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Steven Sampson


During the last several years, numerous changes as village and nation become increasing-
studies of social change have focused on village ly "integrated." (See Tipps for a critique of
communities around the world. Typically, "modernization" theory) [ 2 ]. Lately, anthro-
these studies of "social change in village X" pologists have extended their research scope
describe the process whereby an isolated, "' to include not only people in the villages, but
"traditional" agrarian community based on those who have left for the cities as well [3].
crosscutting (multiplex) social ties becomes a For most anthropologists, urbanization is
"modern" heterogenous, semi-industrial com- equated with the migration of peasants to
munity "integrated" within an international cities and the adaptations that take place
political and economic system. The upshot of among urban migrants [4]. Such studies make
this "rural revolution" (Halpern,1967) is the passing mention of how that complex of life-
"inevitable" decrease of differences between ways called "urbanism" is "penetrating" the
life in the village and the cosmopolitan milieu village in the spheres of communication
of the town. Although a few scholars have ex- (radios), transportation (bus routes), or educa-
plained the "traditional" poverty of communi- tion (literacy). Anthropologists interested in
ties in Asia, in Latin-America or the Mediter-. Europe have also begun studying a new class
ranean as being due not to their "isolation" of "peasant-workers," along with the "urban
from the world system (presumably being values" that the commuter or migrant brings
"progressively" rectified) but to their long from the city. Some work has also been clone
contact with it - thus Frank's "development on the phenomenon of rural industrialization
of underdevelopment" - the majority of in Latin America and in Europe [5], and
anthropological studies have ignored this articles have begun to appear concerning a
view [ 1 ]. specific form of rural development known as
Behind the social changes in "village X" tourism [ 6 ].
are said to be the worldwide processes of Against this background, I will describe the
"industrialization," "urbanization," and "urbanization" of a Romanian village called
"modernization," the latter being ambiguously Feldioara, located in'southern Transylvania in
defined to include a complex of postwar Romania. Urban development of Feldioara,
Steven Sampson studies anthropology at the University of however, differs in two significant ways from
Massachusetts, Amherst. that in the studies I have mentioned. First, the

village is changing into a town: the inhabitants village of Feldioara is located on a fertile
are not leaving their environment, their environ- plateau known as the B~rsei country (Tara
ment is changing around them. Second, this Bgrsei). It lies on a main road and rail line just
urban development is not spontaneous, but is 25 kilometers north of the industrial metrop-
a direct result of Feldioara's having been chosen olis of Bra~ov, which is located in the geo-
by the government to be "developed" into a graphic center of Romania. The Bra~ov district
town over the next decade. is the most industrialized and urbanized of
I shall focus on the initial stages o f Feldioara's Romania's counties [8]. Leaving out the
conversion into a town during the first six municipality of Bucharest, Bra~ov. county ranks
months of 1974, with some added information first in proportion of wage earners to popula-
resulting from my return to the village in fall tion, first in percentage of industrial workers
of 1975 [7]. By examining how socialist plan- in its work force (43.4 percent in 1966), first
ning is implemented at the village level, and in industrial output per capita, lowest in per-
by concentrating on one specific plan aimed centage of work force in agriculture (26.6 per-
at controlled urban development of one rural cent in 1966), and has 60 percent of its popula-
locale, I hope to point out the potential stress tion living in towns (Romania as a whole has
points in both the village and regional systems. only 40 percent).
A detailed analysis of this transition could Feldioara was first settled in the thirteenth
help us to predict not only Feldioara's future, century by German-speaking colonists called
but the viability of this planning process in Saxons, and until 1945 the Saxons occupied a
other less developed parts of Romania, in superior economic niche as prosperous farmers
countries of the so-called Third World, and for the Bra~ov market. Besides the Saxons, the
even, perhaps, in areas of the advanced capi- area around Bra~ov has been populated for at
talist countries. least several hundred years by three other
ethnic groups: Romanians, Hungarian speakers
The Setting called Magyars, and Gypsies. In addition, Jews
and Greeks lived in the cities as merchants.
Following the territorial-administrative Due to postwar out-migration, the Saxon pop-
reorganization of 1967, Romania is divided ulation of Feldioara and of Bra~ov county has
into thirty-nine separate counties (jude 0 plus greatly decreased.
the municipality of Bucharest. The commune In 1974 Feldioara had a total population
(comuna) is an administrative unit below that of approximately 3,100 [9]. The ethnic pro-
of county and may consist of as few as one or portions are 60 percent Romanian, 20 percent
as many as twenty-five villages, the higher Saxon, 10 percent Gypsy, and 9 percent
number occuring when villages are small or Magyar, with 1 percent other or mixed. The
widely dispersed hamlets, especially in hill village has a large cooperative farm, and out
regions. In Bra~ov county, there are seven of a local work force of 1,600 (males between
cities and forty-three communes, usually the ages of 16 and 59, females between 16 and
comprising between three and five villages 59, minus students), the cooperative farm
with an average population per commune of employs more than 250 people. Many more
about 5,000. Commune Feldioara contains as are employed in nearby local industries, in
its commune center the village of Feldioara local administration or services, or in one of
(population 3,100), the neighboring village o f the villages's growing number of shops. Nearly
Rotbav (1,000 people), and a colonia of 40 percent of the work force commutes the
workers and their families living next to a twenty-five kilometers to industrial employ-
brick factory (population about 1,000). The ment in Bra~ov by the frequent train and bus

Most pertinently, Feldioara is one of three- Socialist Planning [12]

hundred villages selected by Romanian plan-
ners to be developed into towns over the next Despite differences among the Eastern
decade. Feldioara will probably be declared a European socialist countries, we can assume
"town" during 1976, and in ten to fifteen that socialist planning here is committed to
years its population is projected to grow to the priority of heavy industry over other factors
7,000. Apartments will be built, roads will be in accordance with the conventional wisdom
asphalted, and more transport links will be of European Marxist regimes that may other-
provided as the village becomes a satellite to wise differ. Thus, in Romania urban/regional
the metropolis of Bra~ov. A polyclinic, a new development strategies are determined by a
cultural house, new shops, a tourist center, larger plan for the economic development of a
and a sports complex will make Feldioara a specific area of the country. Furthermore,
"central place" for about eighteen surrounding resources are allocated administratively rather
villages [ 10]. than by means of a price-setting market. Thus,
Before 1945 this growth was hindered by during the spring of 1974, Feldioara's house-
factors common to most "developing" nations. holds were without running water during the
Romania had been repeatedly invaded and daytime so that the local factory could use the
colonized over the centuries because it occupies limited supply. The same applies to consumer
a strategic location in the Balkan peninsula. goods and social services.
The southeastern and eastern half of the coun- Another aspect of socialist planning is that
try (Vallachia, Moldavia) was under Turkish it does not simply passively forecast develop-
rule until 1859, and the northwestern half ments in the spheres of economic production
(Transylvania) under the Turks until 1699 and or urban growth, but strives to be active plan-
under Austro-Hungary until 1919. Imperial ning. It emanates from the same state that
rule, together with economic domination by controls and organizes material and human
Western European capital, produced a chronic resources, and that allocates funds for specific
rural population crisis in relation to domestic projects or industries. Unlike Western planners
land, and widespread bureaucratic corruption or social scientists, East European experts can
via false land reforms extracted the wealth often see their projects develop quite rapidly,
from the peasants that had not already been due to the concentration of all necessary re-
exported. Finally we should note the effect of sources in one political-economic-administra-
the destruction of the two world wars, and, tive unit - the state. This can lead to dramatic
following World War II, of reparations to the results, including dramatic mistakes.
Soviet Union. Another universal characteristic of socialist
Despite its current economic status as one planning is that it is predominantly centralized,
of the poorest European states, the present national in scope, and ideologically critical.
socialist regime has succeeded in mobilizing Planning campaigns are nationally publicized
Romania's material resources and ample labor by the mass media, which are state controlled.
power (population twenty million) and is now In the immediate postwar years of "socialist
industrializing quite rapidly as a sovereign construction" in Romania, the fulfillment of
socialist state [ 11 ]. Since this socialist develop- the plan was carried out through such negative
ment is rooted in a centrally planned economy, incentives as production quotas sold at below
some general remarks on the characteristics of cost price to the state, forced labor brigades,
socialist planning are in order. migration restrictions, and involuntary resettle-
ment. However, in recent years several East
European development planners have realized

that a plan is only as successful as its execu- of agriculture, begun in 1949 and completed
tion [ 131, and that the success of the plan in 1962; systematic rural industrialization in
depends on local and regional participation in many traditional provinces; the administrative
order to overcome specific local limitations. closing of certain overcrowded cities (e.g.,
Successful implementation of the plan must Bra~ov); and the creation of new towns from
rely on feedback among local, regional, and old villages. Romania's rapid industrial growth
national levels, a problem which had plagued has spawned a massive migration into the
the highly centralized, bureaucratic states of urban centers over the last twenty years and
Eastern Europe long before the advent of officials are cognizant of the problems of urban
socialism. growth and the social and economic disadvan-
This lack of coordination between localities, tage of overurbanization [ 15 ].
regions, and the national capital usually means In the 1950s, planning and policies were
that as the plans come down from the center, introduced which served to (1) control the
they are subject to varied interpretations rate of urban growth, (2) radiate development
according to the interests of lower level offi- to all of Romania's rural areas, and (3) revamp
cials or local citizenry. Similarly, any response the urban/rural hierarchy of settlements which
which reflects discontent with the plan or the has so long been dominated by a few large
planners often dissipates itself before it reaches cities. This policy the Romanians call
the capital. Because of this lack of effective sistematizare, usually translated into English
response, the large number of minute or gradual as "systematization." Following directives and
alterations needed to make a plan work well are resolutions finalized during the National Con-
left out of the process. Thus we find that in ference of the Communist Party in 1972 and
many socialist countries plans undergo abrupt reiterated during the Eleventh Party Congress
changes as things get out of hand, and a radical in 1974, Law 58, "concerning the territorial
policy shift is undertaken in the administrative systematization of urban and rural localities,"
apparatus of the government. In the West, we was enacted on November I, 1974. The sys-
read about these changes as purges, liberaliza- tematization law is an elaborate set of land-
tions, centralizations or decentralizations, use codes which not only sets limits on the
reforms, or new restrictions. expansion of urban and rural settlements, but
Finally, the success of any development at the same time sets up national, regional, and
planning policy, socialist or capitalist, depends local organs to formulate planning and develop-
on the ability of the political-economic order ment strategies, and to carry these out in con-
to offer a wide range of alternatives to individ- junction with national economic growth plans.
uals, so that the individual choices will be in Much of the law restricting the encroch-
harmony with those development policies that ment of villages on valuable agricultural land.
the state puts into effect. Efficiency here means Thus, for each village a "constructable perim-
fewer long-range costs (social and economic) eter" is established outside of which no houses
and less political discontent than would be can be built. When houses are built, the law
generated by a policy of forced labor or co- stipulates they must be at least two stories
ercion. (See Denich for the congruence between high. Each village must submit its systematiza-
Yugoslavia's urbanization policy and individ- tion plan to regional officials for approval, but
uals' choices to migrate to urban industrial only after extensive debate, led by its own
centers) [ 141. local "systematization commission." A con-
Romania's strategy for economic develop- tinual stress is laid on the value of agglomerated
ment has included a variety of plans: immediate settlements and the economic irrationality of
nationalization after 1948 of all industry, improving tiny, dispersed hamlets (e.g.,
transport, and finance; gradual cooperativization electrification, roads, water mains). As many

