite repeated appeals from the Pope and Juan's
Hungary; Venice and Serbia, which a bull ratiliecl in 1453, as we have nephcw Fcrrantc of Naplcs.
mentioned, and which was the origín of the Leaguc of Lodi. Alfonso Castilc was lcss committecl than any other kingdom in the wars
V hoped to Icad the crusade, gíven his good relationship with Calixtus against MuJ:iammad II, because all its efforts were coneentrated on
III, but the appointment by the king of condottiere Piccinino as com- its frontiers. From 1412 to 1430, truccs with Granada had been
mandcr clid ·not satisfy the Pope. Meanwhile, Alfonso had to face signed, although constable Álvaro de Luna took advantage of the
other problcms in his realm: the opposition of Catalan parties who
refused to vote crusader subsidies, the revolt of thc servant-peasants
Sobrcqués, S.: ojJ. cit., pp. 241-242; Hillgarth,J N.: op. cit., p. 13.1 and Dánvila
y Collado, M.: "La expulsión ... ", pp. 34-37 . About thc probletns caused by
• Hillgarth, J. N.: Tlze Kingdoms, pp. 306; 315- 316. Piccinino bctwccn Calixtus III and Alfonso V, sce also Pius JI: op. cit., pp. 74-77.
Sobrcqués, S.: oj1. cit., pp. 234-235. 27
Palencia, A.: op. cit., I, p. 111.


Nluslims' divisions "to imitate Alfonso Xl's success in channclling as his friends Juan Pachcco, marquis of Villcna, his brother Pedro
the rebellious energy of Castile's nobility into holy war". 28 Juan II Girón, Miguel Lucas de Iranzo and Beltrán de la Cucva. 29
of Castile (1406- 1454) proposed to Duarte of Portugal that he partici- \ In thc sccond year of his rcign, Enrique IV, undcr pressure from
pate, as has been said, but he refused. The intercst of the papacy \the
nobility, started a series of four campaigns against Granada.....30.,...""'/
was obvious: thc prcaching of indulgenccs was always followed by The conquest of the small kingdom would be extremely difficult and
taxes on the clcrgy and still more indulgences. In 1431 the discred- expensive, as demonstrated by Ladero Quesada, 31 so Enrique prcfr:rred
ited G?.ª1;1iamcnt (Corles) had a meeting to vote subsidies. Following policies which would "bring maximum bcnefits from a mínimum of
this, thc victory of La Higueruela, though rninor compared to othcr cost and effort". 32 From 1455 to 1458 Castilian troops were kcpt undcr
Christian successes, was the rnost important battlc of the period. Thc control, avoiding long sicgcs at fortificd places and using thc destruc-
Castilian advance was stopped by the intemal factions in the Castilian tion of crops as an cconomic weapon. Skirmishes on thc part of the
court, specifically an attcmpt to murder the Constable, which made knights trying .,!º show ()[ t1.dr (l~ilitie~ werc frequent but, in general,
diplomacy was preferred to the conq~est of fortresses, which would

him retreat from thc battlcficld. When thc surrender was acccptcd
(1439), the most fcrtilc arcas of Ronda and Málaga were in Christian give the nobles too much power and would encourage revenge from
hands. the Muslims.
Thc struggle for power within thc frontiers of Castilc hindered Tenancy of castles had been onc of thc first objectives of war until
thc rcsumption of campaigns against thc Muslims until Enrique N thcn, in ordcr to kecp the borders safe. A grcat numbcr of gricvanccs
became king in 1454. The year bcfore, the most important man in in thc Cortes about thc low paymcnt for thc castcllans and thc ruincd
the kingdorn had fallen, causing commotion in thc court and impress- statc of many of the building-s givcs an idea of thc monarchy's lack
ing foreigners; even cardinal Piccolomini was shockcd. If for Europe of carc when war was not imminent. 33
1453 had been the year of thc capture of Constantinople, for Castile The difficulty of providing funds for the war voted by a reluctant
it was the year of the public cxecution of Álvaro de Luna, accused parliament caused the king to seek another way of fighting against
of treason againstJuan II. The chronicler Alonso de Palencia dcvoted Granada: he got the . Muslim lcadcrs of the diffcrent factions in thc ¡
sorne pages of his Decades to the events which took place in Constan- Islamic realm to work against thc Nasrid dynasty on behalf of Cast_i~.~)~
tinople and their consequences, complaining that they had divcrtcd War became thus a phcnomcnon "of fronticr", as dcfincd by Burns. 34
Europcan attention from the fall of Luna, which he considcrcd vital. Thc embe~dcmentgf~rusadc sul:J.s.iqies was one of thc most frequent
The Marquis of Santillana was encouraged by chroniclcr Pére;-··;r~ lc«:~sailo~s against En;{qile 'fv·in tb.e -fust years of his reign. The
Guzmán to write sorne Italianate poems appealing for thc crusade Castilian ambassador Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo achieved for Castile
against thc Turks.
Soon after his favourite's death, Juan Il died too, and his son
Phillips, W.: Enrique IV and the Crisis .. ., pp. 46-47.
Enrique IV (1454- 1475) succeded. He began his rcign as a rich man, 30
Enríqucz del Castillo, D.: Crónica de Enrique IV, pp. 146- 147 describes the corles
for to his possessions as Princc of Asturias-sincc he had no heir yet- at Cuéllar and reproduces thc nobility's argumcnts cxposcd by thc Marquis of
__1 he added the royal holdings, increased reccntly by {sonfiscation of Santillana.
thc Constable's propcrtie~J Thc absence of support from among his
Ladero Quesada, M. A.: Caslilla }' la conquista del reino de Granada, p. 202.
' Phillips, W.: op. cit., p. 54.
family and Castilian nobility made Enrique scck new assistants for 33
This subjcct was discussed in the following meetings of the Gortes, as appears
thc governmcnt. His rule started confirming his father's officials in in thcir proceedings: Ocaña, 1422, p. 42; Palcnzucla, 1425, pp. 62, 76·-·7;7; Valladolid,
1451, pp. 62 l ·-622; Ocaña, 1469, p . 80 l. In Cortes de los antiguas reinos de León)' de
1 t.·heir posts. Thcn he tried to crcate new grandes from the lower ranks Caslilla, Madrid, 1861, vol. III. .
• Burns, .R. l.: "The Significancc of thc Fronticr in thc Middc Agcs", p. 326.
lin the nobility, in an effort to dilute the powcr of the aristocracy.
For more informarion, sce Mata Carriazo, J. de: "La vida en la frontera .de Granada",
'Following this systcm, he surroundcd himsclf with new allics such I Congreso de Hittoria de Andalucía J.l[edieval. Also Pino, .J. L. del: "Las <¡ampañas mi-
litares castellanas ... ", V Coloquio de Historia Medieval de Andalucía, p. 673 about the
Hillgarth, J. N.: op. cit., p. 315. econornic aspccts.

: k11sqyos sobre la hislo1iografia peninsular . cit. p . que hcra penalty of excommunication. this time applied to the deceased.. ¡ who were imbued with a spirit of intolcrancc could not understand }' Calixtus III issued anothcr bull granting Enrique the position of any approach to Muslims except through conquest or conversion. pp. on the other hand. ~s the main " reactions of the king regarcling thc Muslims can be found in vol. 114. .. thc with the . ' and ·t~. he anathematized whoever posed any obstacle to the For a foreigner such asJorg von Ehingen. 56. a permanent mili. más amigo de la vida granted to churches.{'\t\'.-~~urd . 358. and for this reason it did not please him that his men went out on skirmishes [. B. 3 Palencia. p. ~. cit. tenths far thc war against the Turks. Alonso de Fonseca. 38 Thís evidence Calixtus III was so delighted with the idea of a Península free from clashes with the explanation given by Enríquez del Castillo for his Islamic power that. 157. 149 --154.139.~?. p. .. archbishop of Seville..&. 117. After sustaíning thís argument at the council of Mantua. cf.-the faithful who gavc 200 Quando los moros salian a dar escaramuc. The muy grand yerro consentir aventuralla y por eso no le plac. although the account 'Of 'md1vidual deeds 103-108. about truces. All thc indulgences a ello.~~~J~!}q~_. with the capacity to control all their incomes and criticize Enrique as an "cnemy of the faith. de: op. 107.P. With these funds. he wished [.~¿ a hat by the Pope.for ten years. Alonso de Palencia was the first to ·. more a friend of the lifc of his men than The size of the army is another favourite subject..73.~~g. I. cil.~~~ . H. and other plunder.J Thosc mcrnbers of the clergy ) tary force of 3. and the latter straight to the King.~ran.57. A.37 ·' Master of thc Order of Santiago for fiftecn years and that of Alcántara Arnong contemporary chroniclcrs. kingp[()J?(). 20 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITlCAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS.?~~ ~~. Unfortu. he said that [.:a. alent..: op. crudely 1newcomers.] thc lifc of men had no price or equiv- of weapons used. Thc same positive scope is found R. declining their help on this ions and have often been misundcrstood. pp. cit. pages for the dcvelopment of the campaigns as a whole.E gf.000 foot soldiers was established.ªLfavoured by the Kin:g· was i from the sale of indulgences.: o/J. {Enriq~~. The King had not only prepared February ..!!n.366. ni avía equivalenc. Castilian king in bis pursuit of the crusade.+9ok. passionate towards the armies. war. sec Tate. 56... 'Jcvent of these four years.: op. I.s~~' as it kept them frorn e1.. . but again in 145 7 there was que ver muertos ni estragos de sus gentes. Trame.. D..?c~. de los suyos que derramador de su sangre.:io. pp._hat Mediterranean..illect- same privileges were granted for thc crusades at both cnds of the ing new land for thcir younge~ 'son:s and from military prestige.:ía que pues la vida de The treasurers wcrc supposed to gívc the money to the bishops under los hombres no tenía prec.. W. sfür9rtt_~_!o buy thc support of Beltrán infidels and was followed by a group of Moors (his body-guard) "whose ¡de la Cueva. p.G. About Sánchcz de Arévalo's role. In 1456 a new indulgence was preached to bring quiera que en las tales entradas se gastava gran suma de dineros. cit. Finally.S:.. Dctailcd dcscriptions of the campaigns and Jchronicles without exception refer to thc .000 lances and 20. W.-. Íñ'more funds in the next four years. deprived the Christians of their as the Muslims were driven out from the Iberian Pcninsula. p. rape. as well as the kind the spiller of their blood. 36 All the Phillips." Enríqucz del Castillo. 133.ted.Y. p. ni convates. 39 "Because he was pious and not cruel. ~5 The king was supposed to turn against the Turks as soon Moors" who damagcd his soldiers. 39 another. D.<". Many nobles did not agrce front.. but rcfcrences do not look very accurate. cil._Jhe-l\f. beyond the military concepts of his tin.W. refused to attack the ) nately. thc cmbassy to the Pope to negotiate 'lea ves few.:ía que salie- \crusade would have four years' validity frorn the date of the bull sen los suyos a escaramuz31·. 70.. pp. ni se diesen batallas. de la bula de cruzada .QSS on the 25 campaigns were comparatively hard.] and in such expcditions a large amount of money was spent. extended through the realm.. while the Crown was authorised to receive an income is quite certain is that the econQJJÚ. goods and incomes to malee the Saracens rich.~22 April 1455). 1430--1470 21 the recognition of the Granadan campaigns as a parallel crusade to Enrique IV's policies towards Granada have inspired differing opin- the one taking part in thc Near East. a new and unpreccdented device. jamás el rrey <lava logar maravedis in Castile or three flmins in Aragon. 145.!h~.R..Y~E~. que- ria más espender sus thesoros que dañando los henemigos poco a poco. porque como hera piadoso y no cruel. p.: op. dec.q indulgcnce to any crusaders who refusal to a1low individual or small-group skirmishes: died on their journey to G. y quanto f. . pp.. in the Compendiosa historia hispánica by Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévaloi Trame has 36 Enríquez del Castillo. 170.: 35 Phillips.anada. Goñi Gaztambide. ..-Pd was sent a bless~e(f. . op. and il was a great error to risk them. he alsolg¡:ante. 156-157. coercion and inhuman rage against our people. 152.J: Esiudio describcd thc chapter about Enrique IV's victories as "an cxlravagant praise".L4. Cf.' cannot be described". monasteries or individuals werc ~!!P~~. On thc campaign.:2Z.] rather to spend his treasures in dam- aging thc cncmy little by littlc than to see his people dead. 37 as had be en traditional befo re the beginning of a crusade.:ia para ella.

H Blcda. 4 '. If things wcnt wrong. as shall later be discussed.. it he took his revcngc through further crop devastation in the surround.~uch so that but in thc light of the cvents taking place in Castile sincc 1459.566.Jªid. sibility of maintaining this kind of war for a long time.a1: ª~ -~ p~9p_~g. cit.: op. and destroyed and burnt and slew where we Archidona and Gibraltar. he had forbidden. Phillips' version is too benevolent regardíng Enrique I~.ins~. But Enrique According to Phillips.: Crónica de los moros de füjJaiia. Later on.:waste" .Vega in a skirmish Maybe . . the clergy. sincc historians agree that they were at first pleas~d at h1s His description of a siege underlines the munher of good Christian coronation and that thc starting point of friction was prcc1sely the soldiers who might die in a heavy combat--and therefore the impos.. thc King was amount of land for the aristocracy as payment far their support. Campaigns were abandoncd ing Muslim Granadans and it was more practica! to keep theU:: sub- due to instability inside both Castilc and Granada. 22 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. war against Granada.".. is obvious that neither time or resources could be devoted to harass- ing valleys and thc capture of Jimena. 1430 -1470 23 himself "actively" b.9-ldI)n t~e imprcssed by the knights of the Order of Santiago. C. Enrique's ". 193 . 562...: Ertado social y político . . pp. dunng strategy bccause thcy prcvented large scale operations.JJLtotally on the Kmg nor nobles charged him with secret contacts with the enemy to escape on the nobility. ".¡ Bishko. 208-209 gives another vers1011 of an cncounter m Gibraltar .. 42 \campaigns of~~~-.¡{) This does not look likc the action of a feeble king. . H7¡ ~nrí1~1e7.000 soldiers "such to Ceuta to havc an interview with l\!larinid legates. for Fernando and Isabel it was reduced the number of razzias against Christian towns. see Millcr.\ _l':~!sq:.• Phillips. pro-Islamic policies which were strongly rejected by the nobility.o avoid skir. Final conquest by the Reyes Católicos who. pp.l91· . W. Castillo. speaks of Enrique IV's intelligent took advantage of Enrique's advanccs. pp. to grant their tribute. A. If we assume that Cuéllar despite the nobility's opposition.d In any case. del 2 • Fernández y Gonzálcz. ..¡. cit. in the seventeenth century. but added immense expenses .:s. 55 56. the was the submission of the Granadan king to Enrique IV as a vassal.?-~ . !. thcse years of war were in many ways a also uscd the tactics of his ancestors: "vVe then passed by Granada grcat success.p. . ··5¿. a way of acquiring goods and tcrntones for a clergy and historian Alonso de Palencia.-. J. the crusade in the East. For the opinion of with the King of Portugal. Prob:~hly the formcr was too splendid with this friends resposibilities. But the decisive moment \ the Islamophile accusations of 1467 werc ~ ~olitical ~anoeuvre. T ..-~EJ?-C. B.i. so that nothing remained standing as we passed.. The frontier was more secure and Granada could. He was wcll fails to explain is why the nobility should fccl such j!. The latter also dued and quict. ~avourable MacKay ressumes the accusations against Enrique for his Islamophile ·~to a r'lew··king with enough resources to get mvolved m 1t.'13 ne"v nobility in expansion and a display of his power befare Granada Bishko insists on the influence of the nobility from a different view. as he was the one gathered in thcir war againstJuana la Beltraneja in a common enter- who asked Nicholas V for a cmsader bull and called the Cortes at prisc far from the borders of Castilc and Aragón.__!:__~E~.: oj1. . Enrique only confirmcd their suspicions when he crossed and the latter exccssive in their individualism and their · claims. 93. J. 41 Fernández more convenient to employ the rebellious nobility and the troops y González insists on the King's positive attitude.which led himf. for a king who had confirmed all the~r the capture of villages and towns as well as thc death of infidels. in mcn and funds during the war and compromised an enormous l~ishes in preference to economic W<l. privilegcs.Y.en.. success might have bcen greatcr had he only been able to proceed Historiography based on these chronicles has taken either side: with his strategy. Castilian forces had sccured strategic positions such as through the kingdom. F.a.u t also gathered an army of 70. On the other hand.+i What Bishko as had ncvcr been seen befare by any Christian man".: "The Balad and the Frontier . pp.-a good sourcc of income far the crown-~nd point: their attitude made Enrique IV decide against a purely military keep the borders quiet during his rcign. 45 decply touched by the g~_ªth 9LGarci Laso dela. to seek tendencies madc in 1467 and sees his attitude as an element of bis Rome's supp~rt whilc "diplomatically" avoiding the ap~e~ for the. p. ~lame cannot be P. 37-38. D.nd1sti.: "Spanish and Portuguese Reco°:que~t_..t.:< M acKay. the the following years. and describcd first years of his government. •0 ·ne Dial)' qf ]oig uon flrtin/. p.a point which Palencia denics..: Henry IV of Castile. 28 .strategy and of his !ove for his subjects . but the state of the realm prevcnted him from engag- among those who follow Enríquez del Castillo is the chronicler Bleda ing in policics to the South. pp. for everything had lost part of its former economical and political powcr.

Trame. Howcvcr. ploguiese de los mandar apartar de si e punir e castigar. e que agora nin en algund throne bccame the excuse for the dívision of the partics. main victim of the mcasures taken outcome in thel_s.apture of Gibraltar and Archidon~ conquered by after the Sentence of Medina. B.: op.: op. cho e por leyes reales. see also Valcra. lo qual se p . rela. cit. pp.. context. which servicio de Dios e ensalzamiento de su santa fe. 26. leacling the country to thc verge of civil war. accusing thc King of inability to de otras partes. en el dicho tiempo los envien a las fronteras de los H Valcra. e asimismo porque los lhe uneasiness caused b~ thc r?luctancy of Peninsular clcrgy to pay dichos moros dis que fizieron muchas sinrazones. nera que dentro del dicho tiempo salgan fuera del regno..or rather ordcrcd-. +n Sigüenza. He showed interest in includ- ing Castile in his gco-ethnical descripLion of the world. dicho señor rey. H. 366-367. moros. p. A commission was established to decide the structure ares donde son vecinos e naturales. Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo lec. A. in the first place. therc wcre no further attempts of royal campaigns solve the economíc crisis. pp.: Nlemorial de diversas ha¿añas. birthplace of many well-known conversos.. para que por ellos se saquen cristianos de los que estan cap- turcd befare Pius II about the conquest of Gibraltar. The del Campo (16 January 1465). e por que la famil- he obtained. 60. D. but his lack of decission made him lose such opportunity. e los envien de tal ma- Arévalo to write his Libellus de situ et descriptione Hispaniae. which later formed part of the Sentence of Medina peace with Juan JI divcrting his interest from Castilian politics. About the 50 conflicts in Córdoba.P1ºre taxes for the Turk1sh busmess. The commission asked for. se vayan en dicho tiempo a las morcrias e casas e log- to negociate. acatando el king for authorisation for a general inquisition in thc kingdom. Enrique IV tried to port of the pcople. cf. so he ordered Sánchez ele tivos quantos mas por ellos se puedan sacar. Genoa and Venice asked for a Castilian alliancc which erties to be used to rescue Christian captives in Muslim lands.: El cronista Alonso de Palencia. D. to Aragonese pressure. IV de Castilla. 4 r> The conquest of thcsc apartase de si los moros que trae en su guarda. 47 In the same year (1460). Enrique could count on the sup- due. de: Historia de la orden de San Jerónimo.--Muslims their lord. shoulcl be unclerstood within a broader the combincd effort of urban militias and local nobi'lity of the area. once II. p.: op. . e que a su altcsa ¡í. Local cfforts had their conflíct of the Moorish guarcl. ordenamos e declaramos que! dicho señor rey more tense. J. Memorias de Don Emique 19 ' Enríquez del CasLillo. cit. It deals with the situation of infidels Catalans acknowledgcd his importance by offcring Enrique to be at thc court. It is intcrcsting to consider here the first point support his nephew Carlos de Viana and at the samc time to keep of these daíms. D. 115. The struggle betwccn the old families and the ncw nobles de aqui a cinquenta días primeros siguientes eche e aparte de si e de reached its peal{. cit. 49 apostamiento a ellos nin a los otros. e por emendar los dapnos e inconvinientes que de lo con- Around 1464 the atmosphcre at the Castilian court was more and trario se pueden seguir. 222. ordenamos e mandamos que si los tales moros son libres. The succession to the guarda asi de a caballo como de a pie.69. e que de aqui adelante el dicho of the kingdom's futurc government and a manifesto was issued with señor rey non les de racion nin quitacion nin dadiva nin merced nin all their demancls. p. It is true that the King. 327-· 331·. r430 --r470 25 Nevertheless. cit. Paz y Mcliá.: op.. Otrosi: por quanto en las peticiones propuestas por los dichos per- finishcd the wars promoted by the Crown. p. R. lcft the initiativc to thosc lados e caballeros e ricos-ornes fue suplicado al dicho señor rey que who had particular interests in the frontier. and Jcws to be ejected from the realm and their confiscatcd prop- England. just su compañia e casa e corte a todos los dichos moros que trae en su what Enrique IV had tried so hard to avoid.'rn This was the first in Castile and started precisely in iaridad e compañia con los dichos moros es muy defendida en dere- Toledo. porque sus subditos two towns caused a good impression in Rome and helpcd to solvc e naturales estan dello muy escandalizados. 107. e la participación con ellos es muy peligrosa e dapnosa. which made the vicar-general of the J eronimites ask the Dios e suyo e bien publico de sus regnos. nin ellos la resciban de su seño- The line of argument of the manifesto proposcd the outlines of ría nin de otro por el: e los moros que son del regno de Granada e oligarchical control of the country. 24 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. 78. Por ende nos. Literally. 50 The alrcady existcd with France and Portugal. . pp. salgan en el dicho tiempo de los regnos e señoríos del rey nues- tro señor e non esten nin tornen a ellos: e los que son esclavos del 4 ~ Tate. sobre lo qua! fablamos con el dicho señor rey. the Poncc de León and the Guzmanes. e a su señoría plugo que cerca de u tions between Christians and conversos suffered from a series of riots lo contenido en este capitulo sea proveido como comple al servicio de in Córdoba. Enrique tiempo non los torne nin traya otros para la dicha su casa e guarda: IV rriet the League creatcd by the nobility twice that winter to try e _ordenamos e declaramos que los moros de los sobredichos que foc- sen mudejares.

érs rnight have been heavily imprcssed by customs which keep h. p.:J. 234 V! Simposio internacional de Mudi.i. But that is another story. o despues de idos se Alonso Pérez de Vivero rcmaincd loyal to the king.. What is certam isUus fondness thc claims at the Cortes in Ocaña for the money obtained frorn the l of "vho was a Slav itary. including sorne Muslim servants of Alvaro de Lúna and los dichos cinquenta dias primeros siguientes. On thc othcr hand. jtin~('.y addressed to the J view is that it goes further... and MacKay. when he died. p. it would b~.i.n his J<ortalitium. My own ordinary importancc to thc accusations of he.:otc frorn Málaga.!J.~..G.: op. fü. J.... him prisoncrJ ThcsJ el dia que esto füerc publicado en la corte del dicho señor rey fasta knights.Csscs. N.:. and prornised his help against Granada. A. but on the contrary.4. 75 ff. 81 . Acculturation was infidcls to revcrt to thc liberation of captives. MacKay states the importance of this king. cit. his religious foundations in Segovia.1!13~.. nor that all the nobility were 'tEspina... ff. against the remaíns of Granada. 4 21 .'ose. 1n Enrique IV could hardly th. e si se defen. l\IIacKay.hl!:P ~91!1Plªge súch as Philippe de Commynes or Leo of Rozmital. thc King's attitude ~ow~rds being Islamophilc whcn the Jewish-converso problem was in its apogcc.v. cit. two p~o~ed . pp. r430. W. which he had to justify. pp. pp. s?eaking.: op. 571It is also strange to see the King accuscd only of 1 :aus~ of the nobilityJ~trictly.: op. 55 vinieren a vivir o andovieren en la guerra e guarda de casa del dicho The extensive use of Alonso de Palcncia's chronicle by contem- señor rey.. and ruled from 1468 to 1474. ncvcr mcntioned this point- unitcd on this point.. cit.: op. pp.gio.1470 27 faga e compla de aqui a los dichos cinquenta días.sonabT~ ·-to assume that his enemies would los moros mudejares e otros moros qualesquiera si en algund tiempo try to deprive him of his best rnilitary support. '' 3 Enríquez del Castillo. who .confessors civil war.~s support of the chron. Both Enrique's Islamophile tendencics and the i. LMuslims and Jews día not difier much from thc uses of hls time. ordenamos e declaramos que qual- quiera persona los pueda tomar e captivar por esclavos. de: op. The reign di:ffcred greatly from the ones in their own countrics-regardlcss of of the Reyes Católicos . D.nofthe . -~nd the ..g _to i:ely Q!1.l:""!JI1. and an intcrview of cvidcnt in this atmosphcrc according to the wi'h. His quick approval ~n:Land the return of its mcmbcrs to their places of origin. quoting how the Master of Calatrava and the Marquis of Villena issuc in its hcading thc list of complaints. who had tumed to thcm when his cousin \ moros e qualquier dellos non saliere füera de los dichos regnos desde lJuan of Navarre (later Juan II of Aragón) took.jarismo. pp. A. 51 porary historians has favoured the nobility's version: writtcn aftcr thc The tolerant attitude towards Muslims had finished in Castile and dethroncmcnt of Ávila. the country being close to dieren que los pueda matar sin pena alguna. ''" Palencia.S.~. as they startcd a strong offensivc.iclers focus almost exclusively on the problcm of succession and {5onventual Franciscans. . 16 7. but he admits it is not the had been induced by him to convert to Islam! However Alonso de main problcm in Castilian politics.. e esa misma pena ayan 'a-éivil war. España de la Edad Media..e~istence of. A. 57 219. with Enrique IV's Muslim them being Islamic. The accounts of Rozmital and his companions reign.1-"k.tion and habits in his palaces. 54 Enrique IV con- volvieren en cualquier manera. 29-30. cit.. f...: ILJ.. FF. 53 Phillips. 52 1': ~onger study of the events can be found in Hillgarth. despite being confessor to the King. 5 51 Transl.S. W.i:é.: "Thc Balad and the Fronticr .. ~d his personal convictions should not be doubted.'Cj). used to travel through Muslim territorics. The outcome of what has bccn cxposed was thelc.!..esc travell. l. he praiscd Enrique's efforts ihterruption of the war against Granada were propaganda for the against Muslims. Q}iitaciones de Corte. 12is fathc1)_g11ard_and.!issol1. 26 CHAPTER ONE THE POLITICAL APPROACH TO MUSLIMS. The scarce references to be found about Muslims were show that he was a pract1smg Chrisuan. ". both diplomatic and mil- are full of contradictions and diffcr from Ehingen's.dcCQ. ambassadors Enrique with chicf Alquirc. e .221.4 2 7. 53 The particular(ieaction against thc Muslim guard( in thc context of the accusations against Enrique had a politiéii. The guard 5 ~ A..{falencia56 givcs cxtra- Hillgarthó 2 thinks this clause is a concession to the clergy. of the project of an inquisition proposed by the J eronimite Alonso From the Sentence of Medina (1467) until the King's death (1474) de Oropesa. 170r. cit. 325. leg.89.pgs. > See my article "Los elches en la guardia de Juan II y Enrique IV ele Castilla". Plulhps.tU. and who does not mention any reason for surprise in Enrique IV's court. E si los dichos fwas inherited from Juan II. pp.

This attempt to put an -"· The social origins and education of thc authors who <leal with the end to the problem of Jews and conversos in Aragon was promoted subject of Muslims in thc Ibcrian Península are essential to understand by Saint Vincent :Ferrer.". A massive catechesis was planned to be attended by University of Salamanca and the centres of intellectual life surrounding the most important members of the Jewish community. are in contact with these but he had also made a good offer. ln- each Mendícant Order and the branches of ecclesiastical power in doctrination bceame a real disputation.. !>~farad (1943). Arabica et Hebraea.. Caldea. which was to last onc wholc the courts of the European kingdoms and in Rome also affect these ycar. Vidal and B~nafós de ) writers . vol. His brothcr Bonafós.. who lived during the reign of to their formcr relígion.. He is also new-converts. can be considcred separately from the other J cwish propaganda. well-known in Saragossa.. iussu fidclissimorum parentum meorum.. Fernando 1 of Aragon (1410-1416) andPope their points of vicw. 2 Thc subscqucnt his own words in the introduction to his :{. Convcrsion should be pacific and spheres of infiuence. The aljamas of Aragon were invited one to take part in this matter.: "Aportaciones documentales para el estudio .. pp. The only details we have about Pedro's early life are John and received thcir rents from thc royal trcasurc. 1 ut sacri canonis Bibliae studio me mancípavcrim et in servitutem Dei The batlle o[ the Catalan-Aragonese kingdom was a judge whose competences included ali the territory of a particular town and its lands. despite writing in the same chronological period. His family took its surname from its Alfonso as an cxamplc of true conversion which must be followed. where he would judge surrounded by his own eourt and with severa! officcrs under his authority. in its university and local levels.. The common dcment to sorne of them is the Bcncdict XIII. F. The íntcrnal relationships within to send their best masters to Tortosa on the 15 January 1413. See also Vendrell.. the conversion of his family had twclfth ccntury.-·························-··-···. For instance.. Christian philosophy THE AUTHORS and poct1y. 3 Meyuhas Ginio.. _______ .forbidden to Jews in theory-both in thc royal court Pedro de La Cavallería and in the city hall.. V.. they wcrc protected by the Ordcr of Saint de la Cabra. . ..: l~an among them. had married the Christian Leonor) erations. l The polerrúc of Tortosa also had an important effe·cf on anti- Alfonso V of Aragon. In thc thirteenth century sorne members hcld the been achievcd. It inaugurated a literary trend which praised authors. 3 r~iationship . p. 115. followed by Alonso de Espina who referred to Pedro th~ only.. "Cavallería". Tamen a mea tenera aetate.: La forleresse. Both Pedro de la Cavallería and 'Isa ibn Djabir. was famous for his THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: Hebrew translations and knew thc Latín classics.154. keeping their surname Ben Labi.- THE INI'ELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 29 This was an educatcd Jewish family.elus Christi: evolution of this family provides an interesting case of how condi- tions of coexistence worked during the fiftccnth-century. baptised as Fernando because office of batlíe 1 of the city of Saragossa. sic in quadruplici lingua fui eruditus Latina.?). Vidal de la Cavallería (1370... in 1412 someth:ing happened that would mark their family life forever: the dispute of Tortosa. Qyl~y rabbis and celebritics converted. Only a branch of the Cavallcrias remained loyal The figure of Pedro de la Cavallería. which produced a numbcr of members who had stood out cithcr in CHAPTER TWO civil offices or in the study of Scriptures. As from 1340. · family of conversos and Muslims respectively. 2 Ct:: Enryclopediajudaica... a disciple of Sclomó de Piera.probably thc T emplars-since thc By thc time Pedro was born. they would obtain royal protection and thcy would réinain in their offices. A. 72. The organ- it: Franciscan and Dorrúnican convcnts in Salamanca and Valladolid.¡_tli~"a military order.·. born in a la Cavallería among themt_ King Fernando had several requrremcnts. the lcing had been his godfathcr. is not the only tures promised by the Scriptures. Howcver... the important pcrsons should be followed by their synagogue~l In exchange. izers would dcmonstratc that Jesus possessed ali the messianic fea- But the Church. which they enjoyed for gcn.

Dánvila y Collado. D. This new intellcctuat Pedro's position. superatam.. lVI. noverim caecitatem ludaicam: et habens cum ludais et of citizens for a testimony stating that his origins and those of his Sarracenis multas disputationes. The document clated l3 May 1414 try's codes for lite.a.nd the Fernando. . Juan de Francia. . . when Pedro de la Cavallería and his finished in 1450. He was also an interpretcr of tbc coun. See chapter 7.v. latcr.: op.expulsión de los 5 Latassa. .: Bibliotecas antigua y nueva de escritores aragoneses. 11 By that time he had as a renowned lawyer he took part in the publication of the obser. pp. The witnesses. . confessed his origins together with his former Jewish name 10 in 1414. he answercd to the prayer ovcr the food. 11 6 ZC. apparently in accordance with sound prineiples. It p. who affirmed that they knew /from the lower groups of society through the study of law ..elus Christi contra iudaeos. 189. the chapters he devoted to the falschood of this statement was written by Fernando himself. A Jewish wcavcr reported then believe. ut a tenera mea aetate (gratia Dei) desiderio desider. 34-37. 9 Baer. : Historia de los judíos en la España cristiana. However. F. pp. Juan Gareés de Marcilla. as he knew what Sesse. 4 The legal document was shrewdly written. He addressed in par. who were employed in civil affairs.Y. Thcy wcre D.. 6 His Tractatus z:. sarracenos et infideles was that at the time of the plague. F. pp.: La. The . but his Pedro started to write a book against Judaism. Pedro decided to ask a group cum Latina. D. We shall -privileges from the king. jurors and councillors gave a more legal basis to the religious knowl. tic:ular those who had sccn him participate in disputes and who had clashcs with the testimony of one of the witnesses at the Cavallerias' told him to his facc that the law of Moses and Islam were easier to tria! by the Inquisition around 1480. D. It became more common to find people who had riscn vert was still alive. causing '\ averim aclhaerere Christo Iesu: et aequando scripturam Hebraicam the buming of the city's Muslim quarter. D. 12 7 Serrano y Sanz. Juan targets for the anti-converso theoreticians. Latassa. ordercd by the prior Pedro de to defend and spread thc faith ofJesus Christ. 314. 30 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AlJTHORS 31 me redegerim. used to be in the Archivo de Protocolos de Zaragoza. Juan de Gurrca and D. 312. chapel of thc Holy Spirit in thc Town Hall.Justicia de moriscos españoles.: Orígenes de la dominación española . LopeJiménez de Urrea. JO Serrano y Sanz.242. gave their testimony out of friendship or to benefit from ltciences. M. novi eorum caecitatem validis rationibus family were irreproaehablc regarding the purity of his Christian also open to the higher ranks of conversos. In 1438 he and his family received severa! Martyr of the Racioneros de la Jvfensa at the see in Saragossa.'" era! authors. D. 191 192. 9 Thc generation who had seen him con. This behaviour.. Juan de Caseda. S. Cavallcría's contacts with Fernández de Heredia. D. been brought upas aJew.: op. 241 . . 528. He was appointed maestre racional of Aragon sec how sorne guilds admittcd even Muslims in their numbers. 12 answers should be given to Jews and Muslims. who ! Islam within his work lackcd the same depth. p.1437). the proof of '¡ edge he had already acquircd. as maestre racional (cquivalent to the Castilian contador " Díez de Aux. in his own words name is not in the capbreu of 1515. p. 0 Sobrequés. Howcver. Lord of Rueda. he spokc in • ZC.. as stated by sev. '. semitism which affected Aragon and Valcncia8 around 1455.~ved to be D . Y. class __Y. pp. would have joined the same guild sooner or latcr. vances and customs of Aragon by the juror (Justicia de Aragon) Martín Probably Pedro. t: 2r-v. M. Fríar Juan Bon- o11é~f the main factors for assímilation and. given that the witnesses Thesc notes eonfirm the trend towards an incrcase in the number could not deny openly that Fernando/Bonafós de la Cavallería had ¡ of children going to collegc in the fifteenth ccntury. cit. cit.: op. As part of his work still if it was a famous converso likc Cavallería. one of the favourite filla of the Order of Santiago.Juan de Villalpando. f. better and fiscal attorney (procurador fiscal) far the King. Pedro Perez de Embún. Juan de Murillo. inerease its propcrtics.191. cit. 2r. In the following years his family continued to family had moved to the house thcy had in one Aragoncse village. and hamin.> ·. His first public appearance was as eounsellor to Alfonso V of His greatest triumph and confirmation of his religious rchabilita- { Aragon and commissioner for Queen Maria in the cortes of 1\ifonzón tion was the admission of Fernando to the guild of Saint Vinccnt ~nd Alcañiz (1436. 5 Mqyor). 7 Pedro uscd to visit his house and enjoy the Saturday meal with wine At that moment and probably simultaneously to the wave of anti. already foundcd the. p. Aragón was a lord who ensurcd the observancc of ancient customs and judged the litigations betwecn the King and the nobles.

When asked about purity of faith. he was commissioned to arrange the dowry for thc marriage betwccn quién me quita a mí que si yo quiero ayunar el Quipur y tener vuestras Isabel of Castile and Fernando of Aragon: pascuas y todo. Gerona.. Sorne of them Enrique IV. pp. . neighbour from Villanueva whom he had found cutting wood in the which seems doubtfül. F. Juan on the 30 May. but unfortunately there are no records of these activitics for his the moncy of the dowiy from Saragossa to the Archbishop of Toledo. 603. who said he had met him in 1468. a la sazón residente en Alcalá. 158-16.. the whole episode Cerdáns was to plot Pedro de la Cavallería's murder. attempt to lead a double life. escaping from the control the Jews íntegro ciudadano de Zaragoza. cit. XV. i:i torció el camino para Valencia y allí.. Archbishop of Toledo. After the expropríation.000 foot soldiers. p. His scrvices to the Jewish community might have been important in the position he was hold. 317. p. 16 Palencia. no sin dificultad.] judío. The marriage took place. the answcr of thc Assuming it was the same Pedro de la Cavallería. Barbastro and Daroca. loco.: op. such as Diego de Valera batlle of Saragossa. p. Lope Jiménez de Urrea. wbich accord. quién me lo veda a rrú que no lo faga? Quando era Prometió el principe cumplir sumisamente cuanto se le ordenaba [. Juan de Villalpando and a nccklace. The life we have already met as consignatories of Cavallería's statement of of Pedro de la Cavallería. 17 This version was accepted by other chroniclers gles following thc division of Aragon into factions around 1465. M. Vicens tiori of Juan Ximénez de Cerdán's houses. y agora fago lo que me quiero.. Aragón. 192. I. F.] Who bothers me if 1 want to fast in Quippur and celebrate your Easter and evcrything? Who prevents me from doing so? When I was a Jew.: 1\l[emo1ial. Zurita adds that on 9 May 1469 King Juan II sent Cavallería and ing. you fool! And how far could I have gone being a Jew other than a rabhi? Now I am the leading head-juror. on the Thé tüwn council started a lawsuit against the murderers. y por un cnforadillo U esús de Nazareth] agora me fazen tanta honra. when so jurado en cap.: ojJ. accompanied by Alonso de .. Thc conftict continued until the Cerdáns surrendered his conversion. correligionaries. *** [. D. p. and now I do as I wish. amount of money far Alonso Carrillo.::. he said: to the city of Saragossa. Tendilla :Qiego López de Mendoza to ensure his loyalty to the Arago- The first version.: Anales de la Corona dr. Artal de Aragon. cit. p. who could have heard it from Alonso de Palencia himself. 11 Zurita. . 1'1 but the date of his deatb remains unclear. doses with a link to thc following generation. cit.: Juan I1 de Aragón. Serrano y Sanz. of wbom we have no more records left. J. Thcy took the city flag and brought it to the cburcb sure of the acccptance of other nobles. As and historians from the fifteenth century. Hcredia. forests of El Castellar. cit. to the great anger of and other people from Huesca. 31'.. 193. would fulfil the agrcements of Ocaña and at the same time to be Jimeno Gordo. but Serrano 10 thinks it could have been his son. Felipe Galcerán de Castro. .: op. also had to perform a diplomatic mission: talking to the Earl of according to his wifc. "Be quiet. 15 rcfers to the strug. pp . to guarantee that the princess The people of Saragossa rioted.etus Christi seem more an y reunió el dinero." Cf. so that the two messengers could give her the moncy Fernández de.1. en el sabado no osava yr fasta ahí. recorded by Menéndez Pidal. He Pedro de la Cavallería made bis will on tbe 22 December 1458. led by the first jurat of the city. para que llevásemos uno y otro al arzobispo de Toledo.: Serrano y Sanz. rescató el collar In this light. She was there by Juan de Híjar. The second version comes from his famous contemporary chron- Calla. A.. who had not becn consulted as law required. M. 16 were suffering even in their prívate lives. y qué podía subir estando judío de rabí en suso? Agora iclcr Alonso de Palencia. started when he was sent to Alcalá with Alonso de Palencia from ing to this version would bave happened on the 26 October 1465.: Los 1í-astámara . 1 <lid not dare do as much on Saturday. bis conversion and his work . servant to the Archbisbop. cit.: op. p.Palencia.0.. 14 Latassa. Cavallería was involved in a case of expropria. 449-450. 15 Cf: Suárez Fernándcz. besieged by thc Angevines.. J. supported condition tbat the princess would soon be in the city. p. Latassa. . 27. and I command and ovcrsee all the city of Saragossa. y mando y vicdo toda la ciudat de Aragon . Valera. . 192. and through a lortured man (Jesus} now they honour me so much. 32 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH 1: THE AUTHORS 33 Hebrcw to the host and he discussed thc Torah. 18 Cf: Vícens Vives. Tbis knigbt had killed a Vives and Latassa.: ojJ.. nese prince's party. He was carrying a certain ófSaitit Mary the · Great with 300 knights and 4. que se nos entregó a mí y a Pedro de la Cavalleria. which would rule the • 13 country during thc last years of the century. L.

-without losing his position.Rota.. The Collcgc of Saint Bartho. popes m Rome dunng the m1d-fifteenth century_J It is mterestmg to " lomcw was founded by bishop Diego de Ana. where stcps towards their assimilation.¿~-. Domingo Ram. and Rodrigo Sánchez de Arevalo.. ha~.. 183 ff Aragon.than the medieval onc¿On the other side.we find Alfonso García de Covarrubias.1-500.~. to the Pops. moving thcn as well as to understand their ways of approaching the problems of to a chair. Castile-. Jua~ de Sc~ovia's . he might havc bcen in their styles and in the use of Latin versus vernacular languages.abli~hments-Salama~c~ a~d V allado~id . in this mixture of cultures. such as Alonso de Espina. Juan de Torquemada. m~9'. ported a new style of educatio/ based on the Later-Roman canon Juan de Óarvajal.~~ case. the sixtcenth century. and Andres de Gazull. pp. ... cit.--Añ"d~t.w~rked f~r the pansion in numbers. Then he became procurador de los negocios riences and the development of their careers in the Church.Juan de Casanova.r. their distinct focus on humanist- f In 1421 he was commissioncd to obtain from Martin V a ncw con. · Juan Alfonso González was born in Segovia in 1393. The masters of the Sacred l)alace were usually Dominicans.bcginning of(. the study of liberal arts and theology. Juan de Cervantes..were Fernando Díaz de Toledo-who was doetoi' m deerees The details of Juan de Scgnvia's lite are taken from thc cxcellent biography Juan de Segovia J' el problema islámico. His prestige was such that he was given severaj}. 34 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 35 Juan de Segovia achievcments throughout thc Iberian universities at the . to the study of law until /JP. Lopc de Olmedo.. . In the Curia. was the scholars who remained teaching at university and those who the number of Muslims he could find in his native city. including their perception of religious minorities and the His first years were linked to the University of Salamanca. written by Dario Cabanelas and publíshed in ¡nd had wOrKed as doctor and major-·chaplain of King Juan II of Madrid 1952. They surrendered when thc linguists succeeded in cxtending their Cosme de Montserrat was Calixtus III's confessor. the rcstorer of thc Jeronimitcs. Cavalleria or an Observant Franciscan who worked as a mass preacher) } te. Brought up moved to a royal court or to Rome. cated ¡priests for employment in the higher ranks of Vatican diplo- Particularly in Salamanca.d bishop Alonso ele Madrigal "el Tostado" of Ávila. bcing home to thc see what particular kind of jobs they performed: there were cardi- most rcnowned theologians of Basle and Constance.·.~? . where he taught from 1418 to 1433.ries .. There was a great number The philologists were strongly inftuenced by the Italian Humanism of Ibcrians at the. univcrsity ª?d J later a cliplom. If he followed the usual career. _0 e. thcologians and his. __yntiLanOlund . 19 Pgp.A(~:E!.: op. In that e cabsas de la universidad.J ~s is shown ~y the~on~ list of Castilians vyho .enth-cent. Juan de Segovia was referendary through the study of Latin-and less important. N.f1()thmg to do with ..ya.) Al1aya hi~selfall. the bishop of Granada. . thc castcllan of Saint Angc~~j Sccre!<i.~~. 19 a forme~-memher-ofa'je~sl'l comri:türiityaiiArabbi like Pedro de la A study of the Iberian universitics shows a small number of four. Their common cultural baggage was he had studied and to whom he donated his library at bis death. Friar torians still upheld the scholastic style and thc providential history. his ecclesiastical studies probably started All these factors are important to study the influcncc of Humanism around 1407. former secretary to the King of 20 See Hillgarlh.'t .·Humani~m had already spreacl and two kinds of graduates could Mella. Padrón were serving cardinal Cervantes. as he wrote to his friend bishop Jean Germain.g[_ab~~~. studies and prestige..:trdinal of the C~urch. in threc diiferent chairs. rather . Greek and sup.. One of his Another distinction which should be taken into consideration were first memories.:ttic c. From 1428.Castile. Juan de Segovia and Juan Rodríguez de la Cámara or del !>e clistinguished at university arid associated eccclesiastical institutions. Antonio de la Cerda andjuan de· .hassado. where they were well appreciatcd.E~~obar.ury . Velasco de Cuéllar and Francisco de Toledo. among them nals such as Alonso Carrillo.Friar Gonzalo de Balboa. philological or historieal matters was provided by their personal cxpe- zstitution for thc Univcrsity.approach as both a seholar at. thc fifteenth ce~t~ry was a period of cx.·¡.?. their time. unless otherwise stated.::'.t devoted court.. Bachelor in Arts by 1413 and in theology around 1418..J. with sorne inftuence in the Castilian royal/ (Ysbon and Co1mbra rn Portugal and Lenda m·t.ey incorporated theology charrs in the Salamanca and thc other famous lberian universities provided edu- -fifteenth centuryJ Ncw centres did not appear.

archdeacon in Villaviciosa began writing his treatiscs against Islam. cit. after being fargiven.. Juan Sánchez. met again at the Dict of Nuremberg in 1440 to discuss conciliarist Juan de Torquemada and Jacobo Gil. . where the patriarch of Constantinople asked him to get Islam even when Pius II startcd preparing the next crusade. At higher ranks who would later deal váth the problem of Islam: Juan the same time as he was asking for the books. 25 He had obtained the infor- and in the cathedral of Oviedo. XXXII . 234·--236.. pp. . He finally managed to arrange the dispute of Medina del in París.: op. see Delarouelle. 90. From then onwards. he travelled to Castilc as refer. C. et al. Y. When the conciliarist party declared the primacy of him again..·"and Campo with a Granadan ambassador. a subject mend Juan de Segovia the publication of his whole work. 180. mation from a Carmelite theologian who travclled from Burgundy ~ative of the University befare the Council of Basle (1437). Juan de Scgovia's intercst in Islam began approximately he received the cardinalate.· De paceJidei and stood firm in his position of pacific debate. cellor of the Order of the Goldcn fleece from 1430. . pp . apologize and. 67. bishop of Cha16n-sur- cndary to the Pope to obtaín from Jq_an II thc payment of thc tithe Saóne. Ultimately he had which the latter would always be grateful.: Nicolas de Cues ei le probteme de counterparts continued over a large span of time. 36 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 37 between 1417 and 1470. .. Position des theses soutenus a l'École de Charles. 203-295 and Sacrorum Conciliorwn nove et amplissima collectio. Later l:ic would recom- and the debate about Virgin Mary's immaculate coneeption. hold of a Koran for hi~. whom he had met in Baslc. pp.75. pp.: op. He was <lean of the Sainte Chapelle in Dijüñ. cit. elected ing in 1440 at Basle until thc date of Juan de Segovia's deat1!_Jwhen on thc 5 November l 439)j His work during the council involved Piccolomíni hcard about the peaceful rriethod sustaincd by the Castilian another defence of the constitutions of the University of Salamanca cardinal in Rome. after J_:¡g!2i~g.. v. Juan de Torquemada befare the arrival of their superior.349. thcy were to engage in an interest-j Ibcrian influence was noticed in the Latín Church affairs. L. later bishop of Nevers. a long one "'-" council was the meeting point far all members of the ecclesiastical in five books and a briefer one dedicatcd to Philip the Good.22 This to Ayton in July 1455. P arís 1958. Juan de Segovia and Nicholas of Cusa Cabanelas. of which he was very proud.21 His Débat du UJiissioner for the University of Salamanca. 8. pp. Segovia sent Germain de Segovia. archbishop but Germain answercd rudely in a refutation and nevcr wrote to Alonso Carrillo. pp. wherc Philip the Good appointed him religious debate with sorne members of Prince Yusuf ibn al-Mawl's to be his counscllor in 1429. cit. The same happencd with Jcan diplomacy .-(¡{ 1428. ing correspondence23 and Segovia would help the Italian car?inal to Juan de Segovia's skills soon impresscd the high officers of thc find the manuscripts he needed for his works about Islar~J In his . who had referred to two treatises. 303.M .Roman Curia and he was soon called on to j_~~_]. Nicholas his method of conciliation with Islam. In fact. advice for in which he agreed with Juan de Torquemada.... in 1425.Juan de Segovia travelled together with sage. L. We havc already cxamined his role as chan- On his retum to Romc. his lettcrs extend from their first meet- ~though rejecting the app~iptment of a new pope (Felix V. He was brought Muslims in Córdoba and on the fallowing year he tried to have a up in the court of Burgundy.: "Un réprcsentant de la polémiquc antimusul- mane au xv•m• sieclc. Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. D. His diplomatic missions creslien et du sarrazin was translated to Latín on command of the Duke resulted in a number of privileges being bestowed upon him: he was of Burgundy and had already reached Juan de Segovia when he appointed canon in Palencia and Toledo. Nicholas of Cusa sent Juan de Segovia a dedicated copy of his His life from then onwards was that of á-t~~veller: in i4-2'r'lie ' w3:'~. turn. they wcrc Juan de Casanova. Correspondcnce between Cusa and Juan de Segovia has been publishcd by their side was in the schism. kh$ council over pope Eugenius IV. 2• Sec bibliography in Lacazc. together with an oral mcs- of Cusa and Jean Germain . 25 Cabanclas. éveque de Ncvers et de Chalon sur Saonc". D . Juan de Segovia acted again as a com.f~ 1430 he was questioning the family from Cluny.223. Juan de T orquemada.s far cardinal Piccolomíni. no mattcr what l'Islam. ' 22 About the council. E. see Anawati. 26 to accept the election of Felix V. Then he was elected the represen. Germain was son of a modest for a crusade against the Hussit~. 231..: op. wherc he was born around 1400. Other documents and lettcrs followcd to justify his position. G... Canedo. 2fi Gómer. .. J ean Germain. 2 Gómez Cancdo. Communication among the Castilian cardinals and their European ~" About Nicholas of Cusa.Jris Theology ~octorate guard.: Don Juan de Caroqjal..: L'église au temps du grande schisme . Juan de Segovia joined them. /ti. 2 1 It is not surprising that proposals. he asked for his writings. opposing in Rome..

h~~c_:Lc:f t. he. ur1g('!:J:"~"~. He staycd in Ayt9!!_foLJifour months __ (Decembcr 1455 to He was ordered to retract from his conciliarist ideas and acknowl. Savoy and Caesarca in 1453. p. 38 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH J: THE AUTHORS 39 around the time of his participation in the Council of Basle. hec stet scntentis: noset essc et mancrc semper amicos affcctibus atque operibus id ipsum attcstantibus. D. Wiegers thinks he bclonged to thc ' tween Juan de Segovia. always acting as thc .) Wc are and w1ll rcmam always fnends as 1s testJfied by aftections and works". sed He also appears in sorne prívate documcnts and in one inscription potms glutmo compactum. et de multis maximam recepi complacentiam· in primis ing a kind of hierarchy and his acknow1edgment by the community. but this did not involve bcing accepted back into Aragonese. andJuan de Segovia's con. crcated w tinople by the Dominican John of Ragusio. . their ecclesiological discussions did not prevent of the MudcJar a!Jama at Scgovia. and probably sorne notes to help understand the most difficult suras. Most of the dctails which have rcached the debates were our old friends Nicholas of Cusa and Juan de us about his life wcrc provided by Juan de Scgovia himself.d l . was born around 1420 and there are no refuscd to accept his appointment as a cardinal. in Say()y. pp. 142.. Unfortunately no copy of 27 this arduous work is left. 27 which he had copied.h!f. he decided to copy-this time in Arabic. . 3 ° Cabanelas. work of his.y casc. bccause 1 saw the bond of the old fnend~h1p bet~veen us no. His opponents in more traces of him after 1462. where he ) he could see a Latin translation of the Koran brought from Constan.lie huius ostensio michi patuit quando secrctiora michi primum revelastis Mudejar community. Cusa wrote: Breviario sunní. a compilation of thc laws and observances of the Sunna (1462). His Roman carcer was finished. whi~h w~re most pleasant to me.priory·óf>Ayton. a title imply- legi ét relég1.ciid~tiónem~ recepi littéras vestras. 20 "Rev~rend Father in Christ.'Isa ibn Djabir to make a new translation.1a. he wrote a letter to cardinal Cervantes about the way de Segovia with 'Isa's advice. Firstly. p. his mission was not successful. e . ~cgovia.: op. rec..iammad's genealogy and life. ·castilian and probably 1edge Nicholas V. influences must have been mutual.fellow~-cílizéli~Jüaff··· ae When Fe1ix V abdicated in 1449. .-wliá:t. . Toledo founded by Alfonso X: the Koran would be copied ancl tran- 1450).ortnrí. Fortunatcly. op. 23 ·rñ ~¡.. was the ideal person to . . 311.n:_to__thc. maxime autem placed in thc alcazar of Scgovia.. as well as the Castilian Rodrigo Sánchcz de to substitutc. 30 At such Cusa. XLVIIl. quas was mentioned as thc mziftí mayor de los moros de Castilla.ent writers in to return to Segovia as soon as possiblc and he proposecl his brother ¿~efensc of the papacy. he managed to obtain a second the Koran into Latin which were available to him.J~ti. They worked twelve hours a day. He had Carvajal. Sir and v_ery singular friend: [. on Muf.) l received your arate. qui~ nexu~ veteris ínter nos amicitie. cit. non tantum vidi int~grum..: ~~· this huge task.mcluding the tasks of rec1ter (muqn') ') an intcllectual exchange among these mcn.of Basle. for instance. . Nicholas of Cusa and Eneas Silvius Piccolomini sufi guild (tartqa) of the slziidhil'is. As consolation he would be made in the p~~est stYie -offüc "Sthoolof Translators of was given the honorary sces of Saint Paul Trois Chateaux (Arles.~ are concerned with here is 'Isa ibn Djabir's J~ollaboration in th. The correspondence be. a fine library and became fully involved in thc study of the Islamic When he was sent to Germany as ambassador to ask for the emperor's problem. invite .Iveñ:. et. G. Cabanclas. domine et amice singularissime: post . 142-147. ut paucis utar. 29 . [. and teacher of Koranic studics. t·r·a· n. N. so he was eager JFrederick III/forquemada was onc of the most ferv. D.grcat ~at1sfact10n from many of them ./ letters. Following the fall of Constantinople slated ínto Castilian to be then translated again into Latin by Juan in that year. of: De /1ace fidei..tion .kowledge--ürAra15ic. he ft?c Cllria. and ~on they were joincd by Piccolomini and Empcror just married in 1456 when he was called to Ayton. s. p.t only ii. and precisely because he was a reciter of the Koran. and I received tact with a practising Muslim helped hím to incrcase his knowledge )' a . wh1ch I read and read again. Juan de Segovia's career changed. According to 'Isa's Unfortunately. Rcverendissime in Christo pater. Thc Muslim writer added sorne comments to convert thc Saracens by indoctrination.from the library of a German monastery.tact l~ut even fi:m!y glued together. There He decided to . quod iocundissime intellexi. M~rch 1456fC.. for the German clergy biographcr Wíegers. The translation "ileges in Leon in exchangc for a pcnsion for life. When he rcalised the mistakcs made in the translations of support for the conciliarist party. cit. michi utique gratissimas. . devoted himself to writing a history ofthe 'Góun. In the colophon of one of the manuscripts of the Breviario he . so he resigned his priv. him: He proba~ly ~eld t~c offices of alcald~ and Ja~h ( Arévalo. : J¡/amic Literature in Spanish and A!jamiado.. as confirmcd by his masterwork the shows a degrec of affection as.

A: A History oJ tlze Dominican Order. p. . see Beltrán de Hcrcdia. p. 38 Hinnebusch. in Spain in the Fjfteenth Century. . and decided to compile the Sunna in Spanish. XLVI. mouritain" having called from Spain a master in the Arabic language. c. N. cities. Secluded . Lat. first in his fight against the Albigensians and later as a teaching method.~~_g1:_1isitor . p. The judge. on his turn. 33 If we knighted by Alfonso XI. _ . Cf.31 Later. p. 32 Harvey. 389. P.. V. 150. which suggcsts that T orquemada has be en attributed a converso origin._9. He died on 24 May 1458.: Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum.ito our language the book called al-Koran in which Mu}:iammad the pseudo-prophet's miseries and ravings are contained. Due to their settlement in university Juan de a small monastery on a very high. de: op. Wiegers.. Juan de Segovia sent 'Isa a short treatise c:xplaining Christian faith..i. of Caesarea. 40 CHAPTE.: "The Ileginnings of the Dominican Reform in 3 + Cf. after foundations would share as well. 36 Thc manuscript was in the former collectíon of the cathedral of Toledo.~~-c of the famo~~.. And this dcspite {Cardinal of Saint Sixtus and his treatise for the conversion of the the difficulties involvcd. 37 Quétif. by 145 7 his health was deteriorating so in the convent of Saint Paul in Valladolid. . 83.. . l. p. Cusa. p. The system developed with the cre- he resigned the title of cardinal. Castile. Wiegers Tomás._ .. for he has found a reference to the ·---'·":Hi. Vat.~-- Their geographical diffusion was parallel with and 1 *** :10 "His grandparents were of the lincage of the Jews who were converted to our holy Catholic faith". tations which may prove it. one in philosophy and one of theology in ) arguments. t'ranslii:l.i. Burgos. G. 148 .37 quickly that he ·bound and catalogued all his books to give them to The spirit of the Dominican arder had insisted much on thc irnpor- the University of Salamanca. 1376). ·· differs from Harvey's opinion. He was buried with his wife Juana de Tovar assume this to be true. Castilc''._. del: Claros varones de Castilla. obvious to a Muslim juror. From 1405 the organization of the Dominican collegcs changed.. Provinces could have one or more grammar-schools but never more and he exposed Iris incompetences with true and clever reasons and than one college of arts. L. werc he was brought up. he was the principal of the church ation of studia provincialia and studia generalia. i:hey túinslat¡.~--.. a Spaniard leamed in customs and doctrine..38 a characteristic which the Iberian Pope. tance of learning as a way of preaehing salvation. Therc are two quo- the two works wcre related to each other..R TWO TIIE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH r: THE AUTHORS 41 on Islam. 31 Ms. 35 Also a manuscript of Pablo de Santa 1\!Iaría's Scrutinium community. Once he had over. resigned a11· his rights to the family's propcrties to become a Dominican Back to Juan de Segovia. 99. to limit the use scripturarum includcs a note on famous conversos which mentions the of Arabic as a cult language for practica! reasons. 19..antes castellanos . N .. interest shown in the translation by the repartidores of Scgovia. p. (received the dignity of. . whose knowledge of Arabic was fading.: lslamic Spain.Amageus.ríse.. pp. who tan he compared in doctrine to the highest mastcrs in Theology. 197 v. to provide for all levels •. o not b e iorgot- r come his s_1:!fl:?. the fact that Christians encouraged 'Isa to in the church of Saint Eulalia of Torquemada.who called himself specially in Paris and Bologna. cit.. 3'1 ___ each vicariate. one of his properties makc a Spanish rendering of Islamic laws says much about religious ncar Palencia. cit.cardi~~ _f!9. About the order m 33 Wiegers. 2928. . Fernando del Pulgar says that "sus abue- According to Harvey32 it was Segovia who suggested 'Isa ibn Djabir los fueron del linaje de los judíos convertidos a nuestra sancta fe that it was possible-and cven convenient--for the Castilian Muslim catholica".. Cf. F.but this time fully justified----Juan de to Ayton when he bcgan his Breviario in 1462.·· 'Isa ibn Djabir realised the possibilities of stich: 'á ten that this Juan de Torquemada was ur:. . G. l 47-220..'-~rigins can be traced back to Lope Alfonso (d.: op. cil. 837 . and after consent:J. Pulgar. . l. the order cnrolled quite a number of students and professors. Piccolomíni in his Cosmographia continually encouraged his friars to study and to use debate as an lshows the respect he earned among his contemporaries: intellectual exercise. as he wrote to a friend in 1458 about thcir habits of food Juan de Torquemada and fasting. 'Isa ibn Djabir mentíoned his journey Just likc Alonso de Espina.: Los judaíz:. pp..Iig to JOlil Nicholas Max1mus Pontifex. . hidden of education. .: op. Greeks ' Armenians . f. His grandsonJuan was born in Valladolid in 1388 and exchange-undoubtedly for economic reasons also in this case. Bohemians and hcrctics:36 It shuld . Saint Dominic ment made about him by Eneas S. """" ~.: López Martínez. W . -149.

cit. for which he prc. thc Council of Basle~ which which was translatcd into Arabic. p. or in those {sjties f the Bohcmian-Hussitc issue. p. -. · 13 Pulgar. IV.: G7tartulaiium Universitatis Parisiensis. p. 398. A.. p. H. 396--397. the education received by the Dominicans-and clccted pope in 1439. historians have stressed the parcd speeches on the most varicd subjects ordercd by the succes. . 428 and Lópcz Martíncz in his cdition of Tratado contra madianitas defcncl the 3/3/ 1424·. Eugenius IV scnt Torquemada together with ny sorne Franciscans also ----in this network of collegcs 39 explains well Pierre de Meaux.'11 There he obtained his his arguments turned against Alfonso "el Tostado". p. who was defeated.Chatelain. N. G.ois de Liste and the Bishop of Spoleto. The In Salamanca the situation was more complicated. Bishop of Avila. H. but there is no cvidence-42 for a long time concerning crusadc. him from suffering at Eugcnius IV's deposition. or whcre thc Dominicans managed thc university's faculty of theology..: op. A E. cit. 183 ft uscd by Alvaro de Luna as tax-collectors.'1'1 All his biographers agree upon his ~u~~':~9i-~g-~!_~~-~~$~~~e. for Franciscans dissolution and removal of the council to Florence and Ferrara kept l and Dominicans faced a ncwly created. with Philip of ¡made him ch osen to accompany Luis de Valladolid to Constancc in Burgundy and the chanccllor of the Order of the Goldcn Flcecc. independent faculty of thc. .. A: ojJ. Touron. cit. whose Exhortation a Charles VII pour alter autremer was then trying to turn thc convcnt of Saint Paul into a scientific could be given to the king at thc sarnc time. is the first violcnt oppositíon to the infiltration of conversos in thc 12 ' The di1Terent dates come from historians of the Dominican order as opposcd Christian societyY The rcbcls.e. 47 Bcinart.. 1425..dJüm quired by thc commission which examined him. and a master in thcology thc The defeat of the Turks in Varna was. 40 Luis de Valladolid bishop Jean Germain. Bishop of Edessa. enough why they were chosen for the highcst ranks as we have seen to cxhort Charles VII of France to sign a peacc treaty with thc Kíng during thc fifteenth century. :¡ 9 Hillgarth. he ' to . 8.with a new social group formed by New Christians of Jewish descent. II.. .the Jews. p.. cf. : Histoire des lwmmes illustres . of England. Once finishcd.J. 10. III. Quétif.: 1í·atado contra madianitas. According to Bcínart this '1 º Touron.: op. p. Torquemada would be no exception. 411.: op. mostly urban workmen.H But the time of his namc of Ignatius. returned to thc Roman Church under the ¡and later of Saint Petcr Martyr in Toledo.Jean Frarn. p.! He obtained permission from the Sixtus.. l. Juan de Torqucmada had to turn his sights again to the From this moment.. 398 sustain lhe 15/3/1423 whereas Dcnifle.. despite the refusal of Francc next year. 5494 in the National Library of Paris statcs thc date of his master: 6 February -K• Moroni.'th_e_}~~~rney to Constancc. In 1431 Eugenius iy__ ~illl. with the difference that they substitute the initial target. and Ciudad Real.. onc of the best pieces of news received at the college. Juan de Torquemada was re- Q "'o:ffices in Castile was almost over. 4. becoming mixed such as sivc popes. In general. . pp. Paris 1897. /ne was appointcd papal theologian at . l. On the other side._where Torquemada was sent to finish his by Juan d~ Segovia. J. 46 he hdped to prepare. In 1449. probably not by chance. communion with the Greek Church. issucd a statutc to the charters of the college in Paris: Quétif. Far the most part.: op. 403. so that both could engage in the fight against thc Turks. continuity between the famous pogroms of 1391 and this revolt. Juan de Torquemada rival to the faculty of thcology of the Univcrsity of Salamanca. p. A. A. cit. liccntia in the spring of 1423 or 1424. p.: oj1. Almost at the same time 'Abd Back to Castile. represented - of Saint . . Sorne authors say that he taught theology and canon law to participate in the crusade. Thc othcr airo of the delegation was to persuade the French king to found in Saint Paul a double collcge inspired in the College monarch to support Eugenius IV as pope against Fclix V. -IG Touron. Latín +l Touron.: Dizionarw di erudizione . he was appointed prior of his casa mater of Valladolid. A..!_4 17 as ambassadors of King Juan II of Castile. del: ojJ. Ms. . 100.Jacques in Pa.. cit. as rcccíved there the news that he had bccn made cardinal of Saint 4 already was thc Franciscan college. cit. cit. 45 Then he wcnt to Siena whcrc trairiiffg·:-affer' .. the controversy about Mary's virginity are only sorne examples. 838._!:!§1.~s Master of the Sacred Apostolic"'Pi:iiace --~~d soon after was asked to writc a ncw formulation of the creed far thc Syrians. F. . which He sharcd his intcrcst.. cit.J. . pp. I. 837 and Touron.: Cmwersos on Tn'al. When Felix V was ¿ ology. Allah. Patriarch of Syria. 41 Torquemada. ~e.: op. p.. This cxplains why his literary production was so diversified: whcn thc univcrsities gave the friars their degrees. Torquemada bccame the "voicc" of thc Iberian Peninsula where riots had ariscn against the conversos in Toledo pontificatc to be heard at ali important assemblies. 42 CHAPTER nvo THE JNTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 4-3 rivalled the influcnce of thc universitics.

himself states how he wrote Contra errores peifidi Machometi in a hurry. the King's own enemies of faith. But it should not be forgotten that. as Torquemada outlined. Juan de Since 1448 there had bcen another pending matter for the Torquemada had the opportunity to greet the new king. counsellor to the King.interesting compared to the oncs about Muslims. 50 him passing this matter on to Juan de Torquemada. Touron. who had already sought his advice. The case was so lengthy the statute hoping to obtain his approval. G. contrary to the wishes of Enrique IV. 4·28. Juan II could not promise much help. It is the supporters of the enterprise. Pius II callcd a council in doctrinal nature and the cardinal's origins and his personal implica. p. Pius II surprised the Jcws were defended by a man who would prove so harsh regarding audience with a three-hour-long speech. both duc to its Once at the head of the Church. anitas et ismaelitas (1450). the Pope offered a special so . Enrique IV. pp . He was to engagc due to thc disastrous statc of affairs in the realm: general disorders. 44 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH r: THE AUTHORS 45 accusing conversos of practising Jewish cults and asking them to be bishop of Lcon or Seville.ammad's history as to demonstrate that his attacks his enemies throughout history. It banned from public offices. Maniua. the Bishop of Burgos Alfonso de Cartagena or Pius II ordered him to write a work about Mul). did not change.8. who lived as subjects or slaves of the Turks.including the Castilian rebels faith contained the mistal{es of all thc heretics. The appeal to thc King led to a trial where the see. the Santa Marías. . 3. See bibliography.: op. ' CE. The council voted for the < In1451.. Torquemada was onc of tion in such an issuc (as he also carne from a converso family). It was finally Pius II who gave him an Iberian in their defensc. cit. cit. He was appointed commandatory abbot of Subiaco and Calixtus tried to mal{e him +9 Moroni. Juan de on the fallowing Pope. if the kindness of thc against thc Muslims by all means available.: op. He lcft Rome with the Pope on the obvious that ncither Torquemada nor other persons of the rank of 18 February 1459. 1460) in the company of his loyal Torquemada. George Podiebrad. with all the saving gracc that action. year--only 300 men were ready to go. pontificate: the Hussites. they were also baptised. as reason was. to warn the King about Pope Nicholas was explained in chapter one. and Pius II left for Siena (January V's plans about the Turks. Firstly. the rebels leaded by Pedro Sarmiento sent him on the canonization of Saint Vincent Ferrcr. was impossible.'19 in 1460.48 where he defends the nobility of Jews and not so much to tell Mul). Torque- Seven Parts. as a reference dur- offices. 51 who had issued the statute. pp. ultimatcly.: ojJ. The conversos' contacts in important Cas. mada had published his Commentaiies to Gratian's Decretum and worked As for Nicholas V.000 soldiers and 10. thc lcgates of the countries in danger rcvived the might involve. 18 1 ' Edited by Nicolás López Martíncz. Calixtus III. A. promote thc reformation and foundation of Dominican houses.000 knights. for those Christians dean of thc cathedral of Toledo. but the only specific compromisc was that of the German his arder in Rome. as has already been mentioned. 427. indulgence far those who would pay for their fight in Morca for one ing the conversos on the 24 September 1449. Torquemada had his own sources of information through the ing the sessions of the council. horrors of a Turkish invasion. most probably. encouraging them to fight Muslims. It is interesting to see how ardently the Despite the troubled course of the eouncil. who promised to send 32. but Torquemada's influence had already received several embassies about this problem. King of the Bohemians In 1455 it was Nicholas V who dicd. was a bull favour. In the end. Afl:erwards. with a double purpose. The result of this polcmic. wanted to lose their his sect. While they werc waiting for the legates in Mantua. cit. ·Three years later he visited Castile in order to emperor. practical. Befare that. Cardinal Bessarion an- conversos could be inferrcd by their being descended from "the chosen swcred on bchalf of thc Curia calling ali the princcs to imrnediate people of God". that of Orense and Mondoñedo. A.ammad's errors and Fernán Díaz de Toledo. death at the end of the year.. p. on a longer tcrm. Juan de Torquemada The Cardinal of Saint Sixtus hastened to write a Tractatus contra madi.. 50 Touron. again in a doctrinal issue which had to do with the fight against the the recent death of Alvaro de Luna and. Juan de Torquemada attended the general chapter of crusade. Befare travelling back to Rome. 4 -5. They did not count on that Calixtus III díed befare signing the bull. Another Several measures were taken to put these decisions into practice. so he had to agree to appoint him Bishop of Albano tilian families stoppcd the statute and involved the King and the Pope and later of Palestrina. local by-laws and practical aspects wcre discussed.

