New Kind of Patriotism 1

Running head: NEW KIND OF PATRIOTISM

A New Kind of Patriotism: Rethinking Modern Civic Education

Cassie Coughlan

Glen Allen High School

 New Kind of Patriotism 2

Introduction

In today’s political climate, Americans are more diverse and opinionated than ever, but

they’re also increasingly uneducated and disengaged (Shapiro & Brown, 2018). Many are

disillusioned with the stagnation of our political system, proclaiming its downfall. Others believe

that money—Super PACs and the interest groups who use them—have corrupted the political

sphere, making their small voice obsolete (Verkhivker, 2017). A few look to history as a guide,

harkening patriotism as the key to a more engaged society. Most would agree that polarization

has built barriers to effectively listening to opposing viewpoints (2017). Americans long for a

commonsense, immediate solution for decreased voter participation, widespread pessimism, lack

of accountability among government leaders, and disregard for marginalized communities. Civic

education has been brushed aside as irrelevant or ineffective; however, by rethinking how civics

is taught, included in curricula, and emphasized in schools across the nation, policy makers can

implement change for generations to come. Civic education, when involving discussion of

current issues and community action coupled with a thorough, realistic curriculum, can remedy

America’s political participation and engagement problem, only if expanded to accommodate

students from all backgrounds.

History

The restructuring of the party system in the late 1800s contributed to a drop in voter

participation that continued to spread and is now commonplace. Before the 20th century, election

day was a community event, with local parties playing a large role in administering a simple

voting process and ensuring that the majority of the electorate participated (Burnham, 1990).

However, with the rise of the mugwumps and Progressives in the early 1900s, the parties became

more hierarchical and the process convoluted, “converting the voting process into a more
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complicated, onerous, and even intimidating experience” (Burnham, 1990). By bringing structure

and centralization to the electoral process, these reformers unintentionally discouraged

participation, as registering with a party and participating in party activities was limited to a

smaller, select group of elite individuals, marginalizing the common man (Burnham, 1990). The

government’s inability to address issues common voters cared about led to disinterest and a

feeling that one’s voice has no value, a feeling that many Americans continue to experience

today. However, civic education has been shown to promote confidence when it comes to

making an impact and letting one’s voice be heard.

The recent drop in Americans’ interaction with and faith in the government can be traced

historically to the idea of political efficacy; if policymakers can include civic education in

curricula in a way that emphasizes the ability for “we the people” to make change, students will

grow up with a sense that they can shape the world they live in. In examining the statistics

surrounding political engagement throughout history, the trends in Americans’ participation in

government are striking. In explaining the patterns in voter turnout, Ruy Teixeira, in Why

Americans Don’t Vote, agrees with Burnham and suggests a “voter traits” approach (Valelly,

1990). He asserts that a shift in partisan identity and political efficacy has contributed to a drop

in voter turnout (Vallely, 1990). Combined with the hassle of registering to vote, the

inconvenience of going to the polls, and feeling that one’s vote is useless—especially in

gerrymandered, uncompetitive districts—has contributed to this decline (Valelly, 1990).

Therefore, while other reforms, like changing the technical barriers to voting—from voter ID

laws to the timing of Election Day—would improve voter turnout significantly, in order to truly

change citizens’ attitudes toward our system of government, they must understand its intricacies

and areas for improvement. Today, the people of the United States stand at a crossroads, and, by
 New Kind of Patriotism 4

choosing to maintain the democratic principles that have guided our nation for over 200 years,

policymakers can inspire their constituents to create change for themselves.

Americans’ Lack of Political Engagement

Teixeira focuses on more recent trends. In 1960, only 15% of Americans agreed with the

statements “People like me don't have any say about what the government does" and "I don't

think public officials care much what people like me think,” (Vallely, 1990). That number rose to

32% in 1980 and continues to rise, as people truly believe that their vote doesn’t count (Vallely,

1990). These numbers are exacerbated today as citizens’ trust in government declines, and as

they increasingly believe that, even if they were to vote, their representative would be unlikely to

put their constituents’ needs first. In 2017, according to a Gallup poll, 64% of Americans said

they have “not very much” confidence or “no trust at all” in the legislative branch, up from 31%

in 2000 and 25% in 1972, when the poll began (“Trust in government”). However, that is not to

say that people remain complacent when the government enacts policies they disagree with—the

recent March for Our Lives and Women’s March demonstrate citizens’ quick and immediate

action—however, coupled with the knowledge and empowerment of quality civic education, a

wider range of people can understand the various routes—through the courts, voting, or lobbying

legislators—through which they can call for change, even when dealing with local issues.