as five hundred of these villages "without Systematization is an active policy designed to

perspectives for social-economic development" deal effectively with the problems of urban
are scheduled to be phased out over the years, growth before they become acute, while
with their populations being moved to other simultaneously changing the nature of certain
villages or towns. These are mainly in the villages and regions. Furthermore, it is a national
mountains or in flood zones and have popula- plan; presumably, the three hundred villages
tions below 500. are to be developed together according to
In 1972, anticipating the enactment of the Romania's overall needs as a nation. The plan
systematization laws, county planners selected is centralized and bureaucratic, and in 1974
about three hundred of Romania's thirteen the local leaders were receiving numerous
thousand villages, according to strategic loca- experts with planning maps, directives, and
tion and growth potential. These "advanced" advice. Economic institutions in the village
villages are to be developed into urban centers (e.g., the retail and service establishments
serving between ten and twenty villages each. called consumer cooperatives) were being
In this fashion, each of the surrounding villages reorganized, as were the medical, educational,
will be afforded an adequate number of ad- administrative, and recreational facilities.
ministrative, economic, social, and cultural Various official meetings were held to
services. Hopefully, the systematization of rural stimulate support for the plan. And despite
settlements will serve to reduce the pressure on their healthy skepticism as to future claims,
the few hard-pressed cities, although villagers most residents of Feldioara were proud of the
will still be commuting to these for work. fact that their village had been chosen to
It appears that Feldioara's specific advantages become a town. As noted above, however, the
lay in its location and its preexisting economic lack of two-way communication between the
development: as noted, it lies about twenty- village, the regional capital, and Bucharest
five kilometers from the city of Bra~ov, on a means that any changes that do occur will take
major highway and rail line; it has rural industry the form of abrupt shifts, for which the village
in the form of a brick factory, a sugar refinery, will take the consequences while the bureau-
and a construction site (for what will become crats take the credit. Finally, the success of
a mineral-extraction plant), all within three systematization in Feldioara will depend as
kilometers of the village, and it is situated at much on individual reactions as it does on the
a point on the "orbit of already existing commitment of the national political system
satellite towns surrounding Bra~ov." Besides at large. The process of systematization in-
Feldioara, two other villages were chosen by volves the constant formulation of plans that
the Bra~ov county planners to be developed reflect both national ideologies and local needs
into towns; one o f these (Prejmer) has a small and desires. At the ideological level it implies
textile industry and also lies within commuting some degree of discussion and consensus on
distance of Bra~ov, while the other (H0ghiz) the part of the villagers in order to receive the
is the site of a brand new cement factory in an plan, modify it (if possible), approve it, and
area lacking any urban center. implement it.
The particular aspects of Feldioara's devel-
opment into a town illustrate the general
aspects of socialist planning very well: sys-
tematization is first and foremost an economic
plan for Romania which aims to distribute the We can now proceed to describe what has
economic advantages beyond the major urban happened in the particular village of Feldioara
centers, and remove those disadvantages which by considering the latter as a small-scale,
accrue to cities with too rapid urbanization. open system. The village system is composed

of various component subsystems: namely, houses also spread down the hill and onto the
the spatial, demographic, economic, social, plain. Today there is one long main street of
political, ritual, leisure, and cognitive compo- perhaps two kilometers, on which are found
nents that, in their ensemble, both create and the central buildings and facilities: city hall,
reflect Feldioara's particular personality. two schools, the headquarters of the agricul-
As anthropologists with some knowledge tural and consumer cooperatives, a dispensary,
of peasant society know, the village system two cafes, two cafeterias (for students and
is itself embedded in a larger system charac- farm workers), food, hardware, drygoods and
terized by shifting political and economic other stores and service establishments, a post
relations between village, region, and state [ 16]. office, pharmacy, library, culture house, and
These relations may appear to be stable, but the Saxon (Lutheran) church. As this main
there are times when the entire national system street has extended it has crossed over the
can be disrupted by international events, national highway that runs through the western
domestic repression of local communities, end of the village. Just off this main street is
regional secession, or even by local rebellions the Romanian (Orthodox) church and the
which affect the capital. police station, as well as the oldest dwellings
Feldioara has outlasted the various national of the Romanian population. Prior to World
transformations in Romanian history. Precisely War II, wealthy German-speaking Saxons lived
for this reason we cannot assume it to be an in the center of Feldioara, and the poor, non-
unchanging system. And we cannot doubt Saxon ethnic groups - chiefly Romanians,
that the plan for the urban development of with some Gypsies and Hungarians (Magyars) -
Feldioara will permanently alter the village lived in smaller houses on the periphery. As
cultural system. the Saxon population decreased in the village
Since we are only at the initial stages in this due to death and out-migration to West
transition, and since socialist planning is sub- Germany, their place in the center was taken
ject to abrupt changes as local developments by Romanians. This move "up the hill" is
are sporadically fed back to the capital, this socially and economically significant.
paper will concentrate on the description o f At the northern periphery of Feldioara are
this process as it appeared in 1974. We will , the headquarters and canteen for the workers
focus on two sets of changes: first, in the at the State Farm, barracks for workers at a
various components of the village cultural nearby construction site, and, about fifteen
system; and second, the effects at the regional minutes walk from the center, on the Olt
level. River, the railroad station and apartments for
railway workers.
Spatial Component The urban development o f Feldioara involves
a proliferation of facilities in this central area,
The most easily recognized manifestations and will no doubt stimulate people to move up
of the "'citification" of Feldioara are changes the hill into the larger, Saxon-owned houses.
in the village landscape. The village of Feldioara Much to the dismay of the close-knit Saxon
lies, as noted, on a fertile plateau between minority, Romanians have shown no com-
400 and 500 meters above sea level, along the punction about moving into Saxon neighbor-
Olt River. The village was first settled over hoods. While the village has been electrified
seven hundred years ago near the river, on top for decades, living in "'the center" also has the
of a long hill running e a s t - w e s t and overlooking practical advantages of piped water and prox-
the plain below. As the village grew, it expanded imity to the railway station and shops. To
westward (i.e., perpendicular to the river) and further accentuate the importance of the

central main street, it was almost completely As the "civic center" of the village is
asphalted during the summer of 1975, the formulated by the planners, the controversey
only road in the village to be so treated. over demolishing residences and constructing
The population of the village has grown shops in their place (in fact, a whole commer-
because of its proximity to surrounding rural cial complex) becomes the subject of vehement
industries (a pig-raising complex, a brick debate in the people's council meetings.
factory, a construction site, and a sugar
refinery) and to Bra~ov city. In 1974 Feldioara DemographicComponent
already had two four-story apartment buildings
housing workers for the State Farm, and on One of the first indications of the city-like
my return in 1975 an eight-story "bloc" had character of Feldioara is the varied composition
been completed. Official plans for systematiza- of its population; it is this heterogeneity rather
tion call for the ultimate construction of 720 than sheer numbers that distinguishes towns
apartments, the first 280 to becompleted by from large villages. As a "village," Feldioara is
1977. Also on the agenda are ten private homes larger than most other villages in Romania,
of three stories each, a dormitory for unmarried and in fact a 1966 statistic showed that 73
workers, a fifty-room motel and restaurant percent of Romania's villages had under a
complex for tourists visiting the ruins of a thousand persons [18]. Present population
thirteenth-century fortress in the village, a projections call for an increase from 3,100 to
sports complex, and administrative centers of 7,000 by 1990.
a political and economic nature; these will be The apparent population stability in the
supplemented by the enlarging of boarding postwar era has hidden numerous population
facilities to provide for 200 school pupils, a shifts, chiefly in the village's ethnic composi-
nursery with 100 places, a kindergarten with tion. Virtually all of the adult Saxons of
240 places, and 16 more classrooms. I was told Feldioara were deported to Russia after the
that the mineral extraction plant will be the war. Some of these were, in 1950, repatriated
biggest single attraction for young working to Western Europe rather than to Romania.
families to come to Feldioara. However, the With increasing out-migration to West Germany,
systematization process is not directly con- there are now half as many Saxons as there
cerned with industry per se, but only with were in 1945. A low birth rate has resulted in
establishing "the most suitable places for the a rapidly aging and declining population,
location of industries.., and for the further- presently numbering about 500. The declining
ance of rational long-term economic develop- Saxon population has been replaced by
ment of all the zones and localities" [17]. The Romanians, Hungarians, and Gypsies, who
village main street should, in a few years, have migrated to Feldioara because of its work
begin to resemble a minor metropolis, with opportunities. Furthermore, Romania - like
more and more buildings of a nonresidential most East European countries - has exper-
character, more transport links than already ienced a marked drop in both mortality and
exist, and "blocs" of light-green apartments fertility, in spite of a 1967 law making abortion
at the edge of "town." The village main street and divorce difficult. This low overall fertility
is now actually two one-way streets separated means that the population growth that has
by a twenty-meter-wide common. With occurred in the community has been due
accelerating wagon and vehicular traffic (cars, largely to in-migration of young families rather
trucks, tractors, bikes), villagers are beginning than to internal growth.
to understand that the only safe place to walk The number of strangers in the village is
is on the sidewalk. a matter of continuing discussion among long-