227 . where he was director of studies for the famous convent tives's ransoms in 1460. Torquemada's ignorance of thc Bohcmian *** languagc limited his work to thc explanation of fifty truths about the Christian faith.: "Colección de documentos .000 gold coins in cap. cess of his work is the suggestion that he could be a convcrt from V Meanwhile. p.: op. . Lyon 16.: ''~ Anawati. The latest works about thc friar alorum. U1timately. in the convent of Saint Mary on Minerva. are two books by Dr. V. p. pp. Go What is certain is that he professed in the convent of) In spite of his poor health-he was ill with gout-and his limited Saint Francis in Valladolid. I. and his public life startcd properly in} resources.33. he mentioned originated by authors who havc tricd to rebuild his lifc after the suc- Torquemada's Contra erroris Machometi..July 1440 to 13 July 1442. Betwcen 1339 and 1441 would cost 4. 55 ology they had managed until then. B. which a studium with forty doctors and masters. . to other orders. Madrid 1732. pp. Alfonso X's brother. Ertudios l 46S to 8 June 1466.: ojJ. quoting ano lhcr Franciscan who lived in thc convenl of Santa Cruz article.: 77ze Spaizish lnquisition. 219). as well as ali his other priv- ileges56 and was assigncd a pension on thc income of the Bcnedictine monastery of San Facundo (Sahagún..: op. 2'~ l.V.46 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH 1: THE AUTHORS 47 Torquemada was in charge of writing a short treatise--··!$ymbolum pro was wrongly managed and there are a number of letters lcft com- formatione manichaeorum-·for the indoctrination of three Bohemian plaining to his subordinates during that year. . Paris 1998. autor del Forlalilium . a fact which Netanyahu has proved to be_f_aj_s!'. cit. encouraged by the King. moine espagnol. León)... Fidei. According to Eubel (cf. San Antonio. Annales minmwn.: "Alonso de Espina. Stqjsav Turtkovic anc. 107·-165. as jectures without documentary proof. although most of his biography is a list of con- of Spolcto. Archivum Fratrum Praedic._:59 Criticism 1 scarce.l Radovan Viencínic. where Torquemada had to plead for him.rn.. Kamen. cit. 220. bishop number of transla- who had worked with him in the reformation of sorne Dominican tion. 52 All pacific efforts were in vain. G. so on the 12 April 1464 there was a lawsuit against Podiebrad. When Gumiel decided to extend the reformation therefore of Judaism. pp... 50 Thc most imporlant authors who give more or lcss accurate information about Alonso de Espina are: Bibliografía eclesiástica completa de E\fmña.. 5+ Palencia. forthcoming) and La Forteresse de la Foi: la Beltrán de Heredia. en los corifmes de Occidente: Alonso de Espina. A complete list of his publishcd works is available in Quetif's segovianos (1961 ). Alisa M. his sacrifiee was not necessary a reformation separated it from the University. which would provc his ignorance of Hcbrew and Arabic. G. C. León from 31 July 1460 to 16 Scptember 1'164. the Cistercian abbots claimcd The most approximatc date given for his birth was 1412. Madrid 1848. Moroni.Fadrique. The reference may be crroncous. J. 21 1-2 19. 227. 4. Unfortunatcly his income 57 Beltrán de Heredia. Ginio. from the Univcrsity of Tel-Aviv: fo. . . cit. ludaeorum Regni Castellae (Salamanca. written in 1459. As Pius II had decided to lead the erusade of Saint Francis. 19-·2 l. 26 Septcmbcr 1468.fartaleza 55 lbidem. to be maintenance of a hundred armcd foot soldiers during one year. cit. de: ~mbolum . has deduced that he quoted Hebrew and Arabic sources. 1445. L. Nicholas of Cusa and Bernardo Erdi. 52 Torquemada. Salamanca. p.5n A fine example of the vagueness whcn Nicholas of Cusa wrote his Cribratio Alc/zoranis. de la fe . v\laddingo. 24 1. p.. V. \Vas He a New Christian?". l53.000 coins. the Cardinal had in Spain the following secs: uision du monde d'Alonso de Espina. . 53 The meeting between thc two of them was fruitful. J de: Biblioteca Universa Francircana. pp. Ro me 1908. ". 838. London 1965. 5 'f Beltrán de Heredia. Although thc initial prqject was summarising the Bogomilc crrors to reject them one by one. Juan de Torquemada's links with Castile had been Judaism. in Valladolid. Cádiz from 27. They can be rcsumed in his support of prior Juan de Gumiel. Georg Kueinie..·57 He died in Rome on prinees.Jn 1467 he resigncd the see of Orense.: Biblioteca histórico-bibliográfica . This institution had becn founded outside thc walls in 1463. Friar Alonso de Espina has also received the attentíon of a great structed by T orquemada. cil. Fon tes 56 Quélif.: op. J. H. and houses since 1445. in.52.. Apart frorn the information he was able to gather in Rome. Orense from 11 July 1442 to 10 November ''9 Netanyahu.. Orense from 26 January Go García Hernando.: "El problema judío en fray Alonso de Espina". Torquemada managed to invest 2. Sbaralea.J.: op. he only mcntions one clirect sourcc: "information received Alonso de Espina from sorne native clerks in Rome''. he offered as much cconomic support as he could: the of the city in 1231 by Prince . m their rights in Rome. whose faculty of the- due to the Pope's death and the end of the expedition.pp.

the meeting of Bishop of Cuenca. according to thc signs I saw. 209. In 1454 Alonso was again in Valladolid preaching his Se7mones del Thc sequence of events common to the Crónica de Juan II. ancl he bowecl p. according to his own testimony- Alonso de Palcncia. 211.S. The episode of his meeting with Álvaro de Luna on his way to Et cum cssc vir tantc potcntie ab omrúbus tamen suis relictus fuit. of Christ in a wcll. 62 Crónica de ]uan JI. he accused thc judges to be influenced by "others of - was taken to the scaffolding. 6 ° FF. 48 CHAPTER TWO THF. <lid not the oceasion far a political dcmonstration. Suárez Fernández suggested that both men could havc been friends. so undcr such pressure he tumed to Gocl with a humble heart. waves of rcformation reached the Order as of. closer to the devotio rnodema. founded in 1415 on thc lands given by ÁJvar Díaz de Villacreces to the Franciscan Pedro de Vilacrcccs belonged lo the Franciscan Gs Round.e into account The second of June 1453 marks an important changc in Espina's what Espina himsclf wrote about Alvaro de Luna in his Fortalitiwn: life..that the Franciscan only its friars. It has generally been said that he was confes~or to¡ King Enrique IV.. p.: 171e F'ranciscan Order.Gonzalo Chacón. They prefcrred studia linkcd to several to persuade him without questioning thc death sentence.. 69 Howcver. Gonzalo It is important to determine Alonso de Espina's place in the royal Chacón only mal.. He remained in office at least until the well-known preacher and the Constable had been a manocuvre 1455. province o[ La Concepción. A. from 1434. G. Espina must have been humiliato et pedibus meis. See González Dávila.. · dependcnt on Palencia. L. /\.G. for more information about the situation of the Franciscan convents. The friars warned Álvaro de the first time. 4-8. where they rcmained consoling him all night. 67 executed. In turn. he was abancloncd by ali his [mcn] in thc metrapalitana de las iglesias . f. Madrid 1972. 61 The Constablc was travelling ericordiam Dei consecutwn . N. When he unsucccsfol. where theological education was in charge of the friars until it was Meyuhas Ginio believes--influenced by the Jewish school inter- transferred to the University and the convent was free to educate preting Espina in the light of the lnquisition. de: ap. licet indignis. whom well. so much so quia tamen in tanta pressura ad Dominum accessit corde contrito et that it has darkened other aspccts of his life. fuisse. 65 The friar convents under the rule of local priors.: La forteresse. p. Their spirit. 683. to the miracle of finding twenty-four stones engraved with the name the group taking the Constable met certain friars from El Abrojo. divided in 1447. 63 64 Palencia. This was the case of Salamanca. and that by the end of the Middle Ages is due. Credo ipsum secundum signa que vidi mis- within the boundaries of Valladolid.: La forteresse. cit. Thc Villacrccian reformation rejectcd scholastic theology as a he had now condemned. thc rmc at Valladolid was 66 Meyuhas Ginio. the friars rcmained by his side. Probably Alonso de Espina was brought up in thc same "was devoid of all feclings of compassion and merey towards human . cnd. McKcndrick. .. se per gencralcm confcssionem living by then either in thc convent of El Abrojo or in Saint Francis. Soon after this he faced the Jewish problem for " among them master Alonso de Espina. could well use this situation for his own benefit later. 49. de: Crónica de la provinciafi·anciscana de Santiago. his prison in the castle of Portillo to Valladolid.. 7 more complicated thcory. 94. kg. 170v.. 63 is told as"f'ü'[¿-.once bis best friend.s~ on his way through Tudela.. a judgcmcnt about Espina: "a great and famous court to find out what kind of public he addressed in his sermons learned man and master in theology". 62 the nombre de Jesús. theír kind''. 120. taking into account 61 Thc convent o[ El Abrojo. 6H A. Quitaciones de Corte.. p. I think.Juan II to persuade Alvaro de Luna. when he tried to have a Jew condemncd for the death Luna that he must get prepared for dcath and wcnt with him to of a child at thc High Court (Chancillería) of Valladolid. the gallows is recorded by all contemporary chroniclcs. 619···643. in order to be hora ingcmucrit pcccator omnium iniquitatum eius non recordabor>. Several explanations have bcen attempted for this meeting. His attempt at such a popular genre of sermon at Crónica de Álvaro de Luna by his squire .. p.-·to havc an cdifying death instead of using way to serve God. I. i.: 77ie Greatcst Atan Uncrowned.: Teatra ljl "And being such a powcrful man. institution whcre he was later director. A. life. Espina was thc ideal person require university training. pp. that he achieved God's merey . as far as the records show. Also in Meyuhas Ginio. " FF. .. kind". 66 Such an asscrtion seems excessive if we tal. Suárcz Fcmández. p. f. INTELLECTUAL APPROACH 1: THE AUTHORS 49 On thc other hand. 4. 14lv.: Los Trastámam . conversos. His succcssor was friar Pedro .e.. 64 but Round maintains a and treatises. . scc clown over my unworthy feet for the general confession o[ the sins of his whole Castro. 60 On bcing Valladolid. pp . in the Castilian province. totius vite sue inclinavit. Quia scriptum est: <In quacunque from .. G. 6. M.9.. According to the writcr. but the office belonged to Lope de Barnentos.

71 · :tvicKcndrick. 73 The result of the struggles -Conventuals within the Francisean Order had givcn place to a new in the Franciscan Ordcr was the absorption of Villacrecians and the conflict in Castile. wherc they founded the houses of La f The Villacrccians and the Observants shared objectives but hacl Salceda.oyen Age". Alonso de Espina might be one of them when the King The historian Diego de Colmenares. set up in the countryside. if so. 34. pp. que era hombre muy aroused in Espina "a taste for controvcrsy and thc eonviction of bcing letrado y gran predicador. The support of laics had helpcd thc Observants. D. reformation of thc Conventuals achieved by Cardinal Cisneros. the convents where he lived show pontificate. .ects économiques el sociaux. en Les EsjJagnes médiévales. 72 be strange for a king to have several confcssors in the cities whcrc he stayed. 86. muchos tiempos aca. 70 quoting Monsalvo about the friars being "eomrnitted cordarlos.10. whcrcas the Observants had íncreasecl in numbcrs.: La . one En este tiempo hobo grande ayuntamiento en Segovia de frailes de San Francisco.. See also canisme des villes et franciscanismc du champs dans J'Espagne du Bas M. Sce also Trcmaux-Crouzct. f. in 1418 thcrc was another break among must have strongly marked his thcorics. G. p. y con todo eso los claustrales daban por si tantas razones que no se pudo specially qualificd and called by God to give advice to the public vien determinar quales tuviesen mayor razon.: "Francis- 455. born in Segovia. Casa Real. La Aguilera and El Abrojo. _ was strict obscrvancc of poverty. el qua! Considering the changes of residence of thc royal court.. los unos oservantes y los otros claustrales.:ibdad 1 uted more to his education than to this particular cvcnt in his life. contem. Also in the records de Villacastín.G. Nice 1983. como lo habian poseido de Alonso de Espina's taste for controversy is obvious.forteresse. pp. e ayudo mucho a los the king.. p. branch of Conventuals. G. :tvicyuhas Ginio. information about this convent. N. dexar a los claustrales en su moncstcrio.S. pp. gíves more visited Valladolid. 70 Round.456. In • ~distinct polícies. 53. Round thinks that thc meeting with Luna would havc oservantes el maestro fray Alonso del Espina. 73 Colmenares. D. 258-270. delibero to thc production or rcproduction of certain ideological messages". A. Their ideal nobility. p. 4-6. 55. Alonso de Espina sharcd the prcaching style of Mendicant Orders. from thc Obscrvant convcnt of Saint Peter in Scgovi.7'1 both visitcd by Espina. there is a refercncc in Valera's chron. losers. thc struggle between factions of Spirituals and from Santa Clara moved thcre in 1488. in Palencia.: La farteresse. villages and hamlets. A. in Castile in 1447-to expand and obtain spccial privileges from thc As far as Espina is concerned. they had their first indcpcndcnt chaptcr sclf an Observant. A. At that moment.: op. 61.11 in thc parishcs was difficult. Segovia or Salamanca. providing themselves with a scparatc administrative and that he belonged to the Obscrvant or Villacrecian paiiics. 50 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I: THE AUTHORS 51 ""'-that Juan II commandcd Espina to confess Álvaro de Luna. leg. He had thc support of the Castilian nobility. the practice of ascetism.: "1\lonso de Espina and Pero Díaz de ·raledo". p. Meyuhas Ginio. 17. in the lands of patrons from the Trastamaran which encouraged their expansion throughout the realm. regular fasts and strict silence. it would not dio a los oservantes. cit. and this • juridical structure. namcly the Velascos in Burgos and tl1e Manriques de Lara . Enrique IV. y era oservante y confesor del rey.: ojJ. pp. lcg. the princc was proclaimed king. y los oser- could assumc that he would ask for sorne kind of reward. 9. whcrc they were sometímes denounced for iclc rcfcrring to the problcms posed in 1455: 72 Valcra. The gcographical extension -the eonventuals: Pedro de Villacreces obtaincd a privilege from thc of the reformation hclps to trace his steps in Castilc: the reformed Pope giving his custody a particular autonomy regarding the main convents were placed mostly in Northern Castile around Valladolid. y no queriendo amenguar a los unos ni a los otros.. 4. The wandering life of the Mendicants helpcd thcm to plative life. but can be attrib. not entcr thc prince's service? He could havc continued there when y que suplicaban al rey que les diese el moncstcrio que alli estaba. built ovcr a Mudcjar palace of. 10 -· 12. un monesterio muy notable de la advocación de San Antonio.: !Jist01ia de la ciudad de Segovia. asj. y el rey. cit. obras y bosques. 336-337. him- succesors to the Spirituals. deseando con- authorities". The vicar and the friars lived thcrc alonc until the nuns In thc fiftccnth century. y le dio muy ricos ornamentos y todas las cosas necesarias al culto divino. ancl 71 McKcndrick. Assuming his office of confessor to sobre lo qual hobo muy grandes alteraciones. By thc end of the century the Conventuals wcrc the thosc places where finding clerks to fi. in A.67. de: ojJ.a. Salamanca and Scgovia. patrons spccial licences were given to thc Franciscans to preach in isolated and prcstigc. p. y mando edificar de nuevo fuera de la i. 71 Moreover. 330. why vantes dccian que los claustrales no guardaban la orden de San Francisco. 2. II. cit.

. 75 McKendrick. it probably took him erence to Santiago in a papal bull. . ecebto el mantenimiento de show rnost intransigence. J. N. pero que debía mirar el cargo con que conquests of Muslim territories in the Ibcrian Península. From the Fortalitium we know that he had sorne By 145 7. "messianism led the Franciscans to dcvelop a particular type of lo qual se afirmaba el rey ser muy mal guardado.: op. p. 78 could move to another convcnt only if he had the assent of all the This task marked another step in Alonso de Espina's career._m.'. It is precisely at this point that historians alguna. ecclesiastical authorities in matters of faith. 405. This feeling. cit. p. Fue tan grande el dinero que por virtud desta bula de cruzada se ovo para el rey durante approach to the problem of conversion. nothing proves that preaching thc crusadc supposed an and Old Castile are also those of Alonso de Espina's journeys. de: op. que no podia despender de los maravedís de aquella cosa Alonso de Espina's mind.. hombre muy notable y de onesta vida y gran pred. icador.52. In order to avoid accusations. were killed when trying to preach against Mu}:iammad. cit. 93. . In contrast to the Dorninicans. These contacts cnhance Espina's fame as would share the same spirit. when they were inspired to la Cruzada para bivos e muertos. vinieron conversion. el tiempo de los quatro años en ella contenidos. el rey se partio para Segovia. 5 Meanwhile. Espina was chosen to prcach Missionary zcal directcd against Muslims and hostility towards Jews -the crusadc bull on 2 Fcbruary 145 7 in Palencia: and conversos was a main feature of Franciscan ideology. of Palencia. Thus. as "an appeal to Christian society to a preacher just as much as the cooperation between Mendicants and aeknowedge their enemies' evil". Santiago Anyway.1c:y. pp. 81 McKendrick. Hillgarth. 7 ~ Meyuhas Ginio. Mcyuhas Ginio's attempt to justify Alonso de Espina's period whcn crusadc prcaching had turned out to be an almost travcls by his rigid. and thc Bishop of Salamanca. GI .: Lafi1rteresse.: op. de lo qual todos los grandes del crecians had their own system of control: each member of the Order rey no fueron mucho turbados. martyrdom for the faith. p. 515. Bishop spcaks of a fccling of frustration due to thc rcligious policies in the Pedro de Osma was the first to command an illuminated copy of realm which can be seen in Espina's asserts aboutJews. que el Papa Calisto 111 le embio. 0 ° Cf:: Esposito.. que jamas se fallaria avcr sido together with the trcnd in Castilian society on the eve of the last dada semejante yndu]gencia. 79 Thc lirnits of the Francísean provinces of La Concepción.: op.". El qual dixo al rey que debía mucho acatar quan señalada · gr<lcia avía rescebido del sancto padre. encouraged by the tale of Francis's embassy la qual rescibio con grande acatamiento y reverencia. Round rclation with the bishop of Lugo. specially those ofJewish origin. Furthcrmorc. the King openly for his use of crusade funds. 30 very day of his coronation in April 1456. D. N. García de Vaamonde..: "Notas sobre el F01talitiumfidei . He also Pedro de Castilla. 76 financia! rnattcr. A. p. 41. the Conventuals used to be callcd by local a poder del rey mas de cíen quentos. y predicola fray to the sultan of Egypt and the Franciscan martyrs of Morocco who Alonso del Espina. 134.: "fl1e Later Crusades. 77 McKcndrick. 77 after his en:counter in Medina del Campo with sorne Benedictine Calixtus Ill's first crusade bull for the Península was issued on the monks who told him about thc cxpulsion of the Jews in France. for the prcachers werc at the same time collcctors.. who both favourcd a "gradualist" approach to los thesoreros e recebtores dellas que.iudad de Palencia.p.. lVI. 52 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH r: THE AUTHORS 53 vagr. archy of thc time. 7 ~ Houslcy. Thc Fo1talitium his work. G. salvo en la guerra de los moros. as early as 1468. Its origins are de Navidad a la c. be applied to the souls in Purgatory. p.. He began to write around 1459. 81 '" Valera. de los quales muy poca parte ·a~thorities to preach in towns.. inflexible character is vcry far frorn the truth. pagadas sus despensas. y fue a tener la Pascua might as well be considered "a sign of the times". cit. increase of power in the hands of Espina. But his influence in the Another positive aspcct of Espina's stay at court would have been royal eourt can be measured by the fact that he was ablc to attack the chance to mcet important personalities in the ecclesiastical hier. McKendrick los predicadores e cogedores.: op. cít. de la defines corrcctly the Franciscan point of view when she says that qual no podia ser absuelto sin personalmente requerir la Sede Apostolica. donde le fue trayda la bula de with the beginning of Franciscan history. G. infcrs that Espina would preach scrmons on this subject. 51 . cit. He declared indulgcnces could full-timc dcdication until 1461. Villa. se gasto en la guerra de los moros. p. . built up se la clava. It contains the earliest ref. in a comrnunity. sin caer en dcscomunion mayor. G. que se afirmava por and later the Jesuits. the Franciscans wcre much more confrontatidnal". although it Y ansi fecho. the plague affcctcd the arca around Valladolid. 107. Given the immensc amount of work rcquired.

61. so then the murdcr would be delayed by sorne ycars. in St. 130. Buried the Valnadú gate. Friar Remando de la Plaza and meeting about the inquisition and the royal court coincide in Madrid.167. Preaching of the "Sermons on our faith" ¡¡t l'vlcdina del Campo. 79·-80. by 1495: Builcüng of thc altar to the Concepcion.86 said it was not him (Historia de los heterodoxos españoles. 165. he had been given certain herbs. Thcre he was visited by the K. working in the Royal 8 'Sigüenza. 363..: Montero Vallejo. the episode of Friar Hernando de la Plaza has been datcd of 100 conversos. 1'15· M6. (ccL): 1'ontes iudaeornm regni Castellae. IV. L. The death of of the King from 1456 to 1466. so the case was s. J.: La jiJrferene. Enr:íqucz del Castillo. 1492: consccration of thc church of Esperanza in Medina del Rioseco.: El Madrid medieval. l 485: rcvision o[ thc Fortalitium. due to~· Diego Arias Dávila was tricd for was preciscly Alonso de Espina's sorne corrcctions made in the Fortalitium. 11 1r). 556). he 1479: at Lhc Junta de Alcala to condemn Pedro de Osma. After attending two chapters of the Bishop Alonso de Cartagcna to pay him a visit and find out if he Observants. 54 CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH I : THE AUTHORS 55 This is the context in which the letter written by Alonso de Espina where he was lodged. M.eyuhas Ginio.: op.364.: Hirtoria de la orden de San . 498. but otherwisc 1461 • ing to the first witness who . cit. o[ Tripoli according to other authors. those corrections • murdcr.had heard it from a friar of Saint Anthony. shows thc samc intentions which moved him to writc the Fortalitium. p. C. place. Espina might have díed after The King gave his approval willingly to thc joint proposal of an writing thc letter in 1461. lt seems that since thc Jews did not wear their badges according to the canons of the councils. D. Diego Arias.t!I. 87 -cution and trial of thc Arias Dávila family in 1486. about how the inquisition should be arranged to facilitate things for invitation in such conditions. Cf. what has bcen said there must be serious doubts about its validity. He was taken to the convent of Saint Dominic. now disappcarcd.: Itinerario de Enrique IV. were only made at thc time of the first printing of the work (c. Alonso de Oropcsa.112. the court was in Madrid and Diego Arias was said to have called upan the Conventuals to oppose the Obscrvants Jed by Espina. Menéndez Pelayo already was feeling ill. ns The reason for the murder. A. 88 See l\!l. At that point. 1480). 8+ Nobody could provide them. One of the crimcs Meyuhas Ginio 00 bclieves 1464 to be thc date of his death. 83 and was "public knowlcdge" that the friar had been murdered by arder . The king asked for the proofs in arder to prosecute in 1463. Bishop !15 Carrete Parrando. p. Wc hear news about Alonso de Espina until 1495. 72. Madrid master Espina insisted that they had got proof of the circumcision However.l. pp. Archives in Barcelona refrrs to him as a Dominican ·-is it possible that there o. to 1464 can be accepted as thc pcriod when the author's dcath took had been that one of the royal controllers of financc (contador mqyor). was foundcd in the outskirts of Madrid. In 1461 the royal court was in Madrid from Septembcr to Deccmbcr. spiration between Diego and Shemaya Lubel.d when he rcturncd. pp. there. Espina and other friars had proposed that Christians should wear crosses or badgcs with the name of Christ scwn to thcir clothes. I..93.~n:. pp. one in Salamanca82 and another one in Madrid. Cf. Ali thc witnesses in the trial affrrmed that it the disorders of thc realm.: La fi1rleresse. bishop of Ovicdo. 88. Soon after.lnquisitor in Barcelona. accord. 1491: bishop of Termopilas and assistant of Juan Arias.: Annales minorum. the personal physician whereas they do not exist in the 1467 this year.Jerónimo. Pedro Carbonell (fol.J.. are two diffcrcnt Alfonso d'Espina? p.: Meyuhas Ginio. who asked in 1461 should be placed. Othcrs havc him dead . Francis of Palencia. The bishop obeyed and was in attcnd- -wrote the general of the Jcronimite order. In view of this account. V. p. 02 vVaddingo. l 487: . of capitulations with the Franciscans of St. He sígned as the King's confcssor. for it is the only ycar when a Francíscan inquisition in the realm. 'J'orres Fontes. lll. The testimonies of several witnesscs give an idea of the con. but considering There is no writtcn record about Espina after that until thc prosc. Alonso de Espina reccived Diego Arias's invitation to his housc--one wonders how he could 87 List of inaccurate information about Espina: accept . Diego Arias Dávila in 1466 is a teiminus ante quem. wantcd to get rid of such a tough opposition against conversos and Jcws who were under hís protection. those guilty. 33. about ance at Espina's death. 86 The convent. A.ded. of Diego Arias. .e. Francis of Palencia. Howcvcr. Signature cf. .

289.e. The first possibility is guage was more helpful: vernacular if it was just notes for himself. pp.: The Franciscan Order .74. of. leaving the quotations from the Bible incomplete. O. since it is rccorded that they read the Classics in trans- or Latín if a compilation was expected. this testimony is difficult to believe. style had to be thc audiencc. 3 Me Kendrick. If we are deal. .ho"'7 the authors decided to approach a particular public and the knights and the squires and the citizens have left pure Castilian. beeause they either ignored. Sánchez de Arcvalo. pp. 21 . Although we are working mainly with literary production. Furthermore. B. . Whcther it be through oral or writtcn communication.: 7he Preaching ef thr. as D' Avray stated.. but the influence of the Mcndicant sermon teehniques pro- vided by the social extraction of most of the authors. but at the same time it constitutes a A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC problem for the historian. so much so that Latin has The first thing to take into account when choosing a particular become Castilian.: Ensayos sobre la historiogrqfia jieninsular. and reasons why they chose such a channel. ' Glick. 121··. in 1424: "The it is worth considering oral sources as far as they have reached us. who has to conjecture the diffcrences in effectiveness betwcen the communication madc in vernacular and its rendering in Latin. 95. a curious statement by thc Jewish translator fcrcnt lcvcls. or did not want to use. used more Latin than eighty sermons were written word by word by the theologians and Spanish. & Pi-Sunyer. L. both in Latín and Catalan. the author himself usually copied dovvn first half of the fifteenth used vcrnacular. vernacular was always the choice. that the sce .thc BiblC into Spanish far the Master of Alcantara. The advantage of Latín as the language for model sermon col- ~ D'Avray. 5 Spanish History". Also. Moreovcr. the first problcm was what language should be chosen: where Humanist ideas were beginning to cxpand. when dcaling with thc unless Moshe ben Arragel referred to the atmosphcre in the court. Ibídem. 70. the reasons for the use of one or the other are that it should have undergone such a development. This was thc case for bishop Alonso de Santa María. Vineent Ferrer. audience. D. given to be face to face. the Latín language. which are simpler and sccm aimcd at a wider munication. The most remarkable case lations. 2 Acculturation is determined by intcrcultural roles and forms of com.than thcy had ever been before. 11 ( 1969). that it could be translated into any vernacular.--·-even in Latin. his own either before of after they wcrc delivered. historiography during the fourteenth century and thc In thc case of sermons. language and contcnts.. however. in whichever lan. This madc preaching a common factor in all THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: of Westei:n Christian Europc. out of necessity. Comparative Studies in Soáe!J and History. 151. whose more than two hundred and bis fellow-countryman. is fclt in the This is a study of thc intcraction between cultures by means of com. F. audience."'1 However. the dubious Latin of educated nobles Iikc the Marqtús of Santillana. the average preaching friars were much bettcr CHAPTER THREE trained to mal(e use of this material. 3 the pcrception of Islam was something sharcd and manifested at dif. pp. In a Latinist audience would confine its diffusion to educated nobles other words. probably due to his residing in Rome and the faet that jurists who were part of his rctinue. But it is impossible. Hiars. 1 Iberia·~". The faet that a Latín rendition is. T. have mingled with it plenty of Latin. usually explained in the preface.: "Acculturatíon as an Explanatory Concept in + Tate. 5 sermons.125. more likely. If the encounter with the publie was supposed Latinized Castilian might have been spokcn. ing with a book. addressed to munication which produce a highly selective pattcrning of contacts. G. to Latín scicnce and language is so much expanded in Castile. the political establishment of mid-fifteenth-century adopted. . p. and where a more Latin or vernacular. p. There is. many of his works were eommandcd by the Pope or his interna- These drafts (reportationes) were later cleaned up as models for other tional circle. although was that of St. THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 57 lections was. the ways in which thc donor culture shows itself to the rccipicnt naturally affects the way in which cultural elements will be and prclates-i.

Regia Catalan but sent with his ambassador the Marquis tions and objections posed by the clergy. who would probably have delivered the messagc through erary fragments which were pointed out to them. and usually Aragonese international correspondence was issued The same pressurc was cxcrted on Granadan Muslims aftcr the in that language. do not refer specifically to the period studied here. recent an interpreter.r:ine. Usually both were intended nostrum Jacobum Pctri. Therefore. immo ipsum cum rebus et bonis suis possit libere pcr tcrram nostram ire et fidcm Christi sarracenís et judcis cum sibi oportunum füerit predicare. Petrus Marcii mandato regio facto per Johanncm [. p. there was the case of Thc measurcs be carne tighter when in 1291 both J ews and Saracens Alfonso V of Aragon's letter of defiance to the sultan. inpcdire. it must be assumed that the clergy was generally going to dcliver this messagc . once Pope Pius U. such as Among them.58 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH u: A STYLE FOR A PlIBLIC 59 In this context. From 1243 be convincing". illato primitus integre restítuto.: ]uan de Segovia y el problema islámico.: "Les llicencies reíais per predicar als jueus i als sarrains (segles one of the ways of reaching the public who would not normally XIII-XIV)" Calls. Books were the othcr means of tam nostram constituimus et reccpimus sub [proteclione] el guidatico speciali fidclcm reaching the more educatcd audience. ° Cabanelas. 2. because it was dictated at the Napolitan preaching to Muslírns and J cws. men who did not know Spanish. 240. . The ~afc. auclcat vcl prcsumat clictum Jacobum Pctr:i et prcachers were more helpless to face the attacks of a new rcligion/ bona sua et res capen:.) capcllanum domine rc¡.249. ques- least recorded--. of his sermons "coram agarcnis". From now on. in order not to provokc their audiences. p .: "Sobre el ideal ele cruzada . R . D .. dapno 7 Schwocbel.8 Elsewhere. crimine vel delictis alienis. 25 June 1308: "Nos Jacobus [. S. a translation of Germain's be taken out of their ncighbourhoods to listen. putation were openly supported by the King.A. . J\ilartín García. pp... but social unrest tended and Segovia's project to translatc thc Koran not only into Spanish. it must rcmain clcar that thc Latin used in the coulcl act on thís ground through scrmons and confcssions. Gane. oblíged to attcnd.. this approach was bascd on as opposcd to the Humanist Latín which was already in fashion oral communication and thcrcfore has left few records. 138. written-or at wcrc obligcd to answer and discuss ali kinds of doctrinal texts.em contra hoc nostrum guidaticum et proteccionem venire prcsumpserit. wrote a letter to the Sultan sidered interesting enough to quote them because the atmosphcrc in Muhammad II which was "a modcl of Rcnaissance cloquence. to be avoided: in 1279 prcachers wcre told to kcep the number of but also into Latín. technique they mastcred. Thc friars bona sua pignerare ve] occupare culpa.: 1he Slwdow ef the Crescent. com. It docs not mean that tended by the priest. 7 (Statute of Jaime II) the new converts were obliged to gather for Paradoxically. cit. Itínerancy was 10 Riera i Sans. (A. there are sorne royal licences to preach to Jews and Segovia. prcachcd sorne The style chosen to deliver the informatíon about Muslims varied.. 10 court.) . although] it is too much of an acadernic cxcrcise to or Mendicants. Unfortunatcly. Data Valencie seplimus kalendas iulii anno predicto. J. rnight occasionally worry about his style. it converts were granted safe-conducts to travel around the country was probably written in Latin. condicionis seu status cxistat.. which they were issued corresponded in the kingdom of Aragon- bining a felicítous style with a carcfully structurcd argument.. Licences were either collcctivc··-·-given to bishops istic values [. and to argue about the lit- of Ferrara. Someone in contact with the Curia.or given to a particular missionary. D. 113-132. Moreover. " Hispania (1952). ita quod nullus cuiuscumque dig- nitatis. detinere vel aliquatenus gravare aut molestare seu culture in a land of forced contacts such as the Península.: ojJ. Another letter followed. iram et inclignacionem nostram et 6 Cabanelas. Latin was usually considered when wider diffusion popular preaching. probably to Iviudejars who were depending on the expected audiencc and thc subsequent action in. Although they letter to Cardinal Piccolomini". conquest of the city: thc royal legatc. pp . they were con- Píccolornini himself. onc century latcr. 9 Although the letter has been preserved in Catalan. in which Catalonia. 247. ] per presentem car- come into contact with thc elite. forbidding the J ews to throughout Europe was intcnded. to a similar approach to Islam in thc kingdom of Castile its author achicvcd a rare synthesis of orthodox doctrine and human.O. qui pcr sacre regencracionis baptismum de sarracenorurn to complement each other: the masses who rnight be reached by the secta ad fidem nostram catholicam est conversus. in Petrarch's country. f J74v. a twofold ecclesiastical environment outside ltaly was still "Medieval" Latin. Quicumque aut. 66.conducl to thc Saraccn convcrtJaume Pcrc was givcn in Valencia. hoping for their conversion. but that was not the general trcnd. .as he docs in a Muslims in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. penam quingentorum aureorum se noverit absquc remedio aliquo íncursurum. was intended to make it availablc to other learned Christians ·around them low. Preaching and dis- work from F'rench into Latín was ordered by the Duke of Burgundy. p." \> Sobrequés..

la historia de Mahomat asi como section dcaling with the opposition to Enrique IV. depend. not only youth but even the political leaders. see Armengol. Cavalleria. . p. a Catalan convert to retain thc doubtful. 17 Cusa's Cribrat:io Alchoranis had the . in the same style as Anselmo Turmeda. que no saben la The attraction of Christians towards Islam was soon felt by thc- ley de los christianos ni la de los moros." 13 The reason for cach thc conversion and a proof of commitmcnt to the new faith than a author to write is made explicit at the beginning of each treatise.3. e que viva.. CI. he Cabanelas. copies or translations of their works might who shared the life and concerns of the captives in Granada. Appolnted bishop of Jaen in 1294. given a lícence to preach to the Christians in Granada. p. J. which he had written "moved se convierta. We will come falle escripta en los nuestros libros.o Mahomat. real attempt to convert the mernbers of thcir former religion. such as Torquemada's small treatise or ications might seem rnerely commonplace. cucd. mas que same public: he addressed his treatisc. The phenomcnon arose again in no por rimas ni por concordanc. D.: "Compte rendu critique sur Norman Daniel: blam and the West. Coming from a converted those Christians from Islamic states. 1 ~' Cahen noted... e que In this context. 1 ~ This situation was not confined to the first contacts with confiando en la misericordia de Dios e atreviendome en la su merced. it is not surprising to find that most of thc works falle escriptas en los libros de los moros. focuses be commanded. Atl:er refosing to be res- 12 Moubarac. until he him- self was imprisoncd on thc charge of trying to convert Muslims.. 13 Cahen. por razon que los rimadores sue- the fifteenth ccntury in Castile. e por ende veyendo yo que muchos en este · uscd to travcl to Granada with a safe-conduct to visit thc captives.: La Tul¡fa. As en libros autenticos. his work is understood to be a refutation of bis former reli- tion and pressure of the Enemy. cosas que me dixeron algunos moros. He was jJolémica i1isliana. Pedro Pascual. escrivi algunas otras in futurc chapters. Also Epalza. 16 Revue Historique. who were sensitive to the seduc- family. ove dolor de las animas de nuestros christianos.: L. f. to avoid convcrsions to the profit of Islam as Islam. I.Islam et le dialogue islamo-chrétien.. certainly had a more restricted among them refer to distinct realities in the authors' own back- audience: thc Pope. AI1 these ded- More intellectual efforts. H pean courts as Segovia. mas temed a Dios que a poder sobre los ing on socio-cultural factors and on political relations between Muslims cuerpos e sobre las animas. p. the purposc was to gion. a quien engaño Mahomat. 152. after 1299. but the slight differences Segovia's translation of the Koran. 195. e por ende scandal. as sorne of them cativerio por razon que se enbuclven en grandes pecados. Segovia's Contra legem Mahumet:i was well on the needs of this group: known at the Burgundian court. 2. "the purpose was to reinforcc W cstern Christians in Cavallcria states in his preface that his aim is to convert the J ews their combativc will. as has already bcen explained in the len añadir o menguar la verdad. e desesperan were exclusively Christian. cuydando alabar su ley.c llanamente. which might be intercsting to analyse. 17 born in Valencia and became a Mercedary.] e por razon de mengua de su entendimiento. nation of Islam was categorical becausc cultural attraction reached Veyendo yo esto. e en las epístolas. he was executed for bis works against Islam. and othcr members of grounds. 227. apologetic and proselitist. como Cayn que mato a su hermano Habel [. e en lo que dixo en el Evangelio: non temades los que an poder sola- mente de matar los cuerpos. P.: La polémica hispano-musulmana . Far example. e ellos toman plazer en engañar los christianos e sacar de su ley. When thc authors were as well 1mown in the Euro- A precursor to the fiftecnth-century writcrs." 1 ~ Ibídem. 272. causing widespread que veya perderse por no saber ni conosccr la verdad. 11 de la misericordia de Dios. and Christians within thc territory.: 0/1. J. thc prelatcs around him.<. p. que fueron en el tiempo que comern.278. Even then he was 11 Ribera. ologians and was the origin of a rough controversy. P. 60 CHAPTER THREE THE JNTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 61 thc sermons referred to Islam or to these people. XXXIX. cosas de lo que falle cscripto en los Evangelios. but repeated itself at regular intcrvals. traslade del latin en romanc.. the Church circles. e and do not have as thcir main aim the conversion of Muslirns. no quiero que el pecador muera en sus malos pecados. Christian condem. The purpose was to reinforce in their beliefs and the Muslims to thc Christian faith. autobiogrefia y 14 On his life and works. 16 Both works are more of a justification for wdl as provoke the conversion of Muslims. E despues escrivi algunas devoted to Islam in the fifteenth century are addrcssed to Christians. pp. y ademas de lo que se contiene en dicha historia. wrote his Tubfa. que se leen en la Santa Iglesia.elus C!tristi.: Obras de San Pedro Pascual . . . after a prayer to seek God's approval and inspiration. 230. que fueron escriptos por algunos across further aspects of this Islamophilia versus crusadcr mentality de nuestros sabios. M. pp. 2r-·-v. Islam in the Península. cit... In one word.: .

207 ·215. A." The emphasis given to thc third book has made sorne his- ing table can help us to understand at a glancc why it was so: torians think that the whole work was intended to alert the influential circles at the court and the Church about thc convenos issue. Oral with gestures. . BNP. not knowing thc ' cy aprcz declarez corrune y1 a pa. 153. A... the Inquisition had alrcady started in Castile. Each of them has its own characteristics warning "to prove [. lnformation & clergy. treatises. f. due to Espina's clear. thc length of the book devoted to the J ews rcveals what non-Christians. Provoke dccisions or unique. salut. was the most urgent problem in the eyes of Espina but. traccd back to five centuries different methods of clergy. H. this dcdication the samc words as in Cavalleria's. to warn Christian laity. structured discussion. combin- thc risk of reading history backwards is too great at this point. qu~ la On thc wider Europcan scene.] and due to thcir lack of knowledge. if not directly through his book. and that rnany continued to rcsist although sorne had con- such an institution in thc kingdom. Explanation for sometimes rulcrs. J. applic¡ttion to 18 Anawati.. if he had wal1ted to rcmark upan that alone. donnant confusibles les erromques opm- of scruples [. Jean Germain chosc other members principale cause de mon cntrepnnse en ceste euvrc prcs:nt qu y n est mic petite quant a son eftect. . Germain. previous few years and must have been prcsent in evcryone's minds_ Dispute Christian laity & Scholastic & Convcrsion of non- Obviously.:ais 20067 (c. classification of religious disscnsion. Its use may have changed From a more local perspectivc. Christians. J l. he would not havc undertaken the Lcttcr Collective or Rhetoric. 21 eles et argumens. p.: !.: Lafin·tere.1·se de lafai." 19 He wantcd to provc to By this time. Tcach and provoke Scrmon them of severa! threats to Christian faith which had ariscn ovcr the "exempla". :tvis. lcttcrs and trcatises. " 20 Beinart. Franc. but public opinion in general.. but Christian wars against Islam proved to be a will to defeat the ene- was rather the continuation of a controversia! trcnd which can be mies of the faith . All through his trcatise. disputes. wc find ti. His fourth book is also a reports. p. sachent touts. 1v: 19 "souvent rctuurnent plains de scrupules et mal ediffiez et par deffault de cognois- sancc pensent ou clicnt reprouches contrc la sancte foy chrestiennc ignorans la verite des ch oses advcnues . 20 but examining thc rcst of the books.:ais 69. 13 to the Popc---it is interesting to scc m A tous vrais cathoJiques fideles et loiaux cristiens de tous estas. G. or official use. autant ~uz simp~cs and travellers who went to the Holy Land and "often returned full lais commc auz clcrcs lettrez. the conclusion is that Espina tricd Communication Audience Style Aims to approach socicty in general. dispute & scholastic. through the cducated elite. 22 His book was never intended to vcrtcd to Islam bccause of their lust..: La farteresse. [ Ir. 62 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH n: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 63 by the zcal of his faith".. but still them that there had becn Christian communities in those territorics no contcmporary rnentioned Espina as one of the introductors of befare.: Nicolas de Cues . The follow- in faith.. huge task of gathering all the information for the rcst of the books. Franc. BNP Ms. p. Alonso de Espina hopcd to rcach latcr. Personal Use of reports & rhetorical cxcrciscs. he refers to the differcnt social groups communication for their thoughts about Islam: sermons. truth of the things which have happencd.. The only irrefutable fact of the become a manual for inquisitors. arti- utter reproaches against the holy Christian faith.: Conversos on bial. dialectic "exempla". 1\. Autant qu'en la fragilité de ma ?crsonnc en cst. who might be in contact with pagans.] what Saraccns can do against our strength and was chosen at a particular moment in thcír careers. as it has bccn considered lately..a fo1teresse. practica! life. l 18. pp.: Le livre du creslien et du sarrasin. si a este par singulier desir de la vraye of the Christian community as his addressees: thc numerous pilgrims foy augmenter et donner en rcverence entendible. they think or ions J·udayques et sarrazines et a ycculz esclarcir aucuns poins. ing his prcaching work and diffusion through other members of the Whcn studying ali these writers. 22 Meyuhas Ginio. Trcatise Clergy ancl Mixture of scrmon.. Also Meyuhas Ginio. M80). The prcface to the first Frcnch translation of thc book reveals the same intcntions: Rcport Interna! use of Scholastic. 21 Espina.


a) Sermons public preaching in fashion in fiftecnth-century Iberia, they could
even be directed at non-Christians who were expected to convert.
In medieval socictics, it was difficult to draw the linc bctween oral Sometimes the two stylcs wcrc combined, i.e., for the feast of the
and written communication due to the high lcvcls of illiteracy. This Franciscan martyrs, thc sermon would certainly deal with attitudes
barrier mcans that a historian must perccivc the disparity between toward Islam.
the cultural importance of the contents of a speech and its diffusion in The preachers had different collections of "tools" far building up
its own time. 22ª It was to guarantee this diffusion that sermon-collections a scrmon: thc distinctio, list of different senses of Scriptural terms;
were made. They can be traced as far as the treatises, far the ideas compilations of exempla, fables or examplcs to explain the doctrinal
which con:figured both wcrc very much the same; far cxamplc, what themy in an easier way; and concordances of the Bible, for finding
Cavalleria wrote was no more than the continuation of an oral tra- a number of Scriptural passages in which a given subject or word
dition in the Aragonese area. 23 occurs. 27
Sermons were usually delivered by priests, defined by Espina as The exempla were basic for the development of sermons, as they
"armourcd knights offaith, living a saintly life and strong as lions". 24 would later be for preaching literature. They can be defined as "a
But former Jews and Muslims who had recently converted were also brief tale, taken to be true, inserted in a specch to persuade an audi-
requested to preach in front of their former correligionaries, to the cncc with a salvific lesson", ·according to Bremond. 28 This definition
latter's great disgust. In these cases, thc friars took a close look to can be discussed by the inclusion of other variations of tales which
mal'e sure that the converts did not exceed the tcachings of the were also · used as exempla. Classifications of types of sermon are
Catholic Church. 25 divided according to origin (Jcwish and Paleo-Christian traditions,
The aim of a sermon was usually to present a doctrine arranged pagan-classic tales and modern or medieval); depending on the naturc
in patterns, sorne of which we shall analyse bricfty. Scriptural and of the inforrnation provided (written or oral traditions, writtcn stories
Patristic authorities were used as a theological support, but usually being more authoritative); according to the nature of the characters
no basic doctrinal questions were posed, something which was left (supernatural, human or animal) and depending on their structure
for thc longcr treatises directed to more specialised audiences. Although and style. A more general classification by Lccoy de la Marche makes
the structurc of sermon-col)_ections was usually liturgical, following the following divisions:
the calendar, there was a particular genre directed "ad status", to a) History or legends, including chronicles, hagiography and thc
differcnt groups of roen. Thesc are less numcrous, but central to our historical books in thc Bible.
subject, far as well as addrcssing mernbers of religious orders, mer- b) Contemporary evcnts or anecdotes, which provide very uscful
chants or wives, they dealt with crusaders26 and, in the case of the information about daily life and customs.
c) Fables from popular tradition.
fü Ladero, M. A.: "Comunicación y propaganda de creencias ... " R.Ulvf. (1981),
d) Moralia from the bestiaries. 29
p. 193.
This tradition is dcscribed in Riera i Sans, J.: "Les llicencies reials per The influence of universities gave birth around thc thirteenth cen-
predicar ... " Calls (1987), pp. 113- 143. tury to a more intellectualised way of prcaching, called by histmians
the "scholastic popular preaching", 3º which retained the structure of
' FF, f l lr. See also Meyuhas Ginio, A.: Lajorteresse, pp. 104·-!05.
Riern I Sans, J.: op. cit., p. 121.
D'Avray, D. L.: op. cit., p. 80. An example of this type of collcctions is thc university scholastic discussion, while using simpler material of the
BNP Ms. Lat. 17509, f. 93r-· 102r, containing thc sermons of Jacques de Vitry on
crusading. Also, the Ordinalio de predicalione Sancti Crucis in Angliae (c. 1216) which,
after some theoretical generalities, devoted its final scction to "The call of thc men
to the cross", with a series of exempla from the forrner crusades. The structure of
Ibidem, pp. 72- 75. More can be rcad about sermon structure in Longerc, J.:
t~c sermon is a speech with one main message repeatcd in a variety of ways, and La predica/ion médiévale, Paris, 1983. '
with formulas repeated to call the attention of the public. Cfr. Tyermann, Ch.:
ª Brémond, C. et al.: L'exemplum, p. 38.
England and the Crusades, 1095-1588 Chicago, 1988, pp. 163- 165. Also Maier, C.T.: Ibidem, p. 39.
Preaching the Crusades, pp. 111- 122. D'Avray, D. L.: op. cit., p. 167.


aforemcntioncd collections to finish thc speeeh. Howcvcr, the habit songs, voice inflections and onomatopaeic sounds. The way Vincent
of structuring each sermon systcmaticaJly cannot be attributed solcly Ferrcr used anachronism and localisms is quite striking; for exam-
to scholastic influences. They were used dilferently in preaching than plc, he made Mary Magdalen call .J esus bisbe (bishop in Catalan and
in lectures and treatises. The logical chain (question/ authorities' dis- Valencian dialect) instead of rabbi. Once, he referred to the same
cussion/solution) whieh was the basis of the scholastic system, was Mary as the lady of a barony, centre of a love-court in the troubaclour
not fülly developed in the sermon nor, as we have mentioned, did style. 35 Undoubtedly, this dircct stylc made Biblical tcxts much more
it raise fundamental doctrinal questions. This partial use of scholas- immediate to the public. Fcrrcr's eapacity to speak for three hours
ticism had the advantage of avoiding the problems of orthodoxy was widcly known by people who listened to him. Squares had to
which might have been raised in the academic environment. It was be prepared in the towns to receive thc masses he moved. It is not
too dangerous for an average edueatcd theologian to enter too dccply surprising that sorne of the roughest riots against the .Jewish com-
into sueh matters as the Trinity, the Incarnation or the Eueharist in munities were moved by such a powcrful speal{er.
front of a varied lay audienee. 31 Unfortunatcly, none of the sermons left by Espina dcal with the
After the thirteenth eentury, the world of exempla was enriched problem of Islam36 and his sermon in Palencia whcn he preached
with new sources. Pedro Alfonso's translation of thc Disciplina clericalis the crusadc bull has becn preserved only in thc part where it refers
was uscd to broaden the genre with Eastern tales, with thc hclp of to political affairs. The earlíest examples studied on the subject of
the dialogue style. 32 At thc end of thc Middle Ages, exempla wcre Islam wcre delivercd after the fall of Granada by master Martín
fully incorporated into literary culture, and widely used by authors García, 37 oí1e of qucen Isabel's eonfessors. In 1500 he received a let-
who aimed at the conversion ofJews and Muslims. The fact that ter from the monarchs asking him to move to Granada to instruct
the exemplum was used to impress the audience and to move them the Muslims in the Christian faith so that they could be converted.
with more adequate vocabulary, while being more easily rcmembered Since he was one of the few mcmbers of the clergy who could speak
than authority or reasoning, made it a precious weapon for conversion. 33 Arabic, his cooperation vVas vital. 38
The structure used for sermons in the Peninsula was dctailed in
Franccsc Eiximenis's Ars praedicandi populo. The introduction, spccifying 35
Sermon 48, delivered in Valencia in 1413. Publishccl in Barcelona, 1927.
thc feast of the day and a subject chosen from thc Bible, was fol- G. Thc only collection left is a copy of his scrmons on the Eucharist, in Burgo
lowed by a Hail Mary. Once thc public had becn brought into the de Osma Cathcclral, M s. 26.
Born in Caspe around 1441, he learned to rcacl and write while working as
subjee1:, an introduct:io thmnati.s was dclivered, repeating the verse which a shepherd. He ran away to Saragossa, where he was admítted to study at the
was going to be commcnted upon wíth a brief literal explanation CathedraJ, ancl later he obtainccl a grant to study in thc Spanish School of St.
Clcmcnt in Bologna (14-76- 1480). Once a master, he returned to Saragossa and
al1cl · a short practical application. Thc divisio thematis was the core of was appointed a canon in the cathcclral. He studied thc Bible in Hebrew and
the speech, and each one of its parts had to be confirmed by an Chaldcan, thc Talmud, ami he also learned Arabic. His first sermons wcre deliv-
authority. 34 The matter was divided into eonditions, propositions or crccl in "autos de fe". In 1437, he preachccl before Fernando and Isabel in Saragossa,
achieving thc appointment of royal preacher and confessor to the Queen. He was
just numbered, and memorized in rhymes to make it easier. The also madc a juclge to investigate the dcath of his former master lhe bishop Pedro
end of the sermon was often omitted and left up to thc preaeher. de Arbues. In 14·93 he would add thc title of reformer of nuns. He was a good
The techniques for approaching the audience more closcly included friend of Cardinal Cisncros. In 1492 he was general inquisitor for Saragossa and
Tarazona, until 1510, when he was dcclared general inquisilor for thc whole king-
the use of the second person singular to address thcm, gestures, dom of Aragon. In l 500 he lcft for Granada, in a special mission commandcd by
the monarchs. In 1515, King Fernando would obtain for him Lhc . bishopric of
Barcelona, but he gave it up lo retire to Caspe, where he Lranslated bis sermons
Ibídem, pp. 170 - 184. into Latin bcfore he died in 1521. Ribera Florit, J.: La polémica hispanomusulmana en
Brémond, C. et al.: 0¡1. cit., pp. 51-52. los sennones . .. , pp. XXIII-XXXIX.
33 38
Ibidem, p. 81. The letter, datccl 4 April 1500, saicl: "Maestre Martin Garcia, ya sabeys como
+ Eiximenis's piece is taken from Riquer, IVI. de et alii: 0/1. cit., p. 402. The neecl todos los moros de la ciudad de Granada se convirtieron a nuestra santa fe catholica;
of authoritics, from Richard of Thctforcl's Ars jJraedicandi, cfr. D'Avray, D. L.: porque muy pocos dellos saben entender hablar sino arabigo y por no haver per-
ojJ. cit., p. 194. sonas de yglesia que sepan el arabigo, no pueden los dichos convert.idos ser bien,.••. , , , ..


. :


Martín García was well aware of the difficulties he would encountcr fond of public arguments, as was repeatedly noted by fiftccnth-century
in his task, so he madc surc he had the appropriate sources: he writers. At first, disputes were only oral, but during the period befare
ordered Juan de Andrés to translate thc Koran and six books of the the end of the Reconquest, they were described in books. New laws
Sunna into Aragonese, while he engaged in the writing of his ser- obliged the Muslims to attend to them in all Christian kingdoms.
mons. There are one hundred and fifty-five of these Jcft, of which Disputes intensified with the establishment of Franciscan and
thirty-five are expressly dcvotcd to Muslims. 39 Their structure cor- Dominican houses in the Península and the Levant from the thirteenth
responded to Eiximenis's, except that the divisio thematis incorporatcd - eentury, when the preparation of preachers and missionaries was
passages of Jewish and Islamic texts, and at the end he exhorted the greatly improvcd. AH means were authorised for them to engage in
infidels to convert to Christianity. Together with the quotations from polemics with Muslims in an intellectual crusade to convert thcm. As
thc Koran and the Sunna, he gave others from the books of such a result, Dominicans under Raimundo de Penyafort founded sehools
famous authors as al-GhazalI, Ibn Srna, Ibn Rushd, al-Mas'üdi, Ibn to teach Janguages and thcology; canon law cxempted missionarics
Abr-Zayd's Risala and the biography of the prophet by Ibn 1-?J:iaq. from the prohibition against sharing roof and table with Saracens and
His scheme was simple. He dealt, subject aftcr subject, with ali thc J ews,'11 and Christian rulers evcn managed to obtain concessions for
main dogmas of Islam: Koran versus Biblc, God, the angels, Jesus, Muslim subjects of Muslim lords to convert openly to Christianity.42 In
Mary, MuJ:iammad and the pillars of Islam. He started by men- the thirteenth ccntury, the intervention of Menclieant Orders made dis-
tioning thc suras involved, and immediately afterwards the gloss or putes seem thc bcst way to eonvey the idea of holy war, an image whieh
commentary, followed by a discussion and refutation, which would was also adopted by thc Jewish and Muslim antagonists, who insisted
finally lead to an appeal to conversion. In fact, Martín García's on the knowledge, tenacity and heroism of their own partieipants. 43
approach was the closest to a dispute, save that there was no spccífic One of these disputes took place in Murcia between Ibn Rash1q,
contender. son of a notary and poet1 and a monk who has been identified either
as Garci Petri, arehdeaeon in Moroeco, or as Raimundo Martí,
author of the Pugi.o Fidei. The subjcct was the impossibility of imi-
b) Disputes tating the Koran, and the story was told by Ibn Rashrq himself in
A.rabie. He notcd that a group of priests had arrived in Murcia, sent
The Koran forbade disputes against other religions about the dog- by the kíng to study Islamic seiences and to translate thcm into their
mas of Islam [suras 4: 143; 5:56; 9:29; 60: 13]. In practice, Muslim own language. The purpose of this was to start discussions with thc
leaders realized that this method was necessary in their rclations With weakest Muslims in arder to convert them using polemics, as a way
Christians and Jews. Daniel suggests severa] reasons: fear of rea- of "bcing payed by the king and appreciated by their correligionaries".H
sÓn combined with faith, the desire of Islamic govcrnments to avoid When the protagonist went to the madrasa to attcnd a trial between
trouble and a contempt far Christianity on thc part of scholars and a Christian and a Muslim, one of thc priests askcd him to stay for
jurists. 4° Far whatever reason it might be, l\!Iuslims were not very a discussion on the impossibility of imitating the Koran. The Muslim
managed to continue the argument until he recited a verse that per-
suaded the Christians of the futility of their conversation. This dispute
instruidos en las cosas de nuestra te, y ay mucha necesidad especialmente agora en
los comienzos que no hay en aquella ciudad personas de iglesia que sepan arabigo,
para instruir a los dichos nuevamente convertidos. Y porque sabernos que vos sabeys
arabigo y que con vuestras letras y predicacion y buen ejemplo podreys mucho
aprovecharles, por ende nos vos rogarnos y encargamos que pues vedes quanto en Kedar, B.: Crusade and mission, p . 137.
ello sera servido nuestro Señor, queraís disponeros a venir a estar algun tiempo a That happencd in 1228- 29, when Fernando III of Castile obtained a conces-
la dicha ciudad para aprovechar en lo susodicho ... " (A.C.A., Reg. Cancilleria sion frorn the Almohad al-Ma'mun, who desperately needcd Castilian aid. lbn AbI
3614, f. 105v). Zar: Rawd al-Qjrtas, Cfr. Kedar, B.: op. cit., p. 138; Sánchez Albornoz,, C.: La España
Nurnbcrs 5, 14-39, 68-69, 86, 90, 106, 125, 127, 130, 138 of the edition in musulmana, II, Madrid, 1973, p. 40 l. ·
the Library of the Central University, Barcelona. ·
Gabro'is, A.: Les sources hebraíques médiévales, p. 48.
Daniel, N.: Islam and the West, p. 127. +i Granja, F. de la: "Una polémica religiosa en Murcia.... " Al-Andalus, 31, p. 67.

thcn imperative . Vincent :Ferrer in is thc aljamiado version of thc Desputa de la Unidad or de los kiistiYanos 1412. Et fortc per talem modum posset essc pax inter chris. There are very fcw cxtant texts about open disputes between tised in the Iberian Península for a long time. to the theological (Dispute on the Unity). 149.scos y c1istianos . 332 ··333. Salamanca tianos et saracenos. sissimum dominum Fredericum. . or else be started dispute took place in 1431 with Prince Yüsuf of Granada. disputes were No se ha de temer que los predicadores musulmanes quieran enseñar. regem Trinacriae.A. since no opponcnts wcrc rcached sorne practica! conclusions: allowcd. copicd in Castilian by 'Ali al-Garibo. D. The appointment bajo severísimas penas que ninguno de los nuestros hable sobre la ley of a competent and orthodox thcologian to conduct the dispute was ·. The original text tells thc encounter with the Granadan ambassador as follows: "'I'al ignorancia quedó patente en la discusión que sostuve en :Medina del Campo con el embajador del rey ele Granada. conducted by St. · ° Cfr. cit. Ms. following this tendcncy. habcndo talem modo pcr universum mundum. non quod chris. pp. tions of the nature of a dispute existed within Peninsular society.: Cristianismo e islamismo na Península lbe1ica. An ínsufficient Llull. II. they would bccomc of his companions in a thcological discussion were in vain. 103-·· 107. Polcmic literaturc assumcd main figure of the legend attributed to Ibn <Abbas -·. 45 ambassador on the subjccts of the Trinity and J esus's divinity was not This new.70 CHAPTER THREE THE lNTELLECTUAL APPROACH TI: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 71 has been relatcd. p. Ms. L. proposcd the organization of public knowlcdge of Christianity was his alleged reason for justifying the disputes to Frederick III of Sicily in his De Participatione Christianorum fact that thc Muslim did not convcrt. aludido. ut ipsc. whilc sermons did not <leal with basic dogmas-·as has alrcady been mentioned-. pp. el cual +s Lavajo. 55. L. easy when he was faced openly. christianis de fide eorum. 246: "Dum sic Raimundus considerabat. L. f. por este y otros casos.. cuán lingua arabica habituati vadant Tunicium ad ostendendum veritatem de fide. The main difference was that. disputes wcrc a way of get. Biblioteca Nacional. as part of a wider plan for conversion These encounters could eithcr be prepared by the ecclesiastical which was not limited to the person with whom he argued. i." ''º '1.. pp. .. pero el me respondió que ninguno se atrevería a hablar en tierra de cristianos. no hay p. 480.483. but he more and more similar to public sermons. V7.. aborrecen y vilipendian a los cristianos. 217. 48 ·19 Cabanelas. in his account. por desconocer· la verdadera quod saraceni bene litterati veniant ad regnum Siciliac disputatum cum sapientibus exposición de nuestra fe. ting to. Vocabulista vituperaba a los cristianos por comer a su Dios y absolver de los pecados contra in Arabico (13th ccntury). thc Apostlc. Cod. proposuit venire ad nobilissimum virtuo. 326-327. .. 4944. 1 pp. Raimundo suading his antagonist about sorne Christian dogmas. cit. thc bcst-known example Christians and Muslims in the Peninsula. et grande es la ignorancia ele los musulmanes.: op. and as soon as he retircd to Ayton. : tiani vadant ad destruendum saracenos. The choice of this character to discuss the usual matters of thc ingly considered as someone to be converted rather than defeated. who had by a certain individual. His attempts to engage the princc or onc mass-convcrsion and. Florence. know the adversary. and his letter to Nicholas of Cusa. after the fall of Granada.: ojJ..stia12orum et Saracenorum in Opera Latina. quienes. Univcrsity.H. Cfr. quedó estupefacto y prorrumpió en esta exclamación: 'Por Dios.: J\1ori. pp. R. Cfr. and which we will analyse later on.11ere are severa! copies from the fourteenth to the fiftcenth century in Madrid: <f7 Cardaillac. XVI. argüir o sermonear entre los christianos cuando ellos mismos prohiben planncd to teach and discuss these very dogmas.150. The former wcre used as an instrumcnt for flcd to the Castilian court.'16 One wonders why he never proposcd the samc too much.onc of thc first that the opponent was there to be defcatcd. Entonces conocí. 324. Biblioteca Ricarcliana. Carclaillac.: op. cit.] Rogué entonces al jefe musul." Froin Nls. . the opponcnt was increas. Gradually. Cardaillac. on a popular lcvel. in its style and protagonists. to the tcxt Vocabulista Segovia's second dispute in Medina del Campo with the Granadan in Arabico.e.: De Participatione Chri. agressive scope produced thc wadike metaphor which very fruitful although.' l'vfas yo le respondí que. Onc of the most peculiar being thc Dispute of Tortosa. mán que mandaba su escolta me permitiese disputar con alguno de sus sabios. Mss. 50 The works written to defcnd thc Christian faith. Biblioteca Colombina. nec saraceni christianos. he started writing to a Peninsular king. for an intellectual like Segovia. J. was "Paul. Tl2. They were equivalcnt. Trinity and the divinity of Christ demonstrates how many concep- But still. It did not secm to bothcr him et Saracenorum (1312).47 but that was not as companions of thc Prophet-. [ l 9v. R. the Jew". about these expcricnccs. His first authorities in accordance with thc secular powers. Sevilla. se podrían encontrar veinte yersonas que ordinet cum altissimo et potcntissimo rege Tunicii. he insisted on his success in per- was sharcd by treatises. V6. pero luego que escucho mis palabras acerca del extremo ultimarnente 46 Llull. quod christiani bene litterati et supiesen exponerlo de igual modo. aun sin salir de aquel mismo poblado. nadie entre los cristianos que sepa explicar esto sino tú. thc authorship of which is still undcr discussion. 7-6-14. 138. cum sit fans dcvotionis. de Mahoma en tierras del Islam.[.. lbidem. 49 Religious controversy in the vernacular languages had been prac. el cometidos.