Understanding these avenues for change is imperative as evidence has proven that

Americans are, as a whole, uneducated about the government. Though they may have a college

diploma or a graduate degree, because they lack knowledge of the inner workings of the

government and the ideals rooted within the words of the Constitution, they often hold a

pessimistic and surface-level understanding of the American government. Only 26% of

Americans can name all three branches of government (Shapiro & Brown, 2018) and 60% failed
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to name the political party who currently controls the House of Representatives (Pitts, 2016).

Lacking knowledge about simple mechanisms within our government--60 percent of college

graduates could not describe the process for amendment ratification and 40 percent failed to

identify Congress’s power to declare war (Pitts 2016)—Americans often feel lost when it comes

to civics and are less able to hold their representatives accountable. A survey by the American

Revolution Center found that in 2009, 89% of people who anticipated taking a test on civic

knowledge said they would’ve passed it; however, 83% would’ve failed (Cole, 2016).

Americans’ overconfidence in our civic education system has led to its fading into mediocrity, as

many students continue to leave public schools lacking the tools of an engaged citizen. And,

although simple familiarity with the content of each article of the Constitution or the Federalist

Papers may not seem pertinent to today’s issues, it’s this understanding that leads to curiosity

and confidence when it comes time to vote or run for office.

When it comes to civics, the trends among adults are mirrored in studies of

schoolchildren. With an increased emphasis on STEM and standardized testing, civics classes are

often viewed as an afterthought; however, the consequences of policymakers’ indifference are

striking. In 2014, only 23% of eighth graders scored at or above “proficient” on the NAEP exam

(Shapiro & Brown, 2018), indicating a need for primary and middle school civics courses.

Without a base of information and general faith in the government, students fail to form

important habits, like reading about current events, forming their own opinions on political

issues, and having discussions about those beliefs, that are essential to quality citizenship. In a

speech, Charles Quigley, the executive director for the Center for Civic Education, postulated

that only approximately 15% of students receive a satisfactory civic education before college

(1999). At the same time, there seems to be a decreased emphasis on civic education in schools.
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With the rise of standardized testing, discussion in the classroom has been set aside in favor of

remediation and rigid preparation programs, as schools—especially those in poorer

neighborhoods—are constantly striving to maintain accreditation (2013). The Center for

American progress found similar trends, as math and reading take precedence over other subjects

and only nine states and the District of Columbia require one year of U.S. government or civics

(Shapiro & Brown, 2018). In 2016, the Education Commission of the States found that only

seventeen states include civic education in their accountability frameworks; therefore, few

schools have consequences for failing to meet civic education standards (Tripodo & Pondiscio,

2017). Without firm guidelines and initiatives encouraging school districts to step up, civic

education, with its interdisciplinary and skill-based potential, will continue to be trivialized.

Despite these negative findings, there is evidence that avenues for improvement exist. In

the 2010 Civics National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), public school students

reported that they discussed current events frequently in the classroom, as 74 percent of eighth

graders and 81 percent of twelfth graders reported discussing relevant issues at least one or two

times a month. The quality and structure of this discussion can be questioned; yet the efforts

made by teachers cannot be underestimated (Avery, Levy & Simmons, 2013). In 2006, McDevitt

and Kiousis’s focus groups with high school students, students expressed that their interest was

especially piqued by relevant classroom discussions about current issues (Avery, Levy &

Simmons, 2013).

Current Implementations and Outcomes

Although reform efforts must be directed toward civic education, there are many

successful programs whose strategies would be put to good use if expanded and replicated

elsewhere. In seeking to remedy the nation’s ignorance, the most effective civic education
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programs are inclusive and are both knowledge- and action-based. Florida is viewed as the gold

standard when it comes to innovative civic education. iCivics, created by former Supreme Court

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, provides online materials for every Florida student (Pitts, 2016).

Combined with participation in the We the People competition and the US Senate Youth

program, the Florida curriculum has made impressive progress toward a more involved and

interactive framework (Pitts, 2016). However, the difference might lie in Florida’s curriculum

enhancement. In 2010, Florida passed the Next Generation Sunshine State Standards, creating a

mandatory middle school civics course and exam (Sawchuk, 2017). Perhaps more importantly,

however, Florida provided professional development and new curricula to supplement the exam

(Sawchuk, 2017). Shortly after, the results showed marked improvement, with scores on the

exam rising from 61 to 70 percent (Sawchuk, 2017). By training teachers to welcome discussion

and value civic engagement, policymakers can encourage faculty members, who then in turn

passionately encourage students.