time residents, who resent the fact that much and professionals such as doctors, priests, and
of the neighborhood character of Feldioara is teachers. While their numbers are small - per-
vanishing and that an increasing urbanism haps no more than thirty-five - and while
brings with it increasing sanitation problems, many of them have been residents in the
bar-room brawls, and petty crime. At a 1974 village for more than a decade, the "locals"
political meeting I attended, in which the consider them still to be venetici and view
"demographic problem" was the first order of them with some degree of suspicion. If we
business, many residents complained about the consider the local elite in 1974 - the mayor
"bad element" in town and called for more (who by law is also the party leader), the
"law and order" (securitate) in dealing with vice-m:~yor, the president of the collective
troublemakers. Local leaders also expressed (cooperative) farm, the chief of the consumer
their concern about the kind of people coming cooperative, the three doctors, the police chief,
into the village, hoping that they would be the school principal, the assistant party leader,
conscientious citizens. The villagers consider and the party youth leader - we find that not
it a matter of common knowledge that any- one of them was born in the village of Feldioara.
thing bad that happens is due to the venetici, In 1975, locally born residents occupied three
the "aliens," who are destroying the civic such positions: assistant party leader, party
character and reputation of Feldioara. youth leader, and vice-mayor. In October 1973,
Tn reality, who are these "aliens"? The first according to official statistics, there were 270
thirty or so families of poor shepherd Roma- individuals from other communes living in
nians arrived right after the war to take over Feldioara, a figure representing mostly the
the houses and farms of the ousted "kulaks" redi~t immigrants rather than temporary
(chiaburi). (These kulaks were rich peasants, workers. In contrast, only 65 Feldioarans were
mostly Saxons, having over twenty hectares listed as living outside the village.
of land.) Subsequently, most of these volun-
tary migrants, encouraged by the state, re- Economic Component
turned to their mountain villages. Another
group has come from Moldavia, the most As in all rural communities in Romania,
underdeveloped area of Romania; a few joined" agricultural production has played the prime
the cooperative farm, but most work in the economic role in Feldioara. The German
Bra~ov industrial centers. Many of these new colonists who originally settled the area were
in-migrants (whom I shall call from now on probably attracted by the high fertility of the
"migrants") are Gypsies or Hungarian-speaking land, some of the best in the country. Farmers
peoples (Magyars), and, as minorities, are also benefited from the proximity of the
looked down upon by the locally born Feldi- Bra~ov market, and, by the 1880s, from the
oarans ("locals"), whether Saxon or Romanian. establishment of a refinery for their sugar-
There are also several hundred temporary beets. Today, grains, sugarbeets, and potatoes
workers who are employed seasonally on the are the main crops.
cooperative farm or the construction site; these Because of its agricultural importance and
are mostly young males, also from Moldavia, the availability of expropriated land from the
who live in barracks in the village during the kulaks, Feldioara was one of the first villages
peak labor periods and then return home. to undergo cooperativization of agriculture in
Finally, the most important category of 1950, a process completed in 1959 [18]. Each
migrants are those occupying powerful posi- of the cooperative farms boasts a small private
tions in local government and economic con- plot on which to grow root crops or maize;
cerns, agricultural and industrial technicians, but private agriculture remains negligible.

Feldioara also supports a State Farm, devoted Municipal services are supplied by the three
chiefly to dairying and fodder crops, which schools (nursery, elementary, and academic
employs about 150 salaried workers. This high school), a library, a pharmacy, a culture
compares with the cooperative farm, whose house used for meetings, dances, or films, a
250 active (high season) members (350 are On post and telegraph office, a dispensary with
the books) are paid in cash and kind. Those two doctors and a dentist, and the local govern-
who are not members of the cooperative - ment consisting of mayor, vice-mayor, town
for example, the skilled technicians or day clerk, and two secretaries. There are no
laborers - are paid only in cash. specialized Communist Party workers.
Every season, especially when the pay goes In summarizing the economic activities of
down because of a poor harvest, members of the people of Feldioara, one must keep in
the cooperative farm are siphoned off by the mind its agricultural productivity, its central
higher cash wage industrial units nearby, or position relative to rural industry, and its prox-
by the factories of Bra~ov city. Despite old imity to Bra~ov, all of which serve to make
plant, poor working conditions, and low the village attractive to some migrants as one
salaries, factory work is a realistic choice for "step" in the move to the large urban centers
many of the locals, who can either supplement of the area.
their income from the cooperative farm or get The various economic groups can be
a family member to replace them. Meanwhile, categorized according to their natal origins.
most of the migrants to Feldioara work in the We can start with the native born Feldioarans,
industrial plants. About one-half of the work the "locals." The cooperative farm employs
force is employed in industries located outside mostly elderly males and females who are paid
the commune of Feldioara, practically all of in grain, cash, and pensions. The work force
them in the city of Bra~ov. Of these commuters, varies seasonally, and the women are most
more than 25 percent are women. affected by the winter layoffs. Younger
The village itself also contains a local food- Feldioarans, both male and female, work
processing industry for meat and pastries, and either in local industry or commerce, or com-
the ten or so workers in this sector also provide mute to Bra~ov. A number of women work in
food to other communes in the area. One o f the service sector - in shops, schools, or offices.
the systematization plans, in fact, is to enlarge The migrants are employed mostly in the
this food-processing sector. The other local industrial plants outside the village, at the
industries and commerce (Feldioara has over construction site, or as day laborers on the
twenty retail or service establishments) general- cooperative farm. A large proportion are un-
ly employ locally born residents, especially married males, or males without their families.
women. These include two taverns which serve In addition, several of the administrative and
food and drink, a coffee shop, two cafeterias professional positions are held by migrants
(for the students and farm workers), a grocery (mayor, police chief, doctors, priests, school
store, a hardware store, a clothing shop, a principal), although some of these have lived
furniture shop, a gas station, a book store, a in the village for many years.
bank, a credit union, a barbershop/beauty Finally, there are a certain number of
salon, a bakery, a photographer, a shoemaker, workers who commute t o Feldioara, and no
a tailor, electricians, carpenters, bricklayers, doubt this phenomenon contributes to its
and two kiosks. An association of the stores urban character. These include industrial and
and services for the fifteen surrounding villages commercial workers, who live in nearby vil-
is called the consumer cooperative and has its lages, and also a significant number o f intel-
regional headquarters and clerical staff in ligentsia - administrators, teachers, engineers,
Feldioara. etc. who live in the city of Bra~ov. In 1974

over half the teachers, the mayor, and the The shift to nonagricultural employment
chief of the consumer cooperative lived in preceded the systematization of Feldioara.
Bra~ov. But in 1975 a law requiring the mayor But the second major change, directly attribut-
to live in the village was enacted, and the com- able to the planners, is the centralization of
muter mayor, not wanting to leave Bra~ov, economic functions. Several years previously,
resigned and was replaced by the vice-mayor. the village cooperative farms were joined to-
It can readily be seen that the state did not gether into commune-wide units. The admin-
really have to invest much in the village in istrative reorganization of villages in 1968
order to declare it a town. The plans do call, made the commune the governing unit. In
however, for the service and administrative 1973 the consumer cooperatives of twelve
centralization of Feldioara, so that people villages (over 150 stores) were combined into
from surrounding villages will come there for a larger unit with headquarters in Feldioara.
health care, bureaucratic dealings, jobs, and This centralization of administrative and
higher education. On the completion of the economic functions will tend to differentiate
construction site, a minerals factory will Feldioara from surrounding communities even
provide more jobs. Systematization is certainly further, just as the fact that it is a place people
not causing a shift to nonagricultural employ- are commuting t o has begun to sever its
ment in the village, but it is accelerating it. formally egalitarian links with surrounding
For a member of the cooperative farm to leave villages, which take on the character of
for another job used to mean a daily commute satellites.
to Bra~ov. With the urbanization of the village,
increasing numbers of women have shifted Social Component
from agricultural work, with its advantage of
being at home, to higher income and more Even in its most traditional phase, a peasant
steady work in local commerce, services, or village can never be said to be socially homog-
light industry. enous. There are always complex, crosscutting
This occupational shift has already had an divisions among kin groups, neighborhoods,
effect on the productive capacity of the co- occupational statuses, sex and age units and
operative farm. As opportunities in industry, political factions. In Feldioara, the four ethnic
commerce, and service have opened up, many groups must also be taken into account, along
members have left the cooperative, and as the with the local, migrant, and commuting
original members have aged, the youth have populations.
not been taking their places. Most of the active I would suggest three broad variables that
members of the cooperative are in their fifties, can account for the nature of Feldioara's
and the largest numbers are not active members social organization under planned urban devel-
but pensioners. To compensate for this loss of opment. The first is demographic: higher
labor, the cooperative has had to import migrant population usually results in a shift from multi-
laborers from Moldavia at high daily wages. plex to simplex ties. The second is natal origin
Combined with faulty administration, poor and it aggravates the first: many of the residents
harvests, and a lack o f mechanization, this has are recent migrants or temporary residents, so
lowered the real income of the cooperative that the prior, informal means of social con-
farmers and alienated a significant number. trol, such as kinship, friendship, or mutual
Most of them talk of getting out when they residence, have atrophied. The third variable
can, or going on pension before they really is economic: the transition from village to
have to; many cannot even guess who will be town is defined by an urban socioeconomic
working Feldioara's farmlands ten years from structure founded on nonagricultural employ-
now. ment, increasing commercial and service activ-

ities, a more formal administrative apparatus, Obviously, the locally born residents have a
and a more stratified class/status hierarchy. much better chance of maximizing this strategy
With the three variables in mind, the various than the migrants, who are members of young,
groups I have mentioned can be considered nuclear families committed to industrial labor.
internally (e.g., as relations within a kin group) The migrant families cannot approach the
or externally (as relations between kin groups). social and economic adaptability that charac-
Regarding the kinship organization in Feldioara, terizes the local Feldioara families. The in-
the advent of industrialization and the "citifica- creased opportunities available to the native-
tion" of the village may have changed the char- born residents will no doubt accentuate their
acter o f relations among kinsmen superficially, economic advantages over the migrants, and
but at a deeper level the strong ties between for some extended families there may even
generations, between siblings, and even be- occur the classic division of economic func-
tween inlaws remain. The advent of industrial tions into nuclear family units. There are signs
opportunities, the effects of commuting and of this economic separation in the young
urban residence have chiefly affected the building their own houses, or keeping larger
younger generation, especially the males. As proportions of their cash income for conspic-
John Cole has pointed out, industrialization uous consumption. Still, at crucial periods -
has led to a variety of extended family strate- when there is need for cash, for labor, or on
gies whereby this type of kin group (i.e., ritual occasions - the young will come to the
father, his spouse, one or more married sons, aid of the family patriarch, as will his siblings
and their families) will try to maximize all the and in-laws. For the migrants, whose kin may
resources at its disposal [191. This means that be hundreds of miles away, family members
one member can work on the cooperative farm, are under more pressure to bring in cash,
with access to the private plot and other co- despite the fact that many of these families
operative facilities, while an older family consist of only two adults and several young
member can be at home taking care o f the children. Not having any private production,
house, animals, garden, babysitting, and often without gardens, and without any close
possibly collecting a pension. Other family kin ties in the area, these young families must
members can be employed in industry, either obtain all commodities and services with cash.
locally or in the city. Another member of the The mother is often forced te work, and
household can attend a higher education insti- children and household suffer.
tution and later on provide other essential Social relations between occupational groups
services to the extended family. It should be are being transformed by the changing economic
stressed that this extended family strategy character of Feldioara and by the kinds of
may transcend the residential situation of the people taking new jobs. For village communi-
family. The spate of housebuilding in Romania ties in a complex society, there is typically a
- a consequence of rising cash incomes - has grudging complementary relationship between
led to more nuclear family residences, but not the agriculturalists, the craftsmen, the shop-
necessarily to more ~uclear family households, keepers, and the local elite. While under social-
if we define households as production and con- ism the ownership of productive resources has
sumption units. This explains why statistics been transferred to the state, the access to re-
concerning the number of nuclear vs. extended sources has not passed out of local hands. For
family residences would be misleading, especial- locally born residents, their sphere of relations
ly those derived from village registers, because is still a social sphere, and their friends are
tax laws make it advantageous for a household often working at the same occupations as they
to appear nuclear. are: the elderly and the women who work on