Polemic letters were a really popular gcnre in Europe from the thir. as long as it confarmed to a frw literary rules.. 31. Constable. the other Europcan [. pp. pp. Ms. spread through the usual mcans (prcaching. Then carne thc statement of the particular purpose of the rulcrs of Aleppo (1119) and Morocco (1211)57 and the prcacher of letter (the narration). pp. col. 39. 58 Sce Kcdar. together with nonc of them can be studied without considcring the others.12. G. Alexander UI sent an Instructio in the proper state of mind in order to grant the request which fal. 216. 544-545. decrces.. Al-Andalus. but in general the first step mcnts.. . far their style. crusaders.72 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH n: A STYT.. countries wcrc less aware of the unlil{elihood of conversion from a proverb or a scriptural quotation. Studies in Medieval Culture (Oxford. pp. 55 Gabro1s. 53 "there letters asking far the conversion of Muslim rulcrs were written abroad. when thc idea of convcrsion as the concept of a letter as a semw absentium (a speech to someone who is way to assimilatc the Saracens was entering thc minds of Christian far away) opened the way to the genre far many works that would thinkers. ' 53 Haskins. changing the medium or channel to al-Muqtadir of Saragossa (1078) has been thoroughly studied56 of communication. consisting of sorne c01:nmonplace gcnerality. the letter from the monk of France possible to speak about one stylc." By the end of the Middle Ages. R. A. In fact. Mcanwhile. Arabic Collection. cols.E FOR A PUBLIC 73 c) Letters dictaminis) and of public speaking (ars arengandi)". 538111. and Turlci. p. After the salutation Probably duc to geographical and cultural distance. which had been thought to be suitable. It was used way of making someonc aware of the Muslim qucstion. 5 1 Their historical and literary aspects are so intermingled that was delivery through messengers who took thc letter. so it is easy to find that the documcnt is incomplete As far Islam. B. cit. p. A: op. There are as a way to "update thc past and adapt it to the circumstances in a number of Iberian cxamples of these letters in thc fifteenth century. 132-. According to Haskins. Thc original in Arabic is in the library of the monastery of El Escorial.] carne the exordium. 214.: Crusade and Mirsion. and finally the phrases of the conclu.. which the correspondents were living".133. Al-Andalus. as lcadcrs of Christendom. Thc use of scriptural quotations cxtending to both privatc and teenth century onwards. .: Letters and Letter-collections. should be five parts arranged in a logical sequence. 73 ·· 153. 52 lbidem.: op.310. 434. to the personality of the correspondents. H. l 929). C. it is Written more in the trcatisc style. cit.: "The Life of Medieval Students as Illustrated by their Letters''. 49. Of course the popes. Thc around the elcventh century. etc. 7 '' P . while confarming to the epistolary rules. D. p. were sup- not be written in letter form today. no matter thing which still has to be studied. to its first addrcsscc. but the fact is that most of the whether thcy were privatc or official. and so used dialogue as the background leaders. their origin. fidei to the Sultan of Iconum. almost any material could be turned into a letter and a mcmber of a religious community. and Gregory Vil did so when he wrote to al-Na~r of Bidjaya.: "A Christian Mission to Muslim Spain".L. p. • 56 51 Dunlop. Innocent III sent two lettcrs to the lowed. They are defined as quasi-public 259. because of their view to futurc collection or publication. in our case usually a ruler or other hand. The contents would latcr be be regarded as such. On the an oral messagc. M. the first letters known on the subject wcre written without an oral explanation by an ambassador or messengcr. 17.: "La leltre du rnoine de France . 11.".. the cpistolary gcnre was seen as a rcsult of "the tradition of the associated arts of lctter-writing (ars 54 Constable. 52 Sorne of them were scen as a poscd to b~ the first to attempt the approach to Muslim rcligious continuation of a dispute. Epistolary style was an easy and convenient official correspondence hampered the style of the texts.F. and designed to place thc reader Islam by these means. 2-3. 14. as the first examplc of this kind of literature on Iberian soil.) if it was Letters were also closely related to oral messages. 55 Diffusion varicd according all of them sharing thc qualification of "quasi-public" literary docu. G. ending in a petition which was usually in the the Fifth Crusade Olivcr of Cologne invited Sultan al-Kamil to con- form of a deduction from the major and minor prerniscs laid clown vcrt while he thankcd him for his behaviour towards the defeated in the exordium and narration. Why The general scheme laid clown in the artes dictaminis was respected the subject did not attract much attention in thc Península is some- in the fifteenth-century letters devoted to the Muslim issue. 58 sion. 54 To what extent this is true far thc matter we are dealing with shall be seen immediately.

59 after the fall of Constantinople was not only and still forbade the duke several times to go on crusade lcaving his a manifestation of chivalric ideals.23r. 62 tury are to be found. 63 in the East. 204. Louis.: "Un franciscano heterodoxo . The article of Cabanclas. pp. stop and. but Mella's opinions about Muslims have been totally neglected. Charles VII did not take any notice of thcse suggestions. would be able to go heretics of Durango 65 (Viscaya) and justify his füght to Granada. p. The frrst con- 30th Scptember 1453-can be considcred as a complcment to the sidered the problcm of Berber corsary raids on the Valencian coast. of -the letfrr. J. polit- ical peace in thc realm and the cooperation of native populations G 2 Germain. Les of heretics were burnt in Vallaclolicl and Santo Domingo de la Calzada. he went on: the sultans of Damascus and Acre to assume the aid from convertcd Mamluks.. E.: "El Ideal de Cruzada . were dispersed arouncl 1440: Alonso de Mella escaped to Granada. the council appealed to Alfonso V at Naples. Ecl. and the seeond with by thc authorities and explaining his viewpoint using numerous quo- possible remedies. as well as thc foil text 1he shadow Qf th. The on crusade. Abfodalus. 61 See abovc. the so called rcquesting them to forbid any public praise in the name of Mu}:iammad khan was accused of his earlier conquest of Constantinople and his unless they wanted to incur God's anger.. The writc a letter to the city eouncil at the end of the fourteenth century letter is structured in thrce parts after the address: frrst. Philip of Burgundy. ". the king was claiming hclped by local Muslims. but it is clear proof of how the feelings against Muslims wcre Ove1·seas (also called Le discours du VC!J1age d'oultremer au tres victorieux roi progressively building up. Sorne favourable events werc to help achieve the final defeat of the Turks: the end of the schism within the Church.. the Franciscan friar. Alonso de 1\!Iclla. thc dcvastation in the arca did not and the Virgin Mary. Obviously. evcntually reaching thc whole of thc Ottomans' afraid of the armcd Mudejars who were ready to overtal<e the realm land. by lVI. Sanchis Guamcr (Valencia. In Castile. was comparativcly small.. see Schwoebel. the council was exaggerating. R. p. 63 Howevcr.: pp. f[ II--V.G 6 king in 1451. . . The danger moved Francesc Eiximenis to the role uf champion of the faith for the next expected crusade. The Exhortation is an example of the short treatise. to be pre. I-líspania (1952). 652 653.. and a numbcr 60 Richard. .e crescent. and the belief that !he time of the Holy Spirit had already come to the earth. J. St.. aim of the letter. pea. the first dealing with the stating his mistrust regarding the way Christian doctrine was taught troublesome state of Christendom in the East. 64 Charles VII) presented to the king by the bishop himself in 1459. which was the real Eiximenis. as López de Coca demonstrated in his study of the contents of the The other letter is Jcan Gcrmain's Exhortation far Charles VII to go lctter. 6 " The heresy of thc Free Spirit in Durango proclaimed the common posscssion of goocls. addressed a letter when he was trying to arrange a peace-treaty between France and to King Juan II around 1443 trying to cxplain his rclations with the England so that his lord.: "La polilique orientalc de St. Thc answer to thc lctter was expected through the ambassador. It is divided into two parts. Alfonso V of Aragon's defiance of the Ottoman However. The suggestions range from using the powcr of tations from the Bible. ". 107-· l 08.: "Los mud~jares valencianos . Alfonso's lettcr-dated on practica! issues regarding thc Muslim community. pp.ment de la Cosa Publica. For a summary of the contenls of thc lctter. parcd ovcr thrcc years. 233·· 250 prov:ides all the bibliogTaphy on thc subjcct. The use of weapons by intention to go further against Rhodes and Rome. F. Cfr. Mu}:tammad II. a crusade was announced.!Jen Age. policies in the Mediterranean. but a link with other crusader flank facing England undefended. the rejection of marriagc. S. asked the king his lord to send him on the crusade and to sign a 64 Ibidem.: Regi. 66 relations entre L'01ient et l'Occident au A11. Lopez de Coca. in 1451. The Duke of Burgundy 1972). D. sultan.: Exlwrtationa Charles VII . 653. He was then Muslims was to be forbidden so that thcy would not be able to help warned to defend himself.ce treaty with the King of England as thc Pope had requestcd. En la E1j1afia Medieval ( 1982). J.. following their prophecíes. 15. crusader bull issued by the Pope. fols.74 CHAPTER THREE THE lNTELLECTUAL APPROAGH U: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 75 Two examples of lcttcrs regarding crusades in the fiftecnth cen. pp. After shape letters. Thc space left for the final request. 6 i He had already performed such a mission bcfore the first aspect has provokcd much interest among Church historians. Finally. thc rcjcction of Christ's prcsencc in the Eucharist 59 Publishcd in Sobrequés. They 249-250. 3r. ". Louis had also sent a similar letter The kingdom of Aragon offcrs two intcrcsting examples of letters to Sultan Aiyüb 60 before his crusade in 1248. Through it. thc Marquis of Ferrara. La croisadc de 1248".a warning followed by invocations to God their fellow-1\!Iuslims.

Other gcst hís nced to return to Castile. R. 67 Cod. 69 Cabanelas. one of these being the debates mentioned in the paragraph on dis- rant et honorant in omnibus suis factis et clictis. 68 Scgovia wrote his lctters ín the stylc in dicto regno.. cosmopolitan and rational response were ready to listen and believe whatever reason could prove. sicut illuc clicitur.v. in eis rcpertas vcraciter cognoscimus Deum non esse duntaxat Deum the "new" rhetoric style.otherwisc.: "Coexistence. p. It is not at all obvious. 180. .would regain him the sympathy of the king. Pius ll's letter has been considered by sorne as an a safeconduct to return to his country? Thc fact that he was killed example of the willingncss of thc Renaissance papacy to ncgociatc by the same Muslims whose religious conduct he praised might sug. cols. 70 attempt to convert Muslims. Cfr. The difficulties of finding information about Islam. and several others for suc- The use of the Franciscan's approach to Islam in a letter of appeal ccssivc Popes to start a crusade. his appeal to the king for his return to C:astile position in which he was left by the Christian rulers during and after would be out of place. to Islam. 70 Schwoebcl. l 2. Mella merely says thc Muslíms somconc defined it as "a temperate. But had sorne influence on the Pope whcn he started the letter after the Islam involved much more than this: the Prophet's acknowledgement council of Mantua.: Die Shadow ef the Crescenl. cenos crecientes et confitentes omnia sancta facta et dicta Ihesu Christi. et per digna opera adimplent mandata sua. p. quem multo amplius quam christiani. no more will be said about their externa] orarent cum tanta reverentia et timore. whilc he mcntioned sorne anecdotes about his work against Islam. crcdcrent. 'Studies in the Renaissance. Rcpcrimus etiam eos clispositos audirc et auscultare omne illud gathcring was an ideal occasion to deliver an exhortatio waging war quod secundum rationem potest vcrificari. followcd his . 661-662. this would be the Roman Church- fideles et credentes in solum vcrum Deum. his work in favour to the king as the highcst authority who could forgivc Mella in a of a holy v~ar was unsuccessful enough to force him to write a 1et- matter of local hcresy is very interesting. As the study of the letters was made by Cabanelas. 303-349. the council cxplains his offer to accept the conquest of Byzantium The prívate correspondence between Juan de Segovia and the in exchange for a conversion to Christianity. stantcs nos supra clicti become interested in Islam. o domine. 65. with the Turks and cncmics of thc Latín Christian princcs. et diligentcr pcrscrutantcs et examinantes fidem quam of small treatiscs to inform his fricnds of his method of achicving a Sarraccni tenent et credunt. Et placeret Deo quod putes. with their publication. who is shown as the most benevolcnt king. sed esse Deum omnium illorum qui recte credunt in eum.even by association.of course. But the accept. ".. cit. and to the challenge of Islam. Conversion ancl lhe Crusade .G9 together illi qui clicunt se christianos timerent eum.. and translations of the Koran havc simílar- ities with the situation of Peter the V cnerable when he startcd to 60 See the edition of bis works in P. It is vcry unlil<ely that he belicvcd in the conversion and a change of morals and customs which Mella was not ready to of the sultan. Cabanelas's article speaks of Mella's attraction Roman rcfonnation programme based on Christian humanism. members of thc Roman Curia and bishop Jean Germain has already thc fact that he was still thinking of a crusade could give the letter been mentioncd. secundum quas ratíones in against the Turks: it was just another approach to the problem. Almost any public esse. pp. and therefore Pope himself.L. timore. due to his syncretist The most important manifestation of this style carne from the ideology. 71 Probably the ideas of Segovia and Cusa which might be relatcd to the heresy he preachcd in Durango. in suis verbis et factis honorant. Thc Iast group of letters which shall be examincd hcrc werc circu- credentes de ipso quod secundum rationem potest et debet creditum latcd in Rcnaissance Europe regarding the Turks. R. once a young student in christianorum. 2923. 189. quinymmo rcperimus eos csse catholicos et single world rcligion. Unfortunately.: 0¡1. reperimus clictos sarracenos non esse infideles. a moment of vision which was to be fol- that theír God and the Christian one were the same. a thought lowed again by ignorance". Vat. so that could have been the reason scholars prefcr to sce it as the expression of thc aims of an orthodox for the 1etter as well. Item reperimus clictos sarra- structure. humilitatc. translators from Arabic. Díd Mella hope that an ter in which he regretted the situation. creatorem celi et terrae. On the other hand.76 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH u: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 77 Proptcr omncs supraclictas causas. Finally. p. [ 183r. Francesco Filelfo. Lat. embassy to Murad II by writing an appeal for Charles VIl to go to Mantua. 71 Schwoebel. 250. adorarent et hon. 67 Constantinople. D. rcvcrcntia et devotione ado. ibidem. · quem cum tanta fide.

tae regionis.5 R 2. William of Tripoli's De Statu Saracenorum. n without many comments or other notes. The cardinals chosen were both Castilian. The structurc of thc work is a linear tale of política! events. There is only one copy left of the Libeflus de situ style. cit. questions and answers are ali managed by the author Saracens and what thcir book says about Christian faith". An early example is over the Moors. Cod. reports are bellis et gestis in ea occurrentihus. He rnust have also used thc information so naive as to think that the sultan would change his religion. and again the lack of diffusion used as a quick way of spreading the ncws about the situation in can be explained by its use as a mere referen ce book for othcr the East. Although he shared Segovia and lcad to the conclusion that Castilians. thc Pope was perfectly entitled and Torquemada's Contra p1incipales erroris peifidi Nlachometi was written justified to start a holy war against him. theologi. rcst to thc hist01y of Castile. treatiscs and other majar literary works. super generalis" (11 March 1273) had askcd far "reports for the ()Jtaestio and disputatio are used as a technique to approach the sub- council of Lyon''. cit. 76 Trame. p. reports werc ordered by important Pcter thc Cruel. This would explain why Torquemada's treatise had such small diffusion compared to other contemporary d) Reports sources..5.arnmad II and his references to the Muslims in his other works.. Rhodes in 1480.·· . The most interesting to our purposes is the thirteenth figures in the Roman Church to provide enough up-to-date information chapter. 75 Arévalo says that it was composed in 1463. 36. dialogue is avoided. 11 O II iussu pajme Pii ab eodem episcopo editus de brevi hi. Thís work is listed in the catafogue of l 4.). while thc Curia was explain why he chosc thc cpistolary form.5-117. 55r. According to their purposes and a less carcful account of Spain. etc. 11. if thc sultan <lid not convert. J. which is the last historical cvcnt to be rnentioncd. A 4. de regum et regnorum ortu et succesu. as hcad of the Christian troops. Grcgory X's bull "Dudum The reports scherne is bascd on scholasticism in a broad sense. and William answered bccause he "had perceived ject of Islam. cit. To complemcnt this information.. l 1. H. and he could not be spcech was based on it. Gibraltar. . provided in it for his letter to Mul. theological reports wcre used as a reference for works. This prcparing his spccch for the start of the council of 1\llantua and far time it is the Pope. Note 33 specifies: "Padua. Pius II requcstcd Rodrigo Sánchez What we havc callcd rcports is really a subdiv:ision of the prosc de Arévalo in 1462 to provide him with a geographical and historical dedicated to Islam.5. conceived as a praise of Enrique N's carnpaigns and victories on Islam for their subscqucnt literary works. were thought to be the best adv:isors when Christian and falamic doctrine. H..: op. et de claríoríbus a phase befare the theological treatises. since thc Turkish qucstion in Mantua waiting for thc princes' ambassadors. in Padua. N.: op. fols. Capitular Library. the Europa. This might the sultan to warn and defy him. with special emphasis on the times after . the first three devoted to geography and the gious leaders and ambassadors of Latín countries in Byzantium . his crusading feeling was also expressed: dealing with Islam.: op. Secondly.11 outsidc the time scopc of this book." 74 Lavajo. but bccausc therc is no opponent. 76 Pius II relied on this data for his Commentaries. 72 That is thc only way to in a huny following the Pope's order in 1459. Pius II asked for two of thcse reports whcn he was 75 Trame.i.78 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH n. De finished by thc bcginning of the Council because Pius's introductory captione urbis Constantinopolitane. because of the particular situ- Cusa's ideas concerning the concordance between certain parts of ation in their homeland. the same role was pcrformed by lctters from the reli. who addrcsscs his Europa. 388. that your [thc Pope's] enlightened faith wants to know who are the Therefore. but as they appcarcd after thc first sicgc of Hispanica. R . In the first case. A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 79 the same meaning as the one from Alfonso V just mentioned. It must have been was a common fcaturc in all his other works (the Commentaríes. after the fall of the composition of letters. cit. It contained one introduction Befare them. R .: op.rtmia rerum Húpanarum el de laudihus dic- 73 See Housley. p.67r. De situ The accounts of the evcnts in thc East have bcen callcd "instant et desciiptione Hispaniae is very similar to thc samc author's Histoiia histories" by Housley.• On the other hand. pp. and fourtcen chapters.68 as Libellus 72 Pius II: Lettera a Maometto JI. pp. I. H 1\!Iore specifically. they fa. they can be classified either as a step towards chronicles or as et desc1iptione Hispaniae.

making the scrmon a gloss were much more theoretical. Muhammad's mira. In order to achicve a work which could be used by mission- This last style brings together ali the aforementioned in a mingling aries in thc Iberian Pcninsula and North Africa. he addrcsscd Thomas Aquinas to ordcr his response-in this case. The Islam.. . his polemic treatises use at university and Mcndicant schools.80 CHAPTER THREE THE INTELLECTUAL APPROACH II: A STYLE FOR A PUBLIC 81 himself. he addressed one of thc most leamed it has encompassed. l\ll. most of the polemic treatises as the clcventh century.1350). Sorne polemic works from Córdoba :responded to this treatise did not contribute anything new to the knowledge of attacks from the Christians in Toledo. The Summa contra gentiles was dirccted towards a learned public. 2: The Scriptures and Muharnmad's prophetic mission.. the iconography of thc miniatures also changes. with the Epistle ef al-Kindi. In the second eme. Turn. a featurc associated with devilish powers. sources. he is handling two hout.: Later 111/edieval Philosophy Burgunclian fashion. 79 11 ~ The miniatures oJTer thcir particular approach. "~ Bibliotheque Nationale de París. . Both Muslims are depicted as Turks. Raimundo Martí undcr- lay-reading increased.. pp.: Preaching in Medieval England. pp. J. C. It is ha:rd to distinguish how much of ea.ons as were in fashion at thc time in the Europcan courts.". although they do not specify the stcp from "quaestio" and "clisputatio" camels. thcy Islam. R. l 4v). Arabica (1971).e. cit. N. Christian cult and practices were as false as Christian dogmas. see Marenbon. and adaptcd from an Iberian original. \Vhen the 79 Epalw. by the "studia lingua- of influences and motifs. although the structure is very much the same: the problcm programme by Raimundo de Penyafort. the simpler message dedaimed in church passed took thc huge task of writíng his Summae contra Alclwranum against eventually to the hand-book of the home. 28v)." 78 And converscly. The contrast with letters can be apprcciatcd in Ricoldo de Monte- trine. including legal solutions. The author thcn replies givíng the reasons for treatiscs to this end.: rum" and the infidcls thernselves. et alii: Les questions (f. H8-450 . but did not cntirely meet the needs of the Dominican preachers in the thirteenth century. i. 77 intcndcd for missionary use but at university leve!. recogniscd by his dark skin. of Christianity (see Appcndix III). 00 Lavajo. amidst forests-instead of an oasis-. 81 of the Scriptures and the treatise a comment on different Christian The samc trend can be observed in fiftcenth-century writcrs. Burgundy. . at other times practica! issues preaching activities within the Dominican Order. B.Judaism. which turns out to be. he ordered two rcgarding Islamic ritcs). 82 based on the latter. Both sermons and treatises show the rhetorical rnodel in crocc's work while his lettcrs we:re more practical. treatiscs reveal "how as membcrs of the Order in the ficlds involved. Christian beliefs in Trinity. 31 Daniel. 4. 948. Thcrc are two more illustrations (f. he arrives at Bahira's hermitagc to this kind of litcrature very clearly. doc. U. while Muslims case in the fifteenth century is Jcan Germain's Débat du crestien et du preferred the genre of Responsae to particular questions. 83 Threc more treatiscs by the samc author followed: Adversus structure of the latter was usually divided into four parts: ···. 1987. Franc.. and Bazan. going on a caravan. G. London. while a bishop. . Thc best-known adopted the style of Summae on the Christian side. l. character óf thc book changes in the third part. de droit et de médecine.ammad in ali thc manuscripts cxamined. l\!Iul).: "Notes pour une histoire des polémiques .rinning of the Sccond Book (1150.eles and prophecics confirmcd the latter. 1985. although using the same rcp- resentati. At the time whcn he was ís introduced by means of various authorities (sometimes the Koran. the two knight5 who participate in the dispute appear bcforc the sultan on his Gothic throne. The written rendcring of both disputes and treatises started as early From the twclfth century onwards. 280. An lnlroductirm. the only oncs to represcnt disputées et les questions quodlibetiques dans les jacultés de tlzéologie. In the first one.: Tize Arabs and Medieval Europe. an apology 103-105. 216-217. Ms. The scene is repeated at thc bc¡. . the Capistrum Judaeoru~ and the Pugio Fidei against . he basically counter-attacks with Christian a book in the stylc of the univcrsity context in Paris. J. At the beginning of Book One ([ 11 v). most worricd about the conversion of infidels and coordination of the Sunna and other commentaries. Despite adding a more doctrinal base. The Duke him- Onc of the rnost revcaling examples of the use of different authors sclf appears in thc first rniniature rccciving the manuscript from the author. Cornpared to scrmons. a book sources and corrects the arguments accordingly. Incarnation and Christ. spirit as Jews.· rcprcsenting Gcrmain. e) Treatúes This made Pcnyafort look for someone who was in the centre of the action. p. declicatccl to Duke Philip of 3. First. whcrcas the Christian knight is dressed in the 77 For more about scholastic style. to be instructed. in the same sarrazin.1ammad is 'easily to be 78 Owst. Mul.80 provided raw material for thc composition of serrnons: excmpla. surrounded and stylcs for a single purpose was thc elaboration of a preaching by the knights of the Golden fleece. copying thc argLiment.

f l 90r (ed. apart from thc topics included in formcr trea- cles for expressing ideas on Muslims. showing once more the links between the two gcnres. although lt may be assumed that. Whilc Alonso de Espina has been accuscd of "lack of originality" rcgarding the subject of the inquisition/ he has also been blarned for thc freedom with which he prescnted his conclusions. Gcnnain is again represenLcd writing his book (f: l 12v).: The Shadow qf lhe Crescent. Juan de Scgovia: Prologue to the Koran. pp. B5 His in appendix III is the question of originality in the Middle Ages. any author who wanted to write about Islam The next chapters will explain better than any simple classification would try to contact an accurate source. 96. practiscd for eenturics.did the author avoid the use of direct wit- nesses and stuck to other ccclesiastical authors. . Christ appears for the first time sending his Apostles to prcach around thc world. His approach quality of a book. been lcft for creation in litcrature. the genres rclated to theology kcpt macl.whereas he adrnits that Muslims would be able to live with the use of authorities as a guarantee for orthodoxy. p. But the treatise was written as an explanation of Christian faith. in a country whcrc coexistence had bccn the latter was usually eontained at sorne point vvithin the book. p. 150. f 1:32v. to unify one single rcligion with different rites.with the cxccption of Pedro Alfonso. 84 The chaptcrs of the Débal coincide with the gcogrnphical points mentioned in Germain's Exhmtatio CHAPTER FOUR to Charles VII. this introduction should not be tiscs. Thc first problem posed by a list of refcrcnccs such as the onc offered sition of a method for universal pcacc was Nicholas of Cusa. 289). CCXXI2.Juan de Segovia and Juan de Torquernada. " Revue de l'Histoire des Religions. Sincc thcy are just vehi. Meyuhas Ginio. in the Fourth Book. the fact that <Jsa ibn Djabir was a faqfh favourcd the accuracy of interpretation of Islarnic doctrine. Laforleresse. G. as we have scen. FF. this and the stylc to be a mixture of sermons and thc scholastic.gencrally cialists who had been ablc to have sorne contact with Muslirns. Adversus klahometanos et fideles.l 08.. A. 1 their work. Cabantlas. Of course.. Another writer who used disputes as a background for his expo. The difference in scope says a lot about the different situations in which the authors were living. thc the others just by changing sorne of their customs.Nir. C. to provide the use and structure of treatises on Islam.e. . conceived more as a summa than as an admonition. p. 2 M See Schwoebel.: .tam.not even Mu}. IJ5 Anawatí. The same can be said of . Why lmowledge was rcdueed to second-hand information or to sorne spe- the Ibcrian authors. and De saracenorum legis falsitate tractatus. i. In !he foreground. The use of scholasticism as reference did not mean his work was unoriginal whcn it comes to analysing its structure and final display. 107. of hadith were uscd by the authors who lmew them.-dircctly caused Latín to be the languagc chosen. whilc TRADITION AND POLEMICS: SOURCES FOR Espina's was written as a study of Islam to ease the way for thosc FIFTEENTH-CENTURY AUTHORS who wanted to fight it. cause the subject involved was Islam.. Finally. 184r).: "Reves de croisade . and far away from the Peninsula. sorne practica! cletails.olas de Cues et le j1robleme de l'!slam. 207.82 CHAPTER THREE Turcarum Alcoranum.·-such as happened to Torquemada's Contra errores Mac/wmeti. the Koran and the collections clergy and nobility -. Although in the fifteenth century sorne place had is so peaceful that he <loes not condemn anybody. R. 145. Howcver. a Muslim. the Pope ancl the Patriarch of the Eastern Church are assem- 1 bled with a council of bishops ancl cardinals (f. In the case of Juan de Segovia. pp. And be- The fact that trcatiscs were intended for a more cducatcd audience. Only in a case where the treatise had to be written too quickly extended any furthcr. failed to use dialogue in their trcatises is explained by the nature of Oral sources are mentioned in all the books by Iberian authors. 109. all of which are lost. first source to be used was the Bible and its commentaries. De pace fidei is a discussion among characters of all nationalities and Dependence on authorities was important because it guaranteed the religions.

and it is likcly that his quotations from Et car les dictes sentences et diifmítions sont escriptcs en divers volumcs Maimonides and Avicenna (lbn Sina) carne from this sourcc. but sorne of them led to important misunder- teurs de la sanctc foy chrestiennc avoir plaine cognoissance des choses standings. He appeals to thc Pope to correct him.ind of Muslim source. des principaulx poins de nostre foy comme pourra those who wcre not intercsted in Islam itself. it was almost obliged to use him as source when these languages were involved. but simply the foiz par remonstrances et manuductions de raisons humaines.v. taken from as many sources as were avail. A distinction can Considerees les choses dessus dictes [je] me suis travaille de extraire de plusieurs doctcurs et saiges ce qui m'a semble prouffitable et bien be made betwecn those who werc intcrested in Islam for its own servant au reboutement de la dicte secte et a sexaussement de nostre sake5. p. communal spirit worked ' Daniel.J. martirs. N. easily in any uf Lhe convents of his Order. summae and collections of sentences in onc single volume so Jewish post-biblical studics6 and often had to do with the ignorance they can be consulted altogether: of a ccrtain language. p.: La jorteresse. 248. Jean were writing their Ií·actatus contra Machometum and the Summa contra Gcrmain spccifies such a trend in bis foreword to the Livre du crestien gentiles. II.: The Arabs and Medieval Europe. within the Order of Preachers (and probably the 4 Lavajo. negligence of the main reasons for mistakes rcgarding Islamic doctrine was erro- d'entendre a lecture diceulx. same could be said about the Franciscans). there is the author's view to be considered. meant that they did apparoir par epistres et actes publiques farz el escrips sur se et aucunes not try to approach every k. 64 7. dessus dictes.: Le li1fre du crestien et du sairasin. There was He admitted using sorne texts from Aristotle collected by other no need to be original. will complete. The main objective was to providc as much scholars. but as he sees there is no way to make the sect disappear. Ibn Slna's De scientia divina or J\!Jetap!rysics was menlioned in Marlí's Explanatio symbolum apostolornm. The fact that most of the authors belonged to the second trend. Thcre were also information as possible. Scholars exchangcd 7 Chapter two of the CE was copied from Martí's Traclalus contra Nlachometum.although a religious intcrcst was usually in the background- sancte foy et especialement des extraiz del Alchorant faiz par reverends and those who approachcd it with reference to Christianity and thc docteurs Pierre Venerable jadiz abbe de Cluny. On the other hand. a la consolacion diceulx et confusion de cnnemis de notre foy. especially due to Thomas's ignorancc et du sarrasin: of Arabic. On the othcr hand. Pierre Alfonsc de la impact Islam had on Christians. in a rcmarkablc way over individual interests. l'ignorance de plusieurs et occupations des choses mondaines et aussí que les diz actes et díffinitions ne sont neous translation from Arabic sources. illustres hommes que de hystoires anciennes consignant les arrestz. It is important to bear in mind that many references could be He insists in a second foreword in the need to put togcthcr prívate made sccond-hand. Different kinds of authors used diffcrcnt sources. as an cxample of scientific cooperation. and certainly Torquemada would Iind his writings 3 Germain. The choice of a theological argument nation des Espaignes et saint Thomas d'Aquin en ung sien petit livre was conditioned by the religious definition of thc two territorics: contre heresie de Mahumet et autres tant des sains appostres.: Cristianismo e islamismo na Peninsula lbelica. world of Muslim philosophers and thc qucstion of the transmission he believes it is time to dcfend thc Church against Islamic attacks of Greek philosophy through Arabic translations. Thereforc. . j'embrasseray ce dit oeuvre. and to the Kmg. 6 Mcyuhas Ginio. ( 2r. This happened with Espina's quotations frorn works.84 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 85 Besides. diffinitions et sentences publiqucmenl donnees par les sou. around the same time. J\fistal<es were widespread and trouvez mis par ordre pourquoy a grande difficulte pevent les zcla. 69. contacts betwcen Raimundo Martí'1 and Thomas Aquinas while they able at the time: thc same concept which originated the summae. Europe and the Ncar East were idcntified with Christianity and Islam. 7 One difficiles a trouver et extraire tant par deffault de livres. as Vincent de Bcauvais explaincd. A very definite line by means of rational argumcnts. the number of Islamic authors quoted The textgoes on to say that he is not trying to explain faith through in thc list of references is very small and completely leaves aside the reason. verains du monde. A. p. readily acknowlcdged. T orquemada uscd thc work of his fellow- Dominican Raimundo Martí. Given Martí's expertíse in Senútic languages. which quotes l\IIaimonides. ' . which other more intclligcnt doctors was drawn between these two fields and theology. their rcferences and methods. J. 3 more basic emes. confcsseurs.

Bishop if tl1ey are mcntioned by their name. Thereby. The problems concerning its first translation ordered by Peter declared idolaters. in between by somconc othcr than thc author. Connecting the word roa.YO. 280. J.Juan de Segovia. as has bccn cxplaincd in European tradition. G. 15 The defects of this translation con- Venus to thc Ka'aba. he decided to start a ncw Islam. 9 Lavajo. Hrotsvita (c. 10 Dunlop. cit.. Alonso de Espina. p.M. thc epistle from the monk of ditioncd thc work of ali th~ writers who approached Islam using Francc to the King of Saragossa claimed that "thc magicians served Koranic arguments. 17 There was another mad imposed his sect through battlc.Juan de Torquemada. D. Archives 11 d'histoíre doctrina/e et littéraíre du Ml!)•en Age. translations. Further evidcncc exists in the translation of sura the Venerable have been set out by D'Alverny in her famous article 112 by Nicetas Byzantios: "Say He is one 17 At to kccp thc original namcs of luminosus of Alvaro de Córdoba (d. p. gavc the namc of the suras but not the number. and V<rjda. al-Andalus. but Meyuhas Ginio found sorne minar differ. C.: p. "Marc de Tolcdc. the one by Robcrt Ketton modified the Arabic syntax ical). enccs in the Fortalitium. p. 9 A little latcr. 244-245. somcthing the Koran strongly condemned. 10 In this context the word "Arabs" might refer Denys the Carthusian and . 861). 607. In fact.: "Misconceptions of Islam" in Between Islam and C/zriste11dom. God the everlasting". Muslims would think the same confusion was Quotations from thc Bible should havc been perfcctly accuratc throughout the trcatiscs. understanding "koubar" were inaccurate. Muslims were Koran.. thcrc had been a total rcvision with changcs as "Aphroditc's star''. chapter h. 146. Given that Meyuhas Ginio used the Nuremberg edition mcntary to Islamic accusations that Christians wcrc idolaters because (1494) 13 instead of the 1463 manuscript. . T. D. known though Christians as expression of a barbarie nature. 9. while Mark of Toledo tried a word- These examplcs wcre mentioned in thc Península in thc lndiculus by-word translation taking good ca.. 17. 14 Of the two Thc last word was translatcd into Greek as "holosphairos" (wholly spher. and was complc. omittcd by Robert. 11 But thc most famous are thc verses in the Chanson de Roland difficult: in the Fortalitium ali the suras are one number ahead. D. XVI ( 194-8). the Dualists their Light and Darkness. the quotation is correct. The confusion started when J ohn Damascene general conclusion that quotations from the Bible madc by Espina translated the call to prayer as "Alla wa Koubar". traducteur d'Ibn Tumart''. 1G When the latter found to the inhabitants of the Arabian Península befare the expansion of out how imperfect the translation was. . . 129 130. 129. M. F.. B. Beckingham. but at least more accu. Juan de Segovia's request of a Spanish vernacular translation to be ratc in terms of historyY sent to him. "Deux traductions latines du Coran au Moyen Age". Within the Latín rendering advised by an Arabic cxpcrt. usually when Espina needed a particular use aters.86 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 87 A widesprcad cxample was the accusation that Muslims were idol.Age''.: op. In the fifteenth century these were. His quotations 11 Kedar.: Historia arabwn. 16 (1951). and the Arabs their said. In thc Península. he used Ricoldo de Montecroce's Rej1robatio Alchnranir. Onc of the major mistakcs in Kctton's vcrsion was the theists who adored idols made of marble and gold in her Lije ef way in which he numbered the suras. 1ª Juan de Segovia was the greatest Christian collcctor of Koranic manuscripts in thc fiftccnth century. 125. pp. with the name of the Ka'aba at Mccca ("Khaber"). cit. p. in which case thc statement is justified. '"' D'Alverny. 69· 131. 16 Cabanelas. ". he assumcd thc Much more difficult to study is thc author's acquaintance with the stone to be a earved head of Aphroditc. thus an idoP to make it more undcrstandablc. i. which associatcd Aphroditc/ thc suras. while which refer to the Muslims being idolaters. moved by his idea that argu- Bible and Koran ing against Islam without a proper doctrinal basis distorted the povver of argumcnt. the planet Venus.: "A Christian Mission to IVluslim Spain". cit. which madc correlations Pelagi.: "Deux traductions latines du Coran au Moyen . and later as "holosphyros" (made of beaten metal). ing Espina's use of second-hand Koranic versions.. al-ilndalus.e.: op. Nicholas of Cusa.: "Rcves de eroisade . i:i Meyuhas Ginio. p. prov- Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada stressed Kurayshites' i'dolaf:l)I befare Muham. it cannot be accepted as a of their use of statues. A. both terms cqually despised by translation ordered by King Pedro III of Aragon. La Jorteresse. and thercfore.: Crusade and iVIissio11. 1000) dcpicted the Saraccns as poly. as has been their fircs. 12 Jiménez de Rada. 10. 16 Cabanelas.. p. 15 Al! these problems are furthcr discussed in D?AJverny. for a word. IvL T. pp.: op. idols and images" . pp.

194.88 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 89 used to teach them Christian doctrine. specially using the _Liber considcring their interest in languages.fferent status. with the sentence: "Mul:iarn'mad said in bis Koran .: "Traducciones moriscas del Corán".. " 27 instead of lation of the Koran. authors did thc Koran for Christians. The Koran was quoted. "' Daniel. Cologne and was considered valid as a prayer. 21 It was "God said . who already had translations which formed for the bcst versions of the Koran in Arabic and Latin available the basis of anti-Islamic polemics. As a matter pared by Mul:iammad far his pcoplc.camc from the Dominican library in Basle. p. G. p . 75. Prophet relied were discredited as drcams. 195. ususally the shortest. p . Sorne of the Morisco Koran manuscripts and had it copied. enormous amount of information about the Koran and the Sunna. The manuscript was prepared as an Arabic/ for thc Christians it was just Mul). while they from the translation ordcred by himself from his canon. and finally Bishop of Barcelona. which was the phrase used by Muslims. Juan de Segovia's method was very mu ch the same as Llull's. who gave him an 27 References such as this occur all throughout the texts of thc authors concerncd. although only recitation of the Arabic version umcs in Northern European libraries: Rore (Bavaria). it also went The Koran was often taken as a collection of commandmcnts prc- to Salamanca.: Islam and the West. more usefül for prayer. In that city he mct Juan de Andrés. 21 Vcmct. he found an average vcrsion in Germany the aijamiado translation. pp.: ojJ. Starting from this point. where Espina could have consultcd it. 24 This explains the appcarancc of throughout Europe. under the taqrya. 25 Roermond (The Netherlands). they were unable to realizc that the same method they used could tion is justified by the refusal of Peninsular Muslims to copy or read be turned against them and thcir Scriptures. while Castilian into Latin. the Koran became tical to the onc he already owned. N. Moreover. J. But translation of the Koran both to maintain their rcligion and to since Islam acccptcd Judaism and Christianity as former revclations which ought to be superceded by Mul. 121r-v. Islam <lid not accept thc Biblc as In the sixteenth ccntury. which he gave to thc di. 20 His great work was the bilingual trans. ". the lv/oriscos. 22 in turn. f. 28 FF. . Juan de Segovia not distinguish between the Koran and Tradition. in 1455. 52. but written in a better handscript. used quotations rejected previous revelation as contained in thc Bible.fference.. In 1437. assuring bis help to find three more vol. This contradic. p.ammad's invcntion. Latín and thcy did not approach it free of prejudice. Espina even accused Mul:iammad's successors of having forged it.. 46. since 19 Ibidem. A. Whercas Llull tried to solve Scalae Machometi as a parallel to the Koran.. L. more realistic and chose to translate into vcrnacular for a more wide. pp. Juan de Scgovia <lid the samc from revclation: for thc Muslims the Koran was God's revelation.ammad's. Another problem arose when Christian writers realized that Islam spread diffusion. and was iden. p. io Ibidem. 33-35 . 28 which resulted in 198 pages as a whole. cit. This detail a rendering word by word into Castilian. The last copy-brought from Constan. written in thirty-three booklets.: Islam and lhe T1Vest. now lost.. even if they Jmcw managed to huy a Koran in Arabic in Granada. p. 30 ignoring the fact that the problem by creating schools of Arabic. 12lv. cit. 19 Despite these difficulties. 26 Generally. which were he left the council of Basle. ~° FF. 22 Martín García prcached in Arabic to thc Muslims of Granada as from 1500. 137 ·-138. 23 prophcts. but no Koran amongst them. he received an important fund of Arabic. Juan de Segovia was for Muslims the two books had a di. Alonso de Spanish text with interlinear Latin. an object of ridicule because it was unfamiliar to Christian writers In Ayton. a formcr accepted that God had revealed hirnself to Mases and Jesus as faqzh from Játiva mosque. and Castilian books. and moreover. Martín García so r havc omrnitcd the number of thc pages for simplicity. Master Martín García. bccause it involved questioning thc basic doctrine of by the Muslim. with explanations written was important. was a General Inquisilor for Aragón and Catalonia. but preconceptions about it considerably tinople. 317. His sermons were published in 1517. since its message had been changcd. a convcrt faqfh from Játiva. 23 lbidem. f. 156. 29 The revelations on which the of fact. First of ali. p. 29 Daniel. the Moriscos necded a a basis for controvcrsy.: Islam and the West. L. 2•1Chejne. Cf Cardaillac. 25 Cardaillac.. This moved them to search respond to the Christians. Afterwards. N. Upan his death. He lent Cusa a copy of the Collectio Toletana when only preserve sorne of the suras. any referencc to the Koran was introduced the University of Salamanca. changed the way in which it was used. On the other hand.: op. together with 'Isa ibn Djabir.

. Corpus Christi College.: op. p. chapters 41 .: Islam and the J!Vest. j. Alonso de Espina andJuan de Torquemada·· --.Juan tcxt? Pedro Pascual. Bishop of .Jews apologeticum quoted an carlier biography brought to Pamplona by the and Christians. They mention thc Prophet's wcdding with Khadfdja.C. He was thc first Christian writers totaliy ignored the Islamic interpretation of thc to addrcss his Christian friend asking him to join Islam. The Latin translations century.¡ Lavajo.. Al-Hashirnf was 'the sul- could accept. 90 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 91 Islam acccptcd Christ as God's messcnger. 34 Although the apologetic tone praised Christ and thc Apostles. cit.Jaén. Included in Vincent de from Islam. al-Kindf werc well known to the Peninsular Sacred Scripture without accepting thc canon. just guide.48) and referred to in a letter frorn Bishop . though that as thc Koran of Scville.~6 this work was used as rcference through- i. Christian writers were of acculturation in the ninth century. M. this list will have more Christian authors. LH4. This summary is focused on of thc Bible by Christians and Jews. Lat. pp.: "Los textos antimahemetanos más antiguos en céídices españoles. crestien el du sanasin. Through this argument. took information from the Grcck Fathers to build a series of leg- Reactions form Christian authors varied. 33 In the cases where they were not familiar with Arabic--· Beauvais's Speculum historiale. sure of thc author's Muslim origín for a numbcr of different reasons: the way in which he referred to Mu}:iammad. Age. see the works by Cardaillac. lslarnic polemics. 3 -' Tartar. passed by fifteenth-century authors. and was the basis for Jean Gcrmain's Débat du vious works.e. while the inconsistency between the two rcligions foliowcd their ideas in the fragrncnts where thcy discussed messianic invalidated thc Koran". G." Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littérai're du 1\liqyen 31 Daniel. 31 The Koran also ditions about his decadent morality. N. Thc answer of Ricoldo cnds to show thc Prophet's evil nature. Biblioteca Vaticana. . only al-Hashimf and was unbearable that Muslims should use names of characters in the 'Abd al-Masll:i ibn Isl. l\!Iozarabs.~93. Latin 3'. The first polemics in the Iberian Península rose with thc first signs :¡. and thc sayings of thc Prophets. his acccpted Christ and his doctrine. 3 7 (1970). thc the use that fifteenth-century writers made of former works on and text has bcen dated between 819 and 825. J.l. The general conclusion of all this debate was that tan's cousin and carne from the Prophet's family. 32 Cf Lavajo. either trcatiscs or translation of sources. cit. death followed by Iris being caten by dogs and his condemnation in it accepted a doctrine contrary to its own. that Scripturcs had to be acccpted or rejccted complctcly. which meant that if Christ was a used by these authors responded to a vcry particular situation of the good. which meant l\!Iuslims hell. National Library. 1985. all of thcsc tapies discusscd in their works were encom- Ali this elaborate thcory attemptcd to state that the Koran "vali. !Vis. bis conviction about the value of Islam. He also introduced depict a pattern in the choice of sourccs for polemics by Christian sorne arguments al-Hashimf had failed to mentían. dependcnce on pre. 51. It is impossible to try to rcvicw here the whole field of religious The Nestorian al-Kind! answered by justifying Christian doctrines polernics between Christendom and Islam. 33 Because of the reslrictccl information available on Islarnic trealiscs in the fifteenth 36 Vincent ele Beauvais: S/1eculum hirto1iale. Both number of attempts to determine which parts of the Scripture Islam werc officers in Caliph al-1\!Ia'mün's court. For more information about of the Epistle are conlained in the following manuscripts: París. 32 and it Among thc ninth-century Islamic polemicists.168. such as the forging authors: there were no fixed criteria. Oxford.iammad's first biographics aware of thc danger of syncretism. p.: Dialogue islamo-c!trétien sous le calij1!ie al-1'tla'mún. was unavoidable. who hated each other so much. . thcy identified him with thc Beast and established the first tra- should recognize the Christian canon of Scriptures. 112. so the men who adhcred to him could not be evil. As for Peter the Venerable. 606.67. Tartar35 is Koranic text. p. which did not conform with the books accepted by Christians or Jews. the bibliography. Rome. his view was imagcs. the munber of Koranic texts he mentioned and Polemics in Literature: A Summary quotations from the Bible. Álvaro de Córdoba's Liber de l\!Iontccroce was in the form of another qucstion: how could . Chejne and Moubarac rnentioned in Mss. 3649. Neither is it possible to and attacking MuJ:iammad's claims to prophethood. Mul. agree to corrupt onc monk Eulogius (845-. Vat. Espina and Torqucrnada also datcd Scripture. See Díaz y Díaz. Cod.. out the Middlc Ages. There were even a writers th1:ough thc translation attachcd to the Collectio Toletana.: op. 283. 149. 4072.

the Disputatio Abutalib sarraceni et Samuelis iudaei. Vatican 1972.. iudeos et paganos. making a new interprctation of thc Biblc's understand it in the light of Christian religion. pp. 37 Buenaventura de Siena. but bccause it could be easily discussed.302. 38 Chejne. N. by G. 42 Being in the first person Later. 42. al-Andalus.: La escala de A1ahoma. pp. the most impor- tant studies published are the pioneer Asín Palacios. 40 His main source was the Collectio Toletana he decided to use the collation of the four Gospels to show the and Petcr thc Venerable's Contra sectam sive haeresim saracenorum.: Islam and the West. who created the sanctuary use of diffcrcnt A.: "l\. The author's inten. 39 42 Daniel. using two characters-· Moyses and Pedro. 231 . 40 D'Alvcrny. i. N. Viguera l\tiolins. Playing with the Koran in thc same way as Ibn l:Jazm. Brossard-Dandrc. thís Dominican who spoke Arabic went to Cyprus and was singular. and Va. Mi 'rarfj around 1264. pp.: JI Libro della sea/a e la ques- against the new hcrctics and "the spread of old doctrines which ti. to Islam. translated by different people for each author. Apart from the "official translation" made in Thereafter. 80. cd. PL 157. becoming reason why this book ís vcry important as regards our subject is that even more clifficult to understand far thc Christian rcader. Obviously. there were two other versions circulating in Around 1100 the Jewish convert Pedro Alfonso (farmerly Moses the Península in the thirteenth century: one contained in Rodrigo Sefardí) introduced in his Dialogus a wholc titulus to debate and refute Jiméncz de Rada's Historia arabum and another in a rnanuscript from Islam. Madrid 1907 /London l 926. his farmer Jewish Uncastillo (Aragón). Daniel. Lot's sons. p. in the same style as the Koran.: lrlam and the vVest. and the Jewish Old Testamcnts to deny Christ's divinity. Juan de Torque- self and his new Christian personality··-to discuss Islamic doctrine. Howcver. and by the same author. More diffcrences between them. deeply in my article "El l\tli'radj en la literatura castellana del siglo XV". J. anothcr version had become There he explained why he had converted to Christianity and not the most popular in Roman circles: thc one by Ricoldo de Monteeroce. 5·-6 (1994). that Lille ncver wrote about witches and demons. 'H Sce CE. 1064) turned the polcmic method upside-down whcn creating real monstcrs". which used thc same dircct farm. About the Ji. M. the attempt that the Koran accepted Christ and the Apostles. 597-606. Madri~ 1949. de ivlalwma. M.246. T. M.: "1\lain de Lille et !'Islam". By the time Alonso de Espina.ammad's lips. The commcnt in D'Alverny. Therc is an eclition by Muñoz Sendino. Cerulli. & M. G. Its division is the same as thc Fortalitium fidei's except 301 . On the other hand.her scalae. whcn the Koran was translated for Peter the Venerable. G. it was considcrcd to be written appointed Bishop of Morocco. J. Rome 1949. Such an Thc other favourite source far Christian polemics against Islam approach against Islam was adopted by Christians only in the tw-elfth was the Liber scalae Machometi. 92 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 93 Ibn l:Jazm (d. I dealt with the subject more 120···121 <loes not give a good explanation of the problcm. E. A new version has appeared in French as Le Lívre de l'échelle de iVIahomel. he chose them as to rationalizc a schatological text such as the Mi'radj did not help to a guarantee far the Gospel. and then turned to compare the Christian will be said about the arguments he used in the next chapter. ed. attacked Christian faith without using divine nor human reason. ·r. 3n The Liher scalae was part of the Islamic tradition used more to Another dialogue.e. The was unacceptable within a pseudo-hagiographical context. Paris l 991. from IVIul). FF. he cannot explain Mu}:lammad's manuscript. pp. Madrid 1996. Mul:tammad's his conception of the whole work is very similar to Espina's. . t: 121v-124v.rabie texts~ or perhaps the circulation of the same at Mccca far thcir idols.: op. criticism of scriptural texts became one of thc methods Alfonso X's court by the Jewish doctor Abraham de Toledo and far dealing with polemics. 41 reactions towards the worship of idols in the Ka'aba enclosure. thus Nuove ricerche sul Libro della scala e la conoscenza dell'lslam in Occidenle. A. and a Spanish transla tion as Lihro de la escala M. as characters. 233. The book is entitlcd (¿uadripartita editio magistri Alani contra hereticos. Besson 37 Pedro ~onso: Dialogi. He seems to be the only Christian to quote the Islamic The reason why sight details change in ali the versions might be the tradition of Amon and Moab.rme delle fanti arabo-espagnole della Divina Comedw. traducteur d'Ibn Tumart''. cit. translated from the Arabic Kitab al- century. in Islam et chretiens du Midi. was ridicule Islamic beliefs than because the authors really thought it was translated by Alfonso Bucnhombre bctween 1339 and 1340 in París. a basic text in Islamíc rcligious literature. this tcxt Around 1200 Alain de Lille's Contra paganos saw the light. Raimundo Thc Liber scalae was not chosen because it provided accurate infarma- Marti hoped to demonstrate thc vcracity of the Scriptures.1da.farc de Tolcdc. p. 39 Islam insisted on Mulfammad's inability to perform miracles. 4·9. Assuming tion.. valdenses. mada and Pius II used it for thcir works.44. cols. p. Mediaevalia.: La escatología musulmana J' tions are also the samc: to defrnd the Christian faith by reason la Divina Comedia.

The natural conclusion for Islam to be successful in granting peace. Murcia 1997. " •:< Kedar. Primar:ily. thcn. cit.: op. It would appcar. After a nocturnal pilgrimage to Jerusalem (isri¡J) mentioned in it to a common object instcad of considering it "the miracle" of Islam. bis purpose was more informative than polem. The optimistic friar was per.368. but whose method was thc most revolutionary in the context (the pillars of Islam). that even other Christian authors considercd h:im excessive. From all this. p.116.ammad was taken to the seven heavens by Gabriel He would produce a work in the style of the Koran which showed by the ladder mentioned in the Latín title for the book. and promised Cent noms de Deu. for the pagan to convert to one of them. cit. the Koran 17. ed. pp. no chronicler or theologian writing about crusadcs in the Holy Land Finally. When William of an attempt to demonstratc by means of ph:ilosophy how many things Trípoli. 44 became Bishop of Jaén in 1294. the polemic: Trinity and Incarnation. which he wrote whilc he was a prisoner in and the . Pedro Pascual used to travcl to Granada with a safe-conduct to visit getic. dear onc to Islam: the names of God.. but finally was the Muslim exposed the differences among their fellow-bclicvers. Llull said that he to deviate towards violence. and so he wrote his treatise dcd- was conversion to Ch:ristianity.some- an idea which would horrify any Muslim then and now. Llull's Liber de partici..: Le tivre du gentil . There. R. 314. 364. Whilc the Jcw and licence to preach to the Christians within the city. His trea- Christian had enough with the simple explanation of h:is doctrine. J. . París 1966. thing the Muslims would never tolerate. al-'Arabf: El secreto de los nombres de DioJ. precisely an attempt to bring together both rcligions by making the We havc mentioned Pedro Pascual before.patione christianorum et saracenorum was ever produced treatises such as the Spanish ones. 14-5. iudaeum et christianum in being more objective than apolo. B. cit. L.94 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 95 ascent to the seven heavens is used by Espina under the heading it was copied or translated from an Arabic source.'15 of deformation of Islamic thought to demonstrate the evil contained Llull's most succcsful method of attacking the Koran was to reduce in it.tammad's law". instead of just writing an apology of Christianity.46 a book which was not quotcd by other Christian h:im the salvation of his people if they fulfilled his commandments authors.: op.: op. Thc three characters tried to prove the truth against each the captives until he was imprisoned. Aboul the namcs of God in Islam. pp. Thc book was adresscd to Latín Christians. at the end of thc book. Wheth:er 4 See the introcluction of Llul. it follows that the origins had written it "in the way of th:e Arabic Book ef the Heathen". Muslims were present in the everyday life of th:e latter. He had just returned from the ical. Worth noting is the fact that. each contender There is no figure in the fourteenth century to be compared with excused himself in case he had offended any of the others. and is a clcar example mer works in Arabic. not to Muslims.. and the third part of his book was icated to Frederick of Sicily. MuQ.ammad. 1270) mirrored Abelard's Dialogus inter Granada. the two religions had in common referring to the main subjects of cenorum around 1273. bccause it did not despise the Koran from did not hcsitate to attributc to this book the same rank as the Koran. Although thesc polcmicists. a Mercedarian who Bible a so urce for the Koran. the killed aceused of proselytism among the Muslims in 1299. he his admiration for the sacred text.. as thc 'Abbasid that a peaceful method involving discussion of doctrines would prove caliphate decayed in Bagdad (1258). Therefore. wrote bis De statu sara. Three Wise Men (c. by Pablo Beneito. This was thc origin of thc God h:imself sh:owed h:is pleasure in meeting MuQ. ous war between the knights of Saint J ohn and Islam. philosophum. before thc trcnd towards Islam in litcrature started the book seems to have been written in Catalan. the beginning nor did it start by questioning its divine origin. a Dominican in the convent of Acre. Raimundo Llull's Book ef the Heathen his trcatises against Islam. whose resolutions were establish:ing thc necd for The circumstances surrounding its writing were related to Gregory thc clergy to learn languages and considering the state of continu- X and his desire to lmow about Islam.and secondly. 1 +~ See Cardaillac. He adopted such a critical style in Within th:e same tradition. see Ibn H Lavajo. He managed to preserve his other.'13 council of Vienne. or one of his for- "About the foundations of Mul.. tise was quite hard and biased. He thought suadcd that the end of Islamic power was close. . bccause it The difference between European and Peninsular writcrs was that tricd to assimilate the Muslim way of reasoning regarding religion. The subject chosen was also a mct angels and prophets until he finally entcrcd God's sanctuary. is not known. that Alonso de Espina of polemics.

6064· and Ms.211 the ftftccnth. 5 1 52 r BNP. who incor. 7r. 49 Juan de Segovia himself owned a copy scripts of his mcthod rcmaincd in the cccl~siastical libraries (the ex- of Hermann of Carinthia's works which contained more or less the tant copy being in the cathedral of Seville). 4·072 respectively. and a copy of the De mittendo gladiis whích was probably the one Llull. coin- ciding with the converso issue. The manuscript was copied for the convcnt of San Pere de les Pu elles in 14 75. and thc preferences of each author dctcrrrúned tl1e more or less bel. Latin Ms. Juan de Segovia or Alonso de Espina. Latin 3352.96 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 97 of the argumcnts uscd by Alonso de Espina. the reviva! of old trcatiscs to face the Morisco problem). the National Library of Paris owns 124 mss. Montecroce. The Catalunya was owned by the Inquisition tribunal based in the city. both dated in thc fourteenth century with notes from 51 Hernández Montes. Caval- licosc message of their works. f. a step forward in literature on Islam.iammad him. of thc Univcrsity of Salamanca Library. Starting with the fiftccnth-ccntury authors' "library-history". H.: Biblioteca de Juan de Segovia. . polerrúc treatises since the twelfth century. either to their knowledge of Arabic. And this advance was due Among the books regarding faith there is Jcan de Rocquetailladc's Nova expositio or Commentum super prophetia C!Jrilli eremitae presbyteri simul cum commento Joachimi. making one of the most important libraries in Paris before dissolution. and in Rome {1606). the Koran translated by Robert Ketton. 4-0 FF. subject-hcadings. When Pius II's gcncration of prelates died. Vat. despite ali thc corrcspondcnce devoted to it by famous figures Buenhombrc's Disputatio Abutalib sarraceni et Samuelis iudaei. The rest were reduced this evolution of the polerrúcs about Islam. Only authors such as Martí. The book was also published in Venice (1592). Historical circumstanccs to encyclopaedic cfforts to summarize already-known information. helped these short treatises to come to light. pp. Bibliotheque de !'Arsenal. their collaboration with Muslims Juan de Scgovia and Pedro de la Cavallcría must be traced back to or thcir use of more or less reliable witnesses. The total amount was approximately 1272 manuscripts. Paris 1899. studied by Francisco Sancho in 1565 to make a copy far the Inquisition porated sorne new first-hand information. Torquemada's Contra errores was not widely diffuscd in 1304) were distributed among thc most important librarics in the until it was published after 1508 in Paris and in 1606 in Romc. 130. the manu- tion of thc Epistle ef al-Kindz.: Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque de !'Arsenal. Ms. included three related to National Library in Paris. 14503. Latin 3649. 102 and the Mazarino. and scalae Machometi helping to attribute the latter to Mul. "books devotcd to preaching''. The transfer of his library to the University of Salamanca is century manuscript from the Royal Library in Naplcs. Lat. 50 Thesc associations help to explain why Islam: a late version of De mittendo gladiis which mentioned the dispute there had been no great advance in the use of Arabic sources in with the Granadan ambassador. a transla. dated 1457. self.iammad's prophcthood might be L'Arsenal. But in any case Juan de samc texts. on the manusoripts 210. 48 Not even Juan de Segovia's De mittendo gladiis deserved much atten- Other copies also contained the Prophet's gcnealogy and Alfonso tion. Islam. formed later transferred to the Royal Library in Blois and finally to thc by thirty-seven parchment manuscripts. 253. CE. Both editions AJthough the difficulties in tracing the "library-history'' of the treatises wcrc acquired by pcoplc in Spaín and the one now in the Biblioteca de on Islam is great. a great mistake found in all the treatises which mention it. Thc books are arrangcd by 49 BNP Mss. can be considered as taking (once again. 99. B. it is 47 From the College of Navarre. the results provide sorne useful information. taken from this source. Ms. in thc Curia. The fact that a minor convent had a copy proves a certain diffusion beyond the high clergy or citizens Libraries: A n Approach to Diffasion of Saragossa. very likcly that his refutation of Mul. 51 The first scction. f 12 Lv. The last striking coincídencc is the binding together of Segovia was probably the man who did most far the knowlcdge of Buenhombre's Disputatio with Cavallería's Zelus Christi in a fifteenth. The manuscripts are BNP. Juan de Torqucmada. A complete list summarizing all the lería's Zelus Christi was diffused in thc arca of influence of the Catalan- sources hereby discussed can be found in appendix II. Ibídem. Aragoncsc monarchy. which was one of the richest testimonies of his work. Latin 1162.. From Martin. 52 Given the sources quotcd by Espina. Spanish manuscripts from the Collegc of Navarre in París (founded Unfortunatcly. Thc cityY The Collectio Toletana manuscripts in the National Library of manuscript was kept in the Vatican Library until thc Morisco issue París and the Vatican Library are bound together with the Liber caused a revision of ali the information available about Islam. In section four.