In the city of Chicago, more than 200 students take part in Project Soapbox, through

which students research and speak about a current issue, from gun rights to abortion rights, about

which they feel strongly (Strauss, 2016). Through speech-writing, and, perhaps more

importantly, listening to other students give their own speeches, the students gain both academic

(speaking and writing) and interpersonal (listening and empathic) skills (Strauss, 2016). By

allowing students to actively wrestle with and invest in current issues, teachers and those who

shape curricula alike can create a more meaningful and personal civic education experience.

Fostering the latter is essential to inspiring cooperation in today’s society, as President of the

University of Pennsylvania and political scientist Amy Gutmann asserted (Strauss, 2016). In

another program—Current Human Issues Research Projects (CHIRPS)—fifth graders in State

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College, Pennsylvania solve community issues through meaningful action, complete with a

proposal and website (Strauss, 2016). Similarly, at Democracy Prep Public Schools in Harlem,

seniors must take a course called Sociology of Change and develop a Change the World Project

which addresses a meaningful social problem locally, nationally, or even globally (Tripodo &

Pondiscio, 2017). Some such projects include book drives, mentorship programs, and protests

that make real change in the community. Also importantly, half of class time is spent analyzing

and deliberating issues among students, allowing them to have a say in their learning (Tripodo &

Pondiscio, 2017). By encouraging students to become passionate about current issues and

invested in their learning, educators can spark students’ interest beyond the classroom, an

interest that may last until adulthood.

Improving the System

Tripodo and Pondiscio’s approach, a combination of relevance and fact, of classroom

learning and hands-on experiences, seems to be most effective in truly accomplishing the goals

of civic education. Many states seek to simply institute a state-wide test, like the one created in

response to low levels of student civic knowledge by the 2015 American Civics Act in Arizona,

but, as Stephanie Parra, a member of Phoenix Union High School District governing board, said,

"Having students memorize and regurgitate facts is not going to get to the goal of what we want

to accomplish here, which is retaining the importance and value of what American civics

education should be,” (Faller, 2015). By teaching students about the nuances of our government,

they are able to better interpret their own experiences through a well-informed lens and take

action that has meaning. Teachers can apply each unit to a current issue—for example, they can

connect a lesson on the Bill of Rights to the recent debates about 1st and 2nd amendment rights

in schools. When teachers seek to educate without making the subject relevant, or, on the other
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hand, pushing students to create an action project without a base of civic understanding, there is

a major disconnect between the students’ experience and prior understanding.

When supplemented with both knowledge and action, discussion has also been proven

important in today’s classroom. Avery, Levy, and Simmons argue that deliberating controversial

issues has a place in the classroom. While participating in the Deliberating in a Democracy

(DID) Project, students learn how to civilly discuss these sort of issues in a way that allows them

to develop acceptance and open-mindedness (Avery, Levy, & Simmons, 2013). The researchers

emphasize the need for disagreement and differing opinions in having productive dialogue,

pointing out that true deliberation is examining, for example, how children should be educated,

rather than whether they should be educated, because there is a popular consensus favoring one

side when dealing with the latter (Avery, Levy, & Simmons, 2013). The authors are careful in

highlighting that it is not debate, in which opposing viewpoints tend to be ignored in striving to

win an argument (Avery, Levy, & Simmons, 2013). Members think about shared interests and

reaching a consensus, rather than winning or losing. Rather than simply speaking about the

principles our country was founded on, like collaboration and tolerance, those involved in civic

deliberation put them into action. However, there can be gaps where members of the group are

less willing to share their views, have limited knowledge on the subject, or dominate the

conversation (Avery, Levy, & Simmons, 2013). In the classroom, there is often limited

knowledge of what truly constitutes a discussion--simply mentioning a current event or

broadcasting one’s opinion seems to be the norm, but these methods fall short of true

deliberation (Avery, Levy, & Simmons, 2013). However, working through these barriers is

important because studies have shown a connection between exploration of current issues and

political interest (including inclination to vote) (Avery, Levy, & Simmons, 2013).
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Many of these programs have real impact on the attitudes of the students they serve. In

seeking to promote a true shift in perspective, a curiosity and interest in improving our society

through political participation, there is a palpable connection between one’s education and his

adult behaviors. Consisting of a skills-based course and the Judicially Speaking program—

through which local judges visit classrooms and walk students through their decision-making

process--, Colorado’s civic education program “may contribute to a youth voter participation rate

and youth volunteerism rate which is slightly higher than the national average,” (Shapiro &

Brown 2018). After the 2012 election, in a study conducted by CIRCLE, 4,483 young adults

ages 18-24 were asked to choose one issue of importance to them, give their opinion, and answer

questions about where the 2012 Presidential candidates stood on this issue (CIRCLE, 2013).