the cooperative farm are neighbors, friends, will obviously bring in more commercial ad-
and kin; the workers in local industries have ministrators and working-class individuals
continuous contact both on and off the job. while reducing the agricultural population of
Both agricultural and industrial workers seek the village; and this shift in the occupational
to maintain good relationships with each structure is a shift in the class/status hierarchy
other, and with the local shopkeepers, who in the village.
are ostensibly under the jurisdiction of the An important aspect of the urbanization of
consumer cooperative but have wide discretion Feldioara is the changing character of relations
in dispensing their goods and services. For the between the s e x e s and the age groups. The
locals, these contacts may be made during ideological and economic needs of Romania
work, through intermediaries, by visiting each have made strong inroads into the traditional
other at home, or at the local taverns. For the concept of women's work, and many women
migrants, however, these social links have not are now employed in industry, commute to
been developed, and they are forccd to frequent Bra~ov, and occupy such high positions as
the local bar in order to get access to or obtain doctor, agricultural engineer, and accountant.
needed goods and services. Most of the commercial jobs are held by women,
Certain occupational groups are quite and they comprise the majority of the active
isolated from the social life of the village - the members of the cooperative farm. Still, this
day laborers at the cooperative farm, the con- does not match the opportunities available to
struction site workers, and those who commute males. The high number of women on the
daily to Bra~ov. As expected, these are mostly cooperative farms (60 percent throughout
new arrivals, and many know only each other, Romania) is more an indication of the low
sticking to their own contacts without making sta~tus and low pay of agricultural work than
any significant inroads into the local social of occupational advance or greater freedom.
network. As noted, Feldioarans generally hold In her discussion of developments in Czecho-
these Moldavians, Hungarians, and Gypsies in slovakia, Hilda Scott has also pointed out that
low regard both because of their low status most of the industrial jobs held by women are
occupations and because of the ethnic groups of the unskilled type, and that higher status
they represent. If increasing in-migration occurs doctors and teachers do not earn as much as
under the systematization o f Feldioara, these skilled industrial workers [201. These findings
prejudices may well be aggravated. seem to apply to Romania. Generally more
The highest occupational statuses are held women work closer to home than men, in the
by those who control the cooperative farm, fields and shops, and for this reason are able
the consumer cooperative, the political to maintain closer social ties with other villagers.
apparatus, and the doctors, engineers, and Several Romanian sociologists have remarked
school teachers. Like elites everywhere, they on how the changes in occupation and urban
generally try to interact only among them- living have transformed the women's economic
selves and minimize contact with the agricul- role in the family, givingher more independence
tural and industrial workers. Yet the status in disposing of her cash income and greater
differentials are not very well marked: while equality with the husband in making decisions
they would always be addressed in the formal and dividing the housework [ 21 ]. Although
" y o u " form or by title ("Madame Doctor") Feldioara is still a village, its women are no
the doctor's house is not much different from exception, and as the village becomes more
that of a worker, although the doctor may be urbanized more women will become wage
the one with the car. laborers. F o r young women this is quite
The future systematization of Feldioara acceptable. However, in many households,

especially those with substantial gardens or a even the most senile are bought beer in the
number of useful animals, women taking up tavern by the younger men. Many of the young
wage labor would be counterproductive; the workers have parents who are cooperative
private household or cooperative farm plot farmers and they realize their parents' financial
produces a large portion of the household food dilemma; the parents, it follows, are pleased if
supply which would otherwise have to be paid their children are in well-paying nonagricultural
for with cash. occupations. This seems to conform with the
Social relations for both sexes are mediated aspirations of the youth: in our 1974 survey
through kin and neighbors and there are in of sixty-seven village school children aged
general no social clubs or associations for fifteen to nineteen, not one wanted to go into
either sex. The Saxon minority is an exception: agriculture, or even an agriculturally related
they have had a strong tradition of neighbor- occupation such as agronomy or veterinary
hood, church, and age groups, but their popu- medicine.
lation is both aging and declining rapidly. The For the youth who are not locally born,
local bar is not a nightly rite for most of the social life is limited to the dormitory at the
men in the village; even so, Romanians claim cooperative headquarters, to staying home
that Saxon men are less frequently at the bar and watching TV, or to frequenting the local
than the other ethnic groups. bar. The migrants are mostly young males, but
Informal youth activities are sometimes chances of forming strong ties with local
augmented by playing for the local handball males are slim, and with local females even
team, or by the Union o f Communist Youth slimmer. They generally steer clear of formal
(UTC), which holds intermittent dances and youth activities in the village, and are some-
field trips. Other than that, there are no official times intimidated by the locals, who view the
age groups. One byproduct of Feldioara's migrants as crude, rowdy, and drunkards.
secondary school, however, has been the Social relations among ethnic groups have
thirty or so boarding students who live in a been deeply affected by the changes that have
dormitory and mix with local residents during been taking place in Feldioara's ethnic com-
the school year. In the summer, the young position. The coming of poor Romanians,
people have an informal "discotheque," and Hungarians, and Gypsies to Feldioara and the
there are weekly films and the usual round of emigration of Saxons to West Germany has
wedding parties. Male and female locals who left a large complement of older, embittered
are unmarried get together for Saturday night Saxons. These older Saxons remember their
parties at the houses of their parents, where high prewar social status vis-fi-vis the Romanians,
those who may not have seen each other for in contrast to their postwar experiences, in-
the whole week (Romania having a six-day, cluding deportation to the USSR for all adults,
forty-eight-hour work week) can gossip. Several confiscation of land holdings, and having
of the "local" youth manage to schedule their boarders forced upon them until 1955. Then,
summer vacations together in order to go to as now, social relations between the two major
the Black Sea or on camping trips. About ethnic groups were reasonably friendly, with
thirty of these are students in Bra~ov or other some Saxon farmers acting as godparents for
cities and manage to get home occasionally. the children of their Romanian clients. In
The youth show no signs of segregating them- private, however, Saxon feelings about
selves from their parents or rebelling against Romanians have become quite negative, and
them. Most live at home in order to use their many of them long to go to West Germany
hard-earned money for clothes, tape recorders, where they can be reunited with their kin (both
or motorcycles. The aged are respected and familial and ethnic), and get access to sought-

after Western goods [22]. Romanians do not residential separation has broken down in the
seem to harbor too much animosity toward last several years, one can still point to con-
the Saxons, and in fact often refer to Saxon centrations of Saxons in the central area,
hard work, organizational ability, and indus- Romanians in the central and peripheral areas,
triousness. a Gypsy neighborhood of about twenty house-
However, Romanians are not so positively holds, and a Hungarian street of new houses
disposed toward the Magyar minority, whom built by the in-migrants as they arrived in
they perceive as violent. Within the Romanian recent years. While the center of the village is
group are the Moldavian migrants, who, al- frequently traversed by those availing them-
though they have slightly different clothing selves of village services, the peripheral areas
and accent, are looked down upon more for have specific economic and demographic
their low occupational status than for any characteristics that tend to isolate them
ethnic association. The Magyars, meanwhile, socially, The most conspicuous are the
see themselves as heirs to the great Austro- "temporary" residents at the construction
Hungarian tradition of civilization and char- site, living in rundown, barracks-like apart-
acterize the Romanians as uncivilized. At the ments that were once a German POW camp.
base of the ethnic pyramid are the Gypsies, These people, mainly Gypsies or Hungarians,
seen by the other groups as dirty, unskilled, are thus isolated as lower-class workers, as
lazy, overly fertile, but naturally musical and migrants, as ethnic minorities, and geographical-
always having money to spend. While public ly as well. They are gradually being moved into
relations between the first three groups are. the new apartment houses.
cordial, and between Gypsies and others p M i t e , . At the southern end of the village is a street
purely social contact is restricted to the m~m- • devoted mostly to old pensioners and widows
bers of one's own ethnic group. Although a whose children have moved up the hill or to
few interethnic marriages have occurred recent- the city of Bra~ov. The only available area for
ly, the code of conduct holds as much for the building new houses is at the west end of the
young people as for the old. village and the new migrants tend to cluster
While the systematization of Feldioara has there, rather than renting rooms from the
had no discernable effect on ethnic relation s pensioners in the empty houses in other neigh-
per se, the fact that the projected civic centdr borhoods. Other migrants live in the two
is populated by Saxon households means that apartment buildings, also at the fringe of the
they will be more affected by the plans than: village.
the Romanians, Magyars, or Gypsies, wh6 i{ve The uneven residential development has
outside this core. During people's council made the center and the western end of the
meetings, variants of the plans have been village desirable areas for higher income families
formulated that call for the future demolition and for new apartment houses. While neighbor-
of between eight and twelve Saxon houses in hoods in the social sense do not now exist
the center of the village to make room for a among the Romanians (but are strong among
new "commercial complex" of stores and the Saxons), increasing stratification may lead
offices. At present, these plans have been put to true neighborhood social relations or asso-
off the immediate agenda, but are still on the ciations as the village grows. If this uneven
ultimate planning dossier. development should continue, the conventional
In the past, one of the byproducts of ethnic city-like character of Feldioara will be con-
stratification in the village was the segregation firmed by the formation of certain ghetto-type
of ethnic groups in various residence units, areas signifying separation by age, economic
which were also social units. While this status, or ethnic group.