It probably disappearcd during the plunder in transferred to his son Diego (Archive of the Cathedral. 54 This legacy is most interesting: firstly. The invcntory is dated 19 Dcccmbcr 1496. or else quoted without a proper re. which is criticised. Madrid. a from Marques (France): there are two manuscripts of this version. pp. [ 45r. 59 Inventario de los fandos . 53 its Premonstratensian founders. AHN. the picturc fidei. copíed in approximatcly thc same period as thc Fortalitium by includes elemcnts of the Turkish inílucnce typical of the last years of the fiftccnth ccntury. 5. which means that his intended public would ncver get hold of thc teen articles. but unfortunately the manuscript has disappeared. Scc Antolín. among the In the samc ycar the first edition of the Fortalitium appeared and. 107. as is found in the main manuscripts. p. N . no matter if it was regular or secular. 34. treatises Errores legis Nlahumeti excerpti de libro legis ipsius. a priest a copy of thc trcatisc by San Pedro Pascual. The ones corrcsponding to the Saracens' war slart in in the general indcx for thc library of El Escorial at thc cnd of the 1vfol)arnmacl's genealogy. Bcsides this miniaturc.iammad. 58 In 1621. pp . but it is incomplete. G . arnong them Raimundo J\!Iartí's Pugi. Madrid 1923. lifc and successors: it has been identified as a copy incunabula and their traces can nowadays be found in the most of Hermann of Carinthia's De generatione Mahumet and probably a vcr.: Biblioteca bíblica ibé1ica medieval. pp. uncxpected of Spanish libraries: the monastery of La Vid (Burgos) sion of thc Chronica mendosa saracenorum. Finally. 60 Lópcz Martínez. the monastery of Sanjuan Section eight of the subject classification íncludes thc books "refer. there are scaks with a heart on eme of the plates (p. His wcapons are a scimilar and a halbcrcl. in demonstration of Christ's divinity. 609. Thc ncxt illustration corresponds to thc sixteenth century. ( 1960). There is anothcr mention ably a Premonstratcnsian. from then on. called L'Oisclct. It is enough to compare the list of his sources with thesc: most 57 Ali the editions are mcntioned in Palau y Dulcet.ammad's sect".: "Catálogo de los incunables de la biblioteca del de Espina. The author who enjoyed a broader audicnce was by far Alonso 58 See Vallejo Pencdo. There were also fifteenth century by a ccrtain Pierre Richart. an answer to cisa ibn Djabir's letter París and Bern. 60 Thcsc catalogues prove the cliffusion of Espina's the Koran translated by Juan de Scgovia and cisa ibn Djabir togethcr work among the clergy. The only engrav:ing The Latín version of the Fortalitium was copied for Bishop Pedro de of this eclition is placed beforc the incipit of the first book.629. Hispania 55 Ibidem. both of them in the Collectio owns a copy of the Nuremberg edition (1495) which was bought by Toletana. and not only in the Peninsula but throughout Europc. Obviously. and several others of a French translation without and anothcr Koran written in Arabic. Also in Rcinhardt. 56 episode of Lhc dcaning of l\!luhammad's hcart. ancl its weighing by angcls. it has bcen ímpos- tion of thc suras started by cisa ibn Djabir while still in Spain and sible to find a copy of his book in any noble library of the time. . 5 ~ lbidem. wiLh somc references to banners carried by his ancestors and drawn in the margin of page 323. 1495). vol. 53 Jbidem. . Unfortunately no eopy has been found of Segovia's two cal status. Bishop of "so that such a great multitude of souls redccmcd by Christ should Burgos (d. J. monasterio de La Vid". a famous patron of the arts. at ímportant bishops or tiny monasteries. K. there are marginal notes made by a rcader--prob- a parish priest of Sígüenza (Guadalajara). 26'. sorne of them dclivcrcd in Salamanca at the and finished around 14 71. A. p. others carne out in Lyon and Nuremberg. However.eca striking to see how indebted Espina was to this collcction of manu. J.: Catálogo de los códices latinos de la Real Bibliot. an exposition of Islamic doctrine in thir. H. This bishop ordered a great number of manu. books on Scriptural commentarics. which he ended in Ayton. It is the Napoleonic wars. de El Escorial. americano. Thc Osma as early as 14·69. de Corias (Ovicdo) had recordecl a volumc of thc Fortalitium (1587). and given to him by Nícholas of Cusa.fercnce.: "La biblioteca de Don Luis de Acuña en 1496". The motif is the gen- eral fight against thc enemies of faith. 108 113. & Santiago- Otero.429r).1. a brief explana. [ 425v. la. pp. 59 ring to the refutation of MuQ. thcre was one including Mul.98 CHAPTER FOUR TRADITION AND POLEMICS 99 therc is another copy of the Koran by Ketton and a compílation of The last extant manuscript was ordered by Bishop John of J\!Iagdeburg Víncent Ferrer's sermons.which might be thc onc used by clsa ibn Djabir to translate in Ayton.35. undcr the heading Espina. 324).o sleeved tunic. 63-64. LE. Ovicclo 1621 . of the Fortalitium.: J'{anual del librero hispano- of thcm are mentioned. . de San Juan de Cmias.1am. a note on the abrogations and sorne information about informatiori he províded except through members of the ecclesiasti- 1!lul.probably in Granada55. directed with sorne commentarics: thc Summarium psalmorum. Burgos 39/2. also ínclucles a copy not perish due to ignorance". beardcd l\!Iuslims are depicted wcaring a cap in the Morisco fashion and a long- scripts for the library of bis see. when his possessions wcrc sG It is recordcd a~ ms. scripts. time when Juan de Segovía was a studcnt thcrc. 81. Alchoran nominato Translations ínto Frcnch started to be made at the cnd of the (1455) and the treatise he wrote for cisa ibn Djabir. 57 Thc mad 's genealogy. given by special vvill The inventory of the library belonging to Luis ·de Acuña. Religión y cultura (1988).

& Santiago-Otero. 61 The clue to bis succcss is givcn by the re- mains of the fifteenth-century German translation preserved in Stuttgart. Cavallería's Z.. Nicholas of Cusa and. However. it would have been placed befare the book on hcrctics. developmcnt of methods and concepts and changes in the historical situation make their treatises resemble much more thc works produced after the thirteenth century. Espina's is thereforc one of the last type of works dcfined. inhabitants. This was thc rcason for the widespread interest the book deserved for more than two ccnturies Structure ef the Treatises after its writing. . CHAPTER FIVE Obviously. the most important sources were Ricoldo de Montecroce's Reprobatio Alchorani.datulus. H.100 CHAPTER FOUR mentioning the author. p. Raimundo Martí's Tractatus contra Machometum.. as soon as thc conqucst of Granada was over. but rather to illustratc. being a summa against all the encmies of the Church. starting from the ninth century. For a start. Juan de Segovia's is a short treatise (tra. Next. K. Thc information takcn from the chronicles will be discussed later in this chapter. The editions in clifferent languages continued to be pub- lished as a guideline for the Inquisition. kind of introduction helped to pose the question of Islam. The book devoted to Islam is neither the longcst (which is the onc aboutJudaism) nor the shortest (the one about witchcs) and is placed fourth. If it wcre for its importance for Peninsular clcrgy. Usually the authors had the same basic scheme: first of ali. The group of writers studied herc are heavily indebted to their predccessors. in a clifferent way. historical sources and series of excmpla used to illustrate the general schemc. although it is mentioned in several othcrs. For general structures. and for Jcan Germain thc di:fferent dialogues mentioned in previous chapters. There is a grcat difference bctween what can be considered the extcrnal structure of fifteenth-century treatises shown in appendix II. The contents of the books are never balanccd. a summary of thc ninth consideration on the expulsion of the Jews. The case of Juan de Torqucmada is similar to that of Juan de Segovia. opusculum) and Islam is the subject in itsclf. probably following the arder of Alain de Lille's Qyadripartitus. so Islam is refuted in just one chaptcr. a . but ít <loes not constitute a part of the external struc- turc because it did not help to organise. the spacc devoted to Islam varíes depcnding on the typc· of work. sorne 61 See Reinhardt. nobody was intercsted in the defeat of Muslims in the Península except its own CONTRA ERRORES NIACHOME11 . Jean Germain. 64. cit. Alain de Lllle's Qyadripartitus.elus Christi ís dcdicated in the first place to Jcws.: op. specific points. and the internal cohcsion of doctrinal.

: The Preac!tiug qf the Friars. was thc defeat of sitions: Christ versus MuJ:iammad. While the rest of the authors chose use until the fifi:eenth century. Leiden 1972. an iniquitous law. I.. London 1947.a. and Sweetman.: "L'Islam et les musuhnans chcz les chronic¡ueurs castillans". the explanation of the Creed was Although much earlier in time. Thc unity of Islam was Polémique byzantine contre !'Islam (Vlfl-XIII' siecles). and thc class1c Peters.-T. 130. pp. 99 -. Finally. 82. Christians. Moubarac. Revue d'Études Arabes. 1 Juan de Sego. Infidcls. 103 list of IVIuJ:i. D.106.: Relations hetween E'ast and 'West in ihe Jl!liddle ilges. vVethcringsetfs summa "Qy.. ters summarized the authors' aims. and · Vocabulary at times took the form of a refutation of the most important Islamic objections to Catholic faith. showing once more the 5 Richard. 120. J. Epalz. corresponds to th(~ list of subjccts to be preachcd. Espina included in his fifth consider- timcs be found following each individual error. pp. In sorne cases thesc matters coincided The terms ·used for Islam and Muslims are one of the easier systems with Byzantine objcctions-to the cult of imagcs. a forgery.: A1on~théisme coranique el monotlzé- a heresy.: La littéra. Carda1llac. an error. conceived as a • 1 Ibidem. Among etc. N. Hesperis- close links between preaching and treatises. about Byzantinc polemics. apologie et dialogue islamo-chretien. had problems in dealing with thc concept of Paradisc. a deadly poison. Thc length of this versus Muslims. which is the core of thc books. 17w classical texts and llteir interpretation. via. Martí. so it was easier for them to organizc the matter according much more determincd about what measures should be taken against to Christian dogmas. cit. which could somc. Y.ª study s:t~ject by ~ubjcct? see Masson. The best classification of anti-Islamic terms has been the argument was twofold. referring to Richard :iLaw~jo. togcther with the proposcd solution In the field of morals.ks devoted to this aspcct. p. D. although this led to a numbcr of deformations Islam. B.leJ docete. 2 In matters of faith.85.: Islam and tlze West.. Tamuda ( 197 1). Edinburgh 197 3. to discuss its clauscs onc by one.rab1:ca. thc classic Daniel. 22 (1969). E. although the chronicles referred to interna! struggks et le dialogue islamo-clzrétien. de: "Notes pour une histoirc des polémiques anti-chretiennes da~s. manual.52. in the Pcninsula. pp.: Irlam and Christian 17zeology: ~ stz1cfy ef the interprnlation rj' theological ideas in the two reli. L. a sacrilege. Maclnd 1979.: "Polémique. The plan of this work. a false religion. Hagarens or Ishmaclitcs. vV. fifteenth-ccntury authors did not try to last part. Espina and Torquemada share the same arguments. ~'Occiden~ musulman" A. 4 referring to the works of ninth-century polemicists. for he is mcrely sum. which were unconceivable for from thc theological point of view in cxtensivc works. of Islamic traditions. typed images which introduced new argumcnts. Biblc versus Koran and Christians the Saracens and triwnph of the Christian faith. Argel to note that most of these words were takcn from the Bible. ation the whole argumcnt about the twelve articles of faith. the compilation of articles by Baker. for example. l. pp. All of these names were used to providc the reader with stereo- the boo. the last chap. Islam was considcrcd • 1 F~r . 203. whilc T orquemada is more succinct. . Bouamama.. a supcrstition. 120-121. many of thcse names remained in one of thc most successful tapies. for the sixtcenth century. Pagans or just the Enemies. 102 CHAPTER FIVE CQNTRA ERRORES MACHOMET! . un enfi-entamiento polémico (1492-1640). Faith and morals were thc main areas macle by Lavajo. G.i bene /Jresunt". These 1988. 375 -4. marriagc. of the devil. A. M.gions. Paris anachronisms reduced the understanding of sects and interna! fighting 1977 /transl.:i Generally. Princcton 1990. varíes according to the follow Islamic doctrine through Islamic sources because of the lan- definition of thc plan of action: Espina and Juan de Segovia are guagc. see Khoury.: ]udaism. thc mcanmgs Other arncles are: Anawati. F. C. thc discussion was focused on thrcc oppo- to the problem which.: betwcen the different groups of Muslims. an invention zsm~ ~zhlzque: doctnnes compares. musulmane co~tre le C'l~'li~nisme depuis ses on'¡[ines jusqu'au XIII' siecle. a sect. no matter how or when. p. can be cstablishcd as follows: Positions classiques médiévales et positions contcmporaincs" Ew. Beirut 1972--73.. but it is interesting ture polémique. Discussion of Christian doctrine at times followcd a catcchetical programme. 5 In thc contcxt of lberian literaturc. Clznstzam!y and Islam. l he followmg argument 1s based on the work about the nature of preaching by D'Avray.: L'Islam thus cmphasizcd. A. Arabs) Moors. their only innovation is presentation and connections. Pans 1976. 18-1 (1971 ). 1:-·: kfonscos y cnstzanos. thc most common denom- inations wcrc Chaldcans. Usually that religion. Edinburgh 1960/ 1993. or to measure the degree of rejection a particular author felt against with the rcasons given by herctics to leave the Roman Church. of conftict. D.ammad's errors and thcir refutation. For Muslims. J.: op.205. Evcn one of the best-informcd writers) Raimundo marizing the Pope's appeal to the crusade-in only onc chapter. Saracens. Subjects for Islamo-Christian polemics havc already been studied adultery) repudiation and sodomy. Cavallería.

R. Ferrando.. Saint Jerome had wrongly . f 142rv. meaning "son of agar"."Ishmaelite" also had a Biblical origin: thc sons of Ishrnael. Kedar. cit. who claimed to dcscend from Sarah's legitimate branch. It is difficult to find such precision in other Latin. O. R. "sarrasine" was used for a non-modest 13 Cagigas.: op. 6 Kcdar. groups of population who kept Arabíc as their language in the Iberian kingdoms whíle it was being replaced by vernacular Romance. 91. 15 Muslims werc called. I. wards.: El dialecto andalusí de la 1Harca kledia. woman-perhaps bccause that is how Christian women who acccptcd living with 14 Vernet. árabe (reflejada por las fuentes latino-romances)". the fcatures of the character for. 16 were the pre-Islamic inhabitants of the Arabian Península. Obvi. 9 Península. see Terés. Thc rcst of thc authors only speak of Mu}:iammad. at least in Europcan ones. 8 ing is observed in the editions of the Fortalitium rnade outside the . etc. p. p. appcars in the Chronicle the Chronicle qf 7 41. I. It was used in this sense by Pedro Alfonso."Mudejar" was a localism from thc Arabic muda4jcijan. Almoravids wcre Moabites. Corriente. 16 See FF.: Western Views qf Islam. As Ishmael was outside thc Covenant so were thc Saracens. for he was relying on origins by means of other Biblical names: the pcople from Córdoba historical sources..: Li sarrasin dins la literaturo prouvens:alo. such as Felix. de las: Los mudijares. they are usually understandable. . " BRABLB (1965 ·66). Los documentos toledanos de los siglos 9 Ibidem. p. rneaning "the from the Bible or classical mythology. 144r. Madrid 1992. . 59. To becomc "Saracen".: Cristianos y musulmanes en la España medieval. 353. cit. taken from thc Biblical name of the tri bes which "Moor" (mauri) was used for the Berbers from North Africa since inhabited the regían later known as Arabia. Lí However. Zaragoza 1995. vassal. according Epic songs show a number of diffcrent ways to call individual to Bede.. others are taken Another suggcsted etymology is the Arabic sharqfyzn. 91.: op.. However. Sorne examples are: "Avdalla" for cAbd Allah. 105 "Chaldean". M all Muslims in the Iberian Península.ccssarily cvil. despítc the ously."Arab" is uscd for an cthnic and linguistic entity. p. and appointed according to Orientals". 63. 31. Christian kingdom in the Península. meaning iclers to do so. so thcre descendants cstablished in the Iberian arca. 880). as opposcd to thc líterary . Thc Chronicle qf was not ne. B. a particular social fact which necdcd acknowledgement in language. II (1991) and III (1992). p. the term had gaincd a pejo. 1 Barkai.13 Its use as a pcjorativc. I. while a Muslim was a pagan. and their spelling. XII y XIII. 144.: op. p."Saracen" dcsignatcs a member of thc rival religion. it was applicd to Muslims living in the same region. 11 a Saracen mcant to become a Muslim. It is found in documents to designate Muslim vas- to use the name "agaren". 6 Muslims: sorne have Christian names.. p. 14. while differentiating their ethnic Alonso de Espina uscd real Arabic names. "Gibla Tarif" . By cxten. de las: Los mudefjares. sometimes Arabic names are found. The Arabs for Djabal Tariq (Gibraltar). J. more AljOmo VII (twelfth century) used "Saracen" as the general namc for or less changcd whcn translated into Latin or vernacular languages. descent from a slavc was considered pcjorative in the eyes of opinion of sorne experts. 7 In the Chronicle efAljOnso III.: op. . W. In provcnc. p. B. I (1990). JO Cf. It was also uscd for thc are no furthcr difficultics. "Abderramen" for cAbd al-Ra}:iman. but again thcy change according to Peninsular Ara- wcrc Amorrheans. Cagigas. Anaquel de estudios árabes. marginal term is not real. F.: JÍrabe andalusíy lenguas romances.: "El conocimiento del Islam .. R. 10 11 Cf Barkai.. A worse render- sources. ecclesiastical literature always uscd the name and urged chron. Toulon For a study on A. . 12 Barkai. and Andalusians were bic (which had its own pronunciation) and to their translation into Hagarens or Ishmaclites. Phonctically ali can be considcred correct according to medieval sion. See Simon. since the Arabs sals of Christian kings in the Península from thc fifteenth ccntury on- wcrc believed to come from the clan of Abraham's slave agar. cit. 104 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETI ."Barbarian" was an influcncc from classical authors used in the used the etymology of "sons of Sarah" in his In Ezechielem. Since Chronicle ef Alfonso VII 12 then. 8 Southern R. It was currently used in documcnts from evcry ef AljOnso !JI (c. In my opinion it is just a word suited to Christians. 21. etc.rabie words in Spanish. p. K: "AntropOnfmia hispano- 1974. he rative scnse in the description of Islamic triumphs. cit. it was more accurate according to tradítion tributary. p.

whosc strcngth were to ensurc understanding by social groups who werc lcss familiar with the chains which tied the man. These characteristics are shared by the men m when military symbolism ftourished in literature. it was in the air. II.• . adjusted to the general contents.:. who himself had received the order from thc highest prelates. 21 ordcrcd The first to use this stylc was Raimundo Martí in 1278. Frarn.125 . when he by Bishop Pedro de Montoya (1454-7 5) among a great collection of callcd his treatisc against Jews Pugi. the that should be the target for Martí. but military alkgory can be lraccd back as far as the Pryclwmac/zia written i 1 f. On the defendcrs of the Christian faith to cut "thc bread of the divine word" first pagc thcrc is a coat of arms from the Housc of Burgundy. 446··1147. of Love) as a fortified towcr with threc corners and a high stair. thc Pugi. the "daggcr of the faith". 20 lectual weapons". In the first manu- to ali thcse authors. In fact. dressed as thc one described bcfore. going. 22 Art historians have of Barcelona. but no Jews or Muslims. 118. The metaphor continues describing each Our authors would. an caglc. and ccrtainly to St. polemics: Diego de San Pedro defined his Cárcel de amor (The Prison Whereas in thc Ibcrian Península their features varied from the Christian ones. has just JO Lavajo. kept in the Bibliothcquc du Roi in Ilrusscls. especially a lance. 'l'here are heretics. promote Christian faith while destroying non-orthodox doctrines. and the oth~r any chivalric action. the fiftecnth century was a time an armourcd knight with a turban. Ms.. Martí wrotc thc miniatures are not signcd and have been attributed to the l\!laster Pugi. Valladolid hy Prudentius (348-41 O A. 1990. the staircasc was the Anguish which led utcd to enhancing prose. 18 tower there are still sorne bishops. books signed by his chaplaín and secretary García of San Esteban Thc sword of the divine word was a motif already included in Biblical de Gormaz. As or even dcvils. and to the right four more laclies look at two men in a territory where war against Sa:raccns was thc background for fighting. A landscape in the Renaissance stylc provides the background. Auguslinc's Ciry of God. makc an extensive use of these "intel. such as the attitude of women in the windows. Distrcss and Effort.he his attacks on the Christian faith. Therefore.: op. thc four pillars above. pp. On the other hand.D. Historians agrce in attributing a belligcrent mood to writc about the enemies of the Christian faith. . no enemy was considered more dangerous and inevitable thanJudaism. díflerentiate what Europc understood for "IVluslims"-Turks--. The text contributcd to. The main sccnc is agaín the fortress of faith housing the Pope and prelates. the most effective symbol was doubtless thc use of crature. rhetorical cxcrcises contrib. Diego de San Pedro: Obras. The same scheme is repeated for each book. detail in the scene leading to the tale of thc prisoner's love story. A frame of vegetation finishes thc page. Other figures involvcd were King Jaime I of Aragon and 20 Raimundo de Penyafort. p.. which depend on thc part of the work. Saracens werc reprcscnted according to a simplification of should penetrate deeply into the sccrets of thc adversary to neutralize patterns common to most Northern European ma~uscripts of the time . To thc left are two Christian ladics and a lord. former general of the Dominican Order. anti-popes and bishops. The same pattern is followed by the French version of the Fortalitiwn rn I have omitted refercnccs to carlier writcrs to make the argument more easy. it was ncccssary thc tower were Sadness. 17 And indced. In a context such as the Iberian Península in thc Indeed the fortress was a commonplace in Castilian medieval lit- fifteenth century. Around t. while women detend it with spears from the killcd their fury against Christ". the miniaturcs rcprcsent this idea once and again. it is not surprising that Espina chose this symbol military figures./lS edades del hombre: libros J' documentos en la Iglesia de Castilla y Leon. the foun- dations were his faith. the prisoncr to his state. his undcrstanding. script of the Fmtalitium from the cathedral of Burgo de Osma. 'The texts and broadly used in ecclesiastical literature. He is wearing a long robe. J. with the Goldcn for thc Jcws. As a result. his memory and his will. the three images which crowned weapons mastered by ecclcsiastical writcrs. his The use of symbolism and commonplaccs is one of the intcllcctual rcason. stood theological vocabulary. over a capital and finally. onc of whom 1s threatcned by a Saracen w1th Chivalric ideals had their place among rcligious thcory. 384. and werc considered a proof of authority.o fidei.-1 ERRORES MACHOME11 . several figures with courtly and more popular robes by thc patrons of the work themselves. 20067. It rnust he notcd that illumination in Germain's Débat is more 17 Ribera Florit. 107 0Jmbolism According to the cxplanation of the prisoner in thc tower.o on command from his superior in the convent of Smnt Catherinc a of Osma. therefore. the dagger figures within thc decorativc frame and the characters around ít. these looked rather as courticrs in disguisc. one of them a Saracen. p. Thc title might have been suggcsted windows. changing sorne slight details. meaning his mind..: op. 21 In the Frcnch vcrsion of the National Library of Paris. pp. one miniature. Jeronimite monk callcd Spinosa. . For all of them. as opposite to the lberian image - Northern Africans. XIX. the motifo are vt~ry much thc same as in thc Latin versíon. . Saraccns wcrc rcpresented according to a simplificatíon of pat- tcrns common to most Northem European manuscripts of the fiftcenth ccntury. J. Among the clergy. . and more balanced in that cvcry book . Around thc towcr. . and a Turkish turban . 19 And not only in the vegetable frame. cit.. cit. 106 CHAPTER FIVE CQNT!l. at thc samc time as thcy "stranglcd their impiety and Fleece and the device "Plus cst en vous". as a dagger to defend and also have lances.).o meant a dagger to allow preachers and dated 1480.

preachers should parallcl to Islamic misdeeds through the centmies. still sketches without spiritual oncs were devised for defending from the dcvil". Geoffiey of Bouillon. of French military triumphs over thc Saracens starts at this point. befare the Turks conquered Constahtinople. That book IV is dominated by its ninth considcration. Therefore. law 1OS. f. 49. Jcsus commands a host answer.hortation a Charles VII. . the "crusader king" is :fighting the Muslim army uscript g. 9r. There are three small devils on the scene. the army is ready to defcnd it. devotcd to :Niuslims. It depicts the fortress of Pedro de Osma. lowing books <leal with hcretícs. and dcvils and witchcs ble fonction of underlining the value of sorne passages of the book who surround the fortrcss everywhere. 109 considcred them within the Hispano-Flemish Humanistic style. 24 Jews. Jews.l 70. f 3r-.: Miniatura. And they should have thc couragc of a lion. justicc.197. the heretics who are undermining the foundations.: E . which bears the inscrip. to bccome a triumphant Church through victory over According to the de:finition at the beginning of the Fortalitium. room was left to :fill in at the places where away below. Islam swung the balance. ~e. FF..108 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOME71 . Muslims.-and here he elaborates a geographical the faith". which can be de:fincd as an illustration "in the broad scnse". See also by the samc author "Diccionario de iluminadores españoles". 27 25 FF. Illustrations should have the dou- chains who try to persuade thcm by words. 2 ·t Smeyers. as although they have survivals from the Gothic International and fifty-eight battles fought bctwccn the two rcli- of the Order of Santiago is drawn on all the shields. BRAH. i. etc. a famous J ohn and Saint Louis were an example for Charles VII to follow characteristic for every hcro in epic narrative. well as temporal armours were cstablished for the defense of flesh. On thc highest tower. This idea was already on the path of crusade. 211 Germain. Peacc reigned five books into which it is divided are thc towers of its "fortrcss of before MuJ:¡ammad's arrival. 38v. J. 140 (1957). the Christian and complete the mcaning of the tcxt. Likewise. pp.l 2r. Germain 23 Domínguez Bordona. the Dialogue du crestien et su sarrasin. claiming illuminations were intended. The names of use their own armour.: La miniature. in his Exhortation a Charles VII pour aller autremer uscd Fortalitium. Most of them are sccnes of war. about Muslims. thc Islam. the maín cause for unrcst in the known world.e. The shall be explained whole scene is an allegorical illustration of the four books in the J can Germain. 55r. p. where it says: "Item. M. the Pope in the centre surroundcd by book about Jews seems to be more valuable to Espina than the one prelatcs and kings. 23 suggested in Alfonso X's Setenario. 260--263. Alfonso X: Setenario. Clovis. the king of Cyprus. The bearded Saracens run to what has remained. f l lr. 26 The fol- any colour in most cases. together with bis knights.. in the cross. including 90% of the miniatures illustrating the original man- Outside the castle. Takíng the whole work. .ives sorne cluc. as well as thc opening pagc dcpícting the coat of arms of Bishop based on the general contents of thc book. which was precisely thc word of God they Charlemagne. the shield of faith. a tale of angels who are fighting a parallel war against demons. 191. the one below carefully designed. Inside the castle. On the fortress thcre is another device: exempla was the reason to illustrate only this part of the book. save the initials are only three illuminated eapitals and onc illustration depicting the at the beginning of cach new book and a splcndid miniature in thc topos of the dissecration of the Holy Host in the book dcvoted to incipit. the miniatures are still urrfinished. Muslims and witches. pp. The cross of onc hund.. J. pp. as "We confess that Jesus Christ is truly God and a true man". Prester had to teach. the example of the saints. so the layout of this manuscript was their influence on thc :fighters: "Saraccns are mine''.fficult to say why. Thcrc Only one part of thc manuscript is illuminated... 28 In his other work. 26r. A long legendary chronícle several virtues. Probably the use of chronicles and illustrations as the central scene is saying. and according on horseback. Jews in although it is di.27 faith defended by angels and Christian knights against an army of Most of thc illustrations corrcspond to book IV. 108r. such as continencc. 49. gions. it has a didactic-moral function. The first book25 givcs more details about the armour study of all the regions where the Christian Church had :flourished- which Christians must wear to fight their enemics: ít consistcd of but aftcr him. However. the galley of hope. and a figure of Mary. even more so Psalm 14 7 as an appeal to the militan! Church betrothed by Christ if we think that it is the only non-profane illustration in the book. so the relative importance of the subject is not the tion "Tower of strength facing the cnemy". 72r. and lacking dctails.


interpreted the Acts of the Apostles in the same light. Book Ill symbolized by thc scven heads of the Bcast·----were defeatcd by
describes the "conquests" made by the Apostles in the manner of ncw Eraclius and how, later on, MuQ.ammad appeared as the Antichrist
Alcxanders. They are "laúghts" who perform "chivalric duties and feats" in his place. Thosc two figures were identified throughout thc whole
for thc Christian monarchy, or scnators in thc Roman tradition. exegetical medieval tradition, in thc commentaries to the Apocalypse,
Anothcr military symbol uscd by Espina was thc reference to 13. Howcvcr, the explanation of the Beast's features might difler
Mul:,iammad's predecessors carrying banners or standards, in the according to the author's purpose: for sorne it representcd the seven
chapter devoted to his origins. Banners were associated with war, as capital sins; for others, it rcpresented temporal power, as in this case.
symbols of battle and victory, and thus would be understood by any- The tradition of idcntifying the Beast and the Antichrist can be
body familiar to the ideas of crusade and war. The "soldiery of traced back to St. Gregory, who was mcntioncd as their main source
Christ" (miliá'a Christi) had a corresponding "banncr of Christ" (vexillwn by ali medieval polemicists, starting with Álv~ro and Eulogio de
Christi), namcly, thc cross, the symbol of the passíon and rcdemption, Córdoba in thc !ndiculus de adventu de Enoclz et Eliae, contained in the
the sign of Christ's victory (vexillum crucis), which was latcr used to Corpus Nfozarabicorum.33 Espina's interpretation can be seen as a mixture
mean the cross sewn onto thc clothcs of the crusaders. 29 Lil<.cwise, of thc images created by Beato de Liébana and Joachim de Fiore.
Isma.<Il, Nizar and Mul;iammad himsclf had their own banners with Based on Beato are the heads representing thc kings and the horns
three inscriptions: "haughtiness of life", "vanity of the world" and as thcir kingdoms, but sorne part of the original and more complcx
"lust", representing evil. 30 Actually, Espina was also referring to a image was lost. The multiforrn devil incarnatcd in the form of ani-
habit of the Islamíc world where, from the earliest times, the Prophet mals and monstcrs which was onc of thc favourite symbols of oppre-
or the caliphs bcstowed holy banners upon their generals at the sion for the l'VIozarabs did not appear in fifteenth-century trcatises,
bcginning of a war. Gcnerally Arabs tíed thcir flags to a staff only nor did thc idcntifieation of thc Dragan (Apocalypse, 12) with Satan
befare battlc. 31 and thc Scrpent. 34 Sorne dctails have been changed, likc thc division
In thc account of wars of the Fortalitium, banners also had a specíal of the kings into two groups, the last three being the ultimate ene-
place, connected to Saint James's apparitions. They had been uscd mics whom the Antichóst must fight. Another proccss of simplification
by the Church from the clevcnth century in processions, they wcre made the ten horns- ·--which in theory bclonged to the fourth Bcast,
mentioned in Church inventaries, etc., but there was still a distinction: symbol of the fourth cmpire of Rome-be transfcrred to the Bcast
church banners were long staves turning into crosses at the end with in general, 35 as wcll as their sense of temporal power. The Beast was
small cloths hanging from transverse bars overhead, differing from thus deprived of its eschatological meaning to become part of a polit-
war banners in which the flag was afüxed directly to thc staff. Kings ical and providcntial plan of history, within the context of Espina's
asked the Pope for banners of the saint befare going to war, as was interests.
the case of the vexillum Sancti Petri. They were rcligious symbols, The perccption of Muslims within the history of salvation coincides
pledges of divine protection and victory. 32 On thc contrary, those with Joachim de Fiore. Thcir role as persecutors of Christians and
carried by Mul:,iammad and those of his kinship meant a plcdgc to precursors of the Antichrist was exemplífied by thc figures represented
the devil. by thc Beast's heads: Hcrod, Nero, Constantine or Arian, Chosroes
Another favouritc image is the ídentification of Mul:iammad with or thc Saracens, the King of Babylon, Saladin or the Turks and the
the Beast of thc Apocalypse. Based on Alfonso X's Primera crónica Antichrist. 36 Continuing to simplify, Espina preferred to use only the
general, the text tells how Emperor Chosroes and síx vassal kings--
Emmerson, R. K.: Antichrist in the A1iddle A,~es, p. 22.
Cf.: Lav::i,jo, J.: op. cit., p. 137. See PL, vol. 121, cols. 513-555.
Erdmann, C.: 171e Origin ef ilie Idea qf Crusade, Princeton 1935/ 1977, pp. 35- 37. 35
See Delcor, M.: A1ito )' tradición en la literatura apocalíptica, p. 49. For Lhe expla-
° FF,
f. l 16v. nation of this metaphor in the Cmpus Jlíozarabicorum, see Lavajo, J.: :op. cit., pp.
Erdmann, C.: op. cit., pp. 42, 51. 136 ·138.
Ibidem, p . 53. Beato de Liébana: Commentarius in Apoca!Jipsin, p. 23 . Daniel 7, 7- -2t1.


Bcast's fourth hcad, i.c., Chosroes or, dcpending on the context, a k:ing, he called himsclf a prophet, simulating his holyness. He was
1\!Iul;tammad, accorcling to Innocent III's bull "De negotio Tcrrae so violent in his doctrine that after being taught by a Nestorian
Sanctae": monk, he had dcceived the Arabs with his pretended law, by means
of incrediblc miracles. He persecuted Christians with careful schcmes,
Et quidem omnes pene Saraccnorum provincias usque post tempora
such as forbidding his disciples to dispute their law and to study phi-
bcati Regorti Christiani populí posscdcrunt; sed ex tune quidam perdi-
tionis filius Machometus pseudopropheta surrexit, qui per saecularcs losophy. 1\!Ioreover, he started preaching to common people so that
illcccbras et voluptatcs carnales multas a veritate seduxit; cuius perfidia he could claim to be a prophct without opposition, and he made
etsi usque ad hace tempora invaluerit, confidimus tamen in Domino, his law lustful to attract more believers. His claim of being God's
qui iam fecit nobiscum signum in bonum, quod finis huius Bcstiae prophet, his false miraclcs and epilepsy made him a great deceiver.
appropinquat, cuíus numerus secundum Apocalypsin Joannis 9 intra But he was also a cruel tyrant because he made his disciples live
sexcenta sexaginta sex clauditur, ex quibus iam pene sexcenti sunt anni
completi. º7
according to his example- that of the Beast- undcr penalty of death.
Whcn he said they must believc in God and his mcssenger, he was
The identification of the year of Muf:iammad's death was a Spanish asking his people to believe in thc Bcast. 39
product, for in the first text where it appears, the Liber apologeticus Resides the inaccuracies contained in the text, explained by the
marryrum, it is dated in the Spanish era (38 years less than the Christian effort to ridicule the Prophct, there is a difference between Espina
era). Probably, Espina's most interesting contribution is the calcula- and Torquemada: whilc the Fortalitium starts with l\lluJ:¡ammad's
tion of thís number as 666, this time using thc Christian era: based chronologicaI biography and then introduces the description of the
on thc tcxt of the Apocalypse and considering that according to the Beast according to the Apocalypse, Torquemada, probably due to
Speculum historia/e of Vincent de Beauvais (1254), Mul;iammad only lived lack of time and the structure of his work, bcgins dircctly with the
for sixty-three years, he concludcs that six hundred and sixty-six is identification with the Beast, explaining fcwcr and usually more
the munber of years that clapsed from the moment when Our Lord deformed cpisodes of the Prophct's biography.
becarne man to the end of Mul;.ammad's life. Beato de Liébana had
provided the meaning of the Greek equivalent to DCLXVI (antemos
arnoyme leytan). After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Espina could C/zronicles in Polemics
elaborate the rest of the calculations. 38
For the same purpose- the identification of Mul).ammad with As has previously been explained, the collectíons of cxcmpla were
thc Beast- Torquemada cpose a simpler scheme. Follovving Jacques introduced from scrmons into preaching líterature. Considering the
de Vitry's History ef the Eastern Church, he tried to provc through different sourccs from which these exempla wcrc takcn -,,-fables, every-
Mul;.ammad's biography that his lust was the sign of hís being the day life, legcnds, hagiography, history--- it is not surprising to see how
Bcast. His fiftccn wives and two concubines confirmcd his doubious Iberian historical sources becamc part of the treatises. This happens
moral principlcs. His ambition made him climb in social status as a trend in Iberian books such as the Valerio de las historias, a col-
through tradc and marriage but, as he could not manage to bccome lectíon of exempla related to Spanish history. A great part of it
(Book I, title V) is devotcd to war against 1\!luslims. Thc book was
"Ancl certainly Christian peoples owned almost ali thc Saracen provinccs con- first published in 14-87 by the royal chaplain Diego Rodríguez de
tínuously until after the times of thc holy Regortius. But since then was born a Almcla.
ccrtain son of destructíon, the pseudo-prophet Mul)ammad, who seduced many
v\Tycliff's Opus evangelicum (1384) used wars against Islam ;to explain
away from Truth by mcans of secular entícements and lustful plcasures. His perfidy
has grown continuously until our times. Ncvcrthclcss, we trust God, who has already violence in the W cstern world. Ali those wars had thcir origin in
given us sorne good sign that the end of this Beast ís approaching; and its number sin, being a clear dcmonstration of thc nccd to rcform the Church.
according to thc Apocalypse ofJohn is limited to síx hundrcd and sixty-six, of which
almost six hundred years have bccn complctecl." PL, vol. 216, co. 818.
FF, f. l l 7r- v. CE, pp. 10- 15.


Howcvcr, in his De fide catholica he defended thc notion that every- orthodox caliphs. The struggles for power in the Near East are omit-
body could be saved, cvcn Saracens, if thcy appcalcd to Christ befare ted, except to mention that thcrc were two caliphs, in Egypt and
death. Thc cxplanation of Islam in a context of schism was a product al-Andalus, no doubt influenccd by the propaganda circulating in
of the excesses of ecclesiastical institutions, including the papacy. It the Peninsula ever sincc <Abd al-Ra}:iman III and the stories from
is rernarkable that almost every medieval author conceived Islam as the crusades. That is also the reason why Saladdin is mentioned sev-
a punishment for sin- whoever the sinner might be. era! times, whilc no other sultan is. The rcst of thc chapter deals
The use of these sources in fifteenth-century polcmical literature with the peoplcs who did not acccpt Islam in Eastern Europc and
responds to thc following features: in general, thcy are historical those who, bcing pagans, <lid: Turks, beduins, cte., with a very bricf
examplcs, takcn from chronicles or hagiography; thcir origin is nor- account of their geographical situation and their cultures. Evcn the
mally medieval Christian tradition, with an cxccption such as the differences in the way of praying taken frorn Christian prcdecesors
Liber scalae from Arabic litcraturc. Thc inforrnation comes from writ- are noted. The work rcveals sorne first-hand informatíon which no
ten sources rather than oral, although sorne part of it might be thc doubt Vitry was ablc to obtain during his travels.
author,s own. 40 It is hard to agrcc with Lavajo, who considers thc- On the othcr hand, considerations VIII and IX are closely related,
ological works "more serene and better informed"41 than historical the former bcing an account of wars between Christians and l\!Iuslims
.ones. Ta.king the case of fifteenth-century Iberian writers, the more «by means of arguments" and thc latter "by means of physical
historical sourccs thcy use, the more accurate thc work is. Usually wcapons". In the structurc of the book, the function of thcsc n-vo
when thcological thought is counterbalanced by historical facts, not- chapters is to introduce thc reader to the most important argument,
withstanding thcir intcrpretation and situation in differcnt contexts, explained in three considerations: the reason why Muslims occupy
rejection of Islam is less harsh. the Holy Land, what should be imposed on them whcn they became
Of all the writers studied herc, Espina is the only one to use mate- subjects of a Christian ruler and finally, how and when the end of
rial from chronicles ali through his work. In the Fortalilium fidei this their power would come so that thcy would serve under the Christians.
is particularly noticeable in consideration IV, entirely devoted to the In this aspcct the scheme respccts the use of exempla in sermons,
criticism of Mu}:iammad's ascent to heaven as told in the Liber scalae for starting from an anecdotc, in this case the secular triumphs in
and reproduced in Alfonso X's Primera crónica general. Considcrations battlc, the author reachcs a general conclusion: the end of Muslim
VI and VII refer to Mu}:iarnmad's death according to the same powcr in the Península and the rest of the world. And in cvery single
chronicle. Thc story of the first caliphs carne from Jacques de Vitry's battle he recounts thcrc is a particular moral conclusion to learn from,
Liber de rebus et statu Yerre Orientalium. Finally, consideration IX is so consideration IX can be taken as a collcction of cxempla in itself.
devoted to thc wars and triumphs of Christians and Muslims in the Only Jean Germain used historical rcfcrcnccs for the same purposc
Península, the Holy Land and Constantinople. 42 as Espina, although he did not kccp the structure of a chroniclc. He
The information takcn from J acques de Vitry for considcration also preferrcd to use episodes of sacred history rather than accounts
VII is a vcry interesting anthropological tcxt, and it is surprising to of specific battles, and was particularly fond of mentioning the geo-
find it in a book such as the Fortalitium is said to be. Again this is graphical distribution of saints and relics to support his cxplanation
a proof of Espina's rclativc objectivity whcn it carne to something of thc devclopment of Christian communities. 44
more historical than rcligious.+ 3 MuJ:iammad's succession is told in a Espina's use of chroniclcs is directly related to his social back-
somewhat unorganised way, only mcntioning <Al:r out of the four ground and his position at the Castilian court. Since thesc; particular
groups wcre the ones to mal(e decisions about Islamic affairs in the
Península, his work can be read as a manifcstation of the prevailing
Sénac, Ph.: L'image de l'autre, pp. l 1H· 1'12.
~1 Lavajo, J.: op. cit., p. 24 7.
FF, f. 12lv- 125r, 14lr- 17lr. + I See Le livre du crestien' .. , [, 399r-4 l 9v and the Exhortation a Charles Vil . .. ,
B FF, f. 134r· 135v. f. 6r- 15v.

The problem posed by the of translators he founded in Toledo. the Poema de Fernán González (c. The "longing death and Espina's own life.: The Arabs and JVIedieoal Eumpe..: 77ie Arabs and lvledieval Europe.31. thc blanks of the Crónica general. 1250). a famous school of Iberian ecclesiastical wrítcrs active fulfil their military duties while preachers would coopcratc with their in the thirteenth century. he chose mostly royal chronicles or far authentic material"45 had led Alfonso X to encourage the transla. to make them de Clerecía. and the Poema del Cid (c. illuminations. 94. introduced by the Almohads. including King Alfonso III on his horsc (wars n. Muslims were always depicted with 46 . 48 Smeyers. cit. the half-moon standard <lid not appear in thirteenth-century as type-subjects. as a way to work on thc Arabic oral tradition. and the more elaborate chivalric helmets under Alfonso III King of León and his successors (28 wars). given that it is its main source. until the greatest cxpansion of Islam was reachcd (9 wars). . This with worked vizors. These wars and their habit of wearing long robes instead of foil armour. but always leacling to a final defeat of the latter. Thc structure of considcratíon IX is simple: after Alfonso X's an epic tale about the first independcnt Castilian count. Finally. introducing cas. p. as was ordcred for Mudejars. Consequently. Espina used Gonzalo de Bercco's Life ef own m1ss10n. or mcdallions. to fill and fifty-eight battles which could be either Christian or Muslim tri. 46 The rcst of the sources come from the Mester minds of high clergy. .: op. explanation of the most important battles or miracles. Daniel.. Alfonso X's Crónica gen. Helmets bined front of the Carolingians in Catalonia (15 wars) and the bat- also ranged from mere basinets or conic-helmcts to thc Moorish. 93. the mcant thc incorporation of a numbcr of Mozarab legends bascd on book can be read in another direction. R. in the Alhambra we know that by thís time many of them did shave. Fashion had developed on both sides: against the Visígoths for the conqucst of thc Península are used as Christian armour varied from Fernán González's haubcrk to the backgrormd for thc beginning of Christian counter-attack.116 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETI . having an Primera crónica general (c. there are illustrations which differ from the Alfonsinc miniatures. And interestingly cnough in a book At the same time.411 and thus repeated throughout the narrative. landscapes had changed. and therefore the illumination Each chapter of thc Fortalitium is arranged around sorne key-:figures of the Fortalitium must be related to one of the versions of the chronicle. Wars ings were just imitations. 50-·-·52). which remained the in pcrccption. there are scvcral features in the Fortalitium of them are profane. Thc fact that only this part of intermingling of European books containing crusader traditions- the Fortalitium is illuminated suggests a continuation of schemcs of such as Jacqucs de Vitry's. 1278). 1207). or legends. N. whercas the ones in fifteenth-century draw. 47 eral might be one of these type-books. p. linked to miracles like the building of thc first church There are also sorne common featurcs such as the double-lobcd of Saint James. Espina develops a tale of one hundrcd important symbolic meaning. information gathercd from Byzantine traclition. Thc weapon par excellence was javelins. 1200) coexistence-always under Christian domination. 47 Southcrn. cit. nobles and the king himsclf. in any case the sources which he would tion and use of Arabic material by means of the vcry famous school certainly find in any ccclesiastical library. 48.: op. San Allillán de la Cogolla (c. 117 trends. which are grouped in "sagas" or collections of traclitions. Starting with sorne which encompass a religious theme. tle of Covadonga in Asturias give way to the core of the Reconquest fashioned round steel-caps. pp. The Arabic lcttcrs written on sorne of them were real Thc first series starts with the wars against the Byzantinc empire sentences in the Cantigas. although through the frescoes expcll thc Saracens from the Peninsula. the distribution of miniaturcs is linked to the about Islam. thc rcligious per. Although most When analyscd carefully. Howcvcr. Mul). and also to a nurnber of figurcs in the central margins shields (adargas) of the Muslim army. poems such as Alfonso XI's.ammad is represented not once. with. M. but rather a grcat imaginative development combined same when the book was copied into others. N . . W. according to a subject classification. 45 Daniel. sonality of the author conditioned his views on the possibility of The use of Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada's Historia Arabum (c. For the period between Alfonso X's umphs. The conclusion is appalling: crusadc was the only way to beards. part corresponds to the most impressive miniatures built up in frames tles in the Renaíssance taste rather than real bulwarks for defcnce. The com- tournament armour in the aforementioned first miniature.was that they were not a good excrcisc decoration linked to certain categorics of books. 1252). Sorne of them are chosen banners. p. 30.

general are not only intended for brcvity. from Alfonso X: P1imera crónica general. but rathcr a collection of cdifying battles to movc lance in a small miniature in war 99) and the fall ofJerusalem before opinions. 50 (wars n.: La imagen de los musulmanes . 49 by a fiercely determined orthodoxy and religion had become thc . 15 7): whilc a Alfonso VI and Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar "El Cid" (30 wars) showing miracle occurs. illustrated by the capture of Antioch by Espina did not attempt an exhaustive journey through ali the Penin- Raymond of Toulousc (also rcprcscnted by a saint holding a holy sular Reconquest. The moral identity of Europe was preserved soldiers in the margins of different battlcs (wars n. 51 Daniel. A. Continuing with thc Rcconquest probably due to thcir cxcessive "worldlincss". and identifying the cncmy with the Saraccn. 66. with the help of an angel and is definitely a subjcct for anothcr large Two tcndcncics can be appreciated in the Forlalitium: a providencial miniature (war n.: Islam and the West. N. except Jaime I of Aragon. King Femando III and King Alfonso VI compared to Andalusian fashion. image is that of the Turks' defeat at Belgrade (war n. 87-89. 76. i. there is a short account of thc battles fought by Alfonso XI of God's punishmcnt.. the Christian army. Mu}:iammad was an instrument plars. 106-109) as well as large sccnes Omissions are as important as mentions. directly linkcd death.: Laforteresse. . As for the Second Crusade (3 wars) and view of history and a nationalistic and patriotic feeling which informed SaintLouis's crusades (7 battles). It is interest. Dating disappears ideas in the Península. However. The garrison is emptying the city and the 1\!Iuslim princes líe to the Visigothíc kingd9m. 107-111). marized. p.5. 121). . First. Also thc gaps in the text of thc Crónica dead beneath the walls while their army is disbandcd. were caused by the sins of their rulers. Geoffrey of Bouillon (wars n. p. the absence of any in the Península. dcscribed by the sourccs as somcwhat ridiculous as the margins dcpicting El Cid. M. the next seventeen wars include the battles of miraculous tradition to attach to them. there are scvcral unlmown Christian the wholc argument. He is showed fighting Castilian kings were included. 567-1009. The last largc as much as twelve wars. p. The last Muryammad ibn Abi cAmir al-Man~ür. A. fights thc Turks. in armour clifferent from that the national feeling of the author as much as his rcligious aims. 119-120). 299. 16 are lakcn. and there is seldom more than one reference to cach God-providence had a dircct participation in war. three battles are devoted to the Turkish advancc towards Constan- tures. compared to the amount of battlcs concentrated in the periods text. There followed the feats of Fernando 1. 99. expression of that sense of idcntity.. 151. ''º Bunes. depicted in a bíg minia.iarnmad 4 G Ali these episodes starting from war n. After the destruction of the T em. 148). which madc thcm useless in Alarcos and Navas de Tolosa. due to the need to stress Castilian besieged by sea. The latter was won by Alfonso VIII thc context of rcligion. These are combíned with the advance hero Bernardo del Carpio. Therc are sevcral small figures in J anissaries caps. This uscd in the Ibcrian Península. I. The fall of the Visigothic kingdom and that of Eraclius's cmpire of Fernán Gonzálcz or Alfonso VI. or is wrong. . The climax is rcachcd with thc wars of of the Banü 1\!Iarin from North Africa and the rcsistance and capture Fernán Gonzálcz of Castile and his son against the Chamberlain of the south of the Península around Granada (1 O wars). sorne wcll-known battles are missing in his account. First Crusade (6 wars). Charlemagne thc King of Morocco and thirty Muslim princes while the city is of France and Sancho of Navarre. Even ture due to the fact that thc battle was won on the ycar of Saint Muslim authors uscd to see Christian history in this way: Mul. but also to avoid most ing to see that thc Moroccans are dressed diffcrcntly from Andalusian Islamic triuinphs and to leave aside internal strugglcs among Christian Muslims (wars n.118 CI-IAPTER FIVE COJVTRA ERRORES iv!ACHOMETI . but that did not mean that God had left his (8 wars) including the capture of Algcciras. 119 are intcrrupted by a raid in Rome and the parallel story of the epic Jamcs's Jubilce (war n. . 51 being the basis of nationalistic the chapters become shorter and more confusing.100). princes. cither complete or sum. Thc Castilian lcgcnd of the seven Infantes de Lara descrvcd tinople and the Portuguese conquests in North Africa. The next scene shows the same place aftcr El Cid's claims to be the oldest monarchy in thc Península. people abandoned or that the power of Islam would be eternal. Meyuhas Gínio. a fact which could be highly discouraging when trying to On the intcrnational scene the kcy-cpisode of this period is thc persuade these leaders to engage in wars "of religion". also depicted in several minia. 90-91. 78. 25. When the information contained in the Crónica general is finishcd. only Leonese and about thc conquest of Valencia by El Cid. . according to the reign.c. Thesc are wearing series is the most heavily illustrated.

pp. D.: op.120 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETJ . 1456). 98. 58 Enríqucz del Castillo. 51. W. thc unity of t11e Peninsular kingdoms was ncvcr men- that death for the realm or for the faith was better than slavery. patron-saint of Castile. France. according to tradition. cit. all warriors wcrc the Aragonese would fulfil the same role as the French. so this invasion of the sacred by Castilian socicty regarding the rest of the Peninsular kingdoms. cit..: of!. . Castilc had bccn creating a self- 55 Tate. J. .: op. was not always welcome.: Ensqyos sobre hisloriogrefía jJenin. L.: op. and Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo ' . This was specially so regarding Carol. The fighting was between two religious communities. and was openly manifested in the chronicles. B. Saint more than in Aragon or Portuga1:5 ~ The nced to establish the older Isidore.. · 53 Lavajo. The statue representing Archbishop Carrillo was named after Don ingian campaigns in the Peninsula and. pp. was a very helpful dcvice. 53 In fact. R . cit. 122. cit. cit. pp.dcalt with Europeans in chronicles affairs of the kingdom were omitted. to such an extent that intcresting way during the two-month siege of Simancas. whom his contemporaries thought shows a special identification of fifteenth-century Castilians with their were ready to betray both in treaties and battle. 58 Rada's Historia arabum was a better exarnple of coexistence than his The parallel suggested bctwccn thc two churchmen helping to bring De rebus Hispaniae. 57 Crusader ideals started to have sorne infiuence on Peninsular thought. pp.. any externa! cooperation against Muslims was considered dangerous Thc soldicrs dccided to stage a parody of the dcthroncmcnt at Avila. Don Oppas the Visigoth and Carrillo the Castilian> it difficult to trust the Saracens. 15 1-· l 52. Identification from Alfonso Vl's reign. Cardaillac. 240 ff. ai... ·Royal chroniclcrs likc Palencia were re- werc foreign to them and their interests and intcrvention from markable in this natíonalistic trend. B. p. Saint l\llillán or by other holy figures such as abbots. 56. duc to his use of Arabic sources. His Anacephaleosis shows Miracles werc God's more direct way of intervention. conveno bishop of Burgos. 52 María (d. far they acted as protectors of Muslirns. Alonso de Espina preferred the old way of uniting Castile disappears when the Peninsular case is discusscd. While Alfonso García used royal . 5 ·1 Bark. ' against Muslims--even the feeling of Euro pe against the N car East gcncalogy. R. called Christíans without making too much of which kingdom thcy In the thirtcenth centmy. though easy to dcmand. when other Oppas. tioned as a condition for Christian triumph. pp. bishops or superior origins of the Castilian monarchy through mythology and or angcls. Popular awareness of their historical past was manifosted in a very and Castilians startcd to dream of hcgemony. Latcr on. 56 Howcver. in general. 52 56 Richard. : op. perforrned mainly by Saint James. Peninsular monarchies were involvcd. pp. 212-213. planned his Compendiosa historia hisj1anica in thc samc spirit. Jiménez de helped the Iviuslims in their first incursion in to the Península. prose writers including theologians. 242. and legitimacy was never ques- and the way they did with Muslims. Castilian conscíousness grew as anti-Frankish of enemies of the faith vvith encmics of the people or the country feeling <lid. .. is justified in the opposition of Christ and Muhammad and Christians cspecially with respcct to Granada. cit. It would be hard against "thc enemy" and referred to fighting against Islam as the to establish a difference between thc way Castilians-not so much link bctwccn the Visigothic power and the Castilian rulers. 57 Barkai. . Internal the Catalans and the Aragonese. D. Both Europeans and Muslims tioned except by the sword. the traitor brother of Don Julián who. and their acquaintance with epics as a source of histori- A special patriotic feeling can be obscrved in all fifteenth-century cal information. It is the case of Alfonso García de Santa Castile. cit. These werc how traditions were remodelled for conternporary situations in Castile. new val u es emerged su ch as the notion bclonged to. 121 al-Qays1 thought that thc Christian defeats at Algcciras and Almería awarcncss which greatly affected ali works bascd to sorne cxtent on were a punishmcnt for the expulsíon of the Ordcr of Templars frorn chronicles or story-telling. . R. 54 Regarding Islam. p.99. not historical sources is clcarly rclatcd to thc self-awareness developed only between ethnic or social groups.mlar. to a lesser extent.: op.67.: op. ancestors. But still he found clown monarchy.243. Ct: Phillips. for the interests of the realm. in ~ 465. and is usually related to the use of local sources for their books.

11. included not only magic. 62 It secms again that Ibcrian through miracles. secondly. 25. The Christians took from the Arab writers literature proved that Mul)ammad was spcaking in thc name of God the emphasis on MuJ:iammad's dcscent. Southern realiscd that Christian authors preferred to lcarn However. after the linguistíc approach of wcll considered that it was used as a talisman. a but also the Trivium and Quadrivium. show the rights of God"s messenger). according to sorne authors. R . nor any 67 authors rejectcd Mul.. embrace of Islam". written by the qa(l.iammad".ammad also dauned that the Prophets 64 CE. 65 This kind of lslamic the thirteenth century. which cven brought him a crown. and to understand .-Th.Q_ammad.: The Arabs and Medieval Europe. 26. B. Nor could they ards. thc Prophet's identification with thc Paraclete new trend which would prove dangerous for religious dialogue. for it only referrcd to the Day of Judgcment and with thc Holy Land. 79.i\!Iul. after whom no other would come.: "Thc Earlicst Latin Lives of Mul. Islamic biogra. p. Thcir was severcly condemned by Christian writers. pp. debate was fruitful. lcading nations to the worship of the one God. 59 Thercfore. ".iammad wíthin a theological tradition accept that his name was written on God's throne: firstly. 89-101. stated that a real prophet thc Christian fathers were not ready to accept. See Wolf. Mul:i. Long ago. Prediction lifc than other European ones. J\. Nonc of these wcrc satisfied by Southcrn.64 he married several of a prophet were goodness and virtuc. 66 Whilc polemics referrcd to dogmatic qucstions su ch as the mys. 123 Characters far Polemícs ascetic prophets. Penpectives de la catholicíté. because far from his own. Documentación aji·oasiática ( 1. pp. His apprcciation was that "thcy wcrc flceing from the in the clcvcnth century by Abü Nu<aim al-IsfühanI and al-Baihakü. 233 and ff. and men to holincss of lifc and concord and peace".i\!Iu. was so phcrs were taken into consideration. 141v. 5. [ 7lv..63 Both Raimundo Martí and Ricoldo de Montccroce. Several anecdotes demonstratcd that he was lustful: he The othcr signs which wcrc supposed to demonstratc thc e:xistcnce claimed to have the sexual powcr of forty men. p. . which was started throughout the Arabic world thc Prophct.ammad to be sure about such a prcmise.iammad's claim to prophethood. pp. N.12. S. 63 Khoury. But thesc were not the only things to be considered for condemnation. pp. .: Islam and t!ze West.6. ' pp. 138v. thereforc.: op. Among the lies Mu}:iammad was accussed of uttering was his claim tery of the Trinity and thc like. because had to mcet several requirements which wcre not at ali clear for therc was no way for JV1ul). Also. was impossible to chcck. The most important were his lack of qualities such as clevation of a) lvlu~ammad's biograph:J1 spirit and contemplation. p. although scholars do not agrce on thc exact impor- authors were more fa. and his attcmpt to lic for God's sake. p. then by marriagc.: "Les théologiens chretiens . 6 1 Gradually. 6~ Schimmel. in Conversion and continui[Y.f 'Iyad. Bibliography about the Prophct was of course idolaters.122 CHAPTER FIVE CON1RA ERRORES MACHOMETI . maliki theologian who actcd as judge in Ceuta and Granada. Christian authors did not refcr to a litcrary genre callcd "thc the Koran or Islamic bibliographical compilations about the life of proofs of prophecy". with other prophecies from the Old Tcstament. 7-14. 67 Th e refercnce is to John 16. K. . . his social improvcments first through trade and plunder. he even married his own son's former wife. as was his identification mistake was to attempt to validatc Islam according to Christian stand. GG Jomier. of the Old T cstament had announccd him: ZC. that would give Paradise and the throne a corporeal naturc which quoted by T orquemada and Cavallería. 11. 33. N. cit. the ability to work miraclcs times contravcníng thc Christian idea of cclibacy and the model of and the quality of thc law he preached: it had to be "holy and good. When Christian to be the last prophet. thcy started a prophecy be made. 62 Daniel.. spccially thosc who had no contacts was not considered. 1L And Mu(wmmad is his messenger. W . the transmission of Mul)ammad's The genre consisted of pseudo-biographies of thc Prophet relating lifc by European authors was heavily conditioncd by Christian \i\Tcstern the miraclcs which made him acknawledged by animals and humans notions: a spccial emphasis was given to his low birth in a family of as God's messengcr. 5 ~ CE. and bis cultural the Kitab al-ShijaJ Ji ta'rff hukuk al-Nlustafa (Thc book of remedy to training which.miliar with traditions rcgardíng Mul:iammad's tance of miracles in the making of a prophct in Islam. in their attempts to reject JVIu}:iamrnad's claims to prophet- about 1\/Iu}:iammad from "thc meagrc Latin sourcc" rathcr than from hood. 6Ci ni D aniel.972).: "La noción de profeta en el Islam". 60 abundant another classical work of special importance in the Península. A. 84--86. . .

N. used good friend of Mul:iammad's father 'Abd Allah. 69 Thc final proof was the success of Islam-its expansion. that was the reason for thc amount of Biblical information broken moon" as part of MuJ:iammad's magic powers. A.. should conceal the divine messagc or be stupid. be faith. 70 elfolica. p. both within Islam and Christendom uncle's caravans. BaJ:iira.aJ• superstición en la literatura caslellana . M. the authors from Córdoba used the myth of Mul:. and himself a learncd by Lucas de Tuy.Q. p.\/fagi. a ncsses". 180. 6 Y Schimmel. Raimundo Martí.: "Marc de Tolede . 76 The Crónica general cxpressed Eulogius's Liber apologeticus marryrum. The most complicated exam- Islamic orthodox doctrine. l 19r. pp.depending on the tradition--·. this idea-as did Espina in the article about the authorship of were considered accurate sources in medieval tcrms. they were agreeíng with and on the edge of the known world. pp. N. N. The story of thc dovc was D 'Alver. CE.~ used ~y Frances~ Eíximenis.. I. which said that MuJ:iammad's only miracle ple of accúlturation in this background is containcd in the Contrarietas was the rendering of the Koran. . h et was use d ior . shahiida. which is full of misconceptions. I. L20r-v.". expert in Jcwish and Christian laws. 33-37 . quoted the samc qualities for the Prophet: "the biographies VlrrÍttcn by Espina and Torquemada.: The Arabs and kfedieval Eumpe.71. Cavallcría's references Prophet has four necessary attributes: he must be truthful and trust.. When MuJ:iammad travelled with his not necessary for his mission.: The Jlrabs and J\!ledieval Europe.: . 71 and aftenvards by Alfonso X and Alonso de man. 71 Lavajo. Espina pre.iammad "the mage " . and Christian infl. "the misrcpresen- compiled by Mu):iammad ibn Isma. M. specially the ones medicine and alchemy. The idea underlying such a legend was that ferred the pscudo-miracle of the dovc and the bull to prove that his Arabia was an area subject to outside influence because it was unruly doctrine was based on tricks.: Daniel. p . fir. In both cases. pp. Torquemada refcrred to thc miracle "of thc writers. contained in the Koran. Eulogius's biography of Mul}. Christian writcrs. 94. 76 Lavajo.iammad's life were more easily acccssible in d' Aurillac. Seville their predecessors. cit. cf.: Nuove ricerche . . { L40r. in thc Espina. E.ny. 124 CHAPTER FIVE CONTI&l ERRORES 1WACHOMETI . 52. Daniel. referrcd to Montecrocc's Disputalio.: op. sagacious and intelligent. a wandering monk in Arabic tradition. Also Garrosa Resma. For Christian this aspcct was strcsscd. he met Sergius and bccame his pupil. 14.: op. . who could rcad Arabic. Since sources for Mul. had was considered as the centre for divination. Cerulli. It is ímpossiblc that he should lic. According to tradition until the Collectio Toletana was diffused in the Peninsula.. 6ª However the Sanusi. who entcred the legend of the Península as being famous Latin. 18---19. Daniel.yya.. · 75 ° 7 CE. He was a author Theophanes wrote another version in his Chronographia. 73 ch. f. thc accuracy of fifteenth-century writers relied vcry much on for the learning and practice of magic arts on a large scale. p.uences on thc Prophet and the society of his cpoch. 21. thc Prophet learnt about Judaism. astronomy. he has definitely to proclaim the Divine word and has to be biography. are only to sorne short episodes. confusion is thc overall imprcssion when analysing the late l\!Iiddle Agcs. 8. he "cor- efforts of MuJ:iammad and thc Koran to prove that miraclcs wcre rupted" the neighbouring tribes. 72 On his In particular. 1 !8.. p. astrology. while Toledo and Córdoba used the Sfra rasul Allah writtcn by lVluJ::iammad ibn I~. A. which was considered flight to Arabia.119..74 Th e same ep1t . 57-58. . 242. But sorne polemical texts such as Saint of thc grcater learning of the Arabs". the question of working miracles.: op. 70. cit. 73 The story was omíttcd by MuJ:iammad asked his followers to bclicve in God and his messenger.. in thc were associated with the teaching of mathematics. which was uscd as the formula to submit to Islam. pp. p. When Seleam thc Jcw and the Pcrsian Salon. FF. thc Montecrocc--where 1tiu):iammad was said to be taught by Bal:iira. such acknowledgcment should be denied for ali Instead. pp.and later transferred to Espina by means of Ricoldo ·de Thc last attack was against the very foundation of Islam. The legend of Balµra-Sergius condcnscd the manifestation ofJcwish less or treacherous. eighth century and the collections of traditions. The Byzantine MuJ::iammad's sect----in the story of a Jcwish astronomer.ammad and did not appear in Iberian he was asking for the aknowledgemcnt of his mission. J. One possible trait is that he may be subject to accidental human wcak. When the time carne for 72 Ga Cf. 300. 75 In the words of Daniel. al-Andalus (1951). Despite the or without sorne collcagues. 125 MuJ:iammad according to Christians. <lid not carn general agreement.. became Sergius. T. ZC..'ll al-Bukhari and Muslim ibn tation of the Prophet as a mage may be an unconscious recognition al-Hadjdjadj al-QushayrI. so his cannot be considered a proper worthy.e Scotto and Gerbert the other rcasons mentioned throughout his biogTaphy.: Islam and tlze West. Ncstorian monk who had bccn expelled from Christendom. cit. and either with essential as a refutation. J.