CIRCLE found that people who studied civics in-depth in high school and those who had higher

educational attainment were more likely to be an informed voter (CIRCLE, 2013). College-

educated young people were twice as likely to vote in 2012 when compared with their non-

college-educated peers, and since the passage of the 26th amendment in 1972, which lowered the

voting age to its current standard, education has had a greater degree of impact on voter turnout

(CIRCLE, 2013). There is a real connection between quality of civic education and political

engagement, as students possess the tools to speak out for a cause, run for office, and obtain a

government job.

Additionally, the outcomes for students enrolled in civic education classes—socially and

academically—are overwhelmingly positive. In Deeper Learning Research Series, Levine and

Kawashima-Ginsberg argue that civic education can help prepare students for today’s job market

by promoting deeper learning—“critical thinking and problem solving, collaboration, effective

communication, self-directed learning, and the development of an academic mindset,” (2015).

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Researchers have found that at-risk youth who took part in a civic education program showed

“substantial improvements in academic and economic outcomes,” (Levine & Kawashima-

Ginsberg, 2015). Civic education has been proven effective in various settings—not simply

affluent suburban schools. A study cited by the American Association for Colleges and

Universities found that civic education promoted psychosocial well-being among students—and,

perhaps more importantly, the inclination to share that joy with others (Finley, 2012).

Communities are built around a common purpose—and civic education helps build and maintain

that purpose. By inspiring interest in the principles upon which our nation was founded,

policymakers can gain the trust of constituents and preach to a more educated voter base. Emily

Voss, the Virginia and Washington D.C. We the People Coordinator, said in an email, “Civic

engagement is where theory intersects with action, citizens interact with their broader

communities at the neighborhood or national level, and citizens make our democracy work,” (E.

Voss, personal communication, May 2, 2018). She went on to speak about the skills that We the

People promotes—“analytical and critical-thinking skills… communication and advocacy skills,

and… creativity and problem-solving skills”—aid students in becoming active and productive

citizens (E. Voss, personal communication, May 2, 2018). She emphasized the importance of

open debate, as “Students who engage in authentic and open debate and discourse around

political issues are less likely to illegally protest and more likely to want to stay involved and be

informed voters in the future,” (E. Voss, personal communication, May 2, 2018). The outcomes

of the We the People competition—and other civics programs like it—extend beyond the

classroom.

Challenges
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However, low-income students often fail to reap the benefits due to the programs’

concentration in primarily wealthy and specialized schools. The marginalized students who need

to have a voice are the ones who are left out of the civic education conversation. This civic

empowerment gap is evident as white, wealthy students are more likely to participate and

succeed in civic education programs, as only seven percent of students who received free or

reduced lunch reached “proficient” on the National Assessment for Educational Progress in

civics (2013). By investing in civic education programs that target this population—that are free

to use, easily accessible, and technology-free—policymakers can help empower their

constituents, increasing voter turnout and engagement in the long run. Minority, low-

socioeconomic-status students have less access to political information through conventional

means, like participation in community organizations and parental involvement, leading to a

disadvantage that begins at a young age and is often not addressed in poorer schools (Levinson,

2010). Researchers often extoll the results and benefits of many select civic education programs,

deeming them solutions to the problems facing our nation, while failing to identify the narrow

populations they serve.

In 2013, the CIRCLE Youth Commission on Youth Voting and Civic Knowledge

reported that as the educational reform movement began to push forward, civic education seemed

to be left behind (CIRCLE, 2013). The report found that, if a student attended a racially diverse

high school, he was more likely to have a poorer quality of civic education, concluding that

discussion—an important feature of civic education—is increasingly difficult in diverse settings

(CIRCLE, 2013). When students come from a variety of backgrounds, their families hold

different values dear; when their strongly-held beliefs are questioned often, students, as with all

people, become defensive and feel suppressed. If discord rather than respectful deliberation
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prevails, students feel alienated; however, when teachers can create an environment conducive to

civil discourse, the study shows, this gap can be closed, as students in diverse high schools

whose teachers promoted discussion were as engaged as those at more homogenous high schools

(CIRCLE, 2013).