Party Membership in terms of kin, occupational, sex, age, ethnic,

residential, and political groupings. The final,
In any complex society, one may ask ques- and most important, aspect of social relations
tions about the social implications of political in the village is the opposition between the
activity in a community. In socialist Romania, locally born on the one hand, and the in-
this comes down to an analysis of the relations migrant and commuter groups on the other.
between members of the Romanian Communist And it is this aspect of village social organiza-
Party, the core of active members, and the tion that has been most affected by, and will
public. While I have no quantitative data as to have most effect on, the urban development
party membership, it is my impression that the of Feldioara. This opposition between the
vast majority of the villagers are not party native-born population and the newcomers
members (nationally only 20 percent of the permeates every aspect of village life.
adult population are, but that includes 60 per- The newcomers have a kin structure oriented
cent of the intelligentsia). Most village youth to nuclear families; they are most often un-
have ties with the party youth league, which skilled workers in local or Bra~ov industry; they
organizes social activities, excursions, and are typically young families, young single
intermittent youth brigades for community males, and very often of ethnic/regional groups
clean up or agricultural work. Further, most which have low social status in the eyes of
of those who are party members are members villagers. They live in different neighborhoods
in name only and generally do not take any of the village, which are described as run down.
active role in party functions. The meetings They are blamed for most of the failings o f
that take place regularly are the party chapter the agricultural cooperative: for creating short-
for the cooperative farm, and, more important- ages in the stores, for barroom brawls, and
ly, the party committee for the commune, even for assaulting village women at night.
which consists of representatives of party They occupy inferior status positions at work
chapters at the school, cooperative farm, con- and have little political power or social prestige.
sumer cooperative, and the industrial enter- Aside from mutual church and bar attendance,
prises in the commune. Party membership is they have no significant contact with the local
typical among the village elite and the intel- population. They can only fall back on them-
ligentsia, and more evident among the migrants. selves and their kin, who are also recent
About half the teachers are party members. migrants to a village in which they are made
Party meetings are not well attended, I am to feel as outsiders.
told, and are of little consequence other than Another group of migrants are the intelli-
to present party policy for approval by the gentsia, who regard themselves as alienated
membership. The "new class," mentioned so from many of the working-class locals, but
often by Djilas, seems to be more a product they at least have some kind of compensation
of bureaucratic position in the governmental in their social and economic status or political
hierarchy than of party activities. Since prac- power. These elite migrants typically compose
tically everyone in any high status position is themselves as a closed ingroup. A further
a party member already, party membership as category includes those who work in the village
a social marker is superfluous. but do not live there - the "commuters," who
interact with villagers and other commuters on
In summarizing the systematization of a daily basis.
Feldioara into an urban center, we have con- It is this composition of Feldioara's popula-
sidered here the effects of this process on the tion, crosscut into occupations, internal neigh-
social organization of the village, considered borhoods, and generating local/migrant/corn-

muter conflict, that has given Feldioara's social the village must also be secretary of the party
organization a distinctly urban cast, a cast committee. The three locales of Feldioara
that is most likely to harden under pressure of commune (Feldioara, Rotbav, and the colonia
future urbanization. Returning to the three at the brick factory) are unified only by their
key variables presented at the beginning of this administrative union, each having proportional
section, we can see that the demographic representation on the commune-wide people's
increase and the socioeconomic role differen- council. (In 1975, the number of delegates o n
tiation were part of the plan of systematization. the council was reduced by 70 percent; now
The tenuous relationship between the locally Feldioara commune has seventeen delegates.)
born, the migrants, and the commuters is an Feldioara's town hall serves as the center for
unintended result of this policy, but one the commune, so that civil documents, bureau-
which the planners could have foreseen. cratic directives, and property taxes flow in
and out of it. It also serves as the meeting
Political Component place for the executive committee of the
council, and for the bimonthly meetings of
Up to 1945, the political and economic the council itself. The leadership is composed
leaders of Feldioara were Saxons, especially of a mayor, who is often away from the village
two wealthy landowners. Although Romanians attending various political meetings around the
had been numerically superior even before the country; the vice-mayor, who has day-to-day
First World War (a 1910 census shows 1,200 control of the commune and often receives
Romanians, 1,000 Saxons, 200 Magyars, and visiting officials from Bra~ov (not to mention
50 Gypsies), the first Romanian mayor was visiting anthropologists); a town clerk; and
not elected until 1923, and he effectively two secretaries. Other important leaders with
remained under the control of the Saxons. quasi-formal political statuses are the president
Romania's fascist and conservative governments of the cooperative farm, a man who was earlier
of the interwar era, as well as political affilia- party chief, the party leader in the high school,
tions with Hitler's Germany during the war and the intelligentsia (teachers, principals,
years, solidified Saxon domination. Still, doctors). Finally, there are the leaders of the
Saxons needed the Romanian labor. P a t r o n - party youth organization, various influential
client ties combined with strong Saxon neigh- deputies on the people's council, and the two
borhood associations were the basis of priests, who are treated more as respected
Feldioara's political organization through the community citizens than as power wielders.
Second World War. Expulsion of prominent The various leaders try to keep things running
Saxons and the traumas of Romania's political smoothly for their own benefit, for that of
transformation into a socialist state with visiting officials, and for the local citizenry.
(ethnically) Romanian leadership led to a In order to do this they must keep in con-
considerable flux in the local political order tinuous contact with each other, since the
in the postwar period. Many of the prominent problems of the village are interrelated. For
Romanian leaders that could have taken the example, in the agricultural sector, nonagricul-
Saxons' places were either unavailable or un- tural workers have to be mobilized for work
suitable to the socialist structure. in the fields during peak labor periods; this
In analyzing the current political situation, task is usually handed to the president of the
it seems best to start with the formally recog- consumer cooperative, who will declare all the
nized political statuses, keeping in mind that shops closed for the day. On other occasions
such statuses are usually coterminous with teachers will go into the fields with their
party leadership. By a 1972 law the mayor of students for agricultural work or into the

village on clean-up brigades. He is still addressed as " m a y o r " (primar) by

What is most important to remember in the villagers. R. is often not seen in the village
looking at the leadership in Feldioara and how for weeks, since he may be off representing
it has been affected by urbanization is the the party or village at a national conference
character of the leaders themselves, in partic- or party school. I have no evidence that L.
ular if they are locally born, in-migrants, or was incompetent at his job - only that
nonresident commuters. Those who have held regional political circles considered it impor-
leadership positions have shifted from "local" tant to have a "higher" official in charge of
to "migrant" to "commuter," a transition that Feldioara, one tied residentially, politically,
has had the potential for stirring up local op- and socially to the city of Bra~ov.
position to the urban development of the
2. S. was the head of the consumer coopera-
village. Earlier I pointed out how practically
tive, the association of stores and craftsmen,
all of the elite positions in Feldioara were once
but apparently had had little experience run-
held by people not born in the village, although
ning the administration or financial end of the
some of these migrants (vice-mayor, police
organization. As part of systematization, the
chief, priest) had lived there for many years
consumer cooperatives of five communes were
and were bound by multiplex ties to the
merged into one organization, with Feldioara
citizens - as neighbors, as kin or ritual kin, as
as the administrative and distributing center.
fellow Saxons or Romanians, as farmers, and
To head the organization, P. was brought in,
as Feldioarans. By shifting leadership to those
a man with long-time administrative experience
with commuter status, the state apparatus
P. lives in Bra~ov and commutes daily to
probably hoped for more efficient and cen-
Feldioara in a chauffered car owned by the
tralized control of village affairs, unaffected
consumer cooperative. He is a good adminis-
by the vicissitudes of multiplex social obliga-
trator, well liked by his employees, and he
tions that both locals and migrants have to
sometimes attends people's council meetings.
contend with. Two examples o f this alteration
He has much say in the future commercial
in political leadership c a n b e given here:
development of the village.
1. After a series of short-lived mayors, L., a
migrant from a coastal city, became mayor in These two examples are indicative of a
1969. L. had married one of the local women change in political leadership. Not surprisingly,
and had lived in the village since the 1950s. In the establishment of simplex ties has led to a
1973, as Fetdioara was on the verge of the first degree of alienation from the leadership. The
stage of its systematization, L. was replaced confidence that the citizens have in their
by R., a man high in the regional party orga- leaders, and the leaders' effectiveness in getting
nization and living in the city of Bra~ov. R. things done will be important factors in
commutes daily to Feldioara but does little Feldioara's future urbanization. The replace-
day-to-day administration, although he does ment of key local political/economic figures
conduct meetings of the people's council. by others more fully connected, and defined
Villagers consider him an om politic, a "polit- by, the centralized state apparatus is an indica-
ical man," rather than a civic leader, and he tion of the-lrhportance the state attaches to
has developed no close social ties with anyone the systematization process. Outside leaders
in Feldioara. are the means by which state control is con-
Meanwhile, the former mayor, L., has been solidated, while local control is subverted.
demoted to vice-mayor, but he carries out his It is also important to note that inadequate
administrative-duties much as he has before. knowledge o f local conditions on the part of

leaders is often cited officially as the excuse spirit of "democratic centralism," factional
for local failure in some plan or policy action. disputes of a long-term nature are resolved,
During 1975 there were news articles on this but usually in the interests of the larger
subject and, later on, directives stated that regional or national polity. It is too early to
certain local intelligentsia - in this case the gauge the effects of the new election laws,
engineers for the agricultural cooperative - which not only require candidates to live in
would now be required to live in the villages their districts but often have two candidates
in which they worked. This was a major step running against each other for the same posi-
in reversing the commuter-elite phenomenon, tion (and there are fewer positions available).
changing them into migrant-elite. In Feldioara, four of the nine deputies are in-
This alienation from the local leadership is migrants.
often clear at the bimonthly meetings of the The village council meetings may take on
people's council, usually attended by between added importance as Feldioara is subjected to
twenty and fifty deputies, plus other invited further planning and implementation as it
persons. These meetings are intended to pro- becomes an urban center. Already, some of
vide an opportunity for people to debate the the local leaders appear to be sympathetic to
directives of the executive council of the com- citizen concern about the changes (real and
mune, but in reality they are used to propa- projected) in the community. These citizens
gandize and approve the party/state directives have asked the leaders such questions as: "How
for the village. The political ritualization reveals will the building of apartments in Feldioara
itself in poor attendance, and local people benefit us? .... What kind of people are coming
consider them anywhere from a joke to a waste into our community? .... Why has there been
of time. The debates range from downright such a rise in street littering, burglary, and
silence to emotional tirades by local citizens petty crime? .... Why hasn't the supply of goods
protesting a myriad of social woes, which only in the stores kept up with population growth?"
serve to highlight feelings of helplessness, All these questions are common in any com-
apathy, and futility. Meanwhile, even if the munity that is undergoing "development," and
village leadership was inclined to contradict only time will tell whether the political leader-
central directives and mobilize village resistance, ship will side with local interests, the planners'
the local organs are powerless to do so. From directives, or will be forced to mediate between
the standpoint of the elite, which is appointed them. Again, although the new election laws
(or nominated) by the regional authority rather seem to recognize the importance of these
than by the villagers, there would not be much local interests, by reducing the number of
sense in siding against the regional or national deputies the localities may become subject to
bureaucracy anyway. more control.
This does not mean that the village has no
political clout at the regional or national levels, Ritual and Leisure
only that there is no formal, unified body of
local officials standing up to state policy. Another way of looking at the changes
Romanian national policy has been changed, wrought by systematization is to investigate
but apparently only when there was massive, the sphere of ritual activity. One would expect
countrywide opposition to a specific policy, that an urbanizing village would retain some
or when the national implications of certain of its traditional ceremonies, and this has
local policies dictated revision. Local problems definitely been the case with the Saxon minority
are solved by bureaucratic directives rather of Feldioara, who, despite their declining pop-
than by dispute-settling organizations. In the ulation, celebrate various seasonal rituals and