A. Christian writers of cmpires at thc same time. because it was was too late whcn she discovered that her husband had epileptic easier to deceive peoplc claiming that he had received rcvelation fits. f. by Espina to explain why J\!Iul...-·. The arabs considered Khurasan to be the key province Jew can be identified as thc sourcc of thc tradition. p. CE. Lahore ~1 Daniel.. . it was diffi. 243. thc point of morality not always. 82 CE. 32 the daughtcr of one of the Arabic rulers. 1..· 126 CHAPTER FIVE CO.. Mal:ik or Abü Darr. he testified about successful in European polcmics.but rather a forgery of already-established St.tammad and thc cahphs claimcd it..------------------·.iammad's birth. 127 Mul. bccn going on for several ccnturies. 13.tammad's lifc was monstruous. Such a recurrent reference is ímportant for Maryam.iammad had to ask God for revelations to justify his desire John and the Nestorian Sergius. but oftcn.iammad's doctrine being unoriginal. the souls believing in it". 27.. John Damascene. p. quotcd by Ricoldo in a more elaboratc way doctrines which made him a heretic.. Schimmcl. and this negative image was implied in this cpisode.. 77 although trans. which was not Christian cyes. the Prophct's But thís was not enough with respect to the origins of Islam. 'fhc story was collcctcd by 1976.: Tlze Arabs and }. Ct: Daniel."'S MACHOME11 . prophet and a secular leader. 77 Muslim ibn al-Hadjdjadj: Sa(zih j\¡[uslim . 103. ordained for the ruin of nisms in his biography. Although thc struggle between pope and empcror had yet clear by the time of John Crisostomos. ° 7 79 FF. . The The concept of religious and secular leadership togethcr.78. about epilepsy. 80 a tradition takcn from the collection by J\lluslim.. It claím himself a kíng.78 But whíle Khadi'dja was considered a matter of state.NTRA ERRORt. Daniel.. . thc wife of his adopted son. the same Jewish astronomer and govcrnment of Syria after his marriage. Cf. change God's messagc according to his own desires.. H:l R. 81 Since the tradition was "taught him natural sciences and the law of Jews and Christians.: op.. Mu}:l. As Daniel stated. N. well-informed about the history of various was as important as the fact of God sending revelations in response Christian heresies. and thcir chronology makes Islam thc culmination to political. in the fact that writers considered his followers in a group apart from way Mul. At least. f. But by means of the marriage. somethíng which Christian and often the sum of ali the hercsies...use it cncouragcd lust. p... Polygamy was beca.. cit. that was the interpretation of thus not rcvcalcd by God. eithcr Anas ibn of the <Abbasid territory: whoevcr controlled it.iammad had also become a formed to build up two different storics. But in general.. controlled the caliphate.: 1he Arabs and A'fedieval Europe.1124) and rctaken by Vinccnl de B cauvai~... . Christian both the Crónica general and the Fortalitium insist on Muhammad's writers saw this personal defect as the reason for Islamic polygamy. based on the sura 93. MuQ. Hamid Siddiqf. "Latins wcre as a justification of adultery. 83 J\!Ioreovcr. 79 However. vol. The closcst any fifteenth-century writer got to it was Tor- were known to be easier to deceive than men according to medieval quemada's accusation that when J\!Iul:iammad was unable to pro- standards. training in the desert not by one. .. Women criticism.cult to rcgard Islam as a heresy. When Abü According to Jiménez de Rada.. ed. the From thc knowlcdgc he acquired. Mul. by A. 12. a messenger of God and a conqueror lady of Corozan (Khurasan).: Islam and the West.. and Zaynab.use . Later on.Jiménez de Rada: Hútoria arabum. . 1091. 242. he pretended to be a prophet. That was certainly anothcr matter for cnhanced thc fact that Khadiqja was one of the first bclievers. . p .ammad was offered the throne Talib assumed the custody of the orphan. was quite strangc to heretics means an acknowledgement of the difference. He explained them as a result of Gabricl's apparition. but by a couple of monks: thc heretic for Mul.. a revelatíon from God which was not contained in the Bible.icoido de Montecroce: DisfJUlatio. N . N . p. 84r. none of them claimed to be a The next step in the Prophet's career was bis marriage to Khadidja. and she 8 ° FF. The story was compiled by Vincent de Bcauvais. social and family problems. l 18v.. Hugh of Fleury (c.M:Ul. he took ali those things which he Prophet's lordship of Khurasan is one of the most interesting anachro- latcr included in that evil sect he created.ammad dared to out in detail". misundcrstod by Christian writers. 18. so other wives were a matter of lust and cause for scandal.. t: 99v .. greatly stars and announced it to hís parents. Ivl.. an argument sometimcs worked authors were not at all used to.tammad was thc first herctic to claím that he had received bound to be dangerous beca. quoted by Torqucmada and used thc hcart of Mu}:iammad being washcd and weighed by two angcls. p ..Jedieval Europe. p. in the criticism it implies of Mul.. Pcrhaps the figure of thc secular leader. the Jew interpreted hís destiny according to the bclíeved him. 52. introduced into Christian literaturc afrer thc cleventh ccntury.. 232. p. p.

85 Albimor ut vidcrct quomodo iaccbat et secundum quod narrat Luchas Alonso de Espina used another curious passage of the Crónica general: Tudensis in cronica sua invenit corpus a canibus comcstum corrosis the legend of l\llul. Tune Albimor collectis ossihus sepelivit in civitate quadam to be original from the Iberian background. So was the legend of his bones being gnawed by dogs. Thc approach was too harsh. cligna marte terminasset. In general. whcre he continucd his conquests. MuJ:iammad in 632 and the last Visigothic kíng lVIuJ:iammad's falschood and· achieve conversions. R. M Jiménez de Rada. f. Chronicon mundi. . to. able for thc history of al-Andalus. the shortcst in the book: Despite the religious intcntion of the treatise. 86 87 FF. It tells how a certain quae dícitur arabice Medina Raziel. it was the other way round: the messagc subito dcdit animam dyabolo magistro suo. quod dcbcbat mori et rcsurgere Wars against Islam ran through a period of seven centuries. Sic ergo qui inter eos prudenciores füerunt. A successful onc would doubt- fetorem eius tolerare non posscnt.. especially if it helped to expand God's pars discessit et post XI díes mortis eius venit predictus díscipulus eius mcssage. et ideo intellexit everywhere in the Islamic world: the Iberian Península. 494 and Lucas pp. and espe- worth noting that ali the characters in the story were contemporaries: cially this chapter.tammad crossed the sea towards Visigothic Spain in the last year et irrita extimantes. But MuJ:iammad was warned by the devil and managed to The main point to be deduced from this passage is the withdrawal escape back to the East. cit. or by worms. It is well of believers from Islam. Sed postquam ipsi viderunt quod non resurgebat ut prcclixcrat et and incompletc for thc last prophct. Machometus book-·-since again we are only refcrring to thc F01talitiumfidei-from autem statim ut bibit mutatus est omnis color eius. Quare predictus discipulus eius destemperato quodam veneno tradidit ci ad bibendum occultissime. precisely when it becomes more cia a morte ad vitam sicut ipse preclixerat. For the governors of al-Andalus. . Saint Isidore.128 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES MACHOMETI . focused on the spiritual and humility. is absolutely unsuitable for any Muslim to read or listen remains obscure. are intcnded for that purposc: to demonstrate Isidore died in 636. 13. Quoted by Cerulli. which corresponds to their military function. However. 134r.263. et dixit illis sarracenis qui ibi erant Africa. 85 CE. the Fortalitium provides good informatíon on what should have been the main lines of gen- Sexta consideracio huius libri est de morte Machometi. et ideo quod ali kinds of governors. and tercia díe cotpusquc suum ca díe deferendum ad celum. 34 For Muslims. and had to be intended only to The Prophet's death had to be the final proof of his evil life and reach Christians who were ready to accept an antithesis of thc figure habits. dignum enim eral knowledge of Ibcrian history. maxima less use force if compcllcd to. ordered his mcn to catch him. is its excessive dcpendence on Alfonso X's Crónica general and the lack Unde cum implerentur decem anni regni sui ab illo scilicet anno quo fuit elevatus in regem in Damasco computando.. without concessions to the figure of the least accurate as far as dates are concerned.: op. 245. 87 who was just on his way back from Rome. His false announcement of resurrection was obviously a counter. consídcrantcs ctiam quomodo índignam vitam of Recaredus's reign to preach his doctrine in Córdoba. 261. dcprehensa seductoris falsitate omnia quaecunque dixerat falsa Mul. 86 which secms ossibus. FF. quidam discipulus eius of infonnation from later chronicles.. 478. .: Nuove ricerche . p. decem anni sui regni essent impleti. Syria and the Turkish empire. l. de Tuy. All thc biography of thc Prophct. Espina used the term dux. of Christ. ah eius lege discesserunt. Quo dicto nities were correctly establishcd. Primera crónica general. the way called Recaredus did so in 621.tammad and Saint Isidore of Seville. This hiatus is particularly notice- cuius nomen Albimor voluit experiri si resurgcrct Machometus díe ter. their dig- cum eo quod per aquam salvarentur et veniam invenirent. and it had to be conveniently cxploitcd. The only objection to its method fuerat ut fnús eius ostenderet qualis ipse fuerat in vita et doctrina. However the tradition Prophet.. discipuli autem sui clilígcntcr of Christ. Dixeram enim quod postquam confusíng. relicto cotporc inhumato. sccmed too weak servaverunt corpus expectando quod resurgeret die tercia ut dictum cst. caliphs and sultans are mentioncd in the non traderent sepulture. Egypt. l. p. Espina b) Muslim kings and heroes was so keen on using ít that he made a wholc chapter of it. l 18r. Northern quod mors sua appropinquaverat. so whoever wrote the story was at the subject is introduced. image of Christ's. Thc tcxt is copied from the P1imera crónica general. E. 129 from God.

9 ° FF. pp. The term "sultan of Babylon'' was incorrcctly used for Spanish Christendom was not satisfied with a heavcnly warrior pro- the Mamluks. Mul. 93 of situatiohs which were noticeable to the Christian kingdoms. 49. was mentioned as ''the most and produccd a definite bias. 163v. whcn thc patriotic feeling was growing Barkai comes to the point when he states that "the intcrest shown 91 Barkai. 90 given from heaven by mcans of an emanation.130 CHAPTER FIVE CONTRA ERRORES M1ICHOMETI . Jamcs's intervention as the "nacional" patron-saint. f. which wan in Badajoz or the Banü Qasf in Calatayud-depict the variety used miracles systcmatically to support a newly created self-awarcness. 9 • Ibídem. ners. refercnces name of "king" (rex) of Morocco the dignity of "amiramamolin" of are so short that they just act as countcr-heroes as regards Christian Western Islam. 92 and is not simply bascd on prcvious sources. . Bramantc's daughter. In theology books. 89 while Saladin was just mentioned as a warrior. 89 ~~ Jbidem. Espina chose to call them reges again. which is to be seen particularly in the powerful among the Saracens below cAbd al-Ral:iman". triumph to the Christians. 115. dcscend to earth. Furthcrmore. as kept using this title for the caliph of Córdoba. for instance. al-Mansü. he added to the same their only qualitics must be the warlikc ones. A digrcssion on thc crusades shows Espina's interest in introduc- ing sorne of the chivalric Arabic heroes: Nür al-Dfn was called prínceps e) Christian saints Damasci and Damascenorum rex. al-Mansür by the Crónica general were omittcd in the Fortalitium. most important monastcrícs in the realm: Saint l\!Iillán. thcy also refer to these other aspects that the caliph was the hcad of the believers only ín al-Andalus. 38 but no figures of Muslim herocs. but they made him Africa and the Nasrids from Granada were all identified as reges. this tendency was emphasized Mul:rnmmad ibn Ahí e.: op. is much greater than that shown by Muslim chroniclcrs of <Abd al-Ral:iman 111 against thc Egytian Fatirnid rulcrs who were about Christian socícty" . 241. onc of the ways to distínguish war against thc The only licence in this matter was the figure of Bramante. following thc propaganda communities. Saint Isidore.9 1 Although the chronicles are mostly dcvoted trying to superscdc the <Abbasids.rabie ruler of al-Andalus according to the Carolíngian epic cyclc.. p. but when thc Almoravids and Although Espina cannot avoid the presence of Muslíms in his work. the angcl Gabriel. 131 For Mu<awiyya (661-680).. the Banü Mar- Alfonso X (Espina's main sourcc for the historical chapters). Particularly that of thc division of the Andalusian caliphate-for instancc. whereas the contemporary Banü Marfn from North tector-such as. the oncs who were actually and the hosts of angels who fought the l\!Iuslims undcr the holy ban- mentioned in the text were correctly placed within their to their ovvn Christian history. R. the Saraccns from fighting other peoples such as the Normans. 148v. For the period of the Taifa rulers. 94 Warrior saints Carolingian epics were only mentioned at the point of the tale of appcar in the elevcnth century. Y et the author stressed thc fa. the Muslims.r. Here is the great differcnce between this area of Christcndom and Finally. giving him the role of a contender in the fighting. Almohads succcssively conquered al-Andalus.ammad II was acknowledgcd as the greater imperator Islam. 170v. p. Even then. His help is Turcorum. togcther with amfr al. and Saint James's actions occur Charlemagne's love for Galiana. namely the patrons of the number of military chiefs were also mentioned throughout the account. He by Christian chronicles towards the oppositc group. all the praiscs attributed to other title was attributed to him. figures. and although many rulers are omitted. for example. much in the context of rcligious beliefs as about thc history of l\lluslim muminzn. f. from on High. who is a fighting God. cit. kills the Muslims with his own sword and offers the tancc with thc differcnt political situations within the Islamic world. is Saint A... mostly after the twelfth.Amir. as synonimous for caliph. he used rex. 88 92 FF. f. Allah. James comes Thís líst of digníties is not fortuitous: it shows Espina's acquain. Details such as mention- This paragraph summarizes perfectly thc imprcssion left by Castilian ing the families who ruled important border areas "de facto'' befare chronicles dealing with war against thc Muslims. 284--285. but St. of Peninsular life. deformed into "amiramamolin". stays in the abstract. p. A Saint James was "helped" by other saints. !bidem. FF.

which usually :involved thc loss of his authority over his 95 FF. two legendary figures able to dcfeat the Muslims.. first in Poitiers and latcr in Catalonia.54. ments to the story. . cit. started a series of "most Christian" kings who had The function of miracles within this narrative was to ensure God's to defeat the Saracens with thc help of the saint.. F. 81. The vexillum fidei appears as the to his city with great riches and honour". 144. wo FF. for examplc Alfonso Two figures have thc role of evil kings who perrnit the e:xpansion III. Alfonso VII who rebuilt Saint Isidore's church of the reconquest was told without much enthusiasm. due of thc Reconquest. A king in the Península was the head of resistance against Islam. 99 FF. This sentencc is opposed to the othcr favourite onc "he returned it had to be fought by divine forces. 83. Barkai. helped to make fighting thc enemy of Christ. 62 ·-65. after Alfonso XI. pp. while realm and.The idea of sorne kind of decadcnce aftcr Alfonso Vrs death. R. 98 and because of their interest as regards the church of tles was a way of showing God's choice of a particular :individual. 139. . p. He was the favomite where battlcs wcrc conccrncd.. 100 attachcd to every victorious banner of saints. the víctor of Navas de Tolosa in 1212 and emphasis for the figures of the Asturian kings who favoured thc finally John Vayvoda. both because of their part of divine providence acting throughout history. leaving greatcr in León.95 III.. cit... al-Ma'mun of Toledo.: "La conquista en la cronística castellana . " . Sce also 98 There is a good study of the image of Muslíms in these kings' . They are impor- support of the Christian army. ----· ~--------~-. added legendary clc- Monarchy represented the nation. the of Islam over Christendom through their sins: the empcror Eraclius patron of thc monastcry of San Pedro de Arlanza and a key-figure and the Vísigothic king Rodrigo. R. 121. the great myth of Covadonga and the beginníng of the Holy Lance. in opposition to Mu1:_iammad's (see above). in Santiago. l 45v 1T. This is due punishment.: op. viceversa. during the wars against the Turks in 1457. Or Fernán González. The "very Christian" French kings were and SaintJames. . the most significant Christian kings and hcrocs. this kind of history was Thc episodes in the Fortalitium where saints appcar are related to used for theological purposes.. The concept of war "for the defence of faith" is essential for an There are also mentions of those kings who "did nothing impor- understanding of this choice of charactcrs. Saint to their closeness to the Church and their support of its reformation. and kings personified its image. thc chivalric love for the daughter of his friend. 157.ymond de Toulouse.•. 96 García. the apparition of saints and angels in bat. Reconquest. linkcd to thc retrieval In the Pcninsula. 114. Saint Isidorc's infidels. His capture of the Visigothic capital. pp. 99. usually the loss of lands ín hands of the the other saints uscd to have advisory roles. Or El Cid and Fernando III. A: La. Gradually. who built the church of Santiago. 61. Supernatural intervcntion was one tant in thc context of Castilian sclf-awareness. 97 An evil monarch deserved Castilian kings compared to thc former part of the text. 27... forteresse. The ímagc of "Catholic kings" who followcd God's command- figure took sorne traces from Saint James's myth and becamc a ments and were consecrated by the Church. f.: op. king at the end of a famous battle . Ra. was an important achievement which d) Christian kings helped to crcate this tradition. ' . in this context. so text.¡ 132 CHAPTER FIVE CO. -·-. little mention is made of who represented "an invader of the land".NTRA ERRORES MACHOMEIT . 97 Barkai. The enemy-lslam-was tant aga:inst the Saracens" 99 and therefore were omitted from the attacking not only a political powcr. 144v. wars numbcrs 49. which provide the first nationalistic view of the Peninsular was a consequence of sin. General. called "the Catholic" and Alfonso the most recent accotmt of a miracle which savcd the city of Belgrade.chroniclcs in Meyuhas Ginio. who was visited by two saints. church of Saint James. dential c:xplanation of history and. Alfonso I. 155-158. pp. related to several saints such as Lazarus. f. 96 · · this king another figure of war against Islam. as the base for this enterprise. ' . but a religious community. James and Saint Isidore. It is remarkable that. Toledo. 133 greater.. San Pelayo sinful courtiers and advisors. fos- of warriors on the frontier in a · single entcrprise: expansion and tcred by fcmale succcssion and internal strugglcs. Alfonso VIII. 57. was basic in a provi- Moor-killcr too. "thc Chas te". saint James. 76. who had surrounded thcmselves with of Castilian independencc. ization in theological sources means involving all the differcnt kinds . Finally. Just as failure chronicles.

The former we have due to thc acceptance of an authority such as the Crónica general and alrcady secn. such as Charlemagne. 102 taken from the ogians had to acknowledge thc fact. the count found out that his friend thc monk was dead. 148v-·15lr.where and the conquest of Granada could not be resumed until the re1gn he was rcceived by the monk Pelayo. Espina seems to be more keen than the fact that an account like this worked perfoctly well for his purposc. Bemaldo The next encounter was in the same area. They come kingdom of León to fight al-Mansür again outsidc Burgos. 38l··569. thc count harangucd them. the last anno sexagesimo plus timetur guerra in regno quam contra infideles. The three ways of forctclling the best examples of thc epic genrc in thc Península. Based on the Poema de Fernán González. l. one of the richest is the story of Count Fcrnán González fighting stopped Christian kings from making war against the infidcl. 1017). anothcr To understand how all the characters work together in a given context. His vassal Gonzalo . Fcrnán González and El Cid. Habuit etiam bul. the clerical school which produced and wcnt to his hermitage to pray. p. . 970). about the latter. . historical facts wcrc lcss impor- bool. Considering the nmnber of elements combined in thc doms which is characterístic of the Late 1\lliddlc Ages. a boar brought him Espina was right. and it is to their eflort to change Poema de Fernán González writtcn in the thirteenth century by a monk the target of these wars that we owe the treatises studied in this of San Pedro de Arlanza. which makes thc vcracity of this battle even more questionable. f l 70r.. spccialiter clivisio militum in regno contra ipsum propter que iam hoc This attitude parallels Don Julián's advice to King Rodrigo. decimo octavo rcx Castellc et utí nam felicíter ad son García Fernández (938-·995) and his grandson Sancho García Dei gloriam regnet et utilitatem rei publice. causam et finem bellorum agnoscere. In signum etiam voluntatis expugnationis regni Granate cepit devisam malo granatornm whether thcy should attack such a great force. and the battle started. Primera crónica general. 90. but Fcrnán argued resolutely.282. multa enim impedimenta offeruntur as if his council ought to listen to him. f. 103 101 Poema. . p . omen-dreams and messagcs from heavcn t<N abound monasteries and famous heroes and saints.. e) Christ1:an heroes Ali the charactcrs mcntioned in this account were famous in epics. 698 · 700. Crónica generaL. Hic primo regni sui anno. al-Mansü. of the Visigoths. whereas he confronted Fernán's qui nunc regnat. 101 Next morning. 46. Fernán led an army of people from Castile and the in this case with respect to war against the Muslims. the triumph. Thcol.v. verses 191 . but unfortunatcly God did not stop war in Castile. characters of the mester de clerecía. 134 CHAPTER FIVE CQNTRA ERRORES M1JCHOMETJ . 689-691 . Its mcmbers extant in cpic texts appear also in this context of hagiographic lcg- used to writc hagiographic. In this context. when the Count wcnt hunting. of the Visigothic kingdom start when Fcmán asked his loyal men in quibus non modicum saraceni sunt fame afilicti. many of his contcmporaries: The main inaccuracy was to make al-Mansü. Thís situation text. cum excrcitu suo magno intravit terram saracenorum et obtinuit virilitcr aftcr the capture of the castle of Carazo. per ornamento armorum rcgalium. They were all favourite thc battle. at lcast his opinions tant than hagiographical needs.r in the battlcs of Lara and Hacinas. near Hacinas. FF. cit. But according to the Poema it was the Count himself who. (d. legendary works involving thcir own ends: auguries. that he was to win over the Muslims.1002) fight Et successit prcclicto rege lohanni in regno filius cius Heinricus quartus against Fernán Gonzálcz (d. Thercforc. it is worth analysing a sample of Espina's adaptation of the 102 FF. in thc parts takcn from the Crónica general.r (940. aftcr sorne signs from Heaven. faced al-Mansür and his villam que clicitur Ximena et destruxit Stiponam. rather than gíve him advice. from the most popular epic romances. 103 quod Deus sua pietate avertere clignetur. Back with his mcn. Parallels with thc situation Iam cruciate contra saracenos et continuavit guerram quatuor annis. Thanks to Espina's personal cxperience. 104 Garrosa Resina. After These individual heroes incarnate Espina's views of human virtues. Quid crit Deus novit cuius est Díaz tried to restrain him from war. The hermit told thc count of Isabel ami Fernando. Befare del Carpio. 1vl: op. 135 to the state of civil war and fighting among the five Peninsular king. Thc lack of criticism from Espina is on Alvaro de Luna and Enrique IV remain. to thc doors of a small hermitage -·· -San Pedro de Arlanza. great army from all the Islamic nations.

and the use of such words as coitus that made Ricoldo de Montecroce assume its human origin. There is no outstanding hero in the Late Middle Agcs according to the text. Besidcs. N.37. When two societies are at war. 1 swear that he had taken no part in his brother's death. 13. p . an epic poem about thc kníght and his king.2. Therc is likely to be a tendency with historical facts and the Cantares referring to Fernando's sons. p. 4 Daniel. & Bell. where El Cid madc Alfonso of their enemies' leaders. Arabic is not just the language of an ethníc group in lberian territory. on the contrary. Watt. Thc count harangued his men once more. historical facts are not classified chronologi. A society would have to be remarl->. N. James fought for the Christians. especially el rey Fernando. war against the Muslims but the language of a religious community and. Muslim scholars stated that thc languagc uscd in the Koran was thc purcst variety of Arabic.58. N. "there is no god but God". cally in this part of the work: a great part of thc Cantar de Rodrigo y thcy must mutually be aware of whatever separates them. surprised becausc. even more important. Thc Koran itself says that it to concentrate troops. The rest of the time the Peninsular kíngdoms was transmitted in pure Arabic (suras 12. 4 The strictness of Koraníc Arabic and the fact that it was the only tangue admissible for religious communícation in Islam <lid not go unnoticed by Christian writers.: Islam and the West. M. St. B7. was only waged when the king was powerful. and the battlc was a complete success. (ed.195. until the arrival of thc RELIGIOUS AND LEGAL ASPECTS Almoravids. CIMPTER SIX El Cid playcd the role of a link betwccn Christians and ]\lfos- lims. for his was the capacity the language of revelation in Islam. 1 . p.136 CHAPTER FIVE apparition announccd God's help in the combat. and malee allowance for thc faults to the "Oath (Jura) of Santa Gadea". 58. 44. regardless of the fact that the same objection could be applied to the Bible. Vemet. due to his uneasy relationship with Alfonso VI and his policy ISLAM IN THE TREATISES: of alliances with sorne of thc Taifa kings. It must be noted that there is no rcfcrence ably tolerant to rccogníse the virtues. p.: Introduction to the Qgr'an. 3 Daniel. his figure in Espina's account is that of thc perfect Christian knight who fights for his king and his faith despite everything. so there was no room for religious ones. etc. with other neologisms. to exaggerate or invent clifferences. J. From the thirtccnth century. According to Blacherc.): El Coran. 2 Latcr on. Christian criticism of this statement started quite soon in thc Península: Alvaro de Córdoba attacked the Koran for its confusing style. In general. is mixed in belief. W. 2 Cf. 1 Daniel. the language of reve- lation was the standard version of pre-Islamic poetry. R. 20. 41. 246.. was a question of organised arrnies. 3 It was precisely the repetitive style of Koranic Arabic-sentcnces such as "may He be praised". and instead of being based on personal feats. 41. 26. were fighting internal wars. However.44).2/3.- Sancho and Alfonso VI. kings started to assume the Language and Relzgjon role of dcfenders of the faith and representatives of their people. War had also changcd.112/113.: Islam and the JVest.: 'flie Cultural Banie1~ p. in the practices of daily lifc and in the events of past and contemporary history which they share. leading a celestial army. XXVIII. or confidently expcct to be at war. 155.

an important factor either of survival or. l 20v. of assimilation to Christian culture. cit.. 11 Mudejars in Aragon may ncvcr have masteredArabic. 5 the loss of all thc sacrcd words and their merit". in FF. 38. he warned thcm not to tioned Avila as a place wherc contact with Christians had led to the changc their customs or language for Christian ones. E.. f. T. . . on the contrary.: "La religion des marisques . G. M See the interesting study by Gutwirth. which he was askcd to understand and the thcologist Al:imad ibn Ya]:iya al-Wansharisi wrote a fatwa far his translatc.1 !~ ~r <l rt ~ \ . and lcarn from the example of Toledo. p. 398. conqucrcd by Alfonso VI in 1085. Aragon"... 99. 12lr. was poor and full of mistakes. J. Arabic was still spoken. p.· h. : La vida religiosa de los nunúcos. LXIV. 138 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 139 their Scriptures had bccn vvritten both in Hebrew and Greek. Arabic..: . 15 ·~ . At the same time. in Arabic. Thcy should loss of Arabic language. There considers it onc of the causes for rejection of conversion among the seems to be a contradiction in this assertion." Sefarad (1989). . the basic clements. It scems that in the South ing sorne conclusions from Montecroce's argument: it was due to his of Valencia. 15 5 "He also said that he was the universal Prophet.. \i\'icgcrs. language in Wiegers. pp.LXV. Koran was given to him in Arabic. 31-37 . 'lsa ibn Djabir explained thc need to expound the as a sign of confrontation.: Tlze Royal Treasure. draw. 41 and with only two variations. 14 Al-vVanshar1s1 explicítly men- fellow-Muslirns in the Península in 1484. G. . A. Moors in the Fiftecnth Cenlury. thc time before the conquest of Granada.. both copied from Ricoldo 12 García Arenal. 12 Iberian Península. García Arenal Connecting Arabic to religion conditioned thc early development infers frorn the documents she studicd in Navarre and Aragon that of Islam and its acceptance outside Arabia. p. P. Jewish and Ncstorian teachers that Muhammad thought of "poor Arabic" by Muslims in Aragon and Catalonia mcant a high about prcaching in Arabic. and that he kncw no language but Arabic.100. their Latín version was accepted for ali purposcs. Thc discussion of the Prophet's litcracy as a proof of rev. . cit. there were no transla- clation and transmission of the Koran. L. CE. which proves a permancncc of thc into four types. pp..: op.: oj1.. 10 Geographic distribution of thc use of Arabic in the fiftccnth ccntury Several chapters wcre devoted in thc treatises to what they thought traditionally considered Valencia and Aragon as thc Arabic-spcaking was l\!lu]:iammad's claim that the Koran had bccn revealed by God arcas. so the sultan of Egypt was asked to send within Islam. p. really he will lose his rite and. how could Muhammad pretend degree of acculturation and a grcat shock if they evcr thought to cmi- to be scnt to the wholc world if he only preached in Arabic? 7 grate to other Islamic countries.262.. had it dis. quod Alcoranus est datus sibi Arabice. f. G. p . 8 Even thc Inquisition considercd speaking Arabic In Castile. 11 On the other hand. it was For Housley.: 8 Longás. F. p.: "Los mudéjares en el reino de Navarra y en la corona de De 1\IIontccroce's Disputatio. moreover. Boswell argues that knowledge Persian. G Sce a brief but interesting summa:ry of the impmtance of Arabic as religious 13 Housley. sincc what would the Moriscos in the sixteenth century. Aragonese scholars still had abridged compílations of fiqh mahometana ad parochos et potestates in 1586. islam and the West . 178. pp... was related to the problem. at a time when Islam was losing territory. Whcn Christians arrived to settle there. Howcver. ajewish translator complained because the guage as a sign of idcntity (such as Hebrew had bccn for Jews)." 11 Boswcll. For instancc. Itcm dicit se essc gcneralem Prophetam. 9 meaning of the Koran in alj'amiado for those who did not understand Muslims themsclvcs were aware of the importance of thcir lan. Quoting the theologist Guerra de nobles need Arabic for.. Scc also Chejne.. As early as 1363. 206.: op. 384. Longás divides l\!Iuslirns in Arabic in the frfteenth century. et quod nescit aliam linguam nisi Arabicam. N. 6 Espina went fürthcr. Longás ilies on thc Mcditcrranean coast used to learn this language. 359. In a place such as the names and · place-names reveal the survival of Arabic in the area. who published his Catecheses mystagogycae jJro advenis ex secta Moreover. his own together with his correspondence. pp. 237. whcrc thc dcgree of knowledge of Arabic is one of language at least in the learned groups of society.: "HispanoJewish Attitudes to the 7 FF. whercas Valencia was the place where the sons of noble Arabic fam- appeared. and yet he also saicl that the 1 ° Cf Sabbagh. l\!Ioreover. et tamen dicit. Muslims had been so over- mada coincided in pointing out thc importancc of Arabic for Islam: whelmcd that thcy progressively lost their languagc: "And if a Muslim loses his Arabic language.: "La Inquisicion medieval y la moderna: paralelos y contrastes". Espina and Torque. matters were not so simple. cit. pp. which was also taking place tors at the court in Aragon.. while Castile had lost this language for Romance. . Whcn Arabic uscd in sorne aijamas. ". which produccd the decline of rcligious faith. 107. although he rcfcrs to lhe Morisco issue rathcr than 9 Ruiz. M. 48. if ít was not spoken at all in their lands? Lorca.

mean complete repression.1048. Morcover. 61. the decline of literary production tried to keep thc literal meaning of the Koran and its commentaries has been poínted out by modcrn scholars. A. 17 Never. For Harvey.: op. p.problem of free will and predestination. But it was still used in the reli. 32-33. Howcver. 20 Their thc phenomenon could have happcned in cither of two ways: eíthcr policy to become the refugc for every Muslim from the Northern acculturation could be stronger or elsc such a number of Muslims Christian kingdoms rcsulted in a revival of literature and scicnccs- together werc able to avoid influences more easily.. Cf.: op. cit. so they <lid mid-fifteenth century. cit. 19 Cancionero de Juan Alfanso de Baena (ed.68.. lost their schools and their own sacrcd language. of this issuc. Arabic schol- such as basic education. was far from being true--although it could sccm so to somebody Thcre is the related problem of the Moriscos. who were vital for thcir survival as a religiously~dcfincd community. pp. p. as part actions talen by Castilian l\!Iuslims at the time prove that relaxation of the siege mentality which has been mentioned in the introduction. Christians and }ews in the Crusader Kingdom ef Valencia. 17 Chejne. pp. On thc contrary. pp. 177--178. they also their cultural foundations. 37. M. G. 1038. it seems that traditional bilingual. 18 Wíegers. 16 and therefore. 19. and except for Ibn Khaldün's statement that. 19 Hebrcw script for writing Arabic and Romance. A. wríting A rabie". The lack of rcligious leadcrs and social status did not Aljamiado literature was the imperfcct answer to thesc worries. so they must have felt safcr thcless. another Mahomat Ballistarius ("thc crossbow- man"). rigorism expanded as soon as Christian leadership It directly influenced their lack of cducatíon and rcligious leaders. vol. Another explanation far thc use of the Arabic alpha- intcrnal use of the communíty were thc least important until the bet was that they had becn rcfuscd a Latin cducation. whílc the ones who chose to remain in the Península had their daily languagc of comunication. the authors still used Arabic script not know how to wríte in Latín characters. .140 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 141 In fact. ihidem.: op. it was not discussions. the chance of Christians being able to under- of thc figure called adib. of Arabic--during the last part of the century.: lvluslims. in a land where the three commu- is that Romance was uscd in texts sometímes connected wíth rcligíous nities had endurcd "long-standing interaction at all levels. 41. pp. 21 gious contcxt. L. so peculiar form of Arabic which was far from the standard one. G . There are few proofs of this in the argument of F. 47. or "a certain Lopello de 16 Harvey. which was capital in the hostile environment of their time. due to contamination from the progressive change to simple Christian forms. 63. guage is the combination of Arabíc namcs with Christian oncs. so we find in Catalan documents one Mahomat Alfoll. Corriente. Finally. What can be affirmed to speak in the vernacular. pp. 21 Ch~jne. the process was still bcginning. l\!Iahoma Tintorer ("the tanner"). R. Wiegcrs makes an interestíng study of the texts written by than if they had translated their books into Iberian vernaculars in Mudejarsrn from 1240 to 1456 which provcs that thc works for the their own script. leaving them without the Mudejar cornmunity had endured a process of loss of Arabic as guídancc. In doing so. who wcrc well aware living outside the Península taking external evidcnce into account. 2u Cf Burns. p. Avila's moreda was one of the biggcst in the Peninsula. startcd exerting pressure on Muslim communities. I. cit. or Latin script for As for the kingdom of Granada. fourteenth-century Granadans spoke a tury. Madrid 1966. . and Mudejars were allowed sorne libertícs When the process of "Latinizatíon" bccamc too cvidcnt. 3. stand thcir books was definitely reduced. It is difficult to surnmarize the state of Arabic knowledgc in view Their most usual complaint was about the emigration of scholars to of such varicd opinions. institutions (aijama. Azáceta). And finally. 22 Jhidem. such as a poem from the Cancionero de Baena (1445-·1453) uncommon to use Arabic script for wríting Hebrew and Romance. devoted to the . mosque) and sorne contacts ars decided to adopt thís script to cnsure thc kind of sacredness that with Granadan and North African scholars who could help to preserve language confers on a particular Scripture. In thc fourtcenth cen- Iberian vcrnacular languages. G. as well as the vanishing unchanged.: hlamic Spain. 22 ism was lost in the thirteenth century as a reaction agaínst Castilian One of the signs of assimilatíon which can be traced through lan- advance.. From part of thc evidence it is clear that Granada or othcr parts of the Islamic world. the learned literate of earlier times. J. although thcy knew how in most of them togethcr wíth Latín script.

3. mean complete repression. Finally. it was not discussions. and Mudejars were allowed sorne liberties When the process of "Latinization" bccamc too evident.: op. in a land where the three commu- is that Romance was used in texts sometimes connected with religious nities had endured "long-standing interaction at ali levels. so we find in Catalan documcnts one Mahomat Alfoll. pp. But it was still used in the reli. cit. Corriente. 177-·· 178. the chance of Christians being able to under- of the figure called adib.: op.: op.. fourteenth-ccntury Granadans spoke a tury. guage is thc combination of Arabic namcs with Christian ones. pp. Avila's morena was one of the bigg·est in the Península. L. 22 ism was lost in the thirteenth ccntury as a reaction against Castilian Onc of thc signs of assimilatíon which can be traccd through lan- advance. rigorism cxpanded as soon as Christian leadership It dircctly influenced their lack of cducation and rcligious leaders. 16 and therefore. 41. . so they <lid mid-fifteenth century. cit. 47. 63. mosque) and sorne contacts ars dccíded to adopt this script to ensure the kind of sacredness that with Granadan and North African scholars who could help to preserve language confers on a particular Scripture. However. writing Arabic". thcy also their culturalfoundations. Wiegers malees an interesting study of the texts written by than if thcy had translated their books into Ibcrian vcrnaculars in Mudejars 18 from 1240 to 1456 which proves that the works for the thcir own script.140 CHAPTER srx ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 141 In fact. In doing so.: lvluslims.68. 1038-1048. institutions (ayama. M. pp. From part of the evidencc it is clear that Granada or other parts of the Islamic world. Azáceta). In the fourteenth cen- Iberian vernacular languages. lost thcir schools and their own sacred languagc. G. and except for Ibn Khaldun's statement that. 20 Their the phenomenon could havc happencd in either of two ways: either policy to become the refuge for cvcry Muslim from the Northcrn acculturation could be stronger or clse such a numbcr of Muslims Christian kingdoms resultcd in a revival of literature and scicnces- togcthcr were ablc to avoid influences more easily. pp. p. stand their books was definitely reduced. What can be affirmed to speak in the vernacular. 18 Wiegers. A. I. vol. while thc ones who chose to remain in the Península had their daily language of comunication.. thc authors still used Arabic script not lmow how to write in Latín characters. 2 ° Cf Burns. 19 Hebrew script for writing Arabic and Romance. 21 gious context. Another explanation for thc use of thc Arabic alpha- intcrnal use of the cornmunity were the least important until the bet was that they had been rcfused a Latín education.: Islamic Spain. pp. Mahoma Tintorer ("the tanner"). the process was still bcginning. 19. 61. of this issue.-during the last part of the century. Arabic schol- such as basic education. who were well aware living outsidc the Península taking externa! cvidence into account. G. 32.17 Never. so peculiar form of Arabic which was far from the standard one. The lack of religious lcaders and social status did not Aljamiado literature was the imperfcct answcr to these worries. Cf ibídem. as part actions taken by Castilian Muslims at the time provc that relaxation of the siege mentality which has been mentioned in thc introduction. or "a certain ~opello de 16 Harvey. On the contrary. Christians and J ews in the Crnsader Kingdom ef Valencia . For Harvcy. due to contamination from thc progressive change to simple Christian forms. it seerns that traditional bilingual. 17 Chejne.1453) uncommon to use Arabic script for writing Hebrew and Romance. who were vital for their survival as a religiously~defined community.. And finally. started cxerting prcssurc on Muslim communities. or Latín script for As for the kingdom of Granada. which was capital in the hostile environmcnt of their time. although they knew how in most of thcm together with Latín script. so they must havc fclt safer thelcss. the decline of literary production tried to keep the literal meaning of the Koran and its commcntaries has been pointed out by modern scholars. of Arabic. leaving them without the Mudejar community had endured a process of loss of Arabic as guidance. cit. the learned literate of earlier times. as well as the vanishing unchanged. 37. 21 Cht:jne. G. Madrid 1966. 19 Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena (ed. J. p. was far from being true-although it could seem so to somebody There is the rclated problem of the Moriscos. p. It is difficult to summarizc the state of Arabic knowlcdgc in vicw Their most usual complaint was about the emigration of scholars to of such varied opinions. Moreover. 22 Jbidem. A. There are few proofs of this in the argument of F.33. devoted to the problem of free will and predcstination. anothcr Mahomat Ballistarius ("the crossbow- man"). such as a poem from the Cancionero de Baena (1445. R.

. exactly what Christian authors kncw when living under Christian rule". A. 383. iVI. BRABLI3 (1965··66). 23 In the fifteenth cen. enough. N. Epalza thinks that Arabic polemics rather started in from a different viewpoint. p.. La Tu(zfa . which inspired texts like the eleventh con- sideration of the Ji'ortalitium.: op. 17. cit. and it was. A. Ladero25 has rejected this argument on the basis that scveral more accuracy could be expected. 35'." Arahica (1971 ). cit. 26 Daniel2 7 thinks that the Now. the state of this corpus in thc l 450's has been divided into two fields for easier comprchcnsion. When thc subject was history. p. about "what Saracens must comply with The fundamental question is. .. according to the documents in it is important to take into account that both chroniclcs and reli- most of the Spanish archives.: Cristianos)' mu. However.: "Los elches en la guardia de Juan II y Enrique IV de Castilla".g.142 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM 1N THE TREATISES 143 Serrha. p. reply to a Christian attack. ''vvhat 1\!Iuslims were tury. 158. DiJputatio and De mittendo gladio are so frequent in this chapter that I have choscn 29 Cardaillac. the Arabic namcs were also mcntioned. l\!fost commentaries approach 23 Boswell. Also by the same author.. de: "Notes pour une histoire des polémiqucs . Thc originality of Ibn I:fazm is that he did not community was progressively understanding Arabic as a ritual lan. ings arosc from thc ignorancc of Islamic sources or from delibcrate lowing thc Arabic lineage-based system (e. 285. Thc objcct of polemic was not understanding. 27 Daniel. ignorance of epic genre authors. But it also showed a new conccrn far thc incrcas- ing power of the Christian kingdoms. rnisunderstand- thc difficulties of Castilian clerks in writing l\!Iudejar surnames fol. : 30 to givc thc pagc-numbers in brackcts wherever necessary. the documents will be examined and social events. when Ibn I:fazm wrote his Kitab al-Fisal about that theological writers knew that Arabic was very much the basis rcligions and sects. p . J. 24 that of religious writcrs. but in rcligious aspects thc infor- clerks from Toledo and Granada did write thesc Arabic surnames mation was transformed to suit a particular purposc. 31 His feeling had its counterpart on the Christian side in the On the Concordance and Discordance ef Islam. it is more likely that this corpus started to be Muslim rclatíons at the point where rescarch is nowadays. By thcn. . 2 r.: ojJ. it was not general knowledge. 31 reader with continuous scarch in notes. for the Mudejar Ibcrían Península. Epalá. Far thc moment. as vvill be seen shortly.: Tlze Cultural Barriei~ p. L. the proccss had increascd. called in the l\!Iuslim way Abraham". doctrinal matters taking Christian doctrine as the reference> so "what 2+ Echcvarria. corpus of Islarnic doctrine-ar more properly. References to the FortalíliumJ Zelus Christi.. instead of boring thc Barkai. 67 . p. . 2n whose updating never matched In many of the documcnts. Ncvcrtheless. M.although this might be duc to baptism. even if it was not accurate jobs or geographical origins of the Mudcjars. His method of analysing of public proclamations in Arabic was thc ncxt stcp to ban public Biblical tcxts to show their contradictions was later used by polcmi- cult. Thc mcmbers ofJuan II and Enrique believed to believe"-was formed in Europe around the twelfth cen- N's royal guards in Castile changed thcir names in thc sccond gcner. Christianiry and Judaism rise of a self-awareness..: "El conocimiento del Islam .. . Ricoldo de iVIontecroce's 23 Scc Vcrnct. Contra errores. weaker as a sign of identity. ". 354.mlmanes . tury. thercforc. Forbiddance treatiscs. l\!Iuslims wcrc thought to believe" has to be undcrstood within thc pp. cists on both sides. Mul:iammad ibn Yusuf). R. correctly. But Molénat is also right when he gious works considered it essential to transmit as much information says that many of thcse surnames were substituted by refcrences to about the Islamic world as possible. A: "Los mud~jares en los Reinos de la Corona de Castilla". as is shown by the ation. and passed through several stagcs Arabic scholars agree on what was exactly the degrcc of acculturation depending on the degree of mutual acceptance conditioncd by political suffered by Muslims in their language. but he startcd on his own initiative. .1. J. 99-1 Ol. it is enough to conclude the eleventh century. 25 Scc Ladero Quesada. They perceivcd that their attacks on the Koran and had become a part of the definition of the powers ruling the had to be based on this point more than others. about Islam in thc rnid-fiftccnth century. the transformation of names was linked to but comparison in order to show superiority. deformation of these same sources. 29 Usually. According to Molénat. 424-425. M. as happcncd with most of the Islamic guage.. 30 It is impossible to define the importancc of Arabic for Christian/ In thc Pcninsula. When formed arm~nd the ninth century. It seems that he is right. manifested in thc intellectual field. p. recorded around 1440. rcligion had been somehow politicised of Islamic religion. pp .

pp. and his use of the Koran and Muslim clcar line between both ficlds. To discuss Christian dogmas. Islamic agreement about his participation in the concep- they ncver used arguments prepared for Muslims. whereas Islam acceptcd Moses's Torah and Jcsus' tians responded by dcnying God's corporcal fcatures as describcd by NewTestament as former rcvelations to their own.: Western views on Islam.iammad. who disciples and messengers regarclless of their role in salvation history knew the Scriptures and tlleological texts. L. W. and al so be cause 12 : Cardaillac... The other possible to rcalize that Christendom only exísted in a small part of the world. Although it is difficult to draw a of beliefs to refute them. Islamic applicd to the Koran. provided a number impossible according to natural standards. 34 Ibidem. Koranic criticism. Mul. then. and severe criticism was attached after no adcquatc instruments were used. Christian faith was defended too obviously. only by expounding it reasonably would Scarccly anybody in the Christian field tricd to approach the unity it be accepted by any intelligent adversary. pp.: 0/1. Bacon was one of the first Why. gions never accepted those revelations which had come after thcirs. this pattern. the Thc other characteristic of polemics which must always be borne mcntion of the Paraclete in the New Testament was undcrstood as a in mind is the clivision into two levcls of knowledge of the othcr's prophccy about Mul. but the one he chose the structure of thc Apostles' Creed. 33 the creator of the world. 33 35 Ibidem. R. FF. who was at the same time a Trinity. his role as a Father was not at The use of Ibn I:Iazm's method of Biblical criticism by Muslim and all clear [FF. it will be probably easier to follow philosophers was a step towards comprehension which. From St. so their mission.126]. p. He tried to classify severa! kinds Islamic doctrine was expounded. approach considered "what Muslims were thought to believe.. to eleven of his treatise to thc discussion of the Christian dogma. 125r. p. so as it was opposed to monotheism and God's unity.. 130v]. as Alonso de Espina did. includ. 36 It was admitted that Muhammad of debate and discussion of questions of faith was understood as a agrecd with Christian and Jewish traditions in worshipping God as way to avoid this kind of persuasion. sent to Christ's a learned approach. which considered Him God's breath. this crossed-criticism obliged doctrine had rejected this unnatural principle on the grounds that each rcligion to revise and cxplain its dogmas and practíces. to reject the only idea of the Holy Spirit in Islam. 35 Both views influenced each other. 41. . Torquemada saw to justify them. 232.polcmics. Anselm to Raimundo Llull. was not continued. whcreas for Islamíc doc- trine he probably used the Breviario Sunni. and communication was made impossiblc. Chris- sourccs was that. Christian polemic this issue as MuJ:i. 114 . M. by Christians. practice" in itsclf. One interesting aspect is how Christian and Muslim controversy Discussion had to start with the basis of Christianity: thc exístence inftucnced each other. :iti Epalza. In Islam. 331-333. The other is ent for Islam. analysed in this chapter is the scientific-theological onc specially. or and thc Church's message could not reach the unbclicvcrs because rather. 3'f When they wrotc polemics [FF.ammad in the J\!li'riiqj [CE. 32 It was supposed to be the simplest mcthod: as the writer was incarnation [CE. and he dcvoted still another a) Chrútian doctrine chapter to thc concordance and discordance of Islam and Christianity. for God would never de- of subjects for . Ibn I:Iazm's criticísm of the Bible was soon of one eternal God. vert Alfonso de Valladolid had done befare. 57. 37 . as Martí and the con. In their turn. Mul). cit. 208. tion of Jesus Christ as Prophet made it difficult for Christian authors ary purpose often failed. so he devoted chapters seven tried to analyse rationally the most incomprehensible dogmas. However. l 2 l ·. l 38r-v]. The third pcrson was thc most difficult to define. ing the Trinity.vJ. was incarnation so difficult to accept for Islam? In thc first place. -138. in posession of the Truth. One is a more or less accuratc popular view. At thc same time. The nature of the Spirit was also differ- religion. p. The main difference in the use of revealed scend to corruption represented by human fiesh.: ]esus otage.ammad's prohibition of God as Islam conceived it. Christ's divine generation was its counterpart. be cause God could not havc a wife. unfortunately. that of the authors of polemic treatises. the other two reli. and its cfforts were continued all through the Middle thc relationship betwccn thc three persons and thc problem of Christ's Ages. Ji'or Muslims.ammad's máin error. Southcm.144 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 145 contcxt of "what Christians in fact believed".

C. a favourítc subject for ali three creeds. On the other hand. According to Epalza. CE.. 155. 126r. the figure of Jesus was simplified and adapted l 29r. philosophical explanation of thc Trinity involved the three principles scnger and a great prophet (FF. rcjccted by all the Christian authors [ZC. Mul:iammad assumed and redemption as defined by Christian tradition was qucstioncd. 1 :in Epalza. 37 He argucd that it was ímpossíblc for God not to be incarnated. bccause the slightest son of the Trinity had bcen developcd through the contacts and dis.iammad. role as l\/Iul:iammad himself had. 4-5. were right. pp. l 38r].Jews thought he thereforc that incarnatcd God could not be ollier than Jesus. pp. resurrection lost its meaning if crucifixion . It was in this context that J esus Trinidad y la Encarnación (Dispute bctwccn a Moorish Philosopher and necded to lose his divinity and his place in salvation according to Gonzalo Morantc about Trinity and Incarnation). putes among the three rcligions "of thc Book". ' 39 42 Cf.: op. But this also qucstioned by God? Could Christ be placed in a particular country in a partic- God's omnipotencc.129r]. Cf Vázqucz Janeiro. pp. 97r. were posed in the form of a catechetical questionnaire. 1022. although impossible to compare to 1\llul. Even if he was not the of Christíanity and a gTeat prophet. Mark 13. L.: pp.26. thc foundcr sccn frorn the same prophctic pcrspcctive.: Jesus olage. according to Ibn al-<Arabf.39. sorne of Chrisf s features with a negative hue. M.. Matthew 26. was Jcsus was perceived by Islam as a creature of God.: Jesus otage. FF. Discussion about the Trinity was based on thc infinity wa-l-dawla.v. Mul:iammad Thercforc. cit. Ms. de Valencia's Disputa entre un moro filósefo y Gonzalo J\llarante sobre la bcing thus profoundly islamized. such as how can a human and his divine character: was . . As prophets wcrc the main In a simpler way. God would havc created Christ. l 34r]. for Christians. pp. ular time? Was Christ thc eternal God ora crcatcd man (from John Christianity and Islam. Raimundo Llull was the first theologian to attcmpt an explana- it was Christian insistence on his person which provoked thc reaction tíon of the incarnation and the Trinity using Aristotle's philosophy. apologic et dialogue islamo-chrctiens . so Christ would not be Real dialogue was avoided. 314--315.Jesus right whcn he described himself? soul be judged by God. 126v.ammad's resurrection. In the samc the understanding of his doctrine.: 0¡1. ". Christians werc well aware of the way. 43. the more they would God's chosen messenger. pp.. lloma. Tratados cdstellanos sobre la predestinación . . thc Koran taught that thc pcrson who had died in the was the foundcr of Islam and a historical pcrspective was basic for Golgota was not Jcsus. deviation would entail a condemnation by the Church. to favour Christian eonvcrsion to Islam. and While Christians considered him the Son of God. those wcrc also thc main subjects in Friar Diego figures in this religion after Mul:. Judaism.32. Severa! other questions. Cardaillac. who was introduced as Al-Tabarf asked severa! questions about Christ in his Kitab al-din a mu)adhdhin. 138r]. His was an impostor and l\/Iuslims only admitted that he was God's mes..45)?'1ll Thesc questions The image of Jesus in the doublc role of Messiah and second per.259. Biblioteca Casatanense. cit. rnost of them rcgarding the transmission of his message of God's love. M.146 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 147 God himsclf could not bccome suqject to dcath and share othcr eternal: was he thcn the eternal God or just someone who was chosen human qualitics [ZC. were known and analysed by Christians with carc.l 30r. pp. 130 137. ~ 8 Líkewisc. f. 206 ·· 2 l 7. Christ was given that ilnagc. L. 41 or Muslim surroundings would make a great cliffercncc to the views Jesus's birth and early life conferred sanctity on him. 833842. 258. Living in Christian of life: active.vas not accepted.. L. 161 -. . · 10 Epalza. cit.. .32. Anawati. 10. because the whole treatise was written 37 For the importance ofJcsus in Morisco polcmics due to their life in a Christian environment. which he had never foresccn [FF. but somebody elsc in his place. such as a reference to Such an interpretation of Christ's life and messagc had to be strongly l\/Iu"Q.iammad's adult life. ~ 9 place bctwccn courtly poets and a Muslim. for he was defended: the more prcssurized Muslims felt. strong prophetic elcments contained in Islam. 102-109. 5. FF. Thc rcst of his resort to this subject far polemics.' an important Prophct could by 110 means die 011 a cross.172. ofJews and Muslims and thc definition of his role in these two faiths. see Cardaillac. how to be sure if Christ was thc samc as Why do Christians then question sorne of his words? Can God the Prophets had prophesied and why had he come in his particular his- Creator become subject to illness and dcath? If the Christian Creed torical time. 233-250.. 42 The debate took Christian standards. G. 31. passive and reciprocal. 13 7v.J02v.: op.: "Polémique. l. ' Cardaillac. with as important a political son of God. life.

140r].mate branch.33. Still. +7 Epalza. l. 66:6. 3:30. 219. . analyzed accurately dcmons and dj1nns. Abraham.165]. they sought a Meccan sanctuary by Abraham was dcnicd [CE. 57:27]. classified in different ranks. 19:16. 22:5. . especially where it says the Koranic version of the figures of Jesus and Mary . 32:8. 130.'16 At the end of thc Middlc Agcs sincc this idea appeared in De generatione JV!achometi. 164.Montecrocc. to Abraham [CE. given their hatred for each othcr and thc Mary with Mariam. Goldzíher. thought into a number of stages. probably The Virgin Mary was chosen as another favourite controversia! duc to Christian and Jewish polemics. or else they had changed them physi- tion of thc figure of Ishmael. thc Islamic version of other creatures--angels. M. FF.ul:iarnmad within these same Scripturcs which thcy and Muslims claimed to descend from him the object of Abraham's cally. to softer condemnation. but thc formcr insisted considered corrupt. 43 Although Islam admitted Bible had been corrupted by Jews and Christians throughout history all the prophets in the Bible. the Koran was accused of confusing by Christians and Jcws. sce . and thc :Niuslim's part was cut whenevcr the Jesus's virginal conccption. For a longer explanation. quotíng I.: Islam and the f!l. of centuries. N. The building of as belicved by Ibn I:Jazm. William of Trípoli. The Koran teaches that man was created out have spoken at that time. Certain texts in the Koran insist on the idea that the ation to obey them in ordcr to please God. R .. and was also used there were two theories on this subjcct: cither the Christians had in the Fortalitium [l l 6v]. by Luke.141r]. at Cana [Koran 5:109.176]. p. L. Muslim theologians developed this ries were also different in thc Koran. Nor could thcy acccpt hazard or predcsti. CE. 140r. pp. For thc argumcnt of jewish prophets not beíng Epalza. Thc wholc family trcc was traced and the State (Kitab al-din wa-l-dawlii). From thc tcnth century onwards. becausc the of a clot of blood or a drop of fluid. 220-223. Believers had thc oblig.: La Tu[ifa _. Their mission was to erences to Mul. 130v. M. Evcn diffcrent views they had about their sacrecl Scripturcs [CE.129]. on the grounds of the conccption by the Holy Spirit or "divine breath" Muslims demonstratcd total ignorance of the concept of original [CE. As an institution. 41]: both Christians referen ces to M. nor was she accuscd by her that God had created evil. 126r--.220. 35: 11. 12lr]. since Islam had partly accepted the importance of her role in that the Bible could not be forged and corruptcd at the same time the history of salvation. see Daniel.: op. 7:72. and this statement was also New Testament states that he performcd none beforc thc wcdding discussed by Torquemada [suras 16:4. 214-219. as did al-Ghazzail. 126. Islam statcd that God guided rejected on the grounds that it had spoiledjesus's mcssagc by a work men in their path towards bim through guides sent from heaven. 14 7. 109.Test. Only one Christian writer.47 Christian vvriters maintained topic.. from total corruption of the texts. 137v]. thus making his first miraclc. Finally. ZC. Moses's sister [Koran. 115. that thc attacks of Islam were clirected.133]. 139v]. a main point being that Noah. 154. This left room for the Islamic interprctation of certain chosen sacrificc. somcthing which Christian authors could neighbours of commiting adultery-in fact. l 93 ff. their sto. ZC. likc thc convcrt al-Tabarf in bis Book about Religi. which Muslims understood were implied in bring men God's commandments and advice. it was against the Church as the image of Jesus on earth CE.127v. FF. pp.117. 2. CE.on on being thc lcgiti. Finally. 44 46 Cardaillac. justified by God leaving crcation to go its own consoled by Jesus was rcjccted on the grounds that Christ could not way (CE. by mak.: Jesus ota.121. 169. scveral verses. ZC. 44 thc theory of a change in the general sense was accepted.iammad. sin: why would God creatc man with a sin? Why should man commit Torquemada emphasized the fact that Nfary could not possibly have sin if he were good from the beginning? Tbis contradiction implied such an impure tbing as menstruation. cit. 40:67. . Thc story of her giving birth under a palm-trec and being nation in history. ~:. 4 ~ that cvcn thc lattcr could be savcd through thc Koran [sura 46:28-31. 165.34. t: 84v. 43 Jomier. 57-69. Saracens. 57. 148 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 149 in thc third pcrson. it was Bcing a prophctic-based religion. S. was discussed author considcrcd it appropriate. [Koran 5:52. p.70.: Disputatio.was sevcrcly criticized. delcting ali ref- whose arrival was a privileged time in history. Only aftcr this episode took place was Isaac's birth announced parts of the Bible. First. ZC. whcrc both rcligions agrccd. Nfoses and bis successors were Saracens. this question is suggestcd not admit [CE. modi:fied the sense of the texts.: "La noción de profeta en el Islam" Documentación Afro-asiática (1972).· The Gospcl had bccn misinterpreted. p. Islam answered by attempting a rchabilita. 137v.

f. thcrc is no clear differcn. 345.EA TISES 151 If Christians claimed that the existence of four versions by four historic-apocalyptic images49 were sorne of the objections [FF. despite condcmnation of ccrtain attitudcs by thc The point of Islam was to serve as a warning to prepare believers Church (namely. . the Church had been divided into several sects [FF. Arians. finding ín the Koran traces of Christian beliefs.. it was necessarily taken from thc Gospel. exccpt in thosc chapters quotcd from very probably becausc thc most important in the Península was only the spccíal authors like William of Trípoli or Ricoldo de l\!Iontecrocc. ~ 11 Cardaillac..c. Christian authors can show thcir contempt for and thcrcfore do not grant salvation-such is the case of Islam. p.154]. quoting a largc part of the treatises. thc Biblc. etc. was not accepted [FF. chaptcr 4]. namely Sabelians. the uniqueness of thc Koranic style was qucstioned [ZC. Sec also Montccroc(:. probably. thc inspired by thc dcvil [FF. Thc most characteristic approach was that of Nicholas of Cusa in This list of misconceptions of Christianity could be made much his Cribratio Alchorani. the Koranic statement that everybody could be saved within his own b) lslamic doctrine . N cvcrthelcss. Torquemada Ali the treatiscs studied dcal with two aspects of religious controvcrsy: reactcd by arguing that nobody could be saved but thc just. Sacramcnts were strange to Muslim eyes because bcr of Muslim scholars had worked to arrangc the Koran. No Christian could accept a Scripture which l\!lul. Thór a refcrcncc to its compilation. CE. 80v. FF.: Disp11tatio.was the excuse to assumc that it was valuc for salvation disappeared since the rcsurrection of Jesus. and the four self had dcclared to havc false passages. L. If something be repeated in different places. malikite. R. 120r]. p. i. 8lv.: Disputatio. . . whereas ali that but. However. and no that which concerns thcoretical questions. l 19vJ. N. This would make God a liar. where he tried to read the text ín a Christian l~nger. 6.ammad and his followers were compared Thesc commentarics were combined with the arguments takcn from to the sects which had spread from Christendom. tice was in fact. bccause it could not stand corripar- ison with true Revelation. those from thc Sccts within Islam wcrc not acknowledged. for he changed his mind and creeds. Islamic doctrine itself. 131r-l32r]. the idea that a num- On the other hand. Thcrc is only onc practices connected with daily lifc. Evangelists was one of the proofs that the Gospels had becn inspired They also refuted the possibility that revelation carne as an answer by God to several people in diffcrent places. Such was the feeling of Ibn I:Iazm. this overview is enough to realize what points Christian was false was due to Muhammad's evil. 48 Espina quotcd from l\!lontccrocc that only three thousand words were Anothcr qucstion of prestige was pointed out by Muslim thcologians: true in the Koran out of twclvc thousand contained in the book after its foundation. 171. ali the othcrs are false ciation. Usually.: 11·/am and tlw West.: Nicolas de Cues et le jJrobleme de rlslam. This would be too long and tedious were true. for thc Last Day. R.: Disputatio. Gospcls among thcmsclves. and criticism of religious man is just but he who belicves in the true God.: op. 145. 124v.iammad him- thc Torah and thc Christian rendering of the Bible. cit. cit. f. Scc . 51 Also. G. Son of God. and the Tradition. whcn he compared tion. the discontinuity of suras. regarding Jews and Christians) was severely critic- izcd as a dangerous error which encouraged sectarianism. according to Tradition. same emphasis on this eschatological aim [FF. a fact which dcprived it of legitimacy and cohercnce. Islam and Christianity had placed the F'irstly. MuQ. Koran seldom appear. 130v ··l3lr]. on the other hand. ~· 1 Montecroce. sincc l\!Iu}:iammad did not authors did discuss out of Muslim criticism of Christian sources. for example. but ncvcr realizc how similar Christian prac. and the lack of •19 . Islamic sexual practices. but his own:12 Whereas quotations from the Biblc are abundant. 121 r-v]. belief (Koran 2:4. ~ 0 proof for Muslims that the Gospels had bccn intcrpreted and changed Thc other big question about the validity of the Koran was abroga- by the authors. from one revelation to another [FF. 119r]. [FF..150 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TR.probably thcy ínvolved the figure of a pricst bctwecn God and man. Its metaphors.: op. But. p. the same point was the to actual human problems. 52 Anawati. 130v. [ 79v. R. s . Judaism. where suqjects tend to way. in thc eyes of Christian theologians. in the case of concubines). p.Jom1er. scek God's glory. 119r-v]. 50 Daniel. based on the Koran. C. 84v. which is not rcasonable [CE. true faith which must be bclicvcd as a whole.Niontccroce. 274. Manicheans. nor wcrc law schools.