In the Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement, Meira Levinson of Harvard

University examines this issue, concluding that, for the good of American society, closing the

civic education gap is a necessity (Levinson, 2010). Performance on the NAEP (National

Assessment of Educational Progress) civic knowledge exam varies with regard to race and

income level, indicating a gap in the quality of civic education provided in urban and under-

resourced schools (Levinson, 2010). For example, in 2006, middle- and upper-class African

American 4th and 8th graders performed just as well as poor white students (Levinson, 2010).

Regardless of race, poor students of all backgrounds earned lower scores than their middle class

counterparts (Levinson, 2010). In another study cited in the Deeper Learning Research Series,

researchers found that “low-income students and students of color tend to have fewer

experiential civic learning opportunities than their wealthier, white counterparts,” (Levine &

Kawashima-Ginsberg, 2015). Resources need to be devoted to and programs must be started in

the places that need them most, rather than simply being available to those who can afford to

send their children to charter schools or well-funded public schools.

In 1996, Delli Carpini and Keeter conducted a study of adults’ political knowledge,

finding that there are apparent trends along racial and gender lines, as they found that African

Americans scored lower than whites in every aspect of the study (Levinson, 2010). However, the

causes of this gap may stem from more than simply low-quality civic education; the type of

information disseminated by civic educators usually centers around white, middle-class values
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and paints a rosy narrative of freedom and independence--one that excluded African Americans

at the time (Levinson, 2010). By diversifying the curricula young students are exposed to and

taking into account multiple perspectives when creating government and civics textbooks, policy

makers can appeal to marginalized groups without sweeping changes. However, Levinson

argues, traditional knowledge continues to be important in promoting participation and

democratic values; in closing the gap, educators must make this seemingly irrelevant knowledge

connect with low-income students (Levinson, 2010).

However, it is possible to reach low-income students. In doing so, Levinson says,

policymakers must incorporate civic education to all levels of K-12 education, especially the

early high school years, as minority students are much more likely to drop out before taking a

senior year civics course (Levinson, 2010). Opportunity abounds when it comes to educating

students from diverse backgrounds. In the 2012 National Youth Survey, CIRCLE found that

those who benefitted most from class discussion of current issues were those students who

lacked initial political knowledge and rarely discussed these same events at home (CIRCLE,

2013). The key to revolutionizing civic education in America is reaching these students—

through re-emphasizing and codifying civics into curricula—in addition to students who have

enriching home lives. Additionally, young African Americans voted at the highest rate of any

racial or ethnic group in 2008 and 2012, and the percentages were rising even before Barack

Obama was on the ballot (CIRCLE, 2013). If given the chance, minority students could

enormously benefit from opportunities for action projects, as those who participated in

community service or student government are much more likely to graduate high school

(CIRCLE, 2013). By personalizing civic education to minority communities and reaching

 New Kind of Patriotism 15

students where they are, educators can make civic education applicable to their students’ lives,

dispelling the notion that civics is a distant, irrelevant, theoretical subject.

Next Steps

In seeking to close the civic engagement gap and remedy America’s lack of political

knowledge, some states are taking steps in the right direction. Although all 50 states require

some sort of civics course, the intricacy of the requirements varies between states (Railey &

Brennan, 2016). Current legislation in Pennsylvania requires teachers to encourage students to

vote and specifies course requirements and subject areas for graduation (Railey & Brennan,

2016). Massachusetts and Louisiana are ahead of the curve in including civic education in their

accountability frameworks as a measure of school progress (Railey & Brennan, 2016). By

holding schools to a high standard, policymakers can truly provide opportunities for all students,

not just those from privileged backgrounds. Currently, Arizona is considering adding a civics

literacy diploma seal for students who are proficient in civics, and Washington is funding a youth

advisory council on issues of importance to young people (Education Commission, 2018).

Although these initiatives are promising, in order for America’s civic education problem to truly

be solved, many more states—and even the national government—must adhere to these same

standards. If Americans want to continue to live out the Founders’ vision—that the common

person would truly have a voice in government—they must make a commitment to educate each

citizen—from impoverished students in the inner-city to those in small rural towns—equipping

them to flourish in a society that demands their action.

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