life-cycle rites (such as baptisms, weddings, several directions of change have been pointed
and funerals), while dressed in folk costume. out. Another aspect of change, for which data
Life-cycle rites are being affected to some are incomplete, is diffusion of information. In
degree by the urbanization of the village, conjunction with its new urban status, Feldioara
chiefly because of increased transportation to will start its own local weekly "gazette;" it
the city of Bra~ov, which has resulted in a already has a weekly half-hour of radio time
change in the location of such ceremonies from for local broadcasts. Interestingly, even the
village to city. Thus several weddings where local radio program is run by a commuter.
both the bride and groom were local residents
were celebrated at hotels in Bra~ov. This is also Cognitive Component
true o f some baptisms, where the family may A final component o f the village cultural
be able to have the party at a house or restau- system is what may be called the cognitive
rant in the city. However, it should be noted component - specifically, the beliefs and
that a family reunion in the village is often attitudes villagers have about their transformed
preferred by the city people. Now, if Feldioara's social and natural environment. What concerns
facilities are improved - and a new culture us here are those attitudes which may be
house is indeed due to be completed in 1976 - related to the process of systematization.
the trend of city wedding and baptism parties There seems to be considerable variation in
may be reversed. hb.w Feldioarans view this process. Long before
Tile use of leisure time in the future may I arrived, most people had heard that Feldioara
also reflect the changing urban nature of was going to be declared a town "one of these
Feldioara. Increased cash income has provided days," but were skeptical about the state's
well over half the households with their o w n ability to affect any real change. This skepticism
television sets, which the other half may be even came out in the terminology used: Feldioara
invited to watch in the evenings or on Sundays. was not going to become a full-fledged town
The culture house also receives two films a (oras), but an orasel, the diminuitive form.
week, mostly American-made Westerns or A major subject of conversation has been
gangster films, and this provides an outlet for the increasing number of aliens, and the
many of the migrant youth who have neither problems they are said to have caused in terms
TV nor strong social ties with locals. The two of crime and bar-room brawls, taking jobs
bars have become hangouts for many of the .away from locals, buying up the products of
migrants, while the local youth have their own the stores, and so on. Several times I heard
dances and private parties. Summers usher in remarks by older residents about how when
outdoor activities, and it seems likely that the " t h e y " move in "there goes the neighborhood,"
evening promenade so characteristic of where " t h e y " meant either the newcomers or
Romanian cities may become a major institu- the groups from which they came. National
tion as Feldioara's urban center grows and a character stereotypes usually provide the vil-
third caf~ is built. The promenade type of lager with a vivid picture of these prospective
leisure activity is particularly pronounced on neighbors, none of it appealing. One hears
summer Sunday afternoons, when everyone complaints about not knowing one's neighbors
sits outside, walks around the central commons, anymore, and about the necessity to keep the
or heads for the coffee house. front gate locked (although everyone hides the
At present, however, we can discern no key in the same places), and to keep to one's
change in ritual patterns or leisure activities own business. The migrants have their own
that may be directly attributed to the planned conception of the local Feldioarans as gossips,
urban development of Feldioara, although lazy, snobbish, and unfriendly.

Categorizations about the economic life the changes will have a positive or negative
revolve around the nonviability of agriculture effect on the attitudes of those who live in the
as an occupation, although many young people village.
have insisted to me that if only agriculture paid Thus far we have conceived of the cultural
well, they would be willing to work for the system of Feldioara as analyzable into several
cooperative farm. Commuting to work in interacting components: the geographic,
Bra~ov usually means two hours a day, including demographic, economic, social, political, ritual,
walking to and from Feldioara's train station leisure, and cognitive. We have seen that the
and the work place station, and waiting time. planned urban conversion of Feldioara has had
Many citizens, despite their criticisms, realize or will probably have some effect on each
that Feldioara has become a reasonably attrac- component, and more importantly, on the
tive place to live. The local youth share this way the components interact systematically.
view, no matter what plans they may have for But the planned urbanization of a village
the future. In 1973, only seventy-five Feldioarans affects not only that village (an assumption
were listed as living outside the village, about that limits many anthropological analyses of
half of these in Bra~ov city. The state hopes "changing village communities") but also the
that the advantage of a rural town with urban hinterland of villages which surround it, and
facilities will outweigh the attraction of the touches all aspects of social life in these and
large cities. Still, the "administrative measures" other villages as well. Thus, before concluding,
(such as the internal passport) have been main- some of the results and prospects for systemat-
tained in part to help control unrestricted ization at the supralocal level will be described.
migration into the hard-pressed cities.
The variety of opinions about village vs.
city life are reflected in a questionnaire ad- SYSTEMATIZATION IN FELDIOARA: REGIONAL
ministered to sixty-seven secondary school AND NATIONAL IMPLICATIONS
(age 1 5 - 1 8 ) students in Feldioara during 1974
[23]. Asked whether they would prefer to Spatial Component
settle in the village or the city after they
finished their education, 28 said they would The intended macro-effect of the plan to
prefer the village, 21 mentioned Bra~ov or convert Feldioara into an urban center is to
another city, 2 mentioned living abroad, and revamp the urban/rural hierarchy in the region
11 couldn't decide or had no answer. These north of Bra~ov. The choice of Feldioara
responses take on more significance in view of becomes quite obvious when one looks at a
the fact that the sample includes those who map. Bra~ov, a city of 200,000, is surrounded
aspire to high-status occupations and have by satellite towns ranging in size from 8,000
stayed in school beyond the minimum age. to 20,000. All these towns have some industry,
These students would normally be inclined but by and large they serve as dormitory com-
toward the city. But if the systematization munities for the thousands who commute to
policy succeeds, the percentage of those pre- Bra~ov daily, most residents being unable to
ferring Feldioara should increase. Feldioara's find housing in the city itself. These towns
advantages are perceived by the students, and surround Bra~ov to the south, west, and north-
by others, as environmental ("free" air, no west, and the growth of Feldioara will provide
pollution), social (one's friends and relatives a satellite town and help complete the circle
are here), and economic (living at home is around Bra~ov. Feldioara is the nearest settle-
cheap). Only further surveys as the systemat- ment due north of Bra~ov that lies on a main
ization process continues will tell us whether road, on a railroad line, has local industry, and

is in an area devoid of any other urban centers. residents. In the distant future, with more
Moreover, its large population and the new rapid transport or widespread use of private
mineral-extraction plant make it an ideal cars, one can imagine the village becoming a
candidate for conversion into a town. town for Bra~ov's middle classes, a kind of
Just as Bra~ov serves as a higher order central Romanian bedroom suburb.
place for the surrounding towns in the region,
Feldioara will become a central place for the Economic Component
surrounding five communes (eighteen villages
all together), providing special economic, In the area of production and consumption
social, and political services for a total popula- activities, Feldioara already has primacy in
tion of 28,000. Equal development of all of that it has several industrial factories, a small
Romania's 13,000 villages is not possible, given food-processing industry, and a machine tractor
the current emphasis on the development of station for its cooperative farm. It has recently
heavy industry. Because of its importance, become the administrative and distributive
Feldioara has already had a priority claim in center for the regional consumer cooperative.
the allocation of the state's limited resources. As a center for a network of well over 150
As Feldioara prospers into a small-scale eco- shops and service establishments, Feldioara's
nomic, social, and administrative center, urban function is being enhanced, as is its
planners have publically listed those villages ability to gain priority goods. It is also acquiring
that will have a "limited" spatial development, services that the surrounding villages cannot
as well as those that will be phased out. support because of their low population or
poor location. Centralization of services and
The DemographicComponent the addition of other economic enterprises are
further differentiating the village from the sur-
Because of its geographical primacy over rounding hinterland in terms of occupational
other communes in planning, and its location stratification and demographic heterogeneity.
near local industry and transport links to Of no small importance is the fact that
Bra~ov, the differences in population between Feldioara has now become a place that other
Feldioara and the surrounding villages will no people commute to, partially displacing the
doubt be accentuated as it arrives at urban key industrial center of Bra~ov. Feldioara's
status. Feldioara will become demographically large daytime population of commuting
like any other town in relation to its rural workers and students gives it a distinctive
hinterland: fertility will be lower, the rate o f urban character, and thus an economically
in-migration higher, there will be more non- privileged position relative te other villages,
agricultural workers, a younger, more hetero- which will not be able to regain parity without
genous population occupationally, and in its a massive reallocation o f economic and social
particular case, because o f the higher in-migra- resources by the state.
tion of non-Saxons, a different ethnic compo- Romanian villages have had a long tradition
sition when compared to the surrounding poly- of individual autonomy and rivalry, and, in
ethnic villages. Moreover, Feldioara will serve the B•rsei country around Bra~ov, where the
as a temporary stopping place in the "step- villages are relatively large and far apart, a high
migration" from rural village to urban metrop- degree of village endogamy. The primacy of
olis. Many people will be transients, waiting Feldioara means that a conception of social
for legal permission or housing space in Bra~ov superiority may arise on the part of Feldioarans,
city and will not have as great a vested interest particularly in relation to the other village in
in the community as the more permanent Feldioara's commune, and the colonia at the