and confession was a portion of God's. and topics were repeated combining God and was following: angels could not be corporeal. was regarded by l\!luslims as fate. This was absolutely impossiblc taken that angels stand betwccn had alrcady emphasizcd this acknowledgement of an only God and God and man. difficult to explain the character of such a person within Islam. FF. 53 Daniel. However. or if cvery human soul had been madc out of this belief was considered enough to be saved. But even where of his treatise to this suqject [CE. which could not be provided by Islam [CE. The Koran spoke about things made out of othcrs. Faith--manifested in thc scntcncc "I confcss that thcre is Onc from the beginnings of Islam. but strongest. criticism related to the end of the world el. Espina did not use it as a dialectical Although both religions saw history as a path to Paradise or con. created [CE. . as opposed to the spiritual joys promised by that he would stand befare the tribunal as did cvcry man [CE. Thc abscnce of sacraments and priests in Islam made attracted much more attention. Espina goes as far as saying that he had bcen informed by some- Creation as presented in the Koran was not acceptable for Christian body who had bcen in Granada shortly befare [FF. p. like the sky. nor could they die befare the day of Recitation of the shahada was widcly knovvn and considered use- Judgement. 145-154]. This madc Daniel have also notcd that the Koran itself was the main source Torqucmada compare Mul. The Monotheistic religions are usually exclusive regarding salvation. 119v. weapon .. pillars of Islam would provide the basis far a holy life. He dísagreed on thc a minister was needed-like thc Friday sermon in mosqucs. They number of prejudices also played an important role in thc discussion. for but Torquemada merely mcntions them [ constructions. as the Fathers of the Church the sccond part of the Liber Scalae cxplaincd in seventeen titles the had stated long befare. It is strangc to think that any Christian writer would omit demnation. ·angels were unaware of God. out of nothing. 138r. Espina The last. 13lr. N. 53 Things without providencc. long discussion which had taken place within the Christian Church acceptablc for T orquemada.: lrlam and the West. physical appearance of Paradise. The only means to achicve it was real lmowledge God's throne in heaven. 145-154]. the word "creation" meant making something implies a ccrtain acknowledgement of sincere devotion in Muslims. thcre was another difforence in orientation: what Christians such a proof of Mu}:lammad's depravation. 139r. 154-168]. 174-1 76]. According to thc Koran. But the worst was to accept that angels itself about faith not bcing enough for salvation. 169-174]. baptism and the other sacraments wcrc the way to Paradise does not even try. For a start. Islam qucstion became more diffi.xist.152 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 153 Christians could not accept that Christ would not be the Judge. 187-207. or Usually th~se writers who livcd without any contact with thc Muslim the sun and the moon madc of the samc light exccpt that Gabriel population tended to be more critical towards Islamic rítcs. the Islamic controvcrsy. was brought into had been askcd to pay homagc to Adam as God's favourite crea. And the Koran itself and its commentators ture. ZC. which is quite un.understood as a divine arder governing Christian authors in the Península took good care to be infarmcd creation-would not e.133].iammad [CE. 13lv·-132r. Although far salvation [ZC. so Torquemada devoted six chapters it difficult far both rcligions to compare their rituals.cult whcn analising whether Adam's soul is mainly an acknowledgement of God and future life. FF. and a garden of delights-. made of firc.iammad is his messcnger"-··· -was dcfinitely not enough philosophical explanations with thcologi. which every author who had lived in Islamic countries had realised. his Prophet as the first condition to attain salvation. but spiritual. 120v]. Likewise. This theologians. although the five of a single original souL These are complex philosophical qucstions. 13lr. 8lr]. síncc was that of Paradise as dcscribcd by Mul. Al1 thc authors wcrc deeply struck by the physical nature of this Paradise·-. and would not have any reason to be about the current religious practices of Muslims within the territory. 172. which was made up of smoke coming from steam.ammad to Dcmocritus and Epicureus. had touchcd the moon and made it darkcr [CE. It seems that the question of angels and demons [CE. 130. Disputatio. A as the Church had consídered them sínce thc third ccntury. but other authors likc saw as providcnce. could not possibly commit sin. 132v]. for this argument. 110-· Christian tradition. for they werc pure souls and they wcre needed to hold lcss for not sccm to be much worricd about the shahada in itsclf. The criticism on this subject had been thc samc 115]. The of the names of things bcfore Adam namcd them. so it would be Adam who should honour them. and Espina Christians.

and that was the most criticized aspect of ablutions Cathcrine of Lancaster in 1433. or perhaps the information brought by sorne clerk Christian writers often tllought that Muslims saw ablution as a travelling in Muslim lands. Thc fact that both employed water made Christians in cxchange for payment. Washing was seldom mentioned in relation to prayer. The Cow. F. except in thc Moorish nor was thc distinction made between different types of ablution quarters. pp.. l 32r]-which. drawn from the need for ritual purity aftcr sexual intercourse and and later rcvcalcd to David. .: Estado social . ut patet. IvI. Eiximenis also noted of bells just to differ from Christians-so it was said-the latter con- that Muslims used to wash thcmsclvcs very often.. 55 For a longcr discussion on the subject. 58 See Fernández y González. paradoxically. polemicists compared thcm to the monastic hours. living sidc by sidc." 51 Longás.: 11"/am and the T1Vest. But an oral agreement with the king was reachcd in 135 7 (ghusl. 60 When MuJ:iarnmad forbade thc use with success well after thc fiftccnth ccntury. both of whom inspired their mosques entailed an offcncc on the part of Christians. de: "Un logos cristia . one for befare praying. . This was again suspended by the bishop two suppose that Muslims used ablutions for the remission of sins. suggesting a l\lluslim source which has not ing. 264. This commonplacc had bccn uscd since the bcginning of ter from what sidc of the conflict.. . but none mentioncd settled in a neighbourhood as opposed to thc Christian community raka. but they wcre considered unsuitable for providing from Christian rulcrs. so it led to a number of laws externa! cleansing. Solomon.. and then reduced thanks to Moses's interccssion. 218-219.. thc samc as bells as opposed to thc mu'adhdhin. mosques were ancient Christian churches which Francesc Eiximenis related Islamic tastc for water and baths to l\lluslims had transformcd.). it could never rcplace baptism [FF. " J\!facel ·lania Joan Ji'uster. churches/mosqucs werc thc first controversy between Islam and Christianity and continucd to meet target in conquest and razzias. was first pcrformed by Adam. but it was ncver fully implemented. which in Christianity required confüssion befare mass each time of thc day:14 The Liber scalae refers to Mul.. who did not practice 56 Epalza. Aragon and punished with the dcath penalty.: La imagen de los musulmanes . . substitutc for confrssion. 57 FF. to heavcn as the origin of the five Islamic prayers. thc But Christians seldom knew what Islamic prayers consisted of Sorne call to prayer was considered as much a social as a religious ritual.iit or other gestures which might havc surpriscd them. Espina's first mistake was to attrib. M. see Daniel. Jacob and Jonah. to the outragc of Christians. as appears in the Koran" _57 been located yet. For many also used water to wash the interior of man. they knew about which inv<?lved the participation in praycr of a whole community the reading of the Koran and repetition of verses. [ 132r: "Baptisma vero saracenorum solum se cxtendit ad ablucionem membrorum proptcr inmundiciam corum ex coytu vel egestione. p. instead of the Koran-.rnmmad's ascent [FF.iammacl's commandment. 5·5 Most important Churches and mosques became the symbol of two religions facing of all. the cult of thc Moon and Venus. p. 59 New Castilian legislation on this matter was issued by baptism-.. each othcr. It was also considered a rcproach to Christians Preliminary ablutions wcrc traditionally accepted as a means for and an act of solidarity against them. Another particularity is the arder members after their becoming dirty due to sexual intercourse or eat- used by the Franciscan. % Espina added the famous rccommendation of mak- favour of the argument about thc call to prayer. 64. pp. Christian chroniclcrs. It seems that From now on. P. No mat- eroticism..which never existcd in Islam. .--it was just "The baptism of Saraccns only consists of an ablution of the body a classical error in Christian treatises. becausc water was unable to clean internal faults.154 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATJSES 155 he <lid not devote a single page of commentary to it-leaving it in thc same habits. The line was According to Tradition. thc call to praycr was forbidden in ritual purity. 59 Boswell. Bunes !barra.. wuef. 58 Being a public proclamation of the Prophet. p. 139v].. pp. Strictly spcaking. first ordered to Ali public manifestation of Islam had be en forbiddcn in the IV be fifty by God. although he givcs both the same namc: utc thcse precepts to Alcorano. In 1311.. N . haptism. who followed sura 2. .. 376. cit. Lateran Council. we shall be following thc Fortalitium in ils list of he realized thc differcnce between washing before praycr and Christian Islamic precepts. ing ablutions with sand where water was not availablc. bcing dcprived of the Jews. 31. 60 235-237. wore broad robes sidered it an outrage. they to help this practice and uscd to drink a lot of water at Mu}. ~aliit (praycr). A. . As soon as their prccminence was a fact.. whcrcas for Muslims.: op. J: The Rf!Yal 7i-easure.--like ycars later.ü.377.

kings were more tolerant within their as thc month when the Koran de. beast-fights. as was traditional in Christian or rather the place where his body was supposcd to be buried. the moon calendar [FF. On following ycar. p. Howcver. 90.lan. 64 and the Koran the king used to sacrificc a ram and takc it to the queen. The gamc mcn. cit.: "Las fiestas profanas y Montecrocc.ammad from outsidc the city to eat meat from the Moorish quarter. horse raccs and jousts with Christians from the valley. it making them fast. J. On the wholc. About the aforemcntioncd thrce precepts. those on pilgrim.156 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 157 answercd by stopping the call to prayer [FF. which were reproduced by While the obligation of almsgiving (zakiit) was not usually criticized. such as playing the bugle. Alonso qucstioning [FF. There wcrc also bullfights. rfjihiid was considered as onc of the means used by playing al-tabla (with lances). when Aragonese Muslims were forbidden to travel to other Following Ramac.. vvho His criticism focused on accusing Mu}:tammad of encouraging the allowed pilgrimages to the shrines of IVIuslim saints in Godalesc and Arabs' lust by trying to constrain them during the day while allowing forbade the practice of charging them to cnter the mosque to pray. accurate as far as Islamic sources are conccrned. The chroniclers who mcntion these entertainments 63 Boswcll. who could not He kncw about the exemptions admittcd for the ill. Violence was rejected by Christian authors as being opposed to More practica! issues were described.v]. but he succeeded by persuading simple peoplc who 61 Longás. No Arabic expert in contemporary Muslim chroniclers. After that. the use of weapons to attain the enemy's conversion. which convert Pedro Alfonso had transmitted the Arabic traditions about are mentioned in inquisition records. and cven less Pedro de la Cavalleria sacrifice required for fasting. which was attacked with lances. tíoned by Espina (al-tabla in Arabic. l 32r]. 64 were lbn al-Khatlb and al-Maqqarl. A prophet was not supposed to encourage whi.91. thus to cornmemorate Abraham>s sacrifice of a ram instead of hís son. pray and give alms infinitely long befo re the authorities to took place in thc kingdom of Granada: the night of the Feast. cañas in Spanish) consisted of a hanged target pp. they were refused thc opportunity to visit Mecca. Another aim of pilgrimagc was the visit to the Prophet's shrine- ing during the day and eating at night. cit. based on the celebrations Christ's message of love. l 32v]. and dcscribcd thc dctails of fasting [FF. l 32r. a custom which has been recorded by Mu}:iammad to attract followers to his cause. much atterition. 132r]. age and pregnant women.: op. and more difficult for the VI/e werc taught to fast. it would be done without wcapons [FF. 63 thcm complete freedom at night [CE. f. R. 263.: Disputatio. [CE. p. Although Pope Clement forbade it. Espina described the festival of Breaking JVIuslim countries. l 33r]. 34. religiosas en el Reino de Granada. and lapidation were rituals known to Christian clergy. . l 32r]. like Pedro the Great of Aragon. also celebrated the night when the Koran descended from Hcaven. it was sccn as a good augury for thc to Islam. See Al-Abbadf. writers. to thc great Pilgrimage to IVIecca was considered from severa! viewpoints. Espina to criticise Muhammad for having accepted them at <Umar's fasting and prohibitcd food were often mentíoncd in trcatises. Moveinent of vast numbcrs of people with a amazing sect of thls Mul]anunad. P. but nevertheless criticized the idea of fast. If shc saw was quoted as saying that. 62 The gamcs took place in the two main squares in Granada (al-Ramla and al- Tawwabin) and within the precincts of the Alhambra." 1Hücelá11ea de Estudios Arabes y Hebraicos XIV-XV. were it God's will to convert somebody the animal befare its death. M. They soon found new ways. because it <lid not convey the idea of self-renunciation and Neither Torquemada or Espina. 61 the cult of idols at the Meccan sanctuary. mcntioned this possibility. fully undcrstand thc new meaning of these pagan customs. Stop> stop wanting to sce Mul. l 20r. FF. . local pilgrim- Torquemada only madc one comment: age had increased and was both easier for people living in such a distant corner as the Iberian Península.lammad religious cause within thc boundaries of Christendom attractcd too as thc first master in thosc things. Since the expansion of Islam. 54. in which he is worth no more than being the last disciple . Espina's discussion was quite de Espina rcfcrred to RamaQ.. Two traditions wcrc quoted for Another díssuasíve weapon imposed by Pedro was to forbid Muslims the origins of the Festival: the feast was institutcd by Mul. 86r. Fast (cld al-Fitr) compared to Jewish Passover because both followed making the king's "tolerant" measure just a way to control his subjects.: op. 62 theology (if this existed in pre-Islamic times) could accept bis doc- trine at first. thc king and his knights went jousting and the other hand. 34]. The annoyance of Muslim communities. . Circumambulation scended from heaven.

ch. only differing in that Islam aliowed sevcral wives instcad of of 1412 maintaíned the spirit of these laws. FF. IVIontccroce. J. ject was marriage and all the legislation derived from it in both the even with Christian prostitutes because. Criticism of polygamy quoting the New Testa~ Muslims. . "they had Koran and Tradition [CE. No Christian writer tried as long as his military triumphs. M. The consequencc was endogamy 139v]. as MuQ. specific. Criticism of the latter was even harder.: Disputatio. l 32v] was taken out of context-the strugglc Alonso de Espina contributcs by justifying the early examples of against pagan tribcs in the Arabian Península. Clcrgy used to bccome the wives of Christ". concubinage. Thc same was applied to marriagc between Christians and apart from concubincs. listed in Aragonesc laws: firc.ammad's evil and a punislunent adultcry if the wifc had marricd another person in between. CE. 176. love helps by Pedro Alfonso. p. except for sexual intercourse with Mudcjar women. thcm in every way" [FF. with ali their rights. 375.: Islam and the T1Vest. disrcgarding established in Alfonso X's Partl:das. to their feeling of iclentity. Still more emphasis was made on the repucliation [FF. A. polygamy unless women were granted the same right. etc.: 17ie Rr!JaÍ 1í·easure. were decidedly opposed to the Islamic vicw. Fortunatcly. which was generally considered to the world. 176--179]: first of all. kili the adversaries of God. and to persecutc amy is a step backwards in this construction. f. N. see Boswcll. his opinions permitted ali kinds of food [CE. l 19v]. 65 to analysc possiblc motives for the establishment of such an institu- Food prohibitions did not deservc much comment except a simple tion within the Arabic tribal systcm at the origins of Islam. it is against I Gen. transmittcd again wives cannot be loved equaliy. giving them thc title of "official" wives. 246]. ZC. 129. drowning. 186]. restrictions concerning relatives were well notcd within the Mud~jar community which was at the samc time thc key [FF. and thcrcforc against natural law. The Ordinance eties. As a result. that MuQ. an expression of MuQ.ammad as saying that his power would last had becn ordered only for carnal pleasure. it was a commandmcnt to Christians ignored the dhímma institution. IX]. Theologians were two in onc flesh". Nforeover. especially aftcr the pagan of parenthood. The next did not consider all these measurcs in their arguments: they left them reasons sccm quite advanccd for his time. Holy war was considercd an incorrect way of introducing Islam 79---183] and readmission of wives. it was could not claim that success rneant divine approval because then any not recommended either for -the education of children nor ce1iainty defeat would involve God's abandon. un-Islamíc.. 207. 86r. who chose several females.ammad had ordered his followcrs "to to distinguish man from the beasts.: "Los mudéjares de Castilla en la Baja Edad Media". 66 Torquemada startcd by a long considcration about why polygamy There was a whole series of law-codes concerning sexual inter- is unlawful [CE. The death penalty was the punishment compare Christian and Islamic theory on this subjcct. Daniel. 344. polyg- rob. R. According to Cavalleria. l 33r. although it was not so one. whosc ment was thc mcthod chosen by Espina to approach the matter [FF. Based on thc principle of 66 Ladero Quesada. misundcrstanding of thc spirit of djíhad was a fcature love is not possible among many people. and thc statcment that Christians wcre Torquemada might seem quite openmindcd for his time. slavery. In the order of creation. CE.ammad clid-[FF. given that it Nfontecrocc quoted MuQ. make prisoners.187. he considers men should not be allowed closest territories and impose their tyranny ovcr thcm [CE. Muslims from increasing thc numbcr of "legal wives" in sorne cases. and in the same way many common to all religious writcrs. For Aragón. In this case. l 37r]. Law forbade sexual intercourse between Mudcjars and Christians. p. due to baptism. r. 138r. 133r]. and a whole range of possibilities the fact that concubínage and aclultery were common within both soci. Thc information.213. Thc cxtcnsion of this polygamy containcd in the Old Tcstamcnt. Although comparison to J ewish habits. p. licence given to the prophets. the re.158 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREA TISES 159 were ready to follow him in his enterprise as a way to conquer the equality of human beings. Apart for the sins of Christians [ZC. Tartars had triumphed over them. He failed to scc that Christians Torquemada made yet another distinction betwccn polygamy and often used thc same reasoning for their own victories. 133r. 2: "They course between both religions in every Peninsular kingdom. Howcver. It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that thc favourite sub. 34. DM. situation was the most unprotected.. who in any case did not enjoy it as spect duc to the peoplc of the Book. and was therefore absolutely a way to appease their lust.

138r. Inste ad thcy referred to the theoretical bases for Christians versus sitting on the floor (Muslims). about inhcritance. or formal given for this choice.l 20v. Given that 7 l\IIul:iammad was a tyrant. 133v]. a sin. which was punishcd onc. according to the legend of his marriage to Khadidja. 69 made fcmalcs inherit half the portion of a man. the direction ing. p. to witnesses: in Islamic law. Mu}:iammad's efforts to be different from the made Torquemada exclaim that such a conduct was in no way pro- two older rcligions would be the cause for his commandment-he per of angels but rathcr of demons. tion as the penalcy for murdcr. from their heads to place them on the fire. such as Friday being the day whcn Mu}:iarnmad explanation is given of why thcsc principles of social legislation should was crowned king. 344--345. [FF. 34. P. Still. . 63 for fornication as comparcd to Moscs's law [FF. eating with or which could be applied to intolerance. The first one speal{s of retalia- grcat contradictions in the Koran. was connected to Friday observance was ncver found. 207-213]. \·ve fmd the following three pre- analyse the problem in depth. but many discussions followed. takcn from other geographical points. but thcy do provide a new clue to understand- If the crime was adultery or fornication among l\IIuslims. such as the story of angels Aroth and Maroth [FF. No further comment is made about these issues. 186]. l\!lixture at this level was con. This is doubtless the most imagina- 69 Gayangos. The cardinal again differenciatcd be- still forgcts it is really a Koranic commandment. which had already been of winc if he considered it so dangerous? The answcr to this paradox discussed within the.: Islam and the West. Sorne writers took and prayer. and so on. Once again. lapidation for adultery and whípping demned in the same sura. causing disturbances and murders. "sodornitc" was considered a grcat insult. This feeling can be more worrying than simple Llnked to the supposed lust of Arab people was the belief that religious thcorctical controversy for the cocxistencc of three social and the Koran encouraged sodomy. 133v]. CE. be included in a chapter on rcligious precepts-probably the distinc- lady of Corozan. and influence on weak members of society. It is interesting to sce that he did Several popular traditions were introduced into theological reason- not realize that. upon such trivial affairs. without napkins. It is quite womcn and children-was emphasized. dcsire of distinction from Christian observancc of Sunday andJewish The prohibition of wine always posed the samc problem to Christian observance of thc Sabbath. He considered sodomy as one of the cepts taken from Koran 2:178-182. The second In fact. because it was admitted and con. Ricoldo de Montecrocc was the first to Continuing with social legislation. and not Mu}:iammad's tvvcen drinking and being drunk-which could in fact be considered [FF. p. Espina says it should look to the South. Better informed theologians pointcd to Mu]:iammad's tion was not as precise for thc writcrs as it is nowadays. 133v] in the context of the accusations of idol. 67 Christian community. forgivcness ing that unease social rclations were starting to creatc among the was granted through payment. FF. rise against him [CE. 68 Daniel.160 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 161 to politic al lcadcrs. This account one (East). pp. Later on. The same occurred with regard ZC. was strange to Peninsular writers. 386. a male witness prevails over female tes- atry madc by the Christian Fathcrs. when it <lid precisely the oppositc religious communities. who got drunk in ordcr to posscs a woman. Islamic law with eighcy whips according to the Breviario Sunni. whcre Mecca the prohibition to involve grapes and non-alcoholic wine [FF. Membcrs of sociccy with less peculiar that a theologian of his rank would descend to commcnt power were penalized for unions which thc powerful could afford. N. laws conceded equal parts to both. Islamic world. was orientated from the Península. l 33v]. holding sardines from their tails versus holding them sidcrcd dangerous.ammad's that the Prophet was trying to preserve peace within his community: desirc for diíference to everyday habits such as sitting at the table Arabs livcd in a hot area. he probably feared his men would then G Ibidem. de: Tratados de legislaúón musulmana. 119v] told in of prayer would coincide with the Jewish one (West) or the Christian the hadith. whcrcas Christian Friday obscrvance was at first linked to the cult of Venus [CE. he was awarc that Islam rejectcd it. othcr rcasons were timonies. tive argument read on this subject. 132r. thcologians: how could Mul:iammad promisc a Paradise with rivers The question of thc dircction of thc qibla. l l 9v. where drinking strong wine would make thcm drunk casily. The best reason he could give for Mu}:iammad's strictness was But the best part of the argument is when he takes l\IIu}:i. 143.

Islamic answer to the question of why thcy did continuc the faith. in order to maintain that it had not been practiscd.tammad. the Koran did not refer to it in the verses quotcd action was both theoretical and practical. forgetting that he had already warned Muslirns Muslirns felt the need to counterattack at this point. rcprcscntations other than Islam andJudaism. 138.c." crcstia . . thcre were others in Christian faith which Muslims could basis to be defended in a public argumcnt.138].. for Islamic the Breviarw Sunni. 134r. ch. Yet.: Islamic Literature . 71. and this particular mission. vino alli [Madrid] el maestro del Espm~ y fray Femando de la Plaza con otros religiosos a notificar al rey co~no :n sus remos avia grande heregia de algunos que judaizaban. while making images of idols was forbidden. 123v--l 24. The sccond had him Despite Mul_iammad's efforts to eradicate miracles as a sign of circumcised by Gabriel once he was born. Thc last response was taken back to the origins powcr to pcrform miracles. Jesus was accepted as the great- Arabian Pcninsula. Ildephonse's cloak. p.: ] esus otage. an God's. Miracles could be performed by anyone chosen by God for a Jewish practicc was that they were fulfilling Abraham's law. His but. 105. rcfutation of Djabir recommended a modilication of the typc of circumcision in miracles was vital to refute Islam?~ On the othcr hand.162 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 163 The mattcr of disputes was classical in polcmic litcrature. One of thc oldcst issues was the argument about the defenders of such a rnethod. 136vJ. and thcy did not see how two pieces of wood that no such sign had been announced to the Prophct's mother- could be adored. This was rejected on the grounds J esus's crucifixion. miracles did not prove oflslam. as we have seen in chapter 2 [Dlvl. p . Christian e) Other a.nombre de christianos retaxaban sus hijos. y c_o:i . i. M. miracles which had to do with saints and lvlary-such as thc story of St. was that Mul_iammad had becn as an object of devotion. and were nota sign of God's particular preference. According to Eiximenis. 72 Epalza. IV].106. adoration of images. assimilatc these new converts to Islam.: !l·Lam aud !he ft11esf. were unacceptable. l 19v-120v.. 0 mad provided by thc Syrian Apology to ridicule the Prophct [FF. In this schcmc. when many supportcrs carne from the Jewish tribes in thc that Christ was the Son of God. 70 law prohibíted human representation. N. But the final cxplanation was The first recrimination to be made was that Muslims prcserved that. For a start.. Juan de Segovia was one of not understand. D.. G. : ]esus olage. always bascd on But anyonc with an important mission would be likcly to have the scriptural argumcnts. suplicandole que 7 See Daniel. pp. which were only permittcd in thc Roman Church. 72 in a clear comparison to lvlary's annunciation. . 43]. XII. . The second point was adoring Circumcision was one of Espina's dcarcst subjects. while he was having a prophethood. thc crrors of thc old and the newest laws. p. CE. M . de: "Un logos :i mandase hacer mqrns1c1on sobre ello para que füesen castigados. 139v·-l 40r]. This is the most interesting and accurate piece of the argument. 71 writers like Ibn al-Samad al-Khazrajf of Cordoba. 225. the Cross was rejectcd onc. gave Espina anothcr controversia! subject to discuss.. the matter was this practice dcspitc it bcing recommended only by the Sunna-·--··and settlcd whcn the images were God's. thcy were clear proof of this state for Islamic popular bath. . it: both wcrc considered idolatry.143. 133.~jJects qf controverS)1 thcologians could hardly undcrstand why 1\ifuslims were forbiddcn to Just as sorne aspects of Islamic belief were unclear for Christian the- cngagc in rcligious discussion exccpt if thcir religion lacked enough ologians. l 33v]. given to him by the Virgin hcrself----. 71 Wiegers. DM. i. for he accuscd sorne converws by Torquemada. in ordcr to hclp believers to not by thc Koran itself Two traditions were mentioned: the first rcmcmber Him. as major ablution was thought Christian writers used the list of false miracles attributed to Muham- to have been when the first Christians became Muslims [FF. . 74·.: Crónica de Enrique IV. for a start. 215-216.d ~astifü~.". Espina extended the argument to Jews. and Nicholas of Cusa was ready to follow. p. Although Espina CE. 206: " . given diflerence betwccn adoring a statue and adoring somcthing beyond their preaching skills thcy had to support thc argument [FF. 74 Epalza. unnatural ritual which had becn supcrccded by Christ and his N ew Fifteenth-century writcrs had enough references to this problcm Testament [FF. and 'Isa ibn about believing in miracles. takcn from Byzantine iconoclasm [ZC. los ntos JUda1cos_. 184. mainly because Muslims did not acccpt circumcised in his mother's womb.e. 74 70 Enriqucz D. FF. pp. Also Epalza. ivl. which was broadly acccptcd.Moses's befare the king of practising the ritual in secret.. guardando . Islam did not conceive the and 'Torquemada did not explicitly defend the samc position. ch. CE. In relation to this discussion. Circumcision was in this context an attempt to est miracle-mal(er after Mul. for it linked imagcs of thc Virgin and the saints. 136~137v.

pp. compared to several hercsies until its contents were better known. 4: "Una fides. he said that whcn God sent Gabriel to him. Ipse namque cum Sabclio negavit 78 "On the error. N. Thc evi. 77 convenit cum novacianis et donatistis hcrcticis baptisma reycrantibus.. et contra constitucionem perfectam legis naturc: "Erunt duo thc Church in thcir particular time: first. vVhence Sergius the monk. Eighth. Undecimo docuit indifferenter accipcrc uxores alienum Mul. Septimo dicit by most of their members. and in this he agreed with the Donatist heretics. Islam was considered a sect born out of a mixture precíosis et in ortis irriguis et in hoc convenit cum Cherinto herctico et of Christianity and Judaism. many of them bccame Saracens. Undc omnium antiquo- rum feccs quas dyabolus sparsim seminaverat. Second. Sixth." (Gen. But still Nicolas of Cusa thought docuit uti lotionibus pro baptismatibus in remissionem peccatorum con- Islam to be a revival of Nestorianism. 2). as venit cum Manichco.ammad's law. Duodecimo docuit apparent in the late medieval Church. and in this he agreed with 76 Daniel. Tercio aserit quod Sabellius the Trinity of persons ín God. was an Arian heretic. et denicd Christ's Passion. Tredecimo sics. p. Decimo ponit in capitulo de Mensa quod fami- insisted on considering it a heresy. 711 Secundus pasus ostendit errores legis Machometi. et ideo docuit circumcisionem esse tenendam et in hoc convcnit cum A classification was complex to work out. It made polemic at once desirable and Spiritum Sanctum esse creaturam et in hoc convenit cum Macedonio. a crcature ancl in this he agreed with Maccdonius. ancl in that he agrccd with Manicheus. Third. he said that the Jews did not kili Christ se sed apparebit circa fmcm mundi et occidct Antichristum et pastea but someonc resembling Him.: L'hlam et le dialogue islamo-chretien.: op. Fourth. Nono ponit quod monastic movcmcnt were recognized as points in common. et in hoc convenit cum sodomitis hereticis. who was MUI:iammad's tcacher. Et quia negavit Christi passionem negat omnia and kíll the Antichrist. he clenied ali the Sacraments of the Church which assumed in hoc convenit cum donatistis hereticis. Unde et Sergius monachus qui fuit magistcr collected and renewed by him in Mul~ammad and his law. who male God corporeal. after his knowledge of Byzantine tra Apostolum ad Ephesios. Y. later. and he felt such a coldness from the touch of God's hands on 75 Moubarac. Secundo docuit Christum esse puram Mul. of Mul:tammad's law. crcature. 263· 267. licitum csse plures uxores habere contra Apostolum Prima Corinthiorum. cit. quod fr:igiditas pervenit usquc ad medulam spine dorsi et in hoc con- dent relation among the thrcc rcligions "of the Book" was perceived venit cum Acromofortis qui ponunt Deum corporcum. Quarto dicit quod Deus transtulit Christum ad has been said. 157.i.ammad ranged from "hcrctic" to "schismatic". Following this trend. Espina and Torquemada themselves devoted chapters taken from Quartodccímo docuit licita esse sodomiam tam cum masculo quam Ricoldo de l\!Iontecroce to the comparison of Islam with other sccts cum femina ut patct in Alchorano capitulo de Vaca. 75 ultima hominis bcatitudo est in comcdendo et luxuriando et in vestibus From its origins. vVhencc all the old dregs which the devil had disseminatcd were creaturam cum Arria. Octavo dicit quod aliqui angeli facti sunt dcmones quia nolucrunt ado- difficult. In the beginning. Byzantine polemicists cum quibusdam paganis. ologians undcrstood Islam in the light of what was happening within septimum. G. he saíd that sorne angels . he said that the Holy Ghost was 77 Anawati. scilicet Alchoranum. once they eis facti sunt sarraceni et in hoc aliqualiter imitatur Origenem qui dixit hacl hcard the Koran. et sic docuit gentes iudayzare. and aftcrwards God wíll make Him dic. Acromoforts. he travdled to God and God laid his hands upon him. quod ipse ivit ad Deum et Deus imposuít ei manus Polemics against Judaism and Islam were usually considered together et tantam frigiditatem scnsit ex tactu manus Dei super humeros eius and used by the same authors in defence of Christian faith. Islam was lia sua nichil omnino valet nisi complcat legcm et Evvangelium et lib- rum sibi revclatum.164 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 165 d) Nfuslims) Heretfrs and ]ews quod adhuc demones salvabuntur. For he denied with Machometi ut dictum est. p. the rupture of schism. C. he said that the demons could be saved by thc Koran and that. fuit hereticus arrianus. l\!Iatters such as common dcsccnt from Abraham or thc rare Adam et in hoc omnino neminem imitatur. 192. Et in hoc convenit cum Nazareis hereticis lici- tum pónentibus in nova lege articulum de pluraritate uxoris. unum baptisma". It is worth noting that thc. et in hoc polemics. And becausc he sacramenta Ecclesie quae a passione Christi sumpsserunt efficaciam. he said that God called Christ to Him but He would appear at the end of the world faciet eum Dcus mori. possunt salvari per Alchoranum et quod ipsi audito Alcorano multi ex Fifih. he taught that Christ was a plain iudei non occiderunt Christum sed qucndam ci similem et in hoc con. The second step shows the errors of trinitatem personarum in divinis.. simul in JVIachometo et eius lege recolexít ac renovavit. Sexto dicit quod quando Deus misit pro eo Gabrielcm.: Islam and the West. Quinto dicit quod demones their efficacy from Christ's Passion. the confrontation of here. like Aríus. who said that even the devils would be saved. so the terms used for Vieme herctico. and in this he imitated Origen to sorne cxtcnt. his shoulders that the cold carne to his spinal marrow. in carne una. licet sarraceni palientur hoc quibusdam honestis or heresies: exposicionibus. Sevcnth..76 as schism becamc et in hoc videtur conveniri cum nicholaytis hereticis.

he was mistaken in most part of the doctrine. having Espina could have chosen to íncludc dcmons in his treatise relating intercoursc and precious clothes and watcrcd gardens. but Christian writers used to stress the after the Mendicant approach <lid Islam start to be seen as a sepa.: " Un logos crcstia . p.. against the the . . Tenlh. 79 FF. Onc of thc most interesting articlcs cm this faith. And in this he agreed with the Nazaritc heretics who allowecl in their 81 new law an articlc about [havingl severa! wivcs. M. although foundation by the devil. 127. Elcvcnth. Montecroce." FF. 79 likc Llull's Libre del gentil e los tres savis. 290. a trace of originality in his time. spokc cach other's language 81 and used to share their lodgings. but on the contrary. pp. ". f. he stated that the ultimatc human bealitude is eating. R. In addition to this. he always introduccd it as something com..Jewish astronomcr who prophesized Muhammad's birth. on thc othcr hand. Muslim sources. than Christian ones. it was mcntioned together with the Albigensians. and in this he agreed with thc Novatist and Donatist hcretics subject is Gunvirth. and in this he imi- of both the elite and commoners. he taught that having sevcral wives was pcrmitted. Lyon 14ll7. l 19r.Jews and Law.iammad was really a schis. Ci4-65 .: "La Inquisición medieval y la moderna .. 78v. " 8'1 Thc rclation between the Jews and the diabolic existed in the minds wcrc made demons bccause thcy didn't want to adore Adam. where a dispute among a Jcw. 28r.: op. a very intercsting opinion is Demonization of the encmy was more important in Christian than Francesc Eiximenis's. as stated in the Koran. · Alain de Lille shared thís concept of Islam. he asserted in thc chaptcr of the . and legal works. 152-153. and in this he agrccd with Epalza.cs through Mul. E.Table Sprcacl that his family was worth nothing if they did not comply with the According to the Fortaütium. in La. 80 5 Sec Southern. . but in a much shorter way. F. f. 01 ments. It is obvious that both have points thc Waldensians and thc Jcws. Meyuhas Ginio also agrees.. pp. pher to convert to one of thc thrcc rcligions. cit. Coming from a mixed socicty in Valencia. as compared to thc Jcwish law. common remcdy was sought for their attacks against the Church.J ews and IVIuslims wcre dealt with togcther in religious scct. pp. one baptism'. . cit. R. and in this he is secn to agree with thc Nicolaite had come frorn the devil himself. In De fide catholica contra VVe have seen before how most of the Islamic doctrine was discussed hereticos sui temporis. he taught to take indiscriminately the wivcs of othcrs.forleresse.: op. 39 and Daniel. alyptical literature.c. p. and against the perfect constitution of natural law: 'They shall be two in onc flesh'. T. cit. That is the reason why Alonso de tated nobody. Mul. f. · Hillgarth. XLIX who repeat baptism. 85 thc hcretic Cherintus and with other pagans. n:i Barkai. which was quite reasonable given the rarified which Islam fulfilled.. a Christian and a l\tfuslim is used to try to persuade a pagan philoso- he had already seen it as a possible danger in the place of Manicheism. but they also to compare with that against the Jews [. 33 Hillgarth thinks. thcir rcligi. whose nature was to be evil. The main argument to .. and the popular belief that their members it had been influenced by hereti. that "moors circumcision. and also taught that circumcision should be ancestors had carricd thc dcvil's banners as idolatcrs and the Koran made.: op. 02 or women. Ninth. food prohibition-and about thc good relationship might occasionally be cquatcd in popular spccch with devils or in cxisting between Jcws and IVIuslims in his homeland. Within the Franciscan approach. Thirteenth. Litcrary stylcs ranged from theological treatises to didactic dialogues inste ad of dcnying certain points while agreeing with thc rcst. When Peter the Venerable was VVTiting his works opposing Islam. There were four conditions to cstablish hercsy.: "Hispano:Jcwish attitudes to thc Moors. looked like demons-this thought was even taken to iconography. formcr.iammad. but there was no general anti-Niuslim feeling they love each other better than they did Christians. Apostle. Prof. against the Apostle: 'One tionship in the mid-füteenth century. Fourteenth. The link was established through heretics. rathcr matic and not a hereti.ons wcre dcscribcd in association and a pletely different from its supposed origins (Christianity and .: Islam and the Mlest. Espina tried to explain why IVfol. thc Gospels and the Book rcvcaled to him-namely the Koran-· and so he demons--through two diffcrent wives. Not only <lid legend with sorccrcrs.. Eixi. he taught that sodomy was ailowed both with men (1989). Adam had sired to two raccs . pp. Twelfth. rightly in rny vicw..Judaism). he prescribed the use There are a numbcr of documents from Castilian aljamas to prove this rela- of ablutions instead of baptism for the rcmission of sins." :)rjarad. H Ruiz. 166 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 167 However. .iammad's taught the peoplc to behave like Jews. N. 65. 80 Only in comrnon and diffcrences. The deformative tcchnique was influenced by Apoc- menis was sure of Mul:iammad's imítation ofJudaism and its precepts.dcny thc qualification atmosphere existing in the Península around and aftcr 1391. p. R. p. although the Saracens conccal this with sorne honest argu. and in this he agreed with Vierne the heretic. thc Sodomíte heretics. ]. J. : Disputatio. 82 of hcrctic was that the Prophet did not confess Islam to be a Christian In general. 237 262. chaptcr of the Cow. 188--189. and in this he agreed with them somehow to Jews and Muslims. ". Onc of the first characteristics attributed to them was their rate religion which <lid not have its roots in Christianity.

although with different solutions. ways to favour pcaccful Iifc wherever several religíous communitics as shall be secn.the way to Christian triumph: chapters 11 and 12 describe since. place at the end of the ·world. Italy about the Messiah and the demonstration of the Trinity were devised and Castile were then reported: poison. Was Espina providing historical antecedents to suggest in Islam. The whole argumcnt dom in the Península. Lyon 1'187. firstly because t11e subject was too far away from his practica! Alonso de Espina himself). The ideas were better hclp to undcrstand why Espina is thc only author who tries to conceal cxplaincd duc to the deeper knowledge of jeV11Ísh somces and Christian both problems at the same time.: op.. 88 thosc from the Holy Land. torture. He was not living too clase to thc J ewish issuc. 89 On this subject. that expulsion would be the best way to get rid of the problem of tations of thc problem. Sorne commentary of the Koran which would follow. The style of chapters 7 to 12 can be Juan de Segovia was more interested in holy war and preaching compared to the core of the argument against Saracens.168 CHAPTER SIX ISLAM IN THE TREATISES 169 \iVhat werc thc vicws of our four authors on thc Jcwish problem ment of Moscs's law. He had already dcalt with Conccrning thc four expulsions. Espina was cvcn more intcrcstcd in J udaism than he was once more.90r.: La forteresse. His rcferences to Jews only occur whcn Moses and expulsions from different tcrritorics throughout history. and Muslims togcther. 86 Harvcy. He must havc left dred and fifty-cight battles of the De Bello Saracenorum. so his interests werc kingdoms or the North of Africa entered the Pcninsula again with much more concentratcd. which should conduce Jews to conversion. pp. four communities. children's to persuade both at the samc time and establish the basis for thc murders. . P. but the balance was lost in favour of the Thesc parallclisms in stnicture are combined with intcrcsting de- Jews. The Jews' cruelties87 startcd when thcy opcncd attack both religions at the same time.149. which was a much more immediate problcm far him. the gatcs óf Toledo to the Muslims at the collapsc of thc Visigoth king- selves as the continuators of Abraham's law. f. and others were attributed Juan de Torquemada did not mentionjews specifically in his Contra to witnesses or inquisitors (bishop Alfonso de Vivero of Salamanca. the Muslim invaders in 714-here we find the two peoples together Finally. polemists that Espina had. L. of them were excerpted from chronícles. all from 1183 to 1457. 75r. A. he had to think of sorne Muslims. destruction of churches. Dcspite the fact that Jews were an unsolved ass:imilation? Conversion through miracles could be a way out for problem for Christendom which provided no model for dealing with those chosen by God to remain. 89 The purely thcological argumcnt follows the same pattern as the Jews and Muslims should be admitted to livc alongsidc Christians book on Muslims: scriptural commentarics to demonstrate the fulfil- 87 FF. 87r. etc. Germany. he wished to tails within thc text. Thcsc chapters can be considered a counterpart to the hun- for pagans and Jews within their own rcligions. human sacrifices. so it is at his work we should look far common interprc. whcn they will submit completely to Pedro de la Cavalleria planned his work as a refutation of Jews Christians. gíven that Saracens saw thcm. in an attempt Jcws aside because the hope of converting them had vanished long to show . thc origins of Judaism. the blindncss of Jews comparcd to the Islamic issuc? A bricf outline of their position will who dcnied thc arrival of the Messiah. f. ten miracles Abraham's laws are discussed related to the use Islam made of them. By declaring Moses's law superceded by Christ.79v. and they opposed not armed resistence but economical power the obligations of Jews while living under Christian power and their to Christian ambitions. im Ibídem. p. A number of cases from Francc. cit. 86 sorne of Espina's plans wcre applicable to both groups. aim to direct a crusade against the Turks. 64. conversos. and six steps in Jewish fool- and in chapter XIV. and conversion or migration. bcing England and France led the way to Sisebute's dccree (616) imposing of converso origin. 132. Classification methods than in the socio-religious problem posed by the marginal prevails when dealing with seventeen cruelties commited by Jcws. whcrc he stated thcrc was no hope of salvation ishness. Those Jews who had flcd to the Frankish popes had no jurisdiction over the community. errores. líved side by side. see Mcyuhas Gínio. Meanwhilc.

in memory of Jesus's passion. 64. Likewíse. the caliph.. cit.: "Lcttrc clu moufti d 'Oran aux musulmans cl'Andalousic." Journal A. At the same time. It must be taken into account that. The loss of political power was a difficult issue in a structure whose head. the advancc of Christian powcr in the Península should have resulted in emigTation or conversion. 2 Epalza. l.l Although al-Wansharlshí recommended emigration. Clerical writers were well aware of this. de: "Les morisqucs. is thc subject of the following section.' But for Muslims.2 but the coexisting habits created throughout thc Middlc Agcs slowed clown the trend. royal legislation sharcd a place with ccclesiastical regulations and recommcndations.17. The aljama had been established for five particular purposcs: to acknowledge de facto Christian authority while preserving an interna! 1 Harvcy.riati. before the end of the fifteenth century. Abu Djumü'a (fl. it is necessary to study both aspects togethcr.lcgal texts within theír treatiscs. pp. L.even copicd word for word.que (1927). which tells a gTeat <leal about how people conceivcd theír civilization. In a society whcrc religious and laic principles were mixed. so that the catholic faith would be confirmed.: op. Lyon 1487. who had himself fied to Oran from Almagro. J. Theoretically. they can help to build sorne sort of picture of nearby communities. 9lv. f. and was much more sympathctic lo his fcllow-:Niuslims. 1503). divine justice could be shown-they were charged with Christ's death-. 90 How this situation could be arranged in arder to cause as little damagc to THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: thc Christian faith as possiblc. and they included. l\11.. was awarc of the practical problems of living under Christians and the alternative emigration to 1VIuslím tcrri- tories. See Cantincau. TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION wne Spirit ef tlze Laws)' Laws can be read in an extcnsive way. so it can nevcr be forgotten. CHAPTER SEVEN and in order to fulfil thc prophecies of the Day ofJudgement. p.170 CHAPTER SIX in the name of charity. '. was both a religious and a secular lcadcr. 3 Closely related to thc loss of Arabic as their distinctive language was the decline of aljamas as the cell of Islamic communitary organi- zation. a Christian statc was not supposed to be exclusively Christian. living under non-Muslim authorities was not con- sidered in their laws.. . 9 ° FF. p. AJ:¡mad b. vus . ". P. 38. despite the recommcndations of foreign affaquis such as al-Wansharfsf or AJ:imad ibn Abü Djumü ca.

. relied on the more practica! articles of their faeros church. Although it could become a in religious works. which mcntioned the climinishing number propertíes within the mosque. This statcment can doubtless be applied to 5 For examplc. it looks lil(e a grcat advance on the ''Reconquista" that King Enrique IV considered the appointment of an alcalde de las feeling. thc theoretical compilations ordcrcd by that the King. as agreed in thc truccs. vus a partir des communautes mudéjares .78v. by the lord. thc last one being the VII Symposium.6 bcfore. their uscfulness. for it focuscd on the commentary of the Koran rather than social it could also be taken as a way to keep it from being turned into prescriptions. mosques were given to St. If the messenger happencd p. and bclicfs. fillcd by the king-or~ more commonly in Aragon. 7 See the differcnt volumcs of Actas del Simposio Internacional de 1\!Jud~jarismo. pp.. the privilege issued in 1305 by Fernando IV of Castile and rencwcd by his Trastamara successors. the most worrying problem among the Islamie Kjngdoms . Christian Cf1:emies. 8 Matters related to daily life were sccn to of autonomy. starting 6 Tilander. in press. which granted them privilcgcs to settle in thc Law IX rules thc use of messengers for political purposcs.. . showing an important evolution and customs. 76v. and not thc Chureh. Cf Torres Fontes. with sorne exceptions. but a trcnd favoured in the Península was the lacl< of a defincd leadership. so the united. At first sight. When For instancc. gious leadership fade.. The rest of the subjects mentioned in this Part to look after Muslim procedures. 5 Still. Since three centuries aljamas to dcfcnd their rights. Book VII. ably punished whereas conversion to Christianity was cncouraged. vided by a/jamas was dccisivc for the concession of a certain degree as in thc Aragoncse fiteros. G. sometimcs con- local codes which cstablishcd thc rclationship between Muslims.. and thc realm. means of controlling the use of thc building and avoiding public cult. keeping thcir own laws Title XXV of the Seventh Part dcalt with Muslims spccifically. of view: nothing should be stolen from a Muslim as long as he were p . 271. Redusion in m01-erias was not really compulsory. The chance was taken by local govcmments and lords. 9 See Alfonso X: Las siete partidas. 146.. and he could offer thcm to whoever he who imposed their will on these unprotcctcd subjects. for they were well within city. and the Fuero real collccted by Alfonso X. rcligious leaders disappeared. or even the mosque itself.. a void was creatcd and they startcd to it forbids Muslim ownership of the mosques built in Castilian terri- lose power. to the point wanted. Conversion to Islam was suit- At :first. The void of powcr was ians of Arabic languagc. etc.: Los Fueros de Aragón . according to their own laws compiled were in one way or another rclated to rcligion. Whether they were a factor of prescrvation and local rulcrs used to take up differcnt positions when faccd with of Arabic language can be questioned. the need of Christian monarchs to use the manpower pro. Literally. 9 · of Mudejars. in the trend. Mary's while Aragonese. It would be too long and far from our purpose to detail ali the who undertook the role of defender of the community. However. thus guaranteeing the Muslims' rights to livc their faith on the previous Seven partr.: "El alcalde mayor de las aljamas .7 but so far no cal lcaders. tory. Party-kings by Muslims themselves. the situation was more complcx. 1981. as a support against What strikcs the readcr is that thesc laws referrcd to conversion Christians' abuses and in order to work to rctrieve political power. living among Christians. However. precisely at the time when they should have been lifc and they held most of the trading and building activities. 14-1. There are the fiftcenth century. its first point has a twofold interpretation. Castilian royal laws in the fifteenth century were based a chureh.. " AHDE ( 1962).172 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 173 indcpcndencc for the religious community. 6 Ibidem. when Mudejar groups tended not to have politi- many studies about single morerías in different cities. 38. to collect taxes for the government. Thcse were thc Kjng's. It is important to realizc and Christians.: "Les morisques. This basic structural problem became more acutc towards vcrnacular was vital to their transactions with Christians. J. was the owncr of the mosques kings provide vcry useful information to complete thc picturc shown in the early stages of Christian advance. by l\/Iuhammad al-Shartosi at the beginning of thc ccntury. award of safe-conducts to protect them. ". in the fiftcenth ccntury each one had a judge in local laws only. Later on. 149. f. M. The decline of Arabic education contributed to makc reli- scholar seems to have undertaken a research into their role as guard.thc catheclral-·-in most cities. ·~ rather than to the Muslim community. although it was first done undcr Juan II. The second paragraph of the first law seems to confirm this point 4 Epalza. Jews fronting the Church and thc military orders.. Cavalleria's De zelus Christi should be left asídc.

etc. 2. taken to rituals which most bothered Christians. Christians should not call Jewish or Muslim physi- several groups of prescriptions: 11 cians when they felt ill (which we know was false). G. Those Christians who had sexual intercoursc with Jews or Muslims would be automatically excommunicated. Their testaments should not favour eithcr of the tvvo groups. Espina was dceply servants or slaves.not rejoicc or dress up during Christian Easter (1348). He stuclied the to be nurses to Christian children. so thcre is no nccd to insist on The Aragonese faeros only contain a few articlcs specifically about that point.e. They should not have Christian Probably thinking that this was not enough. Jcwish or Muslim women were not allowcd ing the lcast trouble to thc Christian community. dren should be baptised Christians. cit. dueto their considered together here as well. and ali of them thc sccond. There were no theoretical cornpilations in the Península such as thesc They should not testify against Christians. his main interest was clirected mcntioned in local legislation sincc thc clcvcnth century and most towards practica! coexistence in thc Península. has alrcady bcen commented_upon. thcir chil- should apply in order to rule thcir rcalms safely. However. there are food restrictions. nor should they be granted justice by their elders (i. while she would be given to her hus. 9 Lv-92v. They could not circumcise any Christian or accept concerncd about how Jcws. he could be askcd to As far as their religious customs were concerned. related to the sale of properties among people from clifferent religions. as he said in consideration 11. although not enlarge them. their aijamas). 11 If. lands which had once belonged to Christians. the most famous of which. No new synagogues or mosques should royal ordinanccs. the same framework: conccrning rituals. f. Synagogucs or mosques continued to be theirs. Muslim man was stoned.1513) except for taxes should be climinated.. only mcntioned the same issues about Muslims and Jews. and the second time. Converts should not maintain any relatiqnship with ··""''"'"·····""··. Burgo de Osma. Royal ownership of mosques and synagogues according to the same law. Thcy should not pcoplc of di:fferent relígion. goods the first time. bidden by the IV Lateran Council and was defined as one of the both were beatcn around the town. Muslims and Christians should live conversions. pp. so Espina 12 ch ose to recom- death-despite the fact that the prostitute was "the wifc of Christ" mend its prohibition. ff. What should be forbidden to Jews and Muslims ties imposed for a number of crimes (injuring a Muslim. not hold any public officc. they could preserve pay for evcrything. so he used several of these clauscs were included in royal laws as wcll. They could sell goods ali ovcr thc territory and finally. or allow any Christian to circumcise himself. This point covers all thc items tioned sorne ecclesiastical legislation. . and be taken to court if he refused to do so. HJ Tilander.: op. The sarne applies to royal dccrccs imposing attendance Muslirns: one about the tithcs they should pay for those of their of proselitis~ sermons in cítics. he would be stoned. a single Christian woman lost half of her thcy would not be obligcd to convcrt to Christianíty. royal laws to explain his views. always thinlcing of caus. If the woman was Limitations to this group of prescriptions were cstablished within married. Thcy should . if he owed Christians anything after entcring Castile on his work. they should not livc with rnatter thoroughly and establishcd a code of behaviour which kings or marry Christian women but. and they The chief fcature of lcgislation was sexual intercourse betwccn could restare thcm. nor receive communion. Lyon 12 14137. 'º another about pcnal. What Christians should not share with Jews or l\!Iuslims to Saracens. 173r. Notoriously. According to thc text. if it was the case already. these could not be claimed. If the woman was a prostitutc. the call to prayer was for- band to punish her at his own will. They should togcther whilc awaiting thc Last Judgement.Jcws extended 3. What Jews and l\!Iuslims may preserve without damaging befare his mission. . their rituals.174 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION ] 75 to owe any unpaid debts to any subjcct of thc Christian kingdom 1.) and sorne They should not be pcrmitted to be insolent towards Christians. I will follow Espina's order according to FF. Although he men. FF. Finally.. Their privileges rcgarding two until the reígn of Isabel and Fernando (1478. celcbrations. the Ordinancc of Alcala be built. this applicd to Christian bother Christíans wíth their rituals. ii Unless othcrwisc stated. His opinions about . They could celebratc Saturdays- women. and the punishment was uncqual for the couplc: while the or Fridays.. so both groups will be Christians should not eat togcther withJews or Muslims.

. con. Cathcrine of Lancaster issued twenty-four ordinances as thc north of Castilc. children should be excluded from blame. under pain The :first ordcr was for . 23.: "Los :Mudéjares de Castilla en la Baja Edad f 92v. Any place in severa! cities in bis realm. C( Ladero Quesada. tithes but not those of the lands they owned. settlcments according to the size of thc community. XCVIII]. penaltics included enslavcment [Sent. 17 in aquam mersi sunt. but never the other way round. see Meyuhas Ginio. 14 continuing to live in the Christian quarter and refused to accept the As for the rest. lf a son were to convert. but none could arrest aJcw or Muslim himself. CXIX]. Even popular poetry stressed thc failurc of these meas- what they had earned on usury-according to St.. F. the Scntence enlarged 4. XCIX]. 15 Her dcath meant None of these clauscs was probably in use ·in fifteenth-century the ordinances wcnt unobserved. regardíng separation of quarters were ncvcr fully imposed. 82. A quick survey on the Trastamaran laws shows that thcir state [Cath. f. of them happencd to be leaving the kingdom and were caught on thc and Enrique III had cnough to do extinguishing the riots which took way. but scnd them these íssues: Enrique II only attempted to establish the use of badges. which Catherine had not considered. ures: the Coplas de iVlingo Revulgo 17 mentioned how the 1412 ordinanccs and excepting Muslims. mixed marriages and unbaptised children. 16 issued about sueh state of affa.. taincd by Espina in thc Fortalitium. but thcsc quarters [Cath. in social legislation in the first half of the century.J ews and Muslims to live in separate. who took carc of the mattcr during the regency of Juan II: lcaving Sent.irs a few pages later. What Jcws and Muslims should be obliged to do and spccified the issucs posed by Cathcrinc's ordinances.a possibility which Espina scemed to frontier. the Sacrament was invalidated.. Espina himsclf was awarc of this. M He went as far as saying: "Si vero fuenmt absolute coacti ut si per violentiam m Nlemorias de Enrique IV de Castilla. he rcquired them not to blasphemc. Burgo de Osma. On fapina's knowledge of Castilian legal codes. Thomas Aquinas. A. M. and complained the nobility in 1465: the Senten ce of Medina del Campo. 22...: t:iFF. he should be which Espina copied fully into his tcxt as the most important advance separated from his parcnts in order to preserve his new faith. Scnt. of death.. . kingdom deviated their attention from no Christian should welcome thcm in another town. What Jews and Muslims wcrc cnforccd to do by royal laws Muslims should not have markets available to Christians within Many of the former were not only Espina's recommendations. for once. they would lose ali thcir properties [Cath. CXIX]. No Jew or ivluslim should leave his city. under penalty of fines depending on successfully. Moreover. often quite un. and political · problems within the . 28. where Muslims were taxed the same· amounts "' They wcre published by Fernández y González.. 6]. when A comparison between both documents shows thc continuity of the Inquisition was fully established. Sen t. 373. until tl1ey military matters to be scttled by her brother-in-law Fernando de were callcd to trial.: Estado social y político. " FF. so that they sidering Espina's rcputation clown the centuries-if the Jew had becn could move there in a few months' time. pp.Jcws should return [Sent. 400 40. l] unless they lost all thcir properties. and confirms the ideas sus- to cornmon meals. 11]. A Christian could testify Christians who wcre living within the boundaries established for the against aJew ora Muslim. their walled neighbourhoods [Cath . Jews and 1vluslim quartcr had to rent or sell their properties to the ncw dwellers Muslims should dress cliffercntly from Christians . . back to their former residen ce [Cath. spccially about conversos by Enrique IV. cntrance there by day or night. lf thcy were accused of coerced into receiving baptism.. forteresse. Thc next revision was imposed by Castile or Aragon. p. pp. 94v. they could be absolved from paying ecclesiastical Sentence. and added The first prescription of this article concerned conversos: in case they several others conccrning new social situations or the defencc of the returned to their former faith. 13 Evcn latcr in thc century. pp. 16-1 7. It was to be a forcign woman Christian could be an accuser for all thcse transgressions [Cath.44 1. A. tales non receperunt baptismum ...'i. CU]. Lyon 1487. there were a lot of rcfercnces Castilian royal legislation about Muslims. Thcse laws wcrc significant in such territories Antcquera. accept quite easily. In general..176 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION l 77 thcir former communitics. 5. if any Juan I forbadc thcir use of public offices and criminal jurisdiction. Media". Christian womcn were completely forbidden what royal law in fact tried to impose on the realm. Christians who had trusted councils or alcaldes werc in charge of chosing thc most conveníent the fellow would have special treatment and--·strangely enough. and J ewish rítuals which survived.. 363.. ÍLI. Three difficulties werc rncntioncd: íf somcone did so.

lt was precisely in these years when the famous .CIV] under a fine penalty. i\senjo for confirming the dctails . according to the different jileros. ª°:tho~ties. 21 Thc next group wcre professions related to medicine. builders or blacksmiths had to do with the importance of also started to depend on royal will and could not be distributed by the building industry. f.. 21. ation was rescrved for . : : il . 19. Sent. But. blacksmiths and others. CVI].: Bramon.15~6). also in Muslim hands. of quest10ns · posed by royal alcaldes under Alfonso X con- 18 Ladero Quesada.ovia. probably influenccd servants or slaves in their household and lands [Cath.: "Los Mud~jares en los reinos de la Corona de Castilla". l 450's therc were alrcady Muslim communitics who prefcrred to these craftsmen would be lilccly to help the invadcrs by making ships have their causes secn by the royal judge rather than the aljama one. 330.Jews and Muslims in their social acknowledge- The third group was arts and crafts [Cath. 20 Thc second matter in importance was the restriction of jobs which Ivfcmbers used to attend thc burial of other guild mernbers. or the judge was not to thc Iviuslims' taste._l!. 8. 163. for their deep rcligious content. ~ . I thank Dr. Muslims continued to practisc IV's reign. who also importcd raw materials from Granada.. and education [Cath. 7]. thís prohibition was nevcr CII.. the textile industry was an important source of income for Mudcjars. Several laws werc devoted to the question of jurisdiction by aljamas. Inftuence in the uppcr social circles was limited by the pro. Thcy also uscd to havc meals togethe~this articlc men- elitism. It is worth noting that by the years still--and the idea that should there be an invasion from Africa. and thcir thcrefore as much economíc as social. officíal laws. pharmacy The usual penalties were cstablished far Muslinis who had Christian and food supplies [Cath. Reyes Catolzcos. 291\. tioned Ivluslims explicitly·-·. for the candles to be burnt in church.12 7. although it prcssure. 58 ·-59. Oaths wcre taken according CIII. 1. p. of the Moors) were compiled: according to Wiegers they wcrc not ing lVluslim apprentices to be carpenters.178 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 179 or even more than Christians. CVIIIJ.A s:njo C?onzá~cz. M. 13. 10. II. 4. pp. supposed to be a guidance in those trials to be judged by l\!Iuslim from 1429 to 1465..LJ:yes de Moros (Laws The Manual de Consells in Valencia records the prohibitions on teach. . lvlanual de Consells. pp.9]. Restrictions were also applied to popular gamcs authorities. such as the crossbow championship. armourers or silk-weavcrs. This measure was In 1412.. availablc to Christians and Muslims. shocmakers. op. groups then made their own associations. these jobs and defied every pressure as they belonged to guilds together with Christian craftsmen. 11:. The members were builders. Sent. Alfonso X: Opúsculos legales . thc thrcatened their lords with emigration to Granada due to economic document was approvcd by the town council in 1484. The money collected within thc guild was equally the confiscation of all their goods. 20]: thosc rclated to ment by being farbiddcn to use the word Don before their names . which in the Sentence changcd to to lslamic law. cu. 2i A 1 s 10rt comp1·¡ at1on .. Thc two eral. 107.. Cf. 196. Scgovia 1921. G. Scnt. J. Taxes it would remain for the aijama authorities [Cath. pp. La Exf:!~emadura castellano-orienial en et tiempo de Los.. aq·amas continued acting as thc tribunal for Muslims and J cws. despitc all thc royal efforts. tains thc formula for Muslim oaths to be taken in order to be acceptable to Christian p.and Muslims were exempted from paying hibition of holding public officcs or wcapons [Cath. Wicgcrs for suggcstmg th1s mtcrestmg pomt. 120. There were cases of Iviuslims who in Segovia. G . 5.22 Thc figure of <lsa ibn where weapons wcrc involved. in tcrritorics as far South as Toledo. lVf~dnd 1984. f. 12]. lvl. But the foremost humili- applied.) were dangerous bccause as would pcople of distinguished noble descent or those who had an Castilians were more and more inftucnccd by Muslim aesthetics..197 ..: 19 Archivo Municipal de Valencia. Muslims and Jews were soon excluded ular subjcct. infringing implied dircct contact with thc Christian communíty and even pros. particular judges in the aljamas were forbiddcn. 19 Djabir confirms the survival of the a!faqui until the end of Enrique Still. or weapons. vol. M..: . ' fashion (embroiderers. for even the King's physician was usually Jewish or Muslim. pp. probably because Castilian legislation was more precise on the partic- In Catalonia and Valencia. Scc also ConLrcras. D. attributes were given to the local judges (alcaldes) [Cath. 18 was probably just the written rendering of something alrcady in use. The prohibition of being car. Such is the case reported in thc 2 foundation ordinanccs of the guild (cefradía) of Saints Eloy and Antón. A.: Contra morosy_judios. vV1cgcrs. S~goma (14?0 . tailors. and Dr. in gen- from guilds and cefradías. de :ru_· cmj~oraczones de menestrales en Se. 2. with an even closer structure. but rather far Christian judges.. by thc fcar of poisons--on the other hand. H~. . etc. 38A..ona .

Public processions to plead far cxemptions or redemption of penaltics to all the authorities involvcd rain or plagúcs were forbidden. slow evolution towards intolerance from the circumcisc any Christian or accept conversions. 25 Gayangos. but legislation in thc fiftccnth cen. as happened in Madrid for the Corpus Christi feast. Cf. Jews and Muslims should not There were several matters added to the Sentence which were not receive any crosses. p . Sent.. Colour badges had to be clearly secn on them.. D. which had already bccn discussed in the IV Lateran Council and offices [Sent. mentioned by 1412 laws. Fridays instcad of Sundays until then. So were public cult and the call to [Cath. and prohibited any fiscated and givcn to the Cathedral. 24 26 From 1340.. CIX]. to start up on those days. CXVI].. it shows thc failure of his attempts to reconduct coexist- Muslims' properties. P. III]. LVIII] and thc prohibition on trade with thc kingdom Fortalitium was patronised by someonc in the centre of the political of Granada [Sent. and we may conclude that the supplies [Sent. Espina can be seen as an influential member of the court who [Sent. CXIII] whilc rcstraining usury [Scnt.. 120. Either Espina studied the whole legal system concerning Jews management to favour Christians. 13. they used to have a roundhaircut (garceta a la cabeza). prayer [Sent. LVII]. Firstly... as a sign of respect for Christ's the pontifical text.. the tenancy of castles on the frontier [Sent..: "Los 1vfudéjares en los reinos de la Corona de Castilla''.. 13.. and mendations mentioned above. A.. or else they would be con- ruled thcir publication ali over thc kingdom. quences on the working calendar. Sent. they wcre a century before. Muslims were thought to joke about the Sacraments and described [Cath.: Brarnon. or else Espina wrote in limit their possibilities as witnesses in legal causes [Sent. M. 79. 26 (ccrtain materials could only be uscd up to a certain value) [Cath.. VII]. which just quoted from Holy Thursday to Saturday. to changc thc system of contracts and Muslims in order to create his own scheme. cit. CXVIII]. or allow any Christian beginning of the century until the end of Enrique IV's reign.14].. they were called to celebrations. 19. l 73r. given the religious feeling against J ews. so times 24 [Cath. 23 FF.215. p . and had already caused trou- l\IIen had to wear long beards and hair. Jews and Muslims could not both have a parallel.with important conse- clothes for Muslims and Jews. as pogroms werc very likely 15. as well as thc quality of textiles employcd not to honour the host in processions and when tal<:en to the dying. for they would probably stop on lowed officially until much later. Clement IV had proposed the use of distinctive ordered to respect Sunday rest [Sent. order to help thc king's council to decide about his future policies. royal lcgislation and Thc rcst has interesting points in common with Espina's rccom. pp. CXII. L. p. If it was imposcd by the nobility in a time of extreme between 1411 and 1464.. Changes in the legal procedurcs wcre mixed The coincidences found in all these texts can lcad to two conclu- with religious issues in order to restrict Muslim propcrties and their sions. In order to guarantcc the diffusion of thcse laws. life.. and to legislation only followed thc usual pattern. which was easily extended to Muslims. If the part conccrning Muslims was accepted but free Muslims. CXV]. ccclesiastical objects or garmcnts in pawn. ence whilc at the same time obtaining Granada by means of slow Another set of measurcs agreed with the requirements made in cortes wearing away. rcligious theory are really close to each other in these parts. As for their rituals and customs. 27 in 1481. cit.. as it had bccn in former bles in thcir quarters. Hoods.. XCVIII.. 24·--25. mantlcs and head-dresses were carcfully passion.. 214. It was also ordercd for security reasons. . 27 Torres Balbás.180 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION J8 l The last concern of 1412 laws was thc external appearancc of to circumcise himself undcr penalty of confiscation of their goods Muslims. Thcy had to do with war against Granada need. The counterpart for thcsc laws were titles CLVIII and CCLXXII It is hard to know how much of the Sentence was Enrique's own of the úyes de Moros25 which established that no witnesses would be and how mu ch his advisors'. 'I'hey had to stay at home tury started to be more precise than earlicr fueros. The Sentence was far less dctailcd than thc ordi. de: op. However. Sent. op.: Algunos aspectos del mudqarismo urbano medieval. Quite naturally. the last clause l\!Iosques could not be built ar· enlarged. 18]. and Enrique IV's [Sent. CJ.23 His recommendations wcrc not fol. that they could perform their music and dances together with Chris- nances in these aspccts. CI]. CXIV]. LXXI].maybe the Bishop of Osma? In any case.: Ladero Quesada. and that Christians could not inherit really his. tians. red for Jews and blue for Muslims [Cath. 105. their had sorne say in certain matters.

with infidels. Niuslims and Christians the Iberian Península: 1232 to 1492 reprcsents the third. tance. see Sabbagh. the result could be a situation so restric. However. 140-141. ordered by Christian authorities to avoid closer contact betwecn ation. Islamic rcligious life continued almost unchanged aftcr Christian . Burns insists that our ised by the dissolution of Andalusi. Sincc the first Islamic settlement had happcned severa! times in the Península. . cohab- 30 Ibídem. cit. l. ·~~~~~--------------------------------------------~ 182 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 183 Acculturation .154. and so would it be when thc Morisco Christian conquest of the Holy Land. Bums concludcd that a ccrtain degrec of social hostility and ritual frccd These authors dcfined four periods in thc acculturation proccss of individuals from an cxcessive personal hostility. recog. Thc same was It is true that Christian expansion altered the direction of accultur. Emigration was considcred a problem arase.. rather than coming under Christian government. . They state a correspondcnce betwecn geographical ter. p . L. a pcrmeation of radical of cultural dcfenses through which cxtcrnal intrusions are filtcred. 4S 50. The religious attributcs of a secular lcadcr. who have studicd this phenomenon be appreciatcd in Granadan society at this point. pp. . shared business and everyday life. 30 elements which can According to Glick and Sunycr. prcssure. This assimilation was cnvis- Acculturation is the term used far cultural change rcsulting from agcd in the 1450's as something desirable. & Pí-Sunyer. as the other in thc fifteenth century. of incomplete assimilation of two cultures. rcligious duty. ritory and cultural boundarics which is not completely acceptable. As the authors of this article concludc. If the dhimma mechanism failed and Christians forgot the societies was consciously ready to accept more influences from their pacts. 32 For a comment on late medieval fatwas rcgarding Al-Andalus and thcir impor- 29 Jbidem. O. R." . according to the Koranic prohibition of coexistence Another statement which is worth carcful discussion is the sup. a way of maintaining superficial daily ~ ' agreements and compromises. Every culture builds a series this direction resulted in religious confusion. T.: "La religion des morisques .Nlechanisms within Sociery itation was rather a situation of more or less stabilizcd pluralism. pp. but thc pressurc madc in external-usually mutual. protractcd contact tcnds to result in mutual agreemcnts. by historians. the movement of the Martyrs of Cordoba being just one All this reasoning was strongly linked to thc Islamic view of the example under Ivluslim rule. acculturation involves more than a change in cultural content. power and an incrcase in Christian concept of "tolerance" cannot be applied to such a relationship. To start with. 153. Such was the conflict in the Iberian Península created. life while settíng up new clcments in the backgTound. ·¡- . pp. ~8 Glick. · Spanish History". 29 It seems that neither of theoreticians. F. as personified by eral acceptance of cohabitation during a certain period of Iberian Mu}:iammad and followed by the caliphs. ting. Tolerancc became a myth with the gen. there had been waves of intolcrance within both . statc. conqucst in most tcrritories. rccommend at1on. . But members of separatc religions. placed under Christian rule meant great changes werc taking place. ideas and the shattering of faith in providcncc. yet thc fact that these practices wcre Given the need of two or more cultures to operatc in a pluralistic sct. insecurity would affect the whole Muslim community. 32 groups. Thc fatwa~ issued by al-Wansharfsi the cultural action of Mudejars within their own society was strong followcd a trend bcgun by twclfth-century scholars to respond to the even under hard . religious leaders exhortcd their fellows to leave.: op.. p. surrounding Granada as the centre of Islamic resistence. 150. character. could not be transferred history. in the Iberian case. Thc idea of Muslims defending their faith and cxpand- posedly greater flexibility of Christian society. Without such tion to avoid sudden changcs. Only the ill and cap- in the Península..: "Acculturatíon as an Explanatory Concept in :~ 1Burns. intolerance. but a detailed study throws many shadows over thc model to a Christian king.31 'To thc ques- tive that the survival of the individual can be achieved only at the tion of whether there was more conftict or contact between both price of sacrificing those values and organizational forms that givc a group its stability and its compass for the future. 19. The attempt to kccp everything the same can be considered a reac- nized gTound rules for stabilized cultural rclations. which reacted more ing Islam in the conqucred territories was only secondary for thesc creatively to contact with other cultures.influenccs. 28 societics at the time of Christian conqucst on the Eastern coast. t1ves werc excepte d !:irom t lus .

and the fieles del produced a siege mentality. the feeling was not bascd different lords. if we may call them so--show how permeable the fronticr was in nary troops and voluntccrs from North Africa". even the lines of On the othcr hand. Maíllo. So werc mer- advances. and that these guest-communities had a duc to the two main premises of monarchy for such appoíntments right to administrative autonomy and freedom from convcrsion by being rewards for military actíon. 1425. the history of the two kingdoms to gua. The records of meetings at Parliament central govemmcnt. Even which. J. E.. in order to negotiate the ransom of prisoncrs.: "Acerca de las fortalezas andaluzas en la fron- ~·•Lópcz de Coca. Almeria 128. F. who fulfilled an important role at the fron- of coexistencc. These profcssions- the inhabitants of the Nasrid state and among the Berbcr mcrcc. and Valladolid. tier ncar Jaén. 34 ali aspects. Parliamcnts mentioning this issue took place in Ocaña. performecl sevcral functions. and holy war was popular both among rastro. 59. only in Ocaña. Under Enrique IV. 36 One of thc main political factors to take into account at the dawn Severa! figures bccame vital for the relationship betwccn Christian of Ivluslim power in the Iberian Pcninsula is its isolation from neigh. C. and trading centres.rantee safety and justice.: lvluslims. 1433. The point of refercnce should thcrcfore be de la frontera (frontier judgcs _for Moors and Christians). 35 several ways. counterbalancing violcnce by a degree of acculturation. giving risc to a great number of complaints order to survive". interpretcrs who oftcn acted as ambassadors. who performed the duties of actual scouts. XXXI (1982). to whom they wcrc directly related.. Granada "existed in a situation of constant tension which by the monarchs. 85. as Henri Terrase pointed out long ago. Due to this distance.rchy which. 1436. Madrigal. tera granadina durante el siglo XV". They werc in charge of judging ran parallel between 141 O and 1475. 1432. Miscelánea de estudios árabes when his policics regarding Muslims had been rejectcd and abandoned. . robberies. positions of defence and if they had not stolcn any propcrty. The first were the alcaldes bouring Muslim kingdoms. 1988. ~~ 1 33 1438. changes on the frontier. such as constable must also be noted that such a system dcvcloped during the centmies Miguel Lucas de Iranz. 17 : Torres Fontes.: "lnstitutions on the Castilian-Granadan Fronlier". chants. Zamora. when the enthroncment of thc assaults. :ilj See Quintanilla Raso. 35 Cortes de los Reinos . established the relatíonship with Castilc. y hebraicos. on the Castilian side. 33 Burns. Palcnzuela. so it was faced more casily. but from Juan II's reign. R. The maintenance of these fortresses There was a sensc of common frontier identity between thesc soci- was the duty of the mona.rly provided with safe-conducts which was composed mainly of refugees from previous Christian (aman). Such a situation. wcrc able to cross the frontier rcgula. pp.. and Muslim populations on the frontier. Only the roa. J. . C!zristians and Jews in the Cntsader kingdom .: "Diacronía y sentido del termino elche". 1422. local action became steady and creatcd an awarencss of the necds wards "affirmed that Christians should not expcl such communities and obligations of the frontier scttlers. Toledo. Most of them were nobles. Although rcjcction Oscillation on the fronticr meant an unstable social life under of Muslim rulers cxistcd among J\!lozarabs. 1469. . who wcre at the samc time peripheral to the the institution of castellanship.: "El alcalde entre moros y cristianos del reino de Murcia". 37 The alfaqueques had a pronounced psychological effect on the Moorish population. l. p. developed eties on both sides. "they had to create their (cortes) show that the care of castles was often neglccted either by the own semi-formal patterns of behaviour and mutual collaboration in monarch or by castellans. Their appoinhnent was made in both kingdoms history. Enrique IV uscd these was strongly inftuenced by the Islamic dhimma system is acceptcd. no matter their size. Coloquio de Historia lvfedieuaL Andaluza. . and a preference for wealthy people force". They were captivcs were authorized to stay in the other kingdom after escaping bases from which to attack the royal expcditions produccd important on thc same political elements. 33 This meant adapting to the opposing society in from the citizens. 1451 under Juan II. Madrid.129. observation. In fact. it posts which were given to sorne of his fricnds. p. and arranging the rcturn of convicts who had Reyes Católicos would change the coursc of Castilian and Aragonese fted across the frontier. from the movement of peaceful people to raids and in Frontier life on both sides was based on a range of settlements the advancc or retreat of the defence line marked by fortresses. l\tl. 33 If the fact that the status of Mudcjars within the Peninsula who could support troops in case of need.184 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 185 when Christians started to overcome al-Andalus. canonists from the thirtecnth century on.o. without offending charity.

munal action. A. and the most common in the the "barrier. p. and for example Anselmo Turmcda. did not find thcir spiritual expectations Christian womcn usually turned to Islam when they realized they satisfied within their old religion and tended to become zcalots after would not rcturn to their familics. Fashion. as well as onc of thc most outstanding concerns of Christian clergy and Muslim jurists. . Molénat42 mentions a few cases in Toledo. between convcrsion to Christianity and acceptance of Christian Church might lead sorne people to Islam. but that would mean on each side. in Castile.'10 Iberia since the time of the first arrival of the Muslim invaders. captive Bulliet called "ccstatic". cit. usually captives. increasingly like thc old. the influence of authoritics over their subjects. where more radical rcligious forms in the time of Nasríd Granada could the new Niuslim immediatcly stopped paying a poll tax. : Conversion to Islam in !he 111edieval Period. and thc strugglc to kecp the basic doctrine and social habits of each faith was onc of the most characteristic foatures of lberian society during Conversion and lntegration the Middle Ages. could movc them to national terms. confinement in a neighbourhood-morerias in thc case of Castile- tween conversion to Islam and the dcvelopment of an Islamic society. It was the case of sorne of the converts from Judaism had to be cducated as Muslims too. no mattcr social community to another. 86r. Thcrefore. The origin of conversion or apostasy in thc Península can be traced There are no precise data for the number or pcrccntage of converts back to thc beginning of Muslim occupation. spccially if they had childrcn. from insulting the Prophet to rape. 11 • Bullict. true conviction about their new faith. The return to to avoid taxes. 34. which they only another given social system. it had an important social dimension. The Middle Ages. This possibility implics a society in which social idcn." Thcre is a necd to distinguish inftucnces which rcquirc context stuclied here. and always less confusing than their own. considering societies which had líttle to do with the fiftecnth century. 149. Castilla". Those whom gíon. 20. but not a diflerent rcli- In this schemc.. Usually. who conversion. although the not avoid this interaction. Harvard 1979. and most As Bulliet argues in his famous study on conversion to Islam in the of thcm in thc two generations between the 1470's and 1520's. as opposed to tribal or to imitate their way of Iife and social habits. however vanish progressivcly as Castílians and Andalusians incorpo. gold.. which is thc case of the areas which converted to turn to another religion. as con- from the number of inclividuals involved. 363. p. two kinds of converts can be found. who turned towards Ricoldo de Montecroce 41 defincd four ways to cntcr Islam: through 39 López de Coca. ". R. version progressed. R. There was also the The way Bulliet defines a ''social conversion" suits the Iberian case possíbility of being freed from slavery.: Dispulatio. The convert was entitled to perfectly: 41 ít involves sorne movement from one religiously defined an amnesty even if he had been condemned to death. cspecially for a period as late as the fifteenth century. M.186 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURAT!ON 187 Fronticr conversions 39 were one of the mechanisms through which Islam. which would motives foi thcir taking this step were varied. p. land was still paid for according to a new law. M. This kind of symbiosis was produced in sarily a sign of conversion or subjection.. Thus. p. Thcse were more numerous. and those which are independent tive insofar as it conformed to thc old religíon. but were not neces. thought to be anothcr heresy of Christianity. the ncw religion becamc in its social dimension smithing. being more an individual than a com. The first was. 42 Ct: Ladero Quesada. :Finally. we can speak of a relationship be.: op. f. C. who tended tity was normally defined in religious terms. vious religious lifc and changed more for mundane than for spiritual Cultural exchangc was a conscquence of this life on ·both si des of rcasons. what the crimc had been.: "Los mudéjares en los reinos ele la Corona de 40 Ladero Quesada. They found lifo in the new rcligion more attrac- a number of pcople interactíng.: "Los mudejares de Castilla . Divisions within the and likewise. particularly in the case of convcrsion to Islam. 43 Montecroce. and being the object of recriminating action. were used irrespective of their origin. J. The "non-ecstatic" were more or less satisfied with their pre- thís was achieved in the period studied. of course. A. food habits. Therc could also be a desire rated each othcr's influences ínto their own cultures. Thc ncw convcrt might also try to avoid Islam in the Middle Ages.

. While t:he question ofJudaism is discussed at lengt:h. No Christian should dare become a Jew or a Moor. blescido por heredero de otros en ninguna manera. But if a Muslim decided to become a Christian. and nevcr forced. and if somebody <loes so.: fll!estem views qf Islam . either formcr Christians or former converts to Christianity. I. e escarnecedor times aftcr 1503 and thc reedition by Francisco Peña betwecn 1578 de la ley. Alf<. p. E por ende and 1587 in Rorne implied the Curia's acknowledgement of its prac- dixeton los sabicis antiguos que <leve ser enfamado para siempre. nin moro. t: 78r. For example.. The Fuero Real. they could be forgiven and excused the scntence of and Genoese. their divi. Jews were forbidden to and they would turn to the Catholic faith if it wcre not for shame. which Thcy should be prosecuted by religious authorities and givcn to the would go to his family-as long as they did not follow his example-. non <leve fincar sin pena maguer se arrepienta. 44 as more dissuasive wcapons than physical ones. 45 so. pp. nobody should object to it. 'lsa ibn Djabir's Breviario Sunni recommended obedience to onc's parents even if they were non-believers. In Castile. Title XXV cxplains this article further: it justifies One of the most biased texts about conversion was Nicolau Eimeric's corrversion to IslaiTI by a sudden attack of madncss in those who Manual far /nquisitors. the conversion of Muslims was treatcd with moderation in the Seven Parts:+B they should be persuaded by means I. lbidem. In any case. nin pueda fazer testamento. i. Law codes wcre strict about apostasy. his sen- the basis of the wholc local legal system had bcen since the 1250's tence of defamation should be forgiven and he might not lose his the compilations ordcred by King Alfonso X. nor can he make his last will. de tical value. to Judaism. death. for propertiesY example. bis sales and donations should not be acknowledged. p. nin sea osado de fazcr su fijo moro o iudio. For if it wcre God's osado de tornarse iudio. . tit. e se torna a la ley de continued to be used in the following centuries. nin pueda haber oficio. at least they believed in one God. The Seventh Part. nin lugar honrrado. he should trcated likewise. 1450). On the othcr sidc.. it se torno judio o moro: e despues se arrepiente. which recommended strict penaltics for converts havc lost relatives.. through family inheritance. Christians. or due Morcover. IV.." Alfonso X: Las Siete Partidas. manera que su testimonio nunca sea cabido. He would surcly find a way to do fecho sea atal que sea de fuego. or those who havc been evil. but it comes to t:he point in chapter 45 "About those who leave the Catholic faith. or a Moor and afrerwards repents and returns to the Christian faith: and bccause H lbidem. Ley I). 117 (Lib. R . 49 Although the book was written around 1376. Southern. 85-88. nor can he hold an office. Et si alguno lo fiziere. even if he were not a Muslim . nin pueda ser esta. secular power in order to be burnt. f 77r. there were But it could also happen that sorne of those who denied the Christian also reasons for a Muslim not to convcrt to Christianity: Muslims faith and became Moors "would work to do a great service to the considcred thc diversities of opinion among Christians." defamcd forever. their evil lives and their ill-faith. nor an honest place. 48 such a man is false and a trespasser of the Jaw. because it would be assumed that they loved the Christians. Et la muerte deste will to impose his faith on them. Should he rcpent his error and tum to the Catholic faith. which would result in a great advantagc for thc land.: Nlanual de lnquüidores. Ioyalty to one's lord « A tcstimony quoted by Thomas Gascoignc in his Loci et libro veritatum (c. be killed. was printed several los christianos: e porque tal orne como este es falso. And therefore the ancíent learned men said that he should be Eimcric. Título de los que dexan la fe catholica. so his testimony should nevcr be heard. The stated punishment was confiscation of the convert's goods. he should not rcmain unpunished. Converts to Islam should be and if he was found within the boundaries of the realm. nor can he inherit from other 46 "Apostate in Latin means in the vernacular a Christian who beco mes a Jew people in any way.188 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELJGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 189 the sword. let him die for it. Ningun christiano non sea of good words and preaching.e.'16 but later compilations of Islamic law did refer to the problern. mucrra por ello. Thcse to its permissiveness. or their posessions. 76v. F. 49 even íf he repents. Cf. bccome Muslims at thc Council of Tarragona in 1252. law TI. for accusations could be made for five years after the convert's dcath..>nso X: Opusculos legales .. it was preferrcd to idolatry. f. said: On the ot:her hand. The Koran was not very precise in punishing apostates (sura 47:25). 83. deceivcd by the dcvil. . N. especially the V cnctians In that case. Reconciliation was possible only on these grounds: conversion to Islam only dcserved a short asscrtion to condernn it in Apostata en latin tanto quiere dezir en romance como christiano que the same terms. . and the death for such an action must be thc firc. & Peña. nor dare he make his son a Moor or a Jew." sion into sects.

While he was alive. orto remain in prison until the ninetecnth century. His autobiography provides the Muslim from convertíng to Christianity if he wishcd to do so and first account of this kind of conversion. his book is most extraordinary.. from a desire to get married to thc dccadence of thc Christian avoid the death penalty for apostasy was by sorne good seivice to Church.. who was supposed to know of acculturation.. should be stoned. pp.. 5 ~Bunes Ibarra. They could claim what thcy should havc rcceived Turmeda's book. . 80-91. But the main reason. and wcre affected by a higher degree somcthing surprising in a Christian friar. E.... their only way a friar who changed his faith for thcological reasons. 217. . pp. in arder to be pure. P.ammad's identificatíon with the Paraclete. 50 (Isa repeated thc prohibition met a Christian pricst. 105. given by Turmeda himself. ci. which otherwise belonged time. de: La Tu!Jfa. law 271. Changing owners in frontier fartresses conviction of Mul).. they were ing case of conversion.. because brought up as Muslims. had struck him when he studied Islam.a . Their bchaviour whcn faced with situations on inhabiting Christian lands-which he himself did not respcct. . in all the trcaties signed by Christians and Muslims. 27.: op. raids by both armies in the country. . Ibidem.. he should be kept in prison far thrcc coopcration in the surrcnder of sevcral important strongholds.. uses or customs. Sorne of them <lid of coursc convert.. In fact. M. pp..: Los Fueros de Aragón .man b. had he remaincd a Muslim only after his dcath. . p.. but it was alrcady quoted befare 1468 by they were ransomed. . pp. His omission of Mul.t. and he dcscribed thc Sacraments wrongly. Most of thc rccords left about these mcn rcfer to thcm well. Narratives frequcntly describe their dcath as líkc them.: Tratados de legislación . as happened in the conquests of Antcquera. Whoever denied by circumstances and had thcir children baptised as soon as they God and blasphemed. he repentcd and was acccpted back Connected to this phenomenon.. 190 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 191 fifty-one about heretics. de: op. high officers surrounding thc rulers.. renegades and suspccts: if some. Despite all thc time when their true religion emerged: either thcy prayed in thc these measurcs.. or otherwise be killed. The same would hap. days far him to rcpent. and was appointed a preacher in the great mosque for his works Gibraltar.ammad's miracles is also surprisíng}5 as is his attempt to refute Christianity by mcans of historical traclítion 50 Gayangos. 1viajluf al-Ta'alibf as an outstand- were too young.. so it automatically authcnticated to his propertics. which had no doubt made many scttlcrs convert to Islam in former periods..40. Diego de Torres to re-integrate into that society was by cooperation with the Christians mcntíoned another who became a Muslim in Fez. or else thcy receivcd confessiori. far thcy repre- pcn to whoevcr practiced another religion in secret. Mu):iammad b. Many of these stories are included in thc chronicles. 5" side involved a number of captives who wcre given the opportunity Returning to Turmeda. 193.: op. studied Arabic in cxchange for forgiveness. where thcir former and new faiths and political commitments were and not indulging in Christian practices. The lattcr had been considercd as one of thc most truthful to the aijama.. laws were issued for thc aijamas not to prevent any conversion to Islam far a long time. G. the only way for a Christian to sion. Tilandcr. his work was unknown to Christians until to convert-as happened in Granada. using biblical texts. into Christíanity because he was considcred to be mad. 51 52 Harvey.. etc. 51 Dufourcq. book VII.tammad's thc ncw convert's rights to his propcrties. ___________________________________ .. Friar Anselmo Turmeda ((Abd Allah converting to Islam. p... Ch.. Christian way. 1424. was his his former correligionaries. Whilc mature captives often returned to he used Islamic arguments illustratcd by fragments from thc Bible Christianíty as soon as thcy wcre under Christian power. It was based on the tale of for Christian authoritics to cncourage such conversions by guaranteeing 'Abd al-Salam thc Jew. d. and there are a fcw about their one swore against thc Sunna. M..30) has been considcrcd the paradigm of In Aragon.. una autobiogrefia polemir. who had becomc a Muslim in Mu1. P. and usually sold in thc market as slaves. 5 -~ both of them·-including the clergy-agreed not to stop anyone from The other side of the coin. ' See Epalza. usually kept their new faíth. or have their images. young ones instead of Koranic verses. his children had no further rights traditions Óf the Prophet's life. 52 Historians have looked for non-religious rcasons for his convcr- As has bccn mentioned befare..194. 383-384. If they 'Abd al-RaQ. L. It was not thc first case of Whcn they saw Christian domination as unavoidable.. Later on. cit. cit. blasphemcrs. A.. or dress engagcd. Dcaling with renegadcs or converts was not casy. was varied. · .... far he would sented an antithesis of religious heros... Most of thcm were pressurizcd not be consídered either a Muslim or a Christian. 5 1 al-Tardjuman.r.

even m his ascent to the office of hiüijib (chamberlain. pp. A.fa was not written for Christians. its loyalty to MuJ:iammad V had been proved. 1409. 299. A coalition of lineages togcther.512. Madrid 1969. to the great T'he army and intellectuals. father to thc second prime ministcr in the family. 68. others for different offices in the court. Thc third used the title of ghazi (fighter in the path of God). who was Granadan aristocrats linkcd their families to thc former thirty-six hoping to use him in his strategy against Granada. E. 76--77. Ibn al-Khatib mentions which of thern prevailed expcdition to Andalusia. freed by the cmir's family far whom he started to work as a body. The Tul. J:Iasan. pp. and was but merely as a rejection of Christianity.J. But the lineage he himself foundcd took . L. 56 Sorne of the most famous names of the Banü Sarradj party both Juan II and Enrique IV had as their body-guards. Etudes d)Orientalirme dediées a la memoire de Levi-Provenral. Al-Andalus (1944). together with a certain Ridwan tenders was across the frontier. The names of the lineagcs oftcn left which would later on be turned against him. His Christian orígi. Abü-1-Surür Mufarridj convcrted to Islam and became popu. The thrce Moorish lineages which had becn cstablished in Granada. plus several could be found in Castile as refugees as often as the Nasrid princes. and was meanwhile kíndly receivcd by Enrique. 507. M. 32· -36. A. convcrsion was bascd 1462 whcn he wantcd to get rid of the Banü Sarradj lcaders. 57 Ibidem.: Granada) historia de un pais islámico. These are imist Nasrids fought them.192 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT. Seco de Lucena.ns were the key to greatly appreciated for thcir commitment to the monarch. 57 But on a lineage systern which was an cssential part of political life.: "Dos conversiones interesantes". The prince was waiting for court. Mofarrax kidnapped the daughter of his host Diego Sánchcz local unity and interna! fights within Granada. 54' ·59. prime minister) in such confusing ycars as those betwecn 1419 and 1464. the refugce princc of Granada. lcd by the chief of the Barril Sarradj was to decide thc interna! hís. The legit. blamed thcm for not looking after the girl properly. Enrique IV profession. the safest place for the partisans of thc other pre. there was another member of the clan in thc Castilian court around Conversion from Islam to Christianity was helpcd by the lineages' 1455. lookíng for Castilian aid to bccome military around one hundred records of the wages of the Moorish knights leaders. whosc founder was a Christian captive sold as a slave and Christian guard can be traced back to the Caliphatc of Cordoba. where they would keep the privílcges accordcd to their rank an appeasement of thc interna! dissent to claim his rights to the by being members of the king's body-guard. far it guaranteed his loyalty to the Crown. The higher the position. & Sáez. who worked for Mulcy Abu-1- of them succcdcd. 56 Ladero. and they had severa! children groups plus the immigration of African lineages. Family solidarity ('a~abrya) favoured both Scville. hclping to produce one of the cpisodcs in each region of the realm. pp. Paris 1962. 58 She became a Muslim. pp. the Muslim areas. Meanwhile. .: A1emon'al de diversas hazaíias. The most intcresting sources available far the study of Muslim tory of Granada during the whole of the fiftcenth century. from another convert family. pp. and not to the par- ticular intercsts of a lineage. TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 193 instcad of rational argumcnts. thc more urban the family was. so they would move to the Castilian V cnegas. Whíle they were in their mark in place-names.: Crónica. Palencia. The grcatcst scandal occurred tures which characterised social life in the realm were residence and when the parents wcnt to complain befare the kíng. Thc emir Sa<d ordered his death in considered. Thc existence of a Moorish The most intcresting family supporting the Banü Sarradj was the guard was probably influenced by its counterpart in Granada. : 58 Valera. The other two fea. throne. At the top of the social hicrarchy. occupied urban astonishment of those who were prescnt. The Mufürridj. was thought to have run away to Granada and kept the girl as his Granada was born out of the agreement between threc family concubine. Mentioncd later by Ibn Khaldun and Ibn al-Khatfb. de Orihuela and took her out of town. together with the court. 10-11. pp. Its members were lar as a fighter on the frontier. converts are the documcnts in thc archive of Simaneas. Both Valera and Alonso de Palencia mention in their chronicles strugglcs to enthrone thcir own pretenders in Granada. See also Torres Fontes. D . sorne of them knights were choscn by the king to accompany him in an ensuing dircctly from Arabia. Once one a ccrtain "l\!Iofaras" or "Mofarrax". it grew after guard.: "Nuevas noticias acerca de l¿s Mufürridj" different steps: two of his sons werc officers in the Granadan army. called Abu-1-Surilr Conversion in Iberia had sorne general features which must be Mufarridj aftcr his grandfather.306.

Although anti-Islamic feeling has Christians. the king. back. it was considered as a kind of rn:ilitary scrv. But thc second group of knights. because no wages were paid reason for hostilíty was that many of the guards had been renegade to any Moorish knights after 1465. but Enrique IV preferred to negotiate. . or sorne still thcir cities if thcy had any. 62 It is impossible to know if it was compulsory to be baptised to be 61 While the knights tended to converl and bear a Christian name. Ladero Quesada. and later returned to always been considered thc reason for the disappearance of the Chrístíanity. . suggesting a mechanísm of assimilatíon in the Castilian around 1464--65 thc country was clase to a civil war and the king king's policy. liu Valera. especially after the first convcrsions in the II had already rclied on the Moorish lmights in his hardest times. when his cousin Juan de Navarra used his influence in Castile and · . a Moorish guard on behalf of King Enrique I\16° in 1459. p . 61 At the same time. A. cross to Tunis. 224. to go therc. tics towards Granada at the time. and arder to get rid of the most devoted part of his army.194 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 195 In thc fourteenth century. the abnormal situation created by the Moorish guard be placed in thc loyalty of thcsc Muslims who had no lord but their had to change by 1464-65. . for on their most faithful soldiers to perform their most secret plans. Saragossa and probably made up by the nobility.: op. as has been explaincd in chapter one. although it would seem logical for a Christian gonese kings to defcnd thcir fortrcsses against Castilian attacks. cit.. those the ones who were JVIudejars rctumed to thcir Moorish neighbour- who were recordcd in thc books around 1440. Sometimcs their resolution to rc-convert was enough to Moorish guard. people work- 59 See Boswell. The guard might be a <loor opcned ice. One more reason for assum. but several times. 235. but its apogec coincided with the faction strugglc which caused the king could make good use of knights who had already been many Muslim kníghts to flee to Castile. It must be noted that thesc castcllan units seem to have been per. Thc result was a many. The fact that any more. J. until 1465. those recorded in the 1450's and the l 460's. The divísion existing bctween trained. or return to the frontier. thus dcpriv-"J° many of them left Castilc aftcr sorne years to live in Granada again. following theological disputes and the capture of Antequera. Cf. P. Crown and nobility in fift:centh-century Castile caused royal trust to Howevcr. ing as builders usually kcpt their Muslim names." Las that thc guard was bcing assimilatcd. a more consistent explanation can be found: Juan grant them a pension. place in Granada at the time. following the Islamic use.: "El Islam . 175-176. p. Another These measures wcre in fact applied. A noble league threatened a civil war benefactor. Muslims were commonly uscd by Ara.: Cnmica del Halconero. Muslims and Jcws to be ejected from the kingdom. The rccords rnention three generations of knights. as was the was specificd in several cases. This feeling was justified in part because kings uscd to rely manifesto issued on 16 January 1465 asking. p . 62 utopias. there were no great reactíons against the institution had him confined in various fortresses not once. 59 rcturn to Castilc for whatcver reason and thus did not have to face Thc Castilian lVloorish guard could probably be traccd further ccclesiastical harassment or social confinement. they might either go back to their families in Castilian Most of them also used their native place-narne. due to a different view of poli- Huesca. The accusations against Enrique IV of bcing Islamophile werc through an extended arca which included Valencia. Enrique IV continued to use thc guard his fathcr had crcated for It is interesting to note that most of the knights were not Muslim all kinds of purposes including attempted murder. _'·' We can relate thcse facts to thc líncagc struggle which was taking The departurc of Muslim knights has not bccn studied. and who would be more loyal to him. The former Muslim name lords.. when he was asked to lct sorhe knights grdup. who had at first become Muslims. paid by the local fathcr's namc. cit. Those who had converted to Christianity would find it difficult their names to Christian ones. and who wcre lookcd upon suspiciously by in Castile. may havc pushed the nobles to prcssure him in[ of the people cited from 141 O to 1420 still had Muslim names. a member of thc guard. In this contcxt. pp. But.: ojJ. Most lackcd supporters. especially those such is the case of the attempted murder of the lord of Pedraza by who were closest to thc king. ali king. 141 O's. which meant they had bcen baptised. had mostly changed hoods. ·. Probably .. in general.·.. among othcr things. 20. D. \~.. Othcrs could have sought refugc across the sea. The same happcned with thc last case in the times of Juan II. ing him of military powcr. Carrillo De Huete. to thosc Christian renegadcs or their dcscendants who wished to manently assigned to the aijafe1ias as an elite guard.

Muslims and Chri. God's que los christianos hobiesen recibido de los moros tanto mal. M Christians in most of the territory. and the lack of evidence of his mission.s adiacentibus populis. 63 It is true that they could livc in thc city as long as they live.. they nccded to understand why ali this suffering and humiliation had could be martyrs. quod sicut propter peccata Israefüarum arca and Jews.. But soon he moved to the subject of the important Christian ritcs.: ]uan de Segovia . the case of gladio: he started asking why MuJ:iammad's sect had been so succcss- a small area in La Rioja. having obeyed thc commandments of thc Holy Church." CE. 65 Cabanelas. but it should be Juan de Segovia was thc first to approach the mattcr in De mittendo seen in this religious context as well. had already asked~th~ --. qucstion. 32-33." Don Juan NÍ~ucl. D.stians in Medieval Spain. 95. p. in arder to try-1. justifying it by the false promises of the Prophet. Cf. Diachronic studies have becn ··•:. E. thrown from the land.. the offences against Christ started to increase in nuniber. In 1458.!§t the council of Raro might be helpful. -. los que en ella murieren. But befare knowing whcn this would happen.Y:. 65 Juan de Torquemada started in the same In 1324. as vvriters were 6 ready to realize.: "Los mudéjares en el marco de la sociedad riojana bajomcdieval".:! del pecado que ficieren. or ate their food.. AfterJerusalem liad been captured by the crusaders. the Muslims being renegadc Christians- dcceived by the Nestorian Serg-ius-·· . Turkish a tew days ago. the Holy Land was given into the impious Saracens' hands.•' undertaken to see thc evolution of this legislation. . they were forced. thosc who kept their habits or attended possesion of the Roly Land: thcir weddings and funerals. p.: Carpenter. sean martircs o sean las sus almas por el martirio quitas . Thcy idcntified it with the forthcoming prelude to ~ "The reason why God allowed the Christians to take such harm from thc Moors is so that they should be able to make war justly against them. non sine maximo not find a job among their own pcople. and for their misdeeds the imperial city of Constantinoplc wa. Muslims had to be confined in the momia and a wall had to that Christians should not commit sin in the same land where Jesus be built around it. They were like the hounds j: The situation could not be handlcd for much longer.---·~---···· Christ had died. 6 Et tienen los buenos christianos que la razon por que Dios eonsintio " "Vvc hear that it is said that.~9.bro de los Astados 2. . not without grcat disgracc to pp. the local council forbade thc acquisition et ingratitudinem Terra Sancta tradita est in manibus impiorum of Christian properties by these groups... thc Count of Raro Sarracenorum cisdem demeritis Constantinopolitana civitas imperialis forbade Christians to work far Muslims or Jews unless they could paucos ante dies cum multi. a mcthod of conversion. Jews and Muslims in churches so that they could attend the most which deceivcd thc simple. the compulsory use of badges and caps by Muslims. the same as far the sins o[ the Israelites. . The rcsult of this was that.~. brothcr might have committcd. his violence munication in which wcre includcd those Christians who protected in the extension of Islam.~~!.: "Social pcr- ception ancl litcrary portrayal: Jews and Muslims in Medieval Spanish Literature". involving the diocese of Calahorra and ful both in the beginning and in general. ~ut when rcpetition of these orders meant that they wcre never thoroughly cn. theír souls being absolved by such martyrdom of the sins they bccn s9ll_to Christians. 66 to be sccn going into a Muslim house without a Christian man.e Don Juan Manuel: Li. The subject was old: Alfonso X's. in 1453. and those who had Muslim or . Later on.EiS:~!. E. but the trend towards intolerance and conflict is dearly shown. es porque chest was given to the Philistines. and answered that: Convivencia: ]ews. 75. which was conquered by the Saracens. ita etiam proptcr peccata Christianorum lovers. famous as a writer. D. For this purpose. those dying in such war. thc possession of thc Holy Land The End qf Muslim Power would only involve confusion for them.- ¡ r 196 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 197 ·¡ Another example of the complicated religious relationship between hayan razon de haber con ellos guerra derechureramente.Jewish Domini Philisteis est tradita. habiendo complido los mandamientos de The Muslím population tended to be progressively isolated from the Santa Eglesia. Christendom. p. with many villages ncarby. et porque Christians and Muslims are local ordinanccs defining evcryday habits. New York 1992. 247. those who lived together with Muslims Plane audemus dicere.. In Espina tried to explain this argument bctter.o d~Y. 132. It had bccn God's váll 1464. also for thc Christians' sins and thcir ungrate- fulncss.s!. the bishop of Calahorra issucd constitutions about excom. Christian women were not Christianitatis oppobrio (sic) Turcarum servituti subiacta est. way. and in 1468 both count and council remembered "-----.s subject to scrfdom under the 63 Cantera. and so that the Day of Judgemcnt.

and had to accept that sorne killing werc suffering from Christians. solution captívcs. Those who proposed the use cealed as "crusades" and the disorganizcd way in which the papacy of war.their subjects in~Christianity. and they also of Jews before the end of the world. Their avarice had led them to admit Christian pilgrims much more practica! way.AND ACCULTURATION 199 ~.. in thc Peninsul~ At the same time.: Preaching the Crusades. oblígation of rfjihad. thc Islamic spirit of rjjihiid as more than just The possibilities left to Christian writers at this point were well an impulse of conqucst. The· suspension of real meaning of thís con- was favoured by our authors. 128. oppose spcak of thc Iberian Península. 159-169. 88.. B. for five hundred ycars' cocxistence could to the tomb. T. . 101. p. After 1450. 93r-102r. tribute. the preaching and purchasc of indul. those Saraccns fact that Ibn al-Al:imar was unablc to resist Christian triumphs. cept was only a tcmporary stage befare the triumph of Islam. 1\!Iuslims ' confrontation. R. The whole account of Islamic doctrine. N. Velazque. 198 9HAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE . thesc íssues were sccn in a scpulchrc. but a way of kceping acquired positions. 69 72 See Urvoy. 68 We shall sce whi-Clí. 379. ff. 74 70 Ibidem. 68 Ilurns. 71 Thc situation the Turks were facing was not the bcst·-. loot. cte. 69 Accorcling to Innocent. They lmcw how difficult it was to achicvc an impor- last reason for their having the Holy Land was for the conversion tant number of conversions without exerting violence.fEspina considercd Ages. H crusadc and mission could not cxist without each other: crusade had At the opposite side of Christendom. 73 Ibidem. % l-36'. but their failurc made writers were focused on the release of Constantinople during its siege. R. 72 resumed by Burns when spealcing of the medieval missionary: they had been replaccd by internal war in Granada. 73 The Justification of erusade as ')ust war" was pushed forward in the viewpoint from outside the Península was quite diffcrcnt: Eastern thirteenth century by Pope Innocent IV and a number of ecclesiastical chroniclers usually insisted on Granada being the only position left writers. act of warfare/' Once the crusaders arrived. J acques needed a fow years in the East to realize that Granadans were considercd quite bravc for resisting the siege thcy conversion was not that easy. they aroused more criticism than respcct: the military advances and Muslim habits was dircctcd towards demonstrat- scandals caused by indiscriminate use of crusading funds. have already been mentioned.: "Relations entre musuhnans d'Espagne . Although to convcrt. the con. pp. thus guarding thc doors of Christ's If 1. I. pp. in BNP.: "Sur l'evolutíon de la notion de djihad" Mélanges rfe la Casa de Sermons by Jacques de Vitry. which would kad. Scc also Maier.: Jvfuslims. 10-11.: 7he Later Crusades. . rathcr than trying to infiltration by means of disputes with Islamic learncd men. pp. Byzantíum and thc Ibcrian Península. cncouragcd their sovereigns in different ways.their confusion.ans lmew the internal difficultics was necessary in ordcr to imposc Christianity. Christians and ]ews . the Breviarío Sunni maintained the version of rulers. Islamic the fifteenth ccntury.: Crusade and kfission. And this would be achicved as soon as Muslims were expellcd from gences to raisc had undermined the original enthusiasm.3. Jacques de Vitry considered crusadcs as a "defensivc. (1973). p.. Cit: Kec!ar. and to the Muslims in the Península. it has alrcady becn said that . But the end of Granada was close. conducted the enterp1i. ". 172r-v. al-cAynf stressed the hence just. and this would also contribute to . Latin 17509. 335. p... the expeditions against political enemies con. histmi. lcaving the Christians could favour conversions via commercial or other contacts· fanatic cnough hopes of conquest. Arié. who guard the doors of manors. pp. 71 Houslcy.said Jean Germain to Charles VII of France-because the lords in the Holy 67 FF. Nevertheless. Louis's to think about the end of Muslim power. and who had feared conversion in front of their fellows would feel free could not count on any aid from othcr Muslim countries. 67 As for the conquest of the knew how difficult and slow war had been throughout the Middle Iberian Pcninsula. Within the Christian kingdoms.or at least that was what the sins of severa! Visigoth kings the rcason for thelarrival of Muslims ecclesiastical writers expectcd.which ing the urgent need to defend thc Christian faith against their attacks. tried to adapt themselves to new conditions. Al-Andalus.. Ms. which would result in a much more fanatic response. spcakíng bricfiy of all the points to be considcrcd: or finally war followed by prosclytism. 98. C. 70 By the end of or after its capture. the kingdom cndured. The not be in vain. f. the Turks rnadc it difficult to open the way for missionarics to reach the lands of Islam. D. p. All the efforts of ecclesiastical crusades should have supported this new trend. theologians think of new approaches to the matter. St.

f. possibilities of supplies.77. who askcd his permission to join the fighters. the most well-regarded masters in the fight against Islam: Raimundo tages in the enterprise.76. As the emperors meeting. Furthermorc. bccause he did just the stronghold in the West of Europe. More aid convincing. sincc Granada. 77 he needed him on his Northern borders in order to kecp the distance There was anothcr point mentioncd by Llull. as his ancestors Charlemagnc towards the Holy Land: Constantinople. any ecclesiastical speech. and Charles VII probably thought so. fi. of Gcrmany and Byzantium had proved thcmsclves unable to mect ing to movc the lcgatcs both with religious and political rcasons: for thc rcquirements. Anyway. Sevcn years later. . to tal<. Advance arrny. Alexandria. . Tunis and. against Muslims. . vía Egypt. which Espina recallcd from England. Espina's proposal sounds rathcr more Thcy were expccted to back thc Christians in their efforts. the audicnce was even more difficult to addrcss.perhaps under his rule. distance of the journey and whethcr against the Moors in Granada. a large part of the sultan's launching of the crusadc. he could use crusade as the excuse to sign across the Iberian Península was by far the easiest. as he had becn asked to do sev. once the gcographical basis for it established. The sccond reason is that he relicd on one of and emperor had bcen very positive. and thc advantage of finishing off the last Muslim na1vc. the matter only once without daring to proposc a name. and the first four destinies were dismi~sed on different grounds.23r. number of castles availablc on the way and expenses. who had once been Christians.258. abundant food supplies and horses. l 4r. the army could movc through Tunis. and victory. due to thc priv- truces with the King of England. the era! times by thc pope and the duke himself 75 possibility of recruiting people ali the way. thc capture of through Armenia. and Torquemada had to use the same kind of believed by monarchs-and probably encouraged them more than persuasion at the Councíl of Mantua in 1459. which left that frontier free for opposite of what Germain was proposing: he refused the appeal to Christian troops. f. f. Moreover. trying to move them to follow Pope Pius II in hís as well as sorne castles. . 17'1. . Torquemada proceedcd with his exhortation. R. Llull. as wcll as his mind and family. thus saving a lot of then becausc those princes who could make decisions did not arrivc. the easy journey to the In the light of modern historiography. this proposal may sccm North of Africa.200 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUJVIENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 201 Land were on bad tcrms with the sultan. try. he could count on the it was by sea or land. again to continue thc unity of Byzantium. and he forbade the Duke of Burgundy to attend. far from signing truces. his emphasis was placed on the conquest of would come from the opressed Grceks. he would be wise to turn to the Llull had proposcd five different places to start the war. The Jerusalem. For a start. to amount of population willing to follow thc aid of thc Duke of Burgundy. While Charles's kingdom was in peace. 76 FF. Germain could only see advan. expense while fighting more courageously.e the route through and Clovis had done before. who would coopcrate. thcy would join thc army voluntarily.v. His efforts wcre in vain. of the prínces. so the Council was reduced to a cliplomatic in a position to believe he was the chosen monarch. ileged geographical position. The text is copied word for word from Llull. finally. 78 but which was eagcrly was 'still not settled. The lord of Acre had exhortation is full of Biblical references. 79 Enrique N was never but just sent their lcgates. ranging from revival of the crusader spirit which would infiuence the Spanish war climate. '2. 75 Jean Germain: Axhortation a Charles VII . promises cif glory and praises offered his troops to the pope if they started the "passage" (crusade). for love of the Christian "res publica".. 79 Ibident. The 77 FF.. From Ceuta. Thc prey would be nothing less than Armenia and Syria. Philip of Burgundy and Alfonso V of Aragon saw the love of J esus Christ and religious zcal for his honour. Hís argument is that íf Christians wanted to start a holy war sons to cngage in the crusade. moving problems of the rest of Christendom.277. That was the figure of a rex bellator elected This time. If all his subjects dcsired his because princes from all over Europe werc supposcd to attcnd. which he lmew somcwhat better than the othcr writers the union of the Churchcs and the end of the conflict bctween pope knew the Ottomans. At the same time.rst in council to lead the Christian army. for their own prídc and glory and for 76 CE. l 73r.: Liber de fine. Cyprus. 76 army was madc up of Mamluks. p. Andalusia (al-Andalus). thc crusade. so he hastened to give the king political rea. no place would be bettcr than the Ibcrian Península. because Egypt and finally rcach the Holy Land. Although not vcry rcalistic. the great reward promised to those engaged in the holy army. pp. 247. pp. '2.

: "Sobre el ideal de cruzada . 86 Muldoon. 83 Kedar. 102. and was the study of the enemy's rcligion and languages. He failed to sec that learned Muslims would not necessarily regarding the Cistcrcian missionary style. addressing· him as the intcgration easier. T. "Great Hound" whom he was going to destroy. who opened schools Missionary hopes were still sustaincd... 81 Kcdar. 86 This trend was followcd. to rccognition that baptism views. cit. for he stated: 80 Sobrequés. to Islam. D. Simultancous defence of useless to put an end . pp. pp. leading to a new style of preaching. their conversion would be followed by thc rest of the common thirteenth century. had given way to upper dass of learned Muslims. for priests were expelled as soon as the attention of captives and study. whom he thought to be ready to the idea of pacific the East which worried the papacy. . William of Tripoli. B. 1275 to 1312 givc onc solution or another to the problem of Islam. B. The step from cnforced Saraccn conversion as contained experiences in preaching life. 117-120. whose basis They maintained correspondcnce about their respective methods. would conquer Jerusalem methods and war as the way to approach Islam.LIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 203 themsclvcs as possible leadcrs of the last crusadc. and both were the The decline of crusades in the fourteenth century favoured a move- new ordcr's most important aims. he prefcrred to devote his efforts to the through coertion was invalidatcd automatically.. pp.: 0¡1. Richard. In thc listen. so dear to mendicant orders.although it was difficult to The Dominican method proposed a new approach to Islam through permeatc their social structure. it was King Franciscans soon shared this new impulsc. Pierre Dubois and Ricoldo few chances of crusades in the East and W cst of Europe succeeding. elaborated a ncw thcory of preaching. Preaching to Muslims feel discontcnt with their own faith. J: La Papauté et les ·missions . pp. learned branch was Raimundo de Penyafort. specially thosc living in the of "the perfect preacher. p.: op. cit. changc in the habits and clothes of the brethren to make Alfonso V to write a long lettcr to the sultan.14·2. vation.: op. About Grcgory lX's crusading policies. G. Segovia himself ncvcr rcjccted crusade on thc whole. cit. 184-186. pp. S. p. 83 mcans to entcr thc Muslim-ruled lands. military intervention in the Holy Land to open the way for mission.62. they tried to present thcm to Jean Germain." But very soon Franciscans started to defend Iberian Península. ". In the long term. C. and thc advance of the Turks on preaching and crusade was never criticized from within or without the East only helped to assumc that Christians would have to livc the orders themsclvcs..: L'Eglise et l'Islam. treatises writ.: Popes.: Penser !'Islam. 141. p. Lmi!Jers and Irfcdelf. losing their faith again. Other figures like Juan de Segovia and Nicholas of Cusa.: op. see 85 Urvoy. supported forced baptism. Maicr. 85 became an extcnsion of preaching to Christians. AH his works from for the Church. 72.. as wc have seen. cit. avoiding public debates and preferring the one he proposed. 82 Espina undoubtedly learnt from these sources his definition by ccclcsiastical writers living in Europe. In this contcxt. 237-238. Thc results were in dircct Christians liVing under Muslim rule in thcir own faith and giving relation to the preacher's virtuous lifc. and was given papal approval in a bull of together with the Prophet's rcligion for much longer than they had Gregory IX (4th March 1238) granting the friars thc same indulgcnce thought. cducation was fundamental for special attention to thosc Muslims who had convcrted and risked the success of sermons. de Montecroce. however. 80 Later. instructing were lcss important than the ultirnate cnd.. New attempts involved spiritual aid givcn to captives as a as had been given to crusaders by the IV Lateran Council. G. by such men as for missionaries ali around the Mcditcrranean. Mendicants never ment of Christian conversions . L1ull successively defended pcaceful after winning Granada from the Muslims. J. and the foundation of houses to welcome the friars. pp . A product of this symbiosis. who saw the same effect on the Granadan borders. This fecling moved martyrdom. who obviously continued tcn to provide ideas for the preachers. 82 Zananiri..202 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RE. probably according to his ary mcthods. . 84 See Zananiri. The desirc for martyrdom was added moti. 84 Fernando ll of Aragon who thought himself the messianic king who. and he defended all of them thoroughly. By thc fifteenth century. who were inspired by thc Humbert de Romans. Aragonese policies also conditioned his in thc comments on Gratian's Decretum. the Franciscan spirit introduced sorne changes pcoplc. 186 JI. 32.81 and the means used to achieve convcrsion Dominicans and Franciscans were askcd to work further. More pacific proposals wcre suggested by thc partisans of mission. both preaching and crusade had proved aries. 242 . Thc main representative of thc they tricd to proselytize outside the prisons..

Lat. start. exarnined the text point by point. f. and it nccded a long to discuss the grounds of a common pacific policy. but it could not be relied upon without propcr and commentating the Koran. after a long period.123. The last stage. the conversion of England On the other hand.. His answcr to the capture of Con- Once the traditional mcthods had been rejected. in which he men in these questions.effective war. lazincss and bad management of the troops were thc reason why the tality of Muslims. cessions regarding their customs. Vat. Palencia thought that lack of foresight. pp. SO. Thcy also tion as possible. C. which would prevent Muslirns from seeing Christ's just one more nation able to live arnong the others with sorne con- love in thc figure of their attackcrs. Fortalitium has the freshness of recent ncws and the added advantage ing with the similarities. See Juan de Scgovia: Letter to Eneas Silvio Piccolomini. that he could not help making it known ilar causes. so that thcir The argumcnt is quite different from that of Alonso de Palencia. was the discus. The capture of relations between Christendom and Islam. which was unlikely. He only mcntioned one prophecy circulating in the corridors peaceful mcthods as opposcd to crusades (and here he mentions the of the Roman Curia: "Constantina cadent et alta palatia Romae". pp. knowledge and advice would help to reconcile differenccs. 1 i 204 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT'..: op. in to the facts. bers of all nations and religions. this being the main source of informa- planning. T . The his proposals were even less use than Segovia's. the Apocalyptic era. 88 another contcmporary chronicler. 3. givcn that God used to rely on Islam. Thrce possible remedies could replace it: tion about the life and doctrine of Islamic people. All these projects to defeat the enemy on earth found theír decpest phere would bring about the intensification of diplomatic and cultural meaning in the arrival of the Day of Judgement. 1. until comprehension could Constantinople was consídered a key-event in thc succession towards replace fanatism. instead of the contradictions. De pace fidei. Cusa's method starts with the Cribratio Alchorani. because then the Church would be justified and Muslims would be condcmned by their own evilness 69 Ibídem. 2923. Segovia becamc so sure that thc Muslims owing to their invasion of Christian lands and othcr sim. G. In fact Cusa spoke of Scgovia as the initiator of a revision of the tradicional ideas about . TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 205 I want to emphasize that I do not condemn thc lawful wars against for not listening to pacific reasoning.preachers. p. 90 Needlcss to say. but the results would be conclusive. 121. It could also be helpful íng the atrocities committed by the Turks once they had entcred the even if it wcre rejectcd by Muslims. who preferred a historical approach According to Segovia. Plus religion with a variety of rites. The version of the conquest offered in the sion of the fundamental doctrines which divided both religions. 88 91 Ibidem.a miraclc. should be undertaken in front of rulers and alfaquies. his mcthod was the best. p. Such discussions of six or eight years' distance to permit an analysis of the situation. Alonso de Palencia: Glónica de Enrique IV. Espina devoted a great part of the battle to tell- and the works of Saint Boniface in Germany). 90 Anawati. . 87 engaged in the prcparation of the crusade and the council of Mantua. in order to unify all of them in one which was difficult to attain in a short period of education. accuse Muhammad in any way.. A peaceful atmos.: Nicolas de Cues . 89 But the latter were or for the purpose of conversion. European rulcrs' the traditional principie of preaching adapted to the particular mcn. a new one had to stantinople in 1453 was to contact thc Muslim elite in a conference be proposed: it was structured in three stagcs. and was confirmed historically by the success of city fell. He only admitted crusade as a temporary solu. but prefers to consider Muslims as . The great novelty is that he <loes not they had to face Islamic fanatism. trying to diffcrcnciate Muhammad . A gap was thereforc created between the war far territories and the so bis message was not heard. time to produce its cffccts. Both Segovia and Cusa agreed to start their work by translating tion for self-dcfcnse. D. 145-147. whosc scrmons produced a strong reaction among from hís doctrine. is a debate among mem- required a decp knowledge of the other's religion and psychology. war for conversion. . 91 examples of King Wladislaw in Hungary. Ms. first condition was maintaining peace with Muslims. The next book. 118. 111. p. : R7 Cf Cabanelas. bis mcthod was based on natural law. but only thosc undertaken with religious motives in mind to as many mernbcrs of the Church as possible. cit. and to extract from it as much valuable inforrna- Muslims becausc they uscd to attack Muhammad.

: "The Diffusion of Byzantinc Apocalypses". which was adapted to Aljamiado Constantinople. so that the city could be taken. heaven. Alexander. 16 (1942-43). A. f. S. Egypt. and the Turkísh invasion had updatcd millen- mentioned in the Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum. could not survivc much longer. And to enhance the eschatological tone of his speech. Prophecics on columns were a commonplacc in Byzantine in its way: all the lands in th~ world had suffered their invasion at apocalyptic literature about the end of thc world. .128. 240 242. Galia.: "Medieval Ideas of the End of the vVorld: West and East". Paul. and thc rcst of the prophecies would ture of the city. Such was thc final proof reserved The third wonder prcceeding the capture of the city was only to those who were willing to confess God's faith. who wrote come. whom Espina callcd a "Greek philosophee'.: Tlze ]ews qf Byzantium. He might be refering to the age of hypocrisy and injustice mentioned in the hadiths had the prophecy by Juan de Rokasia (Jean de Roquetaillade. p. the Vat:icinia supposed to defeat thc Antichrist befare entering J erusalem and ren- de Summis Pontificibus. renowned eschatological texts of thc Middle Agcs. Syría. pp. The two first prophe.ammad's approaching.. pope coincidcd with the ones who founded the city: Constantine and Thc last punishment ínflicted by Muslims on Christians was already Grcgory. the arrival of thc MahdI. 93 this being probably the text which Espina dering the city to God. bones. cit.. 99 Byzantion. Alabama 1985. knew. Spain.. pp. P.."ae. p. ~ Thc tcxt has not been stuclicd thoroughly yet. 93 Wiegers. and thc scvcn ages to pass befare (886. G. Cyril of Alexandria .: "Andalucia y la guerra del fin del mundo". But he <loes not mentían the key-figure of Byzantine apocalyptic literature. 94 although arist ideas. ali had been ravagcd by Saracens. and consisted of candlelights burning ovcr the Christian authors had revealed this punishmcnt: St. It is interesting to see 1100-·-1180.912). Capadoce. Both mention a certain column placed in the Church of Saint The end of Islamic rule was described according to the most Demetrius which had engravings depicting the destruction of the city. most of which wcre one time or anothcr. Espina himself spoke of an Arameic started through conquest and violence. 125. combined with which would take place whcn the names of the emperor and the the teaching of classical authors likc Plato. and by thc beginning of thc fourtecnth ccntury. the ora. the Castile befare that date. whích proves that it must have been circulating in Antichrist (al-Dadjdjal) would come and be destroyed by Jesus. 9·5 The second step towards final liberatíon is taken from the stoic For many authors. according to thc testimonies of a Russian bishop and the Dogue eschatological peoplcs of Yadjuqj and Madjudj (Gog and Magog for of VeniccY2 He proceedcd to explain four prophccics about the cap. and a certain Arabic prophccy which said that Turkish hands.: op.. f. for l\!IuQ. 342. 180.ammad's prophecies had been fulfilled by 1462: bones as a symbol of the cnd of his law. FF. that neither did Espina mcntion the messianic emperor who was cles were transformed into a Latin Pscudo-Joachimitc work. p. pp. 126-127. Ishmael thc walls of Constantinople during the níght. scc Wiegers. Christian writers) would appear. Espina reveals himself as most cautious not to FF." So the Saracen rule. vers10n the one which speaks about the Christian lcing scattcring MuJ:iammad's 97 Bowman. 462-502. a classical in thc cnd of the world. lsidore. which calculations 96 spoke of 1492. calculatíon which placed the end of the world at the time when Two prophecics are quoted to support this statcment: one contained Uz----Greece-and the daughter of Edom-Constantinople--fell into in Scotto's Sententt. and a comment of St. cit. The Turkísh reading of the sígn was that God wítheld hís and sorne fragments of thcir tcxts are accurately quoted by Espina protection from the besíeged. 79. For an intcrcsting approach. 97 For cfsa ibn Djabir the end of the world was a Christian king would conquer Mecca and scatter MuQ. Predictions of struggles were identified wíth the capture of Vade mecum in tribulatione by 1356). it was. 94 Vasilicv. Persia. be fulfilled. none is the same as Espina's. A. l 7lr. and which ascended to Hcrmit. Gcrmany . 911 'fsa's Breviario takes from Christian traditions the idea cics are related to the supposcd oracles of Emperor Leo VI thc Wise of the central place of Palestine.1453. Joachim de Fiore. 1204-. Aristotle. l 73v_ 10 95 FF. The original tcxt was dated between Islarnic mcssianism. Hildcgard of Bingen. Seneca. t: l 70v. 93 Cf. 100 Then comes the most interesting part of thc argumcnt: when wíll 92 this happen? Hcrc. T1 ( 206 CHAPTER SEVEN THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT: TOLERANCE AND ACCULTURATION 207 city.: op. this was thc beginning of the end: Byzantinc Seneca: "Nothing violcnt is perpetual. . G.. and the rest of the signs were to come soon: the around 1485. and Pliny. 99 A number of seen by the Turks. and it is probably the Christian 96 MacKay.

~J With the exccption of ~El. the central phoenomenon of Medieval siblc. only powcr in the Iberian Peninsula? Religious litcrature) laws and historical Espina could tell.!_~_rance an.Esp. facts have been used to dcpict the situation in the mid-fiftcenth ccn- tury. etc.. the othcr authors show an evolution towards i!!. the Jews.Q. with a third. In the 1450's. He avoided giving a precise date...ding to the conquest of Granada and the final dcfeat of Muslims in thc Península can be traced in scveral w?E~.l:'. p. I have tried to prove that 6!Je ideology le. the conflict would bring peace to the world and liberation. There is a connection between Iberian authors working abroad. His use of chronicles for a t "book of battles" and his chapters about l\/Iul. 1 101 FF. it seems Spain.YiQknce which was common to the society and its rulers. --~-'?-~Q. T.§.. Givcn that the capture of Granada was seen as pos.gQ:0-_a. All the books written by Christians rcfcrring to Islam were religious trcatises discussing their faith. His encyclopacdic knowlcdge made the Fortalitium Fi'dei more than j a first-hand sourcc for Jewish history. semi-autonomous cntity. Christian and JVluslim. most of them were aimed at Christian readcrs whosc faith was dcclining or who werc threatened by Muslim power (captives. How this How did Christians regard Muslims at the end of their political has to be understood in the light of the End of the World. place to a period of transition towards a new structurc. playing sorne role in be made. and the expectation of a crusade against the Turks.tlic formative pcriod of its natíonal culture.t.). or how <loes Muhammad relate to thc Bcast or the Antichrist- an idea which had moved most authors.ammad and Islamic pre- ccpts are one of the best works about compared religions in his time.Q.ina is undoubtcdly ~he most interesting~ "}}. the meeting and that the l 460's were a reasonable date to expcct sorne advance to bilateral adjustmcnt of two distinct cultures.5'.alist!f?.only because of the volume of his work but alscrfor-the·vaficfY"'~t sourccs he used and their interpreta- tion.". 101 Again Espina <loes not new political circumstances drew attention to thc Islarrúc problem explain how this serfdom was to take place.. befare thc parties' fcelings became more extreme. by the fifteenth ccntury this adjustmcnt had given The last text to be quoted was headed "About the Saracens' pcr. He never resorted to the calcula- tions of the end of time. The point of view was tllercfore negative and accuracy only served the ultimate objcctive: persuasion of the final triumph of the Christian church. f. ."..Q-~Lide. l 74v. As we have scen._1:9. However one may approach it.208 CHAPTER SEVEN fall into the apocalyptic discourse. or speculate about one. it must cease whcn the Christian pcople are sufficiently punished. i army... F. J1::~!?:~. JJ~~la. Howcver. pctual serfdom under the Christian yoke".: "Acculturation as . & Pi-Sunyer." Then. Glick. Of the four authors studied in this book. He seems to be happy enough to prcdict that "save a CONCLUSION better judgement. But no comment is made about who is to lcad thc Christian the events. O.d. Only that the end of from diffcrent sides. they would be ready to destroy the l\/Iuslim empirc..

the opposite was scverely punished. which tended to forget umph was thc cnd of the Mudejar problcm and the origin of thc that its far West still was under the Muslim yoke. However. Laws show an attcmpt to harden positions against Mudejars. and even the Jews had their own prophecies about the end of the world coming around 1453/1492. decíded the royal policy towards } Península. respcctivcly. partly duc to thc good library system. which can be compared to the e:ffectivity of discourse. Both ways of approaching Islam are personified by Torquemada and ) §~pina. . and those working in the of Tole do. But this would be thc subject for another book. people in Castile yearned for the final defeat of Granada.~ Whereas conversion to Christianity was seen as most desirable and was supported by local law-codes. thc ideas seem to travel much bctter than might be expected. Thc following gencration of authors gathered all the ínfiucnces and knowlcdge of the prcvious ones. regarding the Turks only as a possible help for Mudejars and Granadans. The revival of the Ottoman threat suggest that thcir approach to Islam and particularly Cisneros's tri- in the East affccted thc whole of Europc.9~~r. In any case. The relation between the dcfeat of Islam and the end of the world had been poínted out in the seventh century. I can go as far as to African and Granadan Muslims.\iith them¡/Some superficial elements were kept the same to avoid reaction against more subtle transformatiou. given the slowness of communica- -~tions and thc distancc between thc authors. universities and mcndicant friars. but thc imminence of thc fall of Granada produced more litcraturc on thc subject.0Lr2y~_J?. But internal quarrels among the Granadan parties brought forward the last triumph of Christians. and the Archbishop . whcrc ctsa ibn Djabir thought thc time had come to defeat the Christians. A lot has been said about the style used to attack Islam and it has been described in detail. whose first interest was to disseminate ideas about North the Muslims all through the modern period. l\llorisco issue. togcthcr with gesturcs. while a strong monarchy was growing in the Península. so there is no need to insist hcre on the importance of traclitional polemics. symbolism and the powcr of image in manuscripts. whilc coexisting \. Francisco de Cisneros. the in:ftucnce of Mudejars in the society around them was still too important- cven ~-~~J>. At thc same time. Hcrnando de Talavera. . Thc steps towards intolerance in rcligious authors can provide a cluc to thc situation of acculturation in thc Península.~lwark--. 0ie outcome of the confrontation between the first ~chbishop of the city. but times had changed.. and the application of similar principles brought new reactions. After the fall of Granada. Thc samc happencd on the Muslim sidc. 1 1 1 210 CONCLUSION CONCLUSION 211 who dealt mainly with the Ottoman issue.

Felix V is proclaimed 1441 "Manifesto" agaínst Alvaro de Luna Segovia. Dukc of Milan . CHRONOLOGY 141 O Capture of Antcquera by Christian troops 1412 Dispute of T ortosa Cathcrinc of Lancaster's ordinanccs about Muslims 1415 Capture of Ccuta by thc Portuguese 141 7 Torquemada. legate to coordinatc forces for a crusadc against the Turks 1443 Crusader success at Edirnc Conquest of Naples by Alfonso V of Aragon DisjJute between Torquemada and El Tostado 1444 Varna: dcath of Wladislav I 144 7 Cavalleria claims his puril_JJ ef ascent 1448 Crusader defeat at Kosovo Segovia's retirement 1449 End of the schism RioLs against Jews and converts in Toledo: works by Torquemada and Alonso de Cartagena 1450 Sforza. cardinal 1442 Cardinal Cesarini. Master ef the Sacred Apostolic Palace 1432 Expedition of Alfonso V of Aragon to Tunis 1434 Council of Baslc under Eugcnius IV 1436 S~govia travels to Germany and copies Ketton's translation ef the Koran 1437 Portugucsc crusade to Tangier 1438 Thc Council moves to Ferrara 1439 Thc Council movcs to Florence. Juan Il's ambassador to the Council qf Constance 1422 Clemcnt VII elected pope by the Aragonese 1424 Translation ef the Bible efAlba into Spanish by the Jew Nloshé Arragel 1429 Council of Tortosa: constitution to rcspcct Clement IV's dis- posítions on Muslims 1431 Cortes in Palencia to discuss war against Granada Battlc of La Higueruela Dispute ef 1Vfedina del Campo (Segovia) Torquemada.