brick factory, and to villages in other communes It is interesting to note that while such
served by Feldioara. As Feldioara grows larger economic units as the cooperative farm and
and more complex, as an increasing number of the consumer cooperative have been formally
its daytime population is composed of migrants consolidated, the administrative organization
and commuters, the kinds of social interactions of the region remains at the level of the com-
between Feldioarans and these outsiders will mune, with nothing intermediary between the
tend to be of the simplex type - as fellow commune people's council and the Bra~ov
worker on the job, as fellow Romanian, county people's council, which represents the
Hungarian, or Gypsy, as shopkeeper to forty-three communes, nine towns, and Bra}ov
customer, or as strangers. The services that city, a total population of about 500,000. With
Feldioara has will necessitate visits by other the creation of new urban centers and new
villagers in which Feldioarans will be expected hinterlands, some kind of accommodation will
to distribute equitably certain products or have to be reached between those villages that
services. Feldioarans' access to increased are not going to be urbanized and those that
economic and political power, and their special are. This might be a formally designated
status in the eyes of the planners (not always regional political council that is above the
an advantage, of course) may lead to changes commune level but below the county level.
in social relations between Feldioarans and Without such a political forum, intervillage
others. On the few occasions that Feldioarans relations will take on a new, more competitive
are in other villages, they will often be in character, and the role of Feldioara as a center
positions of superior authority (as doctors, that serves rather than exploits its surrounding
administrators, or service people) or they will , hinterland will be less effective.
be distributing economic goods and may tend
to act capriciously, further harming the village's Ritual and Leisure
reputation in the eyes of its neighbors. Thus,
from the standpoint of intervillage social rela- The conversion of Feldioara into a regional
tions, we can expect that the majority of inter- urban center will probably not affect the tra-
actions will be among relative strangers who d i t i o n a l ritual activities, such as religious
are bound by simplex bonds only, and o f t e n , . festivals or life-cycle rites, in other villages.
the Feldioaran will be holding the political or One can speculate, however, that as a political
economic purse strings. center Feldioara may also become a center
for certain political rituals, such as May Day,
Political Component Liberation Day, or International Women's Day.
Traveling exhibits and speakers will no doubt
Since the political and economic orders are stop at Feldioara rather than other less populous
so tightly bound in socialist Romania, we can and more isolated villages, and Feldioara's
expect the urban growth o f Feldioara under politically symbolic role may increase.
state planning to have its political ramifications, Another consequence of urbanization is the
chiefly because of the administrative centraliza- decline of traditional ceremony among the
tion of the village. Feldioarans will increasingly local people. This may also occur in the hinter-
be making decisions (or be the object of deci- land population as the villages lose their indi-
sions) that directly affect the quality of life viduality (due to increasing immigration
in the surrounding villages, and, priorities transport and communication) and become
being centered on Feldioara, most of these oriented toward Feldioara or to the city of
decisions will tend to favor it over other Bra~ov. The whole region has been experiencing
villages. in-migration for some time - all of the villages

along the rail lines and highways are attracting the village. But there is a larger regional identity
migrants - which serves to decrease the number inherent in being from the B~rsa country (a
of people familiar with the local customs and group of thirteen villages around Bra~ov, near
further contributes to a loss of village individ- the B~rsa river) and from the Bra~ov district as
uality. Villages become agglomerations of rural a whole. In soccer-addicted Romania, there is
proletarians whose major activities take place a strong allegiance to the Bra~ov city team
outside the village setting. because they are "al n o s t r u " (one of us) while
Thus, if Feldioara is endowed with a the local football team is not that important.
restaurant and tourist complex, a sports arena, Perhaps the day Feldioara acquires its own
and an expanded culture house for films, big-time soccer club will be the day it really
dances, and plays, it could become a leisure- becomes a town in the eyes of its residents.
time center for the surrounding villages as well. Bra~ov, just twenty minutes by bus or train,
These other villages would then become virtual is referred to as "oras" (the city) by Feldioarans.
dormitories. Obviously, the rise of a new urban center
(albeit small at 7,000) will change the rural
Cognitive Component perception of the environment as either city
or countryside. If one means Bra~ov when one
The most noticeable change is in the realm says oras today, then perhaps one day that
of village stereotypes, and particularly in the term will come to connote Feldioara.
perception of Feldioarans by immigrants and An ultimate shift in cognitive patterns may
nonresidents. The Feldioaran is seen to have develop in relation to national identity.
obtained superior advantages - fertile land, Feldioara will be, to outsiders as well as to
industrial income, transport - without having locals, a manifestation of the state's plan to
earned them through hard work. People of develop Romania "multilaterally" (the official
various occupations and ethnic groups from word), and as such will serve to carry the
the surrounding villages think of Feldioarans natibn-building propaganda to the rural dwellers
as lazy, while Feldioarans feel the same about in a new and exciting way. This will continue,
those from other villages, where the land is of course, as long as the urbanization of
less fertile and industrial opportunities not as Feldioara is seen as desirable by the residents
widespread. Feldioarans are conceived as being and those villagers from the surrounding area
clannish, standoffish, and are imagined to ~ h o visit or work in Feldioara.
gossip behind your back. On top of these
regional identities is superimposed the stereo-
typed ethnic wisdom about Saxons, Romanians,
Hungarians, and Gypsies. Village and ethnic This paper has been a detailed account of
stereotypes have become intertwined because the planned urban transformation of a Romanian
many of the surrounding villages have large village into a small town designed to serve as
complements of one or another ethnic group, economic, social, and administrative center to
and many of the migrants are not Transylvanian a network of villages. This systematization is
Romanians but Moldavians, Hungarians, and part of a coordinated national plan aimed at
Gypsies. developing Romania's rural economic potential
A further change may become evident in by restructuring its urban/rural hierarchy. We
the relationship between village and regional have looked at the wide-ranging effects of this
identity. Since the commune system is solely process on the components of the village
administrative (and very recently created), cultural system, defined as spatial, demographic,
there is no commune identity to rival that o f economic, social, political, ritual, leisure, and

The urbanization of the village has begun to them - Feldioara - becomes urban.
differentiate the settlement pattern, resulting Certain stresses have also been examined in
in a central business district and various distinct, detail, many of these in both the village and
ranked neighborhoods. Nonagricultural eco- regional systems revolve around three axes:
nomic opportunities, the expansion of com- (1) the economic and political centralization
mercial and service centers, and the increasing of Feldioara; (2) the consequent heterogeneity
centralization of economic and administrative of population in the form of new migrants or
functions have all contributed to this process. commuters to the village; and (3) the social
Extensive in-migration o f Romanian, Hungarian, and political position of these nonresidents in
and Gypsy workers, combined with continuing relation to the locals. One thing is certain,
Saxon out-migration, has increased occupational however: Feldioara is rapidly losing certain
and ethnic heterogeneity, stimulated social features that made it a village and is rapidly
friction between the native-born and in- developing that complex of features associated
migrants, and is reflected along the whole with urbanism - increased population size and
circumference of these social relations. In density, a nonagricultural work force, social
most urban areas the most recent migrants to heterogeneity, a higher density of role relation-
the city occupy the lowest socioeconomic ships and more simplex ties, and some sort of
statuses. In Feldioara, both the lowest and the administrative recognition of these traits by
highest socioeconomic statuses are the province the state. It should be emphasized that it is not
of migrants, and the village is partly administered the quantity of people or enterprises that makes
by a commuter elite which lives in Bra~ov. thisyillage city-like, but the " c o m p l e x i t y " of
Political power has been and is being concen- • demographic, economic, social, and political
trated in people who are more aloof from characteristics. These characteristics are by no
Feldioara's life style and less subject to local means viewed benignly by all the residents.
control. This is regrettable, since it is just at The large number of strangers, the petty crime,
these crucial periods of change that locally and the late afternoon shopping crowds are
based leadership that can see what is going on distinctly negative phenomena. But other
is most needed. Ritual and leisure-time activi- changes are eagerly awaited, and a recent letter
ties have also changed somewhat, along with from Feldioara tells me proudly that when I
the cognitive apprehension of village life. Con- return to the village, the whole place will look
sidered as part of an open cultural system, the like a construction site.
components of Feldioara are being affected by Furthermore, it must be noted that many
the outside stimuli of systematization, and of the changes I have pointed out are not
these components are in turn affecting each solely the result of planned, socialist citifica-
other. While strains have begun to show in the tion, but of a wider, less conscious "Western"
social life of the village, and in the villagers' transformation related to the sheer imperatives
attitudes, any statement about an urban crisis of industrialization, "modernization," and the
in Feldioara would be premature. The village migration of peasants to cities (what we usually
system seems to be moving toward a new call urbanization). Other shifts may be wholly
homeostasis at a higher level, somewhere be- idiosyncratic to Feldioara itself, having nothing
tween a village and a full-fledged town. to do with any sort of transition from village
In the same systemic fashion we have to town. Clearly, the social dynamics of
looked at the wider, regional level, which is Feldioara, and even the direction of change,
also affected by the systematization of the have their roots in Feldioara's particular situa-
village, and we have anticipated certain changes tion, so that systematization may have only
in the regional network of villages as one of served to accelerate certain changes that would