He is given thc administration of the Spanish Military Orders 1457 Meeting at Alfaro (Enrique IV and Juan de Navarra) Espina preaches the bull ef crusade Piccolomini and Torquemada> cardinals 1458 End of the Granadan campaigns Dcaths of Calixtus III and Alfonso V of Aragon Thc Portuguese conqucr Arzila Death ef Juan de Segovia 1459 Council of Mantua Juan de Torquemada: "Contra Errores Machomeli" Espina begins the "Fortalitium Fidei >J .es the Sultan 1454 Dcath of Juan II of Castile and enthronement of Enrique IV Banquet of the Peasant in Burgundy: oath of crusade Diet of Frankfurt League of Lodi J org von Ehingen visits Castilc 1455 Defense of Belgrade Beginning of the Castilian campaigns against Granada Alfonso V of Aragon takes thc cross Death of Nicholas V and accession of Calixtus III Plunder of the Moorish neighbourhood in Valencia Alonso de Espina attends a Meeting of 1''ranciscans in Madrid 1456 Deaths of John Capistrano and John Hunyadi Enrique IV's trip to Ceuta. bishop ef Orense: ((Symbolum pro injónnatione Mani- 1451 Philip of Burgundy proposes a crusade m a spcech to his clzaeorum"' knights of the Golden Flcccc 1461 Death of prince Carlos de Viana Albano-Aragonese alliance Germain's 'Vébat du Chrestien et du Sarrazin" Death of Murad Il and enthronement of l\!Iu]).govia> bishop of Savoy 1463 Bull "Ezechiclis Propheta": crusade starting at Ancona 1452 Fredcrick III's coronation in Rome 1464 Death of Pius II Thc N asrids attack Murcia 1465 Sentence of Medina del Campo Jean Germain 's "Discours du voyage d'Outremer" Enrique IV's dethronement in Avila 1453 Capture of Constantinople by thc Turks Possible death ef Pedro de la Cavalleria Diet of Regensburg 1466 Leo of Rozmítal visits Castile Treaty between Castile and Aragon 1467 Deaths of prince Alfonso of Castile and Philip the Good of Death ef Alvaro de Luna.214 CHRONOLOGY CHRONOLOGY 215 Treaty Aragon-Venice 1460 Civil war starts in Catalonia Cavalleria's ":(.elus Christi" Torquemada. Alonso de Espina is his corifessor Burgundy Segovía> bishop of Cesarea: "De mittendo gladio cordis Saracenorum '' 1468 Dealh ef Juan de Torquemada Alfonso V of Aragon defi.ammad II Possible death ef Alonso de Espina Se.

FF. APPENDIX I: SOURCES OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES CE: Contra enores j1e1fidi i\!Iachometi FF: Fortalitium fidei . CE.·. 19 BC): Bucolica. [] : So urce quoted without mcntioning authorship 1. 30 1): De regressu animae or De abstinentia. 430): bis work in general. Vcgctius Rcnatus (c.De anima. FF. Cícero (Tullius. c. . Anastasius. ~billine Oracles. ZC. . 320): Divinae Institutiones. Augustinc (d. 401). CE. Seneca (d. CE. f ZC: <:. -. 255) [through Eusebius of Ccsarea].Sarrasin . Docton qf the Chw·ch Ambrosc (d. Origen (d. CE. . Classical Sources Aristotlc (d. CE.De animalibus. Pope (d. CE. Virgil (d.De proprietatibus elementorum. [Hippocrates (d.Liber de substantia orbis. 2. FF. CE. FF.. . .De civitate Dei. . . CE. FF. CE. CE. CE. 383-450): Epitoma rei militaris. CE. 525): De Sancta Tiinitate. . 397): De Spiritu Sancto. FF. .. 65): Ti·agoediae. CE. d. CE. 269): Enneads.De T rinitate. . 43 BC). c. CE. CE. .De Trinitate (419).Physica. CE. [Plato (d. . CE. Plotínus (d. CE. 399 BC)J. Boethius (d. CE. FF. Lactantius (d. LCS: Livre du Chrestien et du . ·--·· Ethica.De efficiis ministmrum. c.Política. c. c.elus Christi . CE. 347 BC): Timaeus]. CE. FF. Porphyry (d. 322 BC): Aietaphysica. FF.

Abraham ben Afra. CE. Sigebertus of Gembloux (d. 1284): Generalis Historia Hispaniae. John Duns Scotus (d. Clement V (d. ZC. . FF. 1250. FF. FF. 1203): Qy. CE. CE. Lucas Tudensis (d. 1264): Speculum Historiale. CE. Bernard of Clairvaux (d. FF. FF. FF.De Gene. .fide Sanctae Trinitatis.acenorum. FF. Medieval Christian Sources (Greek & Latín) Vicente Ferrer (d. 1405). 4.): Risa/a. CE. Leo 1. . Francisci. FF. Pedro Alfonso (c. Egi. Kitab al-Mi'radj (Liber Scalae Nfachometi). Cathalogus Regum Terrae Sanctae. 1198). -. Anselm of Canterbury (d. 1284): Pugio fidei. FF. LCS. the Royal Palace. FF. 1314): Cl. 1179): Scivias seu visiones (Líber revelatíonum Dei). 1419): Sermon "Ecce ascenclimus Hierosolimam". 636): l!)ymologiae. LCS. 1244): Historia On'entalis Ecclesiae. Leo N. l. Historia exaltationis Sanctae Crucis. 1112): Chronica (Historia Regum Franciae). . CE. Bartholomeus Anglicus: De prop1ietatibus rerum (c. FF. CE. 1458): Bull. CE. d. FF. FF. 1141): De Sacramentis.fiad litteram (401). 420): A letter to Pope Damasus.Senno de Nativitate Domini. 444): Thesaurus de sancta et consubstantiali Tlinitate. Dennis the Carthusian (d. FF.Summa Iheologica. CE. FF. 1204): Cuide fer the doubiful.: Tl·actatus contra Machometum.] FF. FF. FF. Moshc ben Maymon (Maimonides. CE. FF.iaq al-KindI and <Abd Allah b. 1343): Disputatio Abutalib Saraceni et Samuelis Iudaei. FF.adripartitus liber contra hereticos. tit. 749): De fide orthodoxa. c. I. lbn al-Haqim de Málaga (Ronda?). 407): Contra judaeos et gentiles. Raimundo Martí (d. 1274): Summa contra gentiles.dii . 1463): Tractatus contra sarracenos:::::: De mittendo gladio corda . CE. 461): Sermo de Nativitate Domini. by thc samc secretary as FF). FF. et eorum lege et fide. LCS. Hildegard von Bingen (d. FF. [Ricoldo de Montecroce (d. Cronica Beati Petri. FF. 1249): Gnronicon Mundi. FF. FF. Alfonso Buenhombre (d. CE. CE. LCS. 'Abd al-Masih ibn lsl. Juan de Segovia (d. 384). . Madrid. Joachim de Fiore (d. FF. FF. John Damascenc (d.218 APPENDIX I SOURCES OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 219 . FF. FF. FF. . 1247): Historia Arabum. Pope (d. FF. CE. Pope (d. FF.] CE. John Chrysostom (d. 1202): Speculum visionum. . Dionisius Areopagitcs (c. ZC. 1455): Collectio Historiarnm (Ms. CE.J FF. FF. Victor (d. Vincent de Bcauvais (d. 1273): De statu Saracenorum et de Mahomete pseudo-propheta Alain of Lllle (d. CE. 604): Moralia in Job.fimi tempo- 1ibus certa demonstratio (De fine seculi). 532): De dívinis nominibus. sm. Jacques de Vitry (d. 674-678): Se1mo de regno gentium et in novi. Thomas Aquínas (d. Isidore of Sevílle (d. CE. FF. Hugh of St.ementinarum. Gregory the Great (d. translated in the 15th century by Vicente de Burgos).r. 1153). 1143): Koran. 855). lshma'Il al-HashimI Raimundo Llull (d. 1315): Liber de fine. FF. CE. d.De verbís Domini. Arabic & ]ewish Sources Nicholas of Lyra (c. CE. Calixtus 111 (d.Tractatus in ]ohannis evangelium (414). CE. V. [. CE. 1308): Commentarium supra libros Sententiarum. John of Podio (d. Alexander de Hales (d. Methodius (Pseudo-) (c. . 1109): Monologíum. II. 1320): Improbatio Alchoranis. (9-1 Oth c. copied for the Library of Damasus. [CE]. Jerome (d. 1110): FF. lbn Rushd (Averroes. Pope (d. 1245): Summa Iheologi. FF. [Beatus of Liebana (c. 1349): Postilla.iber generationis lvfachometi. Robert Ketton (c. FF. Cy:ríl of Alexanclria (d. Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada (d. [William of Tripoli (c. Alfonso X (d. 3. FF. FF. . Liber generationis et vitae Machumeti.De . FF. 798): Commentarium in Apoca!Jpsin].

differences among divine. ¡ Chríst's.!. beíng the two maín oncs related 1.t:". Seven crrors contained in the Koran. Miracles he performed " ~ . Saracens want to extinguish the namc of Christians III. l\!lul:iammad pretended he was given Abraham's law. and how it was easy for 2. continued by Chrístians to XXIII. History of three hundred years 4. distressing the Church 3.i XXI. It was not considcred enough to send twelve men to prcach Christian 2. Errors regarding marriage contained in the Koran XXVII. l\!liraclc of the seven slecpers X. but not his inter- The aim of this appendix is to givc a comparison of the main su~jccts and cession because he carne from Abraham's lineage their prcsentation at a glance. The original division of the treatises has been respected. natural and scriptural laws and the law of divine grace I. About the virtue of his actions or· 3. Dcmonstrates how in a short time the law of the Saraccns expandcd XXIV. Críticism of MuJ:iammad's Paradise as described in the Koran only one God and Mul)-ammad is his mcssenger ' XIII. About circumcision. vVondcrful actions are rcasonablc.ammad contained in the Koran are divided in four defend Chríst. Reason why l\!Iul.f"/" already mirades. XXIX. Consideration: Bishops and doctors of the Church try to convert Saraccns '. Explanation of why he did not pcrfonn any other. About himself V. They are promises. Therc was and is no hope of eternal life far pagans and Jews.EC. who do not observe God's command- FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES ments nor precepts XVI. but the titles for the chapters have not bccn translated word-.Q. Includes the words from the Koran MuQ_ammad recitcd as if they were Abraham's law. Explanation of what is contained in human law. Mul:iammad's life and actions \ ~$ 11' / /' by a multitudc of fighters.for. What is told in such a confussing way is not intelligent to thc rnysteries of Trinity and Incarnation. nevcr seen by men IX. XVIII. as were the Apostles. con. XXVIII. . Mul. Debate with the king of Granada's ambassador l. Thcre is no hope for Saracens because they do not have sacraments XVII. Account of the truths of the Christian faith according to Church XXX. Explains the reasons for the continuous war between Saracens and XXII. attacked by MuJ:iammad types: ·.i. (. with four differences: VIII. Twenty-one reasons why MuJ:iammad's sect was accepted and prelatcs and doctors multiplied . Exhortation and precepts for the Saracens to continue fighting. JUAN DE SEGOVIA: De mittendo gladio in corda San-acenorum XX. His judgcments when he was alive o faith to the Saracens. lnspired by him. Lucipher's sin. Miraclcs told in the Koran. They are invisible. to which he added abusing glosses l. Ti EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 221 XIV. Points out excessive praises contained in the Koran as well as a num. Ali ber of other errors his religion is bascd on himself. MuJ:iarnmad ordcred Moscs's law to be respected so that it supcrceded Christians and thc maintenancc of MW¿.ammad's law dcnies Chríst's ccding índulgence to thosc who die. Reasons for the war XXV. not exhibitions by mcans of Nestorian and Arian errors 4. the Church and its prelates' honour. and the chaptcr headmgs consídered divine have becn cither translated or summarized.tammad's sect expanded in such a short time. by preachíng the divine word How it cannot be proved that Abraham receíved another law from God JI. Christ did not dissolve but complete Moscs's law. Mu]:iammad affirmed that worlcs of nature. Due to envy. but miracles are not Muhamrnad to introduce them appealing to idolatry.ammad's law ·. which was word bccause they lackcd dcfinition of the contcnts.) of attempts es· le i~'i VI. l\!Iu. art and fortune were~~Q. Praises of Mul. Contains adviccs to finish with the war. as is shown by two sentenccs: :Therc is XII. and cvcn less for Muslims who have abandoned God's doctrine and discipline APPENDIX II: EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF XV. and promising thcm Paradise divinity XI.:¡ IV.ammad frccd Jesus by rejecting· his divinity. XIX. There is no hope for Saracens. accord- VII. About the Saracens' hopes to convert rnany Chrístians by affirming ing to the Koran sorne of thc truths contained in the Go-spcl XXVI.

and as they see the Christians are not unbelievers. 1.. Christ is thc Mcssiah. V\lhy Mu}:lammad's scct continucd to be expanded 2.. Response to thc first fourteen reasons. Ways to convert the Saracens. by instruct.Zelus Chrúti . including the martyrdom of Christians Answers to sorne of the Jews' doubts 3. About all the líes Mul. This happened because of the original sin 1. they will turn 5. Answer to the last thrce reasons: 3.iammad's description and life 3.. JVloses's law was imperfect 3. · 2. · to •· their religion. Reasons against idiots. The Messiah had to arrive far the remission of sins 1. He is the last prophet 6.iammad's false prophethood 4.4. Angels . He is announced by Christ when he promises another messenger 3 Artide: The Messiah was promised in the Law.. 6. About the Trinity 2.3. showing that Jesus's faith is true and necessary Preface Part II: philosophical proves of the truth of Christ's faith Summary Which are the Scriptures common to Jcws. Why thc Christians have images in churcl~es . Again about original sin 2. About war for conversion 5. assuming that onc was the creator and other the legislator 1.··. but not the son of God ' . Why are Christians buricd within the church if thc Jcws havc cemeteries l.iammad said about himself 5. .iammad. Paradise and the Last Judgement XXXVIII. and without the ríght faith due to his death ali sacrifices must finísh 5 Articlc: Once celebrated this sacrifice. About the end of the sabbath XXXIII. Christians and Saracens About divine providence Part I: Against the J ews 1 Article: Thc Messiah was promised in thc law 3. Thc Koran is inimitable XXXVII. 3.. . Saracens adored the principie of their world. Fourth way to convcrt thc Saraccns: the way of peace. Therefore. To whom was He promised Prcfacc 2. Contradictions in the Koran · Uot true. Creation. About the third: War and its reasons 1. V\lhy in the beginning the Church did not prosecute Mul)_ammad's 6. Moses's law did not bring glory after death 3. Dcmonstration of Mul. . Waiting for a miracle outsidc thc cities 2. 222 APPENDIX JI EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 223 XXXI. Saraccns' misery is greater as their triumphs increasc 4. Response to four of the last seven reasons: Messiah to all souls through sorne choscn men 1. PEDRO DE LA CAVALLERIA: . Peoples of thc Book will be saved ing multitudes and signing peace 2. Discordance between Christian and Islamic faiths 1. · ·. Mul. About his divinity Mul.2. Christ's pcrson and actions 3. JUAN DE TORQUEMADA: Contra mores pe1jidi Machometi 2 Articlc: l. a new Law would convey thc XXXII. Muhammad's name is eternally written on God's throne and human . . How this was done. They do not possess a numer of divine books or about human law 1. Trinity XXXVI. Sending preachers Refutation of the Islamic sect [divisions are not made by the author] XXXV. Jesus was not crucificd and dead. Right actions are not worth 4 Article: The Messiah must su:ffer and die for the remíssíon of sins. whose messenger is 1. Holy war 7.. there are no more prophecies to be delivered 7.for Adan:i's sin 1. Why the Messiah has not eliminated punishment .1. being the lcss convenient the two brated them former: 8. V\lhy don't the Christians circumcide thcmsclvcs. souls did not enjoy Paradise after death 2. . Why the food forbiddcn by Moses's Law 1s allowed to Chnstians sect as a heresy 7. Saracens will realise that the hapiness promised to them was 4. and he is both God 4. Before the Messiah's arrival. 1f Jcsus did so 2. Why the old Jewish feasts are not valid for Christians if Christ cele- XXXIV.

About circumcision Christian Church 19. It forbids evil things 14. Angels commit sins 26. 1 \ EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH~CENTURY TREATISES 225 224 APPENDIX II 33. Angels ignored the narnes of things before Adam named them 29. made of fire 5. . The Bible was corrupted by Christians and . Shc was Mary. Its origin is the best: Christ 7. It has extraordinary virtuous sacraments left which corresponds to God's real mcssage except what is said in 10. Angels will die before the Last judgement 50. It should clirect towards God both external and internal human 41. About sodomy fulfü the following conditions: 37. . He denies Christ's divine generation 3. It must be possiblc (quoting the Mi'radJ) 48. Lust and flcsh are permittcd 21. His Paraclise is made of pleasures 20.Jews. just. Adultery and fornication are lav.rejec.ammad 23. Five reasons why Mu. 24. It must be confirmed by natural law. and the trcc produced dates for her to cat 5. About the author of Mu}:lammad's scct 32. It is excellent bccause it is not based on weapons or violence.Q. Aftcr resurrection. The Virgin Mary gave birth on a palm-tree 4. holy things. material pleasures are promiscd to Muslims 1. vVhoever lives rightcously can be saved in his sect 3. Once Christ was born she was consoled of her sadness mirades.fol for Mul:i. they are not acknowledged 40. lmages worshipped: criticism 1. It must be in accordance with God in everything is the supreme goodness 9. He affrrms God is corporeal and has a body 11. It is confirmed by divine power 9. God is thc reason far all evil 12. No prophet before him was . Its essence is incorruptible firmness 16. . Christ did not die in the cross 7. as opposed to 18. Only easy precepts are commandcd 22. It has honcst commandments 12. It must contain the truth 46. He dcnies the Holy Spirit is God 4. It has prophets as authoritative witnesses 1O. It gives advice to reach perfection 13. Future hapiness is placed in vain things 2. Mul. 1gnormg that He 8.ammad's origin 30. The sky is smoke made of sea steam 2. About pleasures in Paradise. Principies and foundations to refute Islam Muslims convert: 6. but the Koran on humility and patience 15.35. Mul)ainmad's origin and birthplace 31. He defended fate and denied divine providence 49.iammad chargcs God with false and cVJl thmgs. The Law contained in the Koran is not divine. bccausc it <loes not 36. Wine drinking is a sin 3. Demons can be saved through the Koran 27. Nobody is saved except Muslims 4. It is not rational 38. It has got true documents beyond question 11. The sun and the moon were made of the same light. He believcs Christians are forced to adore their priests 2. Christ is not God 6. Apostles and prophets were Saracens . Angels are corporcal. Ali the prophets beforc him announccd his arrival 34. Tirannic violencc and the power of weapons are used by Mul:i. Christ wil1 not be the judge in the Last Judgement 8. so thcrc is nothing 9.ammad's sect was so successful. It must not be based on fables 4· 7. Twelve characteristics of Christian religion which should makc thc 5. It should command honest.She was accused of_adultery by her neighbours 6. Admonition to makc the Cathohc pnnces raisc agamst the Turks 25. Adam's soul is a portion of God's soul First considcration: About MuJ:i. Ali creatures invoke God in praycr actions 42. ALONSO DE ESPINA: ForLalitiwn Fidei (Book Four) 28. Although fast and 39. It is not even confirmcd by 43. When was Mul)ammad's sect startccl touchcd the latter making it darker . God ordered the angels to pay hommagc to the first man 4.ammad 4. Having sevcral wives is permitted 5. Ali human souls have been made from one soul 1. He asks Muslims to believe in God's messengcr '. Repudiation is a]so allowed 6. where wishes will become true prayer are good. but Gabriel 3. Mu. It promises eternal hapiness 17.Q. It must be a wise law for the people 4·5. He denies lncarnation 5.ammad's main crrors (discusscd in chapters 7-4 7) 1. but imposcd by the sword 44. .ted . It has thc holiest doctors and mastcrs 8. He denics the Trinity 2. 7.

Mul..iammad's law is full of contradiction 4. represented by jasper 6.Third article: who was born from the Holy Spirit . Food allowances 5.. His life was bcastlikc and lustful 15. His lite was ambitious 16. . Christ is not God Fifth consíderation: Concordancc and discordance of Muhammad's law with 4. T ! 226 APPENDIX II EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 227 1 Second considcration: Muf. Against veneration of images · · Fourth articlc: who died under Pontius Pilatc . including his ascent 2. amen .. Forbiddance of disputes with non-Muslims 18. by amethyst Christian rule About the discordance of Mul). Forbidden marriages with relativcs Book I: The Koran 11. by jacinth Elevcnth consideration: VVhat must Saracens comply with when living under .arnmad's vile death 2.Fifth article: who descended to Hell . Why do Saracens hold the Holy Land . by beryl Tcnth consideration: about thc possession of thc Holy Land by Saraccns . but thc dcvil . .. Fallacies and fablcs in Mul.tammad's law 2. End of the Saracen powcr 4.ammad's doctrine and law 1. Against the Holy Spirit being God to hcavcn · 3... l\!Iu. Easter 4. Against Chríst's Incarnation. )\lfischicfs in Mu}. His life was monstruous due to epilepsy 17.Q_ammad's law is not confirrncd by miraclcs 3. by sardonyx in it but what is mcntioncd by thc Koran .Q_ammad's law 6.i.iammad's life and customs 14.Twclfth article: and in eternal life. Errors in Mul. Thc last punishment for the Christian people by means of Saracens 3. ..iammad's law cease 5.Eighth article: 1 believe in the Holy Spirit .... Testimony and witnesses 3. Jews and Christians corrupted the Bible and thcrc is no truth left . Proclamation in loud voice 2. Prayer towards the South Prologue 13.iammad's law is not divine because it has been rebated by men and the devil was its founder Eighth consideration: the war of Muslims against Christians using arguments 1. 5. Fast 3.First article: I bclicvc in onc God .. representcd by saphire 7. Thcrc is no bcttcr land to start the crusade than Spain . Those who are called Christians do not descrvc that name Fourth considcration: Foundations of Mu}. Diversity of people who accepted Mu. Prayer under Christians 2.ammad's preccpts: Twelfth considcration: end of Saracen power and their pcrpetual serfdom l. Against Christ's death. by emerald 10. Mul. Pilgrimage to Mecca 7.i.. Inheritance f 2. Against Baptism by chalcedony 9....tammacl's law. Observation of Fridays 12.Second article: I believe in Jesus Christ .. Diversity of pagans whom Muslims sometimes imitate 7. rcpresented by chrysolite .. When must Muf. .Eleventh article: 1 believe in the resurrection . The sect did not pcrish thanks to the Devil's shrewdncss 4. God cannot be the author.. Against marriage with just one woman . Ablutions befare prayer 1.Ninth articlc: I believe in the Holy Catholic Church . Wine abstinence 1. Mul)ammad's successors in the East and West 5. NICHOLAS OF CUSA: Cribratio Alchorani 9. Sixth article: He ascended to Heaven and is sitting at the right of Ninth consideration: about the wars and triumphs of Christians and Saracens the Father .iammad's law 1. About judging 1. How Mu]:iammad's law was given Sixth considcration: About Mul.. by chrysoprise 2. Perpetua} serfdom of Saracens under Christians 6.Seventh articlc: and he wi11 come to judge . · because he is supposed to be immortal Christ's in the articles of faith .. by topaz l.. Circumcision Third consideration: Quality of Mul. Against the Trinity . Number of wives 10. The Koran..anunad's law Scvcnth consíderation: Mul)ammad's successors 3. by sard by means of wcapons from Mul)ammad's time until thc present (158 battles) . represented 8..Tenth article: I belicvc in thc saints' communion . Plunder and death for in:fidels 8. Against Paradise being contemplation of God and not material goocls .

The Gospel must be prcfcrred to the Koran. 11. His asser- higher by God tion that "Thcre is only one God and Mu}:iammad is his Mcsscnger" 9. Only Christians adoring the Trinity can be Abraham's descent 1. About Jesus Christ's rcsurrectíon 2.ammad bclieves in the rieed of God's presence in everything that give Christ more glory happens 15. The mystery of Christ's birth and death: cxplanation of his mission 3. easily proves to be the son of God. About Pedro Alfonso's Dialogus 15.ammad's sayings: about every monotheist to his spirit and soul be saved. The Gospel is light for the Koran because it contains everything which is true ín the latter 1. Christ was really dead and crucified Book I: About thc mistakes and foolishness of the Muslim sect Qettcr from 13.1 21. Against the Koran being Abraham's law fcct man 12. 5. How it should be undcrstood from the Koran that Christ is the per. The Arabs ignore Abraham's law and persecute ít 2. Foreword to the Saraccn's epistle 16.iammad's aim is his own exaltation 16. God in the Koran. thcy do it as God 3.une which must have been included in the Koran by Jews 6. will save evcrybody: lack 7. Abraham's pact excludes the Arabs 15. About God in the Koran. MuQ. Christ deserved immortality: demonstration 8. Christ's death and its fruits 3. Christ's dcath. Abraham. but the Son of God 4. and he kept chang1ng his mind 11. 10. because he was placed 2. MuQ. Contents of the Koran according to Muslims 17. Mul). The elegance in style does not prove thc Koran's divine origin of prccissíon. Crucifixion was Christ's exaltation and purification al-Hashimi] 14. Confusion in Mul). is also his son 9.·. in singular or 17. Invcctive against the Koran 5. is also the son of God 8. Koranic objections to thc former only try to specify sorne points to 7. becausc then it would include heretics 8. which says Abraham was an idolater. More about thc thrcc persons: parallcl with thc three pronouns "I-you-he" 11. Christ's death and thc transmigration of his soul: Mul).ammad persecutes Chrístians against God's will 14. Faith in one God.228 APPENDIX II EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 229 2. Mul. The Koran wrongly blamcs Christians for adoring Jesus-considcring is false in the second prcmise him a prophet. Jesus.i.ammad was not sure about what to do or to belícvc. because even thc latter acknowlcdgcs its mcrits Book III: Mul). JEAN GERMAIN: Le livre du crestien et du sarrasin of Mul). Discussion of the enigma of the Trinity . Other variations ín Mul.Judgemcnt according to the Koran 18.ammad's references to Christ as God. The promise made to Abraham Book II: The Trinity. Christ's praise in the Koran and the demonstration of his divinity in his crcaturcs? 13.ammad with the Holy Spirít 12. Activity of ali beings as dcmonstration of God tri. according to thc Koran. The Arabs must aclmowlcdge the Trinity: discussion of the identification . The Saracen's attempt to convcrt the Christian . Lave in relation to the aforcmentioned 20.ammad <lid not deny his dcath but bis soul's death 1. Why Jesus did not call himself God. Recommendation for the sultan to arder Mary's cult and the prcaching 3. The Koran contradicts the Biblc and is wrong in thosc passages 19. Dcclaration of thc Ho1y Trinity . Thc Final . How wc are raiscd from intellectual to divine fecundity 18. To the caliph of Baghdad. Mul. It should be understood from the Koran that God communicated Christ 1O. discussion of conversion to Christianity 19. 5. Theology which affirms that God is triunc l 7. Differences between thc Koran. Christ's role in salvation 6.ammad tried conversion through violence when he could not do 1O. who is the 11\Tord of God. being the Messiah.tammad's servant thc Koran and thc Gospel agree 6. about the paragraphs regarding Abraham. Mystic theology which dcmonstrates that God is ineffable 16. being God's '\!\lord and Legate. is he an absolute God ar is he contained 12. Christ. with a different version 13. Paradise 14. Christ is the son of God: dcmonstration it through words.tammad. Declaration of Adam and Christ's similitude 9. Jesus must be followed rather than l\!lu}.ammad. Without Christ nobody can be a saínt 7. Jesus. How through intellect wc can see divine nature of the Gospel 4. About Paradise 4. Digression about God's crcation of the Word (intelligence) and the Biblc.1 6.. 20. Intellect as guidance for divine activity: so was thc Word created 19. God in the Koran is Muf. Other testimonies in the Koran which prove Christ is thc son of God plural 18.

Lcgatcs lcfr in Syria by the Apostles: St. The First Seven Deacons 18. Albania prophet and Armenia 6. high 9. 15. Luke. and Mul). Christians have not changed thc Scriptures 8.iammad's heaven and hell are poetic 3. Real Paradise is spiritual.ammad did not have such of the Gospel. Paradise is rcachcd through difficulties. The five pillars of Islam 27. How Christ disposed the conquest of Christian monarchy and thc clcc- 14. St. the first martyr 19. Thc glorious apostle St. Bernabe preached the Gospcl in Italy 14. Christian law is what Saracens pry for cvcryday 7. God suffers from mcn's tribulation. Mu}:iammad's preccpt about conversion or destruction of infidels 30. St. Conquests of St. Paradise Book III: Establishment and devclopment of thc Christian faith by impor- 11. nor <loes it conform 12. Foreword to ask for the Saraccn's benevolcncc and savage Africa 2. Against rythm in writing praised by the Saracens 14. book I 8. Matthias. Wonderful deeds of St. and their conquests a powcr 23. 13. James and St. and not phisical 4. Islamic Lcnt. Thomas's chivalric dceds in judaea 7. How St. low Judaea. Mu}:iammad's lust and polygamy Persia 5. De:finition of prophecy. Mul. in Lybia and Arabia 16. Mu}:iammad is nota legislator nor is his law valid.ammad's is evil 11. Summary of the great works of sorne of the disciples for the expansion 22. The. according l. John's disciplcs .indf's answer] 5. When should miracles be pcrformed: MuJ:i. bishop of Jerusalem faith [Al-K. The second lmight. How St. Holy works done by the Church and supcrstitions in the mosque 1.iammad of Greece. About Christian martyrs 3. All legislators must have a guaranteecl authority conqueror are only two divine Laws.iammad's generation and his life according to chapter 4. Andrew and his conquest of the regions 12. Philip converts the king of Ethiopia's treasurer 20. Pilgrimage and blasphemy in Islam 1. How St. against Islamic concept of Paradise 3. Epilogue 9. worship of thc tion of the main lcadcrs cross. Christ's merey and forbidance of holy war 2. Muhammad's shameful death 1O. and Je sus 3.iammad cannot be a 9. Fortune and glory are not the supreme goodness for man.iammad's grcat changcs in the Scriptures (Koran) 13. The Saracen's farewell 2. Philip apostle in thc great city of Sarmata. Resurrection and Last Judgement according to Islam 10. Triumphs of Bartholomew's lincage in Licaonia. its kinds and why Mul. St. who accomplished the salvation of Judaea 6. Paul 3. Stephen. Media and 4. Thesalia. About the execution of the noble scnator St. About St. Pcter to the philosophcrs 2. performed his duty in Bithinia 15. Fast. 'Worship of the cross is not idolatry 6.ammad's name was wntten being scvcnty-four years old on God's throne befare the Crcation 16. Polygamy and tepudiation 2. Disciples of St. St. Mul. an expert in medicine. Peter. The Saracen claims he is familiar with Christian Scriptures and rites 26. St. who is St. How Saraeens wrongly believe that Mul). circumcision. They must try their laws to tcnd towards righteousness Dacia and Russia 10. Conquests made by St. Works of the other five deacons in differcnt countries 21. Christian faith possesscs ali virtues while Islam includes all vices . Christ's divinity. About thc fruitful prcachíng of the Gospcl made by the triumphant 8. How thc apostlcs' disciplcs brought Christian faith to the world 24. Hell tant figures 12. purification and marriagc 13. Christ's lilitenant and vicar 15. king of :Mcsopotamia. The Saracen's objections: the Trinity. Islamic fasts and prayers 28. Mark preaehed in Egypt. and not through easy lifc 5. Islamic ecremonies 29. Difference betwecn Church institutions and those of Islam: circumcision 17. Summary of the first letter and its argument 7. Triumphs of Simon and Judas in Babylone. Matthew and bis conquest of thc foreign nations of Ethiopia l. prayer and ahns were ordcrcd long before Mul:. Susania. John the Evangelist to these conditions when he was in a rnission in Asia l\!linor 11. Morea etc. Mul. James the Minar. chastity and pcnitence 1.230 APPENDIX lI EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY TREATISES 231 4. Pctcr's disciples 25. Macedone. Lettcrs bctwccn Abgarus. James called "of Galicia" Book II: Christian objections against Islam and justi:fication of thc Christian 4.

Those who preached . 8.. Epilogue Book IV: Dcclarations of faith and documents proving how Islam differs from Christianity 1. From Virgile's nine Sybills to Constantinc 13. The Gospcl gives the Christians rcasonable laws 5. Why has the author mcntioncd thesc councils and epistlcs 2. How was Christian faith authorised before Constantine the Great 1. hoping to rcach true happiness. About the different laws [religions] 2. thcrc wcre already bishoprics. under Detio 6. called cmincnt 12. about Trinity 3. parishes. Carthage and Numidia against Pelagius under Arcadius and Honorius 5. 11 Council of Jcrusalcm under Claudius 3. Objections made by the Saracen and answers 4. Louis 6.discussion about Easter. Preachers from St. Councils of Africa. lnstitution of the Christian faith 3. John's Gospel undcr Nerva 4. Mctropolitan Council of Ephesus. Declarations made in the Council of Constantinoplc under Thcodose 4. Council of Antioch-condemnation of Paul of Samos---under Aurclius 7. Christian faith is a "res publica" which tends to maximum happiness 7. Declarations made in Constantinople and approved by Pope Martin 8. Great Council of Constantinople against monophisitcs. under Thcodose 6.Jerusalem and thc Apostle's symbol under Tiberius 2.232 APPENDIX II EXTERNAL STRUCTURE OF FIFTEENTH-CENTIJRY TREATISES 233 5. Synodal scntcnces of Eastcrn and Western doctors 2. Louis to the present time 7. Those who preached the Cospel from Constantine to MuJ:¡ammad 15. The destruction of the Jcwish pontificate and rcalms and their captiv- ity as testimony of Christian holy faith i .under Antonius Comodus 5. Allegiance of the Gospel with true philosophy 6. Scntcnces of thosc doctors close to the Council of Chalccdon 3. Fruits of Christian faith against idolatry 11. prelates. First Council of. Miracles made by martyrs to authorise the Gospcl 1O.. cstablished Christian faith in the world 9. How before Constantine. and other Eastern and Western Councils Book V: Summary of Christian doctrine 1. Council of Rome against African Novatists. Comparison between Christian law and thc Old Testament 4. 111 Council of Ephesus and St. Those who preached the Gospel until Charlcmagne 16. Achievemcnts of the greatest men in the world. Dcclarations made in the great Council of Nicaea. until St. Council of Caledonia 7. IV Council of Cacsarea. How the martyrs. Conclusion and dcmand of a sentencc from the Sultan 5. etc. Thc gospel is vcrificd by the Sybills 1. The cmperors Constantine and Licinio 14. About true happiness 8.

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. Arta] de 32 Alexandcr JU. 131. pope 73 Archidona 23--21· Alexandria 201 Arian 1 l l . 34. 58.17. l 04·. 133. 215 Alfonso VII of Castile 105.202. 78. GENERAL INDEX 'Abbasids 130 Alfonso VIll of Castile 118.1 214 Aristotle 85. Alcántara. Moshe ben 5 7. . 104. 190. 196 Majlüf al-Ta'alibl 191 Alfonso XI of Castilc 18..iammad's father 125 Alfonso. 92. 121. 132 'Abd al-RalJman 105 Alfonso X o[ Castile l. 75.otc of l\l[álaga 27 Acuña. cardinal 11 Antichrist 111. [ 72. 'Abd al-Ral)man III 130 109. 59. Cyril of 207 Arias Dávila. earl of 14 201.. 82. saint 178 Albania 11. 20. 13 Anaya.55 Alfa. 4 7. Master of 5 7 Aragon 1. 94. Diego 54. 215 AIJmad ibn Yal:iya al-Wansharishr al-Andalus 129. 39. 17'1 Arabían Peninsula (Arabia) 86.. 93. 116. Austria 8 139 Ávila 27. 13. 133 'Abd Allah l 05 Alfonso. 130. 214 Aleppo 73 Aragon. . 159. 206. Juan de 68 Aiyüb. 121. 132-133 Aroth and Maroth. Luis de 99 Amon 92 Adam 152. 213 15-17. 168 Alhambra 117 Abü Darr 125 · 'Ali al-Garibo 71 Abü Nu'aim al-Isfühanr 123 Almería 120 Abü-1-Surür Mufarridj 192 Almohads l 16 Abü Talib 126 Almoravids 136 Acre 74.iman ibn Mul. 74. battle of 118 Antioch 118 Albano 45 Antón. 207 Alfoll. 200 Alquir¡. 162 . Arragel. 'Abd al-MasIJ:. 117. bishop 43 Alfonso. 15 7-158 Abelard 94 Algcciras 120 Abraham 101·.i_ ibn Isl)aq al-Kindl 91 66.. 213 Alain. 139. Order of 20 125. Mahomat 1'ti Arles (Francc) 38 Alfonso I of León 133 Armenia 201 AlfonsolIIofLeón 104.iammad Ibn 135. 183 Andrés.110. 132 Avicenna (Ibn Slna) 85 . angcls · 161 Alfonso V of Aragon 8. 154. prince 215 'Abd Allah. 120. 167 Anafe (Casablanca. 16. Arraiolos. 201 138-139. . 10. Lope 4·1 'Abd Allah. 194. Mul. 139.. 156. 30. 114. 4 l. 129. 16 Aphrodite 86 Alcalá 33. 184. 13.HO.. 121·. 148. 214 Alfonso V of Portugal 14-15 Aurillac. 1138. Alcañiz (Aragon) 30 29---32.. 23. 208 Alarcos. 9-10. 158. Alfonso VI ofCastile 118. 11-7. 'Abd al-Salam l 91 117·-118. 171. sultan 74 Antequcra (Castile) l 90.. 138. 'Abd al-Ral.75. 213-214 Arzila 15.5. 28. Pedro (Moses Sefardí) 29. Gerbert d' 125 . .. 162. 1\lforocco) 15 Adrianopolis 1O Anas ibn JVlálik 125 Africa 9. Diego de 34 AlJmad ibn Abü pjumü'a 171 Ancona 13.

98 Constance 34.210 127 Cavallería. 45 Central Europe 11 ·~· ··~~=~--. J 1. Eulogio de 111 Epirus 12 Banü Marln (dynasty) 119. ·. 142. 59. Hcr·mann of 96. 146. 193-195.83. 41. 134135. 134. pope 9-10. 74. 127 213. Gonzalo de 117 Caval\ería. 51. 214 Fiare. 31 Eugenius IV. 214 Cavallería. 34.. 34. 136 Edirne 213 Fez 191 Cilicia l l Edom 206 Fez. 73-74.. 96-97' lo 1-102.181 .. 36. 42. 120. 162... 18. 24. 166 169 35. 76 125. 97. 46.120. 125. 20. 14.113. 194. 80. saint 206 . 96 China 16 Dubois. 178. 33. 206 Enrique IV ofCastile 'J. 27.27. 213 Burgundy 7. 6. Cohnenares. ruler of Naplcs 17 Burgos (Castile) 44.. 82. 144. 111.131 . pope 10· 11. Order of 14 Capadoce 207 Cologne (Germany) 88 Eloy. John 8. Francesc 66.. 119 Banü Marwan 130 Casti\e (Castilla) 5.~J'::~~~ :' . 115 -. 37. 16. 77-79. Dijon 37 Femando U of Aragon (and V of Bouillon.215 Daroca (Aragon) 32 Europe (Europa) 2. 172. 134.193 50. 180. 130 Caseda. 213.33. 33. 118. 16. 175. 124 r: \~1 Benedict XIII. 67. Antonio de la. 128. Alonso. Fernando (Bonafós) de la Cyprus 12. 134. Belgrade ll. --------------------------'"' T 248 GENERAL INDEX GENERAL INDEX 249 Avis.10.O/'_. 101. 90.112 Durango (Viscaya. 9.202. 207 Filelfo. 109. Bagdad 94 and later cardinal 33. \~. pope 157. 127. García 135 Bologna 41 Ccsarini. Alfonso 92. 36-. Nicolau 189 Florence 9.Juan 31 Ceuta 14.177. 15 Burgo de Osma (Castile) 107 Chosroes 110. 61.. 92. Pedro de la 3. Council of 43. 203. 43. 205 206. 203. 39. Juan de. Beauvais.110. 14. 88. 213. 35. 35-36. 74-75. 36. 112. Diego 21. Andrés de 35 Banü. 139. France 7.'Aynl 199 Capistrano. cardinal 51.88. 213 151. Gonzalo de 35 38 Córdoba. cardinal 9. 159. 36. Juan ele 31 Corias (Oviedo.. 9. 174. Alfonso de 44.11. 112. 214 120. cardinal 1 1. 38 Dcnys the Carthusian 87 Fernández. Bernardo 46 Banü QasI 130 23. 213 Blois 96 Cervantes. John. 88. 119. Vincent 29.64..40. Luis 16 Fernándcz de Heredia. 24. Castile) 75. Lope de 49 Castilla. 49. 39. 154. 139. 20 l.45. 134. Ferrara. Basle. archbishop of Toledo 38. princc 4 7 Bingen. 9 l.24. Philippe de 26 Enrique II of Castile 176 Azuara 14 Carinthia. 79. Domínic. Femando 35. 42. 161·. 44. Castile) 11 7 Espina. 4-2 Enrique III of Castile l 76 Carlos de Viana. 35. 180. Barcelós. pope 9. 213 133. 135 Christ 80._ < . Juan de. '>f'> ·~ •' . 79. 35. Martín 30 29. Álvaro de 86. Pierre 202 Fernando of Portugal. Curia l O. 210 \. saint 178 al. Council of 9. 201 . 214-215 Cuéllar. 201. Hildegard of 207 Cerda. Juan 31 . 181. 105. Francesco 77 Cacsarca 38 Cisneros). Master of the Order of 27 Clement IV._:_. 75. 98 Byzantium 3. Babylon l 1l Carpio. 26. Nicetas 86 Cid (Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar.112 Catherinc of Lancaster. 82. 36.164-./ Bern 99 Chacón. 177. 137 Epicureus 152 Ballistarius. Leonor de la 29 Cisneros (Francisco Jiménez de Egypt 11. carl of 14 184. cardinal 35 Democritus 152 Fclix V. 18. 55. 87.215 Bal. 207 Calahorra (Castile) 196 Ciudad Real (Castile) 43 Eimeric. 45. 35. Jürg von 21. cardinal 12. Sarradj 192. Castile) 99 Eraclius 111. 67. ·195. Nicholas of. 128. 119. 66-. 162. Cuéllar (Castile) 22 47-55. 109. 70. Covadonga (Asturias. 92. 176 Bosnia 12-13 Charles VII of France 8. 43. 200-201 117. 204 Eastern Europe 9. 109. Castile 176-177. regcnt of 4·6. 213 Cana 14·9 Cluny 37 El Escorial (San Lorenzo de) 98 Francia. Gonzalo 48 Demctrius. Diego de 51 Escobar. 174-. prince 17. 182 Enríquez del Castillo. 52. 8:.. 96-98. Juan de.1Ira 12 5 Cartagena. 38. 121. 129. cardinal 35-36 Córdoba. 118 77) 82. Bernaldo del 1 18 Consiantinople 3. 63. Joachim de 111 . Oliver of 73 England 7. Alomo de 6.Enrique of Portugal. Damascenc. 123. 37 Díez de Aux. 91 . 200 El Castellar (Aragon) 32 Francesco Sforza of Milan 12. 53. pope 213 16'. cardinal 35. 57' 59-60. 162. 36. 114-. 151-.22 Balboa. 119. 2 l 5 Constantinc 111.38. 201. 115-117..39. 215 Cusa. Geoffrey of 109. 139. 166 169. . Ben Labi (family) 29 30.214 Díaz de Toledo. saint 204 Chalon-sur-Saóne 8. 78. . 2 l l Ehingen. Demetrius Paleologus of Marea 16 Fadrique. cardinal 36. sa:int 86.3. 98 Carazo (Castile) J 35 Commyncs. 213 Eiximcnis.110. 24. St.32 Bonfilla. 88. 198. Beato de Liébana 11 1.45. 53. 43.J. pope 29 125. 14. marquis of 58. Juan de 31 . Velasco de 35 89-94. Bessarion. "el Cid") Edessa 43 Fcrrer. 130. 13. king of 15 Cabra. 115. 202 Bramante 130 Charlemagne 109. 87. 121. 71.. 38. 60. 85.76 Ferrante. 99. 187-188. 8. Barrientos. prínce 13 . 28. 62. 36. Catalonia (Catalunya) 34. 26.52. 1 l. 214 Colognc. 101. 168. 44 Fernando I of Aragon (de Antequera) Boniface. 138. 64-. 132. Calixtus III. 213 Córdoba (Castile) 24-. 169.102. 23. 29.215 . 214 214. 172. Clement VII. 199-200 Djerba 16 Castile) 1. 44.43. 98. 20 l Ethiopia 16 Bede 104· 29. Mahomat 141 Casanova. 121 205--206. 10. Vincent de 84. 200 Ayton (Savoy) 37 .. 12. 68. 213 Despuig. 15. 13. 213 Calatrava. saint 41 Fernando I of Castile 118 Brancowitz of Serbia 16 200 Duarte I of Portugal 9. Baena (Castilc) 14-0 Carrillo. 75-76. 74 Byzantios.17. Damaseus 74 Eulogius 91 . 75.15.20. Beltrán de la 19-20 109. Vidal de la 29 David 154 119. 103. _> Berceo.14 Femando III of Castile 136 Buenhombre. Coimbra (Portugal) 34 Erdi. 185. Barbastro (Aragon) 32 120-121. Pedro de 52 Cueva.. 18. 157-158. prince 13-1 '1 al-Baihakü 123 Carvajal.157. 214· Clovis 109. 44. 107. 201.

saint 104 Tcndilla · 33 Montcfalconc. Georg 46 Mary (Virgin) 68. 167. 25. 17. 84. Alain de 92. 44. 43 James. 157. 98. 71. 214 Manriques de Lara (family) 51 Germany 11-12. 169. earl of Castilc Innocent 111 73. 88. saint 163 Kosovo 213 Martin V. 194 Jimena (Castile) 22 Lubel. 120. IV!iguel 19.201. 75. 119. 39-40. -T-~~~~~~~~) rn 1~ lH 250 GENERAL INDEX GENERAL INDEX 251 í~!. 109. 20. 214 m~ García de Covarrubias. 95. 32 Jiménez de Urrea. 131 Henry IV of England 8. 203 Moab 92 Herod 111 131 ·-. Council of 78 1m1 Garcés de Marcilla. 121. 206 Ishmael 104 Lateran Council.182. battle of 135 al-Ma'mün of Toledo.3. 109. 176. 162. 62. saint 147 Greece l 7. 12. 20. Jacques de la 11 . 157. 120. 201. 202 Hacinas. 197. 92. caliph 91 192. 135 --------. 81.199. 160. 190. 20. 149 lbn Rushd 68 Marche. 85. 149. 1013. Raimundo 70. 213 Martí. 140. 119. 27. 1!1!11 Godalcsc (Guadalest. 1i!!lfil 116-118. 21 '. 202 Mathias Corvinus of Hungary 12 Grcgory. 97c. Lope. 126-. pope 78. 199. 15-17. 12. John. Jean Fra119ois de 43 Milan 9. Robcrt 87. John. 195. 112 Kucinic. lll! Hospilallers 8 Jesus 68. pope 34 1 37. 93. Juan de. 214-215 lbn Isl)aq 68 185.17. 95. 201.199. 131. 127 Lucas de Iranzo. saint 111. 101. saint 110. 4-8-50. 37. 140. Valencia) 157 Ignatius. 169. 88. Alvaro de. 98. earl of Mons (Burgundy) 8 Holy Land 10. Ibn Khaldün 140. 134 . ' ¡¡¡¡¡¡ Golden f1eece. 12. John Crisostomos 126 m~ ~:!~l García. 198. 83. Mu]:iammad's wifc 127 153. 214 Malom. sultan 73 Marques (France) 99 Girón. 183.127. 16. 58. 91. Robert de 11 Meaux. i!l! lberian Peninsula (Iberia) l. 5. 43. Rodrigo 86. l 79. 60. 88. 121. 79. 142. Shemaya 54 :.194.r 123 Lérida (Catalonia) 34 Mediterranean 1. 24. 16. 201.138. 34. 27. lord of Luna. 169. 43. La Concepción (Franciscan province) Maryam. Mamluks 130. Lecce. emperor 9 I\/Iadrigal.150 42. 200. 104-106. saint 7'1. 126. cmperor 206 of 25. 132. 14·2. 75. 38. Louis XI of France 13 li~ Frankfurt. 135 María. 189 190. l O1. 5. 95. 27.. 134. 198. 148. 131. 209-210 Jonah 154 43. de Navarra) Ibn al-Al)mar. Hrotsvita 86 163. 137. Diego. 92. 214 Frcderick III. 43 Gonzálcz. ¡¡1¡r¡ Gibraltar 23-24. 206. '. 143-144.116.3 ¡m¡ Galia 207 John. Raimundo 2. saint 147 Gil. 143. 24 :. 119. battlc of 18. 170 Lot 92 70. 193. David 15 m11 Genoa 8. 128. 91. Martín 59. 185 Lugo (Qastile) 52 ~ll Galcerán de Castro.186. 16. Dispute 36. 94. 109. '15. 45. 174. 67-68. 79. 74. Order of Saint 28 Madrid 54--55. Ibn al-'Arabr 147 Juan II of Caslilc 13. Juan de 31 Italy 8. Fernán. 64. emir o[ Granada 199 4. 101 .11. Andrés ele 35 Ibn Abr Zayd 68 Juan l[ of Aragon {also. Isabel I of Castile 1. saint 120.10. empcror 11 . Pierre de 43 Gregory X. 8. 123.{: Gabriel 95. 208-210. Visigoth noble 121. 139. 133 213 --214 Isabel of Portugal. 27 m11 Ibn J:Iazm 92. 115. 9. 162 Hungary 8-10. saint 147 Lyon 99 !tfü Galiana 130 13.---. 81 .82. 28. 169 León 38. 76. 141-.44. 213 . 213 Guzmanes (family) 24 'Iyad. Sentencc Gumiel.120. 213 Raro (Castile) l 96 Jaime II of Aragon 59 Llull. mu Gaunt 8 lbn 'Abbas 71 Juan 1 of Castile 176 Magdcburg. 207 Louis IX of France. 81. 70. 33. 210 52 Maryam. 74. Alfonso 35 160. 190 Ibn al-Samad al-Khazrajf 163 Ka'aba 86 Mark. 17. Diet of 9. Juan 31 García. 214 Mondoñedo (Castile) 45 Híjar. 74. 214 : 1HE! Gerona 33 Ibn Rashrq 69 Julián. 60. Pedro 19 Iconum 73 Ketton. 114-115. Antonino de 11 Jerusalcm 11. Mary Magdalen 6fr --6 7 22-2'. 184. 215 Gurrea.147.12 17-18. 4-8-50. Alonso de "el Tostado" 34. !tít!:1 ~:: García de Vaamonde 52 192. 200 1 62.133.149. 181. Rueda 31-'. Juan de 32 Játiva 88 López de Mendoza. 18.ri ¡~¡~ ·j f¡~ . 160 96. 34 Mella.l. 13. 7. 207 Ibn al-Khatib 193 Juana "la Beltraneja" 23 77. 213 al-Ma'mün. Garci 22 Matthew. Council of 4. 33. John VIII. 198 Monzón (Aragon) 30 122. 69. 28. 93. Lara. 125. battle of 135 Jacob 154 Lille. 203. 94. l 17. 89. 122. "the vVise". 83. of Edcssa) 43 Khurasan 126-127 144- Ildephonse.76 Bagar 104 jaén 90. 103. Infantes de 118 al-Mas'üdi 68 Gratian 202 Burgundy 7. 203. 14 7. 27.133. 88 114. 117.135 Innoccnt IV 198 Kurayshites {tribe) 86 162-163 Granada 1. 193 Juan Manuel. 174. John 11.. Juan de 46 Isma'rl 110 Leo VI. 2°'1 Hunyadi. constable 13. Ordcr of thc 7. 53. 129. 3. 93. 16. 156. Jerome. patriarch of Syria ('Abd Allah Khadfclia 91. 214 Huesca (Aragon) 32. 177. 73.132. duchess of ---. 105. 36 ··37. 27. 185 Lisbon 14. 35-36. League of 10.20.12. 53. heretic 126 . IV 180. Sancho 135 132.::::i Germain. Jean 8. Lille (France) 8 139. 206 Ishmael the Hcrmit 207 Lazarus 132 Mecca 86. 121.13. pope 73 Isidorc. Isaac 148 La Higueruela.·. 136 Lodi. 207 Gregory VII. 69-71. 134. 19. 94-96. queen of Aragon 30 _! mm al-Ghazall 68. Millán. 195. 134. 14 Laso de la Vega. John of 99 Maimonides 85 rn~ Gazull. 182-184. Fclipi. Alonso de 75. qac. 106. 1'19. 199. prince 196 Mantua. 119 Liste. Jacobo 36 Ibn Srna 68 al-Kamil. Moses's sister 148 100. saint 117. 201-202 )l. 204.200. 94 206 Lemnos 11 Medina del Campo (Castile). 'Isa ibn Djabir 2. 214 Jiménez de Rada. 43. Málaga 18. 167. 166 Mella. cardinal 35 al-Hashimr 91 Jaime I o[ Aragon 106. 186. 172.

1·. Buenaventura de 93 Murad II. 214 Pedro 92 cardinal 35 Sigüenza (Guadalajara. 101. Saladin 111. 99 97. 74·. Diet of 13 Plasencia (Castile) 52 Sancho. 161.Juan. 13. 96-9~ Oviedo (Castile) 36 Pulgar. 17. 44 Morea 13. Francisco 189 Roquetaillade. 93. 61. 34. San Esteban de Gormaz. Humbert de 202 Solomon 154 124 Pelagius (Pelayo). Rodrigo 10. 47. marquis of 18. 38. Garci 69 4-2. 51-52. 213 Pérez de Guzmán. 90. Pedro de Montoya. 54 Ponce de León (family) 24 Saragossa '~. 11 . 33 Plaza. Mu}:iammad V. 132. 32-33. 16 Mu6ammad ibn AbI 'Amir al-1\fan~ür Palestrina 45 27. 69. 97. Oppas 121 Bohemians 45-46 . George. 105.. 48. 57. 68. 45. 116. 34-40. 96-98. 11. Nür al-Drn l30 36-38. 139. 144. 41. Juan de (Juan Alfonso 204-206. 139 Pérez de Vivero. 148. 50---51 151-164. 201. duke of Burgundy Samothrace 11 Theophanes 124 44. Pedro 14 1 Mahoma) 39. Philip "the Good". 43. Alonso 27 Syria 11. 193 Mul:. 197 118. 22. 168. 154. 208-209 Padua 79 Ragusio. 43. 129. 187.5 Talavera. 214 209. 70. 201. 58. marquis of Villena 19. 132 Rome 9.12. 45 . 207 43. Cosme de 35 Plato 207 Santa María. 135 Paris 37.10. 106. 125.Juan 36 Toledo 1. king of the Visigoths 133. 52. 87. Diego 193 Toledo. 31·.. 58. Palencia (Castile) 36. 31. 53. 42--44. Tarragona. Pablo de 4-1. bishop of Porto (Portugal) 14 Sarah 104 Mu}:iammad (the Prophct. Pacheco.13. 201 Piccolomini) 3. 207 135 Seville. 27. Francisco de 35 . '15 Old Castilc (Franciscan province) 52 Pliny 207 Santiago (de Compostela. Juan de 31 157 Roland 86 Siscbutc. 207 Mytilene 11 Penyaforl. 70. 214-215 106 Tintorer. l37-l38. 54. 96. Abraham de 93 169. 149 Ncar East 85. Mahomat. 88. 95. 215 Subiaco (Italy) 44 Navarre 5.ammad ibn Isma'Il al-BukharI 124 Patriarch of Constantinople 9 Rodrigo. Fernán 18 Rozmital. 57. 115. 128. 191. 193 Murillo. 214 7. apostle 71. 46. prince 14 Romans. 214. 97. 87. 127. 28. 197. 58. Pius II. 181 Portugal 3. 47. 197. 158. 133. Pcrsia 207 Sa'd. 40. 6. 120. 163. 74. 36. 129. 189 Spinosa (Master of Osma) 107 202 Ronda 18 Spoleto. 214 Pércz de Embún. 24. 162. 74. 45 al-Muqtaclhir of Saragossa 73 Pedraza (Castile) 194 Rodríguez de la Cámara. 183.·l 7 Sánchez.9. Gonzalo 147 Ocaña 27. 160. 202 . pope (Eneas Silvius 35. 38. 215 Poiticrs l 33 Santillana. Scotto 125. Siena. cardinal 35 61. Francisco 97 Montserrat. saint 81. 119. 27 Segovia. 205 Reyes Católicos (Fernando II of Seneca 207 Muhammad al-ShartoshI l 72 Palestine 207 Aragon and Isabel I of Castilc) 23. Visigoth king 169 Muslim ibn al-Hadjdjadj al-Qushayrf Pedro of Portugal. 58. Ricoldo de 81. 40. 9. 96. Alonso de 26. 144-147. 166 Salamanca (Castile) 28. 16. 166-167.2 15 119 150-151.ammad al-Qysr 120 21-22. 4.-78.--------------------------------------- 252 GENERAL INDEX GENERAL INDEX 253 Montecroce.93. Diego 113 Siena 12. Order of 20. 98. 176 Nicopolis 7 200 ··201. Pierre ("L'Oisclct") 99 Scrrha. 213 Nero 111 92. 207 123-129. 109. García de 'l'homas Aquinas. 79. 8~ 91. 22. Fernando del 41 Scanderbeg of Albania 13. Alonso de 15. 13-14. 5. Pedro 60. 127.79. 130. 19. Seville 20. Leo of 26. 1\1-qa~r al-Saghir (Alcazarquivir) 15 Scgovia (Castile) 39-40. 214 213 Recaredus 128 101-102. 98 Richart. Juan of 91 Muley Abü-1-I:Iasan 193 Paul II. 130.42. Mahoma 141 Ni zar Piccínino.. 41. 105. 169. 57. 120 79 Saint Angclo (Romc) 3. 23. 92. 46 Nasrid 19. 125. 33. Alonso de 44. 57 Moyses 92 Oropesa. 193. Council of 188 Ncvers (Francc) 37 Petri. Juan. 142. 76.93. 86. 74·. 121 Sarmiento. Selomó de 29 Sánchez de Arévalo. Raimundo 69. Hemando de 2 !0 Necropontc 13 Pcter the Venerable 76. 83. Domingo. 118. Regensburg. 213--214 Mul). 81. 35-37. 75. Diet of 8. sultan 77. 79. Lope de 35 Podiebrad. 90. Sancho VII "el Fuerte" of Navarra 96. l 08 !\foses 89. emir of Granada 193 Palencia. 37.iammad ibn Yüsuf 142 Paul. saint 86. l07. 203--205. 149. bishop of (Bernardo Erdi) al-Na~ir of Bidjaya 73 Peña. 124 Pascual. 130 Tangier 14· 15. 93. battle of Las 118. 11 -. 99 Rhodes 8. 90. John of 38 González) 2-3. 207 Navas de Tolosa. 116. 81. (Francíscan province) 52 168 Orense (Castile) 45-46. Hernando de la 54-55 Santa María. sultan 8. 8.24. pope 13 Rodríguez de Almela. Spain (Hispania) 5. Pedro 31 Rore (Bavaria) 88 Stuttgart 100 Naples 12. king of the Santiago. Jean de 97. 36. Pedro de 3 l Mu}:iammad ibn I~l). condottierc 16. 130 Olmedo. 77. 97. 194- Mu'awiyya 130 Osma. 43. 79. 121. 12. emir of Granada 193 132 Peter the Cruel (Pedro I of Castile) Sahagún (Castile) 46 al-Tabarf 146. pope 9. 4·2.. 28. 210 Prester John 109 Savoy 38-39 7~ 80. 50-52. Lopello de 14· l Mul). Ottomans 2. 121 Toledo. 85. 45. 81. 78 Sesse. 44. 201. 68. Mu}:iammad II. 163. 17. Castile) 133 Morueco 53. 192. 73. Roermond (Holland) 88 Simancas 12 l. 17-18. 87·-88. Ram. 86. 97. 121 Moran te.47. 109-114. Sánchez de Orihuela. 81. Noah 147 Piera. 130 131. Serbia 1O. 16 102 --103. 24·. 184 Sergius 125. 18. 138. Nuremberg 37. 169 Thasos 11 Nicholas V. 187 North Africa 15. 33. 82. Castile) 98 Murcia 69 Pedro IIl of Aragon ("the Great") 87. 122. 92.

Visigoths and Muslims in Medieval Spain. A Sociological Study. 38. Tibi. Juan 32 <Umar 157 Zirid Amir of Granada. 139. 24.M. 149-150. J. 214 Zaynab. Nouvelle édition. TEXTS AND STUDIES Torqucmada. Pellat. 1990. ISBN 90 04 07669 7 Valencia 2. Venegas. Valladolid. ISBN 90 04 09869 O 8.C. 7O. Berbers and Anda- lusis in Conflict. Buluggin. 162-164·. 195. Torquemada (Castilc) 4l 47.. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09971 9 11. Yiisuf ibn al-JVlawl. Juan de 3 l·-32 2.46. (ed. Memoirs of 'Abd Allah b. Pedro de 50 ISBN 90 04 00486 6 Trcbizond 12. 213 Vitry. 83. 114-115. 117. Dispute of 29. 17. 49.Gsh empire l 29 198 4. 6. 61. Translated from the Emended Arabic Text and Uz 206 Yadjudj and Madjudj 207 Provided with Introduction.97. His Antecedents and Successors. Diego de 33. 101 -·102. N. Islam and the Arabs in Spanish Scholarship (Sixteenth Tunis 16. prince 36. History. Gallego Blanco. A. V alladolicl. l. ISBN 90 04 06131 2 Tudela 48 Visconti 9 3. A.D. 11. 79. 138. Le calendrier de Cordoue.51. 1997. 206. 1961. 210. Macpherson. John 113 1971. 157-··159. Tovar. 16 Villalpanclo. Love Songs from al-Andalus. 43. ISBN 90 04 10810 6 . 70 1986. Stojsav 46 Wyccliff. Monroe. & MacKay. Structure and Mea- ning of the Kharja. Varna 43. Echevarria. J\. Radovan 46 l. Wiegers. Jews. 4!. Islamic Literature in Spanish and Aljamiado. A. The Tibyan. 213 EDITEDBY l 12-113. Alonso 33 ISBN 90 04 091165 7. 194. Tíbi.42. ISBN 90 04 10694 4 12. ISBN 90 04 09936 O 9. 41. 6. Diego de 191 Venus 86 To rtosa. 1994.91. ISBN 90 04 02665 7 Tuy.T. 1998. Arabic Themes in Hebrew Andalusian Poetry. Vivero. 1970. Spanish Hebrew Poetry and the Arabic Literary Tradi- tion. 93. 148. Trípoli. 1994. Muslim Spain 711-1492 A. The Fall of the Caliphate of Córdoba. 125. Études sur la civilisation de l'Espagne musulmane. 90. council of 213 Viencinic. 111.Jacques de 112. Out of print. 191 Wladislaw of Hungary 204. 132 Vienne.aise annotée par Ch. Roth. Y9a of Segovia (fl. Notes and Cornments by Arrrin T. G. Vclascos (family) 51 151· ·152. 213 English translation and a prelíminary study by Enrique Gallego Blanco.). P. Lucas de 124 S. 1994. 186. E. 1999 ISBN 90 04 11232 4 13. The Fortress of Faith.T. Religion and Politics in Fifteenth Century Spain.· ·. Latin and Spanish Texts. ISBN 90 04 09868 2 10. J\. 13. 193 MEDIEVAL IBERIAN PENINSULA Taifa 13 Valladolid (Castilc) 28. Raymond of 118. James Turks 7. Juan de la 16 . Diego de 14 7 Zurita. Last Ximénez de Ccrdán. 168. Turl. 178. Council of 95 accompagnée d'une traduction frarn. Turtkovic. 213 Vía.1fonso de 169 213-214 1170-1493. 33. A. 97. Cooperation and Conflict. Zwartjes. 213-215 Venice 10. Turmeda. Scales. 12. 118. Villanueva (Aragon) 32 202 Villaviciosa (Castile) 36 2nd edition 1981. S. J\foJ:i_ammad's wife 127 Valencia. The Attitude towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain.Juan de 4. 16.lfonso de l 44 35-36. Arié. Toulouse. 20. 127. Century to the Present). 201. Ridwan 193 197.13. The Rule of the Spanish Military Order of St. RACHEL ARIÉ AND ANGUS MAcKAY Torquemada. Publié par R Dozy. 85. Imamuddin. edited with apparatus criticus. 16. O. 9-11. Love. 96. Mark of 87 Valera.254 GENERAL INDEX Toledo. 34-. 200. Juana de 41 Villacreces. R. 94. Anselmo 61. 'l'omás de 41 214 Torres. 1450). William of 78. Luis de 42 87. Schippers.