have come inevitably, while dampening others. The second issue I would like to emphasize
In further research in Romania, I hope to be concerns the interminable problem of routing
able to distinguish those factors directly con- and retrieving information from and to Feldioara
nected with planned urban development from and its hinterland of villages, and among local
the other, secular trends and from fortuitous citizens, the various elite, and the regional and
factors, an absolutely critical problem in under- national planning agencies. A more responsive
standing the difficulties and possibilities of system would minimize abrupt policy shifts
socialist transformation. due to unrecognized failures which harm every-
This paper, then, has examined a different one equally.
kind of urban development in which the local While the experience of Feldioara would be
residents do not move to a new environment, important even if considered in isolation, the
but where the city is brought to them, not fact is that planned urban development has
haphazardly, but via state-directed central been employed elsewhere in the world. Just as
planning. Unlike the urban adjustments of the Bra~ov area (the most industrialized) may
migrants, certain "city-oriented" Feldioarans serve to adumbrate Romanian developments,
have not been preselected for urban migration the Romanian experience, and more widely
- everyone in the village is undergoing urbani- the European socialist experience, is a com-
zation, whether they want to or not. There is petitive model for development planning in the
no "push" and there is no "pull," only the so-called Third World countries: that is, plan-
"press" of state planning. ning which is government controlled, more or
We have noticed that two changes in less centralized, at times very fast-paced,
Feldioara are happening in spite of the desires fraught with danger, and conceived as Marxist.
of the planners rather than because of them, For these reasons, the Romanian experience as
and I would like to point out solutions that a whole, and particularly Feldioara's future
seem possible to a sympathetic anthropologist. transition into a town, will continue to be of
Within the village it appears that the most the utmost anthropological, and therefore
serious potential stress point is the social political, significance.
cleavage between incoming migrants and local
or long-term residents. In urbanization NOTES
throughout the world, we have seen how the 1 Andr6 Gunder Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment
formation of voluntary associations has in Latin America (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967);
facilitated migrant adjustment to urban areas Clifford Geertz, Agricultural Involution: The Process of
Ecological Change in Indonesia (Berkeley: University of
[24]. By letting them form their own groups, California Press, 1963); Edward Hansen, Jane Schneider,
or by actively recruiting them into the party and Peter Schneider, "Modernization and Development:
or the youth league, the migrants could achieve The Role of Regional Elites and Non-Corporate Groups
in the European Mediterranean," Comparative Studies in
some o f the political influence and social rela-
Society and History, vol. 14 (1972), pp. 328-350.
tions necessary for an adequate adjustment to 2 Dean C. Tipps, "Modernization Theory and the Structure
life in the urbanizing village of Feldioara. The of Societies," Comparative Studies in Society and Hi~tory,
party could also act to see that there is no vol. 15 (1973), pp. 199-226.
3 E.M. Eddy, ed., Urban Anthropology: Research Perspec-
socioeconomic differentiation in residence tives and Strategies (Athens: University of Georgia Press,
patterns (read: ghettoization). A third response 1968); George M. Foster and Robert V. Kemper, eds.,
to migrant/local tension would be to close off Anthropologists in Cities (Boston: Little Brown, 1974);
William Mangin, ed., Peasants in Cities: Readings in the
Feldioara for a time so that the new migrants Anthropology of Urbanization (Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
do not overwhelm the local population; this 1970); Aidan Southall, UrbanAnthropology (New York:
would, however, slow down urban growth and Oxford University Press, 1973); Thom as Weaver and
Douglas White, eds., The Anthropology of Urban Environ-
would thus entail consideration at the highest
ments (Society for Applied Anthropology, Monograph
level. No. 11, 1972).

4 Nancy B. Graves and Theodore B. Graves, "Adaptive listing, which is called the Registru Agricole. Data from
Strategies in Urban Migration," Annual Review of the 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 Registru were coded, punched, and
Anthropology, vol. 3 (1974), pp. 117-151. analyzed at the University of Massachusetts computer
5 Frank C. Miller, Old Villages and a New Town: Mexico center using the Statistical Package for the Social
(Menlo Park: Cummings Press, 1973); Manning Nash, Sciences (SPSS) programs (Version 5.8), with the
Machine-Age Maya, American Anthropological Association assistance of Prof. Richard Wilkey. Until the statistics
Memoir No. 87 (1958); Sigrid Khera, " A n Austrian can be completely updated to reflect recent changes,
Peasant Village Under Rural Industrialization," Behavioral as well as compared with past street listings, the numbers
Science Notes, vol. 7 (1972), pp. 31-32. will serve more of an illustrative function than a substantive
6 Orio Pi-Sunyer, "Tourism and Its Discontents: The Impact one. Certain statistics concerning natal origin of the resi-
of a New Industry on a Catalan Community," Studies in dents and cooperative farm membership lists were either
European Society, vol. 1 (1973), pp. 1-20; Harriet Rosen- unavailable or unreliable, so that data reflect observations,
berg, Randy Reiter, and Rayna Reiter, "Rural Workers in interviews, impressions, etc.
French Alpine Tourism: Whose Development?" in ibid., 10 Walter Christaller, Central Places in Southern Germany
pp. 21-38. (Englewood Cliffs, N.L: Prentice Hall, 1966);
7 Research was carried out in Romania from January to 11 Romania's postwar economic development is summarized
July 1974 under the European Field Studies Program of in English in David Turnock, An Economic Geography of
the Department of Anthropology, University of Massa- Romania (London: Bell and Sons, 1974), in Blaga,
chusetts at Amherst, under the direction of Prof. John W. Romania's Population, and in Ion Dragon, "The Policy
Cole. Financial support provided by this program is of Socialist Construction and the Urban Phenomenon,"
gratefully acknowledged. The original version of this in M. Constantinescu et al., Urban Growth Processes in
paper was written in April 1975. From Fall 1975 to Fall Romania (Bucharest: Meridiane, 1974), pp. 3 1 - 9 3 .
1976 I returned to Feldioara to continue the research, 12 The best summaries of socialist planning not meant for
with funding and official support provided by the Inter- the specialized economist are in Jack C. Fisher, ed., City
national Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) and by a and Regional Planning in Poland (Ithaca: Cornell Univer-
Fulbright-Hay Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad sity Press, 1966); and Morris Zeitlin, ,Socialist Cities
grant (grant number GOO-75-00196). As this paper was (Council of Planning Librarians, Exchange Bibliography
about to go press (January 1976), I was given the No. 228-197, 1972). For a general view of regional
opportunity by the editor to make last-minute revisions development in Southeastern Europe, see George W. Hof
and additions based on my current field stay. While most man, Regional Development Strategy in Southeastern
of these revisions are of a statistical nature, others deal Europe: A Comparative Analysis of Albania, Bulgaria,
with new laws enacted by the Romanian government or Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia (New York: Praeger,
further developments in the village of Feldioara itself. 1973), and Kosta Mihailovic, Regional Development:
For their many helpful suggestions and critiques in writing Experiences and Prospects in Eastern Europe (The Hague:
the final version of this paper, I would like to thank t h e ' Mouton, 1972). Romanian development is discussed in
following individuals: Prof. John W. Cole, Prof. Alfred more detail in Turnock, An Economic Geography of
Hudson, Prof. Bahrain Tavakolian, Prof. Eric Wolf, Prof. Romania, as well as in I. Pacaruaru, "Planned Development
Mihail Cernea, Marilyn McArthur, and Vibeke Sampson. and the Labour Force Structure in Romania, 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 6 6 , "
Finally, I would like to dedicate this paper to the people International Labour Review, vol. 94 (1966), pp. 535 - 5 4 9 .
of Feldioara. Other information on socialist planning characteristics is
8 Ion Blaga, Romania's Population (Bucharest: Meridiane, contained in Zygmunt Pioro, "Comment," Journal of the
1972). American Institute of Planners, vol. 31 (1965), pp. 3 1 -
9 These statistics come from a variety of local sources, 35; Milos Savic, "Comment," in ibid., pp. 3 5 - 3 8 ; Jack
including the census, labor force statistics, and street C. Fisher, "Planning in the City of Socialist Man," ibid.,
listings. They represent both averages and extrapolations, Vol. 28 (1962), pp. 2 5 1 - 2 6 5 , and "Comment," in ibid.,
because many of them duplicate each other with a wide vol. 31 (1965), pp. 38-42; Robert J. Osborn and Thomas
margin of error. Just to give an example, for the total Reiner, "Soviet City Planning: Current Issues and Future
population of the village, an official village (October 1973) Perspectives,' in ibid., vol. 28 (1962), pp. 2 3 9 - 2 5 0 ;
census gives the total as 3,040, while my tabulation of the Michael B. Frolic, "The Soviet City," Town Planning
street listing yielded only 2,638, and villagers tell me there Review, vol. 34 (1963), pp. 285-306; and Dragan, "The
are really 3,500. Besides arithmetical and sampling errors, Policy of Socialist Construction and the Urban Phenom-
the population of the village varies seasonally due to the enon."
increase in farm labor and construction work. Officials 13 See Josef Pajestka, "Comments on Economic Planning in
have informed me that many of these transient individuals Poland," in Fisher, ed., City and Regional Planning in
are not accounted for one census listings, thus boosting the Poland, pp. 411-4 32.
population of the village even more. When I returned to 14 Bette S. Denich, "Social Mobility and Industrialization in
Feldioara in October 1975, two local officials told me a Yugoslav Town," Ph.D. dissertation, University of
that the population was now 4,000, including the transients. California at Berkeley, 1974; and "Why Do Peasants
For certain statistical breakdowns such as occupation, Urbanize? A Yugoslav Case Study," Transactions of the
age/sex, or ethnic group, I relied chiefly on the street New York Academy of Sciences, voL 220 (1974), pp.

15 See Gerald Breese, Urbanization in Newly Developing 21 See, for instance, Tiberiu Bogdan, et al., Processul de
Countries (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1966), Urbanizare in R.S. Romania-Zona Bra~ov (Bucharest:
pp. 133-136; and John C. Friedmann, "The Strategy of Editura Politica, 1970); and Natalia Damian, "Schimbari
Deliberate Urbanization," Journal of the American ate Structurilor Familiale in Cadrul Processului de
Institute of Planners, vol. 34 (1968), pp. 364-373. Urbanizare," in M. Constantinescu et al., Processul de
16 Robert Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture (Chicago: Urbanizare in R.S. Romania: Zona Slatina-Olt (Bucharest:
University of Chicago Press, 1960); Eric Wolf, "Aspects Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1970),
of Group Relations in a Complex Society," American pp. 209-254.
Anthropologist, vol. 58 (1956), pp. 1065-1078; Anthony 22 Saxon strategies are discussed in more detail by Marilyn
Leeds, "Locality Power in Relation to Supralocal Power McArthur, in "The Saxon Germans: Political Fate of an
Institutions," in Southall, ed., Urban Anthropology. Ethnic Minority," in this issue of Dialectical
17 Dr~igon, "The Policy of Socialist Construction and the Anthropology.
Urban Phenomenon," p. 71. 23 This questionnaire was administered by my research
18 All of Romania was cooperativizedby 1962. The private colleague in Feldioara, Marilyn McArthur.
agricultural sector is confined to the mountainous areas 24 Kenneth Little, "The Role of Voluntary Associations in
and contributes less than 5 percent of total agricultural West African Urbanization," American Anthropologist,
production. See other papers on Romania in this and vol. 59 (1957), pp. 479-496; "Urbanization and
previous issues of Dialectical Anthropology. Regional Associations: Their Paradoxical Function,"
19 John W. Cole, "Social Process in a Romanian Worker in Southall, Urban Anthropology; and William Mangin,
Village." Paper presented at the 1975 Northeastern "The Role of Regional Associations in the Adaptation of
Anthropological Association Meetings, Potsdam, New York. the Rural Population of Peru," Sociologue, vol. 9 (1959),
20 Hilda Scott, Does Socialism Liberate Women? (Boston: pp. 23-55.
Beacon Press, 1974).